RAS MALA; 
 
 OR, 
 
 HINDOO ANNALS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 IPIRONTTlSrOIE OIF GOOZEEAT, 
 
 IN 
 
 WESTERN INDIA. 
 
 BY THE LATE 
 
 ALEXANDER KINLOCH FORBES, 
 
 Of the Honorable East India Company's Civil Service. 
 
 IEW EDITION. 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY MAJOR J. W. WATSON, B.S.C., 
 
 AND A 
 
 MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR BY A. K. NAIRNE, ESQ., B.C.S. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 RICHARDSON AND CO., 13, PALL MALL. 
 
 1878. - 
 
 lAii rights SANSKRIT ® I 
 
 jj 0. Box No. «, 
 
 U mitn&ndir Lans* 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Since the Ras Mala was first published, in 1856, there has been an 
 increasing demand for a fresh edition, and it is to satisfy this demand 
 that the present reprint has been put through the press. 
 
 Though professing to be a mere collection of legends, or garland of 
 chronicles, the Ras Mala is in fact the first and most important 
 epitome of the history of Goozerat hitherto made. It is the work of 
 a profound and accurate scholar, pervaded by a thorough and intelli¬ 
 gent sympathy with the people whose historical phases and domestic 
 life he has in this work so vividly depicted. And though the Author 
 in his original Preface modestly disclaimed for his book all preten¬ 
 sions to a scientific character, the work is in truth eminently scientific, 
 and shows us Goozerat under each of the great dynasties which have 
 swayed her destinies ; and whether under the Wullubhee kings, the 
 Chavadas or Chalookyas of Unhilwara, the renowned Sultans of 
 Goozerat, or the even more famous house of Timur the lame; whether 
 he describes Goozerat under the Guikowar or the Guelphs, we find his 
 pictures not only true but pleasing, not only accurate but interesting. 
 
 When, too, we consider the vastness of the field of time compre¬ 
 hended in this single volume, stretching as it does from the days 
 of the half-fabulous monarchs of Wullubhee to the middle of the 
 nineteenth century after Christ, it must be conceded that Mr. Forbes 
 has most ably acquitted himself of his interesting task, and it is im¬ 
 possible to say what a debt of gratitude is due from all Goozerat 
 officials to the Author of the Ras Mall He has brought home to 
 is no less Sidh Raj, “the Lion of Victory,” and the politic Koomar 
 Pal, than Ahmed Shah, or the gallant Mahmood Begurra—the one the 
 
IV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 founder of that proud city on the banks of the Sabhermutee, which the 
 Mohummedan historians loved to call the “ ornament of cities,” and 
 the other the conqueror alike of Gurh^ Girnar^ and Powan-gurh 
 Champaner; while, at the same time, he has shown us the Emperor 
 Akbar and Damajee Guikowar, and described the first advent of the 
 British power. 
 
 It is easiest to picture what the official mind would be without 
 him, by referring to the obsolete opinions held on most important 
 questions of tenure, &c., as shown in the old Revenue Selections ; 
 though indeed we also find there that the lucid intellect of Elphin- 
 stone had already thrown much light upon the subject, and had pre¬ 
 vented grievous injustice being done to large classes of landed pro¬ 
 prietors. Still, even now it is most instructive to read any of the 
 Government selections relating to Goozerat after a careful study of 
 Ras Mala. 
 
 When, too, it is borne in mind that, excepting the Ras Mala, there 
 is no other work which affords any check to the mass of error that 
 may be found in most of the Government Selections relating to Goo¬ 
 zerat, and when we also remember that not only are these Selections 
 liberally quoted by parties in any ordinary dispute, but often accepted 
 by Government itself, as works laying down dicta from which there 
 can be no appeal, it is easy to picture the benefit conferred by the 
 Ras Mala on Government officials of every class. 
 
 To give an example of some of these errors I will quote from one 
 of the best SelectionsI refer to that containing Colonel Walker’s 
 reports on the province of Kateewar,—and from that select one of 
 the most interesting reports, viz., that on Soreth. 
 
 At paragraph 32 Colonel Whlker speaks of Sher Rhan Babi, a 
 scion of one of the noblest Mohummedan families in the province, 
 whose father and grandfather before him had governed large districts, 
 as “ a soldier of fortune.” 
 
 Lower down, in paragraph 37, we find the following astounding 
 statement, viz., “ Sher Khan did not long survive his establishment 
 “ in Soreth. He was succeeded by his son Salabat Khan, who 
 “ shortly afterwards retired to Goozerat, and left his son Bahadoor 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 V 
 
 “ Khan at Joonagadh in possession of the Government.” The reader 
 will probably be surprised to hear that Sher Khan long survived his 
 establishment in Soreth; that so far from his being succeeded by his 
 son Salabat Khan, Salabat Khan was his (Sher Khan’s) father, and 
 that Bahadoor Khan so far from being his grandson, was Sher Khan 
 himself, Bahadoor Khan being the style assumed by Sher Khan after 
 becoming independent at Joonagurh. 
 
 And so again in paragraph 49 “Salabat Khan bequeathed to his 
 “ sons Dillut Khan and Zeman Khan, who were junior to Bahadoor 
 “ Khan, the district of Bantwa.” The truth being that Bantwa never 
 belonged to Salabat Khan, and that Diler Khan and Sher Zaman 
 Khan (not Dillut Khan and Zeman Khan) succeeded their father in 
 his jagir of Gogha, but were thence expelled by Sohrab Khan, who 
 afterwards, through the influence of Burhan-ool-Moolk at the court of 
 Delhi, obtained not only the jagirdari of Gogha from the Babis, but 
 also the Naib-Foujdari of Soreth ; and it was when exercising these 
 latter functions that he granted Bantwa in jagir to Diler Khan and 
 Sher Zaman Khan, as he saw the imprudence of alienating this in¬ 
 fluential family. 
 
 Now the Ras Mala is almost always accurate, and even where 
 possibly better versions of historical facts may be offered than those 
 accepted by Mr. Forbes, it will invariably be found that he had the 
 best authority then available for his statements. The researches of 
 Dr. Biihler 1 show that the four kings of the name of Sheeladitya, 
 mentioned at page 16 of the Ras Mala, may be increased to five. 
 Dr. Biihler gives the date of this fifth monarch as St. 441 of the at 
 present unknown era, and this prolongation of the rule of theWullubhee 
 line may perhaps eventually show that the Mlechh destroyers of 
 this renowned city were some of the earlier Musalman invaders; even 
 though the name of another king be not discovered, and added to 
 those of the eighteen of the line at present known. 
 
 With regard to the Solunkhee kings of Unhilwara, Dr. Buhler’s 
 researches have (see his “ eleven land grants of the- Chaulukyas of 
 
 1 Indian Antiquary, part Ixiii., for January, 1877. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 “ Unhilw&d ”) shown us cause to believe that the story of Mool Rij’s 
 arrival at Samunt Singh’s court, as given by Mr. Forbes, on the 
 authority of the Prubundh Chintamunee, is a fabrication cf the 
 chroniclers and bards, and that in reality Mool Raj conquered the 
 Sarasvatimandal by force of arms. He gives good reasons why we 
 should consider the Kuleean, where Mool Raj’s father ruled, was. as 
 stated by the chroniclers, in the Kanouj dominions, and that it :s not 
 the Kuleean near Bombay, as supposed by Mr. Forbes (Ras Mala) 
 and by Mr. Elphinstone. He modifies the date ascribed by 
 Mr. Forbes to Bheem Dev I., and adds a new monarch, Tree¬ 
 
 'll hoowun Pal (S. 1299), as a twelfth sovereign. Dr. Biihler further 
 
 shows that the dismemberment of the Unhilwara kingdom and the 
 establishment of an independent principality by Luwun Prusad, the 
 Waghela chieftain of Dholka, took place during the reign of Bheem 
 Dev II. Luwun Prusad was succeeded by his son Veer Dhuwul, 
 and Dr. Biihler shows that Veesul Dev, Veer Dhuwul’s successor, 
 displaced Treehoowun Pal on the throne of Unhilwara, probably by 
 force of arms. It would seem from local tradition in Goozerat that 
 Veesul Dev made Dubhoee his capital previous to the conquest of 
 Unhilwara Puttun, and it is probable that any inscriptions found at 
 Dubhoee may elucidate this point. The Waghelas, who derived their 
 name from the township of Waghel, in North Goozerat (now under 
 Radhanpoor), were the most renowned branch of the Solunkhees in 
 Goozerat, and a local poem celebrating the nine branches of the 
 Solunkhees commences, “ The greatest branch is that of Waghel; 
 “ consider them most excellent Solunkhees.” 
 
 Dr. Biihler, at page 5 of his pamphlet on the Chalookyas of 
 Unhilwara, points out that the reason of the information given in the 
 Ras Mala being scanty is that Somesvara’s * Kirtikaumudi, ” Rajase- 
 khara’s “ Prabandh Kosha,” and Harshagani’s “ Vastoopalacharitra ” 
 were not available when Mr. Forbes wrote. 
 
 There are of course inaccuracies in dates in cases where legends 
 are faithfully copied, for all legends are notoriously untrustworthy in 
 such matters. A curious instance occurs in the account of the Gohil 
 clan, where Ranjee Gohil, the father, is represented as expelled from 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 vii 
 
 Ranpoor by Mahmood Begurra while Mokherajee, Gohil, the son, is 
 slain in battle fighting with the Emperor Mohummed Toghluk, their 
 respective dates being, Mahmood Begurra a.d. 1459 to 1511, and 
 Mohummed Togluk a.d. 1323 to 1351; but I can also bear witness 
 that the original legend contains precisely this anachronism. 
 
 Though the rule of the imperial viceroys under the house of 
 Timur is but briefly noticed, it could hardly be expected that so long 
 a period could be introduced in a single volume, nevertheless the 
 concluding days of the imperial rule and the gradual assumption of 
 the paramount sway by, first the Mahrattas and then the British, is 
 graphically described. 
 
 Imbued as he was with a thorough admiration for the Rajpoot races, 
 we can hardly expect Mr. Forbes to be quite fair to the Mahrattas; 
 but it is only just to say that his predecessors, Colonel Walker and 
 others, are equally, if not more prejudiced against them; and even 
 so late as 1842, I find so high an authority as Sir G. Le Grand Jacob 
 speaking in an official report of “ the customary Mahratta process of 
 deglutition.” It is, however, but fair to the Mahrattas to point out 
 that when they entered Goozerat they were hailed as deliverers from 
 the Mogul yoke, and to show that the decay of the imperial power 
 was caused more by the general disaffection of the Hindoo chieftains, 
 the impatience of the predatory tribes, whose license of plunder had 
 been sternly checked, and the efforts towards independence of the 
 imperial servants, than it ever was by the Mahratta incursions, which, 
 without connivance, would have been impossible. 
 
 The Mahrattas, indeed, in Goozerat almost immediately aimed at 
 territorial acquisition, and the establishment of Peelajee Guikowar at 
 Songurh was speedily followed by a secret treaty with Rajpeepla for an 
 unobstructed passage through his territory, and an unhindered cross¬ 
 ing of the Nerbudda at Baba Piarah’s ford. Owing to this connivance 
 with the Guikowar, the chieftain of Rajpeepla was afterwards enabled 
 to reconquer his ancient capital of Nandod and absorb the whole of 
 the Nandod Sarkar. It was owing to the Mahrattas that Eedur was 
 able to expel its Mohummedan garrison, and that the tributary Sarkar 
 of Nowanugger, in the peninsula, which had been made Khalsa by 
 
vm 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 
 Aurangzeb, was able again to resume its tributary relations. By 
 Mahratta sufferance the Thakoris were undisturbed in their jagirs of 
 Pahlunpoor and Devee (Deesa), and, but for Mahratta moderation, 
 neither would Sher Khan Babi and his descendants have been allowed 
 to absorb the imperial district of Soreth, nor would many other of the 
 local chieftains of the peninsula have been able to enlarge their petty 
 holdings into extensive principalities by wholesale absorption of the 
 imperial domain. 
 
 One of the reasons why this absorption was so easy was this : in 
 latter times, as the imperial hold on the province grew more slack, it 
 was customary to farm out the villages for a fixed sum (jama), and, as 
 in the case of the peninsula, the farmers were almost invariably the 
 local landholders, nothing was easier than to retain a hold over the 
 villages so farmed when the power of collecting the jama was gone. 
 In almost every case the Mahrattas were very moderate in their 
 demands, and, indeed, until the time of Shivram Gardee and Babajee 
 Appajee, the latter of whom was strengthened by the countenance of 
 the English, not only were the amounts of tribute levied in the 
 peninsula enforced with the greatest irregularity, but the actual 
 sums taken were insignificant in amount; and if we are to believe 
 the Tarikh-i-Soreth, so late as a.d. 1803-4 Babajee himself had to 
 refund two-thirds of the amount of tribute levied, owing to the 
 pressure exerted by the armies of the Joonagurh Dewan. 
 
 Mr. Forbes notices that the Moolukgeeree circuits of the Mahrattas 
 were merely copied from their Mogul predecessors, from whose 
 official nomenclature not only the term Moolukgeeree, but also most 
 of the official titles and technical revenue terms, etc., in Goozerat 
 are borrowed. 
 
 Nor is it merely in historical detail that Mr. Forbes’s volumes are 
 instructive. About one fourth of the volume is devoted to an 
 account of the customs of the different classes of natives; their 
 religious services, marriages, funerals are specially dealt with, together 
 with their ideas regarding Bhoots, and other popular beliefs, and a very 
 able and elaborate account of the Rajpoot land tenures under the 
 Mohummedans, the Mahrattas, and the British is also furnished. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 IX 
 
 No t only has the general scheme of the government of this im- 
 portaint province and the history of the governing dynasties been ac¬ 
 curately and faithfully pourtrayed, but together with this we have his¬ 
 tories of the principal Rajpoot houses, who then, as now, were 
 among the principal nobles of the empire; and we are thus enabled to 
 form a more thorough conception of the times depicted, as we read 
 of the subject from the view both of the rulers and the governed. 
 
 There are but few other books of reference about Goozerat, and 
 none <of them of so encyclopaedic a character. Bird’s “ Goozerat ” con¬ 
 tains, amongst certain historical speculations of the author, a translation 
 of the smallest and least important portion of the “ Mirat-i-Ahmadi,” 
 and tlhat translation contains several errors. Brigg’s “ Ferishta ” gives 
 the same period as Bird, also with a few errors. Colonel Tod alone, in 
 his “ Western India,” deals with the Unhilwara kings and more recent 
 times,, while Forbes’ “ Oriental Memoirs,” and a few others, complete 
 the list. 
 
 These works, however, instructive and valuable though they are in 
 many respects, are so much more limited in their scope than the Ras 
 Mala that they fail to give us what this work does, viz., a complete 
 sketch of the history of the province from the earliest times to the 
 present day. All government officials will, I am sure, willingly 
 acknowledge what they owe to this valuable book, and not only will 
 they, as well as others, gladly hail its reprint, but I feel sure that 
 government will in its turn be better served accordingly as its servants 
 study the contents. 1 
 
 JOHN W. WATSON. 
 
 Bailacheri, Kathiawar, 
 
 November 8 th, 1877. 
 
 1 It has been thought well to retain in this Introduction the same form in the 
 spelling of Indian names which has been used by the Author. 
 
--- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 To ancient India—a subject attractive to the historian and the 
 scholar—much attention has been directed; the more humble task 
 of Investigating its mediaeval story has been comparatively little 
 attempted. If, however, the days of Asoka and of Chundragoopt 
 afford a nobler field of enquiry, it should not, on that account, be 
 forgotten that the times which are less remote are more practically 
 connected with existing Hindoostan. Modern India, moreover, 
 affords a safe basis from which to stretch forward to immediately 
 preceding times, while as long as these shall continue to be covered 
 with darkness, it is but a hazardous task to grasp at the light, however 
 splendid, which shines beyond them. The stranger who is for any 
 length of time resident in the land of the Hindoos can hardly fail 
 to notice customs and usages of that people which are evidently 
 relics of a state of society not long gone by—visions, as it were, of a 
 noble vessel, whose phantom-like outline, if only by an illusion such 
 as that which produces the Fata Morgana, exhibits, in exalted reflec¬ 
 tion, these existing things. The very remains of Moslem power 
 themselves are most strongly impressed with the character of the race 
 whose rule was supplanted by that of the crescent, and from even 
 these we might have gathered the fact that many a splendid metro¬ 
 polis must have adorned the plains of Aryaverta before the avalanche 
 of Mohummedan invasion fell from the western mountains upon the 
 land. We have, however, more definite traces of these glories of by¬ 
 gone days, and can picture to ourselves, at least in outline, the 
 gorgeous Kanouj, the mysterious Yogeeneepoor, the almost fabulous 
 metropolis of Bhoj. Nor did the cities which we have mentioned 
 
XU 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 exist alone. The monarchs of Kuleean extended their sway over a 
 territory more ample still than that which owned the supremacy of 
 either, and equal, at least, to the Purmar, the Chohan, or the Rathor 
 was the Solunkhee of Unhilpoor. 
 
 It is to the story of the city of Wun Raj, and of the Hindoo prin¬ 
 cipalities and chieftainships which sprang up amidst its ruins, and 
 which have, many of them, continued in existence to the present day, 
 that the reader’s attention is in the present work invited. I am well 
 aware that my subject—not only Indian, but also local, as it is—is 
 likely to be one of but little general interest, nor am I blind to many 
 of my own deficiencies in its treatment. Eight years’ residence in 
 Goozerat, and much association, public and private, with its varied 
 people, from the banks of the Taptee to those of the Bunas, may, 
 however, have given me some advantages. 
 
 While at the outset disclaiming, on my own part, all pretensions to 
 Oriental learning, I have, nevertheless, to mention that I have received 
 from Hindoo scholars assistance which, though it detract from the 
 merit of the compiler, will not be thought to lessen the value of the 
 compilation. 
 
 To the late Peerchundjee Bhundaree, a native of Marwar and a 
 Jain by religion, who, though a member of the commercial class, 
 which is usually indifferent to literature, was a proficient in both the 
 classical and the popular lore of his nation, I am obliged, first, for the 
 gift of a copy of the Prubundh Chintamunee, and, secondly, for in¬ 
 dispensable assistance in translating it. 
 
 To Dulputram Daya, a Brahmin, and a native of Wudwan, on the 
 frontier of Soreth, I am still more widely indebted. 
 
 I had not been very long in Goozerat when, in the course of my 
 public employment, a paper was placed be¬ 
 fore me which bore the»characteristic signa¬ 
 tures of two bards. 1 My curiosity was 
 excited; I made enquiries, and sought the 
 acquaintance of such of the class as were within my reach. Of the 
 
 1 This paper will be found translated in the note in book iii. chap. vi. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XU1 
 
 treasures of the bardic repertoire I thus obtained a glimpse which 
 stimulated instead of satisfying me. I soon felt that native assistance 
 was absolutely necessary both to enable me to overcome the scruples 
 of those who possessed the legendary hoard in which 1 desired to 
 participate, and also to furnish me with some knowledge of the bardic 
 dialect, which was required as a means of unlocking the casket in 
 which the treasure was contained. Good fortune brought early to my 
 notice the name of the Kuveshwur, or poet,—for with that title 
 Dulputram is invested by the suffrage of his countrymen,—and I 
 secured his services in a.d. 1848. From that period my valuable 
 coadjutor has been almost constantly by my side. It was some time 
 before our efforts met with any success, although I furnished him with 
 the means of making the tour of a considerable portion of Goozerat, 
 with the view of collecting chronicles and traditions, and of copying 
 inscriptions. It might, perhaps, amuse, but would certainly weary, 
 the reader were I to describe the numerous obstacles which we found 
 opposed to us, by ignorance, jealousy, and avarice. Sufficient notion 
 of these will be conveyed when I mention the facts that I was some¬ 
 times believed to be employed in searching for concealed treasure, that 
 at other times my object was supposed to be that of detecting flaws 
 in the titles to lands with the view of their assumption by government, 
 and that it was frequently hinted to me that the proper return for 
 permission to extract from a bardic record would be the presentation 
 of a village to the family of the recorder. Subsequently, however, my 
 official duties brought me into personal contact with the chiefs of the 
 Waghela, Jhala, and Gohil clans, and I soon discovered that a hint 
 from one of these traditionally-honored feudal lords was far more 
 influential than any intreaties which I could use, or any advantages 
 which I could offer. As Political Agent in the Myhee Kanta, I found 
 these facilities extended not only to the clans of that province, but 
 also to the Guikowar territories (from the authorities of which I had 
 received at least one previous rebuff), and through the kindness of 
 Baba Sahib, the worthy lieutenant of the Baroda government at Puttun, 
 I secured a copy of the Dwyashray, and other valuable materials from 
 the very centre of interest—the site of Unhilpoor. 
 
nv 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 My researches, pursued, as they necessarily were, in the hoirs of 
 relaxation from tolerably heavy official duties, were not confined to 
 the Jain and the bardic chronicles ; I availed myself also of every 
 opportunity of observing Hindoo popular customs, more especially 
 such as were alluded to in the writings and traditions wlich I 
 collected; I procured copies of inscriptions on temples, well:, and 
 tombstones, and I examined every remnant of Hindoo architecture 
 which I found myself able to visit. In this last department of enquiry 
 much assistance was furnished me by Premchund Sulat, the able 
 architect of the new Jain temple at Ahmedabad, and by two very in¬ 
 telligent persons of the carpenter caste—the late Turbhowundas, and 
 Bhoodhur Dayaram. 
 
 Meanwhile the Goozerat Vernacular Society sprung up, and the 
 Kuveshwur, who was well prepared for the purpose, won prizes for 
 two essays,—on popular superstitions in Goozerat, and on Hindoo 
 castes—of both of which I have made much use in the Fourth Book 
 of the present work. 
 
 My return for a limited period to England, and the valuable per¬ 
 mission of the Honorable the Court of Directors of the East India 
 Company to my inspecting the records, have enabled me to complete 
 my labours. The result is now placed before the public, in the hope 
 that, unworthy as it is, it may still be of use to the local officer, and 
 may interest some few even of my countrymen at home in the fortunes 
 of their fellow-subjects —the Hindoos in Goozerat. 
 
 In imitation of the titles of some of the legends from which it is 
 derived, I have called my compilation “ Ras Mala,” or “ A Garland 
 of Chronicles.” 1 
 
 1 As the present work is wholly popular, and advances no pretensions to a 
 scientific character, I have used the common form in spelling names which are 
 in daily use, and I have, in other cases, adopted the mode of spelling which ex¬ 
 perience has shown me to be most readily accepted by the general reader. Thus, 
 for the correct Khumbayut, I use Cambay , a word which has established itself in 
 English literature ; and for the classical Anhilpur I substitute the popular Unhil- 
 poor, which is to be pronounced according to the usual sound of the vowels in 
 English. I have, however, taken the liberty of accenting one letter, the long d, 
 as in Ras Mala. Wherever it occurs it should be pronounced as the a in Mario. 
 May I trouble the reader so far as to add, that the ye in Jye Singh, Shutroonjyc , 
 &c., should be pronounced as the_y in why, by, &c., or as the igh in high. 
 
XV 
 
 MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 "A LIFE UNBLAMABLE AND JUST." 
 
 It is thought that the admirers of the Ras Mala will be glad to know 
 something of the life of the author. 
 
 Alexander Kinloch Forbes was born in London, in July, 1821, and 
 educated at a school at Finchley. He was then articled to an archi¬ 
 tect, but having in 1840 received an appointment to the Bombay 
 Civil Service from Sir Charles Forbes, he went to the College at 
 Haileybury. He left this in 1842, and arrived in Bombay in November, 
 1843. 
 
 He spent the first two years and a half of his service as Assistant 
 Collector in Ahmednugger and Khandeish, and in November, 1846, 
 went to Ahmedabad as Assistant Judge. From this time till he went 
 home, in March, 1854, he served continuously in Goozerat, not in the 
 judicial department only, but also in the appointments of First 
 Assistant Collector at Ahmedabad and Political Agent in the Myhee 
 Kanta. During his furlough he worked up all the materials he had 
 got together during these years into the Ras Mala, which was pub¬ 
 lished in 1856. 
 
 He returned to India at the end of 1856, and went to Surat as Act¬ 
 ing Judge, and in 1858 served in the same capacity in Khandeish, But, 
 as was to be expected, he found the Mahratta country tame and unin¬ 
 teresting after Goozerat, which he appreciated so highly, and on the 
 Political Agency of Kateewar falling vacant, he applied for it, at the 
 same time expressing his willingness to spend the rest of his service in 
 that appointment It was then much less thought of and not so well 
 
xvi 
 
 MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 paid as now ; so that this offer showed how little he had of the ordinary 
 ambition of getting on in the service. The appointment, however, was 
 not given to him, but in September, 1859, when he was about to leave 
 his acting appointment in Khandeish for a lower one, he unexpectedly 
 received from Lord Elphinstone an order to go immediately to Katee¬ 
 war and take temporarily, and with special powers, the appointment 
 which had been refused him shortly before. The circumstances of the 
 province had in the meantime changed, and the occasion was press¬ 
 ing, as the Waghars in Okamandal were in a state of rebellion, requir¬ 
 ing the despatch of a military force from Bombay to coerce them, and 
 it was feared that the disturbances might extend to the rest of Ka¬ 
 teewar. Mr. Forbes, therefore, made no objection, but went at very 
 short notice; and by March, i860, the Waghars were subdued, and his 
 special work done. A permanent vacancy could not be made for him 
 in Kateewar, and he therefore returned to Surat as Acting Judge. But 
 his proceedings in Kateewar, and his reports on the settlement and 
 government of the province, were highly approved both by the Bombay 
 government and the home authorities, and in March, 1861, Sir George 
 Clerk gave him the acting appointment of Secretary to Government. 
 In December of the same year there was a vacancy in the Sudder 
 Adawlut, and Sir George Clerk wrote that he felt bound to offer it to 
 him, sorry as he should be to lose him from the secretariat. The 
 work of the latter, however, was not nearly so much to Mr. Forbes’s 
 taste as judicial business, and he therefore accepted the appointment 
 in the Sudder Court, which in August, 1862, made him a Judge of the 
 Bombay High Court, and in this he remained till his death. The only 
 other office he held was the honorary one of Vice-Chancellor of the 
 University, which Sir Bartle Frere gave him in December, 1864. He 
 died at Poona on August 31st, 1865, after a short illness, having shortly 
 before completed his forty-fourth year. 
 
 Mr. Forbes’s administrative capacity is proved by the name he 
 made in each department in which he served, and by the value set 
 on his services by governors of such great though various ability as 
 Lord Elphinstone, Sir George Clerk and Sir Bartle Frere. Of his 
 learning and literary skill the Ras Mala is the most lasting record. 
 
LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 XVU 
 
 Though it was from the first highly appreciated by those who were 
 inclined to studies of the sort, and favourably received by some 
 English papers, yet it must be remembered that twenty years ago the 
 kind of research which it shows was far less fashionable than now, 
 when every district has its own historian of one sort or another. 
 And so it has come to pass, as Dr. Wilson with his usual acuteness 
 predicted at the time of Mr. Forbes’s death, that the Ras Mala is 
 more highly valued as time goes on, because the very multiplication 
 of works of this sort has proved how difficult it is to reach the 
 standard of its excellence. Sir Henry Lawrence, whose acquaintance 
 Mr. Forbes had made at Mount Aboo in 1853, and whom he 
 regarded with the greatest reverence and affection, compared it 
 favourably with the work which had long been looked on as the 
 first of the sort, and the letter which he wrote on this occasion is 
 worth giving entire :— 
 
 “Neemuch, Jan. 30, 1857. 
 
 “My dear Forbes,—Best thanks for your kind invitation to Surat, but 
 my face, I am sorry to say, is turned towards Lucknow, where I am 
 off post-haste. I should have been glad to have met you again. I 
 have been much interested in and edified by your book, which is a 
 vast improvement on Tod. I wish I could have talked over Goozerat 
 with you. I took a ride round it last month. With kind regards to 
 Mrs. Forbes, 
 
 “ Yours very sincerely, 
 
 “ H. M. Lawrence.” 
 
 It must seem particularly surprising to those who know by 
 experience the difficulty of getting together any local history in this 
 country that Mr. Forbes, in a little over seven years from first going 
 to Goozerat and beginning to study its language, should have collected 
 such stores of information, and become so thoroughly acquainted 
 with everything connected with the province. Mr. Dalpaliam Daya- 
 bhai, who was engaged by Mr. Forbes in 1848 as a Goozerathi pundit, 
 has given an account of his mode of study. He had before that 
 begun to collect manuscripts and to take copies of them, and at first 
 used to read Goozerathi poetry with Mr. Dalpaliam for two hours a 
 
 b 
 
xv jii LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 day. He soon became deeply interested in the subject, and for the 
 purpose of collecting and translating Goozerathi works, he, with the 
 assistance of some other gentlemen, founded the Goozerat Vernacular 
 Society in connection with which a library, newspaper, and school 
 were soon afterwards established at Ahmedabad. Mr. Forbes himself 
 translated an essay on Evil Spirits (Bhut Nibandh), which was written 
 in Goozerathi for the Vernacular Society. When he went to the Myhee 
 Ivanta in 1852 he used to have letters of invitation written to any 
 Bhats Charans or Brahman poets whom he heard of as likely to give 
 him information or tell him legends, and he kept by him a stock of 
 shawls, turbans, &c., as presents to these bards. He was in constant 
 correspondence with the chief of the Swami Narayan sect at Ahmeda¬ 
 bad and other intelligent natives, and by all these means he gained 
 an influence in Goozerat which enabled him to see and hear much 
 which is generally closely guarded from Europeans. But this know¬ 
 ledge and confidence were not gained by the adoption of native cus¬ 
 toms or prejudices, or by the profession of any extravagant admiration 
 for native manners and character. On the contrary, no man ever 
 guarded more carefully the character of a Christian and a gentleman, 
 or was more successful in proving to natives the true effects and 
 superiority of European culture. 
 
 Both before and after the publication of the Ras Mala Mr. Forbes 
 contributed to the “ Bombay Quarterly Review.” The best articles 
 are one on Indian Architecture, in April, 1857, and one on Oude, in 
 October, 1858. The first of these shows the deep feeling he had for 
 art in all its branches, and his great knowledge of architectuie in 
 particular. The end of it is worth quoting 
 
 “ The purpose of a building comes not within the domain of an 
 “ architect j his duty lies rather in the proper expression of that 
 “ purpose. When therefore our readers contemplate a Hindoo temple, 
 “ let them, if they would do justice to the architect, forbear to upbraid 
 “ him with the want of all godlike characteristics in the being to 
 “ whose worship his talents are perforce devoted : let them rather 
 “admire the honesty and the skill with which he works out in 
 “ massive structure or in rock-hewn cave those ideas of feai and 
 
LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 XIX 
 
 “ gloom with which his religion associates divinity; and let them 
 “ picture to themselves the far happier effects no doubt destined to 
 “ be realized at some future time by that patient fidelity and that 
 “ untiring zeal when at length worthily consecrated to a religion not 
 “ of gloom and fear but of light and love.” 
 
 An article on the Rewa Kanta in April, 1856, believed but not 
 ascertained to be Mr. Forbes’s, deals with great skill and clearness 
 with the relations that should exist between the British Government 
 and native chiefs of whatever rank, and while many of the proposals 
 there made have since been carried out, the remainder, which have 
 not yet got beyond the stage of discussion, are in full accordance 
 with principles then disputed but since acknowledged. While insist¬ 
 ing on making the British power really supreme in all cases, 
 Mr. Forbes protested most strongly against the then fashionable 
 policy of depressing the chiefs and landlords in favour of the ryots. 
 In the article on Oude he showed how hopeless the British connec¬ 
 tion with that country had been from the time of the earliest treaty 
 down to the annexation. In one on Sir John Malcolm’s Life, in July, 
 1857, he showed a fine discrimination (quite wanting in Malcolm’s 
 biographer) in the deep admiration he felt for “ the patriarchal ruler, 
 “ the friend, the father, the tutelar saint of Central India,” and the 
 indifference with which he contemplated “ the formal and cere- 
 “ monious Governor of Bombay.” His last contribution to literature 
 was a learned paper on Pattan Somnath, in the “ Journal of the 
 Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society ” for 1864. 
 
 Mr. Forbes was a constant and appreciative student of Shakspeare, 
 and in the habit of quoting him very freely. He was a true lover of 
 art, and a good draughtsman, and his illustrations in the first edition 
 of the Ras Mala showed how well he had used his time in the archi¬ 
 tect’s office. One of the pleasures to which he looked forward for a 
 great part of his life was a tour through Normandy, to visit the 
 cathedrals; but this he never attained, and after his long furlough 
 the only visit he paid to Europe was one on three months’ leave the 
 year before his death. 
 
 Enough has been said to show that Mr. Forbes’s acquirements and 
 services were a good deal more than those of the ordinary Indian 
 
XX 
 
 LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 judge with a literary turn, and it only remains to say something 
 about his private character and disposition. He married early, and 
 had a large family, and being domestic in his tastes and studious in 
 his habits, he cared very little for general society. His health was 
 never very strong, and his qualities were not of the showy or popular 
 sort, and altogether he was never one of the very well known men of 
 the Presidency. But he was thoroughly appreciated by all who had 
 the good fortune to know him, and his acquantance was sought by 
 many on account of his acquirements. Undoubtedly modesty and 
 simplicity were the leading features of his character, and his manners 
 were so gentle and pleasing, and he was so utterly unchanged by 
 high position, that even up to the end of his life young men or his 
 inferiors had no difficulty in opening their minds to him. So little 
 did he care to assert himself that he would often, until appealed to, 
 sit silent while others were mangling the very subjects with which he 
 was best acquainted. The same feeling made him refuse the office 
 of Vice-President of the Asiatic Society of Bombay, which was pressed 
 on him soon after he was settled there. Yet there was no reserve 
 about him when in congenial society, and in conversation and argu¬ 
 ment he was thoroughly able to hold his own. 
 
 It is quite in accordance with the rest of his character that while 
 he made no great profession of religion he was evidently and essen¬ 
 tially a religious man, and showed in his life and conversation that 
 he understood the great principles of Christianity which he practised 
 in their most attractive form. Everything in the shape of Positivism 
 and Materialism was repugnant to the whole bent of his mind and 
 thoughts ; not that he had any idea of denouncing these tenets as 
 irreligious or contrary to revelation, but because his mind, at once 
 reverent and imaginative, was affected more by the evidence of things 
 not seen than by the mere accidents of the material world. Thus 
 when he had read enough of Buckle’s “ History of Civilization,” 
 (which w r as for a time hailed by its admirers as a new Gospel), to see 
 what its purport was, he sent it back to the friend who lent it him 
 with the quotation— 
 
 “ There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, 
 
 Than are dreamt of in our philosophy. ” 
 
LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 XXI 
 
 His stand-point being wholly different from and antagonistic to that 
 of the materialists, there was naturally no chance of his conclusions 
 agreeing with theirs. With all his stores of learning no one was more 
 ready than Mr. Forbes to urge that— 
 
 “ Knowledge is earthly of the mind, 
 
 But wisdom heavenly of the soul.” 
 
 This sketch may be properly concluded and summed up by extracts 
 from two notices of Mr. Forbes which appeared soon after his death. 
 A writer in the “ Bombay Saturday Review,” which, like the other 
 English and Goozerathi newspapers of this presidency, gave memoirs 
 of his life, described him as, “ Simply the Christian gentleman : all 
 “ else, abilities, accomplishments, position, opportunities, were but 
 “ the accidents of that. ... At the time of his death it may be said of 
 “ him that he was unequalled for the individual affection entertained 
 “ for him by his friends of all classes.” 
 
 “ And Sir Bartle Frere, at the first convocation of the Bombay 
 “ University after his death, said : “ It was not his intellectual ability, 
 “ great as that was, nor his learning and accomplishments, though we 
 S “ know them to have been profound and varied, but it was his innate 
 “ English love of justice, which with such singular modesty was 
 “ his great characteristic, which gave him such a hold on the sympathy 
 “ of all with whom he came in contact, and which was the true secret 
 “ of his power.” 
 
 Many still in India can testify that there was no exaggeration 
 in this eulogy. He had shortly before his death founded in Bombay 
 the Goozerathi Vernacular Society, with the same objects as that 
 which he had founded at Ahmedabad early in life, and this after 
 his death was called the Forbes Goozerathi Sabha. It is to be re¬ 
 gretted that a considerable sum of money collected for a memorial of 
 him was spent on nothing better than the endowment of a useless 
 scholarship; but the Ras Mala remains as a monument, not of learn¬ 
 ing only, but of love for all that is beautiful, and sympathy for all that 
 is human. 
 
— _, 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTER. PAGE. 
 
 I.—Natural Boundaries of Goozerat—Shutroonjye—Wullubheepoor . 2 
 
 II.—Jye Sheker the Chowra, Prince of Punchasur . . . . .18 
 
 III. —Wun Raj and his successors—The Chowra Dynasty of Unhilpoor . 27 
 
 IV. —Mool Raj Solunkhee ... . . . . . *36 
 
 V.—Chamoond—Wullubh—Doorlubh—The Fall of Somnath . . 50 
 
 VI.—Bheem Dev I. .......... 62 
 
 VII.—Raja Kurun Solunkhee—Regency of Myenul Devee—Sidh Raj . 77 
 
 VIII.—The Tale of Jug Dev Purmar ....... 90 
 
 IX.—Ra Khengar.118 
 
 X.—Sidh Raj . . ..131 
 
 XI.—Koomar Pal . . . . . . . . . . .138 
 
 XII.—Ujye Pal—Bal Mool Raj—Bheem Dev II.158 
 
 XIII. —Retrospective View of the Kingdom of Unhilpoor .... 181 
 
 XIV. —The Waghelas—Tej Pal and Wustoo Pal—Mount A boo—The Pur- 
 
 mars of Chundrawutee . . . . . . . . 201 
 
 XV.—Raja Kurun Waghela ......... 213 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 I.—First Mohummedan Period.222 
 
 II.—The Waghelas—-Loonawara—The Shoda Purmars—The Katees— 
 
 The Jhalas—Eedur—The Gohils of Peerurn .... 226 
 
 III. —Moozuffer Shah I. —Shah Ahmed I. ...... 249 
 
 IV. —Ahmed Shah I.—Mohummed Shah I.—Kootb Shah . . . 267 
 
 V. —Mahmood Begurra.272 
 
 VI.—Mahmood Begurra .......... 282 
 
 VII.—Moozuffer II.—Sikunder—Mahmood II.—BuhadurShah—Mahmood 
 Luteef Khan—Close of the Dynasty of Ahmedabad—The Em¬ 
 peror Akbar . . . . * . . . . . . 292 
 
 VIII.—Affairs of Eedur—Row Narondas—Row Veerum Dev—Row Kuleean- 
 
 Mul.303 
 
 IX. —The Shrine of Urnba Bhuwhnee—Danta . . . . . .321 
 
 X. —Eedur.340 
 
 XI.—The Gohils .. . 347 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CHAPTER. PAGE. 
 
 I.—The Mahrattas . . . . . . - . . -35^ 
 
 II.—First British Period.. 366 
 
 III. —Anund Row Guikowar ......... 374 
 
 IV. —Mulhar Row Guikowar ......... 383 
 
 V.—Moolukgeeree in Kateewar ........ 393 
 
 VI.—The Waghelas—The Kusbatees of Dholka—The Jhalas . , . 400 
 
 VII.—The Choorasumas of Dhollera—The Gohils . . . . . 414 
 
 VIII.—Boucherajee—The Choonwal ........ 426 
 
 IX. —The Myhee Kanta ......... . 440 
 
 X.—The Muharajas of Eedur—Anund Singh—Shiv Singh—Bhuwanee 
 
 Singh—Gumbheer Singh ........ 448 
 
 XI. —Danta ............ 463 
 
 XII. —Muharaja Gumbheer Singh of Eedur ...... 481 
 
 XIII. —Muharaja Gumbheer Singh of Eedur ...... 496 
 
 XIV. —Muharaja Gumbheer Singh of Eedur ...... 505 
 
 XV.—Settlement of the Myhee Kanta.516 
 
 BOOK IV., or CONCLUSION. 
 
 I.—Hindoo Castes.532 
 
 II.—The Cultivators. 541 
 
 III. —Town-Life—Brahmins—Waneeas—Rajpoots—Bards . . . 551 
 
 IV. —Rajpoot Land-Tenures under the Mohummedans and the Mahrattas . 561 
 
 V. —Rajpoot Land-Tenures under the British ...... 579 
 
 VI.—Religious Services—Festivals ........ 594 
 
 VII. —Marriages.. . . .615 
 
 VIII. —Funerals .. 630 
 
 IX.—The state after death—Shraddh—Bhoots—Other Popular Beliefs . 644 
 
 X. —The state after death—Hades—Paradise—Final Emancipation . . 681 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 NATURAL BOUNDARIES OF GOOZF.RAT — SHUTROONJYE_ 
 
 WULLUBHEEPOOR. 
 
 I he province of Goozerat, in Western India, is composed of two 
 portions—the one of these is continental, the other is peninsular and 
 projects into the Arabian Sea nearly opposite the coast of Oman, and 
 below that of Mekran and Sindh. Hindoos usually assume the’river 
 Nerbudda to be the southern boundary of the continental portion, or 
 Goozerat proper. The language of the province is, however, spoken 
 much further to the south—as far even as Damaun, or St. Tohn’s, 
 about half-way between the mouth of the river and Bombay. Stretch¬ 
 ing northwards from the banks of the Nerbudda, a range of hills 
 connecting the Vindhya with the Arawullee mountains forms the 
 eastern and northern barrier of Goozerat, and separates it from Malwa, 
 Me war, and Marwar. The Gulf of Kutch and a salt, and sometimes 
 partially inundated, desert called the Runn are the boundaries of the 
 province on the north-west and west; the Arabian Sea and the Gulf 
 of Cambay wash its southern and south-western shores. The least 
 protected part of this frontier line, and that by which Goozerat has 
 usually been invaded, is on the north-west, where a sandy plain inter¬ 
 venes between the desert and the foot of Mount Aboo. 
 
 The mountains which bound Goozerat on the north and east, and 
 which project numerous branches into the nearest parts of the pro¬ 
 vince, are steep, craggy, and difficult of access. The shoulders of 
 the hills and the valleys which intervene between the spurs are covered 
 With foiest. From the dark shadow of these woods numerous streams 
 cmeige, whose lofty banks are indented by long, deep, and intricate 
 ravines, and overgrown with almost impenetrable underwood. As the 
 plains are approached, and the forest disappears the rivers widen and 
 become less wild in their character; they unite at length in one or 
 other of the three great arteries—the Sabhermutee, the Myhee, and 
 the Nerbudda, and eventually discharge their waters into the Gulf of 
 
BOUNDARIES OF GOOZERAT. 
 
 3 
 
 Cambay. Nearly the whole of the south-west portion of Goozerat, 
 a tract of country sixty miles deep, extending from the Runn of Kutch 
 to the banks of the Nerbudda, along the frontier of the peninsula and 
 the northern and eastern shores of the Gulf of Cambay, is an open 
 and alluvial plain; much of this fertile tract, and especially that part 
 of it which lies between the Sabhermutee and the Myhee, is covered 
 with noble groves of trees, many of them, the mango and others, 
 bearing fruit and exhibiting foliage of the most brilliant colour—“ it 
 may vie,” says the historian of the Mahrattas, “ for hundreds of miles 
 with the finest parks of the nobles of England.” The hill country 
 also, though some of it is neglected, exhibits great fertility wherever 
 it is cultivated. The fields are well taken care o‘f, and covered with 
 fine crops; mangoes and other planted trees are even here unusually 
 numerous, and, as the surface is undulating and the wood and moun¬ 
 tains often in sight, “ no part of India,” as Mr. Elphinstone remarks, 
 “ presents a richer or more agreeable prospect.” 
 
 About twenty miles from the extremity of the lesser Runn of 
 Kutch in a south-easterly direction, commences a large lake of 
 brackish water which stretches towards the head of the Gulf of 
 Cambay, and forms a boundary between Goozerat proper and the 
 peninsula of Soreth or Kateewar. It is probable that in former days 
 the separation was even more complete, and that Soreth was in fact 
 an Island . 1 
 
 There is on the western shore of the Gulf of Cambay, a few miles 
 to the north of Bhownugger, a range of granite hills, which, lying in 
 a country level as an unruffled lake, seems like a cluster of islands 
 floating on the waves. From the summit of one of these rugged 
 | peaks which overhangs the village of Chumardee may be beheld a 
 I scene surpassed by few in India in the variety and interest of its his¬ 
 torical and legendary association. 
 
 Surrounded by apparently wave-hollowed cavities which counte¬ 
 nance the traditional belief that the rocks of Chumardee were once 
 washed by the waters of the ocean, the spectator beholds stretched 
 before him on the north and east, and extending beyond the horizon, 
 a vast and level plain of black soil, covered annually with crops of 
 wheat or cotton (except where, as it approaches the high tides of the 
 gulf, it wears a salt and desolate fringe), and broken only by the 
 streams, which vainly struggle to force their way eastwards along its 
 surface. There may be observed, sluggishly creeping along its winding 
 
 1 For information on this subject see Major Fulljames’s paper in the Journal of 
 the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. v., page 109. See also 
 Elphinstone's India, vol. i., page 558. Edit. 1841. 
 
4 
 
 bed in the heats of summer, or in the rains furiously tearing its way 
 towards the ocean, the river which washed the walls of the magnificent 
 Wullubhee. There too may be traced the salt-water creek called “the 
 Bhownugger ” or “ the former ” river which of old bore seawards the 
 argosies of the still mysterious race of Kunuksen, and which, though 
 ridden now by poor and scanty sails, exhibits some vestiges of its 
 former greatness as it rushes by the town from whence it derives its 
 names, and passing the port of Gogo, precipitates itself with headlong 
 fury into the channel that separates from the main land of Soreth the 
 curious and interesting islet of Peerum. In this plain, a few miles to 
 the north of Chumardee, lie the modern town of Wulleh 'now a 
 chieftainship of the Rajpoot Gohils) and the remains of the ancient 
 City of Wullubheepoor, and further on, as if to continue the historical 
 interest of the scene, a tall minaret shows the town of Loleeyanah, 
 where for many years the lieutenants of the Mohummedan emperors 
 collected the revenues of the province, while close beside the fallen 
 mosque the vulgar Mahratta has built his snug temple and placed 
 upon its front the following badly spelt and rudely engraved in¬ 
 scription :— 
 
 “ Shree Shiva’s foot-impress with assiduity Damajee Guikowar con¬ 
 tinually worships. Surnwut 1794. (a.d. 1738).” 
 
 On turning to the south, the spectator standing on the hill of Chu¬ 
 mardee, would, however, behold an outline, diversified by mountain 
 ranges; a few miles inland and somewhat to the south of Peerum 
 rise the Khokura hills; nearer and more to the west, a rocky range 
 encircles the “ Lion city ” Seehore, and still westwards, in the dis¬ 
 tance, the noble form of the sacred mountain Shutroonjye, crowned 
 with a rocky upper hill, covered with palatial edifices, rears itself above 
 the towers and minarets of Paleetana. 
 
 The holy mountain of Shutroonjye, sacred to Adeenath, 1 the first 
 of the twenty-four hierophants of the Jains, rises to the height of 
 
 1 Corresponding with the four yoogs or ages of the Hindoos are the six Aras 
 of the Jains. In the third Ara lived Nabhee Raja, descended of Ikshwakoo Raja, 
 of the race of Kusyup, A the Sage. He had a wife, Muroo Devee, and their son 
 was Rishub Dev, or Adeenath, the first Teerthunker or Pontiff of the Jains, 
 before the time of Rishub Dev no rain fell upon the earth, no fire existed, nor any 
 thorny tree ; there was neither learning nor skilled occupation in the world. All 
 these were introduced by Rishub Dev, who taught men the three Kurums,- Ushee 
 Kurum, or the science of war and government ; Mdshee Kurum , or the science of 
 literature ; and K&shee Kurum , or the science of cultivation. Froni this time men 
 adopted regular occupations. The last of the Teerthunkers, Muhaveer Swamee, 
 became incorporated with the Divine essence, in the year before "V ikrum 470 
 (b. c. 526) ; three years, eight months, and two weeks after which commenced the 
 fifth Ara, which is to last twenty-one thousand years. 
 
CHUMARDEE. 
 
 5 
 
 nearly two thousand feet above the plains. The pilgrim approaching 
 it passes to the base of the mountain, through the town of Paleetana, 
 and along a road on either side of which rows of burr-trees afford him 
 a cloister-like shelter from the heat of the sun. After a toilsome 
 ascent of from two to three miles upon the shoulder of the mountain, 
 over a path marked on either side by frequent resting places, supplied 
 with wells and pools of water, and adorned with small temples, whose 
 altars are impressed with the holy feet of the hierarchs, he at length 
 arrives in sight of the island-like upper hill, formed of rocks of very 
 beautiful color, upon which stand the shrines of his religion. It con¬ 
 sists of two peaks, divided by a valley which has been partially filled 
 in, and covered with temples, terraces, and gardens. The whole is 
 surrounded by a fortified wall, supplied in places with embrasures for 
 cannon, and this enclosure is divided into smaller castles, many of the 
 temples themselves forming independent fortifications. On the south¬ 
 ern summit are the mediaeval temples, founded by Koomar Pal and 
 Veemul Sha, with a pool sacred to a local goddess named Khodeear, 
 near which is a gigantic image of the Jain Pontiff, Rishub Dev, with 
 the sacred bull at his feet, hewn out of the living rock. On the 
 northern elevation the largest and most ancient temple is that, the 
 erection of which is attributed to a fabulous prince named Sumpriti 
 Raja. The old erections upon Shutroonjye are, however, few; and 
 frequent restoration has caused them to be with difficulty discernible 
 from the modern fanes around them, but of those of later date the 
 name is legion. There is hardly a city in India, through its length 
 and breadth, from the river of Sindh to the sacred Ganges, from 
 Heemala’s diadem of ice peaks, to the throne of his virgin daughter, 
 Roodra’s destined bride, that has not supplied, at one time or other, 
 contributions of wealth to the edifices which crown the hill of Palee¬ 
 tana ; street after street, and square after square, extend these shrines 
 of the Jain faith, with their stately enclosures, half palace, half fortress, 
 raised, in marble magnificence, upon the lonely and majestic moun¬ 
 tain, and like the mansions of another world, far removed in upper 
 air from the ordinary tread of mortals. In the dark recesses of each 
 temple one image or more of Adeenath, of Ujeet, or of some other 
 of the Teerthunkers is seated, whose alabaster features, wearing an 
 expression of listless repose, are rendered dimly visible by the faint 
 light shed from silver lamps; incense perfumes the air, and bare¬ 
 footed, with noiseless tread, upon the polished floors, the female 
 votaries, glittering in scarlet and gold, move round and round in 
 circles, chanting forth their monotonous, but not unmelodious, hymns. 
 Shutroonjye indeed might fitly represent one of the fancied hills of 
 
6 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 eastern romance, the inhabitants of which have been instantaneously 
 changed into marble, but which fay hands are ever employed upon, 
 burning perfumes, and keeping all clean and brilliant, while fay voices 
 haunt the air in these voluptuous praises of the Devs. 
 
 Westwards from the summit of the hill of Paleetana may be 
 beheld, on a clear day, the mount sacred to Nemeenath,—the noble 
 Girnar : northwards the hills around Seehore hardly intercept the 
 view of the fallen city of Wullubhee; close at the foot of Adeenath’s 
 mountain, the minarets of Paleetana, glittering in the sun through the 
 dense foliage, form a foreground to the view; and the eye insensibly 
 following the silver river Shutroonj, in its meandering eastern course, 
 rests awhile upon the beautiful and temple-crowned rock of Tulaja, 
 and beyond it roams to where the ancient Gopnath and Mudhooma- 
 wutee are washed by the rippling sea. 
 
 Shutroonjye is one of the most ancient and most sacred shrines of 
 the Jain religion. It is described £is the first of places of pilgrimage, 
 the bridal hall of those who would marry everlasting rest : like our 
 own sacred Iona, 1 it is not destined to be destroyed even at the end 
 of the world. Many and long are the tales that are told of fabled 
 kings from every part of the land of the Hindoos, who by austerities 
 and religious services, rendered valuable by their performance on this 
 sacred ground, have freed themselves from the intolerable load of- 
 their sins, and attained the blessing of liberation. But it would test 
 all the patience even of a votary of the Teerthunkers, to thread this 
 labyrinth of wonders, nor shall we attempt to tell our readers of 
 Kupurddee Yuksh, of Kundoo Raja, and his patron Umbeeka, of 
 Sumoodra Veejye the Yaduv, or of the temples which Soondur, the 
 beautiful King of Kuleean, and his incomparable consort, raised 
 upon the sacred hill. 
 
 To some traditions, however, which are of more general interest 
 we may here allude, premising that they are derived from the 
 Muhatma, or sacred chronicle, of the mountain, which purports to 
 have been abridged from a former work on the same subject, by 
 
 1 “ That so many crowned heads from different nations should prefer this (Iona) 
 “ as the place of their interment is said to have been owing to an ancient 
 “ prophecy :— 
 
 “ ‘ Seven years before the end of the world 
 “ A deluge shall drown the nations : 
 
 “ The sea at one tide shall cover Ireland, 
 
 “ And the green-headed Islay, but Columba’s Isle 
 “ Shall swim above the flood.’ ” 
 
 Graham's Antiquities of Iona. 
 
SHUTROONJYE. 
 
 7 
 
 Shree Dhuneshwur Sooree in the renowned city of Wullubhee, at the 
 order of “ Soorashtra’s lord, Sheeladitya.”. 
 
 Bhurut Raja, the son of Rishub Dev, ruled in Ayoddhya. He led 
 an army northwards from Shutroonjye, and engaged in battle with a 
 barbarian raja of great power. In the first struggle Bhurut was 
 defeated, in a subsequent one he was successful. The barbarian 
 sovereign fled on his defeat to the river Indus, “as a child in dis¬ 
 tress flies to his mother.” 
 
 Bhurut was, however, stayed by the rainy season, but at its close 
 his minister Sookhen took a fort north of the Indus, between the sea 
 and the mountains. Somyusha, son of Bahoobulee Raja, the younger 
 brother of Bhurut, built the temple of Rishub Dev, and Bhurut him¬ 
 self gave up for the services of the place of pilgrimage the revenues of 
 Soorashtra, which from that day received the title of Dev-desh, or the 
 Holy Land. 1 Shuktee Singh, Bhurut’s relative, then presided in 
 Soreth, and with the assistance of the army of that sovereign, led by 
 Sookhen, expelled the demons from Girnar, and founded temples, 
 lofty as Mount Meroo, to Adeenath and Urisht Nemee. The 
 temples on Shutroonjye were afterwards destroyed by barbarians, and 
 for a long time desolation reigned in the holy mountain. 
 
 At the time when Vikrum arose to free the earth from debt, a poor 
 Shrawuk, or layman of the Jain faith, named Bhawud, and his wife 
 Bhawula, dwelt in Kampilyapoor. Having hospitably entertained 
 two holy men who visited their house, they became the possessors of 
 a mare of wonderful qualities. Bhawud, after this beginning, soon 
 arrived at eminence as a breeder of horses, and having made valuable 
 additions to the stud of King Vickrumaditya, he received from that 
 . sovereign the gift of Mudhoomawutee (or Mhowa) in Soreth. In 
 that town, a son, named Jawud, was born to him, who succeeding his 
 father at his death, managed his city like a second god of wisdom. 
 In a bad time an army of “ Moodguls ” 2 3 swept over the land like a 
 tide of the sea violently driven up. The Moodguls carried off cows, 
 grain, property of all kinds, children, women of all classes, men also, 
 from Soreth, Lath, Kutch, and other countries, and retired to their 
 own country, “ Moodgul.” Jawud, among other captives of all 
 castes, was carried off thither; but even there the merchant acquired 
 wealth; he preserved his religion as in the land of virtue, and erected 
 a Jain temple. Holy men visiting it, and being well received by 
 
 1 The word Dev means generally a dweller in one of the upper worlds. For a 
 
 more detailed explanation, the reader must be referred to the Conclusion. 
 
 3 So in the original. In the Goozeratee translation, “Mooguls 
 
8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Jawud. recited the praises of Shutroonjye, and predicted that he was 
 destined to effect its restoration. They informed him that the 
 tutelary Devs of the sacred mountain had become destroyers of life 
 and consumers of flesh and liquor ; that an apostate, named Kuwud 
 Yuksh, put to death all those of the Jain religion who ventured 
 thither; that the land was desolate for leagues around Shutroonjye ; 
 and that Rishub Dev was without a worshipper. Following their 
 directions, Jawud propitiated the goddess Chukreshwuree, and 
 offered gifts to the unclean Devs. They pointed out to him the 
 place where the image of Rishub Dev lay concealed,—at the city of 
 Tuksh Sheela, namely, where Raja Jugutmal ruled. Jawud with 
 great exertion obtained the images from the king. With the Raja’s 
 assistance, he organized a caravan, in which he, with many of his 
 caste fellows, set off escorting the images towards Shutroonjye. After 
 many hardships, Jawud and his companions succeeded in making 
 their way to Mudhoomawutee in Soreth, and they were so fortunate 
 as to find in the harbour a fleet of vessels which Jawud had formerly 
 despatched to Bhot and Cheen, and which had that moment returned 
 laden with gold and other costly freight. At the same moment, also, 
 the great sage Shree Vayur Swamee arrived at Mudhoomawutee, bring¬ 
 ing with him Kuwud Yuksh, whom he had reconverted, and who 
 followed him, attended by a numerous train of Devs and Yukshes. 
 Jawud and the holy Vayur Swamee, with their ally Kuwud, repaired 
 with all speed to Shutroonjye, where they were horrified at the sight of 
 corpses and blood defiling the mountain, and whitened bones scattered 
 over it. Having cleansed the hill until it was as pure as their own 
 hearts, the pilgrim band, placing the images before them, on the 
 fortunate day pointed out by Shree Vayur Swamee, ascended the 
 mountain with much music and festive display. They were, how¬ 
 ever, unsuccessful in repeated endeavours to restore the place of 
 pilgrimage, which were always frustrated by the malevolent opposition 
 of the demons. Jawud at last died broken-hearted in the one hundred 
 and eighth year after Vikrum (a.d. 52,) and his continual failures 
 gave rise to the proverb still common in the country in reference to a 
 work which never arrives at completion,—“ It is a Jawud Bhawud 
 affair.” 1 
 
 Several years subsequent to the death of Jawud, the Boudhists 
 converted the kings of Soorashtra to their faith, and took possession 
 of Shutroonjye and all the other holy places. At last Dhuneshwur 
 
 1 The Scottish adage is similar, “ Like Saint Mungo’s work, it will never be 
 finished.” 
 
SHUTROONJYE. 
 
 9 
 
 Sooree arose, who brought over to the Jain religion Sheeladitya, 
 King of Wullubheepoor, and expelling the Boudhists from the 
 country, recovered the places of pilgrimage and erected many 
 temples. 
 
 The date which the Muhatma assigns to this latter transaction is 
 the year of Vikrum four hundred and seventy-seven (a. d. 421). 
 Reserving, however, the question of the probable time of Sheeladitya, 
 
 I we proceed with further Jain legends regarding the conversion of that 
 ! sovereign from the Boudhist faith, and the destruction of himself and 
 his kingdom by barbarian invaders. 1 
 
 In the great city named Kaira, in Goojur-land, there lived, says the 
 
 1 It may be as well to remark in this place, that the Sougut, or Boudh, and the 
 jUrhut, or Jain, were two of the heretical schools opposed to the religion of the 
 jVeds and to the Brahminical class. The Boudhs of Hindustan were annihilated 
 jin the furious contest waged against them by the followers of the orthodox Hindoo 
 religion. The Jains even escaped with difficulty, though they have survived the 
 terrors of the storm, and may now defy its force. “The Souguts,” says Professor 
 Wilson, (As : Res. xvi. art. Religious Sects of the Hindus), “are identified even 
 by Madhuv Acharya with the Boudhs, but there seems to have been some, al- 
 though probably not any very essential difference : the chief tenet of this class, 
 according to Anund Geeree, was their adopting the doctrine taught by Soogut 
 | Moonee, that tenderness towards animated nature comprehends all moral and de¬ 
 votional duty, a tenet which is, in a great measure, common to both the Boudh and 
 Jain schisms.” At Wullubhee the Boudhs and Souguts appear to form one body, 
 and the opposition is between them and the Jains, and not between these heretical 
 sects and the orthodox Hindoos. 
 
 It is probable that the sect called Souras, who worshipped the Sun as the 
 creator and cause of the world, and a few of whom, chiefly Brahmins^, still exist as 
 a sect, were at this time numerous in the peninsula of Soorashtra. Anund Geeree 
 enumerates divisions of this class, which are now, it is believed, unknown. “He 
 distinguishes them,” says Professor Wilson, “ into the following six classes :— 
 
 “ Those who adored the rising sun, regarding it as especially the type of Brahma, 
 or the creative power. Those who worshipped the meridian sun as Eshwur, the 
 destructive and regenerative faculty ; and those who reverenced the setting sun, as 
 the prototype of Vishnoo, or the attribute of preservation. 
 
 “The fourth class comprehended the advocates of the Treemoortee, who ad¬ 
 dressed their devotions to the sun in all the preceding states, as the comprehensive 
 type of these three divine attributes. 
 
 “ The object of the fifth form is not quite clearly stated, but it appears to have 
 been the adoration of the sun as a positive and material body, and the marks on 
 his surface, as his hair, beard, &c. The members of this class so far correspond 
 with the Souras of the present day, as to refrain from food until they had seen the 
 sun. 
 
 “ The sixth class of Souras in opposition to the preceding, deemed it unnecessary 
 to address their devotions to the visible and material sun : they provided a mental 
 luminary, on which they meditated, and to which their adoration was offered : 
 they stamped circular orbs on their forehead^, arms, and breasts with hot irons ; a 
 practice uniformly condemned by Shunker Acharya, as contrary to the laws of the 
 Veds, and the respect due to Brahminical flesh and blood.” 
 
TO 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 legend, a Brahmin who had read the Veds through, named Deva- 
 ditya. Ide had a daughter, Soobhuga, who was left a widow in her 
 childhood. At morning, noon, and eventide she offered every day 
 sacrificial grass, flowers, and water, in honor of the Sun. Astonished 
 at the beauty of the virgin widow, the Sun-God, assuming the form 
 of a mortal, visited earth to enjoy her embraces. She became 
 pregnant. Her parents, enraged at the disgrace which they supposed 
 Soobhuga had entailed upon them, drove her from home.' She fled, 
 attended by an attached servant, to the city of Wullubhee, where in 
 due time she was delivered of twin children. Eight years passed 
 over the splendid infants as if in a moment. The boy then began to 
 sit at the feet of the instructors; but, associating with other children, 
 the lesson which earliest and most vividly impressed itself upon his mind 
 was that he was “ without a father.” Distressed at the jeers of his 
 companions, he began to complain to Soobhuga—“ How, mother ! 
 “ have not I a father, that such a speech is used ? ” “I know not,” 
 she answered, “ why do you give me pain by your enquiries ? ” The 
 boy sorrowfully turned away, but from that time forth his only desire 
 was to possess himself of poison or other means of avoiding his 
 shame by self-destruction. 
 
 One day the Sun-God, Narayun, appeared to him in his grief, and 
 addressing him kindly by the title of “ child,” promised him pro¬ 
 tection, and armed him with some pebbles which should enable him 
 to slay his enemies. By the fame of these weapons of the Sun the 
 boy became renowned under the name of Sheeladitya. 1 The King 
 of Wullubhee, resenting the death of one of his subjects who had been 
 slain by Sheeladitya, himself perished under the heaven-given missiles, 
 and. the son of Soobhuga became the lord, as he was already the 
 luminary, of Soorashtra. Borne by a horse, the gift of Narayun, 
 like a sky-traveller moving wherever he would, by his exploits con¬ 
 quering a circle of territory, for a long time he continued to rule. 
 
 .Once on a time certain teachers of the Boudhist doctrines, fierce 
 with the pride of learning, approached the throne of Sheeladitya. 
 “ Ihese white-robed ones,” said they, “ if they can subdue us in dis¬ 
 reputation, let them remain, otherwise expel them the country.” The 
 King, agreeing to this demand, held a court of four kinds, 2 himself 
 presiding therein, and decreed that whichever party should be worsted 
 in the discussion should quit the dominions of Wullubhee. By the 
 
 1 Which means “ Stone of the Sun.” 
 
 A court that is composed of Sddkoos and Sddhzuecs, or male and female ascetics 
 of the Jain faith, and of Shr&ivuks and S/iraweekas, or persons male and female 
 who have not entered any religious order. 
 
WULLUBHEEPOOR. 
 
 II 
 
 fiat of destiny the Boudhists proved victorious, and the Swetamburs 1 
 retired to foreign countries, hoping to renew the contest at a future 
 time. Then Sheeladitya Raja worshipped the Boudhists, but he still 
 continued to serve with his former zeal the great Rishub Dev of 
 Shutroonjye. 
 
 Sheeladitya had given his twin-sister to the Raja of Bhrigoopoor 
 (Broach), to whom she bore a son, in qualities and splendor resem¬ 
 bling a Dev. Some time afterwards, having lost her husband, she 
 [took the ascetic vow at a good place of pilgrimage, in the presence of 
 a good religious teacher. Her son also, at the age of eight years, 
 took the vow. To people of good character and wisdom they began, 
 as occasion offered, to unfold the doctrines of their religion. One 
 day Mull, inflamed with zeal, began to enquire of his mother, the 
 Sadhwee, whether the fortunes of their co-religionists had always 
 jbeen as lowly as he then beheld them. She, with tears in her eyes, 
 made answer :—“ Son ! how shall a sinner such as I am make 
 “ reply ? The illustrious white-robed company was formerly numerous 
 “in every town ; but Veer Soorendra, the famous teacher, having left 
 “ the world, the other religionists enthralled the lord of earth, Shee- 
 “ laditya, your uncle. The holy place of pilgrimage, Shutroonjye, 
 “which is the renowned giver of liberation, in the absence of 
 “ Swetamburs affords a residence to Bhoot-like 2 Boudhists. The 
 “ Swetamburs live in foreign countries, their pride humbled, their 
 “ splendor lost.” Mull, having been born in a family of the warrior 
 caste, not forgetting his feud, sought for the opportunity of conquer¬ 
 ing. By austerities and assiduous worship he won the favor of the 
 the Goddess of Eloquence, who, to enable him to subdue the 
 iBoudhists, as Vishnoo’s eagle subdues a snake, presented him with a 
 book named Nye Chukra. Taking this weapon, Mull, resembling in 
 jbeauty the Panduv Urjoon when he bore the arms of Shiva, coming 
 |to Wullubhee, the ornament of Soorashtra presented himself before 
 jSheeladitya. “ The Boudhists have falsely enthralled the world, O 
 “ King ! To them have I, Mull, the son of your sister, arisen as an 
 “ antagonist.” Having caused the court to be arranged as before, the 
 King sat to hear the disputants. Mull, armed with the strength of the 
 goddess, speedily struck consternation into the Boudhists, who 
 itrembled at the fierce blaze into which the expiring spark of the 
 iSwetambur faith had burst forth. They determined to leave the field 
 to their opponent rather than to suffer the ignominy of a more public 
 
 i 1 “ Men of the white robe,” the Jains. 
 
 s A Bhoot is the ghost of a deceased man ; see, however, for explanation of the 
 word, the Conclusion. 
 
12 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 defeat. “ Well done,” said they, “ to him who escapes the sight of 
 “ the destruction of his country, or the extinction of his race, or the 
 “rape of his wife, or the calamity of his friends.” The heretics thus 
 defeated, having been expelled the country at the order of the King, 
 and the Jain teachers recalled, in consequence of Mull’s having de¬ 
 feated the Boudhists, the learned men, with the Sovereign’s per¬ 
 mission, gave him the title of Sooree. With the aid of his uncle, 
 Sheeladitya, knowing the immeasurable greatness of Shree Shutroon- 
 jye, the sovereign of places of pilgrimage, he effected its restoration. 
 Shree Mull Sooree, having established his reputation, was soon after 
 entrusted by the Convocation with the charge of the place of pil¬ 
 grimage at Cambay or Stumbh Teerth, which had been planted by 
 Shree Ubhye Dev Sooree. With Shrenik and other Shrawuks he 
 caused his soul to be enrolled. 
 
 At this time a trader named Kakoo left his native town of Palee in 
 Marwar, and, carrying his property with him on his head, travelled to 
 Wullubhee. He lived with some herdsmen in a collection of huts at 
 the city gate, and on account of his extreme misery became known 
 as“Runk,”or “ poverty stricken.” Becoming, however, possessed 
 of a pad of “ Krishn Chitruk,” 1 and other articles containing magical 
 properties, Kakoo, the Runk, soon set fire to his thatched hut, and, en¬ 
 tering the city, erected a large mansion near one of the other gates, 
 where he took up his residence. His property daily increasing, he 
 began to count his wealth by tens of millions ; but so great was his ava¬ 
 rice, that he refrained from spending money in any place, either for the 
 benefit of holy men, or in pilgrimages, or in acts of compassion; on 
 the contrary, he exhibited his wealth to the world in the disguise of 
 “ fate,” and took advantage of it to wrest their substance from his 
 poorer neighbours. One day Runk’s daughter was observed by the 
 daughter of the Raja wearing a magnificent gold comb adorned with 
 jewels; this the Princess became anxious to obtain, and on her 
 father’s refusing to give it up, Sheeladitya caused it to be taken away 
 by force. Upon this quarrel Runk retired to a barbarian country, 
 and offered the King thereof ten millions of gold to destroy Wullub¬ 
 hee. The monarch agreeing, set forth on the expedition, but Runk 
 had made no present to the umbrella holder; in the royal tent, 
 
 1 “Many years ago a girl who lived near Nether Witton (in Northumberland), 
 as she was returning from milking with her pail on her head, saw the fairies play¬ 
 ing in the fields, and though she pointed them out to her companions they could 
 not see them. The reason, it seemed, was that her weise, or pad, for bearing the pail 
 on her head, was composed of four-leaved clover, which gives the power of seeing 
 fairies. ”— Keightley's Fairy Mythology. 
 
WULLUBHEEPOOR. 
 
 13 
 
 therefore, at night time, when the lord of earth was betwixt sleeping 
 and waking, some person, in pursuance of a plan previously arranged, 
 began to speak as follows,—“In our lord’s council there is no wise 
 “ man, else how should this horse-lord, the great Indra of the world, 
 “ se t forth—by the advice of a man of unknown family and character, 
 “ a trader, no one knows whether good or bad, Runk by name—on 
 “ an expedition against the sun’s child, Sheeladitya.” Hearing this 
 speech, which resembled wholesome medicine, the king advanced no 
 further the next day. Then Runk, perceiving the real state of the 
 case, in a fright, giving gold, satisfied that servant’s desire of gold; 
 thereupon, the day after, in the morning, the servant thus spoke in 
 the king’s presence : “ With or without consideration a start has been 
 !“ made-this great king, lion-like, has taken one step—now, there- 
 ! “ fore, to proceed is the honorable course. When a lion can, even 
 j “ in sport, destroy elephants, why should he stoop to be called deer- 
 “ lord or deer-slayer? There is no honor in either term. Our 
 “ sovereign’s exploits are endless. Who shall stand before him ? ” 
 Pleased with this speech, the barbarian lord, filling heaven and earth 
 with the sound of the kettle-drum, proceeded in his advance. 
 
 At that time, in Wullubhee, the images of Shree Chundra Prubh, 
 Shree Wurddhuman Dev, and others, knowing the impending cala¬ 
 mity, made their way to Shiv Puttun (Prubhas), Shreemal Poor, and 
 other cities ; Shree Mull Wadee also, the great sage, retired to Pun- 
 chasur with his followers. 1 The barbarian army drew near to the 
 town, and Runk, the disgraceful cause of the ruin of his country, 
 having treacherously taught them to defile the fountain of the sun 
 with the blood of cows, the sacred horse, which was the foundation 
 of Sheeladitya’s fortunes, deserted him, springing up, like Vishnoo’s 
 eagle, into the sky. Thus .rendered helpless, Sheeladitya was slain, 
 j and the barbarians, as if in sport, destroyed Wullubheepoor. 
 
 The oral Hindoo tradition relating to the fall of the city of Wul¬ 
 lubhee is very different from the account given in these Jain legends, 
 and is probably altogether destitute of historical foundation. It 
 bears to the story of the cities of the plain, and of the death of Lot’s 
 
 1 ‘ ‘ Excessere omnes adytis arisque relictis 
 “ Di, quibus imperium hoc steterat.” — Virgil, VEneid II., 35 1 ' 2 ' 
 
 “ The ancient nations had a custom of loading with chains the statues of their 
 “ gods, when the state was menaced with danger, in order to prevent their flight. 
 “Among the Phenicians, the idol Melkarth was almost constantly chained.— Vide 
 Anlhon's Classical Dictionary, p. 601. 
 
 “ Let us depart hence, said the invisible guardian of the Jewish temple, when 
 I “ the provocations of that infatuated race were about to receive their punishment.” 
 !_ Ileber's Sermons in England, p. 60, quoting Josephus, Bell. Judaic., IV, 5. 
 
14 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 wife, a resemblance so close, that we find difficulty in supposing it to 
 be other than a faint and far-transmitted echo of that wonderful tale. 
 A circulation of intelligence scarcely to be credited, and not easily to 
 be accounted for, has, we know, existed among Asiatic nations both 
 of the earliest and of the most modern times, and the state in which 
 the once proud Wullubhee has lain for centuries would not unnaturally 
 lead the Hindoo, who ever delights in bringing home the marvellous, 
 to fix upon it as the scene of so terrible an act of vengeance of that 
 Almighty “ who turneth a fruitful land into saltness for the wickedness 
 “ of them that dwell therein.” 
 
 “ Dhoondulee Mull, the sage,” says the tradition, “ came with a 
 “ single disciple to Wullubheepoor. The holy man made his residence 
 “ at the foot of the hill called Eeshalwo, near Chumardee, a spot 
 “ which was at that time in the very outskirts of Wullubhee. The 
 “ disciple went into the city to seek alms, but received none; he then 
 “ cut wood in the jungle, which he took into the city and sold, and 
 “ thus procuring money, purchased flour. No one however would 
 “ make it into bread for him, until at last a potter’s wife performed 
 “ this service. After several days had passed on in this manner, the 
 “ hair on the disciple’s head began to be worn away, from his con- 
 “ tinually carrying loads. The sage asked the reason, and received 
 “ for answer, ‘ Mighty sovereign ! in this city there is no one who gives 
 “ alms. I am therefore compelled to cut wood and sell it, and a 
 “ potter’s wife makes bread for me—in this labor my hair is worn 
 “ away.’ The holy man said, ‘ I will myself go to-day to beg.’ He 
 “ did so, but with the exception of the potter's wife no one gave alms. 
 “ The saint became very angry; he sent his disciple to tell the potter, 
 “ —‘ Take your family with you and leave the city. This very day 
 “ it shall be overwhelmed.’ The potter and his wife quitted Wullub- 
 “ hee, taking their son with -them. The sage had cautioned the 
 “ woman that she should not turn to look back, but when she had 
 “ reached the sea shore, near where the town of Bhownugger now 
 “ stands, she disobeyed the order, and, turning back, looked toward 
 “ Wullubhee. She was immediately changed into a stone image, 
 “ which is to this day worshipped in that place, under the name of 
 “ the Roowapooree Mother. Meanwhile the saint having taken into 
 “ his hands an earthen vessel, reversed it, pronouncing the words,— 
 “ ‘City! be thou overthrown, and thy wealth turned into dust.’ In 
 “ that moment Wullubhee was destroyed.” 
 
 A jungle of peeloo trees, 1 of considerable extent, lies on the western 
 
 1 “ There is,” says Sir Alexander Burnes, in his travels into Bokhara, vol. iii., 
 p. 122, “ a shrub called ‘ peeloo,’ (Salvadora Persica,) which is to be found in this 
 
WULLUBHEEPOOR. 
 
 15 
 
 incl northern sides of the modern town of Wulleh. It is trnversed 
 [in every direction by roads, and includes the principal part of the re- 
 
 E rains of Wullubheepoor which is exposed to view. Numerous ex- 
 avations have been made within this jungle by the people of the town 
 r search of materials for building; they exhibit what are apparently 
 [foundation-walls, frequently four-and-a-half feet wide, constructed of 
 [large burnt bricks and earth. The trenches assume occasionally the 
 [form of mines, and are carried down in some places to water, which 
 jjis found to be saline. Similar traces of brickwork walls are discover¬ 
 able, it is said, in most places within a distance of three or four miles 
 jfrom the town of Wulleh. The bricks measure frequently sixteen 
 inches in length, ten in width, and three in depth. 
 
 A river called the Ghelo, or “ insane,” from its violent movements 
 during the rainy months, runs round the outside of the peeloo jungle, 
 and as it frequently alters its course, it has been an active agent" in 
 laying bare to view the remains of Wullubhee; in this task it has 
 been assisted, to a considerable extent, by occasional streams formed, 
 for the time being, by an accumulation of water in the rains strug¬ 
 gling in this level plain to find for itself a means of escape. 
 
 To the north of the town the site of a reservoir, which bears the 
 name of Ghorardumun, is pointed out, and to the south-west is a 
 large flat space, covered in the cold months with a rich clothing of 
 green wheat, which is called the Rutun-tank, and the surrounding 
 mound of which may still in some places be traced. 
 
 Within the space occupied by the peeloo trees, and on all sides of 
 Wulleh, are to be found numerous emblems of Shiva and of the bull 
 his attendant, formed of granite, and considerable in point of size! 
 These, where they rest upon brickwork, are found at nearly the actual 
 ground level, a fact which (as they must have stood upon the floors 
 of temples) would seem to indicate that the town had not been sub¬ 
 merged. The Phallic emblems are themselves mostly entire, but the 
 bulls, which accompany them, have in no case escaped mutilation. 
 Of the latter, the most remarkable is a large granite figure, wanting 
 
 ‘ ‘ neighbourhood, (the desert that lies between the Chenab and the Indus,) and in all 
 “ tracts of saline soil that border on the Indus and Punjab rivers. It produces a 
 recl and white berry, which has but a poor flavour ; the taste of its seed resembles 
 [‘ water-cresses: this is the season of the fruit (June), and it was exposed for sale 
 “ in the bazaars of Mooltan. I observed this shrub in the greatest abundance in 
 ‘ tlie -Delta and lower parts of Sinde ; and, as I am satisfied that it is only to be 
 J found in the particular soil described, I believe we recognise it in Arrian’s Indian 
 f History. ‘ The leaves resemble those of the laurel; they grow chiefly in places 
 where the tide flows among them, and where they are again left dry at low water. 
 t‘ rheir dower is white, and in shape like a violet, but much excelling it in sweet- 
 
i6 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the head, and split across the body, which lies near a large Ling, 1 
 called Butheshwur Muha Dev. Every one of the emblems which has 
 been discovered has a name assigned to it by the Bramins, as Wyej- 
 nath, Rutuneshwur, Eeshwureeo Muha Dev, and others. The bulls 
 are well executed, and, unlike modern figures of Nundee, are placed 
 in the true position of a sitting animal. 
 
 According to Colonel Tod, Kunuksen, a prince of the race of the 
 sun, abandoned his native kingdom of Koshul—that kingdom of 
 which Ayoodhya was the capital and Rama the monarch—in a.d. 144 
 or 145, and established himself on the site of Veirat, the celebrated 
 abode of the sons of Pandoo during their exile, and which is supposed 
 to have occupied the position of the modern town of Dholka. He 
 wrested dominion from a prince of the Purmar race, and founded 
 Wurnugger. Four centuries afterwards his descendant Veejye founded 
 Veejapoor, and Yidurba, since called Seehore, and the same race 
 founded also the renowned city of Wullubhee and Gujnee, near the 
 modern Cambay, which was involved in the fall of Wullubhee. 2 
 
 In another place the same author states, that Kunuksen, having 
 migrated to Soorashtra, fixed his residence at Dhank, anciently called 
 Moongee Puttun, and that on the conquest of the region called Balk- 
 hetur, (still known as “ the Bhal,”) his race assumed the title of Balia 
 Rajpoots. On the fall of Wullubhee, part of the inhabitants fled to 
 Balli, a Jain town on the borders of Mewar and Marwar, others to 
 Sandera and Nadole in the latter province. 3 
 
 The Jain writers, whose description we have quoted, place the fall 
 of Wullubhee in the year of Vikrum 375 (a.d. 319). In that year, 
 however, an era, called the “Wullubhee era,” commenced, 4 and it is 
 probable that the date of the fall of the city has been confounded 
 by these writers with the date of the commencement of the era called 
 by its name. The Shutroonjye Muhatma gives the year of Vikrum 
 477 (a.d. 421) for the accession of a king named Sheeladitya, who 
 restored temples on the mountain. As many as four kings of the 
 name of Sheeladitya are, however, mentioned in different lists of the 
 
 1 “ Ling” is the name of the Phallic emblem. The lings at Wulleh are similar 
 to those which are found in modem temples, but very much larger. They are 
 granite monolithes, commencing in a square pedestal about two feel high, which 
 passes into a cylinder about three feet in height and eight in circumference, rounded 
 at the top. Some of them ascend from the square into an octagon, and thence 
 into the cylinder. 
 
 2 Vide Annals of Rajasthan, vol. i., pp. 83 and 215 to 218. 
 
 3 Vide Western India, pp. 51, 148, 268, 352. Rajasthan, vol. i., p. 217. 
 
 4 Vide Tod’s Western India, p. 506 Inscription from Billawul. 
 
WULLUBHEEPOOR. 
 
 1 7 
 
 Wullubhee sovereigns, derived from inscriptions on copper plates. 1 
 
 Of these princes eighteen are mentioned, the first two of whom 
 bore the title of senaputee, or military chief, and are conjectured to 
 have been vassals of the Purmars of Oojein. 2 The remaining princes 
 used the sovereign title “ Muha Raja.” They were also called “ Shree 
 Bhuttark,” or illustrious warrior, and appear to have been (the large 
 majority of them) “great worshippers of Muheshwur,” or followers of 
 Shiva, the figure of the sacred bull, his attendant Nundee, appearing 
 both upon their seals and banners, and the emblems of the god forag¬ 
 ing, as we have seen, one of the most striking features in the remains 
 of their long-fallen capital. The dates which have been derived (con- 
 jecturally) from these inscriptions range from a.d. 144 to a.d. 559. 
 The latest of these would, however, appear to be too early for the true 
 date of the fall of Wullubhee. We are told in a Chinese account of 
 India that “ Under the Tang dynasty, in the years Woo teh (a.d. 618 
 “ to 627), there were great troubles in India: the king (Sheeladitya?) 
 “ fought great battles. The Chinese Buddhist priest, Hiuan thsang, 
 “who writes his travels, arrived in India at this period and had 
 “ audience of Sheeladitya” 3 
 
 “ Th e country of Wullubhee,” as is remarked in the narrative quoted 
 by M. Jacquet, 4 “ a country so named north of Larica, has more than 
 “ six thousand leagues (li) of circumference. The capital city of that 
 “ country has more than thirty leagues of circumference. The pro- 
 “ ductions of the sun, the conditions of the temperature, the manners 
 “ and the physical character of the inhabitants, are the same as in the 
 “ country of Malwa. I he number of the inhabitants is considerable : 
 “ the families are opulent; indeed, they number there more than a 
 “ hundred houses possessing a fortune of a hundred lakhs; immense 
 “ treasures come from the most remote countries to accumulate them- 
 “ selves in this kingdom. One finds there more than a hundred 
 “ Kialan (Buddhist monasteries); the clergy there are more than six 
 “ thousand in number; they study for the most part the section of 
 “ the Scriptures called the perfect measure, which belongs to the little 
 “ yana. There are some hundreds of temples consecrated to Devs; 
 
 “ the heretics are there in great number. Buddha, during the time 
 
 1 Vide Journ. Asiat. Soc. (Bengal), iv. 477 ; ditto, vii. 966; Journ. Asiat Soc 
 (Bombay), iii. 213, &c. &c. 
 
 2 More probably, we should say, of the Solunkhees of ICuleean. 
 
 3 Vide Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. vi. p. 351, et seq. 
 
 4 In his note on Wullubhee in the Journ. Asiatic Soc. (Bengal), vol. v. p. 68q 
 from “ The Narrative of a Chinese Buddhist priest who visited Transoxiana, Bac- 
 “ tria, and India in the year 632 of our era and the following years.” The names 
 have been substituted according to M. Jacquet’s suggestions. 
 
 C 
 
iS 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 *• that he was in the world of men, has often visited this country ; the 
 king Asoka, too, has raised pillars beside all the trees under which j 
 Buddha had rested himself, to cause them to be recognised. The 
 “ reigning dynasty is of the race of the Kshutriyas; the old king was , 
 “ the nephew of Sheeladitya, king of the country of Malwn; he who 
 “ now rules is son-in-law of Sheeladitya, king of the country of Canouj; 
 
 “ he is named Drouv-Bhatta.” This Drouv-Bhatta, M. Jacquet con¬ 
 siders to be Drouv Sen II., the eleventh prince of the dynasty of 
 Wullubhee. The reign of Sheeladitya IV., the last sovereign of the 
 line, in whose time the destruction of the city occurred, would thus 
 (allowing twenty years for each reign) be brought down to as late a 
 time as about a.d. 770. Mr. Wathen, however, conjecturally fixes it 
 more than two centuries earlier. 
 
 The barbarian invaders of Wullubhee are supposed by the annalist 
 of Rajasthan to have been Scythians. Mr. Wathen suggests that they 
 were Bactro-Indians, of which race many coins have been found in 
 Soreth; and Mr. Elphinstone thinks they may have been Persians 
 under Nousheerwan the Great. Were it not mentioned that the in¬ 
 vaders were Mlechh, or tribes that were not Hindoos, we might have 
 supposed that the Solunkhees of Kuleean in the Dekkan had de¬ 
 stroyed Wullubhee in the attempt to recover their supremacy in Soreth. 
 So much uncertainty, however, exists in regard to the time of the fall 
 of Wullubhee, that any speculations in regard to its destroyers can be 
 raised upon but an insecure foundation. The next dynasty which we 
 hear of in this part of India is that of the Chowras of Unhilpoor, a 
 capital said to have been founded in a.d. 746. The accounts which 
 we shall now have, to present would seem to indicate that the founda¬ 
 tion of the Chowra capital succeeded not very distantly the fall of 
 Wullubheepoor. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 JYE SHEKER THE CHOWRA, PRINCE OF PUNCHASUR. 
 
 We now proceed, following Shree Mull Sooreeand the other fugitives, I 
 whom we have beheld escaping thither from Wullubhee to Punchasur,! 
 near the Runn of Kutch. Our guide is the “ Rutun Mala,” or gar -1 
 land of jewels, a work composed in verse by a Brahmin named Krish -1 
 najee, to celebrate the praises of the great lion-king of Goozerat. 
 
JYE SHEKER. 
 
 *9 
 
 “ Great is the fame of the Solunkhee race,” exclaims the poet; “ it 
 C! is a race of Devs ; Sidh Raj is the light thereof.” It is the aid of 
 his patron, the Goddess of Eloquence alone, which can enable him 
 to recount, worthily, the praises of his hero, though the compositions 
 of former poets have smoothed the road he has to travel, and the 
 pearls which he is proceeding to string have been already pierced by 
 their diamond-like ingenuity. But Krishnajee would have been no 
 true bard had he been dissatisfied with his own performances, and his 
 self-laudation is conveyed in language which proves that, however 
 liberal in estimating the works of others, he was by no means, in¬ 
 sensible to the value of his own. 
 
 “As a man who has bathed in the ocean, has performed all pil¬ 
 grimages, 1 as a man who has tasted ambrosia requires no longer any 
 “ other food, as a man who possesses the philosopher’s stone is the 
 “ owner of all wealth, so that man has read all books who has studied 
 “ Rutun Mala. He whose research is infinite, but who has not read 
 “ Rutun Mala, is like a marble reservoir which is destitute of water, 
 “or a splendid temple which wants a spire.” 
 
 We are sorry to have to add, that of this inestimable garland, which 
 originally contained one hundred and eight jewels, only eight remain. 
 
 The scene is Ivuleean, where Raja Bhoowur, the Solunkhee, rules, 
 and the time is the year of Vikrum 752, or a.d. 696. The king is 
 surrounded by his sixteen military nobles, whom he retains always 
 [ about his person. They are faithful men ; lovers of the king’s pros¬ 
 perity ; blenching not in fight; resolute as pillars of the sky," Their 
 names are contained in the verse,— 
 
 “ Chund, Dwund, Bhut, Veyd, Veer, 
 
 “ Singh, Sindhoo, Geeree, Dheer, 
 
 “ Sfimut, Dheemut, Dhunwee, Putoo, 
 
 “ Bheem, Muhfi.ru.thee, Meer.” 
 
 Of these, Meer is the principal, and he is never sent abroad on 
 service. The others are despatched to conquer on all sides, south, 
 north, west, east. Of the surrounding princes, the Goozerat Raja 
 alone remains unvanquished. He is of the Ghowra race; his name 
 Jye Sheker; that of his consort Roop Soonduree. Punchasur is his 
 royal seat. Strong, handsome, and wise; his treasures are inex¬ 
 haustible, and his army cannot be counted. Of his very existence, 
 however, Bhoowur is kept in ignorance by his chieftains, and fondly 
 reposes in the belief that the whole world is under his control. 
 
 1 Because the sacred rivers, which are the scenes of pilgrimage, flow into the 
 ocean. 
 
20 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The capital city, Kuleean, is filled with the spoils of conquered foes, 
 with camels, horses, cars, and elephants. Jewellers, cloth-makers, 
 chariot-builders, makers of ornamental vessels reside there, and the 
 walls of the houses are covered with colored pictures. Physicians 
 and professors of the mechanical arts abound, as well as those of 
 music, and schools are provided for public education. It is^for the 
 sole purpose of comparing the capital city of Ceylon with Kuleean 
 that the sun remains half the year in the north and half in the south. 
 
 Among other virtues, King Bhoowur is personally ambitious of all 
 kinds of wisdom, and he is besides a great patron of literature, and 
 especially, as becomes a wise Hindoo sovereign, of grammar and prosody. 
 His encouragement of learned men is so great, that all cleverness travels 
 towards his palace as certainly as all the waters of the rainy season 
 
 travel seawards. , 
 
 One day the king is seated in a garden as beautiful as bhiva s 
 paradise, adorned with exquisite flowers and fruit-trees, where he regales 
 himself with song and the dance. Prince Kurun, the heir apparent, 
 sits beside him royally apparelled, and Chund and others of the 
 nobles adorn the assembly. There sit there also a number of learned 
 men and poets, each outshining the other in wit and wisdom ; but 
 superior to all is the poet king Kam Raj, the sovereign’s friend, who 
 shines among the wise as Bhoowur himself among the warriors. At 
 this time a foreign poet approaching King Bhoowur, presents, as his 
 offering, a string of verses in his praise. The king, delighted with 
 the skill therein displayed, calls upon the poets who surround him 
 to compose an answer, but this no one has the courage to attempt. 
 Bhoowur presents the stranger with a magnificent dress of honor, 
 and enquires of him what is his name, and what that of the country 
 in which he has remained concealed so many years. The poet re¬ 
 plies that his name is Shunkur. “ I come,” says he, “ from Goojur- 
 “ i an d, the fairest portion of the earth, a land full of fertility, splendid 
 “ w ith’ water, grass, and trees, where money is plentiful, and where 
 “ men are generous. There is Punchasur, the residence of Ocean’s 
 “ daughter,^which equals the city of the gods. so completely, that no 
 “ one dwelling there has any desire for Paradise. The Chowra Raja 
 “ rules there, who is the pinnacle of all warrior races, and who by his 
 “ exploits, having raised a mountain of fame, has been hailed by the 
 “poets as Jye Sheker. 3 His chief queen is the incomparable Roop 
 “Soonduree, whose brother is the wise and valiant Soor Pal. Jye 
 
 i Suruswutee, the Goddess of Eloquence. 
 
 J Which name means the “Fame-pinnacle. 
 
JYE SHEKER. 
 
 21 
 
 “ Sheker and Soorpal united could tear the King of Heaven from his 
 “ throne, but little need have they of that, for their own royal 
 “ Goozerat is the essence of the universe. There Suruswutee dwells 
 “ for ever incarnate ; it is there I have acquired this skill, and thence 
 “ I have come forth to conquer the world.” King Bhoowur, hearing 
 this praise of Goozerat, claps his hand on his moustache in defiance. 
 The poet Kam Raj starts up, and challenges Shunkur to contend 
 with him in verse, but is signally defeated by the latter, who scorn¬ 
 fully reminds him that Shiva (Shunkur) is notoriously the conqueror 
 of the God of Love (Kam.) 
 
 Bhoowur Raja, not well pleased with this termination of the day’s 
 amusements, returns to his palace. In the evening he summons his 
 chieftains, and desires to hear more of Goozerat. The assembled 
 warriors attempt to impose upon him with a story of their having de¬ 
 feated Jye Sheker, and taken Punchasur, which they had, however, 
 refrained from destroying, on its prince’s submission. ‘The Raja, 
 however, disbelieves this tale, and eventually compels Chund to tell 
 the truth. He learns from him that the nobles of Ivuleean, on their 
 way southwards from Urbood Geeree, or Mount Aboo, had met with 
 Soorpal, in command of his brother-in-law’s troops, and that finding 
 it a dangerous matter to contend with him, they had avoided an en¬ 
 gagement, and passed on by a circuitous route to Soreth. The Raja 
 immediately gives orders for the preparation of an army, which is soon 
 in array and marching to attack Jye Sheker. Bad omens meet them 
 as they advance, but the king’s orders being peremptory, the chief¬ 
 tains do not permit a halt. 
 
 Shunkur, the poet, has in the meantime returned home, and made 
 his prince acquainted with what has happened. Jye Sheker, who is 
 of a warlike temper, is delighted at the prospect of the strife, and 
 commences to distribute bracelets, earrings, and other ornaments 
 among his chieftains. 
 
 King Bhoowur’s force continues to advance. The horsemen and 
 elephants are numerous ; there are four thousand war chariots, troops 
 bearing missile weapons, and foot soldiers without number. The 
 villages on their route are deserted by the inhabitants immediately 
 the approach of the army is perceived; such as resist are stormed 
 and plundered. Where the invaders pass, watered lands become 
 dry, and dry lands are moistened. At each halting place the troops 
 practice athletic games, and exercise themselves in missile and hand- 
 to-hand weapons. Having reached their enemy’s country, they take 
 and plunder a frontier town, and at last pitch their camp six miles 
 
22 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 from Punchasur, from which position they plunder the country 
 round, carrying off men and women as prisoners. 
 
 Jye Sheker, when he hears of these proceedings, is inflamed with 
 anger from head to foot. He writes a letter to Meer, the chief of 
 the invaders, upbraiding him with his oppression of the poor, so un¬ 
 worthy of a warrior, and comparing him to a dog which when it has 
 been struck with a stone, bites the stone instead of fronting the 
 striker. Meer replies by summoning him to make submission to 
 King Bhoowur, taking grass in his mouth, and denounces war as the 
 alternative, a challenge which Jye Sheker has no sooner received than 
 he calls his “ brothers ” and other warriors together, and prepares for 
 battle on the morrow. 
 
 Soorpal, who has not been present when Meer’s answer is received, 
 determines, unknown to his prince, on surprising the camp of the 
 invaders during the night, at the head of his own partisans. Circum- 
 stances favor his intention, and he finds the enemy wholly unpre¬ 
 pared ; some are absent plundering the neighbouring villages, some 
 eating and drinking, some asleep, some enjoying music and the 
 dance. Soorpal’s followers bursting in upon them, sword in hand, 
 find no more labour in destroying them than the grass-cutter does in 
 cutting grass. Chund is cut down by Soorpal himself, and Dvund 
 severely wounded; their army is scattered as a crowd of deer among 
 whom a lion has rushed, and flies with the greatest precipitation. 
 Dwund dies of his wounds in the retreat. Veyd, the kinsman of the 
 Purmar Raja, broken hearted at his disgrace, casts off his military 
 attire, and in the dress of a monk takes the road to Benares. Meer, 
 the chief leader, knowing that his face has been blackened, halts his 
 flying army at eight days’ march distance from the capital of his 
 sovereign. King Bhoowur, hearing of this defeat, repairs to Meer’s 
 encampment, and addresses himself to re-encourage the fugitive 
 troops, reminding them that retreat is sometimes only the prelude to 
 victory, and that a weapon does not strike its hardest blows until it 
 has been swung backwards. Bhoowur having succeeded in rein¬ 
 spiriting the army and its leaders, holds a council of war, in which an 
 immediate advance upon Goozerat, led by the king in person, is 
 determined upon. They meet good omens on their way, and the air 
 resounds with their instruments of music—the war-horn, the tabor, 
 and the terrible drum. 
 
 On their approach, Jye Sheker shuts himself up in Punchasur, 
 which is closely invested by King Bhoowur. An attack by Meer is 
 met and repulsed by Soorpal. The Prince of Punchasur having 
 
JYE SHEKER. 
 
 23 
 
 assembled his warriors, recommends those who “ love their lives ” to 
 retire, but the unanimous answer is, that they are Rajpoots, of good 
 descent, and that all are ready to die with him; that should any one 
 disgrace himself by deserting in such an emergency, the crows would 
 disdain to eat his flesh, and he would remain for ten millions of the 
 days of Brahma in hell. After fifty-two days spent in unsuccessful 
 attacks, King Bhoowur calls Meer into council, and the latter advises 
 that an attempt should be made to corrupt the fidelity of Soorpal. A 
 letter, written with the milk of a shrub, is then despatched to that 
 chieftain, who, on applying saffron to it, ascertains its contents. The 
 offers of King Bhoowur are, however, indignantly rejected by Soorpal, 
 who, in answer, declares himself to be as inseparable from Jye 
 Sheker as water which has been once mingled with it is from milk. 
 “ O ■ lul1 of folly,” he exclaims, “ I am well born, how of seducing 
 “ me do you entertain hope. Were the three worlds’ royalty offered, 
 “ none but a bastard would receive it.” 
 
 As night comes on, the kings, each in his own army, cause verses 
 from the Muhabharut to be recited,—that great poem which increases 
 the zeal of the warrior, while it supplies him with science. The 
 chieftains of Goozerat, when they hear the wonderful exploits of 
 Bheem, become full of fire. _ They ask, “ When will the night pass 
 “ away; when will the morning come —the time of battle ? ” 
 
 “ As a lonely wife longs for her husband’s coming, 
 
 “ So they restlessly await the morning till it arrives ; 
 
 “ front the lessons of the Muhabharut they have learned 
 “ '1 hat the battle-slain win Upsuras to wife. 
 
 “ Joyful then they long to obtain the residence of the gods, 
 
 “ Abandoning this home of dust and worthlessness. 
 
 “ At Jye Sheker’s call, when the morning rises, 
 
 “ The splendid warriors all prepare ; 
 
 “ From the field, victorious, they have no hope to return— 
 
 “ To fight, to die, to wed the Heavenly damsels, is all their desire. 
 
 “ Such stedfastness of the heroes perceiving, 
 
 “ For marriage prepare the divine brides— 
 
 “ What time the warriors don their armour, 
 
 “ The Upsuras deck themselves in gay apparel— 
 
 “ What time the warriors grasp their weapons, 
 
 “ The Virgins of Paradise wave the marriage garland with their hands ; 
 
 “ What time the warriors shake their horses reins, 
 
 “ The celestial damsels urge their chariots to speed.” 
 
 Roop Soonduree, from the inmost hall, hears the terrible sound of 
 commencing battle—she sends for her lord, and entreats him not to 
 venture into the field unless the omens are propitious, but Jye Sheker 
 
24 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 replies, that when a bride is to be married, or a foe driven from the 
 gates, there is no omen but the name of Shree Krishn. The opposing 
 armies meet as clouds dashed together by the violence of the storm; 
 their weapons gleam like lightning; the earth resounds with their 
 tread as with the rumbling of thunder; war music sounds, making 
 even the .timid valorous; arrows and missiles fall in showers, as rain 
 from the monsoon clouds; with the bill, the mace, the trident, they 
 struggle ; elephant strives with elephant, horse with horse, chariot 
 lord with chariot lord. The corpses of the dead float in rivers of 
 blood ; the warriors laugh as the terrible roar of battle increases in 
 loudness. The minstrels encourage the less eager —“Well done, sons 
 “ of the warriors,” they cry, “ in this battle-pilgrimage, never again to 
 “ be met with, acquire world-wide fame, win paradise, extort homage 
 “ from gods and men, in this world and the other be immortal.” 
 
 The shout of battle rising to the skies attracts the attention of the 
 divinities; they ask whether the fight has begun again in the field of 
 the Kooroos . 1 The Upsuras dance, the heavenly minstrels strike 
 their lyres, the deities and the snakes of hell tremble. Shiva hovers 
 over the spot, stringing his never-to-be-completed chaplet of human 
 skulls; witches and ghosts surround him, and the terrible Flesh-eaters 
 and Fates, with their cups of blood, are attracted to the scene like 
 vultures. 
 
 Soorpal, with his accustomed valour, drives back that part of the 
 attacking force which is led by the chieftain Bhut; but King Bhoo- 
 wur, in person, rallies the fugitives, threatening them with death, and 
 Bhut himself plunges desperately into the thick of the enemy, slay¬ 
 ing numbers of them, until he falls pierced with a shower of arrows, 
 and at last mortally wounded by the hand of Soorpal. The headlong 
 valour of Bhut, however, gains its purpose, for his followers succeed in 
 repulsing the troops of Jye Sheker and establishing themselves under 
 the west side of the fort, in which a breach is soon effected. 
 
 Jye Sheker finds that the number of his warriors has been fright¬ 
 fully reduced in this sanguinary engagement, and now, deprived of all 
 hope of victory, he sends for Soorpal and entreats him to preserve the 
 seed of his race by conveying to some place of safety his pregnant 
 sister Roop Soonduree. Soorpal at first refuses, but the prince adjures 
 him by his love to obey his directions—“ for my advantage let it be 
 “ done at once,” he says, “ there is none of my race to make funeral 
 “ offerings, the progenitors will obtain no respect, no liberation will 
 
 1 The battle field of the Kooroos and Panduvs in the epic poem, the Muha 
 Bharut. 
 
JYE S.HEKER. 
 
 25 
 
 “ the sonless find, O ! brother; the seed of my race will be destroyed, 
 “ the enemy will rule without a thorn.” Thus urged, Soorpal retires 
 from the fort, taking his sister with him ; but, Roop Soonduree, when 
 at last she discovers the cause of their flight, refuses to continue it, 
 and declares her resolution of burning with the body of her lord. She 
 is, however, dissuaded from this intention by the same argument, re¬ 
 garding the extinction of the race, which had prevailed with Soorpal 
 himself. Her brother leaves her in the forest, with the intention of 
 returning to die with the prince Jye Sheker. 1 
 
 Meanwhile, King Bhoowur, perceiving that the fort cannot be de¬ 
 fended longer, sends an embassy to Jye Sheker, proposing to leave 
 him in possession of the throne of Goozerat on his making sub¬ 
 mission in the usual form, and appearing to touch the feet of his 
 conqueror, with his hands bound behind him, holding grass in his 
 mouth. Jye Sheker answers, that life would have no pleasure for him 
 after such submission, that Paradise will be good exchange for Goojur- 
 land, and that he, the last of the Chowra race, will at least leave 
 behind him its honor. Bhoowur, enraged, immediately prepares to 
 complete his conquest. The few followers that remained to Jye 
 Sheker soon fall, oppressed by superior numbers. The prince himself 
 makes a most desperate resistance, mowing down his enemies like 
 grass; at last, however, he is slain, and over his body the enemy 
 enters Punchasur. The keepers of the gates, and the guards at the 
 court, resist to the death; but, after a tremendous struggle, Bhoowur 
 forces his way to the palace. He is there opposed by a furious band 
 of female attendants, armed with the bars of the doors or whatever 
 other weapon offers, and his troops are driven by these beyond the 
 gates of the city. The damsels have now gained their object, which 
 is to secure the corpse of their master, and they soon erect a funeral 
 pile of scented wood, interspersed with cocoa-nuts, upon which they 
 consume themselves along with the body of Jye Sheker. Four queens 
 also ascend the pile, with many slaves and damsels. 1 ownspeople too, 
 many of them, love enthralled, follow their prince to the gate of the 
 King of Heaven. At last Bhoowur, forcing his way back with his 
 
 1 “ And I the rather wean me from despair, 
 
 “ For love of Edward’s offspring in my womb. 
 
 “ This is it that makes me bridle passion 
 “ And bear with mildness my misfortune’s cross ; 
 
 “ Ay, ay, for this I draw in many a tear, 
 
 “ And stop the rising of blood-sucking sighs, 
 
 “ Lest with my sighs or tears I blast or drown 
 “ King Edward’s fruit, true heir to the English crown.” 
 
 Third Part of King Henry VI. Act IV., scene 4 . 
 
26 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 army, causes the burning to cease, and takes upon himself to celebrate 
 duly the funeral rites of the Chowra prince, whom he praises as an 
 honor to those who gave him birth—a true warrior. Over the place 
 where the pile stood he builds a temple of Shiva, who is there en¬ 
 throned under the title of “ the Goojur Lord.” The day that Jye 
 Sheker finds his death, the sun is obscured, the four points of the 
 compass wear a terrible aspect, the earth trembles, the river’s water 
 becomes muddy, the wind blows hot, the fires of the sacrificial pits 
 emit a dense smoke, stars fall from the heavens; men, seeing these 
 portents, lament that a hero has perished. 
 
 . King Bhoowur, having received the submission of the lords of 
 Ivutch and Soreth, and perceiving the beauty of Goozerat, is desirous 
 of living there ; but his councillors remind him that Soorpal lives to 
 be a thorn in his side, and he is therefore content with fixing the 
 tribute to be paid by the surrounding princes, and appointing a 
 minister to represent him in Goozerat, 
 
 Soorpal, returning from placing his sister in safety, finds Jye Sheker 
 already slain. His first impulse is to rush into the fight and follow 
 him in death ; but on reflection he considers, “ if I die fighting, then 
 “ Bhoowur’s kingdom will be without a thorn ; what was to happen 
 “ has happened ; now, for the future, counsel must be taken. If 
 “ fortune shall grant a son to my sister, I will again recover the 
 “ royalty of Goozerat; without my aid that task cannot be effected.” 
 He sets off to seek his sister; but being unsuccessful in his attempts 
 at discovering her, or, as some say, being ashamed to present himself 
 before her, he takes up his residence in the forests about the moun¬ 
 tain of Girnar to await better times. 
 
 Roop Soonduree herself, after Soorpal’s departure, is discovered by 
 a Bheel woman, who, perceiving her to be a lady of rank, addresses 
 her respectfully,—“ remain in the forest with me, O sister ! flowers, 
 “ leaves, fruits good for food may be had in the mountains, safe 
 “ shelter shall you find there.” The queen accedes to her entreaties 
 and remains her guest until the time of her delivery arrives, and she 
 gives birth to a son. It is in the spring season, on the fifteenth day 
 of the delightful month of Wyeshak, at the time of the sun’s appearing, 
 that this sun of the land rises ; he who is destined to be full of ex¬ 
 ploits, the protector of cows and Brahmins. Glear that morn rises 
 the orb of day, clear is the sky, clear the river’s stream, the Brahmins’ 
 sacrificial pit emits no smoke, men know that a hero has been born. 
 
 When the boy is six years old, a Jain monk, passing through the 
 forest, beholds a cradle swinging from the branches of a tree; the in¬ 
 fant reposing in which seems like a dweller in the courts of the King 
 
JYE SHF.KER. 
 
 27 
 
 of Heaven. Astonished, the holy man makes enquiry, and, discover¬ 
 ing the mother to be a queen, a king’s wife, he brings her with due 
 respect to the city. He informs the mourning lady of the death of 
 Jye Sheker, and, re-assuring her, promises to protect her infant. Born 
 in the forest the child receives from the ascetic the name of Wun 
 Raj, “ the Forest King; ” but the secret of his birth is soon known 
 to Soorpal, who from his forest lair keeps the minister of King Bhoo- 
 wur in continual alarm. Thither he secretly brings the son of his 
 sister, and under his protection Wun Raj resides until his fourteenth 
 year, rising, like a young lion, ever in valor, strength, and prudence, 
 and meditating in his heart the recovery of his father’s throne. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 WUN RAJ AND HIS SUCCESSORS—THE CHOWRA DYNASTY OF 
 UNHILPOOR. 
 
 The Jain accounts, and those which are still traditionally related in 
 Goozerat, of the rise of Wun Raj agree with that given in the Rutun 
 Mala. The Chapotkut or Chowra tribe, to which the prince of 
 Punchasur belonged, is supposed to have had its origin in the coun¬ 
 tries west of the Indus. It belongs neither to the solar nor to the 
 lunar race, and is confined to Western India. The predecessors of 
 Jye Sheker or Jus Raj Chowra are said to have been princes of Dev 
 and Puttun Somnath, two sea-ports on the coast of Soreth. They 
 may have been vassals of the Kings of Wullubhee, and have retreated 
 on the destruction of that city to the less exposed situation of Pun¬ 
 chasur, the Jains and other subjects of Wullubhee who have been 
 I already spoken of availing themselves of their protection. The name 
 of Punchasur is still preserved in a small town belonging to the 
 Nowab of Rhadunpoor, on the edge of the lesser Runn of Kutch. 
 The village of Chundoor, a few miles north of Punchasur, is the 
 | place assigned for Wun Raj’s birth ; and another small town, named 
 after him Wunod, is pointed out as the spot at which he resided in 
 his childhood. There is a temple there dedicated to Wunavee 
 mother, his family goddess, and a well, called Wen, said to have been 
 i constructed by his order. This part of Goozerat is still known by the 
 
28 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 name of Wudeear, 1 which is that given to it by the Jain chroniclers. 
 It is a flat and poorly-cultivated country, partaking of the character of 
 the Runn in its immediate neighbourhood, and studded with small 
 villages, easily discerned from a distance by the clumps of trees which 
 are. entirely confined to their vicinity. At Rantoj and Sunkheshur, 
 which are near Punchasur, there still remain temples of the Jain 
 religion, which, though they have been more than once re-erected, 
 have probably occupied those sites from a very early date, and at 
 Vishroda and other places in the neighbourhood vestiges of ancient 
 towns similar to those which are found about Wulleh may still be 
 discerned. 
 
 The Jain monk, who was the means of the preservation of Wun 
 Raj, was named Sheelgun Sooree. The young prince is said to have 
 spent his.earlier years in the convent to which the Sooree was attached, 
 and stories, such as those which are told of Cyrus in old, or of 
 Guiderius and Arviragus, or of Norval, in modern literature, are re¬ 
 lated of the unusual spirit of the royal child, which belied his apparent 
 origin. When old enough to endure the hardships of the outlaw’s life 
 he joined his uncle Soorpal in many a foray, in which he distinguished 
 himself by his personal valor as well as encouraged his followers by 
 his bold assumption of royal state, and by his partitioning among 
 them, as if already in his gift, the honors and offices of his still-to-be- 
 recovered kingdom. Shree Devee, the wife of a trader who had 
 hospitably entertained him, was promised the honor of anointing him 
 at his coronation. Jamb or Champa, a merchant, distinguished by his 
 gallantry and warlike skill, the future founder of Champaner, was al¬ 
 ready designated as the King’s minister, and for Unhil, another of 
 his followers, to whose local knowledge he was indebted, was reserved 
 the honor of giving his name to the royal city. Many years, 
 however, passed away in these wanderings; the accession of new 
 friends was counterbalanced by the loss of his brave and faithful 
 kinsman Soorpal, and the Forest King, though abandoning none of 
 his pretensions, seemed likely to acquire practically no more perma¬ 
 nent title of royalty than that for which he was indebted to the 
 misfortunes of his birth. His constancy, however, at last obtained 
 its reward. King Bhoowur had assigned the revenues of Goozerat as 
 the portion of his daughter, Milan Devee, and the Chowra chieftain 
 was appointed by that princess’s council of management to the office 
 of “ Selbhrut ” or spear-bearer, receiving probably, like chiefs of more 
 modern times, emoluments designed as much to secure his forbearance 
 
 1 Vide Hamilton’s Gazeteer, Art. Werrear. “ Beecharjer,” there, is a mistake 
 for Becherajee or Boucherajee, the temple, &c., of the Devee so named. 
 
WUN RAJ. 
 
 2 9 
 
 as to purchase his protection. For neither purpose, however, were 
 they effectual. The delegates from Kuleean having remained six 
 months in the country, and collected a large sum of money and 
 numbers of the valuable horses for which Soreth has ever been famed, 
 were on their return homewards, when they were attacked, plundered, 
 and slain by Wun Raj. For some time after this exploit he appeals 
 to have found it necessary to retire to different parts of the country, 
 where forests or mountains afforded him shelter from the vengeance 
 of the Kuleean monarch; but the spoils which he had acquired 
 enabled him shortly afterwards to carry out his long-meditated project, 
 by commencing the erection of the new capital of Unhilpoor or 
 Unhilwara. 
 
 “ In the year 802 (a.d. 746),” says a bardic verse, “ a city was 
 “ founded to last for ever; on Muha wud 7th, on the day of strength 
 “ Saturday, at three in the afternoon Wun Raja’s order was proclaimed. 
 “The Jain monks skilled in astrology having been consulted, after 
 “ studying the city’s horoscope, made known that in the year twelve 
 “ hundred and ninety-seven Unhilpoor would be desolate.” How this 
 prophecy was fulfilled in the bloody and destructive days of Allah- 
 ood-Deen, “ The Murderous,” will be seen in the sequel of our story. 
 
 Having celebrated his enthronization, at which Shree Devee assisted, 
 
 I and having installed Jamb as his minister, Wun Raj next directed his 
 attention to his old protector, Sheelgun Sooree, under whose care his 
 mother, Roop Soonduree, still remained, consoled for her widowed 
 state and fallen fortunes by the practice of the rites expected from a 
 zealous follower of the Jain religion. The old Queen and her spiritual 
 preceptor, with the idol which they served, were brought to Unhilpoor, 
 where a temple was erected which received the object of their worship, 
 under the title of Punchasura Parusnath. An image of Wun Raj 
 himself (which is still preserved) in the attitude of a worshipper, 
 covered, however, by the scarlet umbrella, denoting his royal state, 
 was also placed in the temple; and in the protection thus given to 
 the religion of the Shrawuks, the Jain chronicler had doubtless some 
 foundation for his boast that “ the throne of Goozerat from the time 
 “ of Wun Raj even the Jains established, though from hate this truth 
 “is not received.” What religion Wun Raja himself adhered to 
 cannot be decisively ascertained. He is described as “ a lover of 
 Devs,” and is praised for his conquests over that God of Love who 
 claims even the great Muha Dev 1 as his sometime slave. There are 
 
 1 Muha Dev is the common name of Shiva. The group called “ Ooma Mu* 
 “ heshwur ” represents this deity and his consort Parwutee. Gunesh, the God of 
 Wisdom, is the son of the latter. 
 
3 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 still to be found at Puttun images of Ooma Muheshwur and of : 
 Gunesh, which bear inscriptions asserting that they were installed by | 
 Wun Raj in the year of the foundation of Unhilwara. Probably the : 
 first Chowra prince was, as some of his successors appear to have; 
 been, sufficiently liberal in his religious opinions; and though himself 
 a follower of Shiva, he may have been prompted by gratitude and 
 filial affection, as well as by policy, to encourage the professors of the 
 religion of the Teerthunkers. 
 
 Wun Raja was born in a.d. 696, and reigned sixty years in Unhil¬ 
 wara. He died in 806, and was succeeded on the throne by his son, 
 Yog Raj. 1 
 
 Of the son of Wun Raj little has been handed down, but that little 
 would seem to declare him to have been a prince worthy of more 
 fortunate times. He steadily increased his dominion and its resources; 
 he was skilled in martial exercises, “ an archer equal to the lord of the 
 Devs.” He was also what may appear more extraordinary, skilful in 
 literature. A work written by Yog Raja, of the nature of which, 
 however, we are not informed, is stated to have been in existence in 
 the time of his chroniclers. It related, perhaps, to the annals of the 
 Chapotkut clan, or more probably was devoted to the praises of 
 Ooma’s lord, or to the divine lover 2 of Radha, celebrated in so many 
 a verse. 
 
 One incident alone is preserved by the chroniclers of Goozerat, of 
 the times when Yog Raja reigned in Unhilwara. Certain foreign ships 
 having arrived at the sea port of Puttun in Soreth, laden with valuable 
 merchandise, though neither the port from which they departed nor 
 the country to which they were destined is known, the traders were, 
 contrary to the express prohibitions of the king, attacked and plundered 
 by the heir to the throne, Prince Kshem Raj. This violation of the 
 laws of hospitality appears to have been most bitterly regretted by the 
 king, who blamed Kshem Raj and his two brothers, who had shared 
 
 1 According to the author of Rutun Mala, Wun Raj was bom in A.D. 696. 
 Wilford, quoting from the Ayeen i Akberi, says that he built Nerwala in 746, at 
 the age of fifty, and must therefore have been born in 696. The Prubundh Chin- 
 tamunee states that Wun Raj reigned sixty years, from 746 to 806. This 
 would make him no years old at the time of his death. Colonel Tod places the 
 beginning of his reign in 746, and says he ruled fifty years and lived sixty. But he 
 could not have founded Unhilpoor at the age of ten, nor would the date of his 
 death, according to this account, agree with that given by the other authorities. 
 Probably the date assigned to Wun Raj’s birth is incorrect. As to the long reigns 
 of the Balhara princes, see, however, Tod’s Western India and the remarks of the 
 Arabian travellers. 
 
 2 Shree Krishn, an Uvutar or incarnation of Vishnoo. 
 
THE CHOWRAS. 
 
 31 
 
 in his expedition, declaring that they had undone all that he had 
 striven for during his life. “When in distant countries,” said he, “the 
 “ men of wisdom have weighed the actions of princes, then the sove- 
 “ reigns of Goozerat have been despised as ruling over a kingdom of 
 “ thieves. That fault of our ancestors I had hoped to have made 
 “ dim, that I too might have been received into the line of kings. 
 “ This avarice of yours has brightened it anew. It is thus written in 
 “ the rules of policy—‘ Disobeying the injunction of a king, destroy- 
 “ ing the livelihood of a Brahmin, departing from the bed of a wife, 
 |“ these three are wounds inflicted without a weapon.’ ” Yog Raja 1 
 lived to a great age, and at the close of a reign of five- and thirty 
 years “ascended the funeral pile.” 
 
 Of the immediate successors of Yog Raj still less has been handed 
 [down. His son, Kshem Raj, though passionate in his temper, and 
 ion that account probably unfortunate in those he employed, and 
 i separated from his own kinsmen, still added to the extent and wealth 
 of his kingdom. He died in a.d. 866, after a reign of five and 
 twenty years. 
 
 Shree Bhooyud, the son of Kshem Raj, reigned till a.d. 895. His 
 reign was prosperous and peaceful, “ no enemy opposing him.” 
 
 Shree Vair Singh, “ the lion of his enemies,” had a more troubled 
 reign than his father, Bhooyud. He encountered the barbarians, but 
 with success—“contending in war, he never suffered defeat.” He 
 was assisted by a minister “of great wisdom.” We have been unable 
 ! to discover any clue to the foreign war here mentioned. 
 
 Rutunaditya, the Reshadut of the Mohammedan Historians, suc¬ 
 ceeded his father Vair Singh, in the year a.d. 920. 
 
 “ The sun he seemed of the earth, his splendor was measureless, 
 “ he took affliction from the world, famous was he for strength, coura- 
 “ geous, adhering to his pledge; neither thieves, cheats, libertines, 
 “ nor liars did he permit to remain in the land.” He died a.d. 935, 
 j and was succeeded by his son, Samunt Singh, the last prince of the 
 [ direct line of Wun Raj, and of the house of the Chowras. 
 
 1 A Mohammedan invasion is stated to have occurred in the reign of Khoman 
 of Cheetore, a contemporary of Yog Raj, when among other chiefs, of names after¬ 
 wards well known in Goozerat, the following came to aid the Gehlote prince,— 
 from Mangrol, the Mucwahana ; from Taragur, (cp Taringa), the Rewur ; from 
 Futtun, the royal Chawura ; from Sirohee, the Deora; the Jadoo from Joonagurh ; 
 the Jhala from Patree ; from Choteeala (Choteyla), the Balia ; from Perumgurh, 
 the Gohil. Our authorities, however, make no mention of Yog Raja’s having be*en 
 I engaged against the Mussulman, nor does it appear that the clans, whose 
 leaders are mentioned, were, with the exception of the Yadoos and Balas of Soo- 
 rashtra, settled at so early a period in Goozerat. 
 
32 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 It was in the reigns of Kshem Raj and Bhooyud, that the Arabian 
 travellers, according to M. Renaudot, visited India; and in the scanty 
 annals of these reigns, their remarks, supposed, as they have been, to 
 refer to the descendants of Wun Raj, deserve a place, however difficult 
 may be the task of applying them. The first traveller states as 
 follows :— 
 
 “ Both the Indians and Chinese agree, that there are four great or 
 “ principal kings in the world; they allow the King of the Arabs to 
 “ be the first, and to be, without dispute, the most powerful of kings, 
 “the most wealthy and the most excellent every way; because he is 
 “ the prince and head of a great religion, and because no other sur- 
 “ passes him in greatness or power.” 
 
 “ The Emperor of China reckons himself next after the King of 
 “the Arabs, and after him the King of the Greeks; and lastly, the 
 “ Balhara , King of Moharmi al A dan , or of those who have their 
 “ ears bored. This Balhara is the most illustrious prince in all the 
 « Indies ; and all the other kings there, though each is master and 
 “ independent in his kingdom, acknowledge in him this prerogative 
 “ and pre-eminence. When he sends ambassadors to them, they re- 
 “ ceive them with extraordinary honors, because of the respect they 
 “ bear him. This king makes magnificent presents, after the manner 
 “ of the Arabs ; and has horses and elephants in very great number, 
 “ and great treasures in money. He has of those pieces of silver, 
 “ called Thartarian Drams, which weigh half-a-dram more than the 
 “ Arabesque Dram. They are coined with the die of the prince, and 
 “ bear the year of his reign from the last of the reign of his prede- 
 “ cessor. They compute not their years from the aera of Mohammed, 
 “ as do the Arabs, but only by the years of their kings. Most of 
 “ these princes have lived a long time, and many of them have 
 “ reigned above fifty years ; and those of the country believe that the 
 “ length of their lives, and of their reigns, is granted to them in re- 
 “ compense for their kindness to the Arabs. In truth, there are no 
 “ princes more heartily affectionate to the Arabs, and their subjects 
 “ profess the same friendship for us.” 
 
 “ Balhara is an appellative common to all these kings, as was 
 “ Cosroes and some others, and is not a proper name. The country 
 “ which owes obedience to this prince begins on the coast of the 
 “ province called Kamkam, and reaches by land to the confines of 
 “ China. He is surrounded by the dominions of many kings who 
 “ are at war with him, and yet he never marches against them. One 
 “ of these kings is the King of Haraz, who has very numerous forces, 
 “ and is stronger in horse than all the other princes of the Indies; 
 
THE CHOWRAS. 
 
 33 
 
 “ but is an enemy to the Arabs, though he, at the same time, con- 
 “ fesses their king to be the greatest of kings ; nor is there a prince 
 “in the Indies who has a greater aversion to Mohammedism. His 
 “ dominions are upon a promontory, where are much riches, many 
 “ camels, and other cattle. The inhabitants here traffic with silver 
 “they wash for, and _ they say there are mines of the same on the 
 “ continent. There is no talk of robbers in this country no more than 
 “ in the rest of the Indies. 
 
 “ On one side of this kingdom lies that of Tafek, which is not of 
 “ very great extent; this king has the finest white women in all the 
 “ Indies, but he is subject to the kings about him, his army being 
 “ small. He has a great affection for the Arabs as well as the Balhara. 
 
 “ These kingdoms border upon the lands of a king called Rahmi , 
 “ who is at war with the King of Haraz and with the Balhara also.’ 
 “ This prince is not much considered either for his birth or the an- 
 “ tiquity of his kingdom, but his forces are more numerous than those 
 : “ of the Balhara, and even than those of the Kings of Haraz and 
 “ Tafek. They say that when he takes the field he appears at the 
 “ head of fifty thousand elephants, and that he commonly marches in 
 j “ the winter season, because the elephants not being able to bear with 
 “ thirst, he can move at no other time. They say, also, that in his 
 “ army there are commonly from ten to fifteen thousand tents. In 
 “ this same country they make cotton garments in so extraordinary a 
 | “ manner, that nowhere else are the like to be seen. These garments 
 “ are for the most part round, and wove to that degree of fineness that 
 | “ they may be drawn through a ring of a middling size. 
 
 “ Shells are current in this country, and serve for small money, not- 
 “ withstanding that they have gold and silver, wood-aloes and sable- 
 “ skins, of which they make the furniture of saddles and housings. In 
 “ this same country is the famous karkandan or unicorn. * * * 
 
 “ After this kingdom there is another, which is an inland state, 
 “ distant from the coast, called Kashbin. The inhabitants are white, 
 “ and bore their ears ; they have camels, and their country is a desert 
 “ and full of mountains. 
 
 “ Farther on upon the coast there is a small kingdom, called Hit- 
 grange, which is very poor; but it has a bay, where the sea throws 
 “ up great lumps of ambergreese. They have, also, elephants’ teeth 
 “ and pepper, but the inhabitants eat it green, because of the small- 
 [ “ ness of the quantity they gather.” 
 
 It is difficult to recognize in the term “ Balhara” 1 anything which 
 
 1 The term Balhara has been variously supposed to be a corruption of Balca 
 Raee (Prince of Bal, or the Sun,) Balhiraee (for Wullubhee Raj, King of Wulkib- 
 
34 
 
 applies to the early Chowra sovereigns of Unhilwara, nor does the 
 description of the Balhara kingdom, beginning on the coast of Kam- 
 kam, and reaching by land to the confines of China, present much 
 more that is tangible. The traveller’s assertion of the supremacy of 
 the Balhara appears to be a more qualified one than it has been con¬ 
 sidered. Each king, it is said, though acknowledging the Balhara’s 
 pre-eminence, “ is master and independent in his kingdom and 
 again, in another place, “ the several states of the Indies are not 
 “ subject to one and the same king, but each province has its own 
 “ king; nevertheless the Balhara is, in the Indies, as king of kings." 
 The King of Haraz bears so far a resemblance to the Yaduv ruler of 
 Soreth, the Ra, whose regal seat was the old fort on the hill near 
 Girnar, that he is described as possessing dominions situated upon a 
 promontory, and as maintaining a superiority to his neighbours in the 
 number of his cavalry. We can discover no clue to the account of 
 the Kings of Tafek or Kashbin, nor to that of the Rahmi. Colonel 
 Tod concludes Kashbin to be Ivutch Bhooj, but this latter province 
 can hardly be identified with “an inland state, distant from the 
 “ coast.” The same author conjectures that Hitrunje refers to Shut- 
 roonjye. Renaudot’s own remark upon the general subject is one 
 which is still applicable. “ It is well known,” he says, “ that the 
 “ names of these countries as they stand with us, have been for the 
 “ most part corrupted ; and that they are hard to be expressed in 
 “ Arabian characters : it were then almost to no purpose to enter upon 
 “ a number of conjectures, which at the best must be very doubtful.” 
 
 Some notices of customs which occur in this traveller would, how¬ 
 ever, appear well adapted to the probable state of society among the 
 Hindoos in Goozerat at this period. The account of ordeals by fire 
 and water we shall hereafter extract, and, in addition, we may refer to 
 the custom, reported to be universal, of burning the bodies of the 
 dead, to that of the voluntary self-sacrifice of wives on the funeral 
 pile of their husbands, to the description of Ascetics, naked or 
 covered only with a leopard’s skin, standing for periods of great length 
 with their faces exposed to the heat of the sun. “ In all these king- 
 “ doms,” says the traveller, “ the sovereign power resides in the royal 
 “ family, and never departs from it ; and those of this family succeed 
 “ each other. In like manner there are families of learned men, of 
 “ physicians, and of all the artificers concerned in architecture, and 
 “ none of these ever mix with a family of a profession different from 
 
 hee,) Bhuttarkah (Cherishing Sun, a royal title,) or to be a titular distinction locally 
 derived from the district called the Bhal. Vide Jour. Roy. As. Soc., vol. xii., p. 7, 
 and the references there quoted. 
 
THE CHOWRAS. 
 
 35 
 
 “ f heir own -” Polygamy, the common use of rice, the practice of 
 taking answers from idols, that of total ablutions before eating and 
 others, are also mentioned. u The Indian dominions,” it is said 
 “furnish a great number of soldiers who are not paid by the king, but 
 “ when the Y are rendezvoused for war, take the field entirely at their 
 “own expense, and are no charge to the king.” 
 
 <£ Ahoo Zeid al Hassan, the second traveller, adds “ it is a customary 
 thing for a man and woman of the Indian blood to desire those of 
 <£ dl(dr family to throw them into the fire, or drown them, when they 
 •‘are grown old or perceive themselves to sink under the weight of 
 “ years, firmly believing they are to return in other bodies. The 
 ££ i n( iians, he says, “have devotees and doctors known by the name 
 “ of Brahmins.. They have poets also who compose verses stuffed 
 “ Wlt f flatt ery in praise of their kings. Astrologers they have, philo¬ 
 sophers, soothsayers, and men who observe the flight of birds and 
 “ others who pretend to the calculation of nativities, particularly at 
 Kanuge, a great city in the kingdom of Goraz.” 1 He notices the 
 peculiarities of the rainy season—“ these rains are the life of the 
 “ Indians ; were they to fail they would be reduced to the deepest 
 “ want ” . Add the following description of the Ascetics, “ Bicars ” as 
 Aboo Zeid terms them, a name which Colonel Tod conjectures to be 
 a mistake for “ Fakeers,” but which may more easily be traced to 
 
 Bheekaree, .beggar, a common name for these vagrants :_ 
 
 “ In-the Indies there are certain men called Bicar who go all their 
 
 “ !f etime naked ’ and suffer f heir hair to grow till it hides their bodies. 
 
 iey suffer also their nails to grow so that they become pointed 
 <£ and sharp as swords, nor do they ever cut them, but leave them to 
 4{ , reak aa ^ as it happens, and this they observe as a religious 
 
 << dU ^‘ P ac . them has a string about his neck whereto hangs an 
 earthen porringer; and when they are pressed by hunger they stop 
 
 “The large majority of Asiatics are so infatuated in favor of judicial astrology 
 .hat, according to their phraseology, no circumstance can happen below, which is 
 not written above. In every enterprise they consult their astrologers : when two 
 
 . , _ ----- v. uou uioaticuiL 
 
 am astonished it has continued so long : the astrologer is 
 “ quainted with every transaction, public and private, with , 
 “ and extraordinary.”— Bernier, translated by Irving Brock. 
 
36 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ at the door of some Indian house, and those within immediately 
 “ and joyfully bring out rice to them, believing there is great merit in 
 “ so doing; while they eat out of the porringer and withdraw, never 
 “ returning to make the same request if not by necessity urged 
 “thereto.” Again, “one part of their devotion consists in building 
 “ of kans or inns upon the highways for the accommodation of 
 “ travellers; where also they set up dealers, of whom the passengers 
 “ may purchase what they may happen to want.” In another place, 
 “ there are certain Indians who never eat two out of the same dish, 
 “ or upon the same table; and would deem it a very great sin if they 
 “ should. Were they a hundred in number they must each have a 
 “ separate dish, without the least communication with the rest. Their 
 “ kings, and persons of high quality, have fresh tables made for them 
 “ every day, together with little dishes and plates wove of the cocoa- 
 “ nut leaf, in which they eat what is prepared for their subsistence; 
 “ and their meal over, they throw the table, the dishes, and plates 
 “ into the water, together with the fragments they have left. Thus at 
 “ every meal they have a new service. 
 
 “ The kings of the Indies wear ear-rings of precious stones set in 
 “ gold. They wear also collars of great price, adorned with precious 
 “ stones of divers colours, but especially green and red ; yet pearls are 
 “ what they most esteem, and their value surpasses that of all other 
 “jewels; they, at present, hoard them up in their treasures with their 
 “ most precious things. The grandees of the court, the great officers 
 “ and captains, wear the like jewels on their collars; they dress in a 
 “ half vest, and carry a parasol of peacock’s feathers to shade them 
 “ from the sun, and are surrounded by those of their train.” 
 
 CHAP. IY. 
 
 MOOL RAJ SOLUNKHEE. 
 
 Samunt Singh is no favorite of the chroniclers; he is described as 
 a prince of no reputation, who had no consideration for what he 
 spoke either night or day, who was possessed of neither discretion 
 nor firmness, knew no distinction between good and bad—between 
 hostile and friendly, and who was continually changing his mind. 
 Little, however, is recorded of his short reign of seven years, except 
 
THE CHOWRAS. 
 
 37 
 
 the fact of his being son-less, and the circumstances which led to the 
 establishment of the Solunkhee family on the throne of Unhilwara. 
 
 Three youths, named Raj, Beej, and Dunduk, sons of Bhoowuna- 
 ditya, who was fourth in descent from King Bhoowur of Kuleean, 
 visited the court of Samunt Singh on their return from a pilgrimage 
 to the shrine of Somnath. Probably, religion was not their only 
 object in quitting home, and they appear to have come forth, as has 
 always been the practice of the younger brothers of a Rajpoot royal 
 house, to seek that fortune in foreign lands which the jealousy, atter- 
 dant upon their contiguity to the throne, denied to them at home. 
 The eldest of the three brothers is described by the author of Rutun 
 Mala as fair in complexion, of middling stature, and very handsome. 
 It is added, “ He was observant of religion, the continual worshipper 
 “ of Shiva; but he suffered affliction on account of his wives, nor was 
 “ he more happy in regard to the other gifts of fortune.” Distinguished 
 by his birth and by the qualities of a good warrior, Prince Raj obtained 
 from the King of Unhilwara the hand of his own sister, Leela De\ee. 
 This princess became pregnant by him, and died in labour; but a 
 male child was taken alive from her womb, who, from the fact of his 
 having been born under the constellation so entitled, received the 
 name of Mool Raj. He was adopted by Samunt Singh, and distin¬ 
 guished himself at an early age, “ exhibiting the splendour of a rising 
 “ sun,” extending the territories of his uncle, and rendering himself 
 dear to all. The subsequent acts of Mool Raj, however, justify the 
 character given of him by the author of Rutun Mala, who asserts 
 him to have been treacherous, unmerciful, and intent upon self¬ 
 aggrandisement. “ He was handsome in person, though dark in his 
 “ complexion; a slave to the deity of love; he held money in a firm 
 “ grasp, concealing it below the earth; in war he was unskilled, but if 
 “ opposed to an enemy he destroyed him, inspiring confidence by his 
 “ deceitfulness.” When he was arrived at mature age, Samunt Singh, 
 in a fit of drunkenness, caused the ceremony of his inauguration to 
 be performed; but no sooner had the king recovered his senses, than 
 he revoked his abdication of the throne. “ From that time,” says the 
 Jain annalist, “ the valuelessness of the gift made by a Chowra became 
 “ proverbial.” Mool Raj, however, having once tasted the delights of 
 royal power, was little likely to resign them. Collecting troops, he 
 attacked and slew his uncle, and seated himself firmly on the throne 
 upon which he had been placed in a too dangerous sport. “ There 
 “ are seven things without gratitude,” observes, upon this, the author 
 of the Koomar Pal Churittra, “ a daughter’s husband, a scorpion, a 
 “ tiger, wine, a fool, a sister's son, and a king. Each is incapable of 
 
38 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ estimating benefits.” To ensure to himself a thornless rule, Mool 
 Raj, as is asserted by a Brahminical authority, put to death, besides, 
 
 “ the whole of his mother’s race,”—a murderous act, the guilt of 
 which was not, as will be seen in the sequel, unfelt by himself, how¬ 
 ever it may have been extenuated by his chronicler, who endeavours 
 to make light of the fate of the sufferers, stigmatizing them as “sinners, 
 
 “ proud, drinkers of liquor, oppressors of the people, despisers of 
 “ Devs and Brahmins.” 1 
 
 The demise of the direct line of the Chowras rendered Goozerat 
 an object for the ambition of more than one of the surrounding 
 princes, and the political craftiness of Mool Raj was soon employed 
 in protecting his newly acquired throne from numerous enemies. On 
 the north, the king of the hundred thousand villages, otherwise de¬ 
 scribed as the Raja of Nagor, or of Sambhur—the country afterwards 
 known as Ujmeer—was his first assailant. Almost simultaneously 
 Goozerat was invaded by Barp, the general of Teilip, the sovereign 
 of Telingana. 2 Mool Raj retired under this double pressure from 
 Unhilwara, and, following his usual wily system, or, as his chroniclers 
 assert, persuaded by his ministers—who recommended him to restrain 
 his valour by the example of the ram, retiring that he may strike the 
 harder, or of the tiger, angrily crouching that he may spring with more 
 deadly effect—he established himself in the fort of Kunt Kot, within 
 the remote and unassailable frontier of Kutch, in the hope that the 
 necessities of the season might compel the Raja of Ujmeer to 
 retire. That prince, however, held his ground during the monsoon, 
 and when the Nowrattra 3 arrived was prepared to assume the offen¬ 
 sive. Mool Raj then collected his chieftains, and having, by in¬ 
 ducements, of which there is no intelligible record, procured the 
 withdrawal of the troops of Ujmeer, he attacked the army of 
 
 1 “ A sceptre, snatch’d with an unruly hand, 
 
 “ Must be as boisterously maintain’d, as gain’d ; 
 
 “ And he that stands upon a slippery place 
 “ Makes nice of no vile hold to stay him up.” 
 
 King John , Act III., scene 4 . 
 
 2 In an account of the Chaloolcya, or Solunkhee dynasty of Kuleean, by 
 Mr. Walter Elliot, (1 vide Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. iv., p. 1), 
 mention is made of a king named “ Teilapa Deva,” who reigned from Saka, 895 
 to 919 (or A.D. 974 to 998), and who was, therefore, a contemporary of Mool 
 Raj, and, doubtless, the Teilip here alluded to. The same “ Teilapa Deva” is, 
 however, mentioned as having slain “ the braveMunja," a king of Malwa, of whom 
 hereafter. The northern limit of the kingdom of Kuleean is stated, by Mr. Elliot, 
 to have been the river Nerbudda. 
 
 3 The festival of nine nights : vide Conclusion. 
 
MOOL RAJ. 39 
 
 Barp, slew that general, and dispersed his followers with great 
 slaughter. 1 
 
 Mool Raj, thus relieved of his foes, commenced the erection of 
 several religious buildings at Unhilwara, and of that more famous 
 shrine of Muha Dev, which he did not live to complete, the Roodra 
 Mala of Sidhpoor. Shiva, it is related, was so won by the assiduities 
 of his royal votary, that he gave him the kingdom of Soreth, con¬ 
 taining one of the most memorable of all the temples of the god— 
 that of Somnath. The story of the acquisition of Soreth is, how¬ 
 ever, related in detail by the celebrated Hemacharya in his Dwya- 
 shray, from which we now proceed to offer an extract:— 
 
 “ Mool Raj,” says the Jain teacher, “ was the benefactor of the 
 “ world ; he was generous-minded—full of all good qualities. All 
 “ kings worshipped him as they worshipped the sun, all subjects 
 “ who abandoned their own country found a happy residence under 
 “ his protection ; so that he won the title of ‘ enthraller of the uni- 
 “ ‘versed Of his enemies, the half he slew, the other half he forced 
 “ to beg alms, like out-casts, without the walls of his city. Their 
 “ wives, who, like frogs in a well, 2 had never beheld anything 
 “ more remote than the entrance to their dwellings, were seized 
 “ by Bheels as they wandered in the forests, and sold in the towns as 
 “ slaves.” 
 
 Once on a time Somnath Muha Dev appeared to Mool Raj in a 
 dream, desiring him to destroy Grah Ripoo, 3 and other Dytes (or 
 demons), who laid waste the sacred place of pilgrimage at Prubhas, 
 and assuring him that “ by my splendor you shall have victory.” 
 
 The next morning, as soon as the “ crown-wearing princes who were 
 “ present, according to custom,” withdrew from the royal chamber, 
 
 1 It is this event, perhaps, which the traditions of the Chohans of Nadole allude 
 to in the following verse :— 
 
 “In S. 1039 (A.D. 983), at the farther gate of the city of Putton, Lakhun 
 “ Row, the Chohan, collected the commercial duties. He took tribute from the 
 “ lord of Mewar, and performed whatever he had a mind to ."—Tod's Rajasthan, 
 II, 446. 
 
 3 “ to dive, like buckets, in concealed wells.”— King John, Act V., scene 2. 
 
 3 Grah Ripoo appears to be a title or epithet, rather than a name. A commen¬ 
 tator on the Dwyashray makes its meaning to be “ enemy (ripoo) of water-animals 
 “ (Grdh).” It may mean “ seizer of enemies.” One of the princes of Ujmeer, 
 from having defeated a Mohammedan king, was called “ Sultan Graha,” the sultan- 
 seizer. ( Vide Tod’s Rajasthan, II., 447, 451.) Prubhas, called also Shiv Putton, 
 Someshwur Puttun, Puttun Somnath, is the port cn the coast of Soreth, within the 
 confines of which stood the celebrated temple of Shiva, which was attacked by 
 Mahmood of Ghuznee, 
 
40 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the Solunkhee Raja consulted with his ministers, Jumbuk and Jehul, 
 the Prince of Kheraloo, “as to the mode in which he should obey 
 “ the commands of Muha Dev.” “ Grah Ripoo,” he said, “ was made 
 “ of consequence by myself; but if born in an inauspicious time, he 
 “ has become shameless, destroying the performers of pilgrimage, 
 “should I not slay him, though entrusted with authority by myself?” 
 Jehul answers by enumerating the misdeeds of Grah Ripoo :— 
 
 “ This shepherd is very tyrannical; ruling in Soorashtra, on a 
 “ throne until his time shining with the splendor derived from the rule 
 “ of ShreeKrishn, he slays the pilgrims that travel towards Prubhas, and 
 “ strews the highway with their flesh and bones. He lives as fearless 
 “ as Rawun, at Wamunsthulee, a city over which waved the splen- 
 “ did banners of Hunooman and Gurood j 1 and he permits thieves to 
 “ dwell in other places of sacred recollections ; he despises Brahmins, 
 “ and plunders people passing along the road; therefore he is like an 
 “ arrow, causing pain in the hearts of the religious. He is young and 
 “ lusty, and full of desire ; therefore, slaying his enemies, he carries 
 “off their wives by force to his own female apartments. This bar- 
 “ barian hunts upon mount Girnar, and slays the deer at Prubhas. 
 “ He eats the flesh of cows, and drinks spirituous liquor, and in battle 
 “ he feeds the Bhoots, the Pisachs, and all their crew, with the blood 
 “ of his enemies. This lord of the west, Grah Ripoo, has caused 
 “ many rajas of the south and the north to fly, leaving their chariots ; 
 “ now, therefore, he regards no one, but looks lofty as he walks as if 
 “ he meditated the conquest of Heaven. Grah Ripoo is huge in per- 
 “ son like Yuma, the King of Hades, and like Yuma, too, in temper, 
 “ he seems disposed to devour the whole earth, or to seize upon 
 “ Paradise. The men of skill in his kingdom, from associating with 
 “ such an evil one, employ their science in constructing all sorts of 
 “ weapons from which it is impossible to escape, in matters discrirtii- 
 “ nating religious and irreligious practice they do not exercise them- 
 “ selves. He is strong in military force, so that all rajas are compelled to 
 “ bend to him. He is very wealthy ; he seized the Raja of Sindh and 
 “ compelled him to pay, as a fine, elephants and horses, and he has 
 “ subdued many other sovereigns. I believe that the King of Hades, 
 “ himself, were he to make war upon him, would have no means of 
 “ escape but submission to paying tribute. He destroys great forts 
 
 1 Gurood is the eagle of Vishnoo, represented sometimes as a crowned prince 
 borne through the air upon wings. Hunooman is the monkey (or aboriginal) king 
 who joined Vishnoo when, incarnate under the form of Ram, he conquered Rawun, 
 the giant king of Ceylon. Bhoots and Pisachs are part of the goblin crew which 
 follows Shiva. 
 
MOOL RAJ. 
 
 41 
 
 “ and safe places among the mountains ; he can pass and repass the 
 “ ocean too, therefore people have no single means of escaping. It 
 “ is as when destiny, enraged with the world, leaves no means of 
 “ escape. The earth suffers pain from the load of his sins. The 
 “ raja who can punish murderers, and neglects to do so, is a murderer 
 “ himself; therefore, if you do not destroy him, his sin will be yours, 
 “ O ! King. Shiva has given the order to you because you can des- 
 “ troy him. Assemble your army and expel him, lest his strength day 
 “ by day increase, until, at last, he become too strong to be subdued 
 “ even by yourself.” 
 
 Mool Raj, when he had heard the advice of Jehul to this effect, 
 made a sign to Jumbuk, the minister, sage as the counsellor of the 
 gods, who, thus invited, spake as follows : 
 
 “ Wamunsthulee, 1 where Grah Ripoo makes his residence, is under 
 “the shadow of the great Girnar, and, besides, the roaring of the 
 “ ocean may be heard therefrom. It is strengthened by another castle, 
 “ still more nearly protected both by sea and mountain. Grah Ripoo 
 “is one who closes his eyes not even in the night time; to conquer 
 “him without large resources is as impossible as it is to cut down a 
 “ huge tree with a grass-cutter's sickle. An army could not encamp 
 “ within many miles of his city, and even were this accomplished, he 
 “would surround it and prevent the possibility of your rendering any 
 “ assistance. Kutch, too, is within easy reach of Soreth, and Lakha, 
 “ the lord thereof, the son of Phoola, a great raja, and unconquered 
 “ by any, is as inseparable from Grah Ripoo as if they were the sons 
 “ of the same mother. There are many other rajas, too, assisting 
 “ these confederates,—barbarians that cause terror to the universe. 
 “ O ! king, it is well known that an enemy, who is aided by moun- 
 “ tain, forest, or ocean, is hard to conquer. This Grah Ripoo num- 
 “ bers all three as his supporters. Entrust this expedition to no other, 
 “ then, but in person set forth and win the victory. Though un- 
 “ tameable by others, these warriors of shepherd race will tremble 
 “ the moment they hear of your advance against them, and their 
 “ wives will at once commence the widow’s song of lamentation.” 
 
 Mool Raj, incited by these warlike counsels, which added fuel to 
 the fiery zeal for battle already burning in his bosom, rose from his 
 throne, brilliant as a flower just expanded into full bloom by the heat 
 of the day-bringer’s rays, and clenching his hands like one already 
 
 1 Wamunsthulee is the modern Buntullee, near Joonagurh. Colonel Walker, in 
 his report on the Soreth district, has the following : “Theancient residence of the 
 “Rajahs of Soreth was first at Buntullee.” 
 
42 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 engaged in combat, strode forth from the council chamber, followed 
 by the leaders of his warriors. 
 
 The season of cold had arrived, an abundant crop covered the 
 earth; the water of the tanks and of the rivers became clear, the sky 
 was cleared of clouds, the lotus was in full bloom, its hue reminding 
 the poet of the shining lips of the lovely. The lingering drops of 
 rain fell in pearls upon the coasts of Soreth. 1 The swan, rising from 
 the Himalayan lake, its retreat during the season of rains, returned 
 to the Ganges and the other rivers. The cultivators’ wives, guarding 
 the ripening rice-crop in the plains, made the country joyous with 
 their songs. In the temples of the Devs the Brahmins read the Veds 
 and the Book of Doorga,—setting up the water-jar, fasting and keep¬ 
 ing a solitary watch, they passed the nine nights ; then feasting on the 
 tenth day, they anointed the head of the raja with water from the con¬ 
 secrated jar. High festival was held to the lord of Paradise, and 
 flags flaunted over the temples. The memories of Wamun and Bulee 
 Raja 2 filled the earth with joy, while from his lengthened meditation, 
 stretched on the sea of Milk, the great Vishnoo arose. 
 
 At the gate of Mool Raj the drum sounded and the royal drum 
 rolled. The conch-shell spoke a good omen; the noise of many 
 musical instruments proclaimed even to the dwellers in Paradise that 
 the king prepared to lead forth his warriors. The princes that fol¬ 
 lowed the banner of Unhilwara poured in with their followers, eager 
 to advance upon Soreth. The king sat upon his throne ; beside him 
 they formed upon the ground with pearls the crosses 3 that betoken 
 success and happiness; singers sang songs, standing on either side ; 
 the servants waved fans over his head. Astrologers, full of science 
 from their cradle, calculated the auspicious time. The household 
 priest performed the worship of horse and elephant; the king bent 
 
 1 “ Some say when it rains the oysters rise up to the surface, and that, gaping, 
 “the drops of water they catch turn to pearls.” — Renaudot, p. 97. 
 
 2 Vishnoo assumed the form of the dwarf Wamun to prevent Bulee Raja from 
 obtaining the dominion of the three worlds. See, however, account of “ Bulev day” 
 in the Conclusion. 
 
 3 A cross thus shaped is a common sign of rejoicing among Hindoos. It is 
 
 called “ Swusteek,” and is the usual female signature. It is 
 also the sign of Sooparswa the seventh Teert hunker of the Jains. 
 Vide Asiat. Researches IX., p.306. “ This cross, denominated 
 
 “ in a MS. of the fifteenth century the ‘ Fylfot,’ was in use at a 
 “ very remote period, as a mystic symbol amongst religious de¬ 
 votees in India and China, whence it appears to have been in- 
 
 “ truduced, probably in the sixth century, into Europe. ‘ It occurs,’ says Mr. Waller, 
 “ ‘ on very early Christian remains, and is found on the girdle of a priest of the 
 
MOOL RAJ. 
 
 43 
 
 ■ 
 
 his head before them. At length the rod-bearers advanced ; the 
 soldiers grasping their arms stood in lines about the doors. Again 
 the instruments of music sounded. As the king rose from his 
 cushion, the priest, stepping forward, placed the royal mark (teeluk) 
 upon his forehead, pronouncing the words “auspicious, auspicious.” 
 JMool Raj and his chieftains made presents, as they set forth, to 
 [Brahmins and to Bards, the recorders of fame. Mounting, the king 
 [made obeisance to his patron deity ; he rode upon an elephant, black 
 and huge as a mountain, overshadowed by clouds ; the horses neighed 
 as he set forth ; all hailed the omen of success : from the palace 
 to the city-gate the whole way was sprinkled with reddened water ; 
 the astrologers blessed the king, crying, “ May you be victorious,— 
 
 “ may your enemy depart to the south, to the city of Yuma ! ” As 
 the cavalcade went on, great was the throng in the city; women 
 Icrowded the streets, dressed in scarlet clothes and glittering with 
 ornaments ; in the press many a flower garland was broken, many a 
 necklace of pearls scattered ; as the procession passed through the 
 market-place the people strewed fruit and flowers before the raja on 
 the way ; the women of the city abandoned their housework, and 
 left their children crying; they hastened to behold the cavalcade; 
 for many a mile as it passed along, the villagers thronged from far to 
 behold their sovereign, for as Indra among gods, so among men shone 
 Mool Raj in beauty, qualities, and power. 
 
 Hearing that the King of Unhilwara approached with a large force, 
 Grah Ripoo assembled his army. The kings that adhered to him, 
 whether allies or tributaries, joined his standard ; many forest Bheels 
 were with him; the sons of his wives, Neelee and others, who dwelt 
 on the banks of the Bhadur river, famous in Soreth, came arrayed in 
 iron armour. He was joined also by his friend Lakha, the Raja of 
 I Kutch, who, though his death in the war was predicted by the astro¬ 
 logers, desired to win his way through the battle-field to Paradise. 
 “ Lakha cries shame to him whose youthful deeds no one has wit- 
 I “ nessed. The days of my life are counted ; how shall I know their 
 “ span ? ” Sindhoo Raja, also, whose kingdom was on the banks of 
 j the ocean, brought up an army, and with it occupied a position in 
 the south. 
 
 On the side of Mool Raj fought the Raja of Sheelprusth, a skilful 
 bowman; a raja of Marwar, followed by men wearing long locks 
 
 i ‘ date A.D, 1077 .’ On brasses it is a common oinament anterior to the accession 
 i of Richard II.” Vide Monumental Brasses and Slabs, by Rev. Charles Boutel, 
 M.A., Oxford. Parker, 1847. Footnote to page 28. 
 
44 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 upon their unshorn heads ; a raja from the land of Benares; the 
 Prince of Shreemal and his paramount lord, the Purmar Raja of 
 mount Aboo and the north ; the Raja Gungamah, the brother of the 
 Prince of Unhilwara, was also there, but the Solunkhee’s cousins, the 
 sons of Bheej and Dunduk, refused to follow the head of their line. 
 
 Mool Raja’s force was drawn up in serried phalanxes, while the 
 warriors of Aboo, being pre-eminent in valor, fought separate from 
 the main body of the army, lining the banks of the river Jumbooma- 
 lee, where their prince, after slaying many warriors, won “ a banner of 
 victory ” from the enemy. The soldiers of Goozerat displayed great 
 valor and skill in weapons, and the demons, their enemies, though 
 they were covered with defensive armour and carried ponderous 
 shields, and though roaring like thunder-clouds they discharged a 
 storm of arrows, were at last seized with a panic and fled, leaving in 
 the conqueror’s hands their leader, who had been struck from his 
 elephant by the hand of Mool Raj. 
 
 Lakha, the Prince of Kutch, at this time sought a parley and 
 offered ransom for his friend, which was, however, refused by the 
 King of Unhilwara. He then rushed fiercely upon Mool Raj; but that 
 prince was filled with strength derived from the divinity he served, 
 and Lakha, in this unequal contest, fell, pierced by the Solunkhee 
 spear. Treading down the Jhareja prince, Mool Raj set his foot 
 upon his throat. The mother of Lakha beholding the corpse of her 
 son, his long moustache stirred by the wind, heaped her curses upon 
 his destroyer. “ By the spider poison may his race perish.” 1 
 
 Ra Lakha appears, however, to have had other causes for hostility 
 to Mool Raj in addition to that of his alliance with the Prince of 
 Soreth. It is said that Raj Solunkhee, on becoming a widower, pro¬ 
 ceeded on a pilgrimage towards Yishnoo’s temple at Dwarka, and that 
 on his return he visited the court of Lakha Phoolanee and espoused 
 that prince’s sister, Rayajee, by whom he had a son named Rakhaeech. 
 The evil destiny attributed to him by the chronicler followed him, 
 
 1 That is to say “ Lootfr," the leprosy, a disease which was supposed by the 
 Hindoos to be inflicted as the punishment of an offence against the sun. In the 
 Prubundh Chintamunee, a poet named Ban, at the court of Bhoj Raja, of Malwa, 
 is represented as having been struck with leprosy, from which he recovered by 
 making submission to the sun. This deity was, we know, much worshipped of 
 old in Soreth. A similar notion among the Persians is mentioned by Herodotus 
 (Clio). “ If any of the citizens have a leprosy or scrofulous disease, he is not per- 
 “ mitted to stay within the city nor to converse with other Persians, having, as 
 “ they believe, drawn this punishment upon himself by some offence committed 
 “ against the sun.” The Jews, in like manner, accounted leprosy to be an especial 
 visitation on account of especial sins. 
 
MOOL RAJ. 
 
 45 
 
 however, in this second matrimonial connection. In an untoward 
 dispute regarding precedence, Raj Solunkhee, with many of his Raj¬ 
 poot followers, was slain by Lakha, and the Jhareja princess, Rayajee, 
 became a Sutee. Beej Solunkhee, the uncle of Mool Raj, urged his 
 nephew to take revenge on account of this feud ; and Mool Raj him¬ 
 self appears to have been incited against Lakha by political reasons 
 also, the Ra maintaining at his court Rakhaeech, the younger son of 
 Raj, with the view of opposing him to his brother. 
 
 The honor of slaying Lakha in single combat has not been allowed 
 to Mool Raj without a contest. Perhaps, like the Duke of Clarence, 
 slain by Buchan and his knights at Beauge, the Prince of the Jharejas, 
 fell under the strokes of more than one of the warriors who assailed 
 him. The Raja of Marwar, who is mentioned by Hemacharya, by 
 name Seeyojee Rathor, the ancestor of the royal houses of Jodhpoor 
 and Eedur, had visited Unhilwara and contracted a marriage with the 
 daughter of Mool Raj, and being thus present at the engagement, it 
 was by his hand, as the bards of his race assert, that the Phoolanee 
 fell. 
 
 “ The very powerful raja took a vow of pilgrimage—the son of 
 “ Set 1 - with his army. Mool Raj sent a cocoa-nut. Help me to- 
 “ day, O ! Lord of Kanouj. ‘ I am going on pilgrimage to Gomtee 
 “ —betrothal must be talked of afterwards. When, having com- 
 “ pleted my pilgrimage, I commence my return home, I will then 
 “ listen to your proposals.’ At Puttun, Seeyo married at Mool Raj’s 
 “ bridal-hall. The Jhareja’s fort the Rathor destroyed. In the 
 “ heart, of the enemy he rankled like an arrow. When did the 
 “ Kumdhuj 2 and the Yaduv quarrel ? But it was the Solunkhee 
 “ that he assisted. In fight Seeyo slow Lakha. Ages shall wear 
 “ away, but this tale shall survive.” 
 
 Mool Raj, rejoining his army, paid his adoration at the holy 
 Prubhas, worshipping the sacred Someshwur. He then returned 
 home, his army laden with spoils, and followed by a train of ele¬ 
 phants taken from the enemy. 
 
 Sometime after his return to Unhilwara, a son, named Chamoond, 
 was born to Mool Raj. The prince displayed unusual intellectual 
 tastes, even from his childhood, but of his frequent visits to the 
 Roodra Mala those delighted him the most which enabled him to 
 listen to the story of the Muhabharut recited in the assembly of 
 sages. 
 
 1 Set Rathor was Seeyojee’s father. Sending a cocoa-nut is the form of making 
 proposals of marriage. Vide Conclusion. 
 
 2 That is, the Rathor, 
 
4 6 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 _ One day the prince, entering the royal presence-chamber and making 
 his obeisance, had seated himself when -ambassadors from kings of 
 remote countries were ushered in, bearing the gifts by which their 
 sovereigns sought to propitiate the favor of the King of Unhilwara. ; 
 Chariots from Ung were presented, red jewels from the sea-shore, and 
 gold from Wumwas. The Raja of Devgeeree offered a yearly tribute, he 
 of Kollapoor laid jewels .at the feet of Mool Raj. The Kashmeer ! 
 prince presented the celebrated musk of his country, he of Kooroo 
 land an umbrella of many colors, the Sovereign of Punchal sent! 
 cows and slaves. Last of all came the ambassador from Lath, the j 
 country of the south, presenting from his master, Dwarup, an elephant 
 so ill-favored, that the astrologers at once pronounced it to be “ an 
 incarnation of death.” The “bad omen” produced by this present 
 struck the courtiers with consternation, and the insult offered by King- 
 Dwarup so roused the anger of Chamoond, the heir-apparent, that he 
 could with difficulty be restrained by Mool Raj from immediately 
 setting forth to resent it. The astrological conjunction, however, being 
 adverse, Mool Raj refused to set forth, and contented himself with 
 ordering that the ambassadors from Lath, with their ill-boding 
 presents, should be contemptuously expelled. As soon, however, as 
 the fortunate time arrived, Mool Raj and the prince advanced with 
 an army to punish the insolence of Dwarup. They reached the banks 
 of the Nerbudda, the boundary of their kingdom, advancing with 
 such rapidity that the women bathing in the river received no alarm 
 until they saw the warriors descending from the lofty banks into the 
 stream. The army passed through the towns of Sooryapoor and 
 Bhrigoo Kucha 1 (Broach), and arrived at the country of Dwarup, 
 celebrated at that time for ill-favored women, whose clumsy waists, 
 and complexions, dingy as if from continual proximity to the cooking 
 fire, provoked the laughter of the chiefs of Goozerat. The Raja of 
 Lath, though supported by the kings of the islands, was an easy 
 conquest. He was attacked and slain by Prince Chamoond with the 
 van of the Goozerat army, supported only by small detachments from 
 the troops commanded by Mool Raj. Chamoond having thus fleshed 
 his maiden sword, was received with delight by his father, and the 
 army soon retraced its steps to Unhilwara. 
 
 The career of Mool Raj had now reached its limit. Lord of the 
 kingdom of Unhilwara, in right of his mother, he had pushed forward 
 its frontier in every direction; Kutch had been subdued by him; the 
 
 1 Bhrigoo Kucha appears to be the nearest approach to the 1 ‘ Barygaza ” of the 
 Greeks of any Hindoo name under which Broach is known. 
 
MOOL RAJ. 
 
 47 
 
 holy land of Soreth obeyed his commands; the inhabitants of the 
 Dekkan had beheld his standards flying victoriously beyond the Ner- 
 budda and the range of Injadree; his supremacy was acknowledged 
 by the Purmar prince, who ruled in the impregnable towers of 
 Uchulgurh on the summit of the sacred Aboo; and under his lead¬ 
 ing the chivalrous errants of Marwar and northern India followed, 
 for the first time, the banners of Goojur Rashtra. His domestic life 
 had also been prosperous, and he possessed that blessing so invalu¬ 
 able to a Hindoo, and which the most illustrious of the future 
 sovereigns of Unhilpoor were not destined to obtain—a son worthy 
 to be his successor. 
 
 At the close of his reign, however, Mool Raj is represented as 
 wandering about painfully from one place of pilgrimage to another, 
 full of remorse for the slaughter of his mother’s kindred, and eager 
 only to obtain, at whatever price, the means of expiation. Tired of 
 his wanderings, full of sin and calamity, of great age, ignorant and a 
 lover of repose, his thoughts at last reverted to Sidhpoor, where we 
 have already beheld him winning the favor of Muha Dev, by com¬ 
 mencing the erection of a temple in his honor. 
 
 The small but translucent river Suruswutee runs westwards towards 
 the Runn of Kutch, from the celebrated shrine of Kotheshwur Muha 
 Dev, in the marble hills of Arasoor. For a short distance, however, 
 as it passes the town of Sidhpoor, the virgin river makes a bend 
 towards the east, and though sacred at all times, its course is at this 
 point esteemed more peculiarly holy, as pursued so far towards the 
 face of the rising sun. 
 
 The picturesque town of Sidhpoor stands on the steep northern 
 bank of the Suruswutee, exhibiting towards the river numerous 
 modern houses, the residences of Borahs and other wealthy traders, 
 which, half European as they are in form, with balustered terraces, 
 and windows fenced with Venetian screens, contrast not unpleasingly 
 with the frequent spire-covered Hindoo shrines of the sacred town. 
 Flere and there patches of garden intervene, with plantain and other 
 fruit-bearing trees, among which the statelier mango is not wanting ; 
 and above all still protrudes the grim and giant-like skeleton of the 
 old Roodra Mala, with its flight of steps, extending to a considerable 
 distance along the edge of the river. On the level southern bank is 
 a striking foreground of convents used by the Shaivite devotees, the 
 handsomest of which was constructed by Ahilya Bye, the widow of 
 Holkar, and in the remote distance the mountains stretching towards 
 Arasoor and Aboo, complete the view :— 
 
 Sidhpoor is a place of unusual sanctity. 
 
4 8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ Of all places of pilgrimage the greatest is Shreesthul, as great 
 “ sages of old have declared. It is the giver of all wealth ; he who 
 “ but beholds it attains liberation. At Gya, Paradise is three leagues 
 “ distant; at Pruyag, a league-and-a-half; at Shreesthul, a cubit 
 “ only; there where Suruswustee travels eastwards.” 
 
 To this holy place of pilgrimage the worn out king retired to purify 
 himself for the approach of death. But personal austerities alone he 
 had been taught were not sufficient. “ Fasting, vows, bathing, pil- 
 “ grimages, and penances, when ratified by Brahmins, are fruitful — 
 “ not otherwise. The deities ratify what Brahmins pronounce; by 
 
 their words, as if by water, unclean men are cleansed.” Mool Raj 
 prepared therefore for the reception of holy Brahmins with their 
 families, whom he brought by his entreaties from the mountains of 
 the north or from good places of pilgrimage near founts of water, of 
 in the forest. The sons of the sages, well skilled in the Veds, married, 
 youthful, worthy to be served, agreed to repair to the banks of the 
 virgin river. One hundred and five came from where the Yumoona 
 mingles with the Ganges , 1 a hundred readers of the Sam Ved came 
 from Chyuwun Ashrum, two hundred from Kunyacoobj, one hun¬ 
 dred, bright as the sun, from Benares, two hundred and seventy-two 
 from Kooroo Kshetra, one hundred from Gungadwar, one hundred 
 from Naimeech Arunya. A further hundred and thirty-two the king 
 sent for from Kooroo Kshetra. The smoke of their sacrifices as¬ 
 cended in clouds into the sky. 
 
 The king having been informed of their arrival, prostrated himself 
 before them, and received their benediction. Then joining his 
 hands, he said, “ By your kindness I have at last obtained some ad- 
 “ vantage from having been born. My hope will now be realized ; 
 “ therefore, O Brahmins ! receive my kingdom, my wealth, my ele- 
 “ phants, my horses, whatever may be your desire, in kindness to 
 “ me. I am humble, your servant, full of grief.” They answered : 
 “ O great king ! we are not capable of conducting the affairs of a 
 “ kingdom ; why, then, should we receive it to its destruction. Pur- 
 “ shooram, the son of Jumudugnee, twenty-one times gave the land to 
 “ us, taking it by force from the Kshutrees.” The king said : “ I 
 “ will protect you, O great Brahmins ; do you remain in your aus- 
 “ terities free from care.” The Brahmins said : “ Learned men 
 “ have declared, that they who live near a king suffer calamity; kings 
 “ are boastful, deceitful, full of their own objects; still, if you are 
 
 1 The Jumna and the Ganges unite under the walls of Allahabad, at the sacred 
 spot known by Hindoos as Pruyag. 
 
MOOL RAJ. 
 
 49 
 
 “ desirous of giving, give us this great and heart pleasing Shreesthul, 
 “ O king of kings ! where we may remain in pleasure. The gold 
 “ and silver, the jewels, which you proposed to give to Brahmins, lay 
 “ out in adorning the town. The raja, joyful at the attainment of 
 his wishes, washed the feet of the Brahmins, and presented them 
 with earrings and bracelets. He gave to them Shreesthulpoor, with 
 cows, and chariots hung with garlands of gold, and jewels, and other 
 gifts. 
 
 Mool Raj gave also the beautiful and wealthy city of Singhpoor 
 (Seehore) to ten Brahmins, with many other presents. To other 
 Brahmins he gave also many smaller villages in the neighbourhood of 
 Sidhpoor and Seehore. A company of six priests for a long time 
 refused his gifts, even after they had been accepted by their friends. 
 W ith these, however, the entreaties of the king at last prevailed, and 
 they accepted the gift of the town of Cambay with twelve villages. 
 
 “ Stumbh Teerth first he gave, among men Khumbat called, to 
 “ six of these that delight in the moon-leaf, 1 together with sixty 
 “ horses.” Having made these gifts, Mool Raj called his sons and 
 sons’ sons, and recommended the Brahmins to their protection. He 
 then committed the kingdom to his son Chamoond, and retiring to 
 Sidhpoor, spent the remainder of his life there in a palace which he 
 had built, called Rumeeyashrum, or “ the house of delights.” At 
 length he passed to Narayunpoor to the presence of Lukshmee’s lord. 
 
 “ Him, the fire-god, with his tresses of smoke worshipped ; by 
 “ worship only was he enthralled. What of another warrior’s story ? 
 “ The sun’s disk he divided.” 
 
 Mool Raj reigned fifty-five years, from a.d. 942 to 997. 
 
 1 It used to be the practice among Hindoos at the time of sacrifice, to cause 
 each person who proposed to officiate, to take into his mouth a portion of the 
 “ Som-wullee,” or moon-plant, which, it was supposed, no one but a true Brah¬ 
 min could retain.—See p. 61. 
 
 The following list of the successors of Mool Raj is from a copper-plate inscrip¬ 
 tion, dated Sumwut 1266 (or a.d. 1210,) found a few years ago in a treasure room 
 at Ahmedabad, and since presented by the author of the present work to the 
 Royal Asiatic Society of London. 
 
 I. He who was splendid in the line of kings, the very valiant, the great king 
 of kings, the supreme lord, the illustrious Mool Raj Dev. 
 
 II. The successor to his throne, the very valiant, the great king of kings, the 
 supreme lord, the illustrious Chamoond Raj Dev. 
 
 III. The successor to his throne, the very valiant, the great king of kings, the 
 supreme lord, the illustrious Doorlubh Raj Dev. 
 
 E 
 
5 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 IV. The successor to his throne, the very valiant, the great king of kings, the 
 supreme lord, the illustrious Bheein Dev. 
 
 V. The successor to his throne, the very valiant, the great king of kings, the 
 supreme lord, who was without a competitor in fight in Heaven, 
 Earth, or Hell, the illustrious Kurun Dev. 
 
 VI. The successor to his throne, the very valiant, the great king of kings, the 
 
 supreme lord, the conqueror of Wurwurk the lord of Oojein, the em¬ 
 
 peror of Siddhs (demi-gods,) the illustrious Jye Singh Dev. 
 
 VII. The successor to his throne, the very valiant, the great king of kings, the 
 supreme lord, of great splendor, Vishnoo-like in his exploits, who 
 conquered with his army * * * * , the illustrious Koomar Pal Dev. 
 
 VIII. The successor to his throne, the very valiant, the great king of kings, the 
 
 supreme lord, a stainless incarnation in the Iron Age, who gained 
 
 from the great a title, the illustrious Ujye Pal Dev. 
 
 IX. The successor to his throne, the very valiant, the great king of kings, the 
 supreme lord, in fight unconquerable as Nagarjoon, the illustrious 
 Mool Raj Dev. 
 
 X. The successor to his throne, the very valiant, the great king of kings, the 
 supreme lord, a second Siddh Raj Dev, or an incarnation of Naripun, 
 the illustrious Bheem Dev, rules auspiciously, &c. &c. &c. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 CHAMOOND—WULLUBH—DOORLUBH—THE FALL OF SOMNATH. 
 
 The writers of Hindoo historical legends (whether these be derived 
 from Jain or Brahminical sources, or contained in the compositions 
 of the bards, who were the “recorders of fame” of the Rajpoot 
 races) are apt to preserve a constant and sullen silence in regard to 
 all circumstances, no matter how notorious or how widely influential 
 in their results, which seem to them to derogate from the reputation 
 of their heroes. Over the career of a guilty, unwise, or unfortunate 
 sovereign, the Hindoo annalist draws a black curtain, upon which is 
 recorded, with more than Venetian brevity, the facts that a prince 
 was born, and died. There can be few more striking instances of 
 this peculiarity than that which is furnished by the Jain monk of 
 Wudwan, the author of the chronicle called “Prubundh Chintamunee,” 
 in his record of the reign of Chamoond, the successor of Mool Raj. 
 It was in his time that the sun of the Rajpoots began to decline 
 before the Moslem crescent, that a strange and furious invader burst 
 upon the plains of India, that ancient dynasties were shaken, 
 
CHAMOOND—WULLUBH — DOORLUBH. 5 I 
 
 ancient gods—the eternal Muha Kal himself—confounded with the 
 dust; and yet, in such times as these, the powerful sovereign of Un- 
 hilwara, a chief actor in the troubled scene, is dismissed with words 
 as unsuggestive and few as those which shortly afterwards were en¬ 
 graved upon the monumental slabs of the peaceful abbots who repose 
 within the quiet cloisters of Westminster:— 
 
 “ From the year of Vikrum one thousand and fifty-three, (a.d. 997,) 
 Chamoond Raj reigned thirteen years.” 
 
 A fragment of the Rutun Mala paints the personal character of 
 Raja Chamoond, but supplies little further information, though it is 
 in one respect important, as furnishing a Hindoo allusion to the 
 presence of the Mohammedan in Goozerat during this king’s reign. 
 It is as follows :— 
 
 “ The son of Mool Raj was Chamoond Raj; he was attenuated 
 “ in person and yellow in his complexion; very fond of eating and 
 “ drinking, and of handsome dress. He cultivated good trees in his 
 “ garden ; he built wells and tanks ; leaving many tasks unfinished, 
 “ he went to the gate of Yuma. He was better than his father; he 
 “ had ?io enemy but the Yuwun ; “ in the kingdom his memory was 
 “ long respected.” 
 
 The short account of Chamoond’s reign, which is found in the 
 Dwyashray, though it is very remarkable for the faults of omission 
 which we have already noticed, and though some of the statements 
 made in it are probably attempts to cover the truth by a version of 
 facts more in consonance with the feelings of the writer and those he 
 addresses, is nevertheless valuable as affording, perhaps, the true 
 solution of many difficulties in the history of the first Mohummedan 
 invasion of India. 
 
 After the death of his father, Chamoond Raj, it is said, managed 
 the affairs of the kingdom of Unhilwara in a good manner; increas¬ 
 ing his treasures, his army, and his fame. He was defective in no 
 point; and he preserved the landgift which had been bequeathed to 
 him by Mool Raj. A son, named Wullubh Raj, was born to 
 Chamoond ; he, too, became skilled in royal science, and fit to fill 
 the throne. He was condescending and brave, and the king, there¬ 
 fore, was very much delighted in heart, while the enemies of the 
 throne, who had looked forward with expectation to living in quiet 
 after Chamoond’s decease, abandoned that hope. 
 
 “ Wullubh Raj,” says Ivrishnajee, the Brahmin, “ was of dwarfish 
 “ stature, but in mind able; abandoning wickedness. He was ruddy 
 “ in complexion ; on his body freckles were very prevalent; he never 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 5 2 
 
 “ broke his word, though very ambitious of rule; leaving his schemes 
 “ unfinished, he departed quitting the body.” 
 
 Chamoond Raj, continues Hemacharya, had another son, named 
 Doorlubh Raj. He, too, became so full of exploits, that from fear of 
 him no Usoor 1 dare raise his head. When the astrologers examined 
 this prince’s horoscope, they pronounced with confidence that he 
 would be celebrated for great achievements ; that he would conquer 
 his enemies; encourage the practice of wisdom, and become a king 
 of kings. This Doorlubh Raj and his elder brother Wullubh Raj 
 pursued their studies together, and bore great affection to each other, 
 setting their father before them as an example. Afterwards Chamoond 
 Raj had a third son, named Nag Raj. 
 
 Once on a time, Chamoond Raj, inflamed by the passion of love, 
 injured his own sister Chacheenee Devee. lo expiate this sin, he 
 placed Wullubh Raj on the throne, and proceeded on a pilgrimage 
 to Benares. As he went, the Raja of Malwa took from him the 
 umbrella, horse-hair fans, and other royal ensigns. Then Chamoond, 
 having completed his pilgrimage, returned to Unhilwara, and urged 
 Wullubh, by his filial affection, to punish the author of this insult. 
 Wullubh Raj, thereupon assembling an army, advanced upon Malwa, 
 but on the road, as fortune had so decreed, he was attacked with the 
 disease called seetula (i.e. small-pox,) which no physician was able 
 to cure. Then Wullubh Raj, dismissing the hope of battle, began to 
 pray to the supreme lord, and to perform religious rites. He died 
 there, and the army in great grief returned to Unhilwara. 2 3 Chamoond, 
 heart-broken at the loss of his eldest son, caused Doorlubh Raj to be 
 placed on the throne, and then retired, as a penitent, to Shookul 
 Teerth, near Broach, on the banks of the Nerbudda, the place 
 celebrated for the repentance of the famous Chundra Goopt and his 
 wicked minister Chanukya f and in that retreat he died. 
 
 1 Barbarian, one not a Hindoo. 
 
 2 It is stated in the annals of Jesulmer, that Rawul Bachera, one of the opponents 
 of Mahmood of Ghuznee, in his invasion of India, married in A.D. ioio, the 
 daughter of Wullubh, sen. Solunkhee Raja of Puttun. Vide Tod’s Rajasthan ii-, 
 240, and foot notes. 
 
 3 “It is said that it was the wicked Chanacya who caused the eight royal 
 “ brothers (of Chandra-Gupta) to be murdered ; and it is added, that Ck&nacya, 
 
 after his paroxysm of revengeful rage was over, was exceedingly troubled in his 
 “ mind, and so much stung with remorse for his crime, and the effusion of human 
 « blood, which took place in consequence of it, that he withdrew to the Sucla- 
 “ Tirtha , a famous place of worship near the sea, on the bank of the Narmadd , and 
 “ seven coss to the west of Baroche. to get himself purified. There, having gone 
 « through a most severe course of religious austerities and expiatory ceremonies, he 
 
CHAMOOND—WULLUBH-—DOORLUBH. 
 
 53 
 
 After that event Doorlubh Raj managed the affairs of the kingdom 
 in a good manner, bravely conquering the Usoors, building temples, 
 and performing many religious actions. He constructed the reservoir, 
 called the Doorlubh Surowur at Unhilwara. Shree Jineshwur Sooree 
 gave instruction to Doorlubh Raja; therefore being informed of the 
 rudiments of the Jain religion, he travelled in the good road of pity 
 for living things. His sister chose Muhendra, the Raja of Marwar, 
 for her husband, when she beheld him seated in the Swuyumbur 
 Mundup. 1 Doorlubh Raja himself was the choice of Muhendra 
 Raja’s sister Doorlubh Devee, whose selection of him drew upon him 
 the enmity of many other rajas, and at the same time her younger 
 sister was espoused by Nag Raj, the youngest son of Chamoond. 
 
 Afterwards, Doorlubh’s younger brother, Nag Raj, had a son, 
 named Bheem. Mortals owe three debts ; which are paid by chastity 
 and the cultivation of wisdom, by performance of fire sacrifice, and 
 by begetting a son. When, therefore, Bheem was born, Doorlubh 
 and Nag Raj, on account of the debt to the progenitors (Peetrees) having 
 been discharged, joyfully held high festival in the court. At the time 
 of the prince’s birth a voice from the sky proclaimed his future 
 greatness. 
 
 When Bheem grew up, Doorlubh, desiring to retire to a place of 
 pilgrimage, that he might perform penances for the happiness of his 
 soul, pressed that prince to relieve him of the burden of royalty. 
 Bheem at first refused, but Doorlubh and Naj Raj continuing to 
 entreat him, he at length allowed his enthronization to be performed. 
 At that time a rain of flowers fell from the sky. Afterwards Doorlubh 
 and Nag Raj departed to Paradise. 
 
 The following character of Doorlubh Raj from the Rutun Mala 
 will be useful in our subsequent enquiries. “ Doorlubh was lofty in 
 “ stature and fair in complexion; he was much addicted to asceticism; 
 
 “ was directed to sail upon the river in a boat with white sails, which, if they turned 
 “ black, would be to him a sure sign of the remission of his sins ; the blackness of 
 “ which would attach itself to the sails. It happened so, and he joyfully sent the 
 “ boat adrift, with his sins, into the sea. 
 
 “ This ceremony, or another very similar to it, (for the expense of a boat would 
 “ be too great), is performed to this day at the Sucla-Tirtha; but, instead of a 
 “ boat they use a common earthen pot, in which they light a lamp, and send it 
 “ adrift with the accumulated load of their sins. * * * 
 
 “ It seems that Chandra-Gupta, after he was firmly seated on his imperial throne, 
 “ accompanied Chdnacya to the Sucla-Tirtha, in order to get himself purified also.” 
 Vide Wilford’s Essay on the Kings of Magadha. Asiat. Res. ix., page 96. 
 
 1 The hall in which a princess publicly selected her husband from among her 
 assembled suitors. 
 
54 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ the worshipper of the husband of Heemala’s daughter; he was not 
 “ easily incited by anger, being enlightened by knowledge ; he loved 
 “ the society of ascetics, bathing, gifts, and the banks of the Ganges; 
 “ warlike ambition from his birth abandoning.” 
 
 The same story which is told by Hemacharya of Chamoond Raja is 
 repeated by the author of the Prubundh Chintamunee, in reference to 
 Doorlubh Raj, who is stated to have proceeded on a pilgrimage to 
 Benares, after having resigned the throne to Bheem Dev, and to have 
 been obstructed in his passage through Malwa by Moonj Raja, who 
 then ruled there, and who compelled him to lay aside the ensigns of 
 royalty. Doorlubh, it is said, proceeded on his pilgrimage in the 
 attire of a monk, and died at Benares, having, however, caused Bheem 
 Dev to become acquainted with the insulting conduct of the raja of 
 Malwa. From that time, it is added, there arose a root of enmity 
 between the lord of Goozerat and the Malwa king. 
 
 It is mentioned in the Bhoj Churittra, that Doorlubh Raj visited 
 Moonj, by whom he was advised to resume the throne, which advice 
 was subsequently resented by Bheem. 1 Such a resignation of royal 
 state appears to have been a common practice in ancient times, 
 the Rajpoot princes esteeming a death in the holy land of Gya as the 
 safe passage to beatitude, for which at a later period they sub¬ 
 stituted a raid against the enemies of their faith, when the followers 
 of Islam made war upon their religion. It does not, however, so 
 easily appear how Doorlubh could have been considered competent 
 to resume the throne. A prince having once abandoned the govern¬ 
 ment should, according to Rajpoot practice, never again enter the 
 capital. He is virtually dead; he cannot be a subject, and he is 
 no longer king; he drops his former name, and assumes one suited 
 to the future ascetic. To render the act more impressive, an effigy of 
 the abdicated king is made, and on the twelfth day following his 
 resignation, (being the usual period of mourning,) it is committed to 
 the flames of the funeral pyre. The hair and moustache of his 
 successor are removed, and the women's apartments resound with 
 wailings and lamentations for the dead. 2 
 
 The character of Bheem Raja is given, evidently ccw amove , by the 
 bard Krishnajee, and though we propose turning aside to the oft-told 
 tale of Somnath, as related by the Mohammedan historians, before 
 proceeding with the Hindoo traditions of the reign of Bheem, we 
 prefer quoting Krishnajee’s fragment in this place, as it may tend to 
 
 1 Vide Tod’s Western India, page 170-1. 
 
 a Vide Tod's Rajasthan, i. 277 ; ii. 460, 495. 
 
THE FALL OF SOMNATH. 
 
 5 5 
 
 elucidate the. part which his hero played in the resistance opposed 
 to the fierce iconoclast of Ghuznee. 
 
 “ Doorlubh’s .successor was Bheem Dev; splendid as the Dev’s 
 “ Dev; ski led in the practice of war; seizing the bow. He was 
 “ strong and tall in person ; his body covered with hair; his face was 
 “ somewhat swarthy, but goodly to behold. He was high spirited, 
 “fond of martial deeds; not he afraid, the Mlech challenging.” 
 
 It was about the time when Canute the Great, having defeated the 
 Danes in England, was employing himself in decorating the old 
 minster at Winchester “ with such magnificence as confounded the 
 “minds of strangers at the sight of the gold and silver and the 
 “ splendor of the jewels,” that another sovereign, as successful a 
 soldier, and as enthusiastic a lover of architectural display, undertook, 
 in the far east, an enterprise in which he sought to perpetuate his 
 name by the destruction of an idolatrous shrine, perhaps more splen¬ 
 did than that Christian temple which the politic western sovereign was 
 engaged in founding. Eleven expeditions against the Hindoo 
 enemies of Islam had, for a time, satisfied the avarice and satiated 
 the zeal of the Sultan of Ghuznee; but the faith of the idolaters was 
 unbroken, and from the ancient oracle of Muha Kal the response 
 | still went forth which asserted that the victories of the crescent were 
 but permitted scourges by which an inattentive people was to be 
 compelled to the more assiduous worship of the great Someshwur. 
 At this time, therefore, the champion of the faith once more called up 
 his energy, and determined on a final effort which should transmit 
 his name to posterity among the greatest scourges of idolatry, if not 
 the greatest promoters of Islam. 
 
 Mahmood left Ghuznee on his expedition against Somnath in 
 September, a.d. 1024; his numerous army was accompanied by 
 crowds of volunteers, the flower of the youth of Toorkistan. In a 
 month they had reached Mooltan, and prepared themselves for the 
 arduous task of crossing the wide desert which still intervened 
 between them and the plains of India. This barrier was successfully 
 surmounted. The town of Ujmeer quickly fell into their hands, 1 
 and, without heeding the fortress which crowned the adjacent hill, 
 
 , 1 T „ he R . a jP 00t traditions relate that Mahmood was repulsed from Ujmeer by the 
 Chohan prince, Beer Beelun Dev, or Dhurumguj, who lost his life in the action, 
 T. R. ii. 447, 451; (but, afterwards), “Mahmood attacked Ujmeer, which was 
 “ abandoned, and the country around given up to devastation and' plunder. The 
 “ citadel, Gurh Beetli, however, held out, and Mahmood was foiled, wounded, and 
 “ obliged to retreat by Nadole, another Chohan possession which he sacked, and 
 then proceeded to Nehrwalla, &c.” Id. 448. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 56 
 
 they continued their march, skirting the base of the Arawul mountains, 
 until, the stupendous Aboo looming in their rear, they had passed 
 into the plains of Goozerat, and beheld, stretched before them, the 
 city of Unhilwara. Completely surprised, his feudal vassals un¬ 
 assembled, his own thoughts perhaps occupied rather with the trees 
 in his garden, or with the reservoirs which he was constructing, than 
 with preparations for the day of battle, Chamoond Raja was totally 
 without the means of maintaining, against such an enemy, the widely 
 extended defences of his capital. He fled, and the army of Islam 
 entered without opposition. 
 
 It was against the gods, however, and not the kings of the Hindoos, 
 that Mahmood now made war; and, the city of Wun Raj left behind, 
 his banners were soon rapidly advancing towards Somnath. 
 
 The small port and bay of Verawul lie on the south-western coast 
 of Soorashtra, in a country exceedingly rich, thickly wooded, and in 
 high cultivation. Upon a projection of land, forming the southern 
 extremity of this little bay, which, with its bold and graceful curvature, 
 and its golden sands kept in perpetual agitation by the surf, has been 
 pronounced to be unrivalled in India, stands the city of Dev Puttun 
 or Prubhas. Its massive walls of uncemented stones, pierced by 
 double gates and defended by numerous rectangular towers, enclose 
 a square possessing a circumference of nearly two miles; a ditch 
 twenty-five feet broad, and about as deep as it is wide, faced with 
 masonry, and capable of being inundated at pleasure, surrounds the 
 whole. Its general plan, the mutilated images which here and there 
 protrude, and the architectural ornaments which appear on numerous 
 mosques or private houses still, in language that cannot be mistaken, 
 proclaim the Hindoo origin of the city of Somnath through all the 
 innovations of its conquerors. The celebrated shrine of Muha Kal 
 occupies a lofty and projecting rock in the south-western corner of the 
 city, and close to the walls whose base is washed by the ocean. Its 
 original design, and the gorgeous style of its architecture, may still be 
 traced in the complete ruin which it now presents. For a considerable 
 distance around the temple, the whole space is occupied by portions 
 of columns, sculptured stones, and other fragments of the original 
 building, and the wonderful solidity of its structure was, within a few 
 years, visibly attested by a battery of heavy ordnance, mounted upon 
 its roof, to defend from the pirates, who formerly infested this coast, 
 the neighbouring port of Verawul. 
 
 Such is the present state of the far-famed shrine of Someshwur 
 Muha Dev; but to behold it as it met the eye of the army of Islam, 
 we must recal its lofty spire rising far above the blue horizon of its 
 
THE FALL OF SOMNATH. 
 
 57 
 
 ocean background, the tawny banner of Shiva fluttering from its 
 summit, the porticoes and pyramid-like dome, the courts and 
 columned isles that surrounded them, and the numerous subordinate 
 shrines which, as satellites, heightened the splendor of this chosen 
 dwelling of the “ Lord of the Moon”—all now levelled with the 
 earth, or built into the walls of mosques, ruined in their turn, or into 
 the humble dwellings of mortals. 1 
 
 Notwithstanding the rapidity of his approach, and though the 
 country which he had passed through had been undefended, Mahmood 
 found a host of men in arms ready to risk their lives for the pro¬ 
 tection of Somnath, and the punishment of the invaders. Making a 
 signal for a herald to approach, they proclaimed defiance, and 
 vaunted that the mighty Someshwur had drawn the Mohammedans 
 thither to blast them in a moment, and avenge the insults of the gods of 
 India. Next morning the green banner of the prophet was unfurled, 
 and the Mohammedan troops, advancing to the walls, commenced the 
 attack. The battlements were in a short time cleared by the archers, 
 and the Hindoos, astonished and dispirited at the unexpected fury 
 of the assault, leaving the ramparts, crowded into the sacred 
 precincts, and prostrating themselves in tears before the symbol of 
 their god, implored his aid. The assailants, seizing this opportunity, 
 applied their scaling ladders, and mounted the walls amidst shouts 
 of “Allah Akbar but the Rajpoots, as easily excited as dispirited, 
 rallied in defence, and, before the sun went down, the soldiers of 
 Mahmood, unable to retain their footing, and wearied with fatigue, 
 fell back on all sides, and retired. 
 
 Next morning the action was renewed; but the assailants as fast 
 as they scaled the walls were hurled down headlong by the besieged, 
 and the labours of the second day proved to the Mohammedans 
 even more unsuccessful than those of the first. 
 
 On the third day the princes of the neighbourhood, who had 
 assembled to rescue the temple, presented themselves in order of 
 battle within sight of the camp of Mahmood. The Sultan, de¬ 
 termined to prevent this attempt to raise the siege, ordered a force 
 to keep the garrison in check, and himself advanced to give the 
 enemy battle. The contest raged with great fury, and victory was 
 already doubtful, when Wullubh Sen, the heir-apparent, and his 
 chivalrous nephew, the young Bheem Dev, arriving with a strong 
 
 1 This description of Somnath is from Tod’s “Western India,” and Kittoe’s 
 “Notes on a journey to Girnar; ” Journal of the Bengal Branch of the Asiatic 
 Society, vol. vii., p. 865. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 53 
 
 reinforcement, inspired their countrymen with fresh courage. Mah- 
 mood, at this moment, perceiving his troops to waver, leaped from his 
 horse, and, prostrating himself on the ground, implored the assistance 
 of Allah ; then mounting, and taking by the hand a valiant Circassian 
 leader by way of encouragement, he advanced on the Rajpoot lines, 
 cheering his troops with such energy that, ashamed to abandon a 
 king with whom they had so often fought and bled, they with one 
 accord rushed forwards. This furious charge was not to be with¬ 
 stood ; the Mohammedans broke through the enemy, and five 
 thousand Hindoos lay dead at their feet. The rout now became 
 general—the garrison of Somnath, beholding- the royal banner of 
 Unhilwara cast to the ground, abandoned the defence of the place, 
 and issuing out at a gate towards the sea to the number of four 
 thousand, made their escape, though not without considerable loss. 
 
 . Having now placed guards round the walls and at the gates, the 
 victorious Sultan of Ghuznee, accompanied by his sons and a few 
 of his nobles, entered the shrine of Someshwur. He beheld a 
 superb edifice of hewn stone, its lofty roof supported by pillars 
 curiously carved and set with precious stones. In the adytum, to 
 which no external light penetrated, and which w r as illuminated only by 
 a lamp suspended from the centre by a golden chain, appeared the 
 symbol of Someshwur—a stone cylinder which rose nine feet in 
 height above the floor of the temple, and penetrated six feet in depth 
 below it. dwo fragments of this object of idolatrous worship were, 
 at the king’s order, broken off, that one might be thrown at the 
 threshold of the public mosque, and the other at the court gate of 
 his own palace at Ghuznee. Other fragments were reserved to grace 
 the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. While Mahmood w'as thus 
 employed, a crowd of Brahmins, petitioning his attendants, offered 
 an enormous ransom if the king would desist from further mutilation. 
 Mahmood hesitated, and his courtiers hastened to offer the advice 
 V'hich they knew would be acceptable ; but after a moment’s pause, 
 the Sultan exclaimed that he would be known by posterity not as 
 “ the idol-seller,” but as “ the destroyer .” The work of spoliation 
 then continued, and was rewarded by the discovery, in the vaults 
 below the adytum, of untold treasures. 
 
 Having secured the wealth of Somnath, Mahmood prepared to 
 follow the brave prince, Bheem Dev, who, as the Mohammedan 
 historians confess, had, in his unsuccessful attempt to raise the siege, 
 cut off above three thousand of the faithful, and who, after the taking 
 of Dev Puttun, had thrown himself into a fort called Gundaba, at 
 the distance of forty leagues from the despoiled shrine. The Sultan 
 
THE FALL OF SOMNATH. 
 
 59 
 
 on arriving at this fort found it apparently impracticable of approach, 
 from its being surrounded on all sides by water, which was only in 
 one place fordable. Mahmood, however, having ordered public 
 prayers, and having cast his fortune on the Koran,' availed himself 
 of the low state of the tide to enter the water with his troops, and, 
 reaching in safety the opposite side, immediately commenced the 
 attack. Bheem Dev fled at the approach of the Mohammedans, 
 and the assailants obtaining easy possession, made dreadful havoc 
 among the defenders of the fort. The women and children were 
 made captive, and the spoils of Gundaba added to the treasures of 
 Mahmood. 
 
 The Sultan, thus victorious, returned to Unhilwara, where it is 
 probable that he passed the rainy season. He found the soil of that 
 place so fertile, the air so pure and salubrious, and the country so 
 well cultivated and pleasant, that it is said he proposed to take up 
 his residence there for some years, and to make it his capital, con- 
 fering the government of Ghuznee upon his son, the Prince 
 Musaood. His imagination was dazzled with stories which he had 
 heard of the jewels of Ceylon and the mines of Pegoo, and, as he 
 was almost childishly fond of amassing precious stones, he is said to 
 have seriously intended to fit out a fleet for the conquest of those 
 regions, but the more sedate counsel of his officers diverted him 
 from his scheme, and, yielding to their advice, he consented to return 
 to his native kingdom. 
 
 It was probably these misfortunes of his country, rather than the 
 reported incestuous connection with his sister, which induced the 
 pleasure-loving Chamoond Raja to resign the sceptre of his race, 
 j However this may be, his name no longer appears, and when the 
 attention of Mahmood and his counsellors was turned to the dis¬ 
 covery of an eligible person to be invested with authority as the 
 Sultan’s tributary in Goozerat, the choice appears to have lain 
 between the two brothers Wullubh and Doorlubh Sen. The heir- 
 apparent, it was represented, was very wise and learned, all the 
 Brahmins having great reliance in his wisdom. He had been, it was 
 | urged, already invested with power in a particular district, and was 
 so upright and trustworthy, that having once taken upon himself the 
 payment of tribute he would, without fail, remit the annual payments 
 to Ghuznee. Others contended that the government should be 
 ! conferred upon Doorlubh Sen, who had been employed in studying 
 
 1 “ The Mohammedans use the Koran as school-boys sometimes apply to the 
 Sortes Virgilii.”—Col. Briggs’s Note. 
 
6o 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 philosophy and in mortifying the flesh ; but their opponents stig¬ 
 matized him as an evil-disposed person, who had fallen under the 
 displeasure of God, and whose seclusion from the world came not of 
 his own choice, but had been adopted with the view of saving his 
 life, after his brothers had several times confined him for attempts 
 upon the throne. To these arguments the Sultan replied, that had 
 the heir-apparent presented himself to request the government he 
 might have consented to grant it, but that he would not confer so 
 large a territory on one who had neither done a service nor even 
 paid a courtesy. Doorlubh Sen, “ the anchorite,” was therefore 
 selected, and having been invested with the government of Goozerat, 
 bound himself to the payment of a tribute—equivalent to that of 
 Kabool and Khorasan. He petitioned the Sultan, however, to leave 
 him some troops for his protection, asserting that Wullubh Sen would 
 undoubtedly attack him before his authority could be thoroughly 
 established. This consideration prevailed with the Sultan to form a 
 design for reducing Wullubh Sen before he left the country, and that 
 prince was in a short time seized and brought as a prisoner to 
 Mahmood. 
 
 The Sultan having now passed upwards of a year in Goozerat 
 began to think of directing his steps homewards, and at the request 
 of Doorlubh Sen he determined to carry the heir-apparent with him 
 to Ghuznee. The route by which he had advanced was, however, 
 occupied by the unconquered Bheem Dev, and his ally Veesul Dev, 
 the Raja of Ujmeer. The Moslem force was by this time reduced 
 by the casualties of war and climate, and the Sultan, instead of 
 risking a further encounter, determined to attempt a hew route by the 
 sands to the east of Sindh. Here also he encountered deserts in his 
 march, wherein his army suffered greatly from want of water, and his 
 numerous cavalry found themselves destitute of forage; for three 
 days and nights the army was misled by a Hindoo guide, in a sandy 
 desert; many of the soldiers died raving mad from the intolerable 
 heat and thirst, and the guide, submitted to the torture, is said to 
 have confessed himself to be a priest of Somnath, who, to revenge 
 the injuries done to the temple, had thus endeavoured to accomplish 
 the ruin of the Moslem army. The king ordered his execution, and, 
 it being towards evening, fell prostrate before God, imploring a 
 speedy deliverance. A meteor, says the Mohammedan historian, 
 was immediately seen in the north, towards which direction he 
 shaped his course, and before morning found himself on the border 
 of a lake or pool of water. 
 
THE FALL OF SOMNATH. 
 
 61 
 
 The conquerors of Somnath at length reached Mooltan, and from 
 thence returned to Ghuznee. 
 
 The account of Mahmood’s expedition to Somnath is from Brigg’s Ferishta, the 
 Ayeen-i-Akbery, Bird’s Mirat Ahmadi, Elphinstone’s India, &c. 
 
 Raja Chamoond (or as he is there called, Jamund) is expressly named by the 
 authors of the Ayeen-i-Akbery, and Mirat Ahmadi, as the prince who ruled at 
 Unhilwara when Mahmood of Ghuznee took possession of it. The Hindoo legends, 
 as we have seen, make no mention of Mahmood’s invasion, but they represent 
 Chamoond to have survived his son, Wullubh Sen. There can, we think, be 
 little danger in assuming Wullubh Sen and his brother, Doorlubh Sen, to be the 
 two “ Dabishleems ” spoken of by the Mohammedan historians, and Bhram Dev can 
 be no other than Bheem Dev. There is some difficulty in assigning their different 
 parts to the two brothers, Wullubh and Doorlubh. All the accounts agree in 
 making the short reign of Wullubh Sen to have immediately followed that of 
 Chamoond. It would seem to be proved, by the copper-plate inscription, quoted 
 in the note at page 49, which, in giving a list of the Kings of Unhilwara from Mool 
 Raj I. to Bheem Dev II., makes no mention of Wullubh Sen’s having reigned 
 at all, that Doorlubh Sen was the prince who maintained himself on the throne. 
 Supposing Chamoond to have resigned in favor of his heir-apparent, Wullubh Sen, 
 and this latter to have appeared with Bheem Dev in arms against Mahmood, and 
 at no time to have tendered his submission, all which is probable in itself, and, we 
 think, fairly inferrible from the Mohammedan accounts, taken in connection with 
 the few facts handed down in the Hindoo legends, Mahmood would then 
 naturally have selected Doorlubh Sen as the more fitted person for his tributary 
 government. Doorlubh would, no doubt, have had a party in his favor, as against 
 his brother, even among their own countrymen, but supposing the heir-apparent 
 to have been the prince selected byMahmood, it seems difficult to account for his 
 nervous apprehension of being supplanted by his brother in what the majority 
 must have acknowledged to have been no more than his rights. Besides, it 
 appears to us, that the Mohammedan historians, in the whole story, point to a 
 departure from the strict line of succession in the selection of “ Dabishleem, the 
 Anchorite.” In this view we are compelled to reject the story of the revolution 
 which reversed the destinies of the parties, and consigned the anchorite to a 
 dungeon which he had himself prepared, although, as Mr. Elphinstone has 
 remarked, “it is by no means improbable in itself, and is too true a picture of the 
 “ hypocritical humanity of a Hindoo priest in power, to have been invented by a 
 “ Mahometan author.” 
 
 The fact mentioned to the honor of Wullubh Raj, by the author of Rutun Mala, 
 his fidelity to his word, is the very point urged by Mahmood’s advisers in favor of 
 the candidate who was rejected. 
 
 There is a still greater difficulty in regard to the dates, which we will state, 
 though we can offer no solution:—It was in A.D. 1024-5, according to the 
 Mohammedan accounts, that Mahmood effected his conquests in Goozerat, but 
 the Hindoo authors place the accession of Wullubh Sen (who reigned six months) 
 and of Doorlubh Sen in a.d. ioio, and that of Bheem Dev in A.D. 1022. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 BHEEM DEV I. 
 
 The transactions of the reign of Bheem Dev I. (a.d. 1022—72) 
 are given in outline by the author of Dwyashray, an authority, who 
 though by no means free from the usual Hindoo vice of suppressing 
 whatever is not altogether favourable to his own party, is still of 
 value from his contiguity to the period of which he treats, and from 
 the suggestiveness of his accounts and the means which they afford 
 for the arrangement of materials drawn from different sources. 
 
 ‘'Bheem Dev,” says Hemacharya, “ruled in a good manner, and 
 “ refused pardon to the crime of incontinency. He apprehended 
 “ thieves cleverly, and punished them, so that the offences of depre- 
 “ dation diminished in his reign. He preserved life very exceedingly, 
 “ so that even the wolf in the forest was restrained from taking life. 
 “ Some kings who had fled from fear of their enemies took shelter 
 “ with Bheem ; some kings took sendee under his standard, thence 
 “ he acquired the title of Raja of Rajas. The Kings of Poondra and 
 “ Undra sent him presents, his fame spread into Mugudh also; 
 “ poets celebrated his exploits in verses composed in the Magudhee 
 “ and other languages, from which his fame was so spread abroad 
 “ that the inhabitants of distant countries knew him as if by sight. 
 
 “ Once on a time it was told to Bheem, by his spies, that the 
 “ Sindh Raja and the Raja of Chedee 1 alone on the earth despised 
 “ his fame, and that they caused books to be composed in his 
 “ dispraise. The Sindh Raja, it was said, also used threats in regard 
 “ to Bheem. The strength of this prince was only equalled by the 
 “ ambition of his projects. He had subdued the Raja of Shivshan, 
 “ with many other lords of fortresses and princes of islands. Bheem, 
 “ when he heard these things, sending for his ministers, began to 
 “ consult them upon the matter. Soon he collected an army and 
 “ set forth. In the Punjab, which was contiguous to Sindh, five 
 “ rivers flowed together, the volume of which rolled like a sea. It 
 “ was owing to the strength of these floods, resembling a strong 
 “ fortress, that the Sindh Raja slept in peace, having conquered his 
 
 1 Chedee has been conjectured to be the modern Chundail in Gondwana. It 
 was the country of Shishoopal, the enemy of Shree Krislin. 
 
BHEEM DEV I. 
 
 63 
 
 “ enemies. The army of Bheem, breaking down hills, with great 
 “ stones thereof began to build a bridge which, as it proceeded 
 “ towards completion, forced the waters of the stream to divide and 
 “ take another channel, as milk boils over when placed upon the 
 “ fire. Trees, both green and dry, and earth, as well as stones, were 
 “ used in the construction of the bridge. When Bheem beheld the 
 “ work approaching completion he was pleased, and, to make all 
 “ happy, he caused sugar and other luxuries to be distributed among 
 “ his troops. Then, crossing the bridge, he advanced with his army 
 “ into Sindh, the raja of which country, whose name was Hummook, 
 “ coming to oppose him in fight, a contest ensued. The moon- 
 J“ descended Bheem fought valiantly, and, taking many prisoners, 
 
 subjected to himself the Raja of Sindh. 
 
 “ Bheem Dev next went against Chedee, subduing the rajas 
 “ through whose territory he passed. Kurun, the Raja of Chedee, 
 j“ when he heard that Bheem was approaching, collected an army of 
 “ hill-men and barbarians, but as he had heard of the fame of 
 “ Bheem, and felt that he was not to be conquered, he was un- 
 J“ willing to engage him and sought rather to come to an agreement. 
 “ Meanwhile his horsemen and foot soldiers advanced prepared for 
 “ the fight, and the royal drum and other warlike instruments were 
 “ sounded. A servant of Bheem Dev’s, named Damodhur, was at 
 “ this time sent to the camp of the Raja of Chedee to offer him 
 “ peace on his consenting to pay tribute. Damodhur represented 
 “ that his master had subdued many princes, the Raja of Dusharnuv, 
 j“ the Raja of Kashee, and others; also that the Raja of Gujbundh, 
 “ by name Bhudr Bhut, had come from a distant country to signify 
 “ submission; that Tunteek, the Raja of Teling, had thrown away 
 “his arms and paid obeisance; that the Raja of Uyodhya, who 
 “ never before paid tribute to any one, had given up to Bheem the 
 “ treasures which he had taken from the King of Gord. Kurun 
 “ Raja, after some demur, agreed to follow the example of the great 
 “ princes he had been told of and make submission to Bheem, and 
 “ Damodhur was sent back to the King of Unhilwara bearing 
 “ presents from the Chedee prince, consisting of gold, elephants, a 
 “ horse as swift as the wind, and other valuables, and, in addition, a 
 “ gold litter which Kurun had taken from Bhoj, the Raja of Malwa. 
 “ With these offerings the successful ambassador returned to 
 “ Bheem Dev, who, assenting to the terms that had been proposed, 
 “ caused them to be confirmed by his ministers, and then marched 
 “ back in triumph to Unhilwara. There he was joyfully received by 
 “ the people, who had dressed themselves in holiday attire and 
 
6 4 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ adorned their city as on a festive day; for Bheem was a favourite 
 “ of his subjects, because, in his reign, they suffered no calamity, 
 “being not only protected from secret depredators, but also from 
 “ the open enemies that might have brought the horrors of fire and £ 
 “ plunder to their towns.” 
 
 Such is the account given by Hemacharya. He is borne out by ?; 
 other authorities in the connection which he asserts between the -j 
 fortunes of Bheem and those of the celebrated Bhoj, the Raja of 
 Malwa, and of a more eastern prince, named Kurun, and his allusion 
 to wars in the Punjab and Sindh may have reference to the contest 
 carried on in his time between the Hindoos and the followers of 
 Modood, the Sultan of Ghuznee, for the expulsion of the Mo¬ 
 hammedan from “ the land of virtue though, in this latter struggle, 
 it has been elsewhere asserted that Bheem Dev took no share, but, 
 on the contrary, by his refusal to do so drew upon himself the arms 
 of the confederated Rajpoot princes. We now turn to the relations i 
 of these events afforded by other authorities. 
 
 The Purmar King of Malwa, Shree Singhbhut, being at the time 
 sonless, adopted a foundling, to whom, from the fact of his having 
 discovered him in a thicket of Moonj grass, he gave the name of 
 Moonj. Singhbhut afterwards had a son named Seedhul. At the 
 close of his life Singhbhut announced to Moonj his intention of 
 making him his successor, and, at the same time, informed him of 
 the facts which attended his birth and adoption, urging him to live 
 in affection with his brother Seedhul. 
 
 Moonj having succeeded to the throne, with the aid of his wise 
 minister, Roodraditya, increased his territories, but exhibited a cruel 
 spirit, putting to death his wife who had been cognizant of the last 
 instructions of Singhbhut and the secret of his birth, and expelling 
 from Malwa Seedhul the legitimate heir to the throne. This prince 
 appears to have given Moonj provocation by turbulence of spirit and 
 by refusing obedience. He retired for a time to Goozerat and lived 
 at Kasahrud (probably Kasindra Palaree, about fourteen miles from 
 Ahmedabad), where he founded a village. Seedhul, however, sub¬ 
 sequently returned to Malwa, and was favourably received by Moonj, 
 who assigned to him an allotment of territory; but this agreement 
 did not long continue, and Moonj subsequently seized upon Seedhul 
 and imprisoned him, putting out his eyes. 
 
 The celebrated Bhoj was the son of Seedhul. He became in his 
 youth skilful in martial exercises as well as learned in the Shastras, 
 
BHEEM DEV I. 
 
 65 
 
 but the astrologers drew upon him the anger of Moonj Raja by a 
 too flattering horoscope, which predicted as follows :— 
 
 “ For fifty years and five, for six months and three days Bhoj Raja 
 “ shall enjoy the Dekkan with Goud.” 
 
 The king, fearing that the accession of Bhoj should exclude his 
 own son from the throne, determined to put him to death. Those 
 who were employed for this purpose, however, failed in its execution,' 
 being won over by the beauty and virtues of Bhoj. When the king 
 demanded of them an account of their commission, they intimated to 
 him that it had been completed, placing at the same time in his 
 hands a paper with which they had been charged by Bhoj. It ran 
 thus:— 
 
 “ King Mandhata, the ornament of the Golden Age, has perished ; 
 “ where is he who bridged the mighty ocean—the destroyer of the 
 “ten-handed Rawun ? Yoodishteer also, and other great princes 
 “ have all of them set, but not with any one of them has the earth 
 “ passed away. I suppose with you it will pass.” 
 
 Moonj on reading this verse was struck with remorse, and wept 
 many tears, reproaching himself with the slaughter of the boy. He 
 was then informed that the life of Bhoj had not been sacrificed, and, 
 delighted with the intelligence, he sent for the young prince and 
 caused him to be installed as “ Yoov Raj,” or heir-apparent. Moonj, 
 according to tradition, signalized his penitence by performing a pil¬ 
 grimage to the country lying on the east of the lesser Runn of Kutch, 
 which is called by the Brahmins Dhurum Arunya, where he founded 
 a town which is still called Moonj poor. 
 
 The king now prepared for an expedition against Teilip Dev, Raja 
 of Telingana. 1 He was in vain dissuaded by his minister, Rood- 
 raditya, who reminded him of former disasters sustained in similar 
 attempts, and repeated to him an old prophecy, which predicted 
 destruction to the King of Malwa who should pass the Godavery. 
 His remonstrances being disregarded, Roodraditya, full of melan¬ 
 choly presentiments, retired from his employments, and soon after 
 entered the funeral fire. Moonj Raja obstinately sought his fate, 
 and having engaged the army of Teilip Dev, was defeated and made 
 prisoner. He might even then have effected his escape by means 
 arranged by his minister, but having confided the secret to Mrinal- 
 wutee, the sister of Teilip Dev, with whom he had formed a con¬ 
 nection while in confinement, he was betrayed by her. Moonj was 
 now subjected to the most ignominious treatment, and at last carried 
 
 1 See foot-note at page 38. 
 
 V 
 
66 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 to the place where the lowest criminals were executed, and there 
 beheaded, his head being set upon a stake near the palace of Teilip 
 Raja to be destroyed by carrion birds. 
 
 Moonj Raja is said to have written a geographical description of 
 the world, which was afterwards corrected and improved by Raja 
 Bhoj. 1 His patronage of literature seems to have been the most 
 conspicuous point in his character, as is evidenced by the remarks 
 made on his death:—“When Moonj, the accumulation of good 
 “ qualities, perished, wealth departed to the presence of Shree 
 “ Krishn, (the husband of Lukshmee the goddess of wealth), valour 
 “ to the house of Shree Veer, but Suruswutee (the goddess of litera- 
 “ ture) was left without support.” 
 
 Moonj was succeeded by Shree Bhoj Raja, who was a contempo¬ 
 rary of the Solunkhee Bheem Dev I. of Unhilwara. In Bhoj the 
 chroniclers have met with a king who entirely filled their interested 
 outline of the duties of a sovereign. He is represented to have con¬ 
 tinually reflected upon the facts that fortune is unstable, and life as 
 transitory as a wave, and to have practically deduced from these 
 meditations the necessity of giving to all comers. Beggars, players, 
 Brahmins, thieves, who had penetrated into his palace for the purpose 
 of robbing him, were the equally welcome recipients of the generosity 
 of Shree Bhoj. The ministers who sought to restrain his profusion 
 were dismissed, and Bhoj delighted himself with the idea that he 
 had surpassed Bulee Raja, Kurun, or Vikrumaditya, and had given 
 such gifts as before had been given by none. His extravagance, 
 however, seems to have been its own cure, for having met with a 
 poet who as fast as he was recompensed for one brilliant euloge 
 composed another of still exceeding sublimity, Bhoj Raja was at 
 length forced to allow himself fairly conquered ; and, as his last 
 resource for maintaining an equality with his too devoted admirer, 
 was compelled to enjoin upon him silence. 
 
 Bheem Dev appears to have sent ambassadors, called Sandhee 
 Vigraheek, or makers of war and peace, to seek the alliance of Bhoj, 
 but the negotiation had no better effect than the exchange between 
 the rival sovereigns of verses more highly seasoned than courteous, 
 and though Bhoj might have been supposed to have been more 
 fitted for such a contest than the active warrior of Unhilwara, Bheem 
 Dev must be admitted on the whole to have maintained a decided 
 advantage. 
 
 1 Vide Asiat. Res. ix., p. 176. 
 
BHEEM DEV I. 
 
 67 
 
 Once on a time, a scarcity having arisen in Malwa, Bhoj Raja 
 prepared to invade Goozerat, but he was diverted from his purpose 
 by Bheem Dev’s ambassador, Damur (the Damodhur we suppose of 
 HemScharya), who contrived to resuscitate the ancient feud with 
 Teilip, Raja of Telingana, and this prince, preparing to invade 
 Malwa, Bhoj was glad to make peace with Bheem Dev on his own 
 terms. Freed from anxiety on these points, Bhoj Raja employed 
 himself in founding or restoring the city of Dhard, Nagger, since 
 commonly known as Dhar. 
 
 Subsequently, when Bheem Dev was employed in an expedition 
 against Sindh (probably that to which allusion has already been 
 made), Bhoj Raja seized the opportunity to attack Goozerat. His 
 forces were led by an adventurer named Koolchunder, who had 
 promised to fulfil the prophecy recorded in his sovereign’s horoscope 
 by making him master of the Dekkan and Goud. Koolchunder 
 penetrated to Unhilpoor in the absence of its sovereign, and, having 
 sacked the city, sowed shell-money at the gate of the palace, and at 
 that where the gong was sounded, and extorted a jye-puttra or deed 
 of victory, with which he returned to Malwa. Bhoj received him 
 with honor, but blamed him for sowing shell-money among the 
 ruins instead of salt, adding that he had produced an omen which 
 portended that the treasures of Malwa should at a future time be 
 carried to Goozerat. The prediction was, as we shall see, fulfilled in 
 the time of Yushowurm, a descendant of Bhoj. 
 
 Bheem Dev is said to have paid a secret visit to the court of 
 Bhoj, disguising himself as one of the suite of the ambassador 
 Damur, but no result appears to have followed the adventure. At 
 another time Bhoj, while worshipping at the temple of the goddess of 
 his race, near the gate of the city of Dhar, was nearly surprised and 
 made prisoner by a party of Goozerat horse who had ventured so far 
 into his territory. The two princes appear, indeed, to have been 
 hostilely opposed to each other throughout their reigns. 
 
 One of the most superb of the marble shrines of the Jain religion 
 which adorn the “ Dailwara,” or region of temples on the table-land 
 of Mount Aboo, is that which, as its inscription shows, was erected 
 in a.d. 1032, by Veemul Sha. As tradition asserts, the ground was 
 formerly occupied by shrines of Shiva and Vishnoo, but the Sha 
 giving this the preference to any other site upon Mount Aboo, and 
 calling in the aid of Lukshmee to gain a triumph for his faith, offered 
 to cover with silver coin as much ground as he required for the 
 sacred edifice which he contemplated erecting. His offer was 
 accepted; and the orthodox divinities were now for the first time on 
 
68 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 this their sacred ground supplanted by Adeenath. The prince who 
 then held the towers of Uchuleshwur was Dhundoo Raj Purmar, 
 descended through Kanhur Dev from the warrior who had issued 
 from the pit of fire. The capital of Dhundoo Raj was Chundra- 
 wutee-poor, the ruins of which still remain. His ancestors, as we 
 have seen, acknowledged the supremacy of the kings of Unhilwara, 
 but Dhundoo Raj, as is stated in the inscription, had quitted the 
 service of King Bheem Dev, and allied himself with Bhoj. The 
 Sovereign of Goozerat had thereupon sent Veemul Sha to exercise 
 the office of his Dundputee or vice-gerent at Aboo, and it was while 
 he was thus employed that the Goddess Umba Bhuwanee appeared 
 to the Sha in the night time, and ordered him to erect a temple to 
 the Yoogadee Nath. 
 
 It was the same Veemul Sha who also erected the temples at 
 Koombhareea on the hill of Arasoor near the celebrated shine of 
 Umba Bhuwanee. They are similar in construction and in magnifi¬ 
 cence to the temple of Dailwara, with which they are supposed to be 
 connected by a subterranean passage. The traditions relating to them 
 will hereafter be narrated. 
 
 At this time a raja named Kurun reigned in Dahul-land, the 
 modern Tipera, and over the sacred city of Kashee, or Benares. He 
 was the son of Queen Demut, distinguished for her religious obser¬ 
 vances, who lost her life in giving him birth. Being born under a 
 good star, this king extended his territory towards all four points of 
 the compass. One hundred and thirty-six kings worshipped the lotus 
 feet of Kurun. 
 
 Envious of the fame of the lord of Oojein, Kurun prepared to 
 attack Bhoj, and in that view arranged an interview with Bheem 
 Dev at a frontier village, and procured from him a promise that he 
 would make a diversion by attacking Malwa from the west. Bhoj Raja, 
 assailed by the two kings and unable from indisposition to take the 
 field against them, contented himself with occupying by his troops the 
 mountain passes leading into his country. Damur was at this time 
 employed by his sovereign as his representative in the camp of Raja 
 Kurun. Bheem Dev having dispatched a messenger to Damur for 
 intelligence, the ambassador taught him a verse which he repeated 
 on his return to the King of Goozerat:— 
 
 “ The fruit on the mango tree is fully ripened, the stalk has become 
 “ loosened, with much wind the bough shakes, the end I know not.” 1 
 
 1 See the Bhow’s note before the battle of Paniput. As. Res. iii., 155. “The 
 cup is now full to the brim and cannot hold another drop.” 
 
BHEEM DEV I. 69 
 
 When Bheem Dev heard this verse he determined upon remaining 
 inactive. 
 
 Bhoj Raja finding that he must journey to another world, per¬ 
 formed the religious duties suitable to that state, and dividing the 
 management of his kingdom among his servants, gave them orders 
 to place him in his funeral car, with his hands extended beyond it 
 to denote that he carried nothing with him. He then attained 
 Paradise. 
 
 Having been informed of the death of Bhoj, Kurun Raja advanced 
 upon Dhar, which he destroyed, taking possession of the royal 
 treasury. Damur, on the part of Bheem Dev, now laid claim to a 
 share of the spoils, and it was arranged that the revenues of the 
 temples of Malwa should be the property of the King of Goozerat. 
 
 The attention of the successors of Sultan Mahmood was for many 
 years occupied with intestine feuds, which prevented their active 
 interference with the affairs of India ; and thirteen years after his 
 death, his grandson, the Sultan Modood, being then upon the throne, 
 the Hindoos found an opportunity of making a grand effort to shake 
 off the yoke which oppressed them. In the year a.d. 1043, accord¬ 
 ing to Ferishta, the Raja of Delhi, in conjunction with other Hindoo 
 sovereigns, retook Hansee, Tahnesur, and their dependencies from the 
 governors to whom Modood had entrusted them. From thence the 
 Rajpoots marched towards the fort of Nuggurkot, which, after a siege 
 of four months, the garrison, distressed for provisions and despairing 
 of succour, was compelled to surrender. The God of Nuggurkot 
 was induced to grace with his presence the recovered shrine, and so 
 great was the enthusiasm encited by this triumph of their religion, 
 that thousands of pilgrims hurried thither from all parts of Hindoostan 
 to present their offerings of gold and silver and jewels, and to restore 
 to its pristine splendor the temple of the fort of Bheem. 
 
 This success gave such confidence to the Rajpoot chiefs, that 
 though before this time, as the Moslem historian asserts, they, like 
 foxes, durst hardly creep out of their holes for fear of the Moham¬ 
 medan arms, yet now they put on the aspect of lions, and openly set 
 their masters at defiance. Three rajas, with ten thousand horse and 
 an innumerable army of foot, invested Lahore. For seven months 
 the Mohammedans exerted themselves to the utmost, defending, 
 street by street, the ruined town, until at last, finding themselves on 
 the point of being overpowered, they bound themselves by an oath 
 to victory or martyrdom, and sallying out in order compelled their 
 enemies to retire. 
 
70 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 It was Veesul Dev, the Chohan King of Ujmeer, who, according 
 to Hindoo authorities, headed this confederacy. The King of 
 Unhilwara was, it is said, invited with the other princes of the land 
 to join in this last united stand for the religion and liberties of the 
 Hindoos, but though in former days, when the destroyer of Somnath 
 was at the threshold, Bheem Dev had combined with the Lord of 
 Sambhur against the common enemy, the ancient jealousies between 
 their houses prevented him from following where the Chohan 
 sovereign led, and the forces of Goozerat were inactive, while Veesul 
 Dev led his troops from triumph to triumph, and won for himself 
 the right of inscribing on his monumental pillar the proud boast, 
 that he had made “ the Land of Virtue” once more what its name 
 implied by the extermination of the barbarians. 1 
 
 The conduct of Bheem Dev involved his kingdom in a war with 
 the successful confederates, which, together with other incidents in 
 the stoiy of the sovereign of Ujmeer, forms the subject of one of the 
 sixty-nine books of the poem of the Bharot Chund, which we now 
 propose to introduce to our readers. 
 
 “ The sages,” says the Rajpoot bard, “ produced at Aboo, from 
 “ the fire-pit, a man to whom they entrusted royalty. Of his race 
 “ sprung a great and religious king, named Baiun. 2 His son was 
 “ Veesul Dev. It was Friday, the first day of the month, the light 
 “ half of the month, the month Wyeshak, when Veesul mounted the 
 “ throne. The thirty-six races assembled—the regenerate ones and 
 “the bards; Veesul was presented with the royal umbrella; he 
 “ received the mark of sovereignty on his forehead ; the Brahmins 
 “ repeated Veds and verses of power. 
 
 “ When the umbrella was placed over the head of Veesul, the 
 “ Brahmins prepared the pit of fire sacrifice, placing therein five 
 “ arrows. The smoke issued—the flame burst forth ; the Brahmins 
 “ repeating charms, performed his enthronement, giving him their 
 “ blessing; the assembly cried, ‘ Be victorious, be victorious ! 
 “ Veesul, earth-protector ! ’ 
 
 “ Veesul enjoyed as happy a state as that of Indra; he restored 
 “ justice and fame. In Ujmeer-nugger dwelling—his enemies sub- 
 
 1 Vide As. Res. vii., p. 180. 
 
 2 This is the Beer Beelum Dev of Colonel Tod, who defended the Gurh Beetli, 
 or hill-fortress of Ujmeer, against Mahmood of Guznee. On the pillar of Feeroz 
 Shah (vide As. Res. vii., p. 180) his name is written “Vella Deva,” or Vel 
 Dev, the V and B being synonymous. Thus Veesul Dev is commonly called 
 Beesul Dev. 
 
BHEEM DEV I. 
 
 71 
 
 “ duing—Veesul reigned a pure reign. Many mighty cities he took ; 
 “ in his reign the world seemed to be covered by one umbrella. 
 
 “ He adorned the city as if it had been adorned by the architect 
 “ of the gods. Abandoning irreligion, he caused religion to flourish • 
 “ sinful deeds he sought not to perform. He exacted only his 
 “ rights—without right he indulged not his avarice ; the four castes 
 “ were subservient to the Chohan; the thirty-six races served him . 1 
 “ Veesul Raja, the religious, was resplendent as a Dev upon the earth. 
 
 “ Once on a time, Veesul the king hunted deer in the forest. 
 “ Seeing a place well adapted for the purpose, the desire of con- 
 “ structing a tank arose in his mind. He examined the good place, 
 “ where the streams flowed from the mountains, where the forest was 
 “ good. He sent for his principal minister : ‘ Cause a reservoir to 
 “ be made here ; such as that of Pooshkur.’ Having given this 
 “order, he returned home; joy without limit arose in his mind. 
 “ Upon a throne he sat like Yoodishteer, the son of Dhurum, did 
 “ Veesul, the Indra of the world of men. Over his head an um- 
 “ brella, on each side horse-hair fans waving, he was very beautiful 
 “ to the sight,—like Ushweenee Koomar. The thirty-six races then 
 “ assembled—the Putasurs, the Toonwurs valiant. The king called 
 “ them into his presence ; he presented them with betel-nut. The 
 “ minstrels in their verses celebrated his praise ; the king, smiling, 
 “ bent his head; the assembly shone like a constellation ; the Chohan 
 “ in the midst like a moon. With compliments he dismissed them 
 “ all. As they retired, the bards pronounced a blessing. When a 
 “ watch of the night had passed, the raja retired within the palace. 
 “ Camphor, sandal, musk, and other perfumes scented the place. 
 “ It was redolent of precious essences which had been strewed upon 
 “ it An apartment well colored, fit to inspire pleasure, received the 
 “ raja. He sent for actors, for singers, and other amusements. He 
 “ enjoyed the society of the Purmar’s daughter, the favorite queen, 
 “ who in beauty and youth resembled an Upsura, who was dear to 
 “ him as his life, whom he forgot not for one moment. No other 
 “ fair one did he ever look upon.” 
 
 The Purmar queen gave birth to a son named Sarung Dev, who 
 was sent, on attaining a sufficient age, under the care of the Kayuth 
 Keerpal, to the town of Sambhur, the favorite of Sakumbhuree 
 Devee, which was assigned for his residence. A suitable bride was 
 soon provided for him—“ The daughter of Rawur Dev Raj, Gouree 
 
 1 The four castes are the Brahmins, Kshutrees, Vaishyas, and Shoodras. The 
 thirty-six races are the Rajpoot tribes. Vide Conclusion. 
 
72 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ by name, shone by the side of Sarung Dev, as Rutee beside 
 “ Kara.” 1 
 
 Under these happy auspices the reign of Veesul commenced ; but 
 his prosperity was afterwards more clouded, and the chronicler re¬ 
 presents him as driven from his throne, apparently owing to the 
 jealousy created in the minds of his other wives and their kindred by 
 his exclusive preference of the “ daughter of the Purmar.” By the 
 aid of Shiva, however, Veesul regained his power, which he seems 
 thereafter to have used in so tyrannical a manner, particularly by 
 giving hmiself up to an unbridled lust, that his subjects, in despair, 
 threatened to retire in a body from the country. 
 
 “ The inhabitants of the city thronged together to the house of the 
 “ minister. ‘ Calamity falls upon all, both men and women—we will 
 “ not remain here—we will depart in anger.’ The minister soothed 
 “ the enraged people, and, in conjunction with the council of their 
 “ head men and the wives of the raja, approached Veesul. ‘ To 
 “ protect the land,’ said they, ‘ a prince should travel about it. On 
 “ th e earth there are many rajas; a great sovereign should attack 
 “ and subdue their cities and territories to destroy such thorns.’ 
 “ The raja understood the object of what they had said : ‘ The flame 
 “ which has been excited in me singes you. Well, I will do what 
 “ you have urged; I will send for Keerpal, and to whatever coun- 
 “ tries you may think fit to go, I will mount and accompany you.’ 
 “ He gave the order to all the ministers and sent for Keerpal. 
 “ From Sambhur he came to the city of Ujmeer. On his arrival 
 “ he touched the feet of the king; he placed a sword before him 
 “ as an offering. The hilt and the scabbard were studded with 
 “jewels. The raja bound it on his loins; the skilful in vaticina- 
 “ tion pronounced the omen to be good. The raja said, ‘ As this 
 “ omen has been granted to me, I will draw my sword in all the 
 “ nine divisions of the earth, the whole world I will subdue ; I 
 “ will make tributary rajas, be they as firm as Meroo. Hear, O ! 
 “ Keerpal, my speech. Providing treasure, prepare to accompany 
 “ me—at the Veesul Surowur pitch our tents.’ To the ten direc- 
 “ tions he sent summonses : ‘ Let all come and meet me at Ujmeer.’ 
 “ Muhunsee Pureehar came and joined his standard, the chief of 
 “ Mundowur touched his feet, all the Gahilots came, crowning the 
 “ assembly. Ram Gour, the Toonwur, Pawa’s lord, Muhesh the 
 “ lord of Mewar, the Mohil of Doonapoor 2 came with his followers, 
 
 1 The Cupid and Psyche of the Hindoos. 
 
 s The Mohils are a branch of the Chohans descended from Manik Race.—Tod’s 
 Rajasthan, ii., 445. Vide this passage idem, ii., 448. 
 
BHEEM DEV I. 
 
 73 
 
 “ the Buloch too brought his infantry, the King of Sindh flying, went 
 “ to Sindh, the King of Bhutner sent presents, the chiefs of the 
 “ country as far as Mooltan hastened to join him. The order went 
 r to Jesulmer, all the great Bhoomeeas were submissive; the Yaduv, 
 “ the Waghela, the Moree, the great Goojur, responded to his call. 
 “ From Unturved came the Koorumbh. All the Mairs submissively 
 “ touched his feet. Jeyt Singh, obeying the order, set forth; the 
 1“ chief of Tuchitpoor he brought with him. Many Purmars mounted; 
 r the Dors came to follow him ; the Chundails, the Daheemas, 
 |“ worshipped him. Shaking his sword, he made all the Bhoomeeas 
 1“ submissive. No Solunkhee came to pay obeisance, they stood 
 “ aloof, sternly grasping the sword. Perceiving this, Jeytshee, the 
 “ Golwal, spoke : ‘ Leaving a force at Ujmeer to protect our homes 
 |“ and city, let us advance—the Chalook cannot escape.’ Stage by 
 |“ stage advanced the warriors, by the way of the mountains the 
 “ raja advanced to strike his first blow at the Solunkhee. Many 
 “ forts he levelled with the earth. He took Jhalor and destroyed 
 “ its castle ; to the mountains and the forest the enemy retreated. 
 “ Ascending Aboo, he beheld Uchuleshwur; Wagur he subdued; 
 |“ in Soreth, the land of Girnar, he found tribute and salutations—he 
 “ found no battle. 
 
 “ In Goozerat, land of the seventy towns, was the Chalook Row, 
 “ Balook the warrior. Hearing the news, Balook mounted and 
 “ came, he worshipped Shiva and Doorga, his spear he took upon 
 “ his shoulder. With him he had thirty thousand horsemen, seventy 
 “ elephants streaming with honey ; at a league’s distance he made a 
 j“ halt. The Chohan heard the noise—heard the noise, did Veesul 
 1“ the King, of the Chalook Row’s advance. Calling for a charger, 
 “ he mounted; he caused the royal drum to sound ; setting his 
 “ army in array, he moved onward ; the sound of his approach 
 |“ reached the camp of the enemy. With seventy thousand soldiers 
 “ he came on ; it seemed as if the crickets in some rainy season 
 I raised their humming noise ; shields glanced, spears glittered ; the 
 “ warrior was full of joy, the coward full of sorrow. Destroying the 
 “ lands of Chalook, on rolled the army as a rolling tide of the ocean; 
 “ cities, towns, and villages, all that came in their way, they plun- 
 “ dered. 
 
 “ The Chalook heard the news. Angrily at once he started up, 
 “ as when a flame starts up without smoke. Balook Raee, the 
 “ Chalook warrior, calling for water, laved his body; he drank a 
 
 handful of water which had washed the feet of Vishnoo. Huree 
 “ he placed on his throat. ‘To-day I go forth to conquer or to 
 
74 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ meet fate. If I fly, may dishonour fall on my race. In all this land 
 “ is there no warrior, that this Veesul has advanced without being de- 
 “ barred by weapons ? ’ 
 
 “ Shreekunt, the bard, was sent to the enemy; he met Veesul Dev 
 “ Chohan ; raising his hands he pronounced a benediction ; he in- 
 “ formed him of the movements of Balook Raee. ‘ When it is with 
 “ kings that you should have to do, why have you to do with sub- 
 “ jects? You have done ill injuring them, no Hindoo prince would 
 “ thus act; cease to molest the subjects and return home—to Ujmeer 
 “ depart and there reign. The Balook Raja has said, ‘ I am of the 
 “ Bruhm race, it is my occupation to carry on war, to fly were great 
 “ grief to me, but the day of my death is a day of holiday. The 
 “ chiefs that are around me are of noble race. We will never retreat 
 “ from before you ; turn back, then, and abandon war—let us not 
 “ meet on the field of battle.” ’ When the Chohan received this 
 “ message he at once gave orders for sounding the royal drum. 
 “ Armour they placed on horses and on elephants, the warriors as- 
 “ sumed their armour. The two armies approached within sight of 
 “ each other—they seemed like billows of the ocean bending their 
 “ crests. The Chohan formed a phalanx. ‘ Let us see whether the 
 “ Balook Raee is an Ubheemanya, 1 that he may break it. What 
 “ destiny has determined will come to pass.’ 
 
 “The two armies met; the warriors called to their friends: 
 “ ‘ Brother, brother, strike, strike ! ’ They fought and wounded each 
 “ other. The Chalook’s army gave back ; the Balook Raee came to 
 “ their assistance. He shook the phalanx. The Pureehar and Gahi- 
 “ lot turned their backs, the Pureehar fled to the position of the 
 “ Toonwur; the phalanx was broken and collapsed. At that time 
 “ the Khundhar and Buloch advanced against Balook boldly, nothing 
 “ regarding. The warriors’ surcoats were stained red, as if they 
 “ played together at the Hoolee ; 2 they were bathed in gore. The 
 “ elephants, streaming with blood, showed as brilliantly as pulash 3 
 “ trees covered with scarlet flowers in the spring. Balook and 
 “ Veesul, the king of men, perceived each other. It was as if the 
 “ moon grew dim from being opposed to the sun. The Chalook rode 
 “ on horseback, the Chohan was seated on an elephant; the two 
 
 1 A phalanx of a peculiar form, called “ Chukravyooh, ” is described in the 
 Muhabharut, as having been formed by the Kouruv army. Ubheemanya, the son 
 of Urjoon, broke through six ranks of it, and was slain in front of the seventh. 
 
 2 The Hindoo Saturnalia, in the course of which the revellers sprinkle each 
 other with red water. 
 
 s The “pulash” is a tree which bears red blossoms—the “Butea frondosa.” 
 
BHEEM DEV X. 
 
 75 
 
 “ rajas fought a terrible fight, they crossed weapons with each other, 
 “ when to the teeth of the elephant Balook urged on his steed. 
 
 “ Night at last separated the warriors; returning each to his own tent, 
 “ they bestowed attention on the wounded. 
 
 “ The next morning the ministers of the Chalook came together. 
 “ Without the knowledge of their sovereign they sent a message to 
 “ the Chohan. Pawa’s lord hearing this went to the raja. Keerpal 
 1“ was sent for. The Chalook’s ministers came to meet them. 
 “ ‘ Whatever property you may demand we will place it at your feet.’ 
 “ The King replied : ‘Listen, I will leave a post here, in a month’s 
 
 time I will build a city—assent to this and bring your offering.’ 
 |“ Thus were the terms arranged. The Chohan gained the field—the 
 “ Chalook was wounded. Veesul returned home again when he had 
 “ founded Veesulnugger.” 1 
 
 The bard having carried Veesul back to TJjmeer, relates how that 
 raja, returning to the course from which he had been reclaimed for a 
 time, at last suffered the penalty of his vices, by the curse of a female 
 devotee whose chastity he had violated, and, losing his human form, 
 became an “ Usoor” or “ Danuv,” an “eater of the flesh of men.” 
 The common belief, however, was that he had perished by the bite of 
 a snake. The Purmar Ranee burned herself with the corpse of her 
 lord. 
 
 The first act of Sarung Dev, Veesul’s successor, was to place his 
 wife, who was then pregnant, in security at Rintumbor, the inacces¬ 
 sible fortress which was the seat of her own family. He next turned 
 his attention to the destruction of the Danuv, who had taken up his 
 abode at Ujmeer, and, in his fury and voracity, had rendered the 
 place a desert; but he not only was unsuccessful in this, but himself 
 fell a victim to the monster. 
 
 Ano, the son of Sarung Dev and Gouree, was more successful. He 
 ! adopted, however, an opposite course to that pursued by his father, 
 land instead of attempting to oppose the Danuv in arms, he submitted 
 himself to him and entreated his protection. A The demon was pleased 
 with his humility, and having promised that Ano’s race, from father to 
 son, should reign in Ujmeer, he rose into the sky and proceeded to 
 Nigumbodh, on the Jumna, where he remained performing penances 
 for three hundred and eighty years, until the time that Unung Pal 
 
 1 Colorel Tod, Western India, p. 172, mentions that one stipulation of this 
 | treaty was that the Chalook should give a daughter in marriage to Veesul Dev. He 
 also mentions, quoting the Hamir Rasa, a work relating the exploits of a Chohan 
 prince of that name, that Veesul Dev took Prince Kurun, son of Raja Bheem, 
 prisoner. 
 
76 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Toonwur founded Delhi. From the fragments of his body, as Chund 
 relates, sprung the Samunts or Paladins of Prutheeraj (of whom 
 hereafter), and the poet claims for himself an origin from the tongue J 
 of the Danuv. Ano was succeeded by his son, Jesingh Dev, whose 
 son and successor, Anund Dev, was the father of Someshwur, the 
 opponent of Bheem Dev II., and father of Prutheeraj. 
 
 Bheem Dev I. married Oodayamutee, by whom he had a son 
 named Kurun. This queen caused to be constructed at Unhilwara a 
 well, which alone of all the monuments of the race of Wun Raja 
 still exists, though in a ruined state. It is known as the Ranee’s well. 
 Bheem Dev had also two other sons, named Mool Raj and Kshem 
 Raj, both of whom were, it would appear, born before Kurun. The 
 name of Mool Raj’s mother has not been handed down, that of the 
 mother of Kshem Raj was Bukoola Devee, who was probably a con¬ 
 cubine and of low origin. The author of Prubundh Chintamunee 
 calls her a courtezan, and says she was purchased as a slave by Bheem 
 Dev. Kshem Raj is sometimes described as Hureepal Dev, a name 
 which he probably acquired as a worshipper of Yishnoo after his re¬ 
 tirement intojdie position of an ascetic. 
 
 The same Acharya tells the following story of the prince Mool Raj, 
 which is curious as giving us a glance at the revenue arrangements of 
 the period of Bheem Dev I., and also proving to us that the cultivator 
 of Goozerat was then in character much what he is now in regard to 
 his stubbornness when assailed with demands, as well as his sensibility 
 to kindness. “ Once on a time, in a year when the rains had failed 
 “ in Goozerat, the householders (Koutoombeeks) of the grams, or 
 “ small villages, of Dundahee and Vishopuk, were unable to supply 
 “ to the king his usual share of the produce. A minister (muntree, 
 
 “ the mehta of modern days,) who was sent to make enquiry, brought 
 “ nil the people whom he found possessed of property to the capital, 
 
 “ and presented them to Bheem. One morning the prince Mool Raj, 
 
 “ who was celebrated for his truthfulness and fidelity to his promises, 
 
 “ was walking about in that place attended by a servant of the king’s. 
 
 “ When he perceived all these persons, alarmed, talking among them- 
 “ selves, having informed himself of their case through the attendant 
 “ who was with him, he compassionated them with tears in his eyes. 
 
 “ Soon after, having pleased the king much by his skill in horseman- 
 “ ship, he was commanded to ask a boon. Mool Raj begged that the 
 “ householders might have their rent remitted to them. The king, 
 
 “ with tears of joy in his eyes, both granted what he had asked and 
 “ pressed him to seek a further boon for himself. 
 
 “ The people, on being released from confinement, came to touch 
 
BHEEM DEV I. 
 
 77 
 
 r his feet. Some of them remained to attend him continually; the 
 r rest, returning home, spread his praises far and wide. 
 
 I “ Shortly afterwards, that merciful spirit of his gained Mool Raj 
 “ admission to the delights of Paradise. The king and his court, as 
 r well as the people who had been released at his intercession, were 
 “ immersed in the ocean of grief for his loss. By slow degrees the 
 “ learned, by the power of the wisdom they taught, depressed the 
 “ trunk of this elephant-like sorrow. The next year the husbandmen, 
 “ delighted with an abundant fall of rain, having obtained a plentiful 
 1“ crop of all kinds of grain, came to present to the king his share 
 r both for the past and the present year. Bheem Dev refused to 
 r receive the arrears, but at the solicitation of the husbandmen, agreed 
 |“ at last to nominate, in conjunction with themselves, a jury who 
 “ should arrange the matter to mutual satisfaction. The assessors 
 
 decreed that the royal share of the produce for both years should 
 r be placed in the king’s hands for the erection of a temple, called 
 “ the Treepooroosh Prasad, for the happiness of Prince Mool Raj.” 
 
 At the close of his reign, as the author of Dwyashray records, 
 [Bheem Dev, following the example of Mool Raj, the first of the So- 
 lunkhees and others of his ancestors, proposed to retire to perform 
 penances for the attainment of Paradise, leaving his throne to Kshem 
 Raj, his eldest son. Kshem Raj, however, refused the proffered 
 dignity, and said, “ I will not separate myself from you, but will ac- 
 “ company you to your place of retirement.” After some discussion, 
 Bheem Dev and Kshem Raj jointly placed Kurun on the throne, and 
 retired, and not long afterwards Bheem became an inhabitant of 
 Swerga. 
 
 Afflicted at his separation from his father, Kshem Raj withdrew to 
 a pure place, called Moondeekeshwur, on the banks of the Suruswutee, 
 no great distance from the village of Dudheesthul or Deythulee, which 
 village Kurun Raja granted to the Prince Dev Prusad, the son of 
 Kshem Raj, that he might attend upon his father in his religious 
 seclusion. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 RAJA KURUN SOLUNKHEE—REGENCY OF MYENUL DEVEE—SIDH RAj. 
 
 Goozerat, during the reign of Raja Kurun, (a.d. 1072 to 1094,) 
 enjoyed an exemption from foreign wars. It is said that that prince 
 continued the tributary expeditions, which his predecessors had already 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 7 S 
 
 set on foot, into countries which owned his supremacy, but no mention 
 is made of his having been engaged in a contest with any of the sur¬ 
 rounding potentates. Kurun appears, however, to have availed him¬ 
 self of the opportunity which was thus afforded him for consolidating 
 the strength of his kingdom by reducing the wild and inaccessible 
 parts of the country, called the “ Mewas.” 
 
 It is commonly believed that Goozerat was occupied from a remote 
 period by rude tribes, the descendants of whom still exist, who bore 
 a general resemblance to each other, but of the nature of whose 
 religion or government little has been even traditionally handed down. 
 According to Bishop Heber, they were unquestionably the original 
 inhabitants of central and western India, and were driven to their 
 fastnesses and desperate and miserable way of life by the invasion of 
 those tribes, wherever they may have come from, who profess the 
 Brahminical religion. “ This, the Rajpoots themselves virtually allow 
 “ by admitting, in their traditional history, that most of their principal 
 “ cities and fortresses were founded by such and such Bheel chiefs, 
 “ and conquered from them by the children of the sun.” One branch 
 of them sprung, as the bards relate, from an ancestor named Bheel or 
 Kaiyo, who was produced from the body of Venoo, a descendant of 
 Ootanpat, who died under the curse of a sage. Kaiyo enjoyed the 
 royalty of the forests around Aboo, and left a son, named Ujanbahoo, 
 who ruled over the same territory, and was very powerful. From him 
 came Goho, whose occupation was that of a ferryman, and at whose 
 house Ram rested when he first left Uyodhya. From Goho des¬ 
 cended all the Bheels, who are, however, subdivided into ten branches. 
 
 The tribe of Kaiyos are spoken of in the Muhabharut as resident 
 in Goozerat. When the Panduvs took refuge with Vyerat Raja at 
 Mutsyunugger or Vyeratpoor, which is believed to have occupied the 
 site of the present town of Dholka, they found there a queen of the 
 Kaiyo race, named Soodeeshna, whose brother, Keechuk Kaiyo, was 
 slain by Bheern Sen for an attempt upon the chastity of Droupudee. 
 This Kaiyo is represented as having lately returned conquering with 
 his tribe in all the wars, and as having wasted the Treegurtt country 
 belonging to Raja Dooryodhun, or his friend Sooshurma. 
 
 A similar fabulous descent is given to the Koolees from Youwu- 
 nashwa, the father of Mandhata Raja. Their ancestor, Koolee, was 
 brought up by a sage in the forest, and always led a jungle life, whence 
 it happened, as the bard says, that his descendants, though in the 
 towns they are of little importance, are lions in the jimgle. The 
 Koolees lived for a hong time on the sea-shore, in the neighbourhood 
 of the Indus, but they were removed to the country about the Null 
 
KURUN SOLUNKHEE. 
 
 79 
 
 by the Goddess Hinglaz, and brought with them the earth-nut called 
 “ beerd,” which even in famine does not fail. They were called at 
 this time Mairs, as well as Koolees, and Sonung Mair was their 
 leader. He left twelve sons, each of whom became the head of a 
 clan. Nurwan, the eldest, established himself at Null Bowlee, where 
 Hinglaz Devee took up her residence in a temple erected to her 
 honor. This building has disappeared, but its situation is still 
 pointed out on an island in the Null, the ford to which is now called 
 Hinglaz Ara. 1 The second son, Dhun Mair, or Dhand, founded 
 Dhundhooka, which was long held by his descendants, and became 
 so powerful as to assume the title of raja. “Fifteen thousand were 
 “ his foot-soldiers, eighteen thousand were his horsemen, eight 
 “ elephants shook their heads at the castle of Dhand.” The other 
 brothers had each a village. In these times, says the bard, there was 
 not so great a population in Goozerat, but there was much forest, and 
 the Bheels and Koolees lived in security. They were doubtless then, 
 as now, hereditary and professional plunderers, “ soldiers of the 
 “ night,” as they describe themselves. Raja Kurun Solunkhee is the 
 first ruler of Goozerat on record who devoted his attention to put¬ 
 ting a curb upon these wild tribes,—a task which has engaged the 
 •solicitude, more or less, of all his successors down to the present 
 time. 
 
 The predatory tribes have always had some of their principal 
 haunts in the country which stretches from the eastern side of the 
 lesser Runn of Kutch to the river Sabhermutee. Kurun Raja is said 
 to have attacked a Bheel chieftain, named Asha, who lived at Asha- 
 ; pullee, now Ashawul, near the city of Ahmedabad, and led an in¬ 
 numerable force of bowmen. The Bheel was defeated and slain by 
 Kurun, who, in consequence of a good omen which had occurred 
 to him, built in the same place a temple to a Devee, called 
 Kochuruv, a name which is still preserved in that of a locality on the 
 banks of the river immediately contiguous to Ahmedabad. Meroo- 
 toong (the author of Prubundh Chintamunee) goes on to say, that 
 the king founded in the same place a temple to Jyeuntee Devee, the 
 two temples of Kuruneshwur and Kurun Meroo Prasad, to his patron 
 god, and a reservoir, called Kurun Sagur, or the sea of Kurun, and 
 also that he built a town, called Kurunawutee, and made it his resi¬ 
 dence. 
 
 The situation of Kurunawutee 2 cannot be decisively ascertained, 
 
 1 Tour. Bom. Br. Roy. As. Soc., vol. v., p. 113. 
 
 2 The probability is that Kurun’s city stood on the site of that of his Moslem 
 
8o 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 but there can be no doubt as to the proper position to be assigned 
 to the magnificent reservoir, the Kurun Sagur. Near the town of 
 Modheyra, not many miles to the south of Unhilwara Puttun, is a 
 village still called “ Kunsagur,” in the lands of which are the remains 
 of an immense reservoir known in the surrounding villages as “ the 
 “ ten miles tank,” and which local tradition still attributes to “ the 
 “ father of Sidh Raj, the Goodman Kun.” The design was worthy 
 of a monarch, and may be clearly traced, though but little now re¬ 
 mains of the structure itself. The river Roopeyn, flowing down from 
 the hills beyond Kheraloo, was here arrested in its course towards 
 the Runn, and compelled to relinquish its natural outlet and to empty 
 its waters into the sea of Kurun. Nor could the execution have been 
 unequal to the design, for century after century passed on, the 
 dynasty of Wun Raja was forgotten, the Moslem had conquered, 
 ruled, and fallen in his turn, the locust-like Mahratta cloud was al¬ 
 ready dissipating beneath the booming thunder of the western cannon, 
 and yet, in the chains forged by Kurun Solunkhee, Roopeyn still was 
 bound ; these fetters broke at last, and the ocean of the king became 
 in a moment an uncared for waste. 1 
 
 The town of Modheyra is situated on a low hill or mound formed 
 of the debris of brick buildings, and rising out of a level plain. The 
 character of the country near it, and the presence of salt water creeks 
 carried up from the Runn, suggest the probability of its having at a 
 former time stood very near the edge of the sea, which once covered I 
 that tract. It is known in Jain legends as Modherpoor, or Modh- I 
 bunk Puttun, and it gave its name to the caste of Brahmins called I 
 Modh. A very handsome Hindoo temple stands in the immediate I 
 vicinity of the town, which (as the erections mentioned by Meroo -1 
 
 successor, Shah Ahmed. The names of Kochuruv and Ashawul point to this site, 
 and there can be no question that an old Hindoo city existed in the position now 
 occupied by Ahmedabad. Mohammedan story associates the names of Asha 
 Bheel and Ashawul with Shah Ahmed, adapting probably the older tradition re¬ 
 lating to Raja Kurun. Ahmedabad is mentioned under the name of “ Shree- 
 Nugger” in modern Hindoo and Jain writings and inscriptions. Thus the situa¬ 
 tion of the well called “ Dada Huree’s,” near Ahmedabad, which was built by 
 Baee Hureer, a lady of the household of Mahmood Begurra in a.d. 1500, is des¬ 
 cribed in the inscription on it as “in Hureerpoor, on the north-east of Shree 
 Nugger We shall see the name of ShreeNuggeroccurring in the annals of the 
 reign of Sidh Raj. Shree Nugger, it is true, may be only an epithet—it means 
 “ the illustrious city.” 
 
 1 This occurred in A.D. 1814. The year before there had been a famine, and in 
 that year the fall of rain was so heavy that the Roopeyn, becoming for the time a 
 large stream, broke through the embankment. 
 
KURUN SOLUNKHEE. 
 
 81 
 
 toong may be looked for in the neighbourhood of Kurun Sagur as 
 well as in that of Ashawul) we may surmise to be either the Kurun- 
 eshwur or Kurun Meroo Prasad. This temple will be more fully de¬ 
 scribed hereafter; but we may in this place notice that it corresponds 
 exactly in style with two small shrines still remaining of those which 
 adorned the “ ocean of Kurun/’ and that the finish everywhere 
 visible in its execution, indicates that it was erected at a time when 
 resources were plentiful, and when an external enemy was not 
 apprehended. 
 
 A superb temple to Nemeenath which stands upon Rewutachul or 
 Girnar, is also attributed to Raja Kurun, and called after him the 
 Kurun Veehar. 
 
 Kurun Raja appears to have been for a long time denied the 
 blessing of a son to succeed him; towards the close of his reign, 
 however, a romantic incident made him the father of a young prince, 
 who was destined to raise to its culminating point the glory of Un- 
 hilwara. One day, soon after the king had mounted the throne, an 
 usher came to him and informed him that a portrait painter who had 
 travelled in many countries stood at the door seeking permission to 
 appear in his presence. At the raja’s order the painter was intro¬ 
 duced into the court, and, having made obeisance, sat down and 
 said, “ O ! king, your fame has travelled into many countries, there- 
 “ fore many people think of you, and are desirous of seeing you, 
 “ I, too, for a long time have been so desirous.” Then the painter 
 submitted to the king a roll of pictures. Therein Lukshmee was 
 represented dancing before a raja, and beside her there was a maiden 
 portrayed much more beautiful than Lukshmee. The raja, when he 
 saw the picture, praised the maiden’s beauty exceedingly, and asked 
 of what race she was. The painter replied, “ there is in the Dekkan 
 “ a city named Chundrapoor, the king thereof is Jye Keshee; 1 this 
 “ maiden is his daughter, the princess Myenul Devee. She is in the 
 “ bloom of youth. Many princes desired to wed her, but she 
 “ assented to no one. Her relations told her that the flower of her 
 “ age was passing away, and that she should consent to receive a 
 “ husband. Then the maiden began to worship Gouree in order to 
 “ obtain a bridegroom full of great qualities. 2 The Boudhist Jutees, 
 “ too, that shave the hair of their heads and their beards, having 
 “ painted portraits of many royal princes, exhibited them to her. 
 “ Afterwards some unskilled painter who had come to Chundrapoor, 
 
 1 Jye Keshee is described in another place as the son of Shoobkeshee, King of 
 Kurnat-land, who perished in a forest conflagration. 
 
 2 See account of the festival of Gouree in the Conclusion. 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ exhibited to the princess the portrait of your highness. She, when 
 “ she saw it, was delighted in heart, and announced to her mother, 
 “ that she had chosen you for her bridegroom. When she sees birds 
 “ flying from the north, she asks them if they are come from Raja 
 “ Kurun. She refuses to eat or. drink, and because her desire of 
 “ marrying you is not speedily gratified, she is pining away. For this 
 “ reason the maiden has sent me privately to your presence, and Jye 
 “ Keshee Raja also has authorized my coming.” Having thus 
 spoken, the painter presented gold, jewels, and other gifts with which 
 he had been entrusted by Jye Keshee. Kurun Raja received them, 
 and great eagerness for marrying the maiden arose in his mind. 
 
 The princess was soon conducted to Unhilwara Puttun and married 
 to Kurun Raja, who, according to his engagement, received her with 
 great honor, and placed her in the position of chief queen. Myenul 
 Devee, however, instead of being possessed of the charms the de¬ 
 scription of which had sp much captivated the king, appeared to him 
 to be singularly ill-favored, and though he kept his word by allowing 
 the ceremony of espousal to be performed, he refused to consummate 
 the marriage, and “ even with his eyes wholly regarded her not.” 
 This resolution of her husband’s was the cause of great affliction to 
 Myenul Devee, who prepared to destroy herself by fire, with her 
 attendants, and bring down the gilt of murder upon the head of 
 Kurun. His mother, Oodayamutee, too, who could not endure the 
 sight of her daughter-in-law’s sufferings, threatened to accompany her 
 in her death. The king’s subjects also loudly expressed their sense 
 of his cruelty, and complained of his impolicy in refusing to 
 strengthen his throne by the prospect of a successor to its honors. 
 Kurun, however, remained unmoved, and would, perhaps, have been 
 contented to try to the utmost the patience of his people, as well as 
 the fortitude of his mother and his bride, had he not been deceived 
 by a stratagem, such as that by which Tamar practised upon Judah, 
 or Mariana (as the poet represents) compelled the reluctant love of 
 Angelo. 
 
 The king, having fallen in love with the very beautiful actress, 
 Numoonjala, had arranged with her a secret assignation. A minister 
 of the name of Moonjal, becoming cognizant of the fact, contrived to 
 substitute Myenul Devee in her place. Kurun fell into the snare, 
 and the queen became pregnant by him, having secured from the 
 hand of her husband his signet ring as a token which could not be 
 disclaimed. No sooner had the king, however, gratified his wishes, 
 than he repented that he had indulged them, and having consulted 
 the Brahmins, prepared to undergo a terrible penance in the embrace 
 
MYENUL DEVEE. 
 
 83 
 
 of seven images of heated brass. The minister then explained to 
 him the stratagem by which he had been deceived. Thus Myenul 
 Devee became the mother of the illustrious Sidh Raj Jye Singh Dev, 
 who, as local tradition relates, first saw the light at Pahlunpoor. 
 
 Sidh Raj was yet a child when his father Kurun, fixing his thoughts 
 on Vishnoo, went to Indrapoor. During his minority there appears 
 to have been a struggle between rival factions for the possession of 
 royal power. Dev Prusad, the son of Kshem Raj, Kurun’s brother, 
 when he heard of that king's death, prepared a funeral pile on the 
 banks of the Suruswutee, and burned himself alive. He left a son, 
 Treebhoowun Pal, who was a close attendant upon the person of the 
 young prince, and, in after times, when Sidh Raj went forth subduing 
 the whole earth as far as the ocean, Treebhoowun Pal placed himself 
 before his sovereign in the battle. The reins of government were 
 first held by Mudun Pal, the brother of Kurun’s mother, Oodayamutee ; 
 but this prince, behaving in a tyrannical manner and having, in par¬ 
 ticular, oppressed and extorted a large sum of money from a celebrated 
 and popular physician of the court, named Leela, a combination was 
 formed against him, and the minister Samtoo, having obtained pos¬ 
 session of the person of the young prince by a stratagem, and conveyed 
 him to his own house, caused Mudun Pal to be put to death by the 
 hands of his soldiers. 
 
 Power now passed into the hands of the young sovereign’s mother, 
 Myenul Devee, who was assisted by the ministers Samtoo and Moon- 
 jal, and^by another named Ooda, who appear to have been all of 
 them Waneeos in caste, and Jains in religion. It was during the 
 regency of Myenul Devee that the two reservoirs which received 
 names from her—the Meenul Sur, or Mon Sur, at Veerumgam, and 
 the Mulav, or Meenul-tulav, at Dholka, were constructed. 
 
 On the east of the latter tank, was a courtezan’s house, which, as 
 it interfered with the symmetry of her design, the Ranee proposed to 
 purchase for a large sum of money. The owner, however, declined 
 to part with it, remarking that her name would be rendered as famous 
 by the refusal as that of the queen would be by the construction of 
 the reservoir. Myenul Devee was too upright to employ force, and 
 her conduct in the matter, though it produced an irregularity in the 
 tank, which is still apparent, procured for her government a reputation 
 which is preserved in the local proverb, “ Would you see justice, visit 
 “ the Mulav.” Her ministers also vied with the queen in erecting 
 costly^ works of architecture, of which the chronicler mentions a Jain 
 convent, called Ooden Veehar, at Kurunawutee, and the temples of 
 “ Shree Moonjal's Lord," and “ Samtoo’s Foundation ,” probably in the 
 same city. 
 
S 4 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Before she left her own country Myenul Devee, doubtless at the 
 persuasion of the priests of Shiva, had bound herself by a vow that 
 she would procure the remission of the duties levied at a place called 
 Bahoolod (now Bhalod), a ford of the Nerbudda river, a little above 
 Shookulteerth, upon the pilgrims proceeding to the Shrine of So- 
 meshwur. In a former birth, as her spiritual preceptors informed her, 
 she had been a Brahminee, and had arrived at Bahoolod with the 
 view of performing pilgrimage at Dev Puttun, but being unable to pay 
 the duties demanded of her, she had been refused permission to ad¬ 
 vance further, and in grief on that account had produced her death 
 by abstaining from all food. The opportunity having now arrived for 
 the accomplishment of her vow, Myenul Devee carried the young 
 Sidh Raj with her to Bahoolod, where they had the opportunity of 
 observing personally the inconveniences to which the pilgrims were 
 exposed. The jury of five, to whom the collection of the tax was 
 entrusted, were summoned to produce their accounts, and though 
 the amount realized was found to be an immense sum, Sidh Raj, 
 placing water in his mother’s hand as a kol, 1 and declaring the act to 
 be a religious gift on her part, remitted the levy. Myenul Devee then 
 worshipped Someshwur with great splendour, presenting an elephant, 
 a gold figure called a “ toola pooroosh,” 2 3 * * holding a set of scales, and 
 other great gifts. 
 
 While the young sovereign of Goozerat was thus employed, Yu- 
 showurman, the king of Malwa, invaded the northern part of his do¬ 
 minions. The minister, Samtoo, who held the deputed power of 
 Sidh Raj, at Unhilwara, being either without the means of repelling 
 this invasion, or without the energy to employ them, induced Yu- 
 showurman to retire by paying him a sum of money, but the young 
 king, on his return to the capital, was much enraged at what had 
 happened, and from that time forward set his heart upon the reduc¬ 
 tion of Malwa. 
 
 It was while preparing for this expedition that Sidh Raj com¬ 
 menced the construction of the Suhusra Ling tank at Unhilwara, 8 
 
 1 The ceremony called Choollook or Kol, which is performed by pouring water 
 into the hand of a party to whom a promise is made, as an earnest that the en¬ 
 gagement is irrevocable, is still used in Goozerat. Sometimes the water being 
 discarded, the maker of a promise merely places his hand in the hand of the other 
 party. 
 
 2 Or perhaps Myenul Devee gave her weight in gold to the shrine : this was an 
 usual practice. 
 
 3 This reservoir appears to have been in existence in the reign of Akber. 
 
 “ Beiram Khan, his minister,” it is said, “proceeded to Goozerat, in order to 
 
 “ embark for Mecca, and reached the suburbs of Puttun, (Unhilwara,) then 
 
SIDH RAJ. 
 
 §5 
 
 so celebrated in tradition and tale. The excavation made for this 
 reservoir is still pointed out at Puttun, but of the fabric itself 
 nothing remains. It was one of the circular, or rather multilateral 
 tanks, of which several examples, more or less perfect, are to be met 
 with in Goozerat, and its name, (which may be rendered “ the 
 reservoir of the thousand temples of Shiva,”) was probably derived 
 from numerous shrines of Muha Dev encircling it, similar to those 
 which still remain around the Meenul-sur of Veerumgam. The 
 following story, in connection with this reservoir, is still a popular 
 subject of recitation and song :— 
 
 TALE OF JUSMA THE ODUN. 
 
 Once on a time, a countryman from Malwa came to Sidh Raj, 
 and praised the beauty of Jusma, the Odun. The raja sought to 
 possess her, and made many attempts to do so which were un¬ 
 successful. At length, when he was commencing the Suhusra Ling 
 tank, at Puttun, he sent his sister’s son, Doodhmul the Chowra, to 
 bring a number of Ods 1 and Oduns from Malwa. Doodhmul set 
 out to fetch them, and arrived at their village, and said that Sidh 
 Raj, the Solunkhee, had a large tank to excavate and wanted the 
 assistance of a number of Ods and Oduns. Jusma thereupon 
 collected a number of her caste-fellows, and with her husband came 
 to Puttun. Sidh Raj gave orders that the other Ods should be 
 accommodated outside the town, but that Jusma should be brought 
 into the palace. Jusma refused, saying, “Ranees sleep in palaces, 
 “it is fitter for the Odun to lie upon the ground.” 
 
 When the digging of the tank commenced, the raja in person sat 
 looking on; he became very much enamoured of Jusma. He said 
 to her, “Jusma, do not lift such heavy loads of earth, you will 
 “ injure yourself.” She said there was no fear of that. He told her 
 to take care of her child and let the other Oduns lift the earth. She 
 said, “ I have hung him to the branch of a tamarind tree, as I come 
 “ and go I swing his cradle.” 
 
 When the excavation was completed, the raja paid all the Ods, 
 . but said that Jusma should remain and he would pay her by and bye. 
 Meanwhile he gave the Ods leave to retire; Jusma, however, 
 
 “ governed by Moosy Khan Lody. During his stay there he went to visit a spot 
 “ called Sahasnuk, so called from the thousand temples erected in its vicinity.” 
 Briggs’s Feristah II., p. 203. The same nobleman is the reputed founder of the 
 Khan Surowur at Puttun. 
 
 1 The Ods are a low caste, whose occupation is that of excavating tanks. 
 
86 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 secretly went with them. When he became aware of this, the raja 
 mounted and pursued them as far as Modheyra, slaying some of the 
 Ods. Jusmaupon this plunged a dagger into her belly, andj as she 
 died, cursed Sidh Raj, and said that his tank should never contain water. 
 
 The raja, returning to Puttun, found the tank dried up. He 
 asked the minister what ought to be done that water might remain 
 in the tank. The Prudhan, after consulting the astrologers, said 
 that if a man’s life were sacrificed, the curse would be removed. 
 At that time the Dhers (or out-castes) were compelled to live at a 
 distance from the towns ; they wore untwisted cotton round their 
 heads and a stag’s horn, as a mark, hanging from their waists, so 
 that people might be able to avoid touching them. The raja 
 commanded that a Dher, named Mayo, should be beheaded in the 
 tank, that the water might remain. Mayo died, singing the praises 
 of Vishnoo, and the water after that began to remain in the tank. 
 At the time of his death Mayo had begged, as a reward for his 
 sacrifice, that the Dhers should not in future be compelled to live at 
 a distance from the towns, nor to wear a distinctive dress. The 
 raja assented, and these privileges were afterwards permitted to the 
 Dhers for the sake of Mayo. 
 
 After this Jye Singh prepared to go quickly to Oojein, col¬ 
 lecting his army from village to village. He advanced stage by 
 stage, subjecting the rajas whose towns he passed on the road, 
 and compelling them to accompany him; he caused the tops of 
 many high places to be lowered, in order that his army might find 
 a more level road. Some Bheel chieftains, with their followers, 
 attended the king, who astonished Sidh Raj with their feats of 
 activity —“ In his army they seemed as the followers of Hunooman, 
 “ in attendance upon Ram.” At last the king of Goozerat encamped 
 on the banks of the river Seepra ; the tents were pitched, the horses 
 secured in order, and all details arranged. Then there was festival 
 held in the tent of Jye Singh—the dancers danced before him. 
 
 Sidh Raj made war in Malwa, it is said, for twelve years, with 
 great renown, but after many ineffectual attempts to obtain pos¬ 
 session of the capital city, Dhara Nugger, he began to be dis¬ 
 heartened, and consulted Moonjal Muntree, who accompanied him, 
 on the propriety of returning to his dominions. That minister, 
 however, obtained from a deserter intelligence which led to the hope 
 that an attack on the southern gateway of the fort might be made 
 with success. Sidh Raj headed the assault in person. The favorite 
 elephant upon which he rode, after incredible exertion, broke down 
 two of the three gates, though fastened with iron chains, but won 
 
SIDH RAJ. 
 
 87 
 
 this success with its life. The king of Goozerat, having thus effected 
 an entrance, soon became master of the fort, and his triumph being 
 completed by the capture of Yushowurman, who had behaved 
 gallantly in the defence, his standard was raised in the city of Bhoj, 
 as four hundred years afterwards the banners of his Moslem 
 successor were planted upon the battlements of Mandoo. 1 2 
 
 As he returned homewards, Sidh Raj attacked and drove from 
 their fortresses the chieftains who plundered pilgrims travelling along 
 the road, thus making the country “fearless.’' 
 
 It was when Sidh Raj made his triumphal entry into Unhilwara, 
 after his conquest of Mahva, Yushowurman placed a flag of 
 victory (Yushputaka) on the royal elephant, that the king’s notice 
 was first attracted to the future author of the Dwyashray, Hem- 
 chunder the Acharya, who as first of the priests of the Jain religion, 
 proclaimed among the white-robed train the glory of the hero of 
 Goojur Rashtra :— 
 
 “ O ! Kamdoogha, sprinkle the land. O ! sea, make a swusteek of 
 “ pearls. O ! moon, shine in full splendour. O ! elephants, sup- 
 “ porting the eight regions of heaven, wave garlands of good leaves 
 “ of the tree of desire—conquering the earth, Sidh Raj comes.”* 
 
 1 The following Pedigree of the Kings of Malwa is ' from an inscripti on 
 translated by Mr. L. Wilkinson, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society (Bengal 
 Branch), v. p. 380, and from the other authorities quoted :— 
 
 I. Raja Bhoj Dev. 
 
 II. Oodayadit. 
 
 III. Nurwurm, died St. 1190 (a.d. 1134), v. Ins: from Oojein, translated by 
 
 Colebrooke, Trans. R. A. S. I. 232. 
 
 IV. Yushowurm. 
 
 V. Ujye-wurm, “by the favor of this raja, the learned and accomplished 
 “ Prince Shree Hurischundra Dev received dominion :” who from his 
 capital of Neelageeree made gifts to Brahmins in St. 1235 (A.D. 1179), 
 v. Journ. Ben. A. S. vii. 736.. 
 
 VI. Vindhya-wurm, “who directed his ambition to the reduction of the 
 “ country of Goozerat.” 
 
 VII. Umooshyayun. 
 
 VIII. Soobhut-wurm, or Sohud. “The angered prowess of this conqueror, like 
 “ the fiery rays of the sun, which exercised its thundering rage in the 
 “ city of Puttun, in (or cities of) Goozerat, is witnessed to the present 
 “ day in the forest conflagrations that still prevail in the country.” 
 
 IX. Urjoon Raja. “This prince when still a child put Jye Singh Raja to 
 “ flight, even in child’s play.” In the fort of Mandoo, on the 10th 
 Plialgoon Shukla Sumwut, 1267 (a.d. 1210), he grants a village to his 
 family priest “ in commemoration of his accession.” 
 
 2 “Kamdoogha” is the cow of paradise. The word swusteek has been ex¬ 
 plained already ( vide p. 42, and note). The allusion is to the usual decoration 
 of houses at times of rejoicing, viz., purifying with cow-dung, painting swusteeks on 
 
88 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The excitement and joy of his triumphal return over, the king 
 was called upon to preside in a court which was to determine the 
 merits of a new treatise on grammar, composed by Hemacharya, to 
 silence the opponents who attributed his skill to the assistance he 
 had derived from Brahminical learning. The decision was given in 
 the Acharjee’s favor, and his work was, at the order of the sovereign, 
 placed upon the head of one of the royal elephants, and, with the 
 white umbrella extended over it, the hair fans and other emblems of 
 imperial state, was conveyed to the treasury of the palace. The 
 “ evil disposed,” however, remarked that the work contained no 
 eulogy of the king’s ancestors. Sidh Raj was displeased on hearing 
 this remark, but, the next morning, when the grammar was re¬ 
 examined, Hemacharya was duly prepared to remedy the deficiency, 
 and burst forth into eloquent verse in the praise of the solunkhee 
 sovereigns. Soon afterwards he still further repaired his omission by 
 the composition of the Dvvyashray. x 
 
 Sidh Raj next turned his attention to the state of the Treepooroosh 
 Prasad, the funeral shrine of the Prince Mool Raj, and the other 
 royal temples, providing the means of maintaining them, and the 
 “ income of the Devs,” on so extravagant a scale as to call forth 
 prophetic remonstrances from Yushowurman who here appeared 
 playing the part of Croesus to this Cyrus of India. “ Malwa is a 
 “ territory producing hundreds of thousands of treasure, yet it has 
 “ been absorbed by Goozerat, as if a sea were drowned in a jar of 
 “ water. The reason is that Malwa was formerly given to Muha 
 “ Kal Dev, 1 and became the property of the god. We enjoyed it, 
 “ but, from that splendour, we have now descended as the sun 
 “ descends beneath the horizon. The kings of your race, too, not 
 “ being able to furnish so much religious income, will diminish each 
 “ Dev’s possessions, until calamity cut you off from the very root.” 
 
 The temple of Roodra Muha Kal, at Shreesthul, which had been 
 established by Mool Raja, had fallen into disrepair, and the demons, 
 or “ Rakshuses,” 8 had been emboldened to annoy the Brahmins so 
 
 the wall with vermilion, or forming them with jewels or grains upon a table, and 
 hanging garlands at the door. 
 
 1 Bhoowur Raja, of whom mention has been made as the enemy of Jye Sheker, 
 the father of Wunraj, is reported to have been restored to the use of his limbs at 
 the shrine of Muha Kal, at Oojein ; and, in gratitude for the cure, to have given 
 up to Muha Dev the whole of Malwa with the metropolis, assigning the pro¬ 
 tection of it to Purmar Rajpoots. 
 
 2 In the Dwyashray, the leader of these “Rakshuses” is called Burbur, or 
 Burburuk, a name which, under the form of Wurwurk, is mentioned in the 
 
SIDH RAJ. 
 
 89 
 
 that the smoke of the sacrificial fire no longer rose to the heavens. 
 Sidh Raj, expelling the enemies of the Brahmins, employed his 
 most skilful architect in the completion of the edifice. Then, 
 having consulted the astrologers, and being warned that the arrival 
 of a foreign conqueror would be fatal to this new shrine as it had 
 been to the temple of Dev Puttun, Sidh Raj caused images of 
 “ horse lords ” and other great kings to be made, and, installing 
 them in the temple, placed near them a representation of himself 
 in the attitude of supplication, with an inscription praying that even 
 if the land was laid waste this temple might not be destroyed. 
 Meanwhile the “ victorious” pendant of Muha Dev was planted 
 on the summit of the Roodra Mala, and the king, as an act of grace, 
 gave permission that flags should be raised also upon the Jain 
 temples, which before had been forbidden. It was at this time that 
 the town of Shreesthul, in commemoration of its royal restorer, 
 assumed the name of Sidhpoor. The Jains add, that the king caused 
 to be built also, in the same place, a temple to Muha Veer Swamee, 
 and that he worshipped the “ congregation ” there. 
 
 Sidh Raj soon after returned to Malwa, and spent the rainy season 
 in that country. While there, he received the agreeable intelligence 
 that the Suhusra Ling tank was completed and filled with water. 
 On his arrival in Goozerat, at the close of the rains, he took up his 
 residence at Shree Nugger, “a great city.” Observing many flags on 
 the temples of that city, he made inquiries of the Brahmins, who 
 detailed to him the different shrines of their faith that there existed, 
 j as well as those of the Jain religion. Sidh Raj angrily exclaimed : 
 “ In Goojur-land I have forbidden the flag to Jain temples, how is 
 “ it, then, that in your city this order is disregarded?” The council 
 who managed the temple of Shree Rishub Dev thereupon brought 
 forth their copper-plates and other records to prove, in the royal 
 court, the antiquity of their privileges. This point was, at the close 
 of the proceedings, admitted even by the Brahmins, upon which the 
 “ high-minded ” sovereign granted permission that the flags should 
 be raised on the Jain temples at the end of a year from that day. 
 
 Among the Senaputees, or generals of the army of Sidh Raj, was 
 a celebrated Purmar chieftain, named Jugut Dev, whose existence is 
 alluded to by the monk of Wudwan but merely with the remarks 
 that he was “ thrice valiant,” or possessed of strength, talent, and 
 
 inscription alluded to, in the note at p. 50, as that of the King of Malwa. The 
 allusion may, therefore, be to the invasion, by Yushowurm, which excited the 
 anger of Sidh Raj. 
 
90 RAS MALA. 
 
 wealth; that he was much admired by Sidh Raj, and that he at 
 length quitted that king’s service for the court of Purmurddee Raja, 
 of whose principal queen he was the bracelet-bound brother. 
 
 The tale which is now introduced to the reader, and which has for 
 its hero this valiant chieftain, is more than usually barren of his¬ 
 torical fact, but presents some spirited pictures of Rajpoot life, and 
 may serve as a not unfavourable specimen of the romances which 
 are a source of delight to every true son of the Kshutrees. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE TALE OF JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 In the land of Malwa, in the city of Dhara, Oodayadit ruled. He 
 had two Ranees, one of the Waghela clan, the other of the Solunkhee. 
 The Waghelee had a son, Prince Rindhuwul. 1 She was the favorite; 
 the Solunkhunee was held in less estimation. The latter had a son, 
 Jug Dev; he was somewhat swarthy in complexion, but handsome. 
 Rindhuwul was the elder son, and the heir apparent; there was a 
 difference of two years in the age of the brothers. When Jug Dev 
 reached the age of twelve years, the raja asked Mudar, one of his 
 household, “ Has the Solunkhee lady a son or not ?” Mudar 
 answered, “ The Solunkhee lady has a son, Jug Dev, but he never 
 “ comes to the palace.” The raja said, “ In the world there is 
 “ nothing greater than a son.” So saying, he sent to call Jug Dev. 
 Then Jug Dev came to the palace ; his coat was of coarse cloth ; on 
 his head was a turban, that might have been bought for two shillings; 
 
 1 Colonel Tod, (Rajasthan ii., 242,) quoting the Annals of Jesulmur, has the 
 following :— 
 
 “ Raedhuwul Piiar, son (or descendant) of Udyadit of Dhar, had three 
 “ daughters, one of whom he betrothed to Jeipal (Ujye Pal) Solunkhi, son of Sid 
 “ Raj, another to Beeji Raj Bhatti, and the third to the Rana of Cheetore.” 
 
 Sidh Raj, however, left no son ; Ujye Pal, who succeeded him eventually, was 
 his relation, but not his descendant. Vide pedigree of Malwa kings in the note at 
 page 87. 
 
 The Tug Dev of the time of Sidh Raj might have been the son of Oodayadit, 
 the successor of Bhoj. The present tale is, however, a pure romance. 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 91 
 
 his ears and hands were unadorned. In this state he appeared, and 
 made his obeisance. The raja pressed him to his bosom, seated 
 him near himself, and seeing his dress, said, “ Son ! how is it you 
 “ wear such clothes ? ” Jug Dev replied, “ My austerities have been 
 “ few; born in the house of a mighty prince, still in that great king’s 
 “ land of Malwa, I hardly obtain a pound of salt and water. To 
 “ my mother one village you have assigned. This is a subsistence 
 “ for her, and the business of its rule is in her hands. Tunsoo-Gam 1 
 |“ is a great name, but the produce of it is little. Meat and drink, 
 
 ] “ clothing, men-servants’ and maid-servants’ subsistence, cars and 
 | “ oxen—these, all of them, are supplied by the produce of a single 
 '“village. My own clothes are beyond the produce.” The raja, 
 when he heard this, said to the treasurer, “ Give him four shillings a 
 “ day.” Jug Dev said, “ Mighty prince ! the present you have given 
 “ me I have accepted, but the illustrious Maojee 2 is very affectionate 
 j“ to me, therefore I shall not obtain it. Well, whatever has been 
 “ written will come to pass !” Then the raja, demanding a bag of 
 money from the treasurer, gave it into his hand, and said, “ Son, buy 
 “ clothes, live comfortably.” Then he gave Jug Dev permission to 
 retire. Jug Dev, taking leave, detailed to his mother what had hap¬ 
 pened, and gave her the purse. Some follower of the Waghelee’s, who 
 heard and saw what occurred, went and told his mistress. “ To-day 
 “ the raja shewed great kindness to Jug Dev; he granted him four 
 “ shillings a day, and presented him with a purse.” When she 
 heard that, the flame of anger sprung from her foot up to her head. 
 Sending an eunuch, she called the raja thither—she paid him 
 obeisance. The raja seated himself on a cushion. The Waghelee, 
 with reddened eyes, addressed him : “ What is this you have been 
 “ giving to the Doohagun’s son to-day ?” The raja said, “ The 
 “ Solunkhunee is the Doohagun, 3 but her son is first. Rindhuwul 
 “ is the Teelayut heir-apparent, but Jug Dev pleases my eye; he will 
 !“ be a good Rajpoot.” Then said the Waghelee, “He is swarthy 
 “ in complexion ; his fortune, too, is written in black letters. Why 
 “ do you praise him; send for the purse back again.” The raja 
 replied, “ That I have presented to him ; another time I will consult 
 “ you before I give.” 
 
 1 The name means “three good villages.” 
 
 2 Meaning the Waghelee Ranee, Ma (mother) is respectfully rendered Majee, 
 Maojee. 
 
 3 Sookdguti is the title of the favorite, and Doohagun of the less esteemed wife. 
 | Compare the passage in Deuteronomy xxi., 15 to 17. Teelayut is the head of the 
 
 house, who bears the mark of royalty (the teeluk) on his forehead. 
 
92 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 At that time the Raja of Mandoogurh, whose service Oodayadit 
 performed, sent a letter commanding his speedy attendance. The 
 raja quickly went off upon that business. Both princes remained at 
 home. Jug Dev’s associates were good; he admitted visitors affably, 
 he ga.ve good advice, his manner of living was good, his temper was 
 pleasing, therefore people spoke well of him in the world, and his 
 fame increased. Rindhuwul dwelt in the palace, but Jug Dev in his 
 own house. In this way two years passed away. At that time the 
 lord of Gord-land, a raja of the Gord clan, by name Gumbheer, 
 hearing of the reputation of Jug Dev, sent a cocoa-nut for him to 
 Dhara-nugger,. with an elephant and nine horses, the cocoa-nut 
 mounted in silver and gold, a family priest to present the cocoa-nut, 
 and a minister. They arrived at Dhar; everybody talked about the 
 Gord raja’s cocoa-nut having arrived. They were welcomed, a place 
 was given them to lodge in, and fodder for their cattle provided. 
 The family priest, the eunuch, and the minister together said, “ Bring 
 “ forward the cocoa-nut.” The Gord priest answered, “ My raja 
 “ has ordered me to cause Prince Jug Dev to take it. Do you, 
 “ therefore, place him on the cushion; I will make the royal mark 
 “ on his forehead, and present the cocoa-nut.” After this con¬ 
 versation the party separated. The Waghelee was held in much 
 awe : they went and told her, “ The cocoa-nut is Jug Dev’s.” Then 
 the Waghelee, in a rage, exclaimed, “ O, destiny ! do you give the 
 “ cocoa-nut to this black-leprosied one of ours. The cocoa-nut 
 “ befits my son—explain this to the comers, and cause the cocoa- 
 “ nut to be given to Rindhuwul. I will do them service.” 1 The 
 priest said to Mutoowee, the Gord priest, presenting him at the 
 same time with a sum of money, “Jug Dev is the son of the 
 “ Doohagun; he does not get as much food as he could eat; Rind- 
 “ huwul is the heir-apparent; his mother is the chief queen ; give 
 “ the cocoa-nut to him.” Afterwards the cocoa-nut was given to the 
 good Prince Rindhuwul; he was marked with the royal mark, the 
 great drum sounded, thirty-two musical instruments were played.” 
 The priest then said, “ For once, shew me Jug Dev.” Letting the 
 Waghelee know, they brought Jug Dev. The priest Mutoowee saw 
 him ; he shook his head when he beheld how handsome Jug Dev 
 was, and how clever he seemed, and splendid in appearance. How¬ 
 ever, he said, “What is written must come to pass.” He asked 
 leave to retire: they presented him with a dress of honor, and 
 dismissed him. He returned to his own country, and told the story 
 
 1 This expression means, in plain English, “ I will give them a bribe.” 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 93 
 
 to Raja Gumbheer as follows:—“ We gave the cocoa-nut to Rind- 
 “ huwul. The heir-apparent is Rindhuwul, but the handsome is Jug 
 “ Dev. He has no good clothes, but he is like the rays of the sun 
 “ in splendour. However, no one is strong against what is written.” 
 The raja said, “ You have made a great mistake ; but what has been 
 “ given cannot be made ungiven, nor have I another daughter.” So 
 saying, he sent for an astrologer; caused the letter, announcing the 
 day of marriage, to be written, and sent it to Dhar. He gave a 
 separate letter to the minister, in which was written, “ Bring Prince 
 “ Jug Dev with you ; if you do not, the matter cannot be arranged.” 
 The messenger, taking the letter, went to Dhar; he presented it to 
 the minister, who read it, and gave it to the Ranee. The Waghelee 
 said, “ Take away the black fellow.” They prepared the cavalcade, 
 and caused it to be told to Jug Dev:—“ Prince ! prepare to go in 
 “ the marriage band.” Jug Dev said, “ How shall I prepare without 
 “ jewels or clothes fit to be seen ? besides, I cannot travel as a foot- 
 “ man.” The ministers went and told the Waghelee. She sent him 
 from the treasury handsome clothes, bracelets, a pearl necklace, a 
 collar, a gold chain. She said, too, “ Take a good horse from the 
 “ stables; there are many servants, some of them must go.” After¬ 
 wards the cavalcade of about twenty thousand men set off. On 
 their way they halted at Took Toda; a raja, named Raj, ruled there, 
 who was of the Dak Chowra race. His son Beerj was regent, Raja 
 Raj being blind, though he saw with the eyes of his intellect. That 
 raja had a daughter, by name Veermutee, who was a virgin, and 
 marriageable. Her father was looking out for a good connection 
 for her, but could not discover a suitable bridegroom. There the 
 marriage party arrived. Raja Raj said, “ In this cavalcade is Jug 
 “ Dev; he is a very good Rajpoot, and worthy of rule; with him 
 “ cause the young lady to walk the rounds.” 1 Prince Beerj assented 
 to what he said ; he went to the stranger’s camp to pay his respects. 
 When he reached the camp, he said, “ Having accepted my hos- 
 “ pitality, proceed in the morning.” With urgency he compelled 
 them to accept his invitation. Afterwards, returning into the fort, 
 he made enquiries of the astrologer, and ascertained that the 
 fortunate hour fell the next day at even-time, when cattle return 
 into the villages from grazing. The necessary preparations 
 were made. Next day the lady Veermutee was anointed with 
 tumeric; Gunesh was installed. At three in the afternoon they 
 assembled for the feast: all eat together. By the time they 
 
 1 Circumambulation of a sacrificial pit is the most important part of the marriage 
 ceremonial; for a description of which, see Conclusion. 
 
94 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 had washed their hands and risen from the feast the auspicious 
 time came round. Then the prince Beerj said to the priest and 
 minister, “I am going to give my sister to prince Jug Dev/’ he 
 presented the cocoa-nut, with four horses to him, and said, “ Passing 
 “ the garland-ornamented door, grace the bridal-hall.” The Dhar 
 minister knew that a good thing had happened. Passing the garland, 
 the bridegroom graced the hall. It became morning—an elephant, 
 five-and-twenty horses, nine maid-servants were presented. The 
 guests requested leave to depart; as they were bound to a particular 
 day, the Chowree Vermutee was left at her own home. They said, 
 “ As we return we will take her with us.” The cavalcade proceeded, 
 and arrived in the Gord territories. The news of Jug Dev’s marriage 
 was known. Raja Gumbheer, scrutinising Jug Dev’s appearance, 
 was very much annoyed at finding him married; but the written 
 matter alters not. The Gord chief celebrated the marriage of his 
 daughter—he presented double presents; horses he gave, elephants, 
 eleven maid-servants. He dismissed the bridegroom’s friends. The 
 cavalcade returned to Toda; placing the Chowree in a chariot, they 
 took her with them; they returned home. The Waghelee became 
 aware that Jug Dev was married; she was much annoyed in mind. 
 She began to say, “ Ah ! this swarthy fellow; a raja gives him his 
 “ daughter, gives her without seeing him ! ” They performed the 
 ceremony of going out to meet the new comers; the Gord lady and 
 the Chowree paid obeisance to their mother-in-law; the worship of 
 the Devs was performed. A month afterwards the Gord and the 
 Chowra chieftains sent and took away their daughters to their family 
 homes. Jug Dev sent back the marriage presents he had received 
 with the Chowree, retaining only the dresses and jewels. He said, 
 “ I will not keep them here now.” 
 
 Jug Dev attained his fifteenth year, then Raja Oodayadit returned 
 from the duty he had been employed upon. He was in high spirits. 
 Prince Rindhuwul went out to meet him : he paid his obeisance to 
 the raja, also to the leading men of the city. The whole court met 
 and saluted each other, but Jug Dev did not make his appearance. 
 The raja was in high spirits; he took his seat on a cushion in the 
 court. He said to the attendants, “ Prince Jug Dev, where is he ? ” 
 They said, “ He must be with the Solunkhee lady.” An eunuch was 
 sent to call him; then Jug Dev came dressed in coarse clothes. He 
 made his obeisance. The raja pressed him to his bosom, grasped him 
 by his hand, seated him very near himself, and said to him, “ My boy, 
 “ are these the clothes you wear ? ” The prince, joining the palms of 
 his hands, said, “ Sire ! when you set out you allotted a sum for my 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 95 
 
 “ daily expenses. Without her order I did not get the money. As 
 “ is one's food, so is the state of one’s body—that you are aware o£ 
 “ With the produce of one village, besides the expenses of servants, 
 “ how can clothes for me be procured ? ” Then the raja presented 
 to him his own amulets, necklace of pearls, waistband, collar, arm- 
 chains, turban ornament, also his shield, dagger, and sword, and a 
 dagger with a hilt mounted with jewels. Jug Dev received them with 
 an obeisance; but joining his hands, he made a petition :—“ Sire ! 
 
 1 “ I have obtained that which you have honored me with, but Wag- 
 “ helee Majee has a great affection for me, so that when you go to 
 “ her palace she will seek to have the whole back again. 1 will not 
 “ give back again what I have once received, even though yourself 
 | “ order it.” The raja said, “The Waghelee may say so; but, son, 
 “ I like you better than Rindhuwul, and what I give you is my own. 
 “ In my suite there is a fine horse, which I give you; take it, and in 
 j “ the evening come to the court” Thus saying, he dismissed him. 
 Jug Dev took the horse with him, causing it to be led before. Going 
 to the Solunkhunee, he made obeisance. Seeing the unusual hand¬ 
 someness of his appearance, she said, “ Son, if he remain with the 
 “ Waghelee, have you any confidence ? ” 
 
 The chief of the eunuchs running, said to the Waghelee, “ To-day 
 “ the raja presented to Jug Dev every thing he had upon him; the 
 “ best horse in his suite, too, he gave him.” Hearing this, her heart 
 was inflamed with anger. She caused it to be said, “ Sire ! grace the 
 “ refreshment room, the meal is ready; the Waghelee has not washed 
 “ her mouth ; first having seen the king and having worshipped the 
 “ auspicious time, she will split the datun.” 1 The raja hearing this, 
 came quickly to her apartments in the morning. The Ranee Wag¬ 
 helee paid obeisance; a carpet was spread and a cushion set. The 
 I raja seated himself. The Waghelee said, “ I wave myself as an 
 “ offering to your handsomeness. You are looking stout, and there- 
 i “ fore you have abandoned the fancy for ornament; but, O ! Lord 
 of Earth, without jewels you do not look splendid.” The raja said, 
 “Jewels I had, plenty of them beside me; but I saw Prince Jug 
 “ Dev unadorned, so I presented all the jewels to him.” Hearing 
 this, the Ranee said, “ In this black fellow what craft is there! Of 
 
 1 The datun is a piece of stick used to clean the teeth. It is afterwards split 
 and employed as a tongue-scraper. In Africa the same custom would appear to 
 prevail. “ Before breakfast Addizetta was employed above an hour in cleaning 
 “ and polishing her teeth, by rubbing them with the fibrous roots of a certain shrub 
 “ or tree, which are much esteemed and generally used for the purpose in her own 
 “ country, as well as in the more interior parts.”— Lander's Journal, iii. 217. 
 
9 6 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ jewels he has a double share; besides, I sent him new ones from 
 “ the treasury. Then he gave them to Toda Chowra. But, Sire ! 
 “ you have done this without reflection. Sire ! to my son you have 
 “ never once given a present. Send for the jewels again, and give 
 “ them to Rindhuwul.” The raja said, “ A poor man even does not 
 “ take back again what he has given ; I am a lord of the land. 
 “ Rindhuwul and Jug Dev are alike to me. I cannot ask or take 
 “ these things back again.” The Ranee Waghelee said, “ The dagger, 
 “ the sword, and the principal horse are the heir-apparent’s. When 
 “ you have sent for these back again, then I will split the datum” 
 The raja considered that the obstinacy of a woman was difficult to 
 be overcome, according to the proverb— 
 
 I. 
 
 “ The store of the poor regard not 
 “ When their obstinacy is excited, these four,— 
 
 “ A child, a beggar, a king, 
 
 “ A petted woman. 
 
 II. 
 
 “ As cold as ice, but burning forests ; 
 
 “ Where water was, strewing stones ; 
 
 “ That an angry woman can do 
 “ Which destiny cannot accomplish. 
 
 III. 
 
 “ A king punishes his subjects ; 
 
 “ A woman punishes all the world ; 
 
 “ A sage’s mind she will upset;— 
 
 “ A woman’s wit is boundless.” 
 
 Then the raja sending the chief of the eunuchs, caused him to 
 say, “Son ! I will give you another very good sword, but send back 
 “ the one I gave you if you respect my peace. Son ! do not be 
 “ obstinate in this matter.” Thus he made petition to the prince. 
 Then Jug Dev, in a pet, gave back the sword, considering that 
 bickering would only procure for him the title of a bad son. After¬ 
 wards, passionately, he exclaimed, “ I am a Rajpoot’s son: I will go 
 “ somewhere or other and earn my bannock :— 
 
 I. 
 
 “ A stone article, a good man 
 “ Are not sold by weight ; 
 
 “ The further they go from home 
 “ The more valuable they become. 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 97 
 
 II. 
 
 “ A lion does not wait till the moon is good, 
 
 “ He waits not for money or supplies. 
 
 “ Quickness only is good ; 
 
 “ Where speed, there success. 
 
 III. 
 
 “ If wealth be not acquired in youth 
 “ By travel in foreign lands, 
 
 “ Thrown away is that season 
 “ In the life of a man. 
 
 IV. 
 
 “ If a good man be a stay-at-home, 
 
 “ Three losses he will sustain ; 
 
 “ His clothes will wear out, his debts increase, 
 
 “ His name remain unknown. 
 
 “ Therefore, good mother, if you give the order, I will go somewhere 
 “ to seek my fortune.” Then his mother said, “ Son, you are young; 
 “ whither would you go ? To travel alone in foreign lands is a very 
 “ dangerous matter.” Jug Dev answered, “ Mother ! God will prosper 
 “ me ; I will get service somewhere. God has preserved the honor 
 “ of the sons of good nobles before this, He will preserve mine too. 
 “ Mother, from your splendor I shall obtain fortune.” His mother 
 reflected— 
 
 “ In his own business calm, 
 
 “ In another’s business strong; 
 
 “ Him God will protect, 
 
 “ Interposing his arm.” 
 
 She said, too, “ Do what will give you ease.” Then Jug Dev took 
 from the stables a good horse, and opening the treasury took out 
 thence two bags of gold coins; he took arms, too—a bow, a quiver 
 full of arrows—and having slung the latter on his shoulder, he made 
 obeisance to his mother. Angrily he mounted his horse, and quickly 
 made his way to Took Toda. He halted at a garden outside the 
 town : his horse, tied to a tree, stood champing the bit; he himself 
 spread a thin cloth among the shrubs and sat down. His shield he 
 laid on the ground beside him. He determined to go into the city 
 when it became evening. At that time the Chowree Veermut.ee, 
 seated in a litter, came thither by chance with her attendant damsels. 
 It was three or four years since the pair had been married. A carpet 
 having been spread, the lady sat down in a pavilion in that garden, 
 as there was a little rain falling at the time. An eunuch was seated 
 
 H 
 
9 8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 at the door to keep it. Then the lady ordered her damsels — “ Go, 
 “ and gather some fruit.” A damsel went out to gather fruit; she 
 saw the horseman and his horse, which was worth four or five hundred 
 pounds, with rich furniture for the yellow saddle. Then the damsel 
 quietly surveyed the young chief. She thought, “ He looks like the 
 “ lady’s bridegroom; I am sure it is the prince by the ridge of his 
 “nose and the redness of his eyes.” She ran and told her mistress : 
 “ Lady, happiness to you; nineteen to one, here is the noble prince !” 
 The Chowree said, “ I may not look at the face of a man ; but you 
 “ are a discreet person, therefore go again and bring correct intelli- 
 “ gence.” The damsel went back and looked again, and returned, 
 saying, “ Lady, a hundred thousand to one it is the prince.” Then 
 the lady said, “ See, you are a person of understanding, you are very 
 “ wise, so it is enough.” Afterwards, cautiously peeping from behind 
 the screen of the flower-trees, she found that it was indeed the prince 
 himself. Then the Chowree, going quickly, paying obeisance, said— 
 
 “ At home I was starting the crows , 1 
 “ Came my husband that minute ; 
 
 “ Half my bracelet clung to my arm, 
 
 “ Half only was broken off. 
 
 “ A soft couch, a cool mansion, 
 
 “ My husband’s presence grant me ! 
 
 “ My hope, the desire of my heart, 
 
 “ Destiny has fulfilled.” 
 
 The Chowree said, “ Auspicious hour ! auspicious time ! well rose 
 “ the sun this day on which I have met your illustrious highness ; 
 “ but where are your attendants ? Alone, in the garden, as if for 
 “ secrecy, you are seated. What is the meaning of this ? ” Then 
 the prince spoke to the Chowree, telling his story from the beginning, 
 and concluding thus :—“ I am come forth in the hope of attaining 
 “ service, you must not make the matter known.” However, in the 
 meantime the damsel, quickly running, had gone to the palace and 
 said, “ Good news ! The royal son-in-law has come.” They began 
 at once to prepare the procession of welcome; the damsel received 
 a present for her good news. Prince Beerj ran off on foot, he came 
 and found Jug Dev. The Chowree returned to the palace. Prince 
 Beerj brought Jug Dev with him thither. He made obeisance to 
 Raja Raj. He remained there five days, and then asked permission 
 
 1 It is a superstition that if a woman, whose husband is absent, succeed quickly 
 in starting the crows which have alighted on the ground, this is a sign that her 
 husband will soon return. The broken bracelet is the sign of widowhood. 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 99 
 
 to proceed. Then Raja Raj said, “ This palace is your own. We 
 “have only one will between us. Highness! remain even here.” 
 Then Jug Dev said, “Do not press this subject. For once I will go 
 “ alone into a foreign land. I must put my destiny to the test.” 
 They strove much with each other; at last Jug Dev was forced to 
 say “yes.” When it became night, however, Jug Dev explained his 
 intentions to the Chowree, and began to take leave of her. She 
 said, “ I will continue doing the prince’s service—your handmaid will 
 “ wait upon you.” Jug Dev said, “ Are you wise, and do you make 
 “ such a proposal ? In a foreign land a wife is as a fetter on the 
 “ legs. I must go alone. I will send for you very soon.” Then the 
 Chowree, throwing her arms round him, said, “ Can the shadow of 
 “ the body be separated from the body ? If the shadow can be 
 “ separated from the body, then you may order me to remain here.” 
 Jug Dev argued with her much, but the Chowree would not be per¬ 
 suaded. With great constancy, she prepared to go with him. They 
 saddled two horses. They took with them many ornaments, mounted 
 with precious stones of great value. The Chowree covered herself 
 with a veil; when Jug Dev mounted his horse she was already pre¬ 
 pared. _ Two bags of gold coins were put in their horses’ grain bags. 
 Their intended departure was soon known ; at that time Prince Beerj 
 came up with three hundred horsemen to see them off. The Chow¬ 
 ree embraced her father and mother; running, she embraced her 
 chief attendants. Then the mother-in-law, giving Jug Dev a silver 
 coin and a cocoa-nut, made the royal mark on his forehead. She 
 commended her daughter, the Chowree, to Jug Dev’s protection. 
 Making obeisance, receiving benediction, taking leave of Raja Raj, 
 they set forth. They went a few miles from the city. The escort 
 said to him, “Your Highness! if you are proceeding homewards, 
 “ this is your road.” Jug Dev then announced his intention,—“ I 
 “ am going to Puttun, to take service with Sidh Row Jesingh Dev, 
 “ the Solunkhee.” He enquired the direct road. One of the horse¬ 
 men said, “ The direct road to Toduree, which is the next village, 
 “ is twenty miles; and if you go by the safe road, avoiding the hills' 
 
 “ it is thirty miles.” Then Jug Dev said, “Why should you leave 
 “ the direct road ? Have you an ill-will at the horses ? ” The 
 leader of the Rajpoots said, “ The direct road is infested by a tiger 
 “ and a tigress, the villages have been rendered desolate by them ; 
 “ the male is like a Dev ; rajas and nobles have gone against him 
 “ with great and small drums, but no one has been able to subdue 
 “ him or the tigress. From fear of them, no quadruped attains its 
 “ full growth. The road has been stopped up for the last nine years. 
 
IOO 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ and the grass has grown tall. The pathway is broken up, therefore 
 “ go round by the longer road to Toduree ; that road is a safe one.” 
 Hearing this, Jug Dev, taking leave of Beerj, after saluting him, went 
 on by the direct road. Beerj remonstrated very much, but without 
 effect; Jug Dev said, “Why should one go round about from fear 
 “ of this fool and his wife ? ” The two together fearlessly pushed on 
 their horses. Then Jug Dev said to the Chowree, “ Do you keep your 
 “ eye upon the grass on the left hand as we go.” Thus they went on 
 for six kos ; then the Chowree said, “ Royal prince ! the tigress is in 
 “ front.” Jug Dev drew an arrow, and, laying it upon his bow, said, 
 
 “ Tigress, you are a female, do not come against me, get out of the 
 “ road and couch on the right or on the left.” When she heard the 
 word female, the tigress, raising her tail, depressing her head to the 
 ground, sprang towards him. At that moment he let fly the arrow ; 
 it struck her on the forehead, and, passing through, came out, and 
 fell ten paces on the other side. Then the tigress sprang up into the 
 air and fell dead. When they had gone on a distance of a hundred 
 paces, they saw the tiger sitting. Jug Dev then, drawing another 
 arrow from his quiver, said to him, “Go to the right hand or to the 
 “ left, or else I will send you to keep company with your foolish 
 “ female.” Then the tiger, lashing himself with his tail, bending his 
 head to the ground, sprang forwards ; at him, too, Jug Dev shot an 
 arrow; it passed through his brain, and, coming out, fell twenty 
 paces off. The tiger, in like manner, sprang up into the air, and fell 
 dead. Jug Dev said, “ Why should I have slain the poor animals ? 
 “ I have been guilty of murder.” The Chowree said, “ Your high- 
 “ ness ! this is royal sport! ” Thus conversing, they came to the 
 tank outside the village of Toduree ; there were many sacred fig- 
 trees there ; the water was ruffled into little waves. At that place 
 they dismounted beneath a spreading tree, and divested themselves of 
 their arms; they drew water, cool as that of the Ganges, and watered 
 their horses. The Chowree was employed in washing her mouth. 
 In the meantime Beerj had returned and reported to Raja Raj : “Jug 
 “ Dev has taken the direct road.” Then Raj was angry, and said, 
 “ Take two hundred and fifty-five horsemen with you, armed with 
 “ bows and arrows ; where you find them, commit them to the funeral 
 “ pile, or if they be alive, bring the news.” Receiving this order, 
 the horsemen started ; as they went on cautiously and fearfully, they 
 found the tigers lying dead by the road side ; but they saw neither 
 horse nor man. They supposed the objects of their search must be 
 resting at some place where there was water, and that they were not 
 in any danger. The horsemen, who had been dispersed to make 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 IOI 
 
 search, now all of them came together again, and “ Ram ! Ram! m 
 passed between them. They congratulated each other on having ac¬ 
 complished a task which they expected would have cost their lives. 
 Taking the two arrows with them, pleased, and without fear, they 
 hastened on ; when they arrived at the tank they found Jug Dev there. 
 The Chowree recognized them as they came up, saying, “ These are 
 “ some of our Rajpoots.” The horsemen went up and made obei¬ 
 sance ; they said to Jug Dev, “ Prince royal ! you have done a great 
 “ piece of religion for both the world and the cows. These were 
 “ like servants of the angel of death, neither king nor noble could kill 
 “ them. Who but you, prince! could mitigate the calamity of the 
 “ world ! ” Jug Dev, however, did not think much of the matter. He 
 gave the Rajpoots leave ; they went and related the story of the tigers 
 having been slain. Raja Raj, and the brother-in-law, Beerj, hearing 
 the news, were very much delighted. When the day went down, Jug 
 Dev and the Chowree entered the city and made a meal; paying a few 
 pence to a man, they got their horses rubbed down. They remained 
 there two nights and a day, and spent a few shillings for their food. 
 In this way, travelling by stages, they arrived at Puttun. There is a 
 sacred fig-tree on the bank of the Suhusra Ling tank which Sidh Raj 
 built; they dismounted from their horses beneath it, and fastened the 
 animals there. They procured good water, and took care of their 
 horses. The horses stood champing their bits. They took out some¬ 
 thing to drink, and made themselves ready. At that time Jug Dev said 
 to the Chowree, “ Do you remain here with the horses. I will go into 
 “ the city and hire a house, and come back and take my little queen 
 “ into the city ; it would not look well for both of us to be wandering 
 “ about.” The Chowree said, “ Go, then, I will remain here.” Then 
 Jug Dev, putting on dagger and sword, went into the city to search 
 for a house to hire. Hear what happened after that! 
 
 Now, the master of Sidh Raj’s principal province, Doongur-shee, 
 was also the Castellan of Puttun. He had a son, the lord Lai, who 
 was very haughty and in the prime of his youth ; on account of the 
 Castellanship of Puttun and the extent of the province there was 
 truly no lack of haughtiness, so that he disdained to tread the earth. 
 There were five hundred houses of courtezans in Puttun ; among the 
 mistresses of them was a courtezan, named Jamotee, who possessed 
 great wealth, and had many sons and daughters. The sons , 1 2 too, 
 
 1 The name “ Rdm ” of one of the incarnations of Vishnoo : a common salutation 
 among Hindoos. 
 
 2 The sons of these persons generally remain with their mothers, and act as 
 musicians (Gundhurvs) and attendants on the dancing women. 
 
102 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 were very wealthy. Once on a time, the castellan’s son came to that 
 Jamotee’s house to gamble; he said to her,“ O! Jamotee, if I could find 
 “ a very beautiful and good caste woman I would keep her, and make 
 “ you a present.” Jamotee said, “Very good, I will find one, and 
 “ pay my respects.” Then Jamotee gave notice to her daughters, and 
 they too began to inquire for a beautiful woman. Many days passed ; 
 on in this way. The day that Jug Dev and his bride arrived at ' 
 Puttun, one of the girls, at noon-tide, taking a water vessel, came to , 
 the Suhusra Ling tank to draw water. The Chowree, raising the veil i 
 from off her face, seeing no man near, threw off the veil. She sat 
 looking at the sheet of water and the buildings of the tank. The 
 damsel, too, recollecting Jamotee’s order, was looking about her. 
 She saw the Chowree, who seemed to her like one of the virgins of 
 Paradise, bright as the lightning of heaven. The girl was pleased 
 when she saw the Chowree; she took up her water-vessel and ap¬ 
 proached her, and, saluting her, said, “ Lady! whence have you 
 “ come, and where is the rider of that horse gone ? ” The Chowree 
 replied, “ Who are you that enquire ? ” The girl said, “ I am a prin- 
 “ cipal servant of the palace of Sidh Raj Jesingh.” The Chowree 
 said, “ As for me, I am married to the son of Oodayadit Raja, the 
 “ Purmar.” The girl said, “ Has your husband an elder brother ? ” 
 
 “ Yes; his elder brother is Rindhuwul,” she said. Again the damsel 
 asked, “ Lady, what is his highness’ name ? ,} The Chowree re¬ 
 plied, “ Silly one ! can one mention one’s husband’s name ? ”* The 
 damsel said, “ One should take one’s husband’s name, or the illus- 
 “ trious world-creator’s. However, you are the mistress of the 
 “ country, do as seems good to you.” Then the Chowree said, “ The 
 “ prince’s name is Jug Dev.” Again the damsel enquired, “Where 
 “ is your own family residence ? ” The Chowree said, “ At Toda ; 
 
 “ I am Raja Raj’s daughter, and Beerj’s sister.” Then the damsel 
 said, “ Now the prince has gone into the city, you keep a good look 
 “ out after the horses, I suppose.” The Chowree said, “ No one 
 “ dare cast an eye upon the horse of that black antelope of the 
 “ herd.” The damsel said again, “How is it that the son of a great 
 “ raja should have come forth alone?” The Chowree said, “He 
 “ left home in a passion with his step-mother; ” and she related the 
 whole story. The damsel, having heard the tale to the end, having 
 made salutation, filled her water vessel, and proceeded home. She 
 said to the courtezan, Jamotee, “ If you wish to pay your respects to 
 “ the young lord, there is a woman seated with two horses at the 
 
 1 This is generally forbidden to Hindoo women. 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 103 
 
 “ tank, such a one as I have seen in the country—the very person 
 “ you were describing. She told me her caste, the names of her 
 “ father-in-law and husband, and where her home was.” Then Ja- 
 motee dressed the girl in clothes of great value, and put upon her 
 Goozeratee jewels. She also caused to be prepared a very beautiful 
 chariot, and took her seat therein. The servants closed the scarlet 
 screens of the car. Jamotee caused other girls to dress themselves 
 in beautiful ornaments. She took twenty or thirty chariots with her, 
 several servants accoutred and armed; also an eunuch of great 
 wealth to precede her on horseback. In this fashion she proceeded 
 to where the Chowree was seated. Having arrived at that place, she 
 caused the tent walls to be set up. Then Jamotee descended. The 
 girl who had been talking to the Chowree came and made obeisance 
 to her. Jamotee said, “ Bride ! rise, that I may embrace you. I am 
 “ your father-in-law’s sister. This principal maid told me of your 
 “ arrival, and I immediately caused my chariot to be prepared. I 
 “ am come with the king’s permission. When my nephew, Jug Dev, 
 “ was married at Toda I was not able to come, but I know Rindhu- 
 “ wul very well. Where is my nephew, Jug Dev—where has he 
 “ gone ? You had better wait in my house ; you are my daughter ; 
 “ you are married into a family of importance ; this is not a fit place 
 “ for you to be sitting in.” The Chowree, seeing the splendid ap¬ 
 pearance she made, became confused, and suffered herself to be 
 deceived. She considered that the Prince Jug Dev had never men¬ 
 tioned to her any connectionship between him and Sidh Raj Jesingh, 
 but that a raja might very probably be a raja’s connection. Thus be¬ 
 lieving, and taking another look at the stranger’s dress and orna¬ 
 ments, she saluted her and embraced her. Jamotee gave her her 
 benediction, and invited her to sit in the chariot, saying, that she 
 would leave a servant to bring her nephew to the court when he re¬ 
 turned to that place. She called also to a servant, desiring him to 
 take care of the horses. The Chowree took the purses into her own 
 possession, and ascended the chariot, which drove on. Jamotee 
 brought her to her own house. The house was a large one, with 
 a gate leading into the courtyard. They drove in, and then stopped 
 the chariot. Jamotee alighted, and so did the Chowree. The pro¬ 
 cession of welcome came forth from the house; women, dressed 
 handsomely and adorned with jewels, advanced to meet the Chowree, 
 and saluted her. Some of them touched her feet—some preceded 
 her, exclaiming, “ Prosper, prosper.” Thus they escorted her into 
 the interior. The house was four stories high, and very handsome; 
 it was plastered all round; on all sides were fastened hangings, upon 
 
104 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 which pictures were wrought in gold and silver; in the windows 
 pierced lattice work was fixed. The servants spread a very handsome 
 carpet; upon it they placed cushions, bolsters, and pillows for the 
 cheek, covered w?th gold brocade. They caused the Chowree to 
 seat herself; she retained, however, the two purses beside her. They 
 brought her warm water. Jamotee said to a damsel, “Go and inform 
 “ his Majesty that the Purmar Queen’s nephew, Prince Jug Dev, has 
 “ arrived here, and that he will soon pay his respects. Inform the 
 “raja that he should receive him with great respect, and say that the 
 “ Chowree, his wife, is at my palace.” The damsel, when she heard 
 this, made obeisance, and withdrew. Half-an-hour after she returned, 
 and said, “ His Majesty is very much pleased, and has given orders 
 “ that Jug Dev shall first visit him, and afterwards wait upon you.” 
 At this time refreshment was served. Jamotee said, “ Bride, get 
 ready to dine.” The Chowree said, “ I have taken the puteevrut 
 “ vow . 1 When the prince has dined I will think of dining. The 
 “ prince has not arrived yet.” Then a girl came and said, “Your 
 “ nephew, Jug Dev, has paid his respects to his majesty, and 
 “ embraced him; he is seated near the king,—dishes have arrived 
 “ from the royal kitchen.” Jamotee said, “Hasten and forbid Jug 
 “ Dev’s dining with the king,—petition the king, and bring Jug Dev 
 “ with you. To-day aunt and nephew must dine together; dinner 
 “ is ready here.” Jamotee continued : “ My nephew, Jug Dev, has 
 “ not arrived; how can I sit down to eat before he has eaten; when 
 “ I hear of his having dined, I will think of dining.” In the mean¬ 
 time the girl who had gone, returned, and said, “Madam, the prince 
 “ is dining with the king; both chiefs are seated at a large dish; I 
 “ saw them before I came away; but your nephew is now preparing 
 “ to come hither. How dark he is in complexion ! ” Jamotee said, 
 “ This is a distinguishing mark of my father’s house ; my brother 
 “ Oodayadit is swarthy also, but I have never seen any so handsome 
 “ as those of my own family.” Thus they conversed. Jamotee 
 then called for handsome dishes; she gave a plate to the Chowree, 
 and said, “ Bride ! take some food.” The Chowree eat a little, 
 and the maids removed the plate. They resumed their conver¬ 
 sation. When three o’clock in the afternoon arrived, the Chowree 
 said, “ How is it that the prince has not come to pay his respects to 
 “his father’s sister?” Jamotee answered, “Run, girl! and bring 
 “ my nephew Jug Dev.” Again she entered into conversation with 
 
 1 That is, to consider her husband as “ a Dev,” and to fast until after she had 
 waited upon him. 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 the young lady, but the talk seemed to the Chowree to be without 
 flavor in the absence of Jug Dev. The girl came back again in about 
 half-an-hour, and said, “ The king is conversing with him, and will 
 “ not allow him to rise; he says, that after nine o’clock Jug Dev will 
 “ come to sleep in this mansion, and that he will then meet his 
 “ aunt.” Hearing this, Jamotee was angry with the girl, and said, 
 “ Petition his majesty, and say to him, that it is many years since I 
 “ have met Jug Dev, and that he will have plenty of leisure for talk- 
 “ ing to the king in the morning, but that now he must be allowed 
 “ to visit me.” The girl came back again after another half-hour, 
 land said, that the raja had given the same answer as before. Jamotee 
 sent notice to the lord Lai, “ To-day I salute you ! come directly nine 
 “ o’clock arrives; I have a woman in my hands, whom, if you please, 
 “ you may make your mistress; if not, I will keep her with me.” 
 Then Lai began to take opium, very strong, with mixed spices in it; 
 he took also intoxicating potions made of hemp and sugar ; he put 
 on a handsome dress and ornaments, and applied perfumes to his 
 body, and ointment of musk. He came reeling about, and support¬ 
 ing himself with a spear : in his hand was a “ duck ,n full of strong 
 liquor. The damsel, when she saw him, ran and said, “ Bride! I 
 “ claim a present for good news ; the prince has arrived.” The 
 i Chowree fancied he had really come. At that minute the young lord 
 I Lai came to the door of the mansion, which was as far off as one 
 |could see. When he entered, the girl closed the door behind him, 
 : and, applying the chain, went away. The Chowree saw that it was 
 |not her husband : she suspected treachery, but considered with herself 
 that she must be cautious, as she could not be so strong as a man, 
 land he inflamed with liquor. She called to mind the proverb, that 
 with the deceitful one must use deceit, and determined to be wary, 
 jas under such difficult circumstances she had to defend her chastity. 
 
 I Thus considering, she rose and said, “ Prince ! come and sit on the 
 I “couch.” He answered, “Chowree, do you sit.” Seeing how beautiful 
 j she was, the Golo 1 2 was pleased : the Chowree, too, shot arrow-like 
 I glances at him, which pierced his breast. The Golo began to be as 
 ductile as water, and the Chowree led him on to tell her the truth. 
 “Jamotee,” she said, “has done well for me.” Lai said, “ O, 
 “ Chowree! I had told her that if I could find a good caste, 
 
 1 A vessel so called, resembling a duck in form. 
 
 2 It appears that Lai, though the son of an office holding high dignities, was of 
 the caste called Golo or Khuwas, who are either slaves or descendants of them, 
 though sometimes appointed to the most important situations. 
 
io6 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 “ beautiful, clever, young woman, I would keep her as a mistress; you 
 “ are just what I wanted. I will do whatever you desire.” The 
 Chowree then knew that it was a courtezan that had thus deceived 
 her exceedingly, bringing her and him together by force. Seeing the 
 “ duck ” and cup which Lai had brought with him, and reflecting 
 that he was already excited with liquor, she took the “ duck” and 
 cup from his hand, and filling the cup full, extended it towards him, 
 saying, “ Prince ! take a cup from my hand.” Then Lai answered, 
 “ This is very strong, and I have already drunk much. Do you give me 
 “ another cup, then? No, no, we must talk together.” The Chowree 
 said, “ What matters talking, do not push back my hand the first 
 “ time I offer it you; receive what I present; I am urgent you should 
 “ do this.” When she said so much, he took the cup and emptied 
 it, and then, with trembling hand, filling it again, offered it to the 
 Chowree. She, drawing her veil over her, poured the liquor out on 
 her bodice. She filled again, and seeing that the Golo had reclined 
 his person, but was not yet fully intoxicated, she gave him the cup 
 again. While in the act of drinking he fell along the couch, clench¬ 
 ing his teeth. The Chowree knew then that he was so much intoxi¬ 
 cated as to be helpless. She immediately got up, and taking his own 
 sword, cut his throat; then she took the coverlet off the couch and 
 rolled him up in it. Beneath the window was the king’s road : she 
 threw the bundle into it. It became midnight, and the watchmen 
 arrived on their rounds ; they saw the bundle lying before them, and 
 supposed that some thieves had broken into a merchant’s house, and 
 being alarmed by them, had thrown down the bundle, and made off. 
 They fancied they would get praise from the castellan, so they lifted 
 up the bundle, which they found very heavy. They said to each 
 other, “ Let us not open it now; at sunrise the owner will come 
 “ for his property and to trace the footmarks of the thieves, therefore 
 “ let us put the bundle as it is at the castellan’s guard-house; in the 
 “ morning we will tell him.” Now all this time the Chowree sat in 
 the upper room prepared to defend her life as resolutely as she 
 might. 
 
 Now as to Jug Dev : At five in the afternoon, having hired a house 
 and made his arrangements, he went to the tank where he had left 
 his bride and the horses. He saw there the track of cars and horses, 
 and understood that some one had deceived the Chowree, and 
 carried her off. He went to the court to tell what happened. 
 At the stable yard, in front of the court, the master of the horse was 
 seated. Jug Dev arriving there, that officer thought within himself, 
 “ This is a worthy chief.” He rose and embraced him, and asked 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 107 
 
 “ Whence are you come?” Jug Dev said, “I come in the hope of 
 “ getting a loaf of bread here. I am a Purmar Rajpoot.” The 
 master of the horse said, “ If you can overlook these horses we may 
 “ live together, and you shall have pay and your food.” Jug Dev’s 
 heart and thoughts were not there; but he thought the officer might 
 introduce him, and when he promised to bring him into the king’s 
 presence, he remained with him, though much distressed in mind. 
 However, 
 
 “ One moment lessening, one moment increasing, 
 
 “ Now a half-moon, now a crescent, 
 
 “ Destiny has not given to the moon 
 
 “ All days alike.” 
 
 He considered, “ It is bad, but what can be done.” When evening 
 came he fed the horses. The master of the horse brought dishes for 
 dinner from his own house; but Jug Dev had no appetite; still he 
 pretended to eat before the officer, and returned the dish. All night 
 he tumbled and tossed upon his bed. At last the day broke. The 
 castellan, Doongurshee, came to the guard-house. The watchmen, 
 paying obeisance, showed him the bundle, saying that they had it 
 from thieves, who had run away during the night. The castellan 
 was pleased at the capture; he said, “ Open the bundle and see 
 “ what is in it.” The servants quickly began to do so; when they 
 came to the third fold they saw blood. They all started, and hasten¬ 
 ing to open the bundle, they found that a man had been killed and 
 rolled up in it. Then Doongurshee recognized the corpse, and said, 
 “ Ah ! that is surely Lalro ! how dear was he to my heart! he is just 
 “ as he was—drest in his ornaments.” The castellan beat his breast, 
 “ and said to his servants, Run, get news, truly this is your young lord 
 “ Lai’s face.” They said, “ He is sleeping at home.” They sent to 
 inquire of his eunuch, who said that he had gone to the courtezan, 
 Jamotee’s house, at nine o’clock at night. Thither the men ran and 
 enquired of the courtezan. She said he was safely asleep in the 
 upper room. They told her to wake and call him. The maid then 
 went and called, “Wake the prince, Chowree, and send him here.” 
 Then the Chowree angrily said, “ Wretched prostitute! the mo- 
 “ ment that father of yours came I killed him, tied him in a bundle, 
 “ and threw him into the road. Have you dared to play off such a trick 
 “ upon the daughter of a Chowra ! Wretch ! when the prince, my 
 “ husband, comes to know of it, you will suffer. Other women may 
 “ act like courtezans and have friends; but, may Narayun destroy 
 “ your house ? was it into my presence that you dared to send a 
 
io8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ Golo, a Golo fit to sit outside my door ! was it upon me that you 
 “ dared cause him to cast an eye !” Hearing this, the courtezan felt 
 ready to expire. The servants running, told the castellan, “Some 
 Chowree Ilajpootnee has killed the young lord.” Then the castellan, 
 taking two hundred men with him, went to Jamotee, the courtezan’s 
 house, and ascended to the upper floor. The door of the room where 
 the Chowree was, was closed firmly; but in the back wall there was a 
 window large enough to admit one man at a time. Placing a ladder, one 
 of the servants ascended, and looked into the room. The Chowree 
 struck him with her sword—his head fell into the room, and his trunk 
 outside; in the same way she slew five or six men; but no one was able 
 to kill her. They all began to tremble. The story got abroad, and it 
 became known to Sidh Raj Jesingh that a trick had been played off 
 upon a Chowree Rajpootnee, and that the castellan’s son, and four 
 or five others, had been slain by her; also that she defended herself, 
 shut up in an upper room. The king said, “ Run quickly, and give 
 “ orders that no one interfere with her until I come; I will be there j 
 “ immediately.” Sidh Raj, calling for his horse, mounted ; the master 
 of the horse and Jug Dev making obeisance. The raja was surprised 
 when he saw Jug Dev, and thought within himself, “That is a good 
 looking chief; but I never saw him before.” Jug Dev rode before 
 the raja, who kept looking at him all the way to Jamotee’s house. 
 The soldiers made way among the crowd. The king ascended, 
 followed by the master of the horse and Jug Dev. Then Jye Singh 
 said, “ Daughter Chowree ! tell me where is your family residence, 
 
 “ where your father-in-law, and who is it you are married to?” The 
 Chowree looked and knew that it was some great chieftain; she said, 
 
 “ Sire! I am the daughter of a Chowra, Beerj’s sister, married to the 
 “ younger son of Oodayadit Purmar, lord of Dhar.” Then the raja 
 said, “Daughter Chowree! why have you slain my men?” She 
 answered angrily, “ Sire ! this wretch brought me here to deceive me, 
 
 “ and then a Golo came to violate my chastity; therefore, sire! I 
 “ killed him. I am a Rajpoot’s daughter; I will kill many more 
 “ before I fall. I will fight till I die. God will do as he pleases. 
 
 “ The prince, my husband, too, is in the city.” At that moment Jug 
 Dev, stepping forward in front of the raja, said, “ Chowree! open 
 “ the door. You have suffered much calamity.” Then the Chowree, 
 recognizing Jug Dev’s voice, opened the door, and threw herself into 
 his arms. The raja knew that this must be Jug Dev. Then Jye 
 Singh said to the Chowree, “ You are my adopted daughter.” He 
 called to his attendants, and said, “ Bring a chariot and ten maidens, 
 
 “ and take these to a handsome house.” Then Doongurshee, the 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 I09 
 
 castellan, came up and petitioned,—“ Mighty sovereign ! prosperity 
 “ to you ! What order are you giving in regard to the spoiler of my 
 “ house ?” The king said, “ This daughter Chowree did butprotect her 
 “ chastity. When a Golo seeks to make a harlot of the wife or 
 “ daughter of a Rajpoot, he is sure to meet with punishment. Was it 
 “ for a bad purpose that I entrusted the city to your care ?” Then 
 he ordered that the fool should be dismissed from the castellanship, 
 and forbidden the royal presence. Soon after he confiscated his pro¬ 
 perty, and punished him, turning him out of the country, and giving 
 his house up to be plundered. Thus he made the castellan an 
 example to others. Afterwards Sidh Raj arrested the courtezans, and 
 Icut off the noses of the whole of them, shaving their heads, and 
 I setting them upon Seetula’s steed , 1 and thus parading them round the 
 ] city, he expelled them, and gave up their houses to be plundered. 
 
 Placing the Chowree in a car, with ten damsels to wait upon her, 
 the king established her in a handsome mansion. Jye Singh himself 
 conducted her thither, he presented to her also an old eunuch for a 
 steward, and stored her house with provisions for a year, and fur¬ 
 niture in proportion to the establishment. He gave her, too, a strong 
 doorkeeper, and whatever else was necessary for her suite, and again 
 declared that he had adopted her for his daughter. Then, taking Jug 
 Dev with him, he went to the court. There he seated himself and 
 [began to make various enquiries of Jug Dev. The raja was exceed- 
 [ ingly pleased with Jug Dev ; he caused him to dine with him. When 
 nine o’clock arrived, he presented a dress of honor with bracelets, a 
 S pearl necklace, a collar, a turban ornament of jewels, and dismissed 
 him. Jug Dev went home, and embraced the Chowree. He gave 
 her his pearl necklace, and said to her, “ You have got us quickly 
 ; “ introduced to the king, otherwise there would have been a delay of 
 J “ ten or twenty days. We must have sent our respects by some third 
 “ party.” Thus they talked over the occurrences of the day, till it be¬ 
 came night. 
 
 The Chowree, having taken the puteevrut vow, had eaten nothing, 
 therefore she rose at three in the morning and began to prepare 
 l breakfast, and set water to boil. When all was ready she awakened 
 ' Prince Jug Dev; he said, “Why so quick to-day?” The Chowree 
 • represented that the raja would send for him ; “ He has been talking 
 “ with you, so he will not be without you for a minute all day. You 
 “ know the vow I have taken, I am fasting from yesterday; do you 
 “ therefore, bathe, and I will then eat.” Jug Dev said she was right; 
 
 1 Seetula is the goddess of the small pox, and is supposed to ride upon a donkey. 
 
IIO 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 he rose and bathed, and the two breakfasted together. At that time 
 an usher came, bringing a horse with him, and began to call out at 
 the door. Jug Dev, taking leave of his wife, came to the door, and, 
 mounting the horse, rode to the court. The raja, rising, received 
 him with respect. They talked together of old stories. The king 
 enquired, “ Will you take service with me?” Jug Dev answered, 
 “ It was to earn a loaf of bread that I came out from home.” The 
 raja said, “ Will you take a grant of land (putta), or will you be paid 
 “ at a fixed rate?” Jug Dev said, “Your Majesty, I prefer receiving 
 “ fixed pay; I will serve for a thousand crowns a day. Place me in 
 “ whatever post there is most danger; if I refuse I am no Rajpoot.” 
 The king said, “Very good;” then, calling the treasurer, he gave 
 orders: “Pay daily to Jug Dev two thousand crowns from the 
 “ treasury, sixty thousand crowns a month—do not let there be any 
 “ difficulty about this payment.” Again the king gave Jug Dev a dress 
 of honor, and having caused a deed to be written, and affixed his 
 seal to it, he presented it to him. 
 
 When he had dismissed him, the great chiefs of Puttun began to 
 grumble among themselves, saying, “ Why has the king taken this 
 “fellow into his service?” They began to say also, “ As the sun 
 “ rises he gives to a single man two thousand crowns ! How will 
 “ this one alone defeat an army of eighty thousand horsemen ?” The 
 raja, however, continued to be very much pleased with Jug Dev; 
 he used to place him beside or opposite to himself, and never gave him 
 leave without making him a present. Things went on in this way for 
 a year. At the end of that time a son was born to Jug Dev, whom he 
 named Jug Dhuwul; and, three years afterwards, another son was 
 born, whom he named Beej Dhuwul. The young princes were very 
 much petted by the king, who was fond of giving presents to children 
 and simple people who made odd remarks in their simplicity. That 
 king spent also a thousand a day in virtuous gifts. How shall the 
 bard not record this, for, “The spiritual preceptor’s name, and the 
 “ benefactor’s, to remember, is one of the six vows”? 
 
 The elder prince had attained the age of five years and the younger 
 that of two years. At that time the month of Bhadrapud came 
 round. The nights were darkened with clouds, the rain fell from the 
 sky, the frogs croaked, the pea-fowl screamed, the shrill cry of the 
 sparrow-hawk was heard, and the flashes of lightning were seen,— 
 such was the night in Bhadrapud, making the coward’s heart tremble. 
 On such a night as this, a noise reached the king’s ear: it was like 
 the sound of four women singing joyful songs in the eastern direction, 
 and of four other women lamenting at a short distance from them. 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 Ill 
 
 The king called to the guard, and asked who was awake. Jug Dev 
 made answer—“Your majesty ! have you any command?” The raja 
 said, “ Jug Dev, have you not gone home ?” The prince said, “ How 
 “ could I go without being dismissed ?” The king said, “ Well, then, 
 “ go home now.” Jug Dev said, “Your majesty! what order have 
 “ you for the guard; when I have executed it I will go home.” The 
 king enquired, “What noises are those that we hear?” Jug Dev 
 said, “ There are some women singing songs, and there are others 
 “ making lamentation.” The king said, “ Bring me intelligence who 
 1“ is singing and who lamenting. In the morning let me hear about 
 1“ the matter.” Jug Dev, paying obeisance, putting his shield on his 
 head, taking his sword in his hand, went out alone. The king thought 
 within himself—“ Bhadrapud nights are dangerous, let us see whether 
 f £ he goes or not.” Thus considering, wrapping a dark dress round 
 him, Sidh Raj followed Jug Dev. Several chiefs were on guard there : 
 the king calling to them, asked what chief was there. Each gave his 
 name. Then Sidh Raj said, “ The king desires you to bring news of 
 r the women, some of whom are singing and others lamenting, in the 
 r eastern direction.” One of the chiefs said, “ Let him send the man 
 r who receives two thousand daily, and presents also. Has he been 
 “ drawing his pay all this time for nothing?” The king heard this. 
 Some chiefs, however, said—“We will bring the king intelligence.” 
 Then, as they lay in their pallets, they said one to another, “ My lord, 
 “ get up, get up !” However, after making a noise with their arms, 
 and causing their shields to clash, they fell asleep again. 
 
 Meanwhile, Jug Dev went on towards the east, to where the 
 singing appeared to be—Sidh Raj following him. Jug Dev arrived 
 at the gate of the city; the door-keeper opened the wicket and let 
 him out. Sidh Raj said, “ I am the chiefs henchman, let me go out 
 “ too.” He, too, passed out. Jug Dev advanced to where the 
 women were lamenting, and said to them, “ Who are you ? Are you 
 mortals, or wives of Devs, or are you Bhootnees, or Pretnees, or 
 “ Siddhs, or Sheekoturs? 1 Why are you lamenting with so much 
 “ grief at this midnight time? Tell me what calamity it is that you 
 “ suffer.” They said, “Approach, son Jug Dev! wherefore are you 
 “ come here ? ” He said, “ I am come to enquire the cause of your 
 “ making lamentation.” They said again, “ We are the Fates of 
 “ Puttun. The stroke of ten to-morrow morning is the time of 
 “ Sidh Raj Jesingh’s death. It is on that account we are lamenting. 
 
 !< Who will perform service, worship, presentation of gifts or 
 sacrifices ? We must needs lament.” The king heard what they 
 1 Various female goblins. 
 
I 12 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 said from where he stood in concealment. Jug Dev said, “ But 
 “ who is it that is singing ? ” The Fates said, “ Go and enquire of 
 “ themselves.” Jug Dev went, and paying obeisance, said, 
 
 “ You sing songs of good news. Who is your king, and what 
 “ pleases you that you are thus singing?” They said, “We are the 
 “ Fates of Delhi. We are come for Sidh Raj Jesingh : see, there is 
 “ the chariot. That is why we sing.” Jug Dev said, “ When will 
 “ he meet his death ? ” The Fates said, “ In the morning, at the . 
 “ time when he prepares for worship, and putting on the dress of 
 “ yellow silk, stands on the platform, we will strike him so that he 
 “ shall leave the body.” Then Jug Dev said, “ In these times there! 
 “ is no king such as Sidh Row: by what religious observance, gift,* 
 “ or vow, or by what other means can he escape and be released 
 “ from calamity?” They said, “There is but one way of escape- 
 “ for him; if any chief who is equal to the king will cut off his! 
 “ head and give it us, then Sidh Row Jesingh’s life will be pro-| 
 “ longed.” Jug Dev said, “Will my head avail, that receiving it you 
 “ may prolong Sidh Row’s life and royalty ? If so, I am ready.” The 
 Fates assented. “If you make an offering of your own life, Sidh Row 
 “ will escape.” Then Jug Dev said, “ Give me leave for a few; 
 “ moments; I will make the matter known to my wife, and, having 
 “ obtained her assent, will return.” The Fates laughed scornfully: 
 
 “ No wife would consent to her husband’s dying; but go and ask 
 “ and return speedily.” Jug Dev turned himself homewards. Sidff 
 Row said within himself, “ Let me see whether he will return or not, 
 
 “ and what the Chowree will say.” He followed him. Jug Devi 
 returning, entered his house and ascended into the upper room ; he 
 embraced the Chowree. Sidh Row Jesingh heard the conversation 
 between the husband and wife. They sat together as usual. Jug 
 Dev said, “ Chowree ! there is a matter of this kind.” The Chowree* 
 joining the palms of her hands, said, “What orders has my lord?’ 1 
 Then Jug Dev told her the whole story from the beginning, and? 
 said, “ I am come to ask your permission.” The Chowree said, 
 “ A day of prosperity, a night prosperous ! It was for such a day* 
 “ that we were enjoying our livelihood. Give it them : it is for the 
 “ life that subsistence, grants, and lands are given. You have de-* 
 “ termined well; such is the duty of a Rajpoot. If Sidh Row live 
 “ and reign, all is well; if not, what use would life be ! But, my 
 “ prince, I have one petition. Why should I survive ; for six hours' 
 “ existence, why should I undergo so much calamity ?* I will offer; 
 
 1 She meant to convey that she would burn with her husband’s corpse in’ 
 any event. 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 ri 3 
 
 “ my life with yours.” Jug Dev said, “But the children, what will 
 “ become of them ? ” The Chowree said, “ Let them be offerings 
 “ at the same time.” Then Jug Dev said, “ If it be so, let us not 
 “ delay.” Jug Dev took the elder child by the hand and descended • 
 the Chowree followed him. Sidh Row Jesingh was filled with 
 astonishment, He said, “ Well done ! Rajpoot, and well done ! Raj- 
 “ pootnee.” The four went on in front, the king following them to 
 see what would happen. Jug Dev and the Chowree approached the 
 Fates. They said, “Jug Dev, is your head ready to be offered?” 
 He said, “ For my head how many years will you grant Sidh Row ?” 
 They said, “ He shall reign twelve years.” Again Jug Dev asked— 
 “ The lives of the Chowree and the boys are of equal value with 
 “ mine; for the four grant Sidh Row forty-eight years; I will offer 
 “ the four lives.” The Fates said, « So be it.” The Chowree first 
 presented her first-born son. Jug Dev, drawing his sword, cut off 
 the child’s head, and prepared to offer the second boy. Then the 
 Fates restrained him : “Jug Dev, we have granted you the forty-eight 
 “ years, and your wife and children.” They sprinkled ambrosia 
 upon the corpse of the elder child, and the boy rose alive. The 
 Fates laughed and said, “ Yours and your wife’s faithfulness we have 
 “ seen to be great.” Placing their hands 1 on the childrens’ heads, 
 they gave them to the Chowree. They said, “ Jug Dev, for your 
 “ fidelity we have granted Sidh Row forty-eight years of royalty.” 
 I hey dismissed him. Jug Dev and the Chowree made obeisance, 
 and, taking the two children, returned home. The king perceiving 
 the fidelity of Jug Dev, and the Chowree’s devotion to her husband, 
 was very much delighted. He returned to his palace and lay down. 
 As he lay he reflected in his mind : “Well done ! Jug Dev, you have 
 “ procured for me forty-eight years of royalty.” Sleep did not close 
 his eyes. After four in the morning, the usher, having come, called 
 Jug Dev. He arose and bathed, and worshipped the Supreme 
 Lord, and taking the Divine name, made a mark on his forehead. 
 At break of day he came to the king. Sidh Row was seated in the 
 court when Jug Dev entered. Rising from his royal cushion, he 
 embraced him; placing a second cushion beside him, he with 
 urgency compelled him to be seated thereon. He sent for the 
 chiefs whom he had commanded to bring intelligence, and enquired 
 of them what news they had procured during the night. They said, 
 “ There were four Mows 2 in two carts; in the one cart they had had 
 
 1 Spiritual preceptors still impose hands upon their disciples, as of old it is said 
 was done by Devs and other supernal beings. 
 
 1 A Mow is a person who has left home and become vagrant, in consequence of 
 a famine or other distress. 
 
 I 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 II 4 
 
 “ a son born to them and were singing, in the other they had lost a 
 “ son and were lamenting.” Sidh Raj, hearing the chieftains’ story, 
 laughed contemptuously and said, “ You are chieftains worth a 
 “hundred thousand; great pillars you are; if you cannot bring 
 “ intelligence, who can bring it! ” Then, turning to Jug Dev, he 
 said, “ Do you relate the occurrences of the night.” Jug Dev said, 
 “ It must be as the chieftains have related.” The king said again, 
 “ Do you tell the whole, even as it happened; I have heard all.” 
 Jug Dev said, “ If I had seen any thing, I could relate it—I do not 
 “know how to make up a tale.” Then, having proved Jug Dev’s 
 generosity, and witnessed his fortitude, Sidh Raj Jesingh said — 
 “ O ! chieftains, brothers, nobles, listen to the tale. The first watch 
 “ this morning was the hour appointed for my death ; but now, for 
 “ forty-eight years, I enjoy royalty at the gift of Jug Dev. His two 
 “ sons, his own, and his consort’s heads for me he offered to the 
 “ Fates ; the elder child’s head was actually offered. Beholding the 
 “ valor and fidelity of this noble, and the devotedness of his wife, 
 “ the Fates gave the whole back again, and presented my life also. 
 “ This day forth I reign at the gift of Prince Jug Dev. You are 
 “ telling falsehoods, thinking to obtain some advantage ; but I saw 
 “ this thing with my eyes, and heard it with my ears. You grumble 
 “ at the pay given to him; but if I were to pay him a hundred 
 “ thousand every day, or ten millions even, I could not get such a 
 “ Rajpoot as he is.” After thus saying, he gave to Jug Dev the 
 cocoa-nut of his elder daughter, and with it two thousand villages. 
 For their personal expenses also he gave five hundred villages. He 
 presented Jug Dev with bracelets, a pearl necklace, a turban 
 ornament, and numerous jewels, and dismissed him. Jug Dev 
 returning home, told what had happened to the Chowree. She 
 said, “ You are a lord, in your female apartments there should be 
 “ two or four, you have done well, the connection is a great one.” 
 Then Jug Dev, discovering an auspicious day, completed the 
 marriage. People looked upon Sidh Raj and Jug Dev as equals. 
 Thus enjoying happiness, they passed two or three years. 
 
 In Bhoojnugger, where Raja Phool reigned, his son Lakha had a 
 son Phool, who had two daughters. Once on a time he considered 
 that his daughters were old enough to be married, and therefore 
 determined to find them bridegrooms. Calling his minister, he 
 asked his advice as to sending the cocoa-nut to Sidh Raj Jesingh. 
 The Jharejee’s cocoa-nut accordingly arrived at Puttun. Sidh Row, 
 preparing the marriage cavalcade, took Jug Dev and other great 
 chieftains with him, and setting out, reached Bhoojnugger. They 
 were received with great joy, and brought into the city. Raja Phool 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 115 
 
 had already been informed of Jug Dev’s pedigree; the minister also 
 refreshed his memory on the subject, saying, “ He is a great Rajpoot, 
 “ a warrior, and a man of fortitude,—give the younger princess to 
 “ him.” Her name was Phool Mutee: Jug Dev received the cocoa- 
 nut for her: Sidh Row, the Solunkhee, and Jug Dev, the Purmar, 
 married the two Jharejees at the house of Raja Phool. After 
 receiving the usual presents, they were given leave, and returned to 
 Puttun ; they lived in comfort many days. At that time the usual 
 embassy from her father’s house came to take the Chowree to visit 
 her parents ; she, having obtained Jug Dev’s permission, carrying the 
 boys with her, went to her father’s house. 1 
 
 The remainder of the tale of Jug Dev is rather marvellous than 
 interesting. The bard relates in detail how his hero laid Sidh Raj 
 under further obligations, by fighting with and conquering a Kal 
 Bheiruv (or demon), who had fallen in love with his Jharejee queen. 
 We are also informed of the manner in which Jug Dev surpassed his 
 master in a contest of generosity, by giving his head to Chamoonda 
 mother, when that Devee appeared at the court in the disguise of a 
 bard’s wife begging alms. It appears that Sidh Raj was after this 
 angry with Jug Dev, because he had “put him beneath his feet and 
 “ diminished his fame in the world ; ” and that it was in consequence 
 of that anger that he advanced against Dhar. Jug Dev, upon 
 becoming informed of this intention of the king’s, determined to quit 
 his service, for as the proverb has it,— 
 
 “ Where there is a Purmar there is Dhar, 
 
 “ And where there is Dhar there is a Purmar. 
 
 “ Without Dhar the Purmar is nothing, 
 
 “ So without the Purmir is Dhar.” 
 
 Jug Dev, therefore, returning home, took counsel with the Jharejee. 
 
 “ The king has conceived enmity against us; there is no advantage 
 “ in remaining here any longer ; we will not remain, though the king 
 “ entreat us ; we have tried our fortune.” The Ranee said, “Your 
 “ fame has been spread abroad royally, and you have attained great 
 “ honor. Do you now proceed home, and embrace your father and 
 “ mother. I, too, will pay my respects to my father-in-law and 
 “ mother-in-law. Your relations will say, ‘the prince has struck out 
 “ ‘a name;’ therefore let us examine the omens and set out.” Then 
 
 1 It is necessary to remark, in regard to the historical value of this story, that 
 a bard would not dare to take so great a liberty with any Rajpoot house, as to 
 assert that a marriage had occurred, if it had not really taken place. By such 
 presumption he would draw upon himself the anger of all concerned. 
 
 I 2 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 m6 
 
 Jug Dev sent for the astrologer, and ascertaining the auspicious hour, 
 caused his tents to be pitched outside the city. Meanwhile the 
 Chowree too arrived, and embraced her husband; they enjoyed 
 great happiness. Jug Dev told her the whole story, and she quickly 
 made ready to proceed. They placed all their treasure on camels, 
 and taking with them their elephants, horses, chariots, litters, cattle, 
 men-servants and maid-servants, —their whole household,—they set 
 off. When the whole had arrived outside the city, Jug Dev, mounting 
 his horse, went to the king’s presence. Sidh Raj, rising, said, “ Be 
 “ seated here,” but Jug Dev replied, “Your majesty, I have served a 
 “ long time ; you must now give me leave.” The raja was very 
 importunate with him to remain, but Jug Dev would not consent. 
 The ministers and officers added their persuasions, but Jug Dev 
 continued to demand permission to retire. At last, making obeisance 
 to the king and to the company, he retired. Sidh Row’s daughter 
 embraced her parents, her brothers, and maidens, and she too with¬ 
 drew. Jug Dev set out from Puttun at the head of five thousand 
 horse ; before him went eight thousand armed men. Travelling stage 
 by stage they reached Took Toda. 'Messengers brought the news to 
 the Chowra Raja ; they demanded a present for the news. Prince 
 Beerj made them presents; he caused the royal drum and in¬ 
 struments of music to sound. The city was adorned, and the prince 
 went out in great pomp to meet them; he embraced the whole 
 company, distributing pearls. Jug Dev remained there a month. 
 The people had heard of the events of Puttun, but the Chowree 
 related the whole story again from beginning to end. The whole 
 w r ere pleased. 
 
 After a month Jug Dev took leave and proceeded to Dhar. The 
 news had reached that place, but they nevertheless sent messengers 
 to announce their approach. The raja was very much delighted : 
 he presented to the messengers jewels, armlets, and pearls. Two 
 special messengers made the announcement to the Solunkhee lady. 
 The procession of welcome was prepared ; the city was adorned ; 
 Oodayadit Raja, with litters, horses, and elephants, went out to 
 bring them in. Jug Dev touched his father’s feet; he embraced his 
 brothers, his nephews, the chiefs, the nobles, the rajpoots, the 
 ministers, and monied-men—every one of them ; he caused his two 
 sons to touch his father’s feet. The raja was very much delighted. 
 Many bards sung the fame of Jug Dev. Thus they entered the city, 
 receiving salutations from all sides, attended by a great retinue, with 
 armed men, and elephants covered with armor. Jug Dev touched 
 the feet of his mother, the Solunkhee lady; he bowed himself to the 
 
JUG DEV PURMAR. 
 
 117 
 
 ground. His mother, laying her hands on his head, and then 
 placing them on her own, took his sorrows upon her. 1 The three 
 brides touched her feet. The Solunkhunee was overjoyed that she 
 had seen her son and his wives : she said, “ I am fortunate in this 
 “ world that I have heard of such deeds of my son with my ears, and 
 “ seen them with my eyes.” The children sat in their grandmother’s 
 lap. Then the raja, being pleased, said, “O son! you have illumined 
 “ the thirty-five branches of the Purmars. O son ! there has been 
 “ none like you, nor will there be. You have saved Sidh Raj and 
 “ preserved his life, and taken the Bheiruv. You have fought with 
 “ the king, too, and abased his pride. Well done the Solunkhunee, 
 
 “ that she gave birth to you,—that she bare such a son in the world. 
 
 “ Your name has become immortal.” 
 
 After this the Waghelee lady, touching the raja’s feet, began to 
 salute Jug Dev. He, taking her by the hand, said, “Majee! my fame 
 “ is yours—I belong to your lap.” Thus the good man forces good 
 out of evil;— 
 
 “ Think not of the faults of others, 
 
 “ Though nu 1 erous as the thorns of the acacia, 
 
 “ Says the dark-one; think of their virtues,— 
 
 “ That the tree has no thorns in its shadow.” 
 
 Thus reflecting, he touched the Waghelee’s feet and embraced 
 Rindhuwul; the brides, too, paid their respects to them both. 
 
 Soon after, Raja Oodayadit suffered from disease so violently, that 
 he felt he could not survive. He sent for all the nobles, and for Jug 
 Dev and Rindhuwul. Before them all he said, “ I give the kingly 
 “ mark to Jug Dev, and entrust him with the royal authority.” To 
 Rindhuwul he assigned a hundred villages, urging him much to be 
 obedient to Jug Dev; he also recommended Rindhuwul to Jug 
 Dev’s protection. Having thus seated Jug Dev on the throne, the 
 raja went to Dev-lok. The Waghelee and Solunkhunee became 
 sutees. Raja Jug Dev ruled. 
 
 It was at the age of fifteen that he left home, and he served Sidh 
 Raj eighteen years. After mounting the throne he reigned fifty-two 
 years; he lived to the age of eighty-five. At last he placed Prince 
 Jug Dhuwul on the throne, and himself went to Dev-lok. The 
 Chowra, the Solunkhee, and the Jhareja ladies with great joy became 
 sutees, and accompanied their lord to paradise. 
 
 Thus, concludes the bard, have I related the good tale. This 
 
 1 See account of the ceremony called “ Nyoonchun in the chapter on marriage 
 ceremonies, in the Conclusion. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 118 
 
 story of Jug Dev’s listening to, truth, absence of anger, valor, firm¬ 
 ness, exploits, wisdom, generosity will spring up abundantly. In 
 this world, when Rows and Ranas 1 hear the story, their want of 
 courage, their meanness and little-mindedness will be dispelled; 
 they will never fall into calamity. Considering this matter, readers 
 will peruse, poets will recite, chieftains will listen. They will receive 
 such joy as those who dwell in the City of Immortality. 
 
 Such is the tale of the illustrious Jug Dev Purmar,—the full of 
 valor. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 RA KHENGAR. 
 
 The author of Prubundh Chintamunee mentions that Sidh Raj sent 
 an army against an Aheer Rana, or shepherd king, named Nowghun, 
 which laid siege to Wurddhuman, now Wudwan, and other towns, 
 but sustained many repulses. Sidh Raj at length set forth in 
 person, and through the treachery of the Rana’s sister’s son, seized 
 that prince, and put him to death. His queen gave vent to her deep 
 grief, lamenting that she had not offered her life a sacrifice in 
 company with Khengar. “ Broken down is Wudwan,” she cried ; 
 “ that king is dead; my father’s race exists no longer; desolate is 
 “ my life; let Bhogawo now enjoy me.” 
 
 There is here a confusion between the names of Nowghun and 
 Khengar, which are usually applied to two different persons, father 
 and son, chiefs of the Yadoo race, ruling at Girnar or Joonagurh in 
 Soreth, of whom the latter was the opponent slain by Sidh Raj, and 
 the husband of the princess who died at Wudwan. 
 
 Ra Ivhengar’s father, Ra Nowghun, says a bard, compelled the 
 Raja of Oometa, on the banks of the Myhee, to give him his 
 daughter as a token of submission. Hunsraj, the Myheero, her 
 brother, however, declared that it was cowardly in his father to have 
 given the lady, and that some day or other he would slay Nowghun. 
 This he threatened publicly; and Nowghun, in return, swore that he 
 would slay Hunsraj, the Myheero. Nor was this the only feud that 
 
 1 Royal titles. 
 
RA KHENGAR. 
 
 119 
 
 Nowghun involved himself in on account of this Ranee, for when 
 her bridal procession was on its way to Joonagurh, and had arrived 
 at Bhoowero, near Jusdun, the Raja of Bhoowero, on being told 
 that the bride was Nowghun’s, laughed, and said, that if his fort had 
 only been finished, he would have kept her for himself. Ra Now¬ 
 ghun, when he was told of this, swore that he would break down the 
 fort, and put the raja to death. 
 
 Once on a time, Sidh Raj, the Solunkhee, encountered Nowghun 
 in Punchal land, the border country on the Soreth side of the Null, 
 and Sidh Raj having disarmed him, Nowghun was obliged to take 
 grass in his mouth, and make submission. Then Nowghun took an 
 oath that he would break down the gate of Puttun. 
 
 At the same time, Sidh Raj’s household bard composed a song in 
 ridicule of Nowghun, which made the Ra so angry, that he swore 
 again that he w'ould split the bard’s cheeks. 
 
 Ra Nowghun, however, fell sick, and his death approached with¬ 
 out having been able to perform either of the oaths which he had 
 sworn. He therefore called his four sons around him, and told them 
 that whoever of them would accomplish the four labors he had 
 vowed to perform, should sit upon his throne. The eldest, Raeedhun, 
 undertook to destroy the fort of Bhoowero : the Ra gave him four 
 districts, and his descendants from the clan called Raeezadahs. 
 Slier Singh, the second son, promised, in addition, that he would 
 slay Hunsraj, the Myheero ; he also received a few villages, and w’as 
 the ancestor of the Survaiyas. The third son, Chundra Singh, wore 
 a bracelet of Umbajees, having dedicated himself to that goddess; 
 he agreed, beyond what his brothers had said, to break down a gate 
 of Puttun, but declined the task of splitting the bard’s cheeks, be¬ 
 cause that would be a disgraceful act; he also received a few villages, 
 and was the ancestor of the Choodasumas. Khengar, who was the 
 youngest of all the sons, alone undertook to perform the four tasks ; 
 Ra Nowghun therefore placed him on the throne of Joonagurh in 
 his own lifetime, and soon after died. 
 
 Ra Khengar, in his first warlike expedition, destroyed the fort of 
 Bhoowero, and killed the raja ; next he slew Hunsraj, the Myheero ; 
 afterwards, when Sidh Raj was gone to Malwa, Khengar, leading an 
 army to Puttun, broke down the eastern gate. On his way back he 
 carried off the betrothed bride of Sidh Raj, Ranik Devee, the daughter 
 of the Devra Rajpoot of Kalree, and married her. When he had 
 performed these exploits, the household bard extolled his fame. 
 Khengar filled his mouth with diamonds and pearls till the by¬ 
 standers cried out, “his cheeks are split, his cheeks are split.” That 
 
120 
 
 was the only way, Khengar said, of splitting a bard’s cheeks; it could 
 not be done with a dagger. 
 
 Afterwards, Sidh Raj brought an army to the country of Joonagurh, 
 and fought against it for twelve years without success. At length Ra 
 Khengar sister’s sons, Dehul and Veehul, being angry with Khengar, 
 went over to Sidh Raj, to whom they pointed out a subterraneous 
 passage, by which he introduced his army into the fort. Sidh Raj 
 slew Khengar, and carried off Ranik Devee to Wudwan, where she 
 became a sutee. He cut off the noses of Dehul and Veehul, and 
 expelled them. 
 
 R.anik Devee, when she was seized by Sidh Raj, was not aware 
 that her husband had been slain, but thought that he was a prisoner. 
 On their arrival at Wudwan, Sidh Raj told her that he had killed 
 her husband, and sought to induce her to marry him. 1 She, however, 
 refused to enter his female apartments, and threatened to curse him, 
 “sut” having come upon her, 2 if he did not give up the body of her 
 husband. Sidh Raj was terrified, and caused the corpse to be given 
 to her ; he asked also what expiation he could make for his offence. 
 Ranik Devee said, “ Build me a temple in this place, and your 
 “ throne shall stand firm, but as you have slain my children, I lay 
 “ this curse upon you,—you shall die without a son to succeed you.” 
 She then followed her husband through the flames. 3 
 
 The people of Soreth are still much attached to the memory of the 
 old Ras of Joonagurh, and a proverb is common among them, which 
 
 1 Sidh Raj might have urged with the English Richard,— 
 
 “ He that bereft thee, lady, of thy husband, 
 
 “ Did it to help thee to a better husband.” 
 
 “ I did kill King Henry 
 “ But ’twas thy beauty that provoked me. 
 
 “ . . . ’twas I that stabb’d young Edward :— 
 
 “ But ’twas thy heavenly face that set me on.” 
 
 2 For explanation of the expression, “Sut having come upon her,’’see the account 
 of Sutees in the Conclusion. 
 
 3 We find it stated in the Annals of Mewar, that Asil, the son of Bappa, of 
 Cheetore, by a daughter of the Purmar Prince of Kalibao, near Dwarka, obtained 
 possessions in Soreth, and founded a race called the Asil-Gehlotes. His son 
 Beejy Pal, it is said, was slain in an attempt to wrest Cambay from Singram 
 Dabee. One of Beejy Pal’s wives died a violent death, and was prematurely 
 delivered of a boy, named Setoo, and as in such cases the Hindoos suppose the 
 spirit of the deceased to become one of the Bhoots, called Choodels, the tribe that 
 descended from Setoo were known as the Choodels. Beej, the twelfth from Asil, 
 obtained Sonul from his maternal uncle, Khengar, Prince of Girnar, but was slain 
 by Jye Singh Dev. 
 
RA KHENGAR. 
 
 121 
 
 says, that “ the mould in which Soreth land and Ra Khengar were 
 “ formed has been broken, and the workman who made them is no 
 “ more.” 
 
 The city of the Ras is approached from the south-west by a road 
 which passes for some miles through a picturesque and highly-cul¬ 
 tivated country, enriched with groves of mangoes, tamarinds, and 
 other luxuriant trees. In front is seen a range of granite hills, richly 
 clothed with underwood, which, extending north and west, occupies 
 an extreme extent of about twelve miles. A large opening in nearly 
 the centre of the range, called the “ Portal of Doorga,” discloses a 
 beautiful valley, its vista filled by the sacred mount of Nemeenath, 
 the royal Girnar, which, joined to the lower range by two connecting 
 spurs, raises far above it its bold black granite bluffs and tapering 
 peaks, half concealed in mist and clouds. 
 
 At the entrance of this valley is situated the ancient city of Joo- 
 nagurh, its low walls nearly hidden by the dense jungle around it. 
 In the north-eastern angle, throwing its darkening shadow over “the 
 “ streak of gold,” the river Sona Rekha that glides beneath its 
 bastions, rises the old Rajpoot citadel, the Oopurkot, the residence 
 of Ra Khengar and his ill-fortuned bride. This citadel is still a 
 noble specimen of eastern fortification. Venerable from its age, and 
 ; romantic from its position, its deeply excavated fosse, its numerous 
 and massive towers, its crenellated parapets, telling of strength and 
 asserting dignity, would, without fail, impress the beholder, were his 
 ; imagination unexcited by their association with the mysterious glories 
 of the Yadoo race—the still shadowy line of Shree Krishn. 
 
 From the gate of the city of Khengar, following the river Sona 
 Rekha towards its source, a pathway, worn by the foot of many a 
 pilgrim, leads to the summit of Girnar. At the foot of the mountain, 
 the stranger passes by those venerable rocks, which are hallowed by 
 the name of the just and benevolent Asoka; thence, by a winding 
 and rugged ascent of about a mile, he reaches the point where the 
 western spur or shoulder of the mountain terminates at the foot of 
 the scarp. For the rest of the ascent the sacred mountain rises, an 
 immense bare, black and isolated granite rock, presenting all the 
 gigantic masses peculiar to its formation; on the summit of which, 
 occupying a small ledge or table land, surrounded by a fort, whose 
 wall is erected on the very verge of the scarp, stand the temples of 
 the Jain Teerthunkurs. From the plateau occupied by the temples, 
 a gradual ascent, amidst patches of korunder and wild fig, leads to 
 the point of Girnar, where stands the shrine of Umbavee Mata. 
 The mountain has six distinct peaks, separated by deep ravines, the 
 
122 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 highest of which is dedicated to Goruknath, and that most remote to 
 Kaleeka. She it is whose rites are performed by the hideous, and, if 
 report speak true, the cannibal Aghoree, from her patronage of whom ■ 
 she derives the name of the Aghoreshwuree mother. From the plains 
 but four of these peaks are distinctly visible; and at the distance of 
 a few miles these, though majestic individually when observed from 
 the shrine of Goruknath, gradually merge into the general mass which 
 appears to form the cone of “the Girnar.” No detailed description 
 need here be attempted of the architecture of the temples that rest 
 upon the plateau of the mount of Nemeenath. Sufficient to mention 
 that, commanding as the sectaries do, by whom they have been 
 erected and maintained, much of the wealth of India, they have here, 
 as Shutroonjye, omitted nothing which could render these monu- 
 ments of their faith of surpassing magnificence . 1 
 
 The following version of the story of Ranik Devee was obtained | 
 from one of those itinerant musicians, called Toorees, who, standing 
 to the class of Dhers in the same relation which the more famous ; 
 bards, the Bhats and Char uns, bear to Hindoos of better caste, roam 
 about the country subsisting upon the alms of their clients, and 
 delighting them in return with the wild and rude tales, half prose and 
 half verse, which they chant to the accompaniment of a species of 
 guitar called the Saringee :— 
 
 In Sindh land is the country of Pawur, of which Ror Pawur was 
 raja. A daughter was born to him under the “ Mool ” constellation, 
 d he astrologer said to Raja Ror, that whoever married a girl born in 
 such a time as this princess would lose his throne. The raja was 
 very sorry when he heard this, so he sent his daughter away into the 
 forest, where a potter, named Hurmuteeo, found her and brought her 
 up. She was so very beautiful that the Lakha Phoolanee sent an 
 embassy to demand her in marriage. The potter said he must ask 
 his caste-fellows before he gave away his daughter. Lakha threatened 
 him with violence; and the potter, therefore, fled, and went to Mujey- 
 wuree, in Soreth, where he lived with his family. 
 
 Once on a time, four household bards of Sidh Raj Jesingh, King 
 of Puttun,^ named Lala Bhat, Bhungud Bhat, Chunch Bhat, and 
 Dubul Bhat, travelling in foreign countries, arrived at Mujeywuree, 
 where they saw the beautiful daughter of the potter, Hurmuteeo. 
 Wherever she moved she left the impress of her feet in rose colour 
 on the ground. I he Bhats considered that the damsel would adorn 
 
 This description is from Tod’s Western India, and Kittoe’s Notes on Girnar, 
 Journ. Ben. Ass. Soc., vii., 865. 
 
RA KHENGAR. 
 
 123 
 
 the court of Sidh Raj, and that if they went to Puttun with the 
 good news they would be sure to receive gifts from the king: so they 
 came to Puttun, where Sidh Raj received them with great respect. 
 He had sixteen Ranees, and he caused the Bhats to dine with him 
 one day at each of their houses. As they rose from dinner each day, 
 the Bhats looked at each other and shook their heads. Sidh Raj 
 enquired the reason of this. The Bhats said, “We have seen your 
 “ sixteen Ranees, but no one of them has all the requisites of a 
 “ Pudmeenee .” 1 The raja said, “ You are my household bards, do 
 “ you, therefore, travel into foreign countries and search for one who 
 “ is a complete Pudmeenee, and, when you have found her, bring 
 “ the proposals and fix the day of marriage.” The Bhats went off 
 and searched in many countries without finding a complete Pud¬ 
 meenee ; at last they determined to return to Mujeywuree, in Soreth. 
 Since they had visited it for the first time, the potter, Hurmuteeo, 
 thinking within himself that, as Sidh Raj’s Bhats had seen the 
 maiden, some difficulty would probably arise, had kept her in a 
 concealed chamber underground. The Bhats, when they arrived, 
 said to him, “Betroth your daughter to the Puttun Raja.” The 
 potter said, “ I have no daughter.” But the Bhats made answer that 
 they had seen her, and that if he did not perform the ceremony of 
 betrothal Sidh Raj would never let him live in peace. “ Besides,” 
 they said, “ what fortune is this of yours, that you, a potter, should 
 “ be Sidh Raj’s father-in-law ! ” Thus, between threatening and making 
 promises, they prevailed upon the potter to make the bethrothal. 
 They further fixed the bridal day for two or three months after, and 
 went away to Puttun, where they told the raja the whole story. Sidh 
 Raj said he would not marry a potter’s daughter, for then his house 
 would be disgraced. The Bhats answered,— 
 
 “ As a mango-tree at one man’s door 
 “ Drops its fruit within another’s garden, 
 
 “ So God has caused to be done with Devuree— 
 
 “ She is not of the blood of the Potter.” 
 
 Hearing this, and also their praises of her beauty, the raja was 
 pleased, and began to prepare for the marriage. He made a bridal- 
 pavilion, and caused Gunesh to be installed. 
 
 At the time all this happened the Ra of Joonagurh was the 
 Choodasuma Ra Khengar, whose sister had married a kinsman of 
 
 1 The Hindoos say there are five classes of women—Pudmeenee Husteenee, 
 Cheetrunee, and Shunkheenee, of which the first is the most perfect. 
 
124 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Sidh Raj, but was living at Joonagurh with her two sons, Dehul and 
 Veehul. Dehul said to his uncle one day, “ I am going to Mujey- 
 “ wuree to see it; the village has been newly founded in our country.” 
 Thus taking leave he went with Veehul to Mujeywuree. Hearing 
 the whole story about the potter’s daughter, they returned to Joo¬ 
 nagurh, and related it to Ra Khengar. “ In our districts,” they said, 
 “ is a potter’s daughter who is very beautiful, and fit to adorn a royal 
 “ court. Sidh Raj’s household bards have been to see her, and have 
 “ fixed the day of her marriage with Sidh Raj. If the Puttun Raja 
 “ take such a maiden out of our country, what reputation will remain 
 “to us?” The Choodasuma said to Dehul, “ Take my sword, and 
 “ go and bring the damsel to my court.” Dehul took the sword, and 
 went and told the potter that he must marry his daughter to Ra 
 Khengar’s sword . 1 The potter said that the maiden had been be¬ 
 trothed to the Raja of Puttun, and that the bridal procession would 
 come from thence in a few days. If he married his daughter to Ra 
 Khengar, Sidh Raj would undoubtedly slay him, he said. Dehul 
 replied, “ I take her away by force, so no harm will happen to 
 you.” The potter said, “ The Puttun Raja will dig up Girnar 
 “ from the roots, and cast its stones in all directions. Do you, 
 “ therefore, forbear to interfere with a maiden who is betrothed 
 “ to Sidh Raj. 
 
 “ Know Jesingh Dev 
 “ By whom Dhar Nugger was shaken. 
 
 “ Wealth that is known to be his, 
 
 “ Khengar should not lay hand on.” 
 
 Dehul sneeringly replied,— 
 
 “ Fifty-two thousand has he stabled, 
 
 “ Of horses, at Gurh Girnar; 
 
 “ Why should fear the lord of Soreth, 
 
 “ He of the complete army, Khengar ! ” 
 
 So it was, at last, that Dehul carried off the maid by force to Ra 
 Khengar. Ranik Devee, descending from her chariot at Joonagurh, 
 began to enter the outer door ; she struck her foot by chance against 
 a stone, and blood sprung forth. She sighed, and said, “ My friend ! 
 “ this is a very bad omen—some calamity will result from this matter.” 
 
 1 This is not an unusual practice: vide account of Marriage Ceremonies in the 
 Conclusion. 
 
RA KHENGAR. 
 
 125 
 
 “ As she entered the first door 
 “ She stumbled and struck her foot. 
 
 “ Ah ! will widowhood come to Ranik Devee, 
 
 “ Or ruin to Soreth-land ? ” 1 
 
 Ra Khengar married her, the ceremony being performed with 
 royal splendour. The Ra feasted the city of Girnar for three days. 
 It happened that a hundred Waghurees 2 of Puttun, who had come to 
 sell earthern vessels, had made a halt outside the northern gate. 
 They were invited together with the rest. The Waghurees enquired, 
 “ What rejoicing is there at the raja’s house that we are invited ? ” The 
 servant answered,— 
 
 “ The white elephant of Soreth-land, 
 
 “ By caste a Purmar, 
 
 “ The daughter of Raja Rolree, 
 
 “ Has married Ra Khengar.” 
 
 “ On this account for the last three days the raja feasts the town, 
 “ including the Dhers. He has sent to invite you also to the feast. 
 “ Come, therefore.” The Waghurees considered that this maiden, 
 having been betrothed to their sovereign, had been forcibly married 
 to Ra Khengar, and that they, as well as Sidh Raj, being called 
 Solunkhees, it would not be right for them to attend the marriage 
 feast of a damsel betrothed to a Solunkhee 3 who had been carried 
 off. They determined rather that they would go quickly to Puttun, 
 and make the matter known there. Thus considering, hungry and 
 thirsty, they set forth, and travelled until they arrived in Puttun Wara, 
 at the town of Waghel. Then they laid nets to catch game. In the 
 meantime Sidh Raj’s four household bards, who were on a journey, 
 came up on horseback, and the wild bull (roz) that was in the net 
 made its escape. The Waghurees said, “ Sire ! we have come night 
 “ and day from Joonagurh, and to-day is our seventh fast. Why did 
 “ you drive away our roz?” The Bhats enquired how it happened 
 that they had fasted seven days. They said that Ra Khengar had 
 taken away by force their raja’s betrothed bride. The Bhats, hearing 
 this, were much discomposed; they mounted at once, and going to 
 Puttun, told Sidh Raj,— 
 
 1 “ Brother, I like not this ; 
 
 “ For many men that stumble at the threshold 
 “ Are well foretold that danger lurks within.” 
 
 Third part King Henry VI., Act IV, scene "J. 
 
 2 The Waghuree is a person of very low caste, whose employment is that of 
 snaring game, &c. 
 
 8 The narrator called himself a Solunkhee. 
 
rAs mAlA. 
 
 “We are without master, without home, 
 
 “ We are called poor Bh&ts, 
 
 “We searched for and found Rlnik Devee, 
 
 “ Her Khengar has snatched from us.” 
 
 Sidh Raj then called to his assistance his familiar spirit, Baburo 
 Bhoot, and told him to prepare to accompany him, as he was going 
 to Joonagurh to fight with Ra Khengar. The king set forth and 
 marched to Waghel, where he was joined by Baburo, who had col¬ 
 lected five thousand two hundred bhoots. At Sidh Raj’s order the 
 bhoots constructed a tank there in one night . 1 From Waghel the 
 army marched to Moonjpoor, and thence to Junjoowara, where they 
 found Dhando, the head man of the shepherds, dwelling with his tribe 
 in a collection of huts. They built there the fort and a tank. Thence 
 they went on to Veerumgaum, where they built the Monsur tank; 
 thence to Wudwan, where they built the fort; thence to Syela, where 
 they built the fort and tank. After some days’ march they arrived in 
 the Joonagurh country, where they carried on war for twelve years, 
 without being able to force their way up to Ra Khengar’s palace in 
 Joonagurh. Minul Ranee, who was with her son at this time, practised 
 various^ enchantments, but without success. At length it happened 
 that Ra Khengar became jealous of his nephew, Dehul, and accused 
 him of too great intimacy with Ranik Devee. His mother informed 
 Dehul of this fact, who said,— 
 
 “ I have not killed his horses, 
 
 “ I have not seen his treasures, 
 
 “ I have not enjoyed Ranik Devee, 
 
 “ Why then should Khengar blame me?” 
 
 1 In Goozerat every ancient reservoir or religious edifice is referred, according to 
 the religion of the person, to either Sidh Raj (under his popular name of Sud- 
 derajee Jesung) or Sultan Mahmood Begurra, in either case assisted by bhoots or 
 other denizens of the spirit world. So it is with other popular heroes in other 
 countries :— 
 
 In both France and England, old military erections whose origin is forgotten 
 “ have been vulgarly attributed to Caesar, as the most renowned soldier whose ex- 
 “ ploits make part of the primitive history of the country. Thus the Tower of 
 London is commonly said to have been built by that great conqueror. ‘ This is 
 “ the way,’ says the Queen of the unfortunate Richard II. in Shakspeare, 
 
 “ ‘ To Julius Caesar’s ill-erected tower.’ 
 
 “ The Bell Tower in the lower ward of Windsor Castle is also called ‘Caesar’s 
 Tower ; although the sturdiest believer in historical romances cannot venture to 
 assign its origin to the Roman conqueror. In France, in like manner, every 
 “ thing possessing any extraordinary character used to be ascribed, by the credulity 
 “ of former generations, either to the fairies, the devil, or Caesar ."—History of 
 Paris. 
 
rA khengAr. 
 
 127 
 
 His mother said, “ You brought her who was betrothed to your 
 “ father’s relation, and gave her to your mother’s brother, but he, for- 
 “ getting your, services, is ungratefully angry with you, so you should 
 “ not remain in this city.” Afterwards Ra Khengar himself told him 
 to depart. Dehul, upon this, took his brother Veehul with him, and 
 fled in the night. When they came to the gate of the fort they found 
 Doodo and Humeer, two Rajpoots, on guard, who asked them whither 
 they were going. They said that the prince expected bullocks laden 
 with opium from Malwa, and that they were going to meet them, and 
 would return at midnight, at which time the doors must be opened 
 to them without delay. Then the brothers went out, and came to 
 Sidh Raj, and said to him, “ Sire ! we knew not that you were our 
 “ kinsman, and on that account we brought Ranik Devee to our 
 “ maternal uncle, but he now accuses us unjustly, so we are come to 
 “ you. If you will accompany us we will slay Ra Khengar, and 
 “ restore Ranik Devee to you.” Then, concealing seven score of 
 soldiers in bullocks’ panniers, they drove them into the fort, causing 
 Doodo and Humeer to open the gates to them, and slaying them im¬ 
 mediately. They pressed on to Ra Khengar’s palace, and sounded 
 the horn. Then Khengar came to fight— 
 
 “ They broke the gate and began to plunder, 
 
 “ They plundered Gurh Girnar, 
 
 “ Doodo and Humeer they slew, 
 
 “ And marred the beauty of Soreth.” 
 
 At this time, after many had fallen on both sides, Ra Khengar 
 himself was slain. 
 
 Then Dehul, taking Sidh Raj with him, went to Ranik Devee’s 
 palace, and said to her, “Aunt, we two brothers and our uncle, 
 “ Khengar, are come—so open the door to us.” She did so. Ranik 
 Devee had two sons, Manero, who was eleven years old, and Dye- 
 gucho, who was five years of age. Sidh Raj took the latter from her, 
 and slew him. When he attempted to seize Manero, the boy escaped 
 from him, and hid himself, weeping, behind his mother. She said,— 
 
 “ Manero ! weep not, 
 
 “ Make not red your eyes— 
 
 “To your race it were dishonor, 
 
 “ Dying, recollect not your mother.” 
 
 Sidh Raj then gave orders that the boy should not be slain there, 
 r If Ranik Devee will not enter Puttun, I will then slay him.” The 
 boy, in truth, was at last slain, but it is not known where. 
 
128 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Ranik Devee was brought out of the fort. At that time she saw 
 Ra Khengar’s war-horse, and, sorrowing, said,— 
 
 “ O ! swift steed, 
 
 “ Has your bosom not burst ? 
 
 “ Ra Khengar is dead, 
 
 “ Will you now visit Goozerat?” 
 
 Next she saw an elk that had belonged to Ra Khengar; she 
 said,— 
 
 “ O ! elk-lion bethink you, < 
 
 “ Once you were free, 
 
 “ But when Khengar died 
 “ You lost your freedom for aye.” 
 
 She heard a pea-fowl crying, and said to it,— 
 
 “ Why cry you, pea-fowl, 1 
 “ In the caves of Girnar? 
 
 “ Our hearts are broken— 
 
 “ Our protector is gone.” 
 
 Ranik Devee came to where the corpse of Khengar was lying—; 
 she addressed it thus,— 
 
 “ Rise, lord ! collect your army, 
 
 “ Take your sword, Khengar : 
 
 “ This canopied lord is overshading 
 “ The old fort Joonagurh.” 
 
 As she descended into the valley she took leave of her favorites, 
 the reservoir of water, the garden, and its chumpa trees. She looked 
 up to the mountain, and said,— 
 
 “ Lofty hill, Girnar, 
 
 “ With the clouds that talkest, 
 
 “ Fall now to the earth, 
 
 “ For Ra Khengar has fallen.” 
 
 When she had gone on some miles she turned back, and, seeing 
 the mountain from another side, thought that it was moving to escort 
 them ; she cried,— 
 
 “ Return, murderous Girnar, 
 
 “ Why should you escort your foes, 
 
 “ Khengar Ra is dead, 
 
 “ Why fell you not with him.” 
 
 The cry of the pea-fowl is supposed to call lovers together. 
 
RA K-HENGAR. 
 
 X29 
 
 When she had gone very far, and the mountain had almost dis¬ 
 appeared below the horizon, she fancied it was falling, and said,— 
 
 “ Sink not my support! 
 
 “ Your stones who shall upraise? 
 
 “ Though the raiser has departed, 
 
 “ They that survive will pay you homage.” 
 
 Dehul and Veehul had beforehand arranged with Sidh Raj that, 
 when he had slain Ra Khengar, he should give the throne of Joona- 
 gurh to Dehul. As he set out homewards, therefore, they reminded 
 him of his promise. Sidh Raj, at first, said, “Take it;” but, after¬ 
 wards, he reflected, that, as the two brothers had behaved treacherously 
 to their mother’s brother, they would some day rebel and oppose him, 
 so he slew them both. 
 
 When the train arrived at Puttunwara, Sidh Raj strove to console 
 Ranik Devee, and pointed out to her several good places; she said,— 
 
 “ Burned be Puttun land, 
 
 “ Where animalculse die of thirst. 
 
 “ Best is the land of Soreth, 
 
 “ Where the forest-beast drinks his fill.” 
 
 At length they arrived under the walls of Puttun, and made a halt 
 there. The raja caused the inhabitants of the city to be feasted out¬ 
 side, and they all poured forth, dressed in holiday attire. Ranik 
 Devee would take no pleasure in the sight, but said,— 
 
 “ Burned be Puttun land, 
 
 “ Where short scarfs cover the women. 
 
 “ Best is the land of Soreth, 
 
 ‘ ‘ Where the woman’s robe is rich and full. ” 
 
 A Goozerat woman said to her, “ You have the great Sidh Raj for 
 “ your husband.” She said, “ My husband! I left him in such a 
 “ state as this,— 
 
 “ His moustache stirred by the wind, 
 
 “ His teeth glittering in the rays of the sun. 
 
 “My husband ! O short-scarfed one ! 
 
 “ I have seen my husband thus.” 
 
 The woman asked her how she could refrain from tears. She 
 said, — 
 
 “ With drops from my eyelids, 
 
 “ What need I should fill a well? 
 
 “ Thinking of my Manero’s death, 
 
 “ Rivers ol tears course through my body.” 
 
 K 
 
i 3 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Thus Ranik Devee refused to be consoled in any manner. Sidh 
 Raj treated her very respectfully, and asked her where it would be her 
 pleasure to reside. She said she would go to Wudwan. Sidh Raj 
 himself escorted her thither. She then informed him that she had 
 determined upon becoming a “ sutee.” He was afraid to deny her 
 request. A pile was prepared on the banks of the river Bhogawo, 
 and Ranik Devee took her seat thereon. Sidh Raj, as a last resource, 
 said to her that, if she were a true sutee, the pile would ignite without 
 fire. Ranik Devee knelt down, and prayed to the sun. She rose 
 again, and said,— 
 
 “ Farewell Wudwan, city good, 
 
 “ Beneath whose walls Bhogawo flows! 
 
 “ Me, Ra Khengar only enjoyed ; 
 
 “ Enjoy me now, husband Bhogawo.” 1 
 
 The wind blew so hot at this time that the pile was thereby 
 ignited. 
 
 “ Well blew the heated wind, 
 
 “ By which the sands were scorched, 
 
 “ As Sidh Raj stood by Bhogawo 
 “ To behold the truth of the Sorethyanee. ” 
 
 At this time Sidh Raj threw his own scarf over Ranik Devee; she 
 cast it back to him out of the fire, and said, “ If you would become 
 “ my husband in another life, you must now burn with me.” Sidh 
 Raj declined. 
 
 Where Ranik Devee burned, Sidh Raj erected a funeral temple. 
 All Soreth land submitted to him ; but it was the palace of Ra 
 Khengar, upon Girnar, which received the marks of the sutee’s hands 
 for Ranik Devee. 
 
 The town of Wurddhumanpoor, or Wudwan, now the capital of a 
 branch of the Jhala Rajpoots, is situated in a level, cotton-growing 
 country, within, but not far removed from, the frontier line of Soreth. 
 Tradition assigns to it a very ancient date, and affirms its priority to 
 the capital of Wun Raj :— 
 
 “ Wulleh and Wudwan ! 
 
 “ Puttun city was afterwards founded.” 
 
 1 It is worthy of remark, that this expression, found in a ballad orally handed 
 down to the present day through the Toorees, is also to be met with in the Pru- 
 bundh Cnintamunee, a Sanscrit chronicle, composed in A.D. 1305, and since shut 
 up in a Jain monastery, far out of the reach of wandering out-caste bards. Vide 
 p. 118. 
 
RA KHENGAR. 
 
 The northern branch of the river Bhogavvo passes beneath the 
 bastions of the town, and, without being able to force its way to the 
 sea, or even, except in the rainy season, to unite with the southern 
 branch that flows by Limree, it loses itself in the salt flats about the 
 embouchure of the Sabhermutee. A few rectangular towers, with 
 their connecting curtains, are the only remains of the ancient fort of 
 Wudwan; but the modern town has extended itself much around 
 them, and the funeral temple of Ranik Devee, which must have 
 formerly stood in the neighbourhood of the stream of Bhogawo, is 
 now enclosed within the walls. Of this shrine the spire, which is 
 much ornamented, and nearly resembles in its style the temple of 
 Modheyra, alone remains. The domed ante-chamber has entirely 
 perished. A mutilated image of Khengar’s unhappy bride still, how¬ 
 ever, occupies the adytum; and, on days of festival, arrayed in 
 marriage attire, with the crown, the bridal-veil, and royal jewels, 
 shares in the worship paid at other shrines in its vicinity which com¬ 
 memorate the virtuous devotion of wives of the house of Wudwan, 
 who, with the princes of the Jhala race, have here passed through the 
 flames to Paradise. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 SIDH RAJ. 
 
 After the death of Ra Khengar, Sidh Raj committed the affairs of 
 Soreth to a military officer, named Sujjun, a descendant of Jamb 
 or Champa, the companion of Wun Raj. This minister, as Merootoong 
 relates, devoted the royal revenue for three years to the re-edification 
 of the temple of Nemeenath, upon Girnar ; and, on Sidh Raj’s calling 
 him to account, assigned reasons so satisfactory to the king, that he 
 was continued in his office, and entrusted particularly with the holy 
 places of Shutroonjye and Oojayunt. The king himself soon after 
 visited both these sacred mountains on his return from a pilgrimage 
 to Shree Someshwur at Dev Puttun, and made a grant of twelve 
 villages for the worship of Rishub Dev, though envious Brahmins 
 strove to dissuade him. 
 
 Religious controversies appear to have been carried on in the reign 
 of Sidh Raj, not only between the followers of the Brahminical 
 religion and those of the Jain faith, but also, and more particularly, 
 
132 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 between rival sectaries of the latter persuasion, the Digumburs and 
 Swetamburs, so called, the former, from their living in a state of 
 nudity, clothed only with the atmosphere that surrounded them—the 
 latter, from the use of white vestments. Koomood Chunder, a 
 learned man of the former sect, who, it is said, had conquered his 
 opponent in eighty-four religious contests, came from Kurnat-land to 
 acquire for himself additional fame by the spiritual conquest of 
 Goozerat. Sidh Raj, recognising him as the spiritual preceptor of 
 his mother’s father, received him with respect, and Myenul Devee 
 herself at first warmly espoused his cause. Koomood Chunder was 
 opposed, on the part of the Swetamburs, by Dev Sooree, a learned 
 monk of Kurunawutee, and also by Hemacharya. On the day fixed 
 for the contest, Sidh Raj, having taken his seat upon the royal 
 cushion, surrounded by the courtiers who were learned in religious 
 differences, the challenger, Koomood Chunder, made his appearance, 
 borne in a litter with a white umbrella held over him, preceded by a 
 banner and attended by musicians. Dev Soree and Hemacharya also 
 presented themselves, and sat down on the same cushion, opposite to 
 their opponent. A statement of the opinions held by the disputants 
 had been written down on a previous day, and was now read before 
 the court as follows :— 
 
 “ Koomood Chunder contends that the Kewulee, who is possessed 
 “ of holy knowledge, and is on the way to attain Kyewulya, or eternal 
 “ emancipation, should not eat; that the man who wears clothes 
 “ cannot attain liberation; that females cannot attain liberation. Dev 
 “ Sooree contends that the Kewulee may eat; that the man who wears 
 “ clothes, and also the woman, may attain liberation. 
 
 Koomood Chunder was already half defeated ; the announcement 
 of his opinions having been wisely availed of by his opponents to 
 deprive him of the assistance of the queen mother. Myenul Devee, 
 interesting herself on behalf of her countryman, had given instruc¬ 
 tions to those about her to facilitate his victory; but Hemacharya, 
 hearing of this, sought an interview with her, and explained to her 
 that the Digumbur’s object was to deny the possibility of virtuous 
 actions being performed by women, which notion the Swetambur 
 would resolutely confute. The queen, thus informed, ceased to 
 assist the Digumbur —“a man ignorant of human character .” 
 
 The opposing doctors commenced their discourses by laudations 
 of the sovereign and of the Chalookya race. They then argued for 
 their respective tenets. Koomood Chunder’s speech was short, and 
 delivered in broken language, “ like a pigeon’s but Dev Sooree’s 
 eloquence was like the terrible wind, which, at the destruction of the 
 
SIDH RAJ. 
 
 133 
 
 world, will agitate the waves of the ocean. The monk of Kurnat-land 
 was soon obliged to admit that Dev Acharya had conquered him : 
 he was immediately expelled the city, as a defeated disputant, by the 
 door ot bad omen . 1 Sidh Raj, on the other hand, celebrating the 
 praises of the Svvetambur champion, himself took him by the hand, 
 and conducted him publicly to worship at the temple of Muha Veer, 
 with the emblems of royalty, musical instruments, and the warlike 
 conch-shell sounding the note of victory. The king also conferred 
 upon the Sooree the village of Chala, and eleven others between the 
 towns of Poorantej and Dehgam, though the holy man for a long 
 time refused to accept the gift 
 
 The Jains at this period seem to have found it politic to express 
 liberal sentiments in regard to other religions, though the contentions 
 in their own body where somewhat bitter. Sidh Raj, it is said, in¬ 
 vited the professors of different religions from all countries, and 
 enquired of them which was the best deity, which the best scripture 
 or “receptacle of wisdom,” and which the best practical faith; but as 
 each authority praised his own tenets and dispraised those held by 
 others, the king’s mind remained in a state of uncertainty,—“ rocked, 
 “ as it were, on a swinging bed,”—until at last he procured a more 
 satisfactory answer from Hemacharya. This monk related to the 
 king the story of a man who having taken a potion, administered to 
 him as an “ enthralling” charm by his wife, was metamorphosed into 
 a bullock, but recovered his natural shape by accidentally grazing on 
 some medicinal herbs to which Doorga had given the power of con¬ 
 ferring manhood. “ As these leaves of medicinal virtue,” said 
 Hemacharya, “though their nature was unknown to the bullock that 
 “ eat them, produced a happy result, so in this iron age men prac- 
 “ tising various religious services, though ignorant of their nature, 
 “ may attain liberation. This is certain.” Sidh Raj, being perhaps 
 anxious to procure authority for a toleration which he practised on 
 political grounds, expressed great satisfaction with this answer. 
 
 There can be little doubt that from the foundation of Unhilwara 
 to its destruction, the religions of Shiva and of the Jain Teerthunkurs 
 existed there together, sometimes the one and sometimes the other 
 gaining the predominance. His pilgrimages to the shrine of Somesh- 
 wur and his restoration of the temple at Shreesthul, prove that 
 Sidh Raj professed the orthodox faith, but none of the traditions 
 
 1 Such doors were elsewhere known. “Plutarch,” says Jeremy Taylor, “rarely 
 “ well compares curious and inquisitive ears to the execrable gates of cities, out of 
 “ which only malefactors, and hangmen, and tragedies pass - nothing that is chaste 
 “ or hol} r .” 
 
T 34 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 which relate to him speak of any zealous attachment to his religion. 
 On the contrary, the author of the Prubundh Chintamunee relates a 
 story, which is not worth here introducing, for the purpose of proving 
 “ that Sidh Raj from that day forth believed in the power of virtuous 
 “ actions performed in former existence,” a cardinal doctrine of 
 Hindooism upon which we must therefore conclude the king to have, 
 at one time at least, held heretical opinions. 
 
 The gift of the town of Singhpoor, or Seehore, to Owdich Brahmins 
 by Mool Raj Solunkhee, has already been noticed. This grant was 
 renewed by Sidh Raj, who gave the Brahmins at the same time one 
 hundred villages in Balak-land, or the Bhal. After some time, how¬ 
 ever, the Brahmins, finding Seehore and its vicinity to be “ a terror- 
 causing country,” from the number of wild beasts that then infested 
 it, as until very lately they have continued to do, requested Sidh Raj 
 to allow them to live in Goozerat. ^ The king, granting their request, 
 assigned to them the village of Ashambeelee, on the banks of the 
 Sabhermutee, and remitted in their favour the transit duties on the 
 grain which they removed from Seehore. 
 
 The Jain writers mention that the court of Sidh Raj was on one 
 occasion visited by ministers of the barbarians, who after being 
 terrified by a magical display, in which. demon ambassadors from 
 Vibheeshun, Raja of Lunka, appeared to acknowledge the royal 
 ornament of the Solunkhee race as an incarnation of Ram, and con¬ 
 sequently as the master of their lord, were dignified with suitable 
 presents. We are also told, in the annals of Jesulmer, that Lanja 
 Beejiraee, the prince of that country, had, previous to his elevation 
 to the throne, espoused a daughter of Sidh Raj, the Solunkhee; and 
 that during the nuptial ceremonies, as the mother of the bride marked 
 the bridegroom’s forehead with the royal mark, she exclaimed, “ My 
 “ son! do thou become the portal of the north—the barrier between 
 “ us and the king, whose power is becoming strong.” 
 
 The only date given in regard to these occurrences is that of the 
 accession of Doosuj, Lanja Beejiraee’s father, which is stated to have 
 occurred in Sumwut noo, or a.d. 1044, fifty years before the acces¬ 
 sion of Sidh Raj. As Beejiraee is said to have been born when his 
 father was “ in his old age,” a synchronism may be admitted. 
 
 Though the Mohammedans did not attempt any invasion of 
 Goozerat during the reign of Sidh Raj, their power was sufficiently 
 near at hand to admit of an embassy having reached his court, as well j 
 as to account for the anxiety expressed by the Queen of Unhilwara 
 to erect the Bhattee state of Jesulmer into a barrier against them on 
 the north. We are told by Ferishta, that in the time of Sultan 
 
SIDH RAJ. 
 
 135 
 
 Musaood III., who reigned from a.d. 1098 to 11x8, Hajib Toghan- 
 tugeen, an officer of his government and Governor of Lahore, pro¬ 
 ceeded in command of an army across the Ganges, and carried his 
 conquests further than any Mohammedan had hitherto done, except 
 the great Mahmood, plundering many rich cities and temples of their 
 wealth, with which he returned in triumph to Lahore. That city had 
 now become in some measure the capital of the empire, since the 
 royal house of Ghuznee, deprived of most of its territory both in Iran 
 and Tooran, had there taken up its residence. In a.d. 1118, Lahore 
 was held by Mohammed Bhyleem, who having been placed in that 
 charge by Sultan Arslan, held out on the death of that prince against 
 his brother Beiram, by whom he was, however, reduced. The Sultan 
 having reinstated him in his government, and returned to Ghuznee, 
 Mohammed Bhyleem strengthened the fort of Nagore, in the province 
 of Sewalik, from whence, with any army of mercenaries, he com¬ 
 mitted great devastations in the territories of the other Indian princes. 
 His success caused him to aspire to the throne, but the Sultan Beiram 
 meeting him in battle at Mooltan the rebellion was quelled. 
 
 Several anecdotes are given by Merootoong connected with visits 
 paid by Sidh Raj to Malwa. subsequent to its reduction by his arms. 
 On one occasion the king is said to have left his principal carriage, 
 which was of too cumbersome a description for the mountain road he 
 had to traverse, at a village named Warahee. On his return he found 
 that the head-men of the village not having been able to agree upon 
 any single person who should undertake so great a responsibility as 
 that of preserving the royal carriage, had taken it to pieces, that each 
 might keep a part in safety. Sidh Raj, however, resented the loss of 
 his chariot only by giving the head-men the nickname of the Booches, 
 or simpletons, of Warahee, which they long retained. 
 
 On another occasion, Sidh Raj, returning from Malwa, made a 
 halt at the village of Oonja, near Unhilwara Puttun. Merootoong 
 mentions that the head of the village bore the title of the king’s 
 uncle, a circumstance which may be connected with the local 
 tradition, still preserved, that Myenul Devee was sheltered before her 
 marriage by Heemalo, the head-man of Oonja. This village is still, 
 as it was in the time of Sidh Raj, one of the most prosperous in 
 Goozerat; it is also the head-quarters of the important cultivating 
 caste of Kuruwa Koonbees. Sidh Raj, in the disguise of a pilgrim 
 from Muharashtra to the shrine of Somnath, mingled with the 
 villagers assembled in their town-hall at night time, and was fortunate 
 enough to hear warm praises bestowed upon his good qualities, his 
 
136 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 attachment to learning, his kind treatment of his servants, and the 
 vigour with which he protected his dominions. One only fault the 
 worthy cultivators of Oonja had to find with their sovereign,—“ It is 
 “ our misfortune that the king has no son to succeed him.” The 
 next morning the heads of the village presented themselves at the 
 royal tent for the purpose of making their obeisance ; but the king 
 delaying his appearance, the Putels, notwithstanding the remon¬ 
 strances of the officers of the court, seated themselves in a familiar 
 manner upon the softest couches, not respecting even the cushion of 
 royalty. Sidh Raj, however, was gifted with more bonhommie than 
 a Rajpoot of rank usually possesses, or permits himself to evince, and 
 the conversation of the evening before was not likely to have rendered 
 him more than usually observant of punctilio. The head-men, there¬ 
 fore, were allowed to retain their position, notwithstanding the amaze¬ 
 ment of the chamberlains at so astounding a violation of decorum. 
 
 At another time a force of Bheels, “ against whom no one could 
 “ fight,” obstructed the king’s return from Malwa, until he was 
 relieved of their opposition by the minister Samtoo, who, bringing an 
 army against them from Goozerat, opened a passage for his sovereign. 
 
 Our materials desert us, and we therefore here take leave of the 
 great Hindoo sovereign of Goozerat with the valedictory stanzas of 
 his chroniclers,— 
 
 “ Long live the fame of Jesul Raja, chief among the warlike 
 “ sovereigns of the three Loks, who, destroying the name of king, 
 overshadowed the world with one imperial umbrella ! ” 
 
 “ Great were the palaces, great the reservoirs, great the temples, 
 “ great the resorts of pilgrims that Sidh Raj caused to be constructed. 
 “No other has formed their equals. 
 
 “ Ambitious of victory, he could not endure a rival greater by so 
 much as a vowel, therefore that Dhara-nath destroyed the Dhara- 
 nath. 1 
 
 “ O ! Suruswutee, O ! Ganges, abandon the pride of your adorn- 
 “ ments. O ! Rewa, O ! Yumoona, lay aside your swiftness and 
 “ your fruitless meanderings. The blood of enemies slain by the 
 “ sword of the illustrious Sidh Raj has formed a new river. She is 
 “ the maiden whom ocean now loves.” 
 
 As to the personal appearance of Sidh Raj, Krishnajee gives the 
 following information,—“ He was fair in person, spare, but well 
 “ formed, his arms as far as the wrists were dark.” Of his character 
 
 1 Dhdrd-ndtk means lord of earth ; Dhdrd-?iath. lord of the city of Dhar in 
 Malwa. 
 
SIDH RAJ. 
 
 137 
 
 Merootoong tells us that he was “ the receptacle of all good qualities, 
 “ as great in kind actions as he was in war; the tree ot desire to his 
 
 “ servants.” ’ 
 
 “ His generous hand was spread to all; 
 
 “To friends a cloud of vernal rain ; 
 
 “ A lion on the battling plain.” 
 
 The same author, however, accuses him of lustful excess, and 
 Hindoo tradition records with execration his intrigues with women of 
 the sacred Brahmin caste. His indifference upon religious subjects 
 has been already noticed. He appears to have been good humoured, 
 and fond of unbending in his private life; and stories are told of his 
 disguised nocturnal ramblings, and of his incognito visits to the 
 theatre, or to the domestic entertainment. The marked feature in 
 his character was his ambition of fame, proved not only by the war¬ 
 like achievements through which he strove to win it, but also by his 
 love of the bard, and solicitude for the preservation of his line; or, 
 if that were impossible, of its memory. “ Of a son,” says the 
 Brahmin chronicler, “ he was very desirous ; very desirous of a great 
 “ poet; but his hopes were unfulfilled. He caused, however, to be 
 “ written the annals of his race.” It was this same anxiety to escape 
 oblivion that induced Sidh Raj to strew with so liberal a hand over 
 Soreth and Goojur Rashtra the sumptuous edifices and reservoirs, 
 whose ruins, still remaining, excite the wonder of the rustic and the 
 admiration of the student of ancient history. 1 
 
 Whatever the defects of his character may have been, it cannot be 
 doubted that Sidh Raj is, on the whole, entitled to rank high among 
 Hindoo monarchs as a brave, vigorous, and enterprising sovereign, 
 and that he is rightly described by his chroniclers as “ the ornament 
 of Goojur-land, the light of the “ Chalookya race.” The extent of 
 his kingdom may be fixed with probability in its general features, 
 though not with certainty, or in detail. Goozerat proper, the terri¬ 
 tory to which he succeeded as the heir of Wun Raj, was held with a 
 firm hand, and surrounded with a girdle of fortresses of no mean 
 extent or power. Uchulgurh and Chundrawutee, held by his Purmar 
 vassals, were the outworks of Unhilwara on the north, Modheyra 
 and Junjoowara on the west, Champaner and Dubhoee on the east, 
 with other strongholds, exhibited his banner, and contained his 
 garrisons ; but the fertile country which they embraced within their 
 arms was but the lair of the victorious lion. We cannot suppose the 
 
 1 See Lord Bacon’s remark, — “ Surely a man shall see the noblest works, and 
 “ foundations have proceeded, from childless men, which have sought to express 
 “ images of their minds, where those of their bodies have failed.” 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 138 
 
 dominions which were held by Mool Raj or Bheem Dev I. to have 
 been in any material point contracted during the sway of Jye Singh. 
 His frontier must therefore be pushed forwards on the north, beyond 
 Aboo, to the neighbourhood of Jhalor; it must include Kutch. 
 Soreth and Malwa, we have seen, owned his sway, and on the south 
 his dominions extended deep into the Dekkan, where, as Merootoong 
 relates, he excited the alarm of the King of Kollapoor. 1 The bard 
 Chund alluded to his wars against the monarchs of Canouj, when 
 “ he washed his blade in the Ganges f to an alliance also between 
 the princes of Mewar and Ujmeer, to check his aim at universal 
 conquest. An inscription in the far-famed Cheetore speaks of him 
 as “ one whose fame was encased in the riches of victory, and whose 
 ‘‘ deeds were sounded over the curtain of the earth;” while the 
 historian of those countries bears witness to the fact that his name 
 and exploits are recorded in the poetic annals of every state of 
 Rajpootana. 
 
 Sidh Raj reigned forty-nine years, from a.d. 1094 to 1143. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 KOOMAR PAL. 
 
 Sidh Raj leaving no son, the throne passed to the line of Kshem 
 Raj, who was the son of Bheem Dev, by Bukoola Devee, and half- 
 brother to Raja Kurun Solunkhee. Treebhoowun Pal, the son of 
 Dev Prusad, and grandson of Kshem Raj, left three sons and two 
 daughters. The sons were Myhee Pal, Keerttee Pal, and Koomar 
 Pal; the daughters, Premul and Dewul. Premul married Kahn Dev, 
 a general of Jye Singh’s army, and her sister was espoused by the 
 King of Kashmeer. 
 
 The learned in the science of Chiromancy, says Merootoong, had 
 informed Sidh Raj that Koomar Pal was destined to be his suc¬ 
 cessor. “ As he was of low origin,” however, Sidh Raj refused to 
 acknowledge him in this capacity, and continually sought opportunity 
 
 1 The Seelharas, or Muha Munduleshwurs of Kollapoor, where among the chief 
 hereditary feudatories of the Solunkhees of Kuleean. Vide Journal of the Royal 
 Asiatic Society, vol. iv. pp. 4, 33 ; and Transactions of the Bombay Literary 
 Society, vol. iii. p. 394. 
 
KOOMAR PAL. 
 
 139 
 
 to put him to death. Koomar Pal fled, and adopting the dress of an 
 ascetic, wandered for several years in foreign countries. Returning 
 to Unhilwara, he took up his residence there in the Jain convent of 
 Shree Adeenath. At a time when Sidh Raj was celebrating the com¬ 
 memorative funeral ceremonies of his father Kurun, all the ascetics 
 were brought together, in order that the king might exhibit his faith 
 by washing their feet one by one. As he passed his hand over the 
 foot of Koomar Pal, “ which was as smooth as a lotus,” Sidh Raj 
 perceived clearly, by the upright lines and other Chiromantic marks, 
 that “ this is one who is destined to royalty.” By the expression of 
 the king’s face, Koomar Pal perceived that he was recognised : he 
 changed his dress, and fled immediately to his native village of 
 Deythulee, the same which Kurun Raja had granted to his ancestor, 
 Dev Prusad. There he was concealed from the soldiers who were 
 sent in pursuit of him, by a potter named Aling, who placed him in 
 the furnace used in his trade. Koomar Pal, seizing an opportunity, 
 escaped from thence, but his pursuers were close at his heels, and he 
 would have been taken had he not again found shelter with a culti¬ 
 vator, who was employed in scaring the crows from the crop of grain 
 standing in his field, and who hid him in a heap of thorny bushes 
 collected for the purpose of fencing the field. The king’s soldiers 
 tracing the prince’s footsteps to the spot, examined the field, probing 
 ' even the heap of thorns in which he lay concealed with the point of 
 : a spear. Failing, however, to discover the object of their search, 
 they here gave up the pursuit and returned home. Next day the 
 I cultivator took Koomar Pal out of his place of concealment, and the 
 prince resumed his flight. As he sat under the shade of a tree to 
 rest, after having proceeded some distance, he perceived a rat, which 
 brought out from its hole, one by one, twenty pieces of silver. The 
 animal having produced the whole of its store, began to replace it in 
 the same manner in its depository. Koomar Pal then advanced and 
 took what remained of the money, and thus miraculously provided, 
 continued his journey. As he went on, he found a waneeo’s wife on 
 her way, with her carriages and attendants, from her husband’s to 
 her father’s house, who had halted by the wayside for refreshment. 
 Koomar Pal having travelled for three days without food, and being 
 oppressed with hunger, asked permission to join the domestics in 
 their repast, which was courteously granted to him. 
 
 After travelling over much country, the prince at last arrived at 
 Stumbh-Teerth or Cambay, and proceeded to the house of Oodayun 
 Mehta to ask for food. Hearing that the minister was at the Jain 
 convent, Koomar Pal went thither and found Oodayun in company 
 
140 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 with Hemacharya. No sooner had the monk beheld the prince, than 
 he pronounced him to be the destined king of the whole land. 
 Koomar Pal, thinking only of his present poverty and danger, de¬ 
 clared such a prediction to be incredible, but Hemacharya renewed 
 his assurances, and the prince vowed that if the prophecy were ful¬ 
 filled he would become a follower of the Jain religion. Supplied 
 with money and necessaries by Oodayun Muntree, Koomar Pal pro¬ 
 ceeded to Malwa, and, visiting the temple of Kudungeshwur, was 
 astonished at finding inscribed on a tablet there the following 
 verse :—- 
 
 ‘ When there shall have been fulfilled one thousand, one hundred, and ninety- 
 
 nine years, then will arise Koomar Raja, who shall resemble thee, O ! 
 “ Vikrum.” 
 
 While in Malwa, the prince received intelligence that Sidh Raj had 
 attained another world. He determined on returning to Goozerat, 
 but being again without the means of subsistence, he fell into many 
 difficulties on the road, before he succeeded in reaching Unhilwara. 
 
 Having satisfied his hunger, with the alms supplied to him by the 
 charity of a confectioner, Koomar Pal made his way to the house of 
 his sister’s, husband, Kahn Dev. Before his death Sidh Raj had 
 called to him the ministers and officers of his court, of whom Kahn 
 Dev was one of the principal, and, causing them to lay their hands 
 on his neck, compelled them to swear that they would never place 
 Koomar Pal upon the throne. While, however, the ceremony was 
 in progress the great monarch expired. Whether he had taken the 
 oath or not, Kahn Dev no sooner heard of Koomar Pal’s arrival, 
 than coming forth out of his palace, he received him with great 
 respect, and, giving him precedence, conducted him within. The 
 next morning, arming some of his attendents, he took Koomar Pal 
 with him to the palace. To determine who should be the king’s 
 successor, Kahn Dev placed on the cushion of the great Sidh Raj, 
 first one prince and then another, probably Myhee Pal and Iveerttee 
 Pal, the brothers of Koomar Pal. The first was quickly rejected ; 
 the effeminacy of his dress exciting general disapprobation. The 
 second prince being seated, was asked by the assembled nobles how 
 he would govern the eighteen regions left by Jye Singh; but his 
 reply,—“ according to your counsel and instructions,” sounded tame 
 in the ears of chiefs accustomed to obey the vigorous voice of Sidh 
 Raj. He was rejected, and Koomar Pal, seated on the throne, was 
 called upon to answer the same enquiry. Starting to his feet, his 
 eyes filled with martial fire, that prince half unsheathed his sword. 
 
KOOMAR PAL. 
 
 141 
 
 The royal hall rang with acclamations, and Kahn Dev, with the other 
 nobles of Goozerat, prostrating themselves before the throne of 
 Koomar Pal, while the conch-shell and the bugle sounded, acknow¬ 
 ledged him as the fit successor of the “victorious lion.” 
 
 Koomar Pal ascended the throne in the fiftieth year of his age, in 
 a.d. 1143, and reigned thirty-one years. His mature age, and the 
 experience he had gained during his wanderings in foreign lands, 
 produced a division between him and some of the old royal servants, 
 who were thereupon dismissed from their employments. They com¬ 
 bined together to revenge themselves by putting him to death, and 
 had placed assassins at one of the city gates, which he was expected 
 to enter during the night; but “ owing to the good actions that he 
 “ had performed in former birth,” the attempt was disclosed to him in 
 sufficient time to allow of his defeating it, by choosing a different 
 route from the one anticipated. Koomar Pal now caused the con¬ 
 spirators to be put to death. Soon after, Kahn Dev, who had placed 
 him on the throne, presuming upon his services and connection, as 
 the husband of his sister, began to speak disrespectfully of the origin 
 and former condition of Koomar Pal. The king remonstrating, 
 received a haughty answer, and after a time, finding Kahn Dev deter¬ 
 mined to continue disobedient, he caused him to be put to death. 
 The example was a salutary one, and, from that day, all the chieftains 
 feared to disobey the order of the king, for, “ as it is wrong to touch 
 “ a lamp with the finger, under the idea that ‘ It was I who first set 
 “ it up; it will not burn me though I treat it with disrespectso is 
 i “ it with a monarch.” 
 
 Koomar Pal now conferred the office of principal minister upon 
 | Wagbhut Dev, the son of his most ancient supporter Oodayun 
 Muntree ; he recompensed also the potter, Aling, and others who 
 had shielded him during his adversity. Wahud, another son of 
 Oodayun’s, however, who had been a principal favorite of Sidh Raj, 
 refusing to obey Koomar Pal, fled to take service with the King of 
 Nagor, Ano, or as Meerootoong styles him, Anak, the ^grandson of 
 Veesul Dev Chohan. By the persuasions of Wahud, Ano was in¬ 
 duced to attempt an invasion of Goozerat, and, with that view, 
 approached the frontier with a large army, hoping to find many of 
 the chieftains of the country his supporters. The Solunkhee sovereign 
 assembled an army to oppose the enemy, and having, as he sup¬ 
 posed, secured his own borders from any enterprise of the disaffected, 
 or, in the language of the chronicler, “ made the boundary land clear 
 “ of thorns,” he engaged Ano. Battle was hardly joined, however, 
 when the effects of Wahud’s intrigues were rendered apparent by the 
 
142 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 desertion of a large number of the Goozerat chieftains. Koomar 
 Pal, seeing the whole of his army in confusion, ordered the driver of 
 his elephant to single out the lord of Nagor, who was rendered con¬ 
 spicuous by the royal umbrella, and to give him an opportunity of 
 personally engaging his rival. The elephant driver accordingly strove 
 to force his way through the army to where the Nagor King was : 
 fighting; but the young lord, Wahud, rushed between the two sove¬ 
 reigns, and was stepping from his own elephant on to the head of 
 that which bore Koomar Pal, with the view of slaying the raja, when j 
 the driver, with his goad, forcing the elephant back, he fell in the 
 midst, and was seized by the foot soldiers who surrounded the king, i 
 Koomar Pal then quickly advancing towards Ano, shouting defiance; 
 as he went, discharged an arrow from his bow, which struck the 
 King of Nagor in the face, and hurled him to the ground. The 
 Goozerat troops pressed on, shouting “Victory !” and the rout of their 
 enemies was soon completed. 
 
 The following is the account given by the author of Dwyashray, of 
 the wars with which the reign of Koomar Pal opened :— 
 
 The raja of the country of a hundred thousand villages, whose 
 name was Ann, when he heard of the death of Jye Sing, though he 
 had been the servant of that monarch, now thought the time was 
 come for making himself known; the government of Goozerat being 
 newly formed, and Koomar Pal being a feeble monarch, as he was 
 willing to suppose. Ann began to make friends of Wullal, the King 
 of Oojein, and of the rajas of the country on the west of Goozerat, 
 holding out threats to them as well as promises. Koomar Pal’s spies 
 made known to him that Ann Raja was advancing upon the western 
 frontier of Goozerat, with an army, among whose chieftains were 
 several leaders “ skilled in foreign languages/’ and that he had been 
 already joined by the Raja of Kunthagam (Kuntkote?) and by 
 Chahud, a general of the Unhilwara army. The King of Oojein 
 was well informed, they said, of the state of Goozerat, by traders who 
 had been in the habit of passing to and fro between the countries; 
 he had also concerted measures with Wullal, the King of Malwa, 
 who had prepared to attack Goozerat on the east, as soon as Ann 
 Raja should have made an advance. Koomar Pal was much en¬ 
 raged when he heard this news. 
 
 Koomar Pal was joined by several rajas, by Koolees also, very 
 celebrated horsemen, and by forest tribes, who assembled from all 
 sides. The people of Kutch, his tributaries, ranged themselves under 
 his banners; with them came men of Sindh also. As the king 
 advanced towards Aboo, he was then joined by mountaineers, 
 
KOOMAR PAL. 
 
 M3 
 
 dressed in the skins of deer. The Purmar Raja of Aboo, Vikrum 
 Singh byname, who led the men of Jalundhur-land, (Jhalor,) followed 
 Koomar Pal, esteeming that raja as his lord. Ann Raja hearing of 
 Koomar Pal's arrival, contrary to the advice of his ministers, pre¬ 
 pared to give battle, but before his arrangements were completed the 
 music of war was heard, and the Goozerat army appeared emerging 
 from beneath the shadow of the mountains, the sun streaming full 
 upon the white umbrella that was borne above the king. The 
 soldiers of Ann Raja shot arrows at the army of Koomar Pal ; the 
 King of Nagor himself seized his bow; but, though led by canopied 
 lords, the army of the north gave way before the men of Goozerat. 
 Ann Raja, in person, then rushed on, and was confronted by Koomar 
 Pal. “As you were so brave a warrior,” said the heir of Sidh Raj, 
 “ how is it that you bent the head before the victorious lion ? That 
 “ act proved your wisdom truly. Now, if I conquer you not, I shall 
 “ tarnish the fame of Jye Singh.” The two A sovereigns fought; the 
 armies, too, joined in close encounter. Ahud led the men of 
 Goozerat; the Marwarees followed their Muntree Gowind Raj. At 
 last an iron shaft struck down Ann, he fell upon the earth. His 
 chieftains then submitted to the behests of Koomar Pal. 
 
 The King of Goozerat having struck Ann such a blow, remained 
 for several days upon the field of battle. Ann Raja sent horses and 
 ; elephants as a present to Koomar Pal; he proposed to give him 
 a daughter in marriage. The king complained that Ann had com- 
 ! mitted an offence to which pardon might well be refused, in having 
 slain wounded men as they lay on the field; he accepted, how¬ 
 ever, the proposals of the vanquished prince, and returned to 
 Unhilpoor. 
 
 Soon afterwards the priest of Ann Raja’s family brought to the city 
 of Wun Raj, the Princess Julhuna, his master’s daughter, who was 
 solemnly married to Koomar Pal. These festivities were scarce com¬ 
 pleted when news was brought that Veejye and Krishn, the two 
 chieftains (Samunts) who had been despatched by the king to oppose 
 Wullal, while he in person advanced against Ano Raja, had gone 
 over to the King of Oojein, and that that monarch was already in 
 the territory of Goozerat and advancing upon Unhilpoor. Koomar 
 Pal prepared to win fame by conquering Wullal, as Jye Singh had 
 won it by subduing Yushowurm. He assembled his troops and went 
 against the King of Malwa, who was defeated and struck from his 
 ; elephant in the fight. 
 
 This notice of the chronicler is confirmed by an inscription in the 
 temple of Tej Pal upon Mount Aboo, which records that the Purmar 
 
144 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 chief of Uchuleshwur and Chundrawutee, by name Yushodhuwul, 
 
 “ Knowing that the Chalookya Koomar Pal Raj was come to make 
 “ war, fled immediately to Wullal, the Lord of Malwa.” From a 
 second inscription upon a copper plate in the Jain library at Nadole, 
 which bears date a.d. 1157, we learn that the great minister, Chahud 
 Dev, was in that year the adviser of the king of kings, the illustrious 
 Koomar Pal Dev, who then sat upon the throne of Shreemunt Unhil, 
 and who is further described as “ the ornament of the line of kings, 
 
 “ a great warrior, who by the strength of his arm conquered the . 
 “ Sakumbhuree Raja in the place of strife.” There is some con -1 
 fusion in regard to the minister here alluded to. Meerootoong tells j 
 us that Chahud Dev was half-brother of Oodayun Muntree. The j 
 author of Dwyashray says that Chahud joined Ano Raja ; but Mee- j 
 rootoong only mentions that Wahud, the son of Oodayun, did so. j 
 This latter chieftain, we shall find, subsequently returned to his. 
 duty, and was employed by Koomar Pal, as it is evident that Chahud 
 may have been before the year in which the inscription is dated, sup¬ 
 posing him to have been in the first instance a rebel to his sovereign. 
 
 The inscription to which allusion has been made in the account of 
 the reign of Sidh Raj, which is to be found in the temple, called 
 Lakhun’s Mundeer, at Cheetore, and bears date a.d. 1151, 1 2 thus 
 speaks of Koomar Pal, the Solunkhee : “ What was he like, who by 
 “ the strength of his invincible mind crushed all his foes ; whose com- 
 “ mands the other sovereigns of the earth placed on their foreheads; 
 “ who compelled the lord of Sakumbhuree to bow at his feet; who in 
 “ person carried his arms to Sewaluc, making the mountain lords bow 
 “ before him, even in the city of Salpoora?" 
 
 Sometime after these occurrences, Meerootoong informs us, the 
 Solunkhee sovereign was seated in his court, giving audience, when 
 some bards (Magudhs) were admitted, who sang the praises of 
 Mulika Urjoon, a king of the Konkun, to whom they gave the title 
 of “ Father of Kings. Koomar Pal was very much disconcerted at 
 this occurrence, and set himself to discover a chieftain whom he might 
 send to destroy this Mulika Urjoon, “who faLely prided himself as a 
 “ four-limbed sovereign.” A warrior, named Ambud, or Amra Bhut, 
 a son of Oodayun Muntree’s, undertook the task, and having ob¬ 
 tained the command of an army, proceeded without halting to the 
 Konkun. Ambud passed with considerable difficulty a river called 
 Ivulaveenee, and encamped on the opposite bank, where he was 
 
 1 In Tod’s Western India, the date is given “ S. 1207 (a.d. 1141)” by mistake. 
 
 2 In regard to the Muha Munduleshwurs of Kollapoor, see note at page 138. 
 
KOOMAR PAL. 
 
 J 45 
 
 attacked and quickly routed by Mulika Urjoon. The defeated general 
 returned home and encamped near the capital, wearing black clothes, 
 covered by a black umbrella, and dwelling in a black tent. Koomar 
 Pal, perceiving this sombre display, enquired what force it was that 
 was thus encamped. He was informed that it was Ambud, the 
 general, who, having been defeated in the Konkun, had thus returned. 
 The king strove to console Ambud in his humiliation, and, treating 
 him with kindness and attention, despatched him with another army^ 
 reinforced by strong chieftains, to conquer Mulika Urjoon. 
 
 Ambud, arriving at the river Kulaveenee a second time, con¬ 
 structed a bridge or causeway, by which he cautiously passed over his 
 army, and thus gained the opportunity of becoming the assailant. 
 The troops of Goozerat were successful in this second encounter, and 
 Mulika Urjoon himself fell by the sword of Ambud. His capital, 
 also, was taken and plundered, and Ambud, causing the authority of 
 the Solunkhee king to be proclaimed in that country, returned to 
 Unhilwara. In full assembly, he paid obeisance at the feet of his 
 lord, Koomar Pal, presenting the head of Mulika Urjoon, the king of 
 the Konkun, with gold, jewels, vessels of the precious metals, pearls, 
 elephants, coined money, and other trophies. The king received him 
 graciously, and conferred upon him the great provincial sovereign, or 
 Munduleshwur, Mulika Urjoon’s title of “ Father of Kings.” 
 
 The Acharya Hemchunder fills for the future so conspicuous a 
 place in the history of Koomar Pal—the king being, it is said, “at- 
 “ tracted by his speech, as a wave, full of delight, is by the brilliancy 
 “ of the moon”—that it may be, therefore, advisable to give in this 
 place the account of his origin, which is furnished by the monk of 
 Wudwan. His parents, whose names were Chachig and Paheenee, 
 belonged to the Modh Waneeo caste, and resided at Dhundhooka 
 “ in Urddhash turn-land,” the southern border country of Soreth and 
 Goozerat. The father professed the orthodox Hindoo faith, the 
 mother was “as it were a Devee of the Jain religion.” Their son re¬ 
 ceived at his birth the name of Chung Dev. When he had attained 
 the age of eight years, Devchunder Acharya, travelling in that part of 
 the country, came to Dundhooka. Chachig being at this time from 
 home, his wife was persuaded by the Acharya, who had been much 
 struck by the appearance of Chung Dev, to entrust her son to his care, 
 in order that he might receive the initiatory rite as a Jain ascetic. 
 The Acharya accordingly carried off the boy to his convent at Kuru- 
 nawutee. When Chachig returned from foreign parts, and heard what 
 had happened to Chung Dev, he was much distressed, and vowed 
 
 L 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 146 
 
 that he would eat no food until he had seen his son. Having ascer¬ 
 tained the spiritual teacher’s name and place of residence, he set otf 
 to Kurunawutee. When he arrived there he went to Dev Chunder to 
 demand his son. Chung Dev was at the house of Oodayun Mun- 
 tree, who took upon himself the task of reconciling Chachig to the 
 step which his son wished to take, and as he succeeded therein, 
 Chung Dev took the initiatory vow, and assumed the name of Hem- 
 chunder. He soon became famous, and having at an early age made 
 himself acquainted with all the learning of the Hindoos, as well as of 
 the Jains, he received from the Gooroo the title of Sooree. 
 
 Hemchunder was the author of the Ubheedhan Chintamunee, the 
 Hymns to Jin Dev (a -commentary on which bears date a.d. 1292), 
 
 “ a pure Yog Shastra, containing the story of the sixty-three Jain 
 “ heroes (Shulaka pooroosh), with the praise of the twenty passion- 
 “ less ones (vitrag), ” the Dwyashray, and other works. 
 
 While Koomar Pal was with his army in Malwa, the monk Hem¬ 
 chunder came to him to seek his protection on account of an outrage 
 which had been committed by the Shaivite ascetics, on the occasion 
 of the rejoicings 1 at his mother’s funeral. “ One’s own royalty,” was 
 the reflection of Hemacharya, “or the subjection of the king to one’s 
 “ self, these are the only roads towards effecting an object.” The 
 Acharya was introduced to the king by Oodayun Muntree; and 
 Koomar Pal, recollecting the predictions and promises of Cambay, 
 received him with great favor, and admitted him to a familiar inter¬ 
 course. The Brahmins about the king were alarmed at the influence 
 Hemchunder was gaining over him, and brought several charges 
 against him, of which the most serious appears to have been, that he 
 refused to worship the Sun. Hemchunder, who was of a politic 
 character, and, for a long time at least, disposed to seek toleration for 
 his own religion, rather than to attack that of his opponents, made an 
 answer which satisfied the king of his faith in the great deity of the 
 Kshutrees :—“ This splendid mansion of light I ever retain in my 
 “ heart; at the time of whose setting I abandon food.” 2 In accord¬ 
 ance with the same line of policy, he strengthened his recommenda¬ 
 tions by quoting the Hindoo as well as the Jain scriptures in their 
 support, and when on one occasion Koomar Pal consulted him as 
 to the selection of some object on which he should expend money as 
 a religious action, the Acharya advised him to restore the temple of 
 
 1 The devotee, whether male or female, is buried with expressions not of sorrow 
 hut of joy. See account of funerals in Conclusion. 
 
 2 See note, p. 9, on the sect called Souras. 
 
KOOMAR PAL. 147 
 
 Someshwur at Dev Puttun, which was endangered “ by the strength of 
 '* the ocean waves.” 
 
 This restoration is mentioned by the author of Dwyashray, and is 
 also commemorated in an inscription, found by the annalist of Raj- 
 pootana, in the temple of Bhudra Kalee, at Dev Puttun, but which 
 originally belonged to the shrine of Someshwur. It is dated Wullub- 
 hee Sumwut 850 (which is equivalent to Vikrum Sumwut 1225, or 
 a.d. 1169), and contains the following narrative :— 
 
 “ Bhow Yreehusputee, a Brahmin of Canouj, left Benares on pil- 
 “ grimage; he reached Uwuntee and Dharanugger, then ruled by Jye 
 “ Singh Dev. The Purmar prince and all his family elected him their 
 “ gooroo, and the prince called him brother. 
 
 “ Sidh Raj Jye Singh was universal lord when he went to heaven; 
 “ Koomar Pal succeeded to his throne; Bhow Vreehusputee became 
 « the chief of his advisers. Koomar Pal was the tree of desire of 
 “ the three worlds. He gave his seal, his wealth, and all, under the 
 “ command of Vreehusputee; and said, * Go and repair the fallen 
 “ ‘ temples of Dev Puttun.’ Bhow Vreehusputee made them re- 
 “ semble Kyelas; he invited the lord of the world to see his work. 
 “ When he saw, he dwelt on the praise of the gooroo, as he said, 
 “ ‘ My heart is rejoiced; to you and your sons I give the chief place 
 “ ‘ in my kingdom.’” 
 
 When the foundations of the temple of Someshwur had been laid, 
 the council to whom the direction of the work had been assigned 
 sent “ good-news letters” to Koomar Pal. The king, showing the 
 letters to Hemchunder Sooree, enquired how it might be brought 
 about that no obstacle should occur to the completion of the work. 
 The Sooree advised the king, that for this purpose he should take a 
 vow to abstain either from connection with women or from the use of 
 animal food, until the flag should be raised on the summit of the 
 temple. The king assenting, placed water on the image of Muha Dev, 
 and vowed that he would eat no animal food. Two years afterwards, 
 the spire having been completed, Koomar Pal prepared to set the 
 finial upon the temple, and to hoist the banner : he then asked the 
 Acharya to release him from his vow. Hemchunder said, “ Behold ! 
 “ in the virtue of this abstinence you are fit to appear before Muha 
 “ Dev. When your pilgrimage thither shall have been accomplished, 
 “ it will be time to throw off that vow.” The king was advised by the 
 Brahmins to put Hemchunder to the test, by proposing that he should 
 accompany the royal cortege in its pilgrimage to the temple of the 
 lord of the moon, whose divinity, it was asserted, the Sooree did not 
 acknowledge. Koomar Pal acted upon this advice; when Hem- 
 
148 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 chunder, immediately assenting, exclaimed, “ What need of pressing 
 “ the hungry man to partake of food; pilgrimage is the life of the 
 “ ascetic ; what need is there of an order from the king ! ” It was 
 arranged that the monk should travel slowly and on foot, visiting as 
 he went the holy places of Shutroonjye and Girnar, and that he should 
 join Koomar Pal at Dev Puttun. The king making a progress, 
 attended by the whole of his retinue, arrived within sight of the city 
 ofSomeshwur. Shree Vreehusputee, who was charged with the super¬ 
 intendence of the work, had advanced to this point to escort the 
 monarch to the place prepared for his reception. Hemchunder also 
 joined the cortege : and Koomar Pal, with great joy, and amidst the 
 pomp and music of his regal state, entering the city, ascended the 
 steps of the temple of Someshwur, and prostrated himself before the 
 god. Hemchunder also, supported by Vreehusputee, stood at the 
 threshold of the temple, and exclaimed :—“ In the splendour of this 
 “ shrine, Muha Dev, who dwells in Kyelas, is surely present.” Then 
 entering, and worshipping the sacred ling in the prescribed forms, he 
 said, “ Thou existest, whatever be thy place, whatever be thy time, 
 “ whatever be thy name, of whatsoever nature thou art. Thou art he 
 “ in whom is no guilty act, no guiltiness consequent upon the act,— 
 “ one only God ! Praise be to thee ! He who has destroyed the 
 “ affections, which are the seeds that produce the bud of existence, be 
 “ he Brumha, be he Vishnoo, be he Shiva, to him be praise ! ” As 
 he uttered these prayers, the king, with all his courtiers, stood gazing 
 upon him in astonishment. Then Shree Hemacharya fell flat on the 
 ground, adoring Shiva in the “ staff-prostration.” The king, under 
 Vreehusputee’s direction, worshipped with great faith in the colon¬ 
 nades of the temple, presenting his weight in gold and a gift of ele¬ 
 phants, and waving camphor in the arciti-eek} The royal suite were 
 then dismissed, and Koomar Pal and Hemacharya entered alone the 
 adytum of the temple, closing the door behind them. 
 
 Koomar Pal addressed Hemacharya. “ Among so many religions, 
 “ I am anxiously desirous to establish one religion which may be 
 “ assented to with certainty. There is no Dev like Someshwur ; there 
 “ is no king like myself; there is no ascetic like you. My wealth of 
 “ fortune has thus brought the whole three together. Do you, there- 
 “ fore, in the presence of this great Dev, point out to me, with true 
 “ speech, the divinity who is the giver of liberation.” Hemacharya 
 replied, “ We have no need now of the matters that are contained in 
 “ the Poorans. I will bring the illustrious Someshwur in corporeal 
 
 1 Vide account of the ceremonial of Hindoo worship in the Conclusion. 
 
KOOMAR PAL. 
 
 149 
 
 “ presence hither, that you may hear the truth from his own mouth. J 
 He continued: “ Without doubt, in this place the Dev is concealed. 
 “ We two, devoting ourselves immoveably to worship in the manner 
 “ which the spiritual preceptor has pointed out, may cause the Dev to 
 “ present himself. I will profoundly meditate; do you, from this 
 “ wood of aloes, raise incense, ceasing not until the three-eyed god, 
 “ appearing, restrains you.” They laboured both of them thus, the 
 smoke of the incense filling the adytum, darkening the light of the 
 lamps which were arranged around the door and the niches on the 
 three sides. Suddenly a light beamed forth, brilliant as the light of 
 the sun. The king started up, dazzled by this effulgence; he shaded 
 his eyes with his hands, and strove to recover the power of seeing. 
 At that moment he beheld, occupying the basin in which the sacred 
 symbol was set, the form of an ascetic, whose hair was matted on 
 his head, of a beauty incomparable, bright as fine gold, the sight of 
 whom mortal weakness could not endure. The king ascertained, by 
 the touch of his hand, that this was, without doubt, the Dev, cor¬ 
 poreally present Prostrating himself, with great devotion, he thus 
 addressed the god : “ Lord of the world ! thus worshipping you, my 
 “ eyes have attained their object; in kindness, therefore, giving some 
 “ command, cause my ears also to fulfil their desire.” The face of 
 the Dev shone as the morning after the night of bewilderment; from 
 his mouth issued the following divine words :—“ O ! king, this monk 
 “ is an incarnation of all the gods; he is without deceit; to him it 
 “ is given to behold the Divinity as a pearl in his hand; he is ac- 
 “ quainted with the past, the present, and the future. The path 
 “ which he shall show you, that understand to be, without doubt, the 
 “ road to liberation.” Thus speaking, the Dev became invisible. 
 While the king lamented his disappearance, the monk, Hemchunder, 
 exhaled his breath, and relaxed his meditative position. Koomar 
 Pal then, remembering what the Isht Dev had told him, abandoning 
 the pride of royalty, bending his head before the spiritual teacher, 
 praising him, besought him to tell what was fit to be done. In that 
 same place Hemacharya administered to him a vow to abstain from 
 animal food and fermented liquor to the end of his life. 
 
 The Brahmin, Vreehusputee, as both chroniclers and inscription 
 relate, was left in charge of the shrine of Someshwur; but, in after 
 days, when the influence of Hemacharya had become fully established, 
 he was deprived fora time of his situation, for “dispraising the Jain 
 religion;” and only restored thereto on his making the most humble 
 submission to the Acharya, and procuring his intercession with 
 Koomar Pal. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 I$0 
 
 The king and the monk returned to Unhilpoor. There Hema- 
 charya instructed Koomar Pal in the purity which proceeded from 
 the mouth of Jin Dev, and caused him to become great among the 
 followers of Urhunt. Under the Acharya’s directions, the king forbad 
 the destruction of life for a period of fourteen years in the eighteen 
 countries of Goozerat, in which his order was obeyed. The Brahmins 
 who offered living sacrifices in their rites, says the author of Dwyash- 
 ray, were forbidden to continue the practice, and thus began to pre¬ 
 sent offerings of grain. The king’s order was obeyed in Pullee land 
 also, and the ascetics who used deer-skins for their covering found it 
 impossible to procure any. The people of Punchal, also, who had 
 been great destroyers of life, being subjects of Koomar Pal, were 
 compelled to refrain. The trade of those who sold flesh was put a 
 stop to, and three years’ income allowed to them in compensation. 
 The people of the countries about Benares, however, continued to 
 sacrifice life. 
 
 One day it was reported to Koomar Pal, that the Khus Raja of 
 Kedar, though he plundered the pilgrims by his exactions, had never¬ 
 theless allowed the temple of Kedar’s lord, Muha Dev, to fall into 
 disrepair, so that it was becoming a ruin. The king, blaming the 
 Khus Raja, caused his own minister to repair the temple. At another 
 time Muha Dev, appearing to the king in a dream, informed him that 
 he was pleased with his service, and had resolved to reside at Unhil¬ 
 poor. The king thereupon built, in that city, the temple of Koo¬ 
 mar Pal’s lord, Muha Dev. He erected also at Unhilpoor a temple 
 of Parusnath, named the Koomar Veehar, and placed therein images. 
 At Dev Puttun he built another temple of the Jain religion, so 
 splendid as to attract thither crowds of pilgrims. 
 
 Koomar Pal now assented to the twelve vows of the Jain religion. 
 At the time of taking the third vow, the purport of which was that he 
 would receive nothing which was not acquired by exertions of his own, 
 the Acharya instructed him that it was a great sin to receive into the 
 royal treasury the property of those who died without male heirs. 
 The king, abandoning that source of revenue, caused his people to 
 proclaim that he had, by that act, rendered himself greater than 
 Rughoo, Nuhoosh, or Bhurut—the kings of the golden age. 1 
 
 1 “It is your wish,” says Aureng-Zebe to his father, in a letter recorded by 
 Bernier, “that I should adhere rigidly to the old custom, and declare myself heir 
 “ to every person who dies in my service. We have been accustomed, as soon as 
 “ an omrah, or rich merchant, has ceased to breathe—nay, sometimes before the 
 “ vital spark has fled—to place seals on his coffers, to imprison and beat the ser- 
 “ vants or officers of his household, until they made a full disclosure of the whole 
 
KOOMAR PAL. 
 
 *5* 
 
 After these occurrences, Koomar Pal having collected an army at 
 Wudwan for the purpose of chastising a chief of Soreth, whose name 
 was Sumurshee, or Saoosur, gave the command of it to Oodayun 
 Muntree. That minister, however, sustained a defeat, and was him¬ 
 self mortally wounded. He left to his sons, Wag But, Wahud, and 
 Amra Bhut, the completion of vows which he had made to erect 
 temples at Broach and Shutroonjye. The latter task was accomplished 
 by Wahud, in a.d. 1155, who A built near Shutroonjye the town called 
 after himself— Wahudpoor. Amra Bhut took upon himself the con¬ 
 struction of the temple at Broach, in which he was ultimately suc¬ 
 cessful, though for a time obstructed by a sudden overflow of the 
 river Nerbudda, which flows beneath the walls of that city. About 
 the same time, the king himself constructed a new temple on the site 
 of the convent, where he had been received by Oodayun Mehta and 
 Hemacharya, at Cambay. 
 
 The last warlike expedition of the reign of Koomar Pal appears to 
 have been one directed against the country of the hundred thousand 
 towns. Oodayun’s son Wahud, who had before this time, as we have 
 seen, returned to his allegiance, was selected, on account of his know¬ 
 ledge of the country, to command the army. He took and destroyed 
 a fort called Baburanugger, and proclaimed the supremacy of Koomar 
 Pal in that country. On his return he received the thanks of his 
 sovereign, who, however, blamed him for the profuse expenditure 
 which had accompanied his expedition. One of the inscriptions on 
 the pillar at Delhi, called the Lat of Feeroz Shah, which is dated 
 a. d. 1x46, mentions the name of the sovereign who reigned at that 
 date in Sakumbhuree to have been Vigraha Raj. Another name, that 
 Qf Yeesul Dev, is also found on this monument; and the translators 
 are in doubt as to whether Vigraha Raj and Veesul Dev are the 
 names of the same person or of different princes, a point which 
 they pronounce it ** impossible to determine from the tenor of the 
 il inscription, without further information. 1 None of the names of 
 the successors of Veesul Dev, the Chohan, as they are given by 
 Chund, the Bharot, can be certainly identified with the names found 
 upon the monument. Ano, the grandson of Veesul Dev, we have 
 seen opposed to Koomar Pal, and the prince here alluded to must be 
 
 “ property, even of the most inconsiderable jewel. This practice is advantageous, 
 “ no doubt: but can we deny its injustice and cruelty; and should we not be 
 “ rig-htly served if every omrah acted as Neiknam Khan ; and if, like the Hindoo 
 “ merchant’s widow, every woman concealed her wealth ?” These two stories are 
 given in another place by Bernier. • — 
 
 1 Vide As. Res. vii., p. 180. 
 
^ 5 2 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 either his son Jesingh Dev, or his grandson Ano, or Anund Dev, both 
 which names, as well as the name Vigraha Raj, express a meaning, 
 and may be merely epithets. 1 There is an anecdote told in the Pru- 
 bundh Chintamunee which is curious for the light it throws upon the 
 disputed point, already referred to, in regard to the interpretation of 
 the inscription on the Lat of Feeroz Shah. At another time, says 
 the chronicler, an ambassador from the king of the country of one 
 hundred thousand towns came to the court of Koomar Pal. That 
 king enquired after the prosperity of the King of Sambhur. “ His 
 
 name is Vishwul (holder of the universe),” said the ambassador, 
 “ what doubt is there of his being always prosperous !” Kupurddee 
 Muntree, a poet of great learning, and a favorite of Koomar Pal’s, 
 at this time stood beside that monarch. He said,—“The roots 
 “ ‘ shul ’ and ‘ shwul ’ mean ‘ quickly going.’ Thus he is Vishwul, who 
 “ flies away quickly like a bird ( Vi)” The minister, after this, re¬ 
 turning home, made known the disrespect with which his master’s 
 title had been received; whereupon that raja, consulting the learned, 
 assumed the name of Vigraha Raja. Next year the same minister 
 making his appearance on behalf of Vigraha Raja, in the presence of 
 Koomar Pal, Kupurddee explained that name to mean “ noseless 
 “Shiva and Brumh ” (vi without, gro nose, hur Shiv, aj Brumh). 
 Afterwards that king, afraid of Kupurddee’s making a jest of his 
 name, assumed the title of Kuvee Bandhuv (poet’s brother). 
 
 Koomar Pal, having on a subsequent occasion encamped near a 
 temple outside the walls of Unhilwara, with the view of leading a 
 caravan to perform pilgrimage at Shutroonjye, was alarmed by the 
 intelligence that Kurun Raja of Dahul land was advancing against 
 him. The king took counsel with Wag Bhut and Hemacharya, the 
 latter of whom pledged himself that good news would shortly arrive. 
 Soon afterwards further messengers.brought intelligence that Kurun 
 Raja, while travelling at night on his elephant, having fallen asleep, 
 had been caught (Absalom-like) by the branch of a sacred fig-tree, 
 under which the animal had passed too hastily, and that he had thus 
 been strangled. Koomar Pal, relieved of his fears of invasion, was 
 then enabled to proceed with his pilgrimage. He arrived at Dhund- 
 hooka, and erected there a temple, called the “ cradle-'Veehar,” over 
 the place of Hemacharya’s birth. Thence he proceeded to Shut¬ 
 roonjye, where he expended a large sum of money, under the direction 
 
 u 1 or Jyesinghmeans “victorious lion.” Anund means “joy.” Vigraha, 
 
KOOMAR PAL, 
 
 153 
 
 of Shree Wag Bhut, in forming a new road of approach to the sacred 
 mountain. 
 
 At the court of Unhilwara, at this time, was Anak, or Urnoraj, a 
 scion of the valiant race of the Solunkhees, and son of the sister of 
 Koomar Pal’s mother, who, in recompense of the services rendered 
 by him to his sovereign, received a chieftainship (Samuntpud), and 
 with it the town of Vyaghrapullee, or Waghel (the tiger’s city), at 
 which place his descendants remained for many years. One day the 
 king lay on his couch in an upper room of the palace, at the door of 
 which the Samunt, Anak, kept guard, when he perceived that some 
 one entered the apartment. He called, “ Who is there?” Anak, 
 stopping the intruder, whom he discovered to be a servant of his own, 
 took him outside to enquire his message. The servant claimed 
 largesse for the news that a son had been born to his master. Anak, 
 dismissing him, returned to his post, “ his lotus face blooming with 
 “ the brilliancy of the sun of that good intelligence.” The king enquired 
 what had happened. Anak said, “ Sire ! a son has been born to you.” 
 On his saying so, the king, after consideration, spoke as follows,— 
 “As the keepers of the gates did not stop the servant who came to 
 “ announce this birth, I am satisfied that the child will be a king in 
 “ Goozerat of great virtue ; but since the messenger descended from 
 “ this place when he told you of a son’s having been born, he will rule 
 “in some other city, not in this one, and in a mansion (or ‘in 
 “ Dhuwul-gruh’).” The son whose birth was attended by these circum¬ 
 stances was named Luwun Prusad, and his descendants subsequently 
 appear in the history of Goozerat as the Waghela dynasty. 
 
 Koomar Pal Raja having now completed the thirtieth year of 
 his reign, the curse which the great Sutee, the mother of Lakho Raj, 
 king of Kutch, had pronounced against the race of Mool Raj, began 
 to work, and the king found himself afflicted with the pains of leprosy. 
 At the same time Hemchunder, who had attained the age of eighty- 
 four years, knowing that his end approached, performed the “last 
 “ worship,” and commenced a total abstinence from food, that he might 
 anticipate the mandate of Yuma. The king expressing deep affliction 
 on this account, Hemchunder said, “You have yourself but six 
 “ months more of life allotted to you ; you have no son; do you too, 
 “ therefore, perform the works that remain to be performed.” Thus, 
 instructing his royal pupil, Hemchunder died. The king, with a 
 mind bowed down by grief, performed the funeral rites of the great 
 Acharya. With the ashes of the pile, knowing them to be of incom¬ 
 parable purity, Koomar Pal and his chieftains made marks upon their 
 foreheads. For many days the lamentation continued; and the 
 
1 54 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 king, abandoning all care for mundane affairs, was engrossed thence¬ 
 forth in deep and devout meditation, until at length, his life escaping 
 by a door of the body, he passed to Paradise. 
 
 Such is the account given by the monk of Wudwan, but oral tradi-; 
 tion, whether of the Brahmins or of the Jains, delights in assigning; 
 more romantic circumstances to the death of the great Hemchunder. j 
 
 Koomar Pal Raja, says the tradition of the Brahminical faith, had 
 wedded a Seesodunee Ranee, a daughter of the house of Mewar. At 
 the time that the sword went for her the Seesodunee heard that the 
 raja had a vow that his wives should receive initiation into the Jain 
 religion, at Hemacharya’s convent, before entering the palace. The 
 Ranee, therefore, refused to go toPuttun, until satisfied that she would 
 not bq called upon to go to the Acharya’s convent. Upon this Koo¬ 
 mar Pal’s household bard, Jye Dev by name, became security to the 
 queen, who then consented to go to Unhilpoor. Several days after 
 her arrival, Hemacharya said to the raja, “ The Seesodunee Ranee 
 “has never come to visit me.” Koomar Pal told her that she must 
 go; but she refused. The Ranee fell ill, and the bard’s wives went 
 to see her. Hearing her story, they disguised her as one of themselves, 
 and brought her privately home to their house. At night the bards 
 dug a hole in the wall of the city, and took the Ranee out by it to 
 carry her home. When Koomar Pal Raja became aware of what 
 had happened, he mounted and set off in pursuit with two thousand 
 horse. At the distance of fifteen miles from the fort of Eedur he 
 came up with the fugitives. The bard said to the Ranee, “ If you can 
 “ but enter Eedur, you are safe. I have two hundred horse with me; 
 “ as long as a man of us remains alive no one shall lay hand on you.” 
 So saying, he turned upon his pursuers; but the Ranee’s courage 
 failed her, and she slew herself in her carriage. The fight going on, 
 and the pursuers forcing their way to the carriage, the maids cried out, 
 “Why struggle any more, the Ranee is dead?” Koomar Pal and 
 the force that had accompanied him then returned home. 
 
 The bard, Jye Dev, felt that he had lost his character, and deter¬ 
 mined to die. He retired to Sidhpoor, and sent from thence letters 
 sprinkled with red water to all his caste, by which he told them, “ The 
 “ honor of our caste has been taken away; so let those who are ready 
 “ to burn themselves with me prepare.” A heap of sugar-canes was 
 made, and those who intended to burn themselves with their wives 
 took two canes from the heap; those who would burn alone took one 
 each. They prepared funeral piles, both “cheetas” and “ juniors.” 
 
 1 “ Cheeta” is a pile for one corpse ; “jumor,” for more than one. 
 
KOOMAR PAL. 
 
 i5S 
 
 The first jumor was on the banks of the Suruswutee, at Sidhpoor; the 
 next was an arrows flight nearer to Puttun; the last jumor was near 
 the entrance to that city. Upon each jumor sixteen Bhats with their 
 wives perished. A sister’s son of Jye Dev’s was at Kanouj. A letter 
 had been sent to him, but his mother, having no other son, kept it 
 from him. However, the bard’s family priest having laden bullocks 
 with the ashes of the jumors, set out for the purposeof casting them 
 into the Ganges. Jye Dev’s nephew, who was an officer of the Raja 
 of Kanouj, demanded transit duty from the priest, supposing that he 
 carried merchandise. The priest explained what his load was, and, 
 on the bard’s making enquiries, related to him all that had happened. 
 The bard, collecting his family, brought them to Puttun; and he and 
 they perished upon a number of jumors. One of the men’s wives had 
 been very lately delivered of a son—she gave the child to the priest 
 and burned herself with her husband ] and there are to this day, 
 living in the Puttun district, bards who trace their descent from that 
 
 child. . . , „ , a 
 
 It was in consequence of hearing this story that Shunkur Acharya 
 came to Unhilpoor Puttun, where there had been, before this, much 
 hatred between the Brahmins and the Jain monks. The latter were, 
 by this time, a hundred thousand in number. One day, as Koomar 
 Pal Raja was passing along the market in a litter, he met a disciple 
 of Hemacharya’s, and said to him, “ Mighty sovereign ! what day of 
 j the month is this ?” TLhe day was, in fact, the last day of the dark 
 half of the month, but the monk said, by mistake, that it was the 
 last day of the moon-light half. Some Brahmins who overheard 
 | what had passed laughed, and ridiculing the monk, said, What does 
 “ this shaven fellow know—to-day is the last day of the dark half of 
 “ the month.” Koomar Pal hearing this, when he reached home, 
 sent for Hemacharya and the chief of the Brahmins. Meanwhile 
 Hemacharya’s disciple went home to his convent, and was very much 
 ashamed, and very sorrowful. The Acharya asked what had hap¬ 
 pened, and, when he was informed, told the monk not to be con- 
 cerned about the matter. By this time the rajas messenger had 
 [ arrived, and Hemacharya accompanied him back to the palace. 
 Koomar Pal asked what the day of the month was. The Brahmin 
 answered that it was the thirtieth; but Hemchunder declared it was 
 the fifteenth. 1 The Brahmins said, “ Let the evening decide. If it 
 “ be the fifteenth we shall see the full moon, and then all we Brahmins 
 
 1 It should be observed on this story that it is sometimes very difficult, in con¬ 
 sequence of the extra months and extra days of the month, to know what the day 
 of the Hindoo month really is. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 156 
 
 “ will banish ourselves from this kingdom; but if the moon fail to 
 “ rise, then let the Jain monks be expelled.” Hemacharya agreed to 
 this proposal and returned home. He had a familiar Devee whom 
 he called to his assistance, and by her contrivance an illusion was 
 produced so that all thought the moon really had risen in the east. 
 It was now pronounced that the Brahmins had been defeated, and 
 that they must leave the kingdom. 
 
 At this conjuncture Shunkur Swamee, 1 who had been attracted to 
 Unhilpoor by the matter of the bards, made his appearance at Sidh- 
 poor; and the Brahmins, knowing that they would have to leave the 
 kingdom next morning, sent for him during the night, and brought 
 him to Puttun. In the morning, Koomar Pal Raja called for the 
 Brahmins, and commanded them to leave the kingdom. Shunkur 
 Swamee stepped forward, and said, “ What need of expelling any 
 “ from the kingdom; at nine o’clock, the ocean, quitting its boun¬ 
 daries, will swallow up the whole country.” The raja upon this, 
 sending for Hemacharya, asked him whether the deluge predicted by 
 the recluse would happen. Hemacharya denied that it would, and 
 asserted the Jain doctrine, that the world never had been created 
 and never would be destroyed. Shunkur Swamee said, “ Set a water- 
 “ clock, and let us see what will happen.” The three seated them¬ 
 selves beside the clock. When nine o’clock came, they ascended into 
 an upper story of the palace, and looking out at the western window, 
 saw the sea waves rapidly advancing. On and on came the billows, 
 until the^ had submerged the habitations of the city. The king and 
 the two Acharyas went up higher and higher, but the water still con¬ 
 tinued to rise upon them. At last they reached the seventh and 
 uppermost story, and, looking down, found that the whole city, the 
 highest trees and tallest spires, were under water, and that nothing 
 was visible on all sides but surging waves. Koomar Pal, in great 
 terror, turned to Shunkur Swamee, and asked him if there were no 
 means of escape. He said, “ A boat will come from the west, which 
 “ will pass close to this window. Whoever jumps quickly into it will 
 “ escape.” The three girded their loins, and prepared to get quickly 
 into the boat. Soon a boat appeared in the distance ; it drew nearer 
 and nearer. Then Shunkur Swamee seized the king by the hand, 
 saying, that they should assist each other into the boat. It ap- j 
 proached the window, and the king attempted to jump in, but the 
 Swamee dragged him back. Hemacharya jumped from the window. 
 The ocean and the boat, however, were alike illusions, and he fell on 
 
 1 Not, as the narrator says, the first Shunkur Acharya, but a successor to his 
 name and authority. 
 
KOOMAR PAL. 
 
 157 
 
 the pavement below, and was crushed to death. A massacre of the 
 monk’s followers ensued, and Koomar Pal became a disciple of Shun- 
 kur Swamee. 
 
 The Brahmin Acharya occupies a distinguished place also in the 
 Jain tradition, which we now proceed to give, and which was procured 
 from no less an authority than the Shree Pooj, or patriarch, of the 
 Pooneemeeo branch of that sect at Puttun, named Oomed Chundjee, 
 or Oomed Prubh Sooree. 
 
 A Dundeeo Jogee, 1 says the Sooree, came from the Karnatic to 
 attempt to conquer Hemacharya by a display of his learning. He 
 lived some time in this city (Unhilwara Puttun), and tried many ways 
 of effecting his object, but all without success. Hemacharya had two 
 principal disciples, Ramchund and Balchund; the latter of whom he 
 liked little. Raja Koomar Pal was at this time employed in erecting 
 a temple of Parusnath under Hemacharya’s directions. Balchund 
 conceived the design of throwing obstacles in the way of the com¬ 
 pletion of this edifice. Hemacharya had fixed the auspicious hour 
 for enthroning the image of Parusnath, and employed Balchund to 
 give notice of its arrival. He treacherously pointed out a wrong time, 
 and the result was, that the temple caught fire, and was almost en¬ 
 tirely destroyed. Hemacharya, when he heard of this calamity, being 
 now a very old man, was much shaken in his intellect. Koomar Pal 
 came to him, and requested his advice as to rebuilding the temple. 
 The spiritual teacher said, “ Why rebuild now ? within six months 
 “ the periods of life allotted to you and to me will have come to an 
 “ end.” The raja was astonished, and laid aside his design. 
 
 Soon after, Ramchund being absent from some cause, Hemacharya 
 sent Balchund to a Shrawuk’s house to get him some food. As Bal¬ 
 chund returned with his food, he met the Dundeeo Jogee, w'ho asked 
 him why he looked so sorrowful, and said that he knew his master 
 w r as not kind to him, but that if Balchund liked, he would give him 
 an enthralling charm. He accordingly stirred with his finger the milk 
 that Balchund carried, and thus conveyed into it poison which he 
 had concealed under the nail. The disciple returning, presented the 
 milk to Hemacharya, who drank it, and died. The temple never 
 was finished, and after Hemacharya’s death, the Dundeeo began to 
 do injury to religion. 
 
 ' This is a disrespectful way of indicating a Brahmin ascetic (in fact, Shunkur 
 Swamee) as “a Jogee with a staff.” 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 UJYE PAL—BAL MOOL RAJ—BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 In the year S. 1230 (a.d. 1174), says Merootoong Acharya, Ujye 
 Dev mounted the throne. Krishnajee carries us one step further : 
 he says,— 
 
 “ On Sidh Raj’s seat Koomar Pal 
 “ Sat for thirty-one years. 
 
 “To him again no son was born, 
 
 “ His brother’s son became the lord. 
 
 “ His name was Ujye Pal, 
 
 “ For three years he held the throne.” 
 
 The author of Dwyashray completes the chain by informing us 
 that Ujye Pal or Ujye Dev was the son of Myhee Pal, the brother of 
 the deceased monarch. 
 
 The successor of Koomar Pal commenced his reign by waging 
 furious war upon the religious edifices constructed by the Jain-con¬ 
 verted monarch. The chroniclers, who were of that creed, represent 
 Ujye Dev as an insane and parricidal atheist, but even tradition has 
 handed down no such complaint upon the part of the followers of 
 the orthodox religion. It may therefore be suspected that the rage of 
 the new sovereign was connected, in some degree, with a reaction 
 against the too puritanical authorities of the faith of the Teerthunkers. 
 Ujye Pal himself, however, it must be admitted, displayed a fierce, 
 ungovernable, and vindictive character. One of his first acts was 
 that of inducing the Muntree Kupurddee, the favorite of Koomar 
 Pal, to accept the office of his premier or Prudhan; but his object in 
 so doing was, probably, that of securing the gratification of his hatred, 
 for the Muntree had hardly assumed the duties of his office, when an 
 accusation of attempting to make himself equal to the king was 
 brought against him, and he was put to death by immersion in a 
 vessel of boiling oil. Ramchunder, another Jain leader, and “ the 
 “ author of an hundred compositions,” was the next victim ; he was 
 submitted to the torture, and, to escape from his sufferings, bit off his 
 tongue, and died. 
 
 After this, A says Merootoong, the chieftains, unable to endure the 
 greatness of Amra Bhut, “ the father of kings,” found an opportunity 
 for carrying him to pay obeisance to the new sovereign. In his case 
 
BAL MOOL RAJ. 
 
 159 
 
 too it appears to have been the profession of the Jain religion which 
 drew down the anger of Ujye Dev. He boldly announced, “ I re- 
 ■ “ spect Vitrag, he who is devoid of passion, as a Dev \ Hemchunder, 
 
 “ the great sage, as a spiritual adviser \ Koomar Pal, as a king. 
 
 I Ujye Dev furiously denounced him as a traitor. Amra Bhut, however, 
 a soldier of reputation, was not to become the prey of the tyrant 
 ; without a struggle. Having worshipped the image of Jineshwur, he 
 armed his followers, and rushing forth from his house, attacked the 
 royal palace, and swept away the external defences of it, as a storm 
 sweeps away a heap of chaff. “ As he washed away, in the pilgrimage 
 “ of the edge of the sword, the sin of associating with that wicked 
 “ man, the Upsuras, who had come to behold his wondrous deeds, 
 i “ exclaiming, ‘ He is mine ! he is mine ! ’ the warlike son of Oodayun 
 “ passed to Dev Lok.” The people lamented his fall, mourning him 
 and saying, “Other warriors may arise, but the son of Oodayun 
 “ having gone to Paradise, learned men have ceased to exist on the 
 “ earth.” 
 
 The career of Ujye Dev was, however, as short as it was turbulent 
 and blood-stained. “ In three years, three months, three half months, 
 “ or three days, the reward of great virtue, or of great vice, is obtained 
 “ even in this world —so say the Poorans. And so it happened, 
 that after he had reigned three years, a “ doorkeeper,” named Wyejul 
 Dev, plunged his dagger into the heart of Ujye Pal. “Phe worms 
 “ devoured the sinner who had broken down religious buildings. 
 “ Shuddering at the near approach of hell, he vanished from sight.” 
 
 Ujye Pal was succeeded by Mool Raj II., or Bal 1 Mool Raj, who 
 ascended the throne in a.d. 1177, and reigned two years. The little 
 which is recorded of him by Merootoong may be given entire, 
 
 “ His mother, named Nyekee Devee, the daughter of Purmurdee 
 i “ Raja, taking in her lap the child king, maintained a struggle at a 
 “ hill, named Gadurargurh. By the aid of rain, called down out of 
 “ its season by her virtue, she defeated the barbarian raja. 
 
 Mool Raj II. was the son of Ujye Pal. “ After whom (Koomar 
 i “ Pal), says an inscription 2 in the temple of Uchuleshwur upon Mount 
 “ Aboo, Ujye Pal reigned, whose son was Mool Raja: his younger 
 “ brother, 3 the illustrious Bheem, supports the burden of the earth.” 
 i 
 
 1 Bal, means “child.” 
 
 2 Vide As. Res. xvi., p. 288. 
 
 3 Mr. Wilson in his translation of the inscription has a note here to this effect,— 
 “ Such is the usual meaning of the original term, Anujanma ; as it, however, implies 
 “ merely ‘ born after,’ it may possibly signify son, a sense which there are some 
 “ reasons for preferring.” Bheem Dev II. seems to have been in the vigour of 
 
i6o 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The barbarian to whom the Monk of Wudwan alludes, was the 
 Mohummedan, who, after a pause of a century and a half since the 
 time of Mahmood of Ghuznee, again appeared upon the territories of 
 Unhilwara. In the year a.d. 1178, as Ferishta records, Mohammed 
 Shahaboodeen Ghoree marched from Ghuznee to Oocha and Mooltan, 
 and from thence continued his route through the sandy desert to 
 Goozerat. “The Prince Bheem Dev (a lineal descendant from 
 “ Brahm Dev of Goozerat, who opposed Mahmood Ghuzneevy), 
 “ advanced with an army to resist the Mohummedans, and defeated 
 “ them with great slaughter. They suffered many hardships in their 
 “retreat before they reached Ghuznee.” The “illustrious Bheem” 
 had not yet assumed the sovereignty, but acted as the loyal, as well 
 as gallant, lieutenant of his sister-in-law and her royal child. 
 
 Ujye Pal’s younger brother, Bheem Dev II., called also “Bholo,” 
 the arrogant, or insane, ascended the throne in a.d. 1179, and reigned 
 thirty-six years. Merootoongy mentions that during his reign Shree 
 Sohud Dev, the King of Malwa, advanced to the frontier of Goozerat, 
 with the view of laying the country waste, but that he retired on 
 receiving the following threatening message from Bheem,—“The 
 “ Raja Martund, who gives splendour to the lineage of the sun, is 
 “ brilliant only in the east; when the same sun approaches the west 
 “ his splendour finds extinction.” Afterwards, says the Jain chronicler, 
 Sohud’s son, Urjoon Dev, laid Goozerat waste. These notices are 
 fully confirmed by an inscription of Urjoon Raja of Malwa, 1 which is 
 dated a.d. 1210, and records that Soobhutwurm (or Sohud), the 
 father of that prince, “ exercised the thundering rage of his angered 
 “ prowess on the cities of Goozerat;” and that Urjoon Raja himself, 
 while yet a minor, “put Jye Singh Raja” (no doubt an allusion to the 
 Sovereign of Unhilwara, the successor of the conqueror of Malwa) 
 “to flight even in child’s play.” Another inscription, which has 
 already been alluded to, contains a grant by Bheem Dev II., the succes- j 
 sor of Mool Raj II., dated a.d. 1210, and describes that sovereign as 
 “a second Sidh Raj Dev, an incarnation of Narayun.”. 2 
 
 Though the Goozeratee chroniclers contain little information 
 regarding the reign of Bheem Dev II., the blank is fortunately supplied 
 by the Mohummedan historians, and also by the annalist of the rival 
 
 age when Mool Raj II. died still a minor. The interpretation which makes him I 
 brother to Ujye Pdl would, therefore, appear to be preferable. Mr. Wilson’s inten¬ 
 tion is more fully expressed in a subsequent paragraph, in which he speaks of 
 “ Bhirna, the younger brother of Mulct, the son of Ujaypala.” 
 
 1 Vide Jour. Ben. As. Soc., v. 380. See also Note at page 87. 
 
 2 See Note at p. 50. 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 i6x 
 
 kingdom of the Chohans of Sambhur, the Bharot Chund, in whose 
 wild but picturesque epic no inferior place is filled by the gallant 
 Solunkhee, the madman of Unhilwara. To these authorities, therefore, 
 we now have recourse. 
 
 When Unung Pal Raja was ruling in Delhi, as Chund Bharot relates, 
 the Kumdhuj, or Rathor, chief Veejye Pal, prepared to attack him. 
 Someshwur, son of Anund Dev, then ruled in Sambhur. Hearing 
 that the Kumdhuj and the Tooar were about to engage, he considered 
 that it was the duty of a Kshutree, under such circumstances, to cease 
 from sitting at home. “ I will increase,” said he, “ the fame of the 
 “ house of Ano, or attain Kyelas, or the throne of Indra.” He 
 sounded the royal drum, and advanced to succour Delhi. Somesh 
 and Unung Pal set off in company to meet the Kumdhuj, the white 
 umbrellas borne above them. They engaged Veejye Pal, who was 
 wounded by Someshwur, and took to flight. Someshwur acquired 
 great fame in Delhi from defeating the powerful Kumdhuj. Unung 
 Pal gave him his daughter in marriage, and having formed a strict 
 alliance with him, dismissed him with great honor. Somesh returned 
 home to Ujmeer sounding the instruments of victory. 
 
 Unung Pal, it appears, had no son. Of his two daughters, one, 
 named Kumula-Devee, was married to Someshwur, of Ujmeer; the 
 other, named Roop Soonduree, to Jye Chund Rathor, king of Kanouj, 
 who was the son of Veejye Pal, by the daughter of Unung Pal’s father’s 
 sister. By the Tooar princess, Someshwur had the celebrated Pru¬ 
 theeraj, who united the thrones of Ujmeer and Delhi, and after a 
 romantic struggle, fell before the Mohammedan. “ In Kanouj, 
 
 “ Ghuznee, and Unhilpoor,” says. Chund, “the angel of death began 
 I “ to shout the day that Prutheeraj was born.” Prutheeraj had a sister 
 named Preetha, who was married by her father Somesh to Sumur 
 j Singh, the Rawur of Cheetor. 
 
 In these times, Raja Bholo Bheem Dev was the ornament of Unhil- 
 [ poor, in Goojur-land. He was like the deep ocean in power; he led 
 an invincible four-limbed army; the three Loks sought the protection of 
 the Chalook Raee; many fort-lords served him; he possessed ships 
 that sailed to Sindh ; his military posts were in the land of Dhara. 
 Umur Singh Shewuro, the Jain monk, was a servant of Bheem Dev, 
 he who, by the compelling charm, drew to him men, women, and 
 Devs. Among the Yaduvs of Parkur, and the Shodas, he burned all 
 the houses of the Brahmins, and expelled them from the country. 
 He wandered in Malwa, in Pullee-land also, and in the land of Aboo. 
 
 Jeytshee Purmar at this time ruled at Aboo. He had a son named 
 Sulukh, and a daughter Eechenee Koomaree, who was very beautiful, 
 
 M 
 
162 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 and praised by every one. Bheem Dev formed the desire of marrying 
 her; he listened to every one that spoke of Aboo, or of the daughter 
 of the Purmar, whether the speech were false or true; his dreams 
 were full of visions of Eechenee. He sent Umur Singh to Aboo to 
 demand the hand of the Purmar princess; but she was already betrothed 
 to the son of the Chohan. The ambassador of Bheem Dev was so 
 informed; he answered, “ O ! mountain lord, Bholo Veer, the Chalook, 
 “ having heard of Eechenee, forgets her not; he demands that you 
 “ betroth her to him; if you give her to the Chohan he will cast you from 
 “ the battlements of Aboo-gurh ; for him to contend with the Purmar, 
 “is, as it were, forUrjoon to makewarwith the wretched. ” Jeytshee heard 
 the Prudhan with respect; he entertained him for five days honorably, 
 considering with his ministers what answer should be given. At last the 
 son of Jeyt arose, grasping his sword; “ If my land were sought,” he 
 said, “I would give it; but Bholo Bheem has adopted the Jain 
 “ religion, he is full of treacheries, of charms of compelling, and fasci- 
 “ nating, and enthralling. It is by the aid of these he has seized 
 “ upon so much territory; he knows not a northern foe.” Jeytshee 
 also spoke,—“ In the land of Muroo there are nine millions of good 
 “ warriors ; eighteen royal seats belong to Aboo-gurh. The lord of the 
 “ Samunts will be my ally. Can none of these protect me ? Then 
 “ he who covered Pureeksheet in his mother’s womb, who saved the 
 “ children from the burning jungle, who succoured his parents and 
 “ slew his uncle, who sheltered Vruj from the rain, raising the moun- 
 “ tain Gowurdhun, that Gokul Dev, Shree Krishn, will protect me. 1 
 “ It is well to maintain my royalty, or else to die.” With this answer 
 he dismissed the ministers of Bheem. 
 
 To five of his kinsmen Jeytshee entrusted Aboo. He said to his 
 son, “ Let us seek assistance from the Chohan.” Writing a letter 
 with his own hand, he sent to hasten the marriage of Eechenee with 
 the son of Someshwur,—“Sulukh’s sister, Jeyt’s daughter, Bholo 
 “Bheem demands—‘Leave Aboo desolate,’ he says, ‘or give me 
 “ Eechenee in marriage.’ Shall the jackal, then, take the lion’s share? 
 “ He plunders my property; my herdsmen daily vent their complaints ; 
 “ my subjects are impoverished.” The Purmar was well received by 
 the Chohan. Prutheeraj, sending to Delhi, made known that he was 
 about to go with Sulukh to fight against Bheem. The son of Somesh 
 set forth—he prepared to accompany Sulukh Purmar home. 
 
 1 For all these and many other exploits of Krishn, see “ Prem Sagur,” of which 
 a translation has been published by Professor Eastwick (Madden, Leadenhall- 
 street, 1851). 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 163 
 
 When Bholo Bheem heard of these occurrences, it was as if some one 
 had struck him on the face. He sent for his ministers, and bade them 
 instantly prepare; he caused the drums of war to sound. “ Who is this 
 “that lays hold on the sleeping lion; who is this that seeks to take 
 tae jewel from the head of the earth-supporting serpent; who is this 
 “ th . at thrusts his hand into the bosom of the angel of death • that 
 “wishes to protect the Chalook’s fugitive?” As he thus spoke, Bholo 
 Bheem trembled with warlike rage. From Puttun he sent orders in 
 a 1 directions to Kutch, and to Soreth. Clouds of dust darkened 
 the horizon ; a vast army assembled from all sides; there came the 
 Lord of Girnar; Lohano the Kutaree also; Veer Dev (or Veer Dhu- 
 wulung) the Waghela; Ram Purmar ; the Lord of Perumbh; Ranine 
 the Jhala; Shoda Sarung Dev; Gung the Dabhee; Umur Singh 
 Shewuro was there; Chachig also, the Jain Muntreshwur. Bholo 
 Bheem arrived at Aboo, and pitched his tents; he surrounded the 
 fort on all sides. The armies of the Purmar and the Chalook joined 
 battle; for many days the contest raged; Sulukh and Jeyt at length 
 gave back; but fighting as they retired, they reddened the earth with 
 blood. Bheem pressed on; he beheld Uchuleshwur; the Purmars 
 fled to Muroo-land, they left the fort to the Chalook; he ascended 
 triumphantly to the summit of Aboo. 
 
 At this time a common enemy, whose presence might have stanched 
 these feuds among the Rajpoot princes, hung like a thunder-cloud 
 above their heads. “ This land,” said Shahabood-deen, the Ghoree, 
 
 “ is the property neither of Hindoo nor of Mlechh, but of him who 
 “can hold it with the sword.” Bheem Dev, however, well deserving 
 his title of Bholo, or madman, refused to listen to the dictates of 
 prudence, though some were not wanting, even among his own chief¬ 
 tains, whose advice, had it been adopted, might have obviated, or at 
 [least delayed, the approaching fall of India. The Gohil chief of 
 Perumbh urged that the war should cease. “The Purmar has com- 
 “ mitted no offence,” said he; “ if he will restore the slender-waisted 
 “ one, it is enough ; let us consider to effect this object.” “At times 
 of fighting,” said Raning the Jhala, “matters which relate to war 
 ^ alone should be considered; other disputes are out of place. Let 
 “us take heed lest an enmity with the Shah should arise.” Veer Dev 
 the Waghela, said, “We should come to an understanding with the 
 “ Chohan, and unite against the Sultan. In fight, destroying him, we 
 “ shall obtain much territory and great fame.” “ What you have said 
 “is true,” whispered Umur Singh Shewuro; “but it will not be 
 “ agreeable to Bheem.” The raja himself was determined to follow 
 up his feud at all costs. “ If a Rajpoot,” said he, “ once brook an 
 
 m 2 
 
164 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ insult, he is worthy of every reproach ; he incurs the guilt of a thou- 
 “ sand sins; he falls into hell, and who shall lift him up. A Rajpoot 
 “ must seek release from transmigration with his sword, destiny has so 
 “ ordered it. The Purmar and the Chohan are called great warriors 
 “among the Hindoos; when I have stripped the Chohan of all his ; 
 “ possessions, I will then go against the Choree.” The Bholo Raj, j 
 swearing a mighty oath, ordered the drums to sound. 
 
 Then the Chohan was attacked on both sides; the Lord of Samb -1 
 hur seemed like a drum between the Choree and the Goojur. Against | 
 his Hindoo enemies he appealed to Bhuwanee : “ O ! Doorga, the I 
 “Jain religion has seized all things, do you seize these treacherous 
 “ones. No one respects the honor of kings; the truthfulness of 
 “ Samunts has been destroyed; where the speech of the Veds was, 
 “where the Shuktee’s book, 1 there the Jain talks treacherously. O ! 
 
 “ Chamoonda, grasping a mighty sword, protect me ; O ! Kalee, with 
 “ a countenance like that of the angel of death at the time of the con- 
 “ flagration of the world, destroy these Jains—destroy them, thou who 
 “ art the conqueror of sins, the protector of gods, the terrifier of 
 “demons. Be victorious, be victorious ! ” Chund, the Bharot, him-] 
 self led a night attack upon the Goozerat troops, and by the aid of 
 Doorga obtained great success, though that night the Chalook’s army 
 stood like a fort of iron, though elephants went the rounds, and the 
 Jhalas mounted guard, who had defeated the Jharejas, and had 
 plundered Kutch and Punchal. In the confusion of the night 
 Bheem’s troops slew each other; and though the king himself rushed 
 into the fight, and when his elephant was slain and his sword broken, 
 still fought desperately, armed only with a dagger, he was at last 
 obliged to retreat, having suffered a heavy loss. 
 
 A force was now left to watch the movements of Bheem, and the 
 main body of the Chohan army advanced against the Sultan, whom 
 also they defeated. 
 
 Bheem Dev had an uncle, Sarung Dev, who, at his death, left seven 
 sons,—Pertap Singh, Uree Singh, Gokuldas, Gowind, Huree Singh, 
 Shyam, and Bhugwan. They were brave warriors, and had slain Ran 
 (or Raning), the most powerful of the Jhalas. For some reason, 
 which is unexplained, the sons of Sarung Dev had gone into outlawry 
 against their cousin, Bheem Raja, and lived in the hills of Soreth, 
 plundering the Yaduv’s country. They became at length so for¬ 
 midable, that Bheem was compelled to advance against them in 
 
 1 The Book of Doorga ; see account of the Festival of Nine Nights in the Con¬ 
 clusion. 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 165 
 
 •person. He encamped on the bank of a river, and his elephant was 
 bathing in it, when it was put to death, and the driver also slain by 
 Pertap Singh and Uree Singh. This insult stung Bheem, never very 
 tolerant of such, to the quick, and he declared, that though he had 
 ; previously purposed merely to seize them, he would now esteem it no 
 fault to put them to death. When the brothers were made aware of this 
 threat, they thought it was high time to quit Goozerat, and accordingly 
 fled for shelter to the young Prutheeraj, who gave them grants of 
 villages (puttas) and other presents, and treated them with great 
 respect. Once on a time, however, when the son of Someshwur was 
 seated on his throne among his Samunts, shining as the new moon 
 surrounded by stars, Pertap Singh Solunkhee and his brothers paid 
 obeisance to Prutheeraj. The Muha Bharut was the theme of con¬ 
 versation, and warlike deeds of the Chohans were recited. Pertap 
 Singh, as the tale was told, put his hand on his moustache. Kun, the 
 Chohan, the uncle of Prutheeraj, saw it; he fired at the supposed 
 insult. Drawing out his sword, the devourer of many a life, he cut 
 Pertap Singh through the body. The Solunkhee fell dead. Uree 
 Singh and his brothers, enraged, sought revenge; the followers of the 
 Solunkhees also forced their way into the hall. The Prince Pruthee¬ 
 raj rising, retired within the palace. The fight now raged as furiously 
 as a forest conflagration; the Solunkhees fell upon Kun like moths 
 rushing to the flame of a lamp. For an hour the sword moved, and 
 I the tooth of Yuma 1 plied its trade. The brothers of Pertap, following 
 each other, pierced the mansion of the sun. The brother of Somesh, 
 raging like Fate, slew the seven brothers of Bheem, and was victorious. 
 His rage was appeased. 
 
 Prutheeraj, when he heard of the matter, was angry with Kun. 
 “ Why did you act thus,” he said; “ all will say that the Chohan 
 “ called the Chalook to his house and slew him.” For three days the 
 shops were closed in the city of Ujmeer. “Alas! alas!” sounded 
 everywhere—a river of blood flowed in the public street. “ Well done, 
 “ the Chalook ! ” sang Chund, the giver of fame; “ well done to his 
 “ father and mother; not even in thought did he attempt flight.” 
 
 The story was wafted to a distance as perfume by the wind. Cha¬ 
 look Bheem heard that the Chohan had slain the sons of Sarung ; 
 he was inflamed with grief and anger. He wrote to the Chohan, de¬ 
 manding an opportunity for revenge ; the Chohan agreed to accept the 
 challenge. Bheem proposed to his officers to advance at once upon 
 Ujmeer; but Veer, the Prudhan, counselled him to remain until the 
 
 1 A curved dagger, called Yum-dunt, Jumdud, or Jumbeea. 
 
i66 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 rainy season should close. Bheem assented, determining to attack 
 the Chohan in the season of cold. Time passed away, and the 
 rage of the Chalook abated. 
 
 From this point the Bharot loses sight of Goozerat, while he de- 1 
 scribes how Prutheeraj mounted the throne of Delhi on the retire¬ 
 ment of Unung Pal to Bhudreek-ashrum; how the young hero more 
 than once defeated the Ghoree Shah ; how he carried off Shushee 
 Vritta, princess of Devgeeree, and affianced bride of Jyechund of 
 Kanouj, having defeated that powerful monarch ; and how he per¬ 
 formed many other exploits worthy of a Rajpoot Rolando. At length, 
 however, he returns to Bheem, and his many causes of quarrel with 
 the Chohan sovereigns; and from henceforth, for a time, it is pur¬ 
 posed to follow the bard more closely than before, in order that as 
 much as possible of the style of the Rajpoot epic may be conveyed to 
 the reader. 
 
 The Goojur-land Chalook, Bheem-like, Bheem the very strong, no 
 one could press upon his limits, great was his fame. Someshwur of 
 Sambhur in his heart rankled ; Prutheeraj, the Lord of Delhi, was as a 
 fire within him. Collecting his ministers, he asked their advice ; he 
 prepared a four-limbed army. 1 2 * * “Now will I take his land, the enemy 
 “ crushing ; I will make a rule under one umbrella.” For Ranik Dev, 
 the Jhala prince, sent the Chalook sovereign; his mind he opened to 
 him, greatly excited, very hot, and as if heated with fire. The good 
 warriors all he summoned together. “Let us quickly prepare to start; 
 
 “ as the young elephant blows the dust from off the ground, so let us 
 “ destroy the Chohan’s country ; as the Bheel treats the mouse’s nest, 
 
 “ so let us treat the land of Sambhur.” He summoned Kunuk, the 
 prince; he summoned Ranik Raj; Chourasim Jesingh, Veer Dhu- 
 wulung Dev he sent for; he sent for Sarung Mukwana. Rankling 
 with the ancient feud, the Chalook spoke with his mouth. “ The 
 “ Bheels and Katees in the field are very valorous ; victory and fame 
 “ without doubt we shall obtain. Let us, warrior-like, take our revenge. 
 
 “ Words of war are pleasing to my heart; valour obtains liberation in 
 “ a moment; liberation which, with much pain of body, the ascetic 
 “ attains, dwelling in bee-haunted caves, with penances sad in summer, 
 
 “ winter, and rains.” Bheem set his warriors in motion. “ We will 
 “ fight with the Chohan as Rahoo fights with Chundra. 8 Abandon- 
 “ ing the hope of life, let us fight, then shall we obtain land; he who 
 
 1 A four-limbed army consists of cavalry, infantry, elephants, and chariots. 
 
 2 Hindoos suppose eclipses of the moon to be occasioned by the conflicts which 
 
 Chundra, the Moon-God, has to sustain against his implacable enemy, the demon 
 
 Rahoo. 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 167 
 
 “ regards life as the unbroken grain which a Sutee scatters on all sides 
 “ without fear, he it is who obtains land.” From hither and thither 
 the army collected, as a river fed by dependant streams. Elephants 
 many were with the warriors; horses, too, that seemed as if they flew 
 on wings. The noise of the elephants was as the roaring of waters, 
 or of the clouds of the monsoon driven together by the winds. The 
 good warriors seemed full of joy, smiling as at sunset smiles the ocean; 
 they had no thought of property or home; their thought was always 
 of Brumh. They were eager to fight in company with their sove¬ 
 reign, as a wife is eager to burn in company with her lord. From all 
 sides the terrible army increased, as clouds rise from the horizon. 
 The umbrella shaded the head of Bheem—he thirsted to drink of the 
 stream of war. Bheels of terrible form composed his van ; black as 
 kdjul 1 they passed along, bearing bows in their hands. Behind them 
 came a line of elephants, with whose roar the forests and mountains 
 re-echoed; their bells sounded, their necklaces rang; they seemed 
 like mountains in motion. As they went, they broke down trees; 
 their tusks glittered like a line of cranes ; the earth shook beneath 
 them. Foot soldiers, armed with shields, followed them, forming 
 battalions. Beholding the warriors, men doubted whether ocean had 
 not overflowed its banks. Heaven, earth, and hell trembled—such 
 was the pride of the army. 
 
 When the troops arrived in Someshwur’s territories, the inhabitants 
 left their houses and fled ; the country was plundered. Hearing the 
 cry of his subjects, Som mounted his horse, ready as a Sutee to attend 
 her lord. Prutheeraj, the very angry, he caused to remain at Delhi; 
 ; Samunts he took with him,—Prusung the Keechee Row, Jam the 
 Yaduv, Dev Raj, Bhan Bhattee the slayer of enemies, OodeegBahoo, 
 Bhulee Bhudra ; Kyemas, too, accompanied Som. Bathing, present¬ 
 ing gifts, muttering his beads in prayer to the Isht Dev, his eyes wide 
 open, his face expanded with joy, as a lotus by the light of morning, 
 Som prepared to lead an army without end in number. Kun Chohan 
 was with him, Jesingh Dev, immovable in battle as a mountain. The 
 earth shook, the serpent was distressed with the weight of his burden ; 
 the Chalook approached; the Sambhur Raja heard the news; he 
 caused the great instruments of war to sound. Seeing Som’s army, 
 the heart of the enemy became lame. 
 
 The armies joined battle,—Som, desirous of fight, and Bheem, that 
 never turned back in war. The shields of the soldiers, swung from 
 side to side, seemed like the new tobacco leaves shaken by the wind. 
 
 Kdjul is the lamp-black with which women stain their eyelids. 
 
i68 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 Kun commenced the fight; the drums sounded; swords began to 
 rattle; a terrible pestilence arose ; for three hours arrows and other 
 missiles rained upon Kun ; at last, turning their steps backwards, 
 Bheem’s force fled ; such strength did Kun exhibit, his sword flashing 
 like lightning. Very proud ones he seized, and dashed to the ground, 
 as the wind dashes trees; many steeds he made riderless; appeasing 
 the hunger of the angel of death, he thinned the army of Bheem. 
 The Fates came thither; their drums began to rattle; they danced, 
 and, cup in hand, were joyful; the flesh-eaters were satisfied with 
 food. 
 
 Someshwur Chohan and Bheem fought a terrible fight; the earth 
 was struck with fear ; it seemed as if mountain strove with mountain ; 
 corpse fell upon corpse, a river of blood flowed; the earth was 
 drenched with it as if with rain. Excited with the wine of war, the 
 warriors fought with well watered weapons. Life mingled with life ; 
 not an Upsura remained without a bridegroom; many on both sides 
 were wounded, yet no one left the field or fled. On the right of his 
 friends, Yadoo Jam raged as if to destroy the world; against him came 
 Khengar, like a flame of fire on the earth ; in the mud of honor they 
 were both entangled; they fought like two bulls in rage. The 
 elephants that were struck down by them seemed black mountains, 
 from which flowed rivulets of gore. The gods and demons, and the 
 snakes of hell, seeing them, were delighted. From the heavens de¬ 
 scended a rain of flowers. 
 
 On the left the strong Bhuleebhudra fought, seated on a white 
 elephant; his horses, too, were white; great was the noise of bells and 
 bell-necklaces. 
 
 Someshwur himself rushed on ; he beheld the Lord of Goozerat 
 with such eyes as Moochkoond’s were when he was awakened from 
 sleep. 1 Arrows flew between the two sovereigns, as charms fly in a 
 
 1 After Krishn had slain Kuns, Jurasindh, the father-in-law of that king, made 
 many ineffectual attempts to drive the incarnate god from Muthoora. At length he 
 brought with him Kal Yumun, who compelled Krishn to fly, and pursued him to 
 his retreat on the mountain of Gimar, in Soreth. In that place Moochkoond Raja 
 was sleeping, who, fatigued with unparalleled exertions in favor of the sages, had 
 procured from them the promise that he should slumber undisturbed, or at least 
 that a flame of fire from his eyes should destroy any person who dared to awaken 
 him. Krishn arriving at the place, spread a cloth over Moochkoond as he lay, and 
 Kal Yumun coming thither, and supposing the sleeper to be his enemy, struck him 
 with his foot, and snatched the cloth from off him. Moochkoond awoke, and Kal 
 perished. Krishn after this promised Moochkoond that he should be reborn once 
 more, and serve him in an eminent manner, and should then attain to emancipation 
 from the world. See this story in the 52nd chapter of the Prem Sagur. It is com- 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 169 
 
 contest between Vreehusputee and Shookra. Two protectors of 
 regions were the kings; two canopied lords; two shielded men ; 
 before them both sounded the royal drums ; both were of many titles; 
 both the boundaries of Hindoos ; both warriors’ sons. The field of 
 battle seemed like a dark and stormy night in the rains when a 
 conflagration rages in the mountains. The noise of the music woke 
 Muha Uev from his meditative abstraction; he began to clap his 
 hands and dance, and to string a necklace of heads; Nard, too, was 
 delighted. The Upsuras, seated in their cars in the sky, strove with 
 each other ; the Yukshes and Gundhurvs looked on in amaze at the 
 strange sight, supposing that the time of the destruction of the world 
 drew near. The soldiers who fell in this battle-pilgrimage passed to 
 Vyekoonth. Someshwur Chohan, the warrior, fell in this field, 
 hacked to pieces. His Samunts knew that he had certainly fallen, 
 valiantly fighting, his body covered with blood. Many of them 
 passed with him to emancipation from terrestrial things. The field had 
 been one equal to that of the Bharat. Somesh went to the lord of the 
 moon (Som); his body returned to its elements. The Chalook 
 stayed his hand. “ Victory ! victory ! ” sounded upon earth. “ Alas! 
 “alas ! ” among the Devs, for Someshwur winning liberation had fore¬ 
 stalled them. 
 
 Raja Prutheeraj heard of the battle; he recalled the remains of 
 his army. For the sake of his father he presented sixteen lump 
 offerings; 1 for twelve days and nights he lay on the earth; he swal¬ 
 lowed food but once in the day; he avoided the society of his wives. 
 Many gifts he presented to Brahmins, greater than any has ever 
 given in all his life, or ever will give. Eight thousand cows he pre¬ 
 sented, with rich housings, with gilded horns and hoofs, each cow 
 adorned with heavy ornaments of gold. The remainder of the six¬ 
 teen gifts also he presented. He determined on taking revenge for 
 his father. He vowed a vow that he would wear no turban. “ Kill- 
 “ ing the Chalook Bheem, I will take my father from his entrails; ” 
 so he said again and again. “ Shame to him who does not revenge 
 
 monly believed in Goozerat that Nurshee Mehta, the poet of Joonagurh, was the 
 promised incarnation of Moochkoond. Nurshee was a Wurnuggur Nagur Brahmin, 
 i and was the first of that powerful caste who deserted the worship of Muha Dev for 
 that of Shree Krishn, on which account he suffered much persecution. He is said 
 l to have lived about five hundred years ago, and his compositions are still among the 
 most popular in the language of his native country. 
 
 1 For explanation of this and many previous allusions, we must refer our readers 
 to the Conclusion. 
 
rAs mAlA. 
 
 170 
 
 “ his father.” The raja’s eyes were red with rage ; he was very angry. 1 
 He prepared an army to execute his purpose of revenge, but deter¬ 
 mined first to take his seat on the throne, and then to go to the war. 
 Prutheeraj called for Brahmins skilled in the usages of kings, religious, 
 capable of performing sacrifices and other ceremonies ; like Brumh, 
 knowing how to destroy sin, scient of the past, the present, and the 
 future. 1 hese commenced to perform, in a splendid manner, ex¬ 
 piatory ceremonies for Somesh; they offered sacrifice. The king 
 presented gifts that should ensure success in warring in another’s 
 country; he offered a thousand silver coins, a thousand gold coins, 
 with great respect. In the prescribed manner, at Nigumbodh, where 
 Yoodishteer received initiatory rites, Prutheeraj’s royal unction was 
 performed. The women sung their solemn hymns,—they, whose eyes 
 were like the deer’s, around whose necks were garlands of flowers, 
 whose faces were round as the moon, whose throats were slender as 
 the koil’s. 2 The cry of “Conquer ! conquer! Prutheeraj,” sounded. 
 It seemed as if Indra were assuming the throne of the celestial city. 
 The dress of Eechenee was tied in a knot with his; they shone like 
 the King of Heaven and his spouse. Four kinds of wealth were 
 given to the Samunts—money, elephants, cars, horses. The courtiers 
 offered the king presents. .Kun Chohan gave an elephant; he made 
 the first royal mark upon the head of Prutheeraj; Neerdur Rathor 
 made the second; afterwards the other warriors. White horse-hair 
 fans waved over the head of Prutheeraj, as the rays of the sun shining 
 behind the moon—Prutheeraj, the mighty warrior, who captured, 
 and released the sultan. A golden staff supported the white umbrella 
 which shaded the raja’s head. With sacrifices the evil influences of 
 the unpropitious constellations were averted ; the subjects made their 
 obeisance; great joy reigned. 
 
 In the heart of Prutheeraj, Bheem continually rankled; his rage 
 was like fire, not to be extinguished but by the death of his foe. 
 “ Bheem slew Someshwur ! Huree ! Huree !” 3 Thus with his mouth 
 he kept muttering among his warriors. He suffered great pain. The 
 Purmar remonstrated with him. “ Do not sorrow for your father; 
 “ he whose body is cut to pieces by the edge of the sword increases 
 “ his fame, and goes to Soor Lok. This is the true religion of a 
 
 1 “ Besides, I met Lord Bigot, and Lord Salisbury, 
 
 “ With eyes as red as new-enkindled fire.” 
 
 King John, Act IV., scene 2. 
 
 3 The koil is the black or Indian cuckoo (Cuculus). 
 
 3 Huree is a name of Vishnoo, as Hur is of Shiva. 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 171 
 
 “ Kshutree.” Said Sindh Purmar : “ Hear my words ! make desolate 
 “ Goojur-land; Somesh dwelling in Paradise will be pleased. What 
 “ of the Chalook—even the sultan's land trembles at your name.” 
 Prutheeraj said: “ Having bathed, I have offered lump offerings ; 
 “ I swore an oath that I would be revenged for my father; when I 
 “ make Bheem prisoner, I will demand Somesh from him ; I will 
 “ give pleasure to Yogeenees, Veers, and Vyetals.” Prutheeraj 
 slept. At sunrise the warriors assembled ; the raja called for Kun 
 Chohan ; when he came, the assembly rose, joining the palms of their 
 hands, for Kun bore the title of “ lord of men.” Night and day 
 wearing his eyes bandaged, his body like a thunderbolt, he resembled 
 a chained tiger. Jam the Yaduv came ; Bhulee Bhudra; Koorumbh 
 Dev, whom many rajas served; Chund Poondeer came; Ututhye 
 Chohan, like the Panduv Bheem; Lunguree Raee, in time of battle 
 a fire; Gowind Row Gahilot came, the conqueror of other’s territory ; 
 great and small, all the Samunts came, and seated themselves in the 
 royal court. Chund, the Wurdye, also came, whom kind Doorga 
 Devee assists. Prutheeraj thus addressed them all: “ To take revenge 
 “ for Somesh, let us prepare an army, and fight with the Goojur, king 
 “ of men; let us dig up the Chalook from the roots. Bheem has 
 “ filled his measure till it brims over, that in fight he has conquered 
 “ Someshwur. Let us destroy the Chalook race, even from the 
 “ wombs of women. In whatever place he has a terrible forest 
 “ retreat, let us dig it up. If I do not so, then the Brahmin has not 
 “ given me the name of Prutheeraj.” 1 The Samunts, all of them, 
 assented to what he said; they sent for the astrologer-king. “ When 
 “ the conjunction of the stars is good we will advance, so that our 
 “ work may be successful.” The sage came and examined the signs. 
 “ If you set forth immediately, you will, without doubt, have victory.” 
 Jugjyotee, the astrologer, encouraged the raja, saying, “ The con¬ 
 junction is most favorable; you will gain the victory, and secure 
 “ your revenge; the heavenly mansions are well situated; at this 
 “ time you may effect whatever you have it in your heart to accom- 
 “ plish. The fatal sign stands opposed to the enemy,—were he a 
 “ Dev even, he would perish.” The Chohan raja was pleased with 
 what Jugjyotee said,—“You shall bind Bheem and conquer Goozerat. 
 “ This 1 swear. If, in such a season as this, the task cannot be ac- 
 “ complished, I will henceforth abandon the teaching of the stars.” 
 
 The Chohan summoned his troops ; at the appointed hour the 
 drum sounded. He led his troops outside the city; at a place where 
 
 1 Which means “king of earth. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 172 
 
 large trees were—where the ground was powerful—he encamped. 
 Devs and Dytes shouted victory! When it became morning, troops 
 arrived at Sambhur from all sides; they encamped about the Chohan. 
 War music roared ; the five kinds of instruments sounded. With his 
 army Prutheeraj advanced to destroy the houses of Goozerat. The 
 spies of Bheem conveyed to him the intelligence, that the warlike 
 Chohan advanced with sixty-four thousand warriors, his army rolling 
 onwards as the billows of the ocean roll. They told also of the 
 Chohan’s vow, and how that Kun and Gowind Raee had sworn, 
 placing water on the head of Muha Dev. “ Let us, therefore, O raja ! 
 
 “ make preparations for meeting him with the sword.” Bheem was 
 very angry; the muscles of his frame quivered, his eyes became red, 
 he called for all the royal ministers, and bade them prepare for war. 
 From province to province the order travelled ; many rajahs mounted 
 and came; two thousand men, mounted on blood horses, armed with 
 bows and arrows, with hand-tubes and fireball-tubes ; from Kutch, 
 three thousand strong men, their horses covered with armour; one 
 thousand and five hundred from Soreth; from Kakarej came Kolees, 
 such as never missed their mark; from jhalawar came the Jhala, who 
 turned not back in fight, ever desirous of war; Moochkoond, the 
 Kawa chief, mounted, of whose mounting hearing the whole country 
 was wont to fly; from Kateewar came the Katee Prince, whose 
 enemies, neither night nor day, find any rest; the troops of other dis¬ 
 tricts, small and large (who could count them ?), assembled—the 
 whole array of the land of Goojur. The Sambhur spy informed 
 Prutheeraj that the army of the Chalook got ready, roaring as roars 
 the ocean. “ He has a hundred thousand soldiers, a number not to 
 “ be estimated ; of elephants a thousand. I have seen this with my 
 “ eyes.” Prutheeraj said, “ If Bheem will meet me in battle, I will 
 “ destroy them as fire in the hot season, with the wind’s aid, consumes 
 “ a forest. I will then call myself Prutheeraj, when I shall have 
 “ ripped up the belly of Bheem, and taken from it my father.” 
 
 Evening came on; they pitched their tents on the ground on which 
 they stood; food was supplied to them; they lay down, some near, 
 some further off. Kyemas lay near the raja, armed with a sword. 
 Sleep subdued them, as religious meditation is subdued by fascinating 
 bewilderment. Kun, also, was near the raja; Jeyt and Sulukh, the 
 chiefs of Aboo ; Poondeerand Daheem ; Chamoond; Raja Humeer ; 
 Sarung, the valiant Koorumbh; Puhar, the Toonwur; Lohano; 
 Lunguree Raja. When one watch of the night remained, they 
 determined to follow the chase. The Samunts were sad ; they said, 
 “No living thing is moving here—our work will not be successful.” ; 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 17 3 
 
 At this moment they heard the cry of an animal. “Listen,” said 
 Kun, “ this creature prophesies what is about to happen; to-morrow 
 “ morning there will be a mighty battle.” All the Samunts were 
 astonished; they wondered how the battle should take place in the 
 morning. Kun said, “ The omen that preceded the death of 
 “ Someshwur has happened to Bheem. If the raja make use of this 
 “ omen, even the angel of death could not withstand him.” As they 
 thus conversed the sun arose, the warriors paid obeisance to Narayun ; 
 as the lotus does, so did they receive pleasure from beholding the 
 sun. Another good omen here occurred, and soon a third. The 
 Samunts said, “To-day there will certainly be a battle, within an 
 “ hour there will be a terrible fight.” Prutheeraj said, “It is need- 
 “ less to look for omens—the day of battle is the day of pleasure to 
 “ the warrior. The soul of a man we see not, whether he be alive 
 “ or dead; fame, too, comes and goes ; so Destiny has ordained. 
 “ They who are defeated may claim to be as Dooryodhun, they who 
 “ conquer as the Panduvs; therefore think not of omens. We will 
 “ give up not a needle’s point of ground, we will make a fight such 
 “ as the Bharut. There is no end to omens—they come and go;—let 
 “ us advance!” At the raja’s order the Samunts raised their war-cry 
 here and there. The instruments of war sounded ; cymbals, drums, 
 curved horns, some near, some far off; the bells and the necklaces of 
 elephants sounded ; horses neighed ; the army put itself in motion. 
 Stage by stage they advanced to destroy the land of Puttun, to fall 
 upon the enemy as meteors fall upon the earth. Sixty-four thousand 
 were they in number; the serpent began to be weary of his burden. 
 Prutheeraj used the horse-hair fans; he gave the royal umbrella to 
 Kun, his kinsman; making Kun the marshal, he committed to him 
 the van ; next came Prutheeraj in person; Neerdur followed him; 
 then came the Purmar. As the astrologer rolling up the scroll does 
 not again unroll it, so, advancing stage by stage, they left the love of 
 life behind them. On went the Chohan warrior, whose hands are 
 like the hands of a Dev, who is terrible to his foe. 
 
 In the territory of Bheem Dev fear arose; from the jungle and the 
 lesser villages, as coveys of game birds, the people began to fly away; 
 the dust that arose obscured the road. On moved the army like a 
 river’s flood ; the horses, slowly moving, seemed like cranes, or, urged 
 to speed, leaped like deer; spears, swords, javelin-heads glittered in 
 the sun. _ Prutheeraj sent forward Chund that he might demand an 
 opportunity of revenge from the Chalook. To the capital of Goozerat 
 went Chund; a net and a ladder he took with him—a spade, a lamp, 
 and an elephant’s goad; in his hand he carried a trident. To the 
 
174 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 court of the Chalook he went; people crowded together to see the- 
 wonder. Chund came to Bholo Bheem ; he announced that the 
 Sambhur Raja had arrived. “ O ! Bhat,” said Bheem, tell us quickly 
 “ what mean you by these strange signs.” Chund replied, “ It is the \ 
 “ order of Prutheeraj that you are to be seized with this net if you 
 “ take the water, or with this ladder if you fly into the air; with this j 
 “ spade you are to be dug up if you seek the lower regions of the 
 “ earth ; with this lamp your course is to be followed if you attempt 
 “ to escape through the darkness. This goad is to bring Bheem into 
 “ subjection ; this trident to slay him. Wheresoever the sun shines, 
 
 “ should you seek to escape, Prutheeraj will pursue you.” Bheem 
 replied, “ I will slay him who threatens; I, Bheem, the terrible in 
 “ fight, whom many men fear. Be not haughty, but be modest, and 
 “ reflect on what was done before.” Chund said, “ If a mouse at any 
 “ time conquered a cat, if a vulture ever danced on the head of the 
 “ sacred swan, if a deer ever equalled in fight a lion, if a frog ever 
 “ attained fame fighting with a snake—all this has been by some 
 “ unaccountable freak of fortune. Do not let it be attempted to 
 “ repeat such things frequently. Can a lamp be compared to the fire 
 “ that consumes the forests which clothe the mountains ?” Bheem 
 said, “ The sons of Bhats may fight with words, as demons fight with 
 “ abuse, or brothers, sharing their inheritance, with fists; but this ; 
 “ feud of Someshwur must be fought out to the death. Tell the j 
 “ Sambhur Raja that a coward might tremble at his threats.” 
 
 Chund, hearing this answer, rose somewhat confused; his eyes 
 were red with rage. He returned quickly to Prutheeraj, and, with the' 
 view of encouraging him, told him all that had occurred. Said the 
 Bhat, “ Bholo Bheem told me, ‘ You are doing what a frog does 
 “ ‘when it treads upon the tail of a snake that is reposing, and 
 “ ‘wakens it.’ The Goojur Lord-of-men advances with a four-limbed 
 “ army. I saw the troops as I came along. What I spoke the king i 
 “ did not attend to. I showed him the lamp, the net, the spade. j 
 “ He asked what hidden matter was there; why Kyemas, who is 
 “ skilled as a minister, was not sent with me ; or Chamoond Ray, or I 
 “ Kun, the clever ; why the Lord of Sambhur came not himself. | 
 “ ‘ Many times have I fought,’ said Bheem, procuring victory for j 
 “ ‘Goozerat. Do not suppose me to be such as the rajas you have 
 “ conquered. I have slain a thousand such as the king of Sambhur.’ j 
 “ When I heard this I announced to Bheem that the Chohan I 
 “ advanced with a four-limbed army.” 
 
 Prutheeraj called Neerdur Raja to him; he took him by the hand ; 
 and said, “ Among all these warriors you are the chief; you are of 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 *75 
 
 “ ancient race, and valorous as were your ancestors. Though a Dev 
 “ or an angel fought with you, you could subdue him : you exhibit 
 “ strength in war such as belonged to the sons of Pandoo. Retain 
 “ n( ? love f or this earth; think of heaven, and with your Samunts fight 
 “ with one mind.” Neerdur answered, “ Our Samunts are capable^ of 
 “ destroying the enemy like grass. Remember, O ! Prutheeraj ! you 
 are of Danuv race j it is through your splendour that your warriors 
 are strong. Run, in youth, middle age, or old age, has been a 
 “ delighter in war; the army against which he fights is broken to 
 “ pieceshe of the great titles, the incarnation of Bheeshm, whom 
 “ the world calls lord of men.” Prutheeraj, when he heard these 
 words, took from his neck a necklace of pearls of immense value, 
 which he presented to Neerdur. On the raja’s neck it seemed like 
 the sun encircled by Gunga. The great warrior, Neerdur Rathor, 
 caused the drum to sound. As the Veers assemble to fight at the 
 sound of the drum, so assembled the army. He shone among his 
 warriors as Droh among the stars. 1 o Run, Prutheeraj presented 
 his royal horse ; with great urgency he caused him to mount. Said 
 Run, “O! forest-king, shame to me that I have not yet slain 
 “ Someshwur’s enemy, nor yet made a way of escape for this soul- 
 “ swan from out my body.” Prutheeraj answered, “ Once on a time 
 “ Soogreev’s strength failed to protect his wife; once on a time 
 “ Dooryodhun was not able to protect Rurun; once on a time Shree 
 Ram himself lost Seeta from the forest \ once on a time the 
 Panduvs could not prevent the removal of Droupudee’s garments. 
 “ O ! Run, do not be distressed about such things. I worship you 
 “ as m y Isht Dev - Seeing the fire of your eyes, the enemy will fear, 
 “ as fears a serpent when he beholds the eyes of a peacock.” While 
 he thus paid respect to Neerdur and Run, Prutheeraj was informed 
 of the approach of Bheem with a large army. Hearing that the 
 valiant warrior had arrived near Puttun to take revenge for his 
 father, Bheem raged as a snake that has been trodden on, or as a lion 
 rudely woken out of sleep, or as a conflagration lit by a spark in the 
 hot weather. Calling for all his warriors he announced what he had 
 heard \ they, hearing of the matter, seemed like ascetics who had 
 abandoned the world. The two armies arrived within sight of each 
 other; balls began to fly from the tubes; fire arrows flew into the 
 air. On both sides horsemen pressed forward—they engaged with 
 the sword. The Chalook had so arranged his force that his enemv 
 could not^ break through it to reach the city; nor could the array of 
 the Chohan be broken. The fight began ; some were struck down by 
 maces, others cleft by the sword; « Rill! kill 1 ” was the cry ■ some 
 
176 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 struggled like wrestlers; arrows piercing the bodies of some, found 
 their way out. Shiva and Kalee rejoiced; she drank the blood of 
 the slain; her consort strung a necklace of skulls ; vultures tore 
 human flesh instead of offal; the road to Swerga was crowded with 
 travellers as the public street of a city; the warriors plundered, 
 “ liberation ” paying off their debts. The sword of Kun was flashing 
 as lightning from the thunder cloud. On one side Kun Chohan, on 
 the other Sarung Mukwana—both of them valiant—fought like lions. 
 They brandished broad 1 swords each of them. Sarung paid his debts ; 
 Kun attained glory. The Mukwana fell in the field amidst the 
 warriors that roared like elephants. Sarung’s lands were widowed 
 when- the Mukwana Raja fell. The warriors of the forest-king 
 shouted ; the enemy were struck with fear; warlike men attained in 
 a moment the place which, with painful labour, the devotee attains ; 
 loving their wealth as little as their shadow, they rushed into the fight; 
 abandoning evil disposition, they made the sword to rage ; they 
 seized upon each other; all they sought was “liberation;” life they 
 regarded as a dream. “ Let us die to-night, who knows what may 
 “ happen to-morrow.” The battle raged like fire fed by the wind. 
 The warriors knew that their fame would increase ; that the cage of 
 the body, which is broken by the edge of the sword, does not again 
 imprison the swan—the soul; that when the swan has escaped from 
 it, the cage is of no further value. Still raged the fight; on men’s 
 heads swords kept striking ; much armour was cleft through—many 
 a saddle; cowards cried “ Alas ! alas ! ” when they received wounds ; 
 their cries were drowned in the note of the drum. Prutheeraj, crying 
 “ Well done ! well done ! ” encouraged his warriors. The Sabher- 
 mutee river, which rolls through Goojur-land, was flooded to each 
 bank with blood ; elephants, horses, and men floated upon its streams. 
 Again the war-music sounded; for half-an-hour the fight was at the 
 thickest; arrows sung through the air like bees; many of the- 
 Chohan’s warriors were slain; many ranks of the Chalook’s army fell 
 like elephants on the field. Thus Prutheeraj took revenge for his 
 father. Fates, holding cups in their hands, muttered charms; flesh- 
 eaters satisfied their hunger; the warriors’ bodies seemed like a forest 
 of scarlet-flowering trees. Prutheeraj angrily put his horse in motion ; 
 at the clatter of its hoofs the earth shook; the line of the enemy began 
 to waver as quiver the leaves of the sacred fig-tree ; arrows flew so 
 thick in the air that a bird could find no passage; the battle raged 
 dreadfully. The warriors, striking each other, seemed smiths 
 
 1 Kurwals; paddle-shaped swords. 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 177 
 
 hammering at anvils; the Samunts who died in this battle were they 
 who truly lived. At length the Chalook’s army, abandoning the road 
 to heaven, took to flight. Devs and demons cried, “ Well done ! to 
 “ the Kshutree, that cleaving the sun’s disk, obtains the heaven of 
 11 Indra.” Horses cried; swords clashed; soldiers, giving the raja’s 
 oath, encouraged each other. When Wamun advanced three steps 
 he subdued one world ; but the warriors, advancing a single step, 
 conquered the three worlds. They danced as if Roodra sported with 
 the Veers. As the Chalook’s army was broken, the army of the 
 Chohan grew stronger; firmly fixed, it was as the north star, though 
 many a warrior fell wounded. Blows rained upon them as they rain 
 upon a gong, but the line stood firm. The Chohan was exclaiming, 
 “ To-day I will fulfil my hopes, I will make a widow of the land of 
 “ Goozerat.” To Bheem he cried, “You shall not escape; I will 
 “ send you to where Som is seated in SwergaA Kun, following him, 
 encouraged his sovereign. The Sambhur Raja struck at Bheem; 
 where the string of regeneration lay, there descended the sword. 
 Devs in the heavens cried “ Victory ! victory! ” Bheem Dev fell. 
 As the shout arose, Shumbhoo opened his eyes. Upsuras pressed 
 forward to behold the sight: flowers descended from the skies upon 
 the conquering Prutheeraj, while Bheem Dev, seated in a celestial 
 chariot, took the road to the city of the Soors. 
 
 The five kinds of music sounded joyfully; Charuns and Bhats sang 
 the praises of Prutheeraj; his anger was appeased; he caused the 
 wounded to be lifted up. Thus Prutheeraj took revenge for his father. 
 
 The shades of evening darkened; in the same spot the warriors 
 passed the night. Six Samunts had been terribly wounded—their 
 hurts were attended to. In the morning the lotuses began to expand; 
 the moon and stars paled at the appearing of the sun; the temple’s 
 doors were opened ; thieves, chukors, 1 vicious women hid themselves; 
 conch-shells sounded in the places of worship; travellers pursued 
 their journey ; on all the trees the birds warbled. The Samunts touched 
 the feet of Prutheeraj. “ Many of our warriors are gone to Dev Lok; 
 “ Bheem Raja has been slain; the fame of the Lord of Earth has been 
 “ increased ; the burden has been removed from the land; fifteen hun- 
 “ dred horses have been destroyed; five hundred elephants, five thou¬ 
 sand soldiers.” Chund sang the praises of Prutheeraj and the chief¬ 
 tains :—“ This life is like a dream; all that is visible is fated to be 
 “ destroyed ; but honor to the valiant Samunt who is faithful to his 
 “ lord ; who in a bad age takes the good path to the upper worlds.” 
 
 1 The chukor is a fairy bird, said to subsist on the moonbeams. 
 
 N 
 
173 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The king caused a deed of victory to be inscribed; he returned to 
 Delhi; at sunrise he entered the city among his soldiers. Thus Pru¬ 
 theeraj took revenge for his father. 
 
 Such is the tale of the Bharot Chund! More sober history, 
 however, informs us that Bheem Dev II. survived the fall of Prutheeraj 
 the Chohan, and after his death crossed swords, almost as unhappily 
 as himself, with his vanquisher the Mohummedan. 
 
 It was eight years after his disastrous attempt upon Goozerat (a.d. 
 1186), that Mohammed Shahab-ood-deen Ghoree made himself master 
 of Lahore by a stratagem, and obtaining possession of the persons of 
 Sultan Khoosrow Mullik and his family, sent them prisoners to Joor- 
 jistan. These princes were some time after put to death, and the 
 dynasty of Mahmood becoming wholly extinct the empire passed 
 from the house of Ghuznee to that of Ghor. 1 
 
 The time had now arrived when the storm, of which the two 
 invasions of Goozerat had been but warning blasts, was to break 
 upon the heads of the Rajpoot princes of India. A long period had 
 intervened since the capture of Somnath proved the power of the 
 Mohummedan, but, wholly untaught even by stern experience, his 
 destined victims had neglected to erect against him any barrier, and 
 had, in reality, prepared the way for his approach by fratricidal con¬ 
 tests. Goozerat and Malwa, Delhi, Sambhur, and Kanouj, were alike 
 weakened by intestine struggles, and poisoned against each other by 
 mutual victories and defeats, whose only permanent result was the 
 rendering impossible any true-hearted union. 
 
 The first attack was nobly sustained by Prutheeraj, the Chohan 
 
 1 Lanja Beejiraee of Jesulmer, married, as we have seen, the daughter of the great 
 Sidh Raj, Jye Singh. By the princess of Unhilwara he had a son named Bhoj Dev, 
 who, on the death of his father, succeeded to the throne at Lodurva, upon which 
 he was for some time maintained by a guard of five hundred Solunkhee Rajpoots, 
 against the attempts made by his uncle Jesul to supplant him. “ At this time,” 
 say the annals of Jesulmer, “ The prince of Unhilwara was often engaged with the 
 “king’s troops from Tatta. Jesul, in pursuance of his plan, determined to coalesce 
 “ with the king (of Tatta) and cause an attack on Unhilwara, by which alone he 
 “ could hope for the departure of the Solunkhee body-guard. Jesul, with his chief 
 “kin, escorted by two hundred horse, marched to the Punjnud, where he saw the 
 “ King of Ghor, who had just overcome the King of Tatta, and placed his own gar- 
 “ rison there, and he accompanied him to Arore, the ancient capital of Sinde. 
 “ There he unfolded his views, and having sworn allegiance to the king, he obtained 
 “ a force to dispossess his nephew of his territory. Lodurva was encompassed and 
 “ Bhoj Dev slain in its defence. In two days the inhabitants were to carry off their 
 “ effects, and on the third the troops of Ghor were permitted the license of plunder. 
 “ Lodurva was sacked, and Kureetn Khan departed for Bukkur with the spoils.” 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 179 
 
 (a.d. 1191), who, supported by Chamoond Raj, the viceroy of Delhi, 
 engaged Mohammed Ghoree, at Tirowree, between Tahnesur and 
 Kurnal, and completely defeated him. Two years afterwards (a.d. 
 1193), the game, was again played, but fortune this time changed 
 hands. The armies met on the banks of the Suruswutee, and after a 
 prolonged contest the Rajpoots, worn out by the skilful tactics of the 
 enemy, were, as the sun went down, charged by twelve thousand of 
 the choicest cavaliers of Islam, who, covered with steel armour, and 
 led by Mohammed in person, carried death and destruction through 
 the Hindoo ranks. Chamoond was slain, and the prodigious army of 
 the Chohan, “ once shaken, like a great building, tottered to its fall, 
 “ and was lost in its own ruins.” The gallant Prutheeraj himself was 
 taken in the pursuit, and murdered in cold blood. Mohammed 
 Ghoree, in person, advanced to Ujmeer, where he perpetrated a cruel 
 massacre, and thence turned his face homewards, “ destroying and 
 “ plundering the countries in his retreat towards Ghuznee.” He left 
 behind him, as his representative in India, Mullik Kootb-ood-deen, 
 who soon took the fortress of Meerut and the royal city of Yogeenee- 
 poor, and who in after days mounting the throne there on the death 
 of his master, gave rise to the proverb, that “ The empire of Delhi 
 was founded by a slave.” 
 
 Next year (a.d. 1194), Mohammed Ghoree, returning to India, 
 defeated Jye Chunder on the banks of the Jumna, and took Kanouj 
 and Benares, “ where, having broken the idols in above one thousand 
 “ temples, he purified and consecrated the latter to the worship of the 
 “ true God.” The Rathor sovereign himself met a death congenial to 
 the Hindoo, being drowned in the sacred stream. The gorgeous 
 Kanouj ceased henceforth to be a Hindoo city, but not many years 
 after the banner of the Rathor was again displayed by the grandsons 
 of the unfortunate monarch, and transferred by them from the banks 
 of the Ganges to the gloomy deserts of “ the land of death,” where, 
 firmly planted at last in the citadel of the Jodhpoor, it has witnessed 
 in safety the fall of the empire of Kootb-ood-deen. 
 
 Goozerat was next to bear the brunt of the Mohummedan attack. 
 “ In a.d. 1194, Kootb-ood-deen led his army to Nehrwala (Unhilwara), 
 “ the capital of the province of Goozerat, where, having defeated 
 “ Bheem Dev, he took ample revenge for the overthrow formerly sus¬ 
 tained by his master. He remained some time plundering that rich 
 “ country, but was recalled by orders from Ghuznee, and commanded 
 “ to repair instantly to Delhi.” 
 
 In another place, the same Mohummedan historian states that 
 Kootb-ood-deen found, encamped under the walls of Unhilwara, 
 
i8o 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Jeewun Ray, the general of Bheem Dev, who fled at his approach; 
 but on being closely pursued, drew up his army, and fought till he 
 lost his life, when his army resumed its flight. “ Bheem Dev,” he 
 continues, “hearing of this defeat, fled from his dominions.” 
 
 No permanent occupation of Goozerat resulted, however, from the 
 victory of Kootb-ood-Deen; and though Bheem Dev had been f 
 defeated and driven from his capital, his power was not yet broken. ~ 
 Two years after, or in a.d. 1196, as the historian relates, “News j 
 “ arrived that the Raja of Nagor and many other Hindoo Rajas had 
 “ entered into alliance with the Mairs, a race of people in that 
 “ country, and together with the Raja of Nehrwala, had formed a 
 “ design to wrest Ajmeer from the Mohummedans. The army of 
 “ Kootb-ood-deen being dispersed over his provinces, he was forced to 
 “ march in person against these confederates with the few troops 
 “present in Delhi, in order to prevent, if possible, the junction of the 
 “ forces of Nehrwala; but he was defeated. After havingbeen frequently 
 “dismounted in action, and having received six wounds, he still 
 “fought with his wonted courage, till, being forced at length by 
 “his attendants off the field, he was carried in a litter to Ajmeer. _ 
 
 “ The Mairs, rejoicing at this victory, now formed a junction with 
 “ the forces of Goozerat, and sat down before Ajmeer. Intelligence 
 “ of this event coming to the ears of the king, he sent a strong rein- 
 “ forcement from Ghuznee to the relief of Kootb-ood-deen. Ajmeer 
 “ held out till the arrival of the succours, and the enemy raised the 
 “ siege. Kootb-ood-deen, having recovered from his wounds, pursued 
 “the besieging army to Nehrwala, taking in his way the forts of Baly 
 “ and Nadole. He then received advices that Walin and Darabarz, 
 
 “ in alliance with the Raja of Nehrwala, were encamped near the fort 
 “ of Abooghur, in the province of Sirohy, to defend the passes into 
 “ Goozerat. Kootb-ood-deen, notwithstanding the difficulties of the 
 “road and the disadvantages of ground, attacked them; and on this 
 “ occasion above fifty thousand of the enemy are said to have fallen 
 “ on the field, besides twenty thousand who were taken prisoners. 
 
 “ Vast spoils also fell into the hands of the victors. Having given 
 “ his army some rest, Kootb-ood-deen pursued his route into Goo- 
 “ zerat, ravaged that country without further opposition, and took the 
 “ city of Nehrwala, where he left an officer with a strong garrison. He 
 “ now returned to Delhi by the way of Ajmeer, and sent a large 
 “ quantity of jewels and gold, and also many slaves, to the king at 
 “ Ghizny.” 
 
 Dharawursh and Prulhadun Dev, here mentioned by Ferishta, were 
 the Purmar feudatories of Unhilwara, who possessed Chundrawutee 
 
BHEEM DEV II. 
 
 181 
 
 and Aboo. They were the sons of Yushodhuwul, already mentioned 
 as the contemporary of Koomar Pal; and the inscription above 
 quoted describes the younger brother Prulhadun as “ the able protec- 
 “ tor of the Raja of Shree Goorjur-desh, the great enemy of the 
 “ Dunooj,” meaning the Mohummedan invader. Another inscription 
 upon Mount Aboo speaks of Prulhadun Dev as being at the time 
 Yoov Raja, or heir apparent, Som Singh, the son of Dharawursh, 
 being then unborn. 
 
 Mohammed Ghoree was murdered in a.d. 1205, from which time 
 until his own death, which occurred five years afterwards, Kootb-ood- 
 deen Eibuk reigned as sovereign in Delhi. There is little else to 
 record of the reign of Bheem Dev II. He died in a.d. 1215, and 
 was the last prince of the direct line of Mool Raj. The Mohum¬ 
 medan garrison planted in Unhilwara by Kootb-ood-deen was 
 probably either withdrawn or gradually annihilated, for we find no 
 further mention of its existence; and fifty years after the death of 
 Bheem Dev, as Ferishta records, the then sovereign of Delhi, Gheias- 
 ood-deen Bulbun, was advised by his council to undertake an expedi¬ 
 tion against the kingdoms of Goozerat and Malwa, “which had been 
 “ annexed to the empire by Kootb-ood-deen, but had since shaken off 
 “ the Mohu?)imedan yoke." To this measure, however, his fears of the 
 Moghul Tartars on the north of his dominions deprived Gheias-ood- 
 deen of the power of assenting. 
 
 It was not, indeed, until the close of the thirteenth century that 
 Unhilwara finally succumbed to the Moslem sword, then wielded by 
 the furious hand of Allah-ood-deen, whose patronymic of Khiljy is 
 familiar to every peasant of Goozerat, under the substituted form of 
 “Khoonee,” or “ the murderer.” 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE KINGDOM OF UNHILPOOR. 
 
 The point which has how been reached—that of the death of Bheem 
 Dev II.—is a convenient one from whence to review the story of 
 Unhilwara. Long afterwards, and even subsequently to the final 
 overthrow of the kingdom of Sidh Raj and Koomar Pal, Goozerat 
 
182 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 continues to present a picture of anarchy. The work of Moslem 
 conquest still proceeds; and minor aggressions, at once the causes 
 and effects of weakness in the central power, add to the confusion. 
 A gleam of prosperity still gilds occasionally the towers and temples 
 of the city of Wun Raj, but it is henceforth the halo of the setting 
 sun ; the heart still feebly beats, but the extremities are now becoming 
 cold,— 
 
 “ And vast confusion waits, 
 
 “ As doth a raven on a sick fallen-beast, 
 
 “ The imminent decay of wrested pomp.’' 
 
 The writers from whose compositions we have derived the account 
 which has been-given, require, in the first place, some notice. Of 
 Krishnajee, the Brahmin, author of Rutun Mala, nothing is known. 
 He wrote subsequently to the death of Bheem Dev II., but probably 
 not long after that event, and his work was founded upon the labours 
 of preceding authors :— 
 
 “ As a man chums curds, and extracts the clarified butter, throwing 
 “ the butter-milk away;— 
 
 “ As a man squeezes sugar cane, and extracts the juice without pre- 
 “ serving anything else ;— 
 
 “ As a man extracts gold from dust, and throws the dust aside;—- j 
 
 “ As a man separates grain from the husk, or takes oil from 
 “ sesamum ;— 
 
 “ So examining all books, good compositions and true, 
 
 “ This book, Rutun Mala by name, the writer has composed.” 
 
 The Dwyashray appears to have been commenced by the celebrated 
 Hemacharya, who died in the end of the reign of Koomar Pal, before 
 a.d. 1174. It was continued by a Jain monk, named Leshajye Tiluk 
 Gunee, at Prulhadun Puttun (probably Palhunpoor), and was com¬ 
 pleted “on the day of the Deewalee, in the year of Yikrum, 1312,” 
 or a. ix 1256. Lukshmee Tiluk Kuvee, as the monk records, made a 
 “ teeka,” or commentary on the work, and corrected it. Leshajye 
 himself deduces his spiritual pedigree from “Shree Wurdhuman 
 “ Acharya, who travelled about Goozerat in the reign ofShree Doorlubh 
 “ Raj,” and from whom he was ninth in descent. The Dwyashray is 
 so called, because the author proposed to himself two objects—to 
 teach the construction of the Sanscrit language, and to narrate the 
 story of the race of Sidh Raj. This double task he attempts in verses, 
 which, though written consecutively, must be read alternately. 
 
 The Prubundh Chintamunee dates a little later. It was completed 
 
RETROSPECT. 
 
 183 
 
 at Wurdhumanpoor (the modem Wudwan), on the last day of the 
 bright half of the month of Wyeshak, in the jear of Yikrum, 1361, 
 or a.d. 1305. The author was Merootoong Acharya, a monk of the 
 Jain convent, at Wudwan. A similar work, of the same name, or per¬ 
 haps the commencement of the present work, was, however, written, 
 as Merootoong himself records, by Shree Goonchundar Acharya. 
 “ The mind of the Pundit,” says the author in his prelude, “ is not 
 “ satisfied with hearing so much of ancient stories. I, therefore, in 
 “ my book, the Prubundh Chintamunee, detail the stories of great 
 “ kings of recent times:” he adds, in another place, “though with 
 “ little wisdom yet with industry.” 
 
 These works have been our principle guides, but they have been 
 illustrated and corroborated by monumental inscriptions, by copper¬ 
 plate deeds, by the relations of Mohummedan historians, by the poems 
 of Chund Bharot, and by bardic and oral tradition. 
 
 There is, as might be expected, much similarity of character in the 
 works of the Jain monks of Pahlunpoor and Wudwan. With them, 
 of course, civil affairs are entirely subordinate to ecclesiastical trans¬ 
 actions 5 but, in regard to the latter, as well as the former, they rather 
 content themselves with anecdotes than attempt a connected relation. 
 The outline which they afford is wholly defective, but not, it may be 
 asserted, untrue; for, in almost every case where a comparison is 
 practicable, their statements or allusions are verified or explained by 
 independent authority; and greater research, it is therefore fair to 
 assume, would add still more of corroboration. Were it possible to 
 discover what portion of the Dwyashray was the composition of 
 Hemchunder himself, and how much of this portion has been trans¬ 
 mitted without alteration by Leshajye and Lukshmee Tiluk, we should 
 have, in regard to two of the principal reigns, the remarks of a con¬ 
 temporary writer. This is, however, manifestly impossible; and we 
 must be content to receive these Jain accounts simply as the recorded 
 tradition of the times in which they were written. Regarded even 
 from this point of view, they are by no means destitute of value. 
 They connect and explain other materials, nay, often supply hints 
 which lead to their discovery; and though their assertions, in regard 
 to particular facts, may be fully believed only in as far as corroborated, 
 it would be wholly unreasonable to refuse credence to the general in¬ 
 formation which they afford in regard to customs, manners, institutions, 
 tones of thought and feeling, as existing in the times at which they 
 were written; nor will, we suppose, anyone to under-estimate their value, 
 who reflects how little is known of the mediaeval India of the centuries 
 preceding the Mohummedan conquest, and how important the relics 
 
184 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 of that period are towards a right understanding of the Hindoo nation 
 in the present time. 
 
 Of the poems of Chund the Bharot, far more picturesque and 
 interesting as they are, it is necessary to speak with somewhat greater 
 reservation. Chund is the first in fame of the bardic chroniclers, and 
 his poems are distinguished by all the vices, as well as by all the 
 rugged merits of the class. It is not as a sober narrator that he must 
 be regarded, but as the bard of the Chohans, if not excited with “ the 
 “red draught,” at least drunk with the wine of war and clannish 
 rivalry. The text is so corrupt as to be sometimes well nigh unin¬ 
 telligible, and even where the sense is clear, the difficulty of dis¬ 
 tinguishing the original composition under the varnishes with which 
 it has been overlaid is immense,—so great indeed as to produce, at 
 times, an almost scepticism in regard to the genuineness of the whole 
 work. Bheem Dev II., as we have seen, fell, according to Chund’s 
 account, by the hand of Prutheraj Chohan, while in truth he survived 
 that prince for many years. On other occasions the family names of 
 clans in Goozerat are mentioned in connection with events which, 
 according to all other authorities, occurred centuries before the 
 founders of these races lived. Anachronisms, such as the first men¬ 
 tioned, might be accounted for, without prejudice to the genuineness 
 of the work, by supposing the anxiety of Chund to extol the achieve¬ 
 ments of his king and his hero : of some of those of the second class 
 it might be said, in defence, that the tribes alluded to existed in the 
 time of Chund, though not at the period to which he refers. But 
 what is to be urged when, to take an example, the achievements of 
 “ the Gohil from Perumbh ” are celebrated by Chund, and it is found 
 that no Gohil occupied Perumbh until nearly a century after the 
 poet’s time ? We fear it must be admitted that all is not the work 
 of Chund which passes under his name ; and this fact once discovered, 
 it becomes at least very difficult to separate what is genuine from 
 what is spurious, or to refer the latter to any specific period. 
 
 In the picture of Unhilwara which we receive from the hands of 
 these painters, the prominent figure is, undoubtedly, the sovereign. 
 He is supported by the white-robed priests of the Jain religion, or 
 by the Brahminical wearers of the badge of regeneration; beside him 
 stand warriors of Rajpoot race in ringed tunics, such as defended 
 from the Saxon bill the knights of the bastard William, or, equally 
 gallant in the field, and wiser far in council, the Waneea Muntresh- 
 wurs, already in profession puritans of peace, but not yet drained 
 • enough of their fiery Kshutree blood. At the edge of the warlike 
 
RETROSPECT. 
 
 I8 5 
 
 circle, themselves half warriors, stand the minstrels and the bards; 
 and further off, fierce only in words, a group of peaceful cultivators, 
 with their offerings of the fruits of the earth, behind whom, trusted 
 perforce, and yet feared, their indispensable guards and yet their 
 plunderers, are ranged the bowmen, “black as kajul,” the wild abori¬ 
 gines of the ravine and of the hill. 
 
 The sovereign himself is a stately figure ; the scarlet umbrella of 
 royalty is borne above him ; the pictured sun glitters in gold behind 
 his head ; his necklaces are of voluptuous pearls, and his bracelets 
 of sparkling diamonds ; yet his is no effeminate form; the spear and 
 the brand suit well his massive arms ; his eye is red with the fire of 
 battle ; the shrill sound of the war-shell is as familiar to his ears as 
 the deep rolling of the palatial drum; he is a “ shielded man,” as 
 well as an anointed chief; “ a Kshutree’s son,” no less than the off¬ 
 spring of a queen. 
 
 For the portraits of the fair we must turn to another canvas. There 
 we behold her in the “ swuyumbur mundup ” choosing her favored 
 knight, or in the marriage-hall shining beside him as the Goddess of 
 Love beside her lord. An honored mother, we again behold her 
 guiding the realm of her youthful son, or in his manhood aiding him 
 with her counsel, and winning him to works of mercy and of religion; 
 or again, alas ! we view her in another mood, with strangely frenzied 
 eye, supporting in her lap the lifeless form of her lord, while the 
 shriek of the dissonant horn, and the still harsher scream of super¬ 
 stitious madness afflict the ear, while the funeral flame springs fiercely 
 upwards, and the thick black smoky pall is spread above, as if to 
 Fide the horrid sight from heaven. 
 
 In the annals of a Hindoo society, the subject of land tenures must 
 always be one of fundamental interest Our authorities, however, were 
 not likely to have made a direct statement upon a matter with which 
 they, no doubt, supposed the whole world to be familiar. We gather, 
 incidentally, that the king had a share in the produce; at times 
 he is represented as taking this share directly from the cultivators, 
 through agents of his, called “muntrees.” At other times, we are told 
 that the lords of the villages receive a share of the crop from the 
 cultivators, and that the king receives his share from the lords. The 
 country was divided into villages, called “gramsthe villagers were 
 householders—Koutombeeks (Koonbees), or husbandmen (Kar- 
 shuks); the village head-men were Puttkeels (Putels). The cultiva¬ 
 tors are exhibited to us employed as in the present day. While the 
 crop is rising, they fence their fields with temporary hedges of thorns ; 
 
i86 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 when it is more advanced, they are active in scaring the birds from it. 
 The cultivators’ wives, as at present, watching the rice-crops on the 
 fields, make the country joyous with their songs. A failure of rain 
 produces a default in payment of the king’s share, and incarceration 
 of the cultivator is resorted to, to enforce payment. The defaulter 
 resists with obstinacy, and upon principle, and yet moans and seeks 
 commiseration like a helpless child. Much trouble and annoyance 
 to both parties is the result, and the matter is finally settled by a 
 court of reference—a state of things, it may be remarked, exactly 
 parallel to that existing at this day in parts of the country subject 
 to native rule. 
 
 Alienations of land were made by the sovereign principally in favor 
 of religious personages or places of worship. Several instances of 
 this kind are recorded; as, for example, the grants of Sidhpoor and 
 Seehore to the Brahmins, or of Chalato the Jains. These alienations 
 are frequently called “ gras ”—a word, perhaps, exclusively appro¬ 
 priated at the time to religious grants. When Mool Raj builds the 
 Treepooroosh Prasad, a temple of Muha Dev, at Unhilwara, he 
 assigns “ gras ” to the ascetic, its custodian; and when Wag Bhut, 
 the son of Oodayun, in the reign of Koomar Pal, erects at Wahud- 
 poor, near Paleetana, the Jain temple called “ Treebhoowun Pal 
 “ Vehar ” after the father of the king, the subsistence which he assigns 
 in land “for the Dev’s people,” is also called “gras.” “From 
 “neglecting to give gras,” says Magh Pundit, in the court of Bhoj, 
 speaking of a Brahmin’s poverty, “ the sun of the householder sets.” 
 The deed itself was called “ shasun.” 
 
 Grants of land were also made to members of the royal family— 
 as those of Deythulee and Waghel. It is said, too, of Koomar Pal, 
 “At that time the Solunkhee king, Emperor of the Generous, gave to 
 “ Aling, the potter, the grant, in writing, of seven hundred villages. 
 “ The potter being ashamed of his descent, his family to this day 
 “ retain the name of Sugura.” Nothing of this grant is, however, 
 traceable. It is remarkable that, unless the case of Waghel be con¬ 
 sidered one, there is no instance of a permanent alienation of land 
 for hereditary military service. The fortresses in Goozerat proper are 
 represented as held by the king’s garrisons, without the intervention 
 of a baronial vassal; and of all the Rajpoot houses, whose chiefs 
 subsequently appear as large landholders and kinglets in the country, 
 not any one is asserted, even by their own annalists, to have held 
 under grant of the Kings of Unhilwara, with the single exception of the 
 Jhalas, who claim to have received their lands from Kurun II., the 
 very last prince of the race. “ Crown-bearing princes,” however, we 
 
RETROSPECT. 
 
 187 
 
 have seen at the court of Mool Raj; and Munduleshwurs, or lords of 
 provinces, are elsewhere mentioned. Kahn Dev, the husband of 
 Koomar Pal’s sister, is so described; and when Oodayun Muntree 
 inarches against Saoosur, of Soreth, he, it is said, arrives at Wudwan, 
 and there collects “all the Munduleshwurs.” These, it would seem, 
 were chiefs of the country; there are other Munduleek Rajas men¬ 
 tioned, whose territories, though subject to the sovereigns of Unhil- 
 wara, were not included in Goozerat. Such were the lords of Aboo 
 and Girnar; Mullika Urjoon, the Prince of the Konkun, and others. 
 
 The Samunts, or military officers, probably received their pay from 
 the treasury, and ranked, as did in after times the officers of the im¬ 
 perial Moghul government of Delhi, according to the number of men 
 they commanded. Sidh Raj, it is said, presented to one of his house¬ 
 hold “ the Samuntship of one hundred horse;” and, when Koomar 
 Pal went against Ano Raja, it is mentioned that “ there were in the 
 “ army leaders of twenties and thirties called Muha-Bhuts, and of 
 “thousands called Bhut-Rajs.” The greater officers were “Chutra- 
 “ Putees,” and “ Nobut-possessors ;” that is to say, they were allowed 
 to use the insignia of the umbrella and the drums. It is remarkable 
 that so many of the officers possessing high rank, and holding inde¬ 
 pendent commands, are represented to have been Waneeas; such 
 were Jamb, the companion of Wun Raj; and Sujjun, his descen¬ 
 dant; Moonjal, the servant of Jye Singh; Oodayun and his sons, 
 and others. Among those who served occasionally, and were, 
 perhaps, regarded as auxiliaries rather than as vassals, were 
 chiefs from foreign lands—the Princes of Kuleean, the Rathor 
 Seeyojee. “ Rajpoots and foot soldiers” are spoken of, as if the 
 former were invariably cavalry. The great aim of the kings appears 
 to have been to protect their own subjects from injury by foreign 
 invasion or internal disturbance, and to extend their dominions by 
 rendering the surrounding states tributary; to imitate, in fact, the 
 example of the model-king, Vikrumaditya, “ who, overrunning a cir- 
 “ cle of territory in all directions, made the Raj Munduls his servants.” 1 
 These military expeditions were called by the expressive name of 
 “Veejye Yatra”—“victory-pilgrimages.” At times, indeed, wars 
 arose from some more immediate cause; as when a religious crusade 
 was preached against Grah Ripoo, or when the provocation given by 
 Yushowurm drew upon him the anger of Sidh Raj ; but the object to 
 which hostilities were directed appears to have been still the same; 
 and the victor, satisfied that his enemy had “taken grass in his 
 
 1 Prubundh Chintamunee. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 188 
 
 mouth,” and agreed to pay tribute, did not proceed to a permanent 
 occupation of his territory. A country once overrun, future invasions 
 of it seem to have partaken very largely of the character of those 
 expeditions which were at last known by the name of “ Moolukgeeree.” 
 Conquest meant the acquisition of a right to share in the yearly land 
 revenue—a constantly recurring claim, which, as it was enforced 
 against the cultivators at home by duress of their persons, so was it 
 against foreign princes by military inroads upon their territories. Such 
 appears to have been the case as early as the time when Jye Sheker 
 was subjected to the inroads of King Bhoowur; or when, to facilitate 
 the collection of his dues by the officers deputed for that purpose, 
 Wun Raj, the young prince of the country, was appointed his 
 “Selbhrut” by the King of Kuleean. The tradition that Goozerat 
 belonged, as a tributary province, to the sovereigns south of the Goda- 
 very, continued apparently during the entire sway of the Chowra 
 dynasty, and as late as the invasion by Barp, the general of Teilip 
 Raja, in the reign of the first of the Solunkhee kings. Subsequently 
 Kutch, Soreth, the northern Konkun, Malwa, Jhalor, and other coun¬ 
 tries were overrun by the descendants of Wun Raj, in numerous 
 expeditions, though not, it would appear, permanently occupied. 
 Though Grah Ripoo was subdued by Mool Raj, and Lakha slain by 
 him, yet the Jhareja and Yadoo dynasties were by no means extin¬ 
 guished ; though Yushowurm was vanquished, and Dhar taken by Jye 
 Singh, yet Urjoon Dev, of Malwa, not many years after, ravaged 
 Goozerat ; and though the banners of Unhilwara were displayed vic¬ 
 toriously in “ the country of a hundred thousand towns,” yet the kings 
 of Ujmeer continued to be dangerous rivals of the house of Wun Raj, 
 until that latest time when Chohans and Solunkhees alike fell before 
 the Mohummedan invader. 
 
 At the courts of their more powerful neighbours, the kings of 
 Unhilwara were represented by accredited diplomatic agents called 
 “ Sandhee-Vigraheek,” or makers of peace and war, whose duty it was 
 to keep them informed of foreign affairs—a task performed also 
 in another manner by persons called “Sth&n Pooroosh,” men of 
 the country, or spies, who were probably unrecognised by their 
 employers. 
 
 In addition to the land revenue, the kings of Unhilwara levied 
 transit duties, “ dan,” upon goods conveyed through the country; and 
 they also exacted from religious pilgrims a tax called “ kur.” Of 
 ,the affairs of navigation and commerce little is said. Ships are, how¬ 
 ever, mentioned, sea-traders and pirates ; and merchants, “ vyuvu- 
 haree,” are spoken of, apparently possessed of great wealth, for it is 
 
RETROSPECT. 
 
 189 
 
 said that the trader who had amassed the sum of money which en¬ 
 titled him to that distinction was allowed to raise upon his house “the 
 ten million banner.” In the reign of Yog Raj, a foreign king's ships, 
 laden with horses, elephants, and other cargo, are driven into the port 
 of Someshwur Puttun. In Sidh Raj’s time, sea-traders, “Sanyatreek/’ 
 import madder, concealing their gold among the bales from fear of 
 pirates. The kings of Unhilwara held maritime possessions in the 
 northern Konkun, as well as in Goozerat itself and the peninsular. 
 Their ports of Stumbhteerth and Bhrigoopoor are well known as 
 j Cambay and Broach 3 Sooryapoor may be Surat, and Gundaba is 
 I probably Gundevee. Beyt, Dwarka, Dev Puttun, Mhowa, Gopnath, 
 
 | and others, studded the coast of Soorashtra. 
 
 The two prevalent religions, the Jain and the Brahminical, were 
 continually opposed to each other, and gained in turns the mastery. 
 The former was powerful in the reign of the first sovereign, probably 
 owing, in a great degree, to its protection of the youth of the king, and 
 to the influence of the queen-mother, who was a convert to its doc¬ 
 trines. Wun Raj and his successors, however, professed the faith of 
 Shiva, until the days when Sidh Raj listened to, and Koomar Pal 
 adopted, the doctrines of Urhunt. From that period until the times 
 at which we are arrived, with the short interval of the reign of Ujye 
 I Pal, the Jain religion held the ascendancy, and numbered the sovereign 
 among its professors. Their controversies, though bitter in the 
 J extreme, appear to have been conducted with much state and order, 
 
 | and the sovereign, being a Hindoo, sat himself as president of the 
 : religious synod, Sidh Raj, as we have seen, Shaivite, or more probably 
 “ liberal,” as he was, being nevertheless the judge between branches 
 of the heretical sect. 
 
 Of the places to which pilgrimages were made, the most celebrated 
 were the great shrines of Shrraand Vishnoo, at Somnath and Dwarka. 
 The temples of Umbajee at Arasoor, and of Kaleeka at Champaner, 
 were also in existence, and the same deity, under the name of 
 Hinglaz, possessed a celebrated shrine at Null Bowlee3 but of the local 
 goddesses, now so numerous, no mention occurs. The Jain “ teerths,” 
 or sacred places of Shutroonjye and Girnar, have been alluded to. 
 Shunkheshwur, on the borders of the Runn of Kutch, was probably 
 coeval with these, and had been restored in the time of Merootoong 
 Acharya, who mentions it under the name of Shunkhpoor. Jain 
 teerths existed also at Cambay and Kavee, on opposite banks of the 
 Myhee, and at Gundhar on the Dhadur. Mount Aboo received a 
 Jain temple in the reign of Bheem Dev I., and Koomar Pal installed 
 Shree Ujeetnath upon the not-far-distant hill of Taringa. 
 
j go 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The sacred rivers were numerous, from virgin Suruswutee’s bright 
 but slender stream to the mighty flood of the much adored Nerbudda. 
 The Taptee, the Myhee, the Sabhermutee, and many streams of 
 lesser note, were studded with holy places, and celebrated in sacred 
 Muhatmas. 
 
 Of domestic affairs we are permitted but an occasional glimpse. 
 The king’s slumbers are broken in the morning by the sound of the 
 royal drum and conch-shell. He rises, and goes forth to exercise his 
 horse. His palace is in a citadel, called the Raj Patheeka, which 
 contains also the other royal buildings. It is ornamented with 
 “ keerttee sthumbhs,” triumphal pillars. A gate, called “ the clock- 
 door ” (ghutheeka), opens into the city, and fronting it, in the main 
 street, is the “ treepolya,” or barrier of three doors. In the day-time 
 the king gives audience; mace-bearers keep the door of the court, 
 and admit or reject visitors ; the Yoov Raja, or heir-apparent, is beside 
 the monarch, and the Munduleshwurs and Samunts surround him. 
 The Muntree Raj, or Prudhan, is also there with his companions, 
 sagely counselling economy, and ever ready in the production of 
 written authority and precedent not to be disregarded. Business 
 despatched, the Pundits, or men of learning, are called in, with their 
 dreary literature, and pompous splitting of grammatical hairs ; or, per¬ 
 haps—more welcome guest—a wandering bard or “ portrait painter ” 
 is introduced, with old world stories of Ram and of Vibheeshun, or 
 with tales of fresher fragrance, pointing out a cynosure for every 
 imagination in the beauty of some foreign fair; nor is the courtezan 
 excluded, she of the smart saying, famed for the much-valued clever¬ 
 ness which is gained in “ the world,”—who, when the learned fail, is 
 ever ready to cut the Gordian knot of solemn question with the sharp 
 blade of her repartee, for— 
 
 “ The sight of foreign lands; the possession of a Pundit for a 
 “ friend ; a courtezan ; access to the royal court; patient study of the 
 “ Shastras ;—the roots of cleverness are these five.” 
 
 The king appears in public, mounted on an elephant, or borne in 
 the litter called “ sookhasun.” On great days the shops, which line 
 the streets through which he passes, are adorned. In the evening, 
 after worship and waving of lamps before the idol, he retires to an 
 upper chambejr, called “ chundra shala,” where his repast is served. 
 It includes, we may be sure, animal food and wine, for we have 
 beheld Samunt Singh in his fatal fit of intoxication, and have seen the 
 virtuous abstinence from flesh practised by Koomar Pal, as a convert 
 to the faith of theTeerthunkers. The meal finished, his body is anointed 
 with sandal; he uses betel-nut, and reclines upon a swinging bed, which 
 
RETROSPECT. 
 
 191 
 
 is suspended from the ceiling by chains; his scarlet robe is thrown 
 over the couch and its pillow; sentinels are placed, and a night-lamp 
 burns beside him. The duties of the king are, however, by no means 
 finished; he must rise from his couch to perform the “ Veerchurya.” 
 He goes forth, sword in hand, alone, or attended by a single servant, 
 who carries drinking water, and thus traverses the silent streets of his 
 city, or passing the gates, extends his ramble beyond its walls to some 
 spot frequented only by the filthy birds of night, the Yogeenee and 
 [the Dakin, female sprites, whom he compels to reply to his questions 
 and to inform him of future events. Of the nocturnal rambles of 
 Sidh Raj, it is said by the author of the Dwyashray, “ From what he 
 “ saw a t ni ght he would send for people in the day-time, and say to 
 “ one > ‘ you suffer from such and such an uneasiness,’ or to another, 
 “ ‘ yon have such and such a ground of rejoicing,’ so that people 
 “ thought that he knew the very hearts of men, and must be an incar- 
 “ nation of a Dev.” Not seldom, however, the disguised prince meets 
 with less sorry entertainment than is to be derived from the company 
 of witches and goblins, or even from the contemplation of the private 
 joys or sorrows of his people. The brilliant lights in the mansion of 
 a wealthy merchant attract him, perhaps, to a more festive scene, 
 where, though unknown, he is entertained ; or he is drawn by the 
 sound of music and by laughter to where, in the ante-chamber to some 
 temple of Shiva, the actors are delighting a crowd by their extempore 
 wit._ The great Jye Singh is exhibited to us, on one occasion, attend¬ 
 ing in disguise a dramatic representation (natuk) at the Kurun Meroo 
 Prasad, where he becomes familiar with a Waneeo, who, in his unre¬ 
 strained delight at the performance, leans upon the shoulder of the 
 king, and receives supplies of betel-nut from the hand which brought 
 down the pride of Khengar and Yushowurm. The next morning, 
 called into the presence-chamber, the poor trader is alarmed at be¬ 
 holding, in the occupant of the throne, his last night’s companion of 
 the theatre, but a ready speech of compliment provokes the sovereign’s 
 smile, and he is dismissed with honor. These exhibitions appear to 
 have been attended with considerable expense, and to have been 
 placed within the means of wealthy persons only. On another occa¬ 
 sion, the same monarch beholding a natuk given “ at Shiva’s temple ” 
 by a merchant, is described as revolving in his mind the probable 
 amount which his unwitting host might be compelled to contribute 
 towards furnishing forth an army against Malwa. 
 
 Neither Merootoong nor the author of the Dwyashray furnishes us 
 with any account of the architecture, either private or public, of the 
 times to which his work refers. The following description of the 
 
192 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 capital itself is, however, to be found in the Koomar Pal Churittra. 
 
 “ Unhilpoor was twelve coss in circuit, within which were many tem- 
 “ pies and colleges; eighty-four squares ; eighty-four market-places, j 
 “ with mints for gold and silver coin. Each class had its separate | 
 “ quarter, as had each description of merchandise—elephants’ teeth, | 
 “ silks, purples, diamonds, pearls, &c. &c.—each had its separate | 
 “ square. There was one market-place for money-changers ; one for | 
 “ perfumes and unguents; one for physicians ; one for artizans ; one 
 “ for goldsmiths and another for silversmiths ; there were distinct 
 “ quarters for navigators, for bards, and for genealogists. The 
 “ eighteen ‘ wurun ’ inhabited the city; all were happy together. The 
 “palace groaned with a multitude of separate buildings—for the 
 “armory, for elephants, for horses and chariots, for the public 
 “accountants and officers of state. Each kind of goods had its 
 “ separate custom-house, where the duties of export, import, and sale 
 “ were collected—as for spices, fruits, drugs, camphors, metals, and 
 “ everything costly of home or foreign growth. It is a place of uni¬ 
 versal commerce. The daily amount of duties is one lakh of 
 “ tunkhas. If you ask for water they give you milk. There are many 
 “Jain temples, and on the banks of a lake is a shrine to Sehesling 
 “ Muha Dev. The population delights to saunter amidst the groves 
 “ of chumpas, palms, rose-apples, sandal-trees, mangoes, &c., with 
 “ every variegated creeper, and fountains whose waters are umrut. 
 
 “ Here discussions take place on the Veds, carrying instruction to the 
 “ listener. There is no want of Jain priests, or of merchants true to 
 “ their word, and skilled in commerce ; and there are many schools 
 “ for teaching grammar. Unhilwara is a sea of human beings. If 
 “ you can measure the waters of the ocean, then you may attempt to 
 “ count the number of souls. The army is numerous, nor is there any 
 “ lack of bell-bearing elephants.” 1 
 
 Of all this splendour, it is melancholy to relate, hardly a vestige 
 remains. The relics of Unhilwara lie in a flat country within and 
 around the walls of the modern city of Puttun; but, like those of 
 Wullubheepoor, they are discovered only by excavation. Chiselled 
 marble, however, instead of Babylonish brick, forms the debris of the 
 capital of Wun Raj. It was brought probably, in part at least, from 
 the hills of Arasoor, whose blue outline may be beheld on the horizon of 
 this scene of sandy desolation. A portion still remains of the well which 
 was constructed by the Queen of Bheem Dev I., and the site of the 
 splendid reservoir of Sidh Raj is indicated at a distance by an octa- 
 
 1 Vide Tod’s Western India, pp. 156—158. 
 
RETROSPECT. 
 
 193 
 
 gonal Moslem tomb, which now occupies a mound in its centre. 
 With the rest, six centuries and the fury of the Mohummedans have 
 done their work. That “ which Cambyses or time hath spared,” 
 moreover, “avarice now consumeth,” and the poor cold ashes of 
 Unhilwara are sold for a pitiful gain by her vulgar Mahratta 
 lords, ignorant as they are alike of her glory and of their own dishonor. 
 
 Of the domestic edifices of the purely Hindoo times we can form 
 but a general idea, founded upon a view of the structures employed by 
 succeeding generations. The palace of the prince has passed away as 
 completely as the cottage of the peasant, but of the splendors of 
 public architecture we have the palpable evidence of existing remains; 
 and we may with little effort and with complete certainty picture to 
 ourselves, in their perfect state, the wells, the tanks, the triumphal 
 arches, the temples and the fortresses of the sovereigns of Unhilpoor. 
 
 Of these relics, the most interesting, perhaps, are the sister fortreses 
 of Dubhoee and Junjoowara. They are very similar in construction, 
 as well as in extent; but the latter may be selected for description, 
 both as being more regular in plan, and as having, from its unexposed 
 position, suffered less of injury. 
 
 Junjoowara forms an exact square, of which each side measures in 
 length about eight hundred yards. The walls which enclose this 
 space are of solid mason-work, and rise about fifty feet in height. 1 In 
 the centre of each side is a large gateway, the platform above which is 
 supported by rows of brackets projected beyond each other until they 
 nearly meet at the top, and forming a substitute for an arch. In the 
 thickness of the wall these bracketted doorways are six times repeated, 
 and upon them is laid a flat stone roof, a construction which was long 
 employed, even after the time when the arch, with its facility for 
 vaulted ceilings, had been introduced by the Mohummedans. At 
 each corner of the fortress is a tower, square in general plan, but 
 broken into the peculiar form in which the Hindoo architect delights ; 
 four rectangular bastions intervene between each corner tower and 
 central gateway. The walls are throughout ornamented with sculp- 
 
 1 The following opinion, extracted from an article upon the defence of Sebastopol, 
 in the number of the “United States Journal” for November, 1855, which has 
 been attributed to Sir John Burgoyne, may aid the reader in estimating the value, 
 in their own day, of the fortifications of Junjoowara : 
 
 “ One of the principal ingredients in defensive works is an obstacle to the 
 “ approach of the assailants, and the best obstacle is a wall or vertical face to be 
 “surmounted. If this exceeds thirty feet in height it becomes very lormidable 
 “ indeed ; an escalade (which, while the wall is entire, is the only resource) is the 
 “ most desperate of military undertakings, and never succeeds but by absolute sur- 
 “ prise, or from very great weakness on the side of the defenders.” 
 
 O 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 394 
 
 tured horizontal bands repeated at intervals, and are completed by 
 semi-circular “ kangras ” or battlements, screening the platformed 
 way along which the warders passed. The gateways themselves are 
 covered with a profusion of sculptured ornament, which the art of 
 photography alone can adequately represent. Within the walls, 
 immediately opposite to, and not far removed from the southern gate¬ 
 way, is a circular or multilateral reservoir, about three hundred yards 
 in diameter, the “ ghat,” or flight of descending steps, surrounding 
 which is broken at regular intervals by paved roadways, enabling 
 cattle and wheeled carriages to approach the waters of the tank. Each 
 roadway is ornamented with two pavilions, terminating in pyramidal 
 roofs. Beside the tank is a “ bowlee,” or well, of the peculiar 
 character which we shall presently describe. Of this fortress the 
 four gateways, in different stages of decay, still remain, and the wall 
 which connects two of these with a corner bastion is tolerably perfect. 
 The square space thus indicated, forming about a fourth part of the area 
 of the fortress in its original state, has been re-enclosed by a wall of very 
 inferior character, strengthened v/ith circular bastions, and pierced by 
 arched gateways. This portion is occupied by a modern town 
 belonging to Koolee chieftains ; but the buildings which were enclosed 
 within the original circumvallation have wholly perished, and given 
 place to a rank jungle. We must not omit to state that in numerous 
 parts of the ancient work is found the inscription “ Muhun Shree 
 Oodul,” supposed to indicate that Oodayun Muntree was the minister 
 employed in the direction of the work. 
 
 Dubhoee is, as we have said, very similar, both in form and extent, 
 to Junjeewara. It is less regular in form, two of its sides meeting in 
 a sharp angle and exceeding the others in length. The shorter sides 
 extend about eight hundred and the longer about one thousand yards. 
 The walls are somewhat lower than, and three of the gates not quite 
 so magnificent as, those of Junjoowara; but this inferiority is redeemed 
 by the fourth, called the Gate of Diamonds, which is more elaborate 
 in design, and far superior in size. One of the corner towers of 
 Dubhoee exhibits much singularity of plan. The walls of the tower 
 slope inwards. Another remarkable feature in this fortification is the 
 colonnade, which follows (on the inside) the line of the walls, and sup¬ 
 ports a platform several feet in breadth, thus forming a lengthened 
 covered portico, which must have afforded invaluable shelter for a 
 Hindoo garrison. 1 A reservoir of irregular shape is also contained 
 within the encincture of Dubhoee. 
 
 1 The author of “ Oriental Memoirs compares this colonnade to the porticoes in 
 front of the barracks at Pompeii. Vide vol. ii, p. 325, orig. edit. 
 
RETROSPECT. 
 
 T 95 
 
 The fortresses we have described, it is necessary to recollect, 
 were but frontier military positions, probably as far surpassed 
 in splendor as in extent by Dholka and other towns of the second 
 class, while these in turn were outshone by the marble-adorned 
 metropolis of Unhilpoor. 
 
 Of the temples which still remain, we may mention first the 
 Roodra Mala of Sidhpoor. It was a very large edifice of the usual 
 form, and apparently three stories in height. The mundup, or 
 ante-chamber, was square externally; but the columns were so 
 arranged as to admit of an easy transition into the octagonal form 
 within. In the centre of three sides projected two storied porticoes, 
 called “ roop-chorees ; ” and on the fourth was the adytum, a most 
 massive structure, rising tower-like to the extreme height of the 
 central building, and then mounting beyond it into a ,£ shikur,” or 
 spire. Two of the roop-chorees. deprived of their pyramidal roofs, 
 and otherwise in a mutilated state, and part of the frontispiece to 
 the adytum, remain. 
 
 On either side stood a “ keerttee-stumbh,” or triumphal pillar, one 
 of which exists in a nearly perfect state. It consists of two richly 
 adorned columns supporting an entablature and sculptured pedi¬ 
 ment. Brackets, formed of the heads of marine monsters, project 
 from the columns at about two-thirds of their height. From the 
 brackets springs a delicately fretted arch called “ torun,” or garland, 
 which is in the centre, touched, as it were but at a tangent, by the 
 architrave. This frontispiece, which is about thirty-five feet in 
 height, is covered, from the ground to the apex, with the most 
 elaborate sculpture. 
 
 The principal shrine which we have described, and which fronted 
 the Suruswutee, stood' in the centre of an extensive court. Three 
 large gate-houses, opposite to the three porticoes of the temple, 
 gave access to the outside ; that in the front opening upon a terrace 
 and flight of descending steps, which were continued for a con¬ 
 siderable distance along the banks of the sacred stream. The 
 enclosing wall of the courtyard was formed by numerous lesser 
 shrines, each surmounted by a spire, three of which, occupying the 
 central position in rear of the adytum, still remain, and have been 
 converted into a Mohummedan mosque. 
 
 The temple at Modheyra affords us an example of a shrine of 
 somewhat different character. It rose to the height of one story 
 only, and consisted of an adytum, a closed mundup attached to it, 
 and an open mundup separated from the rest of the edifice. The 
 
i96 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 spire has fallen, and the domes are no longer in existence ; but the 
 remainder of the building is nearly complete, although indentations 
 are visible upon some of the columns, such as might have been made 
 in wood by sharp weapons, to which the Mohummedans point as 
 marks of the swords of the Islamite saints. The extreme length is 
 about one hundred and fifty feet, and the breadth fifty. On either 
 side of the temple, and before it, are the remains of triumphal arches 
 similar to those of Sidhpoor. 
 
 A flight of steps, commencing at the keerttee stumbh, in front of 
 the temple, descends between handsome piers to a “ koond,” or 
 reservoir. The koond covers an area nearly four times as large as 
 that of the temple itself. . . 
 
 The monotonous appearance of the steps is relieved by small 
 niched shrines placed chequer-wise, and by larger shrines, terminating 
 in spires, which rise in the centre of three of the sides. Around the 
 koond may be traced the remains of other structures ; but their 
 exact character it is now impossible to determine. The detached 
 open mundup of the temple is now known under the name of 
 “ Seeta’s Choree,” 1 or marriage hall, and the reservoir (now called 
 the Ram Koond) is a celebrated place of pilgrimage for Yaishnavite 
 ascetics. 
 
 At Waghel is a temple similar in style to those which have been 
 described, but of smaller dimensions. It consists of a single open 
 mundup, one story in height, with pyramidal roof, three porticoes, 
 and an adytum surmounted by a spire. 
 
 Reservoirs, such as that at Modheyra, are to be met with at 
 Seehore, and other places. They were probably always attached, 
 like the Ram Koond, to an adjacent temple ; but the shrines have, 
 for the most part, perished. A curious combination of four small 
 koonds, which, with a circular well in the centre, form a Greek 
 cross, is to be found at Lothesur, not far from Modheyra. 
 
 The usual form of tank was the multilateral, or almost circular, 
 of which we have seen an instance at Junjoowara. Similar reservoirs 
 occur at Moonjpoor, Syela, and many other places ; some of them 
 attaining a diameter of nearly seven hundred yards. The Suhusra 
 Ling, at Unhilpoor, was probably of this class ; and, judging from 
 what is still traceable, of the largest dimensions. It was surrounded 
 by numerous small shrines, and it is not incredible that these 
 
 i There is a similar detached porch in front of the temple at Barolli. Vide 
 Fergusson’s Hand Book of Architecture, vol. i., p. 112; and Tod’s Annals of 
 Rajasthan, vol. ii., p. 712.—The porch of Barolli is also called a marriage-hall, 
 ancl tradition assigns it to the Rajpootnee bride of a Prince of the Hoons. 
 
RETROSPECT. 
 
 197 
 
 approximated to the number of one thousand. Near Gogo, in the 
 peninsular, are the remains of a rectangular, or nearly square, reser¬ 
 voir, which is attributed to Sidh Raj, and called “ the Soneyreea 
 “ tank.” Of the two celebrated reservoirs which are believed to 
 have been constructed during the regency of Myenul Devee, the 
 mother of Jye Singh—a period prolific in splendid works of archi¬ 
 tecture—the Mulav, namely at Dholka, and the Monsur at Yeerum- 
 gam, the latter requires a particular description. It is irregular in 
 shape, and is popularly considered to have been constructed in 
 imitation of the form of the conch-shell—the Hindoo war-trumpet. 
 The usual “ ghat,” or flight of steps, surrounds the whole; in this 
 instance ornamented by a multitude of small spire-covered shrines 
 (many now wanting), which are supposed to have equalled in number 
 the days of the year, and which in reality were more than three 
 hundred. The shrines on one side of the tank are furnished with a 
 pedestal for an image ; those on the other side with a circular “jula- 
 dhar,” or basin. It is supposed that the former were consecrated to 
 Shree Krishn, and the latter to Muha Dev. The water, collected 
 from the surrounding country, passes first of all into a deep 
 octagonal koond, where it leaves the sediment which it has collected. 
 The koond is faced with stone, and ornamented on each side with a 
 niche containing a figure sculptured in bold relief. Thence the 
 water passes by a channel, lined with masonry, into the tunnel 
 through which it enters the tank. The tunnel is divided into three 
 cylinders, and upon the terrace which covers it is placed a large 
 pavilion with pyramidal roof. This building has been restored in 
 Mahratta times, and, one side of it having been built up, has been 
 dedicated as a temple to Mata Boucherajee. The surrounding ghat 
 is, in several places, interrupted by roadways, which descend to the 
 water’s edge. On either hand of one of these is a larger temple, 
 formed of a mundup with a double adytum and spire ; and in the 
 corresponding position, on the other side of the tank, is a flat-roofed 
 colonnade. 
 
 Of the wells of this period, there remain, in different parts of the 
 country, examples of two kinds. Some are large circular wells 
 of ordinary construction, but containing galleried apartments ; 
 others are more properly described as “wavs” or “bowlees.” The 
 wav (in Sanscrit, wapeeka) is a large edifice, of a picturesque and 
 stately, as well as peculiar, character. Above the level of the ground, a 
 row of four or five open pavilions, at regular distances from each other, 
 usually square on the exterior, but sometimes, in the larger examples, 
 passing into the octagonal form within, is alone visible ; the roofs are 
 
193 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 supported on columns, and are, in the structure of the Hindoo 
 times, pyramidal in form. The entrance to the wav is by one of the 
 end pavilions; thence a flight of steps descends to a landing im¬ 
 mediately under the second dome, which is now seen to be sup¬ 
 ported by two rows of columns, one over the other. A second 
 flight of steps continues the descent to a similar landing under the 
 third pavilion, where the screen is found to be three columns in 
 height. In this manner the descent continues stage by stage, the 
 number of the columns increasing at each pavilion, until the level of 
 the water is at last reached. The last flight of steps frequently 
 conducts to an octagonal structure, in this position necessarily 
 several stories high, and containing a gallery at each story. It 
 is covered by the terminating dome, and is the most adorned portion 
 of the wav. The structure, which is sometimes eighty yards in 
 length, invariably terminates in a circular well. 
 
 The most interesting relic of this nature is the wav, called “ the 
 “Ranee’s,’’atUnhilpoor,of which, however,but little hasbeen preserved. 
 Others are to be found in many parts of Goozerat and Soreth, in 
 various stages of preservation. There is one remarkable one, of 
 uncertain date, but probably, from its architecture, as old as the 
 days when the dynasty of Sidh Raj ruled, near the city of Ahmed- 
 abad. It is called “ Mata Bhuwanee’s,” and is popularly attributed 
 to the five Panduvs. We have mentioned a wav within the fortress 
 of Junjoowara ; there are Hindoo wavs also at Wudwan, both within 
 and without the walls, and in other places too numerous to mention. 
 
 The reservoirs, both wells and tanks, which we have described, 
 were constructed, with the same general objects, “ for the thirst- 
 “ suffering mortals from the four points of the heavens, for animals 
 “ and for birds, that eighty-four lakhs of living creatures ” might 
 enjoy them. They are to be found commonly in localities which 
 suffer much from drought—in Puttun-wara for example, stigmatized 
 by Ranik Devee as the place where animalculae die for want of 
 water; or in positions where much traffic occurs —at the gates of 
 cities or at cross roads. They were works of religious merit also ; 
 for it is said, “ than the virtue of building the wall of a city, greater 
 “ by ten thousand times is the virtue of constructing a place of 
 “ water;” they were offered as “ Krishn-gifts ;” they were dedicated 
 to Doorga, “ she who is named Koonduleenee, who is in form as a 
 “ well; ” or to Wuroon, the god of water, “the witness of virtuous 
 “actions .” 1 They were built, to cite another authority, “for the 
 
 1 This title is given to Wuroon because gifts are made, and other “virtuous 
 
RETROSPECT. 
 
 199 
 
 “ uplifting from Nuruk (hell) of one hundred and one ancestors ; for 
 “ the increase of hereditary fame; for the increase of sons and sons’ 
 “ sons ; for the enjoyment of Swerga (Paradise) during as long a 
 “ period as the sun and moon shall endure.” The wavs, like the 
 koonds, were usually, if not universally, attached to temples ; the 
 tanks were consecrated by the symbols of Muha Dev himself which 
 encircled them; their waters were sacred, presented already in 
 offering to Shiva. The King of Benares, we are told by Merootoong, 
 alter enquiring of the Sandhee Vigraheek of Sidh Raj “ the fashion 
 “ of the temples, wells, and other water reservoirs of Unhilpoor,” 
 made it a subject of reproach, that “ the water of the Suhusra Ling 
 “ tank was Shiv-Nirmalya , 1 and unfit for use.” The ambassador 
 asked in reply, “ Whence, then, do the people of Benares procure 
 “water?” and, receiving for answer that it was from the Ganges, 
 rejoined, that if dedication to Shiva were a fault, it was one surely 
 attaching equally to the sacred river which flowed from the forehead 
 of the god. That these reservoirs were not intended for irrigation 
 would, we think, sufficiently appear from their construction, and 
 from the positions in which we find them, did we possess no know¬ 
 ledge but such as might be thence gathered of the purposes of their 
 founders. 
 
 Such, then, are some of the relics of the kings of Unhilpoor. 
 Their greatest and most enduring monument is, however, to be found 
 in the fact, that surpassing the boast of Augustus, they found their 
 country a waste, and left it a land flowing with milk and honey. The 
 contrast is striking; but the general result cannot be doubted, 
 however difficult may be the task of tracing the steps which inter¬ 
 vened. At the time when the Chowra dynasty, under Wun Raj, first 
 established itself at Unhilwara, the country of Goozerat was destitute 
 of any other inhabitants than the wild aboriginal tribes. Wullubhee 
 had fallen, perhaps not long before, and Cambay, Broach, and other 
 cities on the coast retained somewhat of their prosperity. Inland, 
 even as far northwards as the borders of the salt-lake which separated 
 Soreth from Goojur-rashtra, the hum of peopled cities might have 
 been heard,— 
 
 “ Wulleli and Wud wan, 
 
 “ Puttun city was afterwards founded.” 
 
 “ actions ” performed, by the side of a river or at the edge of a tank or other 
 water. In the ceremony called Choollook, or Kol, persons present a handful of 
 water as the sign of the ratification of a gift. Vide p. 84, and note. 
 
 1 Anything offered to Shiva is so called ; and may not be taken again by the 
 offerer, or devoted to a secular purpose. 
 
200 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 But from Umba Bhuwanee to the embouchure of the Sabhermutee 
 river, from the hills which form the barrier of Malwo to the flats 
 about the Runn of Kutch (except where Shunkhpoor, Punchasur, 
 and, perhaps, a few small towns in their vicinity, sheltered on the 
 edge of the desert, a remnant from the city of Kunuk Sen), the 
 dominion of the beasts of prey was disputed only by men who were 
 little less the children of the forest than themselves . 1 In the reign of 
 the last of the Solunkhee princes, on the contrary, we behold the 
 same tract of country united under one strong government, studded 
 with wealthy townships, adorned with populous cities, fenced with 
 strong fortresses. The temple lifts its emulous spire above the dark 
 foliage of the grove, out-topped as yet but by the rattling palm ; 
 shrine-bordered tanks and galleried wells, right royally devised, are 
 seen in spots moistened of old only by the showers of the monsoon; 
 and strings of camels laden with merchandise, or cavalcades of 
 pilgrims furnished with rich offerings, hardly disturb—so familiar has 
 their appearance now become—the antelope herds which formerly 
 roamed alone over the tenantless plains. 
 
 The tale of Unhilwara’s grandeur has been told; there remains now 
 that of her decay and desolation; yet shall we perceive that her 
 glorious morning shines no less brightly in contrast with the fitful, 
 stormy day by which it is succeeded, than first it shone when chasing 
 away the sable clouds of the preceding night. This fact, at least, 
 we cannot fail to recognise—though beholding Ahmed, like Wun Raj, 
 the founder of a new and brilliant dynasty; though observing his 
 grandson, Mahmood, while he inscribes upon the rolls of fame a title 
 almost as glorious as that of the Lion of Unhilpoor; though viewing 
 the banners of Goozerat, borne by these and other princes vic¬ 
 toriously abroad—that never was she for one hour unwounded by 
 domestic strife, from that day on which the sceptre was struck from 
 the hand of Bheem Dev II., to the long-distant period when Rajpoot, 
 Moslem, and Mahratta at length agreed to sheathe their sw'ords, and 
 to repose for the just arbitrement of their quarrels on the power, 
 the wisdom, and the faith of the “sea-dwelling stranger.” 
 
 1 There are faint traditions, it is true, of the residence of Brahmins at Kaira and 
 \V urnugger. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE WAGHELAS.-TEJ PAL AND WUSTOO PAL.—MOUNT ABOO.-THE 
 
 PURMARS OF CHUNDRAWUTEE. 
 
 Luwun Prusad, the son of the Samunt Anak Solunkhee, and of 
 whose birth mention has been made in the history of the reign of 
 Koomar Pal, is described by Merootoongas “the minister of Shree 
 Bheem.” He possessed Waghel, and probably also Dhuwulgruh, or 
 Dholka, a town which remained in the hands of his descendants until 
 a late period. Luwun Prusad married Mudun Ragnee, and had by 
 her a son, Veer Dhuwul—the Veer Waghela, or Veer Dhuwulung, of 
 Chund Bharot. The names of Veer Dhuwul, and of his father and 
 grandfather, are mentioned in the inscription on the temple, erected 
 by Tej Pal, upon Mount Aboo, dated a.d. 1231; and in a second 
 inscription in the same shrine, Veer Dhuwul is described under the 
 titles of Muha Munduleshwur and Rana. 
 
 Merootoong relates that Mudun Ragnee left the house of her 
 husband, taking the child Veer Dhuwul with her, and went to live 
 with Dev Raja Puttkeel, the husband of her deceased sister; but that 
 Veer Dhuwul, on attaining years of discretion, returned to the house 
 of his father. The names of several of his cousins, as Sangun, 
 Chamoond, and Raja, are mentioned as “ possessors of countries and 
 towns;” and of Veer Dhuwul it is said that he received a con¬ 
 siderable territory from his father, to which he made additions by 
 conquest. “ The twice-born Chahud Sucheev ” was his minister ; 
 and the brothers, Tej Pal and Wustoo Pal, were also employed by 
 him. 
 
 It is probable that after the death of Bheem, Veer Dhuwul 
 Waghela was the most powerful of the chieftains of Goozerat, if, 
 indeed, he did not possess the royal rank which was certainly 
 possessed by his successors. The few circumstances of a political 
 character mentioned by Merootoong as having occurred during the 
 time of Veer Dhuwul, would, however, convey the impression that a 
 powerful central authority was wanting. Wustoo Pal, it is said, 
 having quarrelled with a merchant named “ Said,” perhaps a Mohum- 
 medan trader, at Stumbhteerth, or Cambay, Said sent to Broach for 
 a chieftain named Shunkh to protect him from the minister. Wustoo 
 Pal, on his side, called in the aid of Loon Pal, a Golo, who attacked 
 
202 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 Shunkh, and killed him, but received wounds in the action, of which 
 in a few days he died. The minister, it is said, erected over the spot 
 where he fell the temple of “ Loon Pal’s Lord.” 
 
 On another occasion, “the gooroo, of the Mlechh Sultan, whose . 
 “ name was Malee Munmukh,” having come to Goozerat while pro¬ 
 ceeding on a pilgrimage, though to what shrine is not mentioned, the 
 brothers, Tej Pal and Wustoo Pal protected him from Veer Dhuwul 
 and his father, who meditated his seizure—an act which won for them 
 the future goodwill of the sultan. 
 
 “A contest for five villages” is mentioned, in which the com-: 
 batants were on the one side Luwun Prusad and Veer Dhuwul, and 
 on the other, Shobun Dev, the father of Jyetul Devee, Veer Dhuwul’s 
 Queen. The Waghelas were ultimately successful, but not before the; 
 young prince had been many times struck down in his father’s 
 presence. 
 
 On the death of Veer Dhuwul, one hundred and eighty-two 
 servants having perished in the flames, Tej Pal was obliged to inter¬ 
 pose with a military force to prevent further sacrifices. The 
 ministers placed Veesul Dev on the throne. Of this prince, nothing 
 has been handed down; but he has been usually considered as the 
 first of the Waghela dynasty of Goozerat. 
 
 It is a curious fact, and one which strongly brings out to view the 
 passive vitality of their institutions, that after each succeeding storm 
 has swept over the land, while the clouds are as yet undispersed, and 
 the re-appearing sun discloses little but fissures which have been rent 
 by tempestuous torrents, the Hindoos are observed at once, without 
 an effort, and as it were instinctively, proceeding in “ the old ways,” 
 apparently as little sensible of sorrow for the" past as they are of 
 apprehension for the future. Mahmood, of Ghuznee, had hardly 
 accomplished his disastrous homeward retreat, leaving behind him 
 Unhilwara despoiled, and Somnath a heap of ruins, when the sound 
 of the hammer and the chisel was heard upon Arasoor and Aboo, 
 and stately fanes began to arise at Koombhareea and Dailwara, in 
 which an elaboration almost incredible, and a finish worthy the hand 
 of a Cellini, seem to express the founder’s steadfast refusal to believe 
 in Mlechh invaders, or iconoclastic destroyers, as other than the horrid 
 phantoms of a disturbing dream. And now, as the second Bheem 
 closes his troubled career—as the sun of Unhilwara sinks with him 
 never again to rise in unclouded brightness, while the crescent, per¬ 
 haps, still waves over the capital, while the roar of battle has not well 
 died away, and the cry of alarm and pain still resounds through the 
 
MOUNT ABOO. 
 
 203 
 
 land—at Aboo and Shutroonjye the work is again resumed, and 
 shrines, surpassing even the magnificence of former days, arise as 
 dwelling-places for those silent, ever-brooding, unmoved Teer- 
 thunkers. 
 
 Wustoo Pal and Tej Pal, the ministers of Veer Dhuwul Waghela, 
 but more widely known as the founders of the most magnificent of 
 the temples of Dailwara, were Pragwat, or Porwal Waneeas of the 
 Jain religion, descended from ancestors who had, for several gene¬ 
 rations, resided at Unhilwara. They were brought to Veer Dhuwul's 
 notice by his former minister, Chahud Dev, and appear to have 
 enjoyed his confidence to an unusual extent, though the terms in 
 which this fact is noticed are curiously illustrative of the state of 
 society and of the relations that existed between a sovereign and 
 those he employed. The principles of their policy are thus described 
 by Merootoong :—“ That minister is clever, who, without placing his 
 “ hand on any one’s head, can increase the treasury ; without putting 
 “ any one to death, protect the country; without w r ar, augment its 
 territories.” The same author relates that when Veer Dhuwul 
 entrusted Tej Pal with the management of his affairs, he caused to 
 be written upon a paper, which he presented to the minister, the 
 following promise :—“ Even if I be angry with you, rely upon it I will 
 “ restore to you as much property as you are now possessed of; ” 
 and the inscription in the temple which they founded records that, 
 “ Veer Dhuwul, the Choulookya, the practiser of what was right, by 
 “ the advice of the two ministers, refused to listen to the voice of 
 “ spies, even though they spoke. The two brothers, also, increased 
 “ the kingdom of their master. Troops of horses and of elephants 
 “ they fastened near his palace. The king, with happiness, enjoyed 
 “ his possessions. The two ministers seemed to be his arms reaching 
 “ down to his knees.” 1 
 
 Mount Aboo is said to be most easily accessible from the direction 
 of Seerohee and Jhalor. On the Goozerat side the ascent which 
 possesses the greatest interest is that from the village of Girwur ; it is, 
 however, impracticable except to foot-men. The traveller from the 
 shrine of Umba Bhuwanee passes, for a long distance, through 
 romantic highland scenery, his lonely pathway usually the bed of a 
 mountain torrent. “All is grand in this region,—lovely and wild, as 
 i “ if it were destined by nature to be the haunt of her favorite progeny, 
 “ where human passions should never intrude to disturb the harmony 
 “ of the scene. The sky is cloudless; the notes of cuckoos are 
 
 The Chiromantic books assert that men with long arms'are prosperous. 
 
204 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ heard responding to each other from amidst the deep foliage, while 
 “ the jungle-fowl are crowing their matinals in the groves of bamboo 
 “ which shelter them; and groups of grey partridge, nestled in the 
 “ trees, vie with the ring-doves in expressions of delight, as the sun 
 “ clears the alpine cliffs and darts his fervent rays among them. 
 “ Others of the feathered tribe, not belonging to the plains, are 
 “ flying about, while the woodpecker’s note is heard reverberating 
 “ from the hard surface on which he plies the power of his bill. 
 “ Fruits and flowers of various kinds and colors invite the inhabitants 
 “ of the forest, whether quadruped or feathered, and the industrious 
 “ bee here may sip the sweetest of sweets from jasmine, white or 
 “ yellow, climbing the giant foliage, from cambeer or canoa, whose 
 “ clustering purple and white flowers resemble the lilac, or from the 
 “ almond-scented oleander which covers the banks of the stream on 
 “ whose margin abundantly flourishes the ricinus , or the willow.” No 
 human form appears to disturb the charm of this enchanting solitude, 
 except, perhaps, the grave figure of some Rajpoot cavalier, a pilgrim 
 to Umbajee, with shield hanging at his back, and spear swaying on 
 his shoulder, fills the vista of a long and narrow gorge, in which a 
 handful of stout hearts might stand against a host,—or a group of 
 quiet grain-carriers, with piled-up sacks and grazing cattle, occupies 
 some lovely wild spot in the heart of the defile, where the crystal 
 stream expands into a little turf-bordered pool. By-and-bye the hills 
 slope away into a level valley, which, though more or less sandy, 
 exhibits many fertile spots, producing abundant crops of grain, with 
 little villages here and there, and rivulets flowing from the mountains 
 that in the distance raise, in front and rear, their gigantic forms. 
 Majestic Aboo, shrouded in its cloak of mist, now engrosses every 
 thought; its varying outline filling the imagination with a thousand 
 suggestive forms, until a near view is at last obtained of its 
 precipitous face,—its dark recesses lined with forest and underwood, 
 and streaked with many a silver stream,—its diverging shoulders 
 pushed majestically forwards in their garb of sable, variegated, as the 
 sun rises towards his meridian, with tints of brightest gold. 
 
 Over one of these spurs a path may be seen from the village of 
 Girwur, winding like a thread upon the mountain’s side, now rising 
 and again sinking almost to its former level. Through a thick and 
 tangled forest it pursues its lengthened ascent to a small spot of level 
 ground, below an almost perpendicular scarp, where, amidst a 
 grove of magnificent foliage, is embowered the shrine of Wushisht 
 Moonee. The traveller, who desires protection from the heat of the 
 sun, rests here in a little garden filled with the strongly-perfumed 
 
MOUNT ABOO. 
 
 flowering shrubs that are natives of the mountain, among which the 
 yellow kewura is conspicuous; and sight and smell thus regaled, 
 his sense of hearing is not less pleasingly entertained with the 
 melodious murmuring of the waters, which, pouring forth through a 
 cow’s mouth sculptured in the rock, are received into an excavated 
 basin beneath it. 
 
 The temple of the Moonee is a small and unimportant edifice, 
 sufficient to contain a black marble figure of the sage who, from the 
 fire-fountain of Uchuleshwur, called the ancestors of the Rajpoot 
 tribes. The deep-rolling royal drum at morning, mid-day, and even¬ 
 ing, sounds before Wushisht, and contributes not a little to the effect 
 of the gorgeous scenery, which is filled with its sonorous tones. There 
 is also a brass figure here of the martial hero of Aboogurh, “ the 
 “ terror of the Dunooj,” Dharawursh the Purmar, who is represented 
 in the act of supplication to the sage, the creator of his race. 
 
 From the shrine of Wushisht Moonee the ascent is continued by a 
 long flight of steps cut in the living rock, which conduct at length to 
 the level of the plains of Aboo. Arrived at this spot, the traveller 
 may well fancy himself to have reached a new world—an island 
 floating in the air. The table-land upon which he now stands is 
 walled on all sides by abrupt and lofty cliffs, similar to those which 
 he has ascended; it possesses an area of several miles ; contains 
 villages and hamlets; is ornamented by a lake and by more than one 
 rivulet of water, and wears a coronet of mountain peaks, of which 
 the highest is that called, from a little shrine that occupies it, “ The 
 “ Saint’s Pinnacle,” and the most remarkable, that which is crowned 
 by “ the fortress that cannot be shaken,” the renowned Uchulgurh. 
 
 The country between the shrine of Wushisht and Dailwara is thus 
 pleasingly described by the annalist of Rajpootana. 1 “ This excursion 
 “ revealed to me by far the most interesting portion of the table-land 
 “ of Aboo. There is more of cultivation, the inhabitants are more 
 “ numerous, the streams and foliage more abundant; here and there 
 “ a verdant carpet decked the ground, while some new wonder, 
 “ natural or artificial, appeared at every step. The kamerie, as usual 
 “ unseen, uttered its welcome note, and the strong clear voice of the 
 “ blackbird issued from a dark coppice, whence stole a limpid brook. 
 “ Every patch where corn could grow was diligently tilled, and in 
 “ this short space I passed four of the twelve hamlets of Aboo. 
 “ These were in harmony with the scene ; the habitations neat and 
 “ comfortable, circular in form like wigwams, and coated with clay, 
 
 1 See, for the extracts here made, Colonel Tod’s Travels in Western India, 
 chaps, v. and vi. 
 
206 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ washed with a light ochre colour. On the margin of each running 
 “ brook was the aret , or Egyptian wheel for irrigation, and, as the 
 “ water lies close to the surface, the excavations were not required to 
 “ be deep. The boundaries of these arable fields, chiefly of the 
 “ prickly thoor , or cactus, were clustered with the white dog-rose, 
 “ here called khooja , with which was intermingled the kind called 
 “ seoti (sacred to Seo or Siva), much cultivated in the gardens of 
 “ India. The pomegranate was literally growing out of a knoll of 
 “ granite, where there was scarcely any soil beyond the decomposed 
 “ surface of the rock. The apricot or nectarine appeared occasion- 
 “ ally, covered with fruit, but being yet quite green, it seems pro- 
 “ bable that it will never ripen. They also brought grapes, which, ; 
 “ from their size, I should have deemed cultivated. These, as well 
 “ as the citron, which I did not see, but which they pointed out in a 
 ‘ ‘ deep valley, are claimed amongst the indigenous products of Aboo. 
 “ The mango was abundant, and a rich and elegant parasite, with a 
 “ beautiful pendant blue and white flower, resembling the lobelia, 
 “ found root in its moss-covered branches. This parasite is called 
 “ ambatri (from amba, mango,) by the mountaineers, with whom it 
 “ appeared to be an especial favourite, as I observed that, whenever 
 “ it grew within reach, it was plucked and ‘ wreath’d in their dark 
 “ ‘ locks’ and their turbans. The trees generally, from their extreme 
 “ humidity, are covered with a vesture of grass and moss, and at 
 “ Uchulgurh the lofty cajoor , or date tree, was coated to the upper- 
 “ most branch. It is from this deposit that the parasites spring. Of 
 “ flowers there was a profusion ; amongst them were the chameli or 
 “ jasmine, and all the varieties of the balsam, as common as thistles. 
 “ The golden chumpa , the largest of the flowering trees, rarely met 
 “ with in the plains, and which, like the aloe, is said to flower but 
 “ once in a century, was seen at every hundred yards, laden with 
 “ blossoms and filling the air with perfume. In short, it was— 
 
 ‘ A blending of all beauties, streams and dells, 
 
 ‘ Fruit, foliage, crag, wood, cornfield, mountain, vine, 
 
 ‘ And chiefless castles, breathing stem farewells 
 
 ‘ From gray, but leafy walls, where Ruin greenly dwells.’” 
 
 The Nukhee-tulav is a picturesque lake studded with foliage- 
 covered islands, from among which frequent palm-trees lift their 
 swaying heads, and surrounded by rocks wooded to the margin. 
 When Colonel Tod saw it, “the water-fowls skimmed its surface, un- 
 “ heeding and unheeded by man ; for on this sacred hill neither the 
 “ fowler’s gun nor fisher’s net is known ; ‘ thou shalt not kill,’ being the 
 
MOUNT ABOO. 
 
 207 
 
 “ supreme command, and the penalty of disobedience, death.” The 
 lake of Aboo has, however, since that time been gradually surrounded 
 by European residences ; a barrack for convalescent soldiers has been 
 erected in its vicinity, and a Christian church disputes with the 
 shrines of Adeenath and Uchuleshwur the possession of the sacred 
 hill. 
 
 Near the Nukhee-tulav, a broad and well constructed footway 
 affords easy access to Mount Aboo from the village of Unadura at 
 its foot, and the neighbouring cantonment of Deesa. 
 
 Dailwara, or the region of temples, is near the Nukhee-tulav. It 
 contains other shrines besides the two principal ones founded by Tej 
 Pal and Veemul Sha, but these are both the most ancient and the 
 most magnificent. The temple of Veemul Sha was founded, as we 
 have seen, in a.d. 1031, before which time no Jain edifice appears 
 to have existed on the sacred mountain. Anything more than the 
 most general description of these celebrated shrines is unnecessary in 
 this place. 1 They are not remarkable for size or for their external 
 appearance, _ but internally they are finished with all that elaborate 
 elegance which is usually supposed to belong only to the art of the 
 goldsmith. The principal feature in each is the usual octagonal 
 dome, forming a vestibule to the adytum, wherein the objects of 
 worship are enshrined, and around which is a columned peristyle, 
 roofed with numerous domes. The-whole edifice is of white marble, 
 and the sculptured ornaments with which every part of the surface is 
 covered, are so finely chisselled, as to suggest the idea that they have 
 been moulded of wax, the semi-transparent edges almost realizing, by 
 their hardly perceptible thickness, the mathematician’s definition of a 
 line. The pendant which hangs from the centre of the dome of the 
 temple of Tej Pal is particularly remarkable, and rivets the attention 
 of every visitor. As Colonel Tod justly remarks, “the delineation of 
 “it defies the pen, and would tax to the utmost the pencil of the 
 “ most patient artistand he is secure in asserting, that no ornament 
 of the most florid style of gothic architecture can be compared with 
 it in richness. “ It appears like a cluster of the half-disclosed lotus, 
 “ whose cups are so thin, so transparent, and so accurately wrought, 
 “ that it fixes the eye in admiration.” 2 The sculpture of these temples 
 
 1 They are described in Fergusson’s Handbook of Architecture, vol. i., p. 69, 
 et seq., and illustrations of them given. See also “Picturesque Illustrations of 
 Ancient Architecture in Hindoostan,” by the same author. 
 
 s “ No time and no pains,” says Mr. Fergusson, speaking of the temple of Tej 
 Pal and Wustoo Pal, “ would ever have enabled me to transfer to paper the lace- 
 “ like delicacy of the fairy forms into which the patient chisel of the Hindu has 
 ; ‘ carved the white marble of which it is composed. ” Vide Picturesque Illustrations 
 
208 
 
 RAS MARA. 
 
 does not, however, confine itself to the representation of inanimate 
 natural objects, it exercises itself also upon the scenes of domestic 
 life, the labors of navigation and commerce, and the struggles of the 
 battle field ; and it may be safely asserted that the student of anti- ] 
 quities, who should devote sufficient attention to these bas-reliefs, 1 
 would be amply repaid by a large increase of knowledge regarding j 
 many interesting points in the manner and customs of mediaeval ; 
 India. 
 
 Colonel Tod ascended to the summit of the saint’s pinnacle, the 
 loftiest of the peaks of Aboo, where, before his time, European foot 
 had never trod. “Although presenting internally scarcely any sensible 
 “ elevation above the crest of the mountain, as we approached 
 “ through the plains of Marwar, it towers full seven hundred feet 
 “ above the level of its plateau. A strong chilling wind blew from 
 “ the south, to avoid whose influence the cautious mountaineers, 
 
 “ coiling themselves in their black blankets, lay prostrate on the 
 “ ground, sheltered behind a projecting rock. The picture was 
 “ equally grand and novel; masses of cloud floated under our feet, 
 
 “ through which the sun occasionally darted a ray, as if to prevent 
 “ our being dazzled with too much glory. A small circular platform, 
 
 “ having a low parapet wall on the outer side, crowned the giddy 
 “ height. On one side was a cavern, about twenty feet square, 
 
 “ within which is a block of granite, bearing the impress of the feet 
 “ of Data Brigu, an incarnation of Vishnoo—the grand object of the 
 “ pilgrim’s attainment; and in another corner are the pudooca, or 
 
 footsteps, of Rama Nund, the great apostle of the Seeta ascetics. 
 
 “ In this gloomy abode dwells a disciple of the order, who rings a 
 “ bell on the approach of a stranger, continuing the uproar until an 
 “ offering induces silence. The staffs of pilgrims were heaped in 
 “ piles around the footsteps of the saint, as memorials of their sue- ] 
 “ cessful intrepidity. Caves innumerable were seen in various parts 
 “ of the mountain, indicative of a Troglodyte population in former . 
 “ ages ; and there were many curious orbicular holes, which could 
 “ only be compared to cannon-shot. I patiently awaited the termi- ; 
 “ nation of the struggle between the powers of light and darkness, in 
 “ conversation with the recluse. He told me, that during the rainy 
 
 “of Ancient Architecture in Hindoostan.” In his later work, the same author 
 has the following in reference to the Hindoo pendantIts forms, too, generally 
 “ have a lightness and elegance never even imagined in Gothic art; it hangs from 
 “ the centre of a dome more like a lustre of crystal drops than a solid mass of ; 
 ‘ ‘ marble or of stone. ” 
 
MOUNT ABOO. 
 
 209 
 
 " season, when the atmosphere is cleared of all impurities, the citadel 
 “ of Jodhpoor and the desert plain, as far as Balotra on the Loony, 
 “ were visible. It was some time before I could test this assertion, 
 “ though, during occasional outbreaks of the sun, we discerned the 
 “rich valley, termed Bheetril, extending to Seerohee; and nearly 
 “ twenty miles to the east, the far-famed shrines of Umba Bhuwanee, 
 “ amongst the cloud-capped peaks of the Arawullee. At length, 
 “ however, Soorya burst forth in all his majesty, and chasing away 
 “ the sable masses, the eye swept over the desert, until vision was 
 “ lost in the blending of the dark blue vault with the dusky arid soil. 
 “ All that was required to form the sublime was at hand; and silence 
 “ confirmed the charm. If the eye, diverted from the vast abyss 
 “ beneath, turned but half a circle to the right, it rested on the 
 “ remains of the castle of the Purmars, whose dusky walls refused to 
 “ reflect the sunbeams; while the slender palmyra, as if in mockery 
 “ of their decay, fluttered its ensign-like leaves amidst the ruined 
 “ courts of a race who once deemed their sway eternal. A little 
 “ further to the right rose the clustering domes of Dailwara, backed 
 “ by noble woods, and buttressed on all sides by fantastic pinnacles, 
 u shooting like needles from the crest of the plateau, on whose 
 “ surface were seen meandering several rills pursuing their devious 
 “ course over the precipitous faces of the mountain. All was contrast— 
 “ the blue sky and sandy plain, the marble fanes and humble wig- 
 “ warn, the stately woods and rugged rocks.” 
 
 Descending from the Saint’s Pinnacle, the next objects of interest 
 are the fire-fountain and the shrine of Uchuleshwur, one of the most 
 renowned in the fabulous annals of the Hindoos. “ The Ugnee- 
 “ koond is about nine hundred feet long by two hundred and forty 
 “ in breadth, excavated in the solid rock, and lined with solid 
 “ masonry of immensely large bricks. An insulated mass of rock 
 “ has been left in the centre of the koond, on which are the ruins of 
 “ a shrine to Mata, the universal mother. On the crest of the 
 “ northern face of the koond is a group of small temples dedicated 
 “ to the Pandoo brothers, but, like the former, a mass of ruins. On 
 “ the western side is the shrine of Uchuleshwur, the tutelary divinity 
 “ of Aboo. There is nothing striking as to magnitude, and still less 
 “as to decoration, in this ; but it possesses a massive simplicity, 
 “ which guarantees its antiquity. It occupies the centre of a quad- 
 “ rangle, surrounded by smaller fanes, alike primitive in form, and 
 “ built of blocks of blue slate. * * * On the same side as this 
 “ temple, and on the very verge of the Ugnee-koond, is the mauso- 
 “ leum of Rao Maun, of Seerohee, who fell a victim to poison while 
 
 p 
 
210 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ in one of the Jain temples. His body was burned near the shrine 
 “ of his patron deity, when five queens accompanied him to Yum 
 “ Lok. * * * * On the east side of the fire-fountain the remains 
 “ of a temple, sacred to the founder of his race, the first of the 
 “ Purmars, strewed the ground. The statue, however, of Adeepal 
 “ is firm upon its pedestal, and intact—a type of ancient days, of 
 “ antique costume, and early realities. It is of white marble, about 
 “ five feet in height, and represents Adeepal in the act of slaying, 
 “ with an arrow, Bhyns Asoor, a buffalo-headed monster of Titanian 
 “ brood, who used to drink, during the night, the sacred waters of the 
 fire-fountain, to guard which the Purmar was created. * * * * I 
 “ quitted the Ugnee-koond for Uchulgurh, whose ruined towers were 
 “ buried in the dense masses of cloud that surrounded us. Having 
 “ completed the ascent, I entered this once regal abode through the 
 “ Hunooman portal, which is composed of two noble towers built 
 ‘ with huge blocks of granite, black with the rude blasts of some 
 “ thousand winters. The towers had been connected at top by a 
 “ guard room, and the gate served as the entrance to the lower fort, 
 “ whose dilapidated walls were 'discoverable up the irregular ascent. 
 “ Another portal conducted to the inner fortress. The first object 
 “ that strikes the view on passing the latter gate is the Jain temple to 
 “ Parusnath, erected at the sole expense of a banker of Mandoo, and 
 “ at present under repair. The upper fortress is attributed to Rana 
 “ Koombho, who, when driven from Mewar, raised the banner of the 
 “ sun on the long-abandoned battlements of the Purmars; but he 
 “ merely repaired this, the donjon of Uchulgurh, which, with the 
 <! inferior works, is of the most remote antiquity. A small lake in the 
 “ keep is called Sawun-Bhadoon, and well merits the names of the 
 “ two chief months of the monsoon, for in the middle of June it is 
 “ yet full of water. On the most elevated knoll, to the east, are the 
 “ remains of an alarum-tower of the Purmars. From this point the 
 “ eye, occasionally piercing the swift-scudding clouds, had glimpses 
 “ of the ruined altars and palaces of the brave race, who, on the spot 
 “ whence I surveyed them, had fought and bled in their defence.” 
 
 Before bidding a final adieu to the towers of Uchulgurh and to 
 the interesting Aboo, it will be well to say a few words of the Purmar 
 family, who were, for many years, their sovereigns. Their capital 
 was the fortified city of Chundrawutee, the ruins of which may still 
 be seen in a country thickly covered with jungle, on the banks of the 
 Bunas, about twelve miles from the foot of Aboo, and little more 
 than the same distance from the shrines of Umba Bhuwanee and 
 
MOUNT A BOO. 
 
 211 
 
 Taringa. The city itself is now overgrown with rank vegetation • its 
 reservoirs and wells are choked up; its temples are destroyed : and 
 its remains daily despoiled of their marble materials. Judging from 
 the fragments which are strewn over an extensive plain, it must have 
 been considerable in point of size ; and its pretensions to great 
 refinement and riches may be admitted from the beautiful remains of 
 its marble edifices, of which twenty were discovered when the spot 
 was first visited by Europeans. The house of Chundrawutee pos- 
 sessed also Prulhadun Puttun, or Pahlunpoor, a town which was 
 founded by the warlike Prulhadun Dev, the brother of Dharawursh. 
 
 The first of the Purmars who are mentioned are Shree Dhoomrai 
 and his successors Dhundhook, Dhroov, and Bhut—“ heroes in- 
 “ vincible by the elephant crowd of their enemies.” From them 
 descended Ram Dev, the father of Yusho Dhuwul, who reigned at 
 Aboo during the time when Koomar Pal was its paramount sovereign. 
 
 i S T? nS n°f Yusho D huwul were the celebrated brothers, Dharawursh 
 and Prulhadun Dev; of whom the former left a son, Shree Som 
 , Dev, who became his successor, and who is mentioned as 
 Tvr,, Munduleshwur,” in a.d. 1231, when Bheem Dev II. was 
 Muha Raj Adheeraj, in Unhilwara. Som Singh again had a son, 
 named Knshn Raj Dev. 
 
 I he Purmars, however, gave way, apparently during the reign of 
 the son of Dharawursh, to the Chohans of Nadole, one of whom, 
 named Loond,^ or Loonig, is stated in the inscription on the temple 
 ot Veemul Sha (dated a.d. 1222), to have slain the Munduleek, and 
 acquired the sovereignty of Aboo; Loonig’s son was Tej Singh, 
 who, with his son Kanhur Dev and his grandson Samunt Singh, are 
 mentioned in an inscription on the temple of Wushisht (dated a.d. 
 i 33 «)> m which Kanhur Dev is styled Prince of Chundrawutee. 
 ihe annals of the Deora Rajpoots, a branch of the Chohans of 
 JNadole, state that “ Rao Loombho” conquered Aboo and Chundra¬ 
 wutee, and transferred to himself the sovereignty of the Purmars in 
 a battle fought at the village of Baraillee, “ where Merhutungi, son of 
 Aggun Sen, fell, with seven hundred of his kindred.” The final 
 struggle, according to this authority, took place in a.d. 1303, and 
 gave Chundrawutee to the Deora Chohans; Aboo having been 
 conquered by them seven years before. “ Between these periods, 
 u b ° w ® ver > tbe Chohans had been gradually reducing the inferior fiefs 
 (( of the Purmars, each conquest giving birth to a new branch; and 
 u °f these bein g m ade without the aid of their suzerain, their 
 
 (( descendants, such as the chiefs of Madar and Girwur, are disposed 
 to pay but a scanty obedience to his representative.” 
 
2X2 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Another of the Aboo inscriptions specifies Sarxing Dev as sovereign 
 of Unhilwara in a.d. 1294, and Yeesul Dev as governor, under him, 
 of eighteen hundred munduls; having his residence at Chundrawutee. 
 This Veesul Dev may have been merely the officer of the King of 
 Unhilwara, temporarily holding the government of the district. We 
 may suppose that on the irruption of the Chohans, Sarung Dev 
 occupied the disputed territory of his vassals with his own troops. 
 There is, however, still another statement which is not so easily 
 reconciled with what has been mentioned above. A second Loondh 
 Dev, as is recorded on a slab in the temple of Uchuleshwur (dated 
 a.d. 1321), who was descended from the Chohans of Sambhur, and 
 the names of whose ancestors are entirely different from those of the 
 former Loond, or Loonig, “ acquired the district of Chundrawutee, 
 
 “ and the pleasant mountain Urbood,” and placed statues of himself 
 and of his queen in the presence of Uchuleshwur. 
 
 From this digression we return, for a short time, to the story of 
 the Waghelas. Of Veesul Dev, the son of Veer Dhuwul, as has 
 been already remarked, there is little known. Bardic tradition relates 
 that a famine occurred during his reign, which he was instrumental 
 in alleviating; and it is said that he founded, or rather repaired, 
 the town of Veesulnugger, and the fortress of Durbhawutee, or 
 Dubhoee. 1 
 
 An inscription in the temple of Somnath, at Dev Puttun, dated 
 a.d. 1264, supplies us with the name of a prince to whom are 
 attributed all the titles of a paramount sovereign— “ Purumeshwur 
 “ Bhuttark, Shree Chalook Chukruwurtee, Muha Raj Adheeraj 
 “ Shreemud Urjoon Dev.” The heraldic bards of the Waghela 
 family state, from their traditional rolls, that Urjoon Dev was the 
 successor of Veesul Dev; but mention nothing relating to the 
 occurrences of his reign. He ruled, it appears, at Unhilwara, and 
 followed the religion of Shiva. Of the “ numerous princes ” who 
 obeyed him, there are mentioned Ranik Shree Someshwur Dev ; per¬ 
 haps the Purmar Prince of Chundrawutee; and the Chowra chiefs— 
 Palook Dev, Ram Dev, Bheem Singh, and others. His minister was 
 Shree Mull Dev, and he had other officers of the Mohummedan faith, 
 as Hoormuz of Belacool, and Khoja Ibrahim, son of the Nakhoda 
 Noor-ood-deen Feeroz; but nothing is said of the offices which they 
 filled further than is suggested by the title “Nakhoda;” nor is 
 
 1 See, for a tradition in which the name of Veesul Dev, King of Puttun, is 
 connected with Dubhoee, Forbes’ Oriental Memoirs, vol. a., pp. 335 - 337 . 
 original edition. 
 
KURUN WAGHELA. 
 
 213 
 
 their appearance in Goozerat, as royal officers under a Hindoo 
 sovereign, at all accounted for. 
 
 Following Urjoon Dev, the bards of the Waghelas place Luwun 
 Raja, a prince who is not mentioned by other authorities, and of 
 whom they themselves have no information to give ; and next to 
 him, Sarung Dev, who appears in the Aboo inscriptions as sovereign 
 of Unhilwara, in a.d. 1294, having under him Veesul Dev, already 
 mentioned as Munduleshwur of Chundrawutee. The successor of 
 Sarung Dev was Kurun Waghela, known by the surname of “ Ghelo,” 
 or “insane,” the last of the Hindoo princes of Unhilpoor. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 RAJA kurun waghela. 
 
 The closing scenes of the drama of Unhilwara were now to be played. 
 In the year a. d. 1296, Allah-ood-deen Khiljy having murdered him 
 who was not only his sovereign, but also his benefactor and his uncle, 
 stepped over the old man’s corpse to the throne of Delhi, and causing 
 the public prayer to be read in his name, commenced a reign of cruelty 
 and bloodshed, in which he was destined to acquire wealth and power 
 such as were unequalled by any prince who sat before him on the 
 throne of Hindoostan, and to surpass by far the almost fabulous riches 
 accumulated in the ten campaigns of Mahmood of Ghuznee. “ It 
 being the will of God,” says the author of the Meerat Ahmudee, 
 “ the faith and laws of the Prophet should be made known, the 
 “ sovereignty and power of the tribes already noticed came to an end, 
 “ and were transferred to the supporters of our pure religion and illus- 
 “ trious law, in order that the light of the exalted faith might shine 
 “ resplendent as the sun amidst that dark region of infidelity ; and 
 “ we, by publishing the words of truth and obeying the commandments 
 “ of that religion, forbidding us to do evil, might turn away the people 
 “ from the terrible desert of error, and lead them on the high road of 
 “ salvation.” 
 
 In the commencement of the year a.d. i 297, Aluf Khan, the brother 
 of the sultan, Allah-ood-deen, and Noosrut Khan, his prime minister, 
 were sent with an army to effect the reconquest of Goozerat. Laying 
 waste the country, they again occupied with a Mohummedan garrison 
 
214 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the city of Wun Raj, its sovereign, Raja Kurun Waghela, flying before 
 them to take refuge with the Mahratta prince, Ram Dev, Raja of Dev- 
 gurh, in the Dekkan. No motive, in addition to the lust of dominion, 
 was required to attract the Moslem invaders, but the Hindoo bards, 
 who delight in assigning a domestic occurrence as the cause of any 
 great political event, have on the present occasion recorded the fol¬ 
 lowing story :—“ Kurun Ghelaro,” say they, “ had two ministers, Mad- 
 “ huv and Keshuv. They were Nagur Brahmins, and it was by them 
 “ that the Madhuv well, which still exists at Wudwan, was constructed. 
 “ The raja took away from her husband Madhuv’s wife, who was a pud- 
 “ meetiee , 1 and he slew Keshuv. On the death of his brother, Madhuv 
 “ went to Delhi, to Allah-ood-deen, and brought in the Mohummedans. 
 “At this period the gates of the cities and towns in Goozerat were 
 “ kept shut in the day time; cattle grazed within the city walls; people 
 “ tied a fold of their turbans under their chins that, they might be 
 “ ready for flight. In the year a.d. 1300, the Toorks entered Goo- 
 “ zerat. Madhuv presented Allah-ood-deen with three hundred and 
 “ sixty horses, and procured for himself the office of civil minister of 
 “ the country. Aluf Khan was the military governor. He com- 
 “ manded a lakh of horsemen, fifteen hundred elephants, twenty 
 “ thousand foot soldiers, and there were with him forty-five officers 
 “ who were entitled to use kettle-drums. He took Goozerat from the 
 “ Waghelas.” 
 
 Kurun Raja, in his precipitate retreat, had been compelled to 
 abandon his wives, children, elephants, baggage and treasure, all 
 which fell into the hands of the conquerors. Among the Ranees thus 
 made captives by the enemies of their race and religion was Kowla 
 Devee, “ who, for her beauty, wit, and accomplishments, was the 
 “ flower of India.” She was carried to the harem of the sultan, and 
 became the cause of further miseries to her country and her family. Aluf 
 Khan and the vizier proceeded to plunder Cambay, which, being a 
 wealthy town and full of merchants, yielded an immense booty to the 
 conquerors. Here Noosrut Khan seized by force a handsome slave 
 belonging to a merchant at Cambay, who, afterwards attracting the 
 attention of the sovereign, rose to great eminence under the title of 
 Mullik Kafoor. The Mohummedans also took care to repeat their 
 periodical achievement of “ destroying the idol of Somnath, which 
 “ had been again set up after the time of Mahmood of Ghuznee.” 
 
 There is no further mention of the affairs of Goozerat until the year 
 a.d. 1304, about which time, it is said, Aluf Khan was again appointed 
 to the government of that country, and sent thither with a large army. 
 
 1 Vide foot-note, p. 123. 
 
KURUN WAGHELA. 
 
 2I 5 
 
 He built at Unhilwara, says the author of Meerat Ahmudee, “ The 
 “ Friday mosque, of white marble, which remains at the present time, 
 “ and the pillars of which are so numerous that one often makes a 
 “ mistake in counting them. They also relate that it was once an 
 “ idol temple converted to a mosque; but it is, in short, a wonderful 
 “ and noble building, which was then in the centre of the city, though 
 “ now distant from the part inhabited.” 
 
 In a.d. 1306, Kafoor, the former slave of Cambay, who had been 
 purchased for a thousand deenars, but now the favorite of the sove¬ 
 reign and the envy of the nobles, was invested with the title of Mullik 
 Naib, and placed in command of an army, led by many officers of 
 renown, and destined “to subdue the countries of the south of India.” 
 Among other provincial officers, Aluf Khan, governor of Goozerat, 
 was instructed to co-operate in the meditated conquest of the Dekkan. 
 It was at this time that Kowla Devee, now the favorite sultana of 
 Allah-ood-deen, becoming acquainted with the intended expedition, 
 sought the royal presence and solicited a boon from her imperial slave. 
 Before she was taken prisoner, she informed him, she had borne two 
 daughters to her Rajpoot husband. One of them, the eldest, she had 
 heard had since died, but the other, whose name was Dewul Ranee, 
 and who was only four years old when she was torn from her mother’s 
 embrace, was still alive. She therefore begged that it would please 
 the sultan to give such orders to his generals as should ensure their 
 obtaining possession of Dewul Ranee, and sending her to Delhi. 
 
 Mullik Naib Kafoor received accordingly the royal mandate, and 
 haying encamped at Sultanpoor, sent orders to the unhappy Kurun 
 Raja, in his retreat in Baglana, to deliver up the Princess Dewul, or 
 prepare to withstand the power of the imperial arms. The time, how¬ 
 ever, had not yet quite arrived when the Rajpoot was accustomed, in 
 bitterness of heart, to surrender his beloved daughter to what he felt 
 to be a pollution worse than death, and to console his miserable 
 necessity with the sad proverb, “ When the skies rain fire, the father 
 “ must shield himself with his child.” The clansman of Bheem Dev, 
 the rightful successor of the lion-hearted Sidh Raj, retained, amidst 
 all his misfortunes, a sense of the dignity of his race, and “ could by 
 “ no means be brought to agree to this demand.” Finding that his 
 threats were of no avail with the unfortunate Prince of Unhilwara, 
 thus standing like a wounded lion at bay, Kafoor, the imperial deputy, 
 continued his march, contenting himself with directing that Aluf 
 Khan, with the troops of Goozerat, should endeavour to accomplish 
 the desired object by leading his army through the mountains of 
 Baglana. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 2 16 
 
 Aluf Khan was, however, here opposed by Kurun Raja, whose 
 desperate valour, during a period of two months, in which several 
 actions were fought, defeated him in every attempt to force a passage. 
 While the last of the kings of Unhilwara thus maintained an heroic, 
 but almost hopeless struggle, he received solicitations for the hand of 
 Dewul Ranee from another prince, who, though of Mahratta race, and 
 in happier days no equal match for a daughter of the Chalookya blood, 
 still hoped, in this hour of stern necessity, to win the reluctant consent 
 of Kurun. Shunkul Dev, the Prince of Devgurh, 1 had long aspired 
 to the hand of Dewul Ranee; and now his own brother Bheem 
 approached Kurun with presents, offered the aid of Devgurh, and 
 urged that, as the princess was the assigned cause of the war, the 
 leader of the Mohummedans, ascertaining her to be already under the 
 protection of a husband, would despair of obtaining his end, and retire 
 to Hindoostan. Kurun relied much on the young prince’s offer of 
 aid—it was as a straw cast to a drowning man; he felt, too, that a 
 Hindoo, though of inferior lineage, was a less bitter alternative than 
 the despised and detested Mlechh, and, consenting to the proposal, he 
 reluctantly promised the hand of his daughter to Shunkul Dev. 
 
 But it was too late; and Kurun was destined to drink the cup of 
 humiliation even to the dregs. Aluf Khan, hearing of the proposed 
 marriage, was much concerned lest the sultan should impute the result 
 to his neglect, and resolved, at all hazards, to secure the princess 
 before her departure. He knew the power which Kowla Devee 
 wielded, and was apprehensive that his own life hung on his success. 
 He laid the case before his officers, urged that they were equally 
 involved with himself, and engaged their unanimous support. A system 
 of operations was carefully matured ; the mountain passes were simul¬ 
 taneously entered; the retreat of Kurun Raja was discovered and 
 broken up; his adherents were dispersed, and he himself was com¬ 
 pelled to fly to Devgurh, leaving elephants, tents, and equipage on the 
 field. Aluf Khan pursued him through the defiles of the mountains, 
 and at last arrived within a single march of the fortress of Devgurh. 
 He had entirely lost the track of the fugitives; he was in deep despair, 
 and seemed as if he had thrown his last die and found the chance 
 against him. But accident gave him the success which energy and 
 well-laid schemes had failed of securing. 
 
 While the Mohummedan leader halted for two days to refresh his 
 troops among the mountains, a party of his soldiers, three hundred in 
 
 1 For an account of the “ Devagiri Y&davas ,” to which race Shunkul Dev 
 belonged, vide Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. iv., p. 26. 
 
KURUN WAGHELA. 
 
 217 
 
 number, set off to explore the wonders of Ellora. As they traversed 
 the defiles that lead to those celebrated caves, they came suddenly 
 upon a body of Mahratta horse, bearing the banner of Devgurh. It 
 was the retinue of Bheem Dev, who conveyed his brother’s long-sought 
 bride towards her destined home. The Mohummedans, though few 
 in number, were too far advanced to possess the opportunity of 
 retreat; they stood on the defensive, and prepared to receive the 
 enemy. Bheem Dev, solicitous for his charge, would gladly have 
 avoided an encounter, but the foe was before him, the road to Dev¬ 
 gurh was in their possession, and he saw no resource but that of battle. 
 The two parties instantly engaged; at the first onset some of the Hin¬ 
 doos fled, and an arrow piercing the horse of Dewul Ranee, she fell 
 I to the ground. A desperate struggle ensued; the swords of Seerohee 
 i and the scymitars of Arabia, alike reddened with blood, crossed over 
 the prostrate form of the daughter of Kurun; and a misdirected blow 
 might soon have saved the honor of her race at the expense of her life, 
 had not the alarm of her female slaves induced them to discover to 
 the Mohummedans the name and rank of her whom they had long so 
 vainly sought, and at last so strangely found. 
 
 The Princess of Unhilwara was conveyed with respect and care to 
 the camp of Aluf Khan, and that commander, well aware how 
 acceptable the prize would be to his sovereign, over whom the lady’s 
 mother exercised an influence so supreme, determined upon prose¬ 
 cuting his military operations no further, and returning to Goozerat, 
 proceeded thence with his fair young charge to Delhi, where he placed 
 I her in the arms of the sultana. She had scarcely arrived at the seat 
 ; of empire, before her “ incomparable beauty” subdued the heart of 
 ; the Shahzada, the son of Allah-ood-deen. She became his bride, and 
 thus attained the rank for which many a Moslem fair one doubtless 
 sighed in vain; yet, while the imperial court rang with the praises of 
 her victorious charms, and the lyre of Umeer Khoosroo immortalised 
 the illustrious loves of Khizr Khan and Dewul Ranee, who shall 
 assert that no shade of sadness rested on her spirit at the thought of 
 the disappointed affection of Shunkul Dev, or the deeper grief of her 
 bereaved and dishonored father. 
 
 History records no more of the last and most unfortunate of the 
 sovereigns of Unhilwara. He died, probably, a nameless fugitive; 
 driven from his throne and his country ; despoiled of the honor 
 dearer to a Rajpoot than either power or home; deserted, in his 
 affliction, by his wife, and even by the child whose fate it was to add 
 the last and bitterest pang to his misfortunes. Yet were the sorrows 
 of Raja Kurun far from unavenged. The plunder, which the victors 
 
2 l8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 had borne from the despoiled seaport of Unhilwara, concealed a 
 viper which was destined to sting them to the heart. Years rolled 
 on, and victory seemed chained to the blood-besmeared banners of 
 Allah-ood-deen ; yet Nemesis hovered in the air with her slow- 
 descending but inexorable sword. “ The king, elated by the success 
 “ of his arms, abandoned himself to inordinate pride. He listened . 
 “ no longer to advice, as he sometimes condescended to do in the 
 “ beginning of his reign, but everything was executed by his irrevo- 
 “ cable word. Yet, it is related that the empire never flourished so 
 “ much as in his reign. Order and justice prevailed in the most 
 “ distant provinces, and magnificence raised her head in the land. 
 
 “ Palaces, mosques, universities, baths, mausolea, forts, and all kinds 
 “ of public and private buildings seemed to rise as if by magic. 
 
 “ Neither did there, in any age, appear such a concourse of learned 
 “ men from all parts. 
 
 “ But the king seemed to have now reached the zenith of his 
 “ splendour and power ; and as everything is liable to perish, and' 
 
 “ stability belongs to God alone, so the fullness of the king’s prosperity 
 “ began to decline, and the lustre of his reign to fade away.” He 
 resigned the reins of government entirely into the hands of Mullik 
 Kafoor, the thousand-deenar slave of Cambay, whom he blindly 
 supported in every impolitic and tyrannical measure, thus giving 
 disgust to the nobles, and creating universal discontent among the 
 people. Mullik Kafoor, who had long aspired to the throne, now 
 began seriously to form schemes for the extirpation of the royal 
 line. Khizr Khan, the bridegroom of Dewul Ranee, and Aluf Khan, 
 the destroyer of her father’s throne, were among his first victims, 
 having been accused by him of conspiring against the life of the 
 sultan, and involved in subtle and malignant meshes such as the 
 hand of an Iago alone can weave. “ At this time, also, the flames 
 " of universal insurrection, which had long been smothered, began 
 “ to burst forth, and were first apparent in Goozerat, which rose in 
 “ insurrection,” as if the very soil, which had so long obeyed the 
 successors of Wun Raj, performed her last act of fealty in lighting the 
 funeral pyre of their destroyer. To repress this rebellion the sultan 
 dispatched a distinguished officer, named Kumal Khan, but the 
 followers of Aluf Khan, the murdered viceroy, defeated him with 
 great slaughter. At the same moment, the Rajpoots of Cheetore, ; 
 once again mindful of their ancient fame, hurled the Mohummedan 
 officers from their walls and asserted their independence; while 
 Hurpal, the husband of the sister of Shunkul Dev, raised the Dekkan 
 in arms, and expelled the Moslem garrisons. 
 
KURUN WAGHELA. 
 
 219 
 
 On receiving these accounts Allah-ood-deen, “the murderer,” bit 
 his own flesh in his impotent fury. His grief and rage tended only 
 to increase his disorder, which seemed to defy the power of medicine; 
 and, on the evening of the nineteenth of December, in the year of 
 Christ thirteen hundred and sixteen, he gave up the ghost, not with¬ 
 out suspicion of having been poisoned by the villain whom he had 
 raised from the dust to filch from him the lives of his flesh and blood, 
 and his own dearly bought imperial power. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 FIRST MOHUMMEDAN PERIOD. 
 
 The Mohummedan conquerors possessed themselves immediately of 
 the capital city of Unhilpoor, of the ports of Cambay, Broach, and 
 Surat, and of much of what remained of the crown lands of the 
 dynasty of Sidh Raj. Large tracts of the country, however, continued 
 to be for a length of time wholly independent, and though they were 
 gradually rendered tributary to the Sultans of Ahmedabad, their com¬ 
 plete subjection was never effected by those princes, nor have they, 
 up to the present time, reverted to that natural relation to the para¬ 
 mount power which they bore during the sway of the dynasty of 
 Unhilwara. A branch of the royal Waghela race itself continued to 
 hold much of the country to the west of the Sabhermutee river, while 
 other scions of the same house, separated by the Purmars of Tur- 
 sunghmo and the Rathors of Eedur, maintained themselves in different 
 positions along the mountain line from Veerpoor, on the banks of 
 the Myhee to Poseena, at the most northern verge of Goozerat, be¬ 
 yond the crag-embosomed shrine of Umba Bhuwanee. The Jhalas 
 were firmly fixed in the plains which lie between the lesser Runn of 
 Kutch and the gulf of Cambay ; the Koolee branches of these clans, 
 with frequent other tribes of pure or adulterated aboriginal descent, 
 spread over the Choonwal, and appeared in many remote and inac¬ 
 cessible lands of hill or forest; the banner of Kalee floated under the 
 protection of a line of Rajpoot princes, from the hill of Powungurh 
 on the east; while on the west the descendants of Khengar grasped 
 with tenacity their famous fortress of Joonagurh, controlling, from 
 within its walls, much of the peninsula over which they had long 
 maintained the undisputed sway; and chiefs, deriving pretensions 
 originally from them, showed themselves scattered over the remainder, 
 distinguished among whom were the Gohils, lords of Gogo and 
 Peerum, and of the sea-washed province which derived from them 
 its name of Gohilwar. 
 
 The story of these Hindoo chieftainships is our principal concern. 
 The Mohummedan historians, for the most part, refer to them only 
 under the titles of infidels, insurgents, or rebels. From the accounts, 
 
THE MOHUMMEDANS. 
 
 223 
 
 however, which these Moslems themselves have left us, and which we 
 now give in nearly their own words, it is clear that Goozerat was very 
 far from having been conquered even by the lieutenants of Allah-ood- 
 deen. The task had to be attempted again and again by his suc¬ 
 cessors, and was, in fact, as we shall afterwards see, never fully 
 accomplished. 
 
 Moobarik Khiljy, the son of Allah-ood-deen, after the short-lived 
 usurpation of Mullik Kafoor, ascended the throne of Dehli in a.d. 
 1317, and in the first year of his reign sent Mullik Kamil-ood-deen 
 to allay the disturbances which had already commenced in Goozerat, 
 in which country, as Ferishta relates, rebels had risen up in every 
 direction. This officer having obtained the honor of martyrdom in 
 war with the infidels soon after his appearance in Goozerat, a second 
 army was sent thither under the command of the celebrated Ein-ool- 
 moolk Mooltany, an officer of great abilities, who defeated the in¬ 
 surgents, cut off their chiefs, and settled the country in peace. After 
 this, the king conferred the government of Goozerat upon Zuffur 
 Khan, whose daughter he had taken in marriage. Zuffur Khan soon 
 after marched his army to Unhilwara, which had already been the 
 scene of renewed disturbances ; he reduced the rebels, confiscated 
 their estates, and sent their moveable wealth to the king. This 
 governor, though “ without a fault, and the chief support of the state,” 
 fell a victim soon after to the caprice of his sovereign, being recalled, 
 and put to death. He was succeeded by Hissam-ood-deen, an officer 
 \ of Hindoo descent and of the Purmar blood, who had not long been 
 i established, when, in conjunction with a few nobles, he rebelled, 
 i The other commanders in Goozerat, however, rising in arms, defeated 
 him, and sent him prisoner to Delhi. Mullik Wujeh-ood-deen 
 Koreishy, a brave and active officer, was sent into Goozerat in the 
 place of Hissam-ood-deen, and succeeded in effecting the pacification 
 of the country. On his recall, Mullik Khoosroo, a relation of His¬ 
 sam-ood-deen, and for some time the favorite of the king, was 
 appointed to Goozerat, but his ambition leading him to aspire to the 
 throne of his master, he does not appear to have exercised vice-regal 
 power in person. Moobarik Khiljy, who was the last of his race, was 
 murdered by Mullik Khoosroo in a.d. 1321. 
 
 In the reign of Gheias-ood-deen Toghluk, Taj-ool-moolk was 
 appointed to the government of Goozerat, “ in order that he might 
 “ bring the same into subjection,” and in that of Mohummed Togh¬ 
 luk, Ahmud Ayaz received the government of the province, and 
 Mullik Mokbil was created its vizier. Some other officers at this 
 
224 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 time obtained estates in Goozerat, and one of these, who bore the 
 title of Mullik-oot-Toojar, or chief of the merchants, held the lands 
 of Nowsaree, on the sea-coast below Surat. In a.d. 1327, Toor -1 
 mooshreen Khan, a Mogul general, having invaded Hindoostan, was 
 bribed to retire, by Mohummed Toghluk, at almost the price of the 
 kingdom, and in his retreat passed through Goozerat and Sindh, | 
 both of which countries he plundered, carrying off many of the | 
 inhabitants. 
 
 Twenty years afterwards Mullik Mokbil, who by this time appears 
 to have been appointed to the government of Goozerat, taking alarm 
 at the disaffection evinced by the Umeer Joodeeda, or officers of 
 Mogul blood, made an attempt to secure the royal treasures, with 
 which, and a number of horses collected from the royal stables, he 
 was on his way to Delhi, marching by way of Baroda and Dubhoee, 
 when he was intercepted and plundered by the Umeers, and com¬ 
 pelled to fly to Unhilwara. The king, upon receiving intelligence of 
 this outbreak, prepared to march in person to Goozerat; but first 
 permitted Ayeez, the governor of Malwa, at that officer's request, to 
 attempt the reduction of the rebels. Ayeez entered Goozerat accord¬ 
 ingly; but was defeated, and slain by the Umeers, and the king, 
 informed of his disaster, no longer delayed his own advance. 
 
 Mohummed Toghluk Shah, having reached the hills of Aboogurh, 
 sent one of his generals against the Umeers. A battle was fought in 
 the vicinity of the village of Devee (Deesa?), and the rebels were 
 totally defeated. The king now proceeded by slow marches to 
 Broach ; another action was fought on the banks of the Nerbudda, 
 which likewise terminated favorably for the royal troops—by whom 
 the towns of Cambay and Surat were subsequently sacked. Mo¬ 
 hummed Toghluk proceeded to invest Devgurh, which, under the 
 Mohummedan name of Dowlutabad, he had twice insanely attempted 
 to substitute for Delhi, as the capital of his empire. While employed 
 in the siege, he received intelligence that the Umeer Joodeeda of 
 Goozerat, joined by many of the zumeendars, or Hindoo land¬ 
 holders, had not only taken possession of Unhilwara, but had put to 
 death the imperial deputy ; had imprisoned the governor; and, after 
 having plundered Cambay, were now engaged in besieging Broach. 
 The emperor, quitting his lines before Dowlutabad, marched to 
 Broach, the rebels retreating before him to Cambay, at which place 
 they made a stand, and defeated the officers sent in pursuit of them 
 by the shah. Mohummed Toghluk, breathing nothing but revenge, 
 hastened to Cambay; the rebels again retired before him ; but, in 
 consequence of the state of the roads, and the unfavorable weather, 
 
THE MOHUMMEDANS. 
 
 225 
 
 the king was compelled to halt his army at Ashawul, a town situated 
 near the present city of Ahmedabad. The rebels, meanwhile, having 
 recruited their army at Unhilwara, advanced to meet the king; a 
 further action was fought at Kuree, in which the imperial arms were 
 victorious ; the rebels fled to Sindh, and Mohummed Toghluk entered 
 the city of Wun Raj, where he remained some time employed in the 
 restoration of order. 
 
 The king spent the greatest part of that year in Goozerat recruiting 
 his army, and the year following he was employed in besieging Joona- 
 gurh and reducing Kutch. He was, however, attacked with a 
 dangerous disorder at Goondul, in the neighbourhood of Joonagurh, 
 which, though it proved eventually fatal, did not at the time prevent 
 his marching with his army to the banks of the Indus, where he 
 chastised the Soomuree Prince of Sindh, who had sheltered the 
 fugitive Umeers. 
 
 In the reign of Feroze Toghluk, that sovereign, after his conquest 
 of Nuggur Kot, had undertaken operations in Sindh which the rains 
 compelled him to suspend. He moved his army, therefore, into 
 Goozerat, where he remained until the season allowed of his returning 
 to Sindh. Some years afterwards (a.d. 1376), the revenue of Gooze¬ 
 rat being greatly deficient, the king was induced to listen to the 
 proposals of an officer named Shums-ood-deen Dumghany, who 
 offered to give a large sum above the usual payment in case of his 
 being appointed to the government. The king, after having enquired 
 of the existing viceroy whether he would offer the same terms, and 
 received a refusal, consented to the appointment of Shums-ood-deen, 
 who accordingly repaired to the seat of his government; but soon 
 j after, being unable to fulfil his engagements, went into rebellion. The 
 people, whom he had greatly oppressed, seizing this opportunity of 
 revenge, joined the foreign Umeers of the province, and Shums-ood- 
 deen was, by their united forces, defeated and slain. Furhut-ool- 
 Moolk held the government from this time till a.d. 1387 ; and when, 
 in that year, another officer was nominated to replace him, rose in 
 rebellion, and, being joined by the foreign officers, defeated and 
 slew his proposed successor. He was confirmed in the office of 
 Governor of Goozerat by Gheias-ood-deen Toghluk, and retained it 
 until a.d. 1390, when he again rebelled, with the view of establishing 
 hjs independence. In furtherance of his object, Furhut-ool-Moolk 
 • strove to conciliate the Hindoos by encouraging their religion. His 
 conduct, however, alarmed the orthodox Mohummedans, who 
 addressed petitions to the throne, pointing out both the political 
 views of their governor, and the danger to which he was exposing 
 
 Q 
 
226 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the faith of Islam. A nobleman of the court, himself of the Hindoo 
 blood of the Tak, or Takshac, race, was then appointed viceroy of 
 Goozerat, under the title of Moozuffer Khan ; and, to add to his 
 dignity, was presented with the white canopy and scarlet pavilion, 
 exclusively used by kings. Moozuffer Khan, having entered Gooze¬ 
 rat, and advanced into the vicinity of the capital, was met at Sidhpoor 
 by his rival with an army composed chiefly of Hindoos. An en¬ 
 gagement ensued, in which Furhut-ool-Moolk was defeated and 
 slain. Moozuffer Khan now, in the name of his imperial master, 
 assumed the reins of government at Unhilwara (a.d. 1391). 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE WAGHELAS—LOONAWARA—THE SHODA PURMARS—THE KATEES 
 —THE JHALAS—EEDUR—THE GOHILS OF PEERUM. 
 
 Though the stem of the Solunkhees was uprooted, it was not before 
 many of its branches, “ like those of their own indigenous burr-tree,” 
 had fixed themselves in the soil. Beyond the limits of Goozerat, 
 one branch of the YVaghela tribe is said to have given its name to 
 the province of Waghelkhund, or Baghelkhund, in Gondwana ; and the 
 Thakor of Roopnuggur, a chieftain of Mewar, whose stronghold 
 commands one of the passes into that country, and whose family 
 has been famed in the annals of border feuds, still lays claim to 
 Solunkhee blood, and boasts his possession of the war-shell of the 
 great Sidh Raj as an ancestral heir-loom. 
 
 As regards Goozerat, the Waghelas, it appears, at first maintained 
 themselves in the districts to the west of the Sabhermutee, including 
 “ the Bhal,” and held also the country since called Jhalawar, where 
 we find one of their chiefs seated at Wudwan, with a powerful vassal 
 at Syela. From this latter part of their possessions, however, they 
 not long subsequently retired before the Jhalas and others ; and in 
 the reign of Ahmed Shah we shall find them seated at Kulol and 
 Sanund, in the districts most exposed to the Mohummedan arms. 
 
 Another branch of the Solunkhees, under Veer Bhudrajee, estab¬ 
 lished themselves at Veerpoor, on the Myhee, where they settled at 
 the hill of Owtul Mata, and acquired the distinguishing name of 
 Veerpoora Solunkhees. We have no further information in regard 
 to this branch than the bardic statement that in a.d. 1434 they settled 
 
THE kAtEES. 
 
 227 
 
 at Loonawara, which town they founded by the blessing of Shree 
 Looneshwur Muha Dev. Other supposed offshoots of the Solun- 
 khee tribe are to be found among the Koolee chieftains of the 
 Choonwal, of whom hereafter. 
 
 The Shoda tribe, a powerful branch of the Purmar race, ruled 
 part of Sindh from remote antiquity, and to a very late period were 
 lords of Oomur Kot and Oomura-Soomura, in which division was 
 Arore, the ancient capital of Sindh. The isolated and now dependent 
 chieftainship of Dhat in the Indian desert, of which Oomur Kot is 
 the capital, separates the Bhatees from the Jharejas, and is still held 
 by a prince of Purmar race and Shoda tribe. 1 Another branch of 
 the Shoda Purmars entered Goozerat at the time of which we are 
 now treating. A branch of the Waghelas, it is said, then held Wud- 
 wan, in after times the property of the Jhalas. Wudla, the Waghela 
 Raja of Wudwan, assigned Syela and other villages as a putto, or 
 feudal grant, to the Chubad Rajpoots, of whom the following story 
 is related by the bards :— 
 
 A famine having occurred at Parkur, two thousand Shoda Purmars 
 with their wives and children, under the leading of two chiefs named 
 Moojo and Lugdheer, came to the Punchal country, where they 
 formed a collection of huts at a place called Ghagureeo, a few miles 
 to the east of Moolee. The Chubad chief of Syela, fancying that 
 the Shodas were wealthy and unprotected, sought occasion for 
 plundering them. He arranged a sporting excursion, and pretending 
 that a partridge which he had wounded had taken shelter among 
 their huts, demanded that it should be given up. Such a demand 
 it was altogether inconsistent with Rajpoot honor to accede to; a 
 contest, therefore, was the result, and many, both of the Chubads 
 and Shodas, were slain. “ A wild partridge came to the chief’s door. 
 “ * 0 oppose the Chubad they mounted and stood in arms at the- 
 
 gate. O ! Moojo, this is my partridge,’ the enemy demanded; 
 “ but, fired with pride, the Purmar lord refused to surrender it. In 
 “ the morning, with the Chubad the Shodas fought; five hundred 
 “ Chubads, seven score Shodas fell. Moojo, risking his life for the 
 “ sake of a bird, won fame. The north star may move, Meroo fall, 
 
 Girnar revolve, but the Purmar cannot turn his back to the foe. 
 
 “ His dwelling Kundol, Choteela his fortress, his lands at Moolee— 
 “ give the Purmar so much, he seeks no more.” The chief of Syela, 
 who had himself fallen, left a sister married to the Waghela of Wud- 
 
 1 Tod’s Rajasthan, vol. i., pp. 43,45, 92, 93 - 
 
228 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 wan. She pressed her husband to take revenge from those who had 
 killed her brother; but Wudla had given his word of honor (kol) 
 to the chief of the Shodas, and was prevented, therefore, from openly 
 proceeding against him. At this time two Bheel chieftains, named 
 Aho and Phuto, were very powerful in Goozerat, and from their 
 impregnable strongholds, in the ravines of the Sabhermutee river, 
 used to ravage the country of the Waghelas. The Wudwan Raja, 
 thinking to rid himself of the Shodas, demanded that they should 
 attack these Bheel fortresses. The Shodas entered Aho Bheel’s fort 
 by stratagem, and put him to death, with many of his followers, 
 r They next proceeded against Phuto, and slew him also. In recom¬ 
 pense for these exploits, the Waghela of Wudwan conferred upon the 
 Shodas four “ Choveeses ” or districts of four-and-twenty villages each, 
 
 , those, namely, of Moolee, Than, Choteela, and Choburee. 
 
 The Katees were vassals of the Soomuree King of Sindh, and 
 lived in Pawur-land. Once on a time a female dancer ridiculed the 
 king as she performed before him, upon which she was condemned to 
 banishment from his territories. The Katee chiefs, however, called 
 the actress to their quarters, and amused themselves by causing her 
 to sing the song which had offended the king, d he Sindh chief 
 being informed of this behaviour, issued sentence of expulsion against 
 the Katees also. At this time a raja of the Walo race ruled at 
 Dhank, near Dhorajee, in Soreth. The Katee chiefs flying from 
 Sindh, took refuge in his dominions, and became his followers. One 
 of the Katees, named Umuro Putgur, had a very beautiful daughter 
 named Umura Baee, whom the Walo fell in love with and demanded 
 of her father in marriage. Umuro agreed to the celebration of the 
 marriage, on condition that the Walo should eat at the same table 
 with him’. Hereupon the brothers of the Chief of Dhank conspired 
 against him as one who had lost caste, and drove him from his 
 throne. He took refuge with the Katees, who accepted him as their 
 leader, and laid plans, under his direction, for seizing territory from 
 the Bhoomeeas—the men of the land. The Walo retained from his 
 forefathers the worship of the sun, which religion was adopted from 
 him by the Katees. Once when the Walo lay asleep, dreaming of 
 his lost gras or landed inheritance, Sooruj appeared to him and said, 
 “ Go forth to fight, trusting in me. I will aid you, and give you 
 “ victory, and you shall erect a temple for my worship.” With the 
 aid of Shree Sooruj, the Walo and his Katee followers conquered 
 many villages, and amongst others, seized Than and Choteela from 
 the Shodas. At Than, which they made their capital, they erected a 
 temple to the sun, whose deity is worshipped there to this day. 
 
THE JHALAS. 229 
 
 They attempted also to conquer the Moolee Chovees under the lead¬ 
 ing of Rago Chawuro, one of the Katee chieftains, but the Shoda 
 Purmar, Rajo Sutmal, engaged them and slew Rago. 
 
 “ Collecting his army, he caused the Choodasuma and the Gohil 
 “ to tremble—a warrior that could not be tamed, he gallopped his 
 “ horse afar. Like a mighty Dev, valiant was the son of Sutmal. 
 “ Had you not heard of this Rajojee, O ! Rago ? 
 
 “ Sometimes only, a man meets with a man. In the field, O ! 
 “ Chawuro, you are a fighter, it is true; but the Purmar, too, is a 
 “ warrior of might. Unless pierced by the point of the spear, how 
 “ should he resign his lands ! What did he not endure for a partridge 
 “ only of old ! Honor be to the race of Shoda, the ever proud ! ” 
 
 The Walo chief had, by his Katee bride, three sons, Khooman, 
 Khachur, and Horsur-Wala, who shared his acquired territories 
 between them. They took up their residences, respectively, at 
 Choteela, Meetheealoo, and Jetpoor; and were the founders of the 
 three Katee tribes called after their names. The Katees were 
 originally divided into eight branches ; but these now assumed the 
 common name of Ewurteeas, or foreigners, distinguishing them from 
 the Ghurderas (seniors), or Wala-Katees, the descendants of the sons 
 of the outcaste Chief of Dhank and his wife Umura Baee. 
 
 Next to the Waghelas in nearness of relationship to the dynasty of 
 Unhilwara, and like them in having acquired large territorial 
 possessions at its fall, are the Jhalas. We first hear of them under 
 the name of Mukwanas, at Keruntee Gurh, or Kero Kot; 1 at which 
 place Veheeas ruled in succession to numerous ancestors, when the 
 Waghelas were the sovereigns of Goozerat. 
 
 “When Veheeas,” says the bard, “took to his bed, at Keruntee- 
 “ gurh, his life would not pass from his body. Kesur, his son, said 
 “ to him, ‘ Father! how is it that your soul does not obtain 
 “ liberation ? ’ Veheeas answered—‘ There is a city named Sameiyoo, 
 “ in which Humeer Soomero, my enemy, rules. If you will promise 
 “ to carry off a hundred and twenty-five horses, bred in his stable, 
 “ and present them to the bards on the thirteenth day after my death, 
 “ I shall be released.’ The brothers and brothers’ sons of Veheeas 
 “ stood around him, but no one of them made any answer. Then 
 
 1 Kero Kot is, we are informed, a small village, still so called, near Butchow, in 
 Kutch, where there are traces of an old city, extending as widely as those at Wul- 
 leh. The name does not appear in the maps unless the place indicated be “ Kunt 
 ' Kot,” mentioned as the refuge of Mool Raj, of Unhilwara, during the invasion of 
 ! the King of Sanibhur. Vide p. 38. 
 
230 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ Kesur, although he was a minor, stepped forward, and, pouring 
 “ water into his father’s hand, promised that he would perform his 
 “ command. Thereupon Veheeas passed to Dev-Lok.” 
 
 When the thirteenth day came round, Kesur put off his mourning, 
 and invited his kinsmen to accompany him to Sameiyoo. Some one 
 muttered—“ No one will go to throw away his life with you.” Kesur 
 heeded them not; he trusted in his own strength. His arms reached 
 below his knees ; he wielded a spear that was fifty pounds in weight: 
 he was armed with bow and arrow ; he rode on a horse that resembled 
 the eagle upon which Vishnoo is borne. He went to Sameiyoo and 
 fulfilled his promise by bringing off the horses thence, and presenting 
 them to the bards. 
 
 Kesur sent for his astrologer, and enquired how many days were 
 allotted to him to live. The wise man, having consulted his 
 horoscope, predicted his early death. Kesur said, “No one will know 
 “ of it if I die seated in the corner of the house; my name will be 
 “ famous if I die in fight.” Thus considering, he went again to 
 Sameiyoo, and finding seven hundred camels of Humeer’s grazing 
 beside the river Menee, he carried them off, and presented them to 
 bards at Kerunteegurh. Still no army of Humeer’s set out from 
 Sameiyoo. Kesur went, therefore, upon a third foray. It was the 
 Dussera festival; the wife and daughter of Humeer, seated in a 
 chariot, repaired to a garden to take their pleasure. From thence 
 Kesur carried them off; a hundred and twenty-five Soomuree ladies 
 he carried off with them. Humeer now sent his minister to 
 Keruntee-gurh, who, when he arrived, stated that the ladies were the 
 wives and sisters of Humeer, and that it became Kesur to send them 
 back with presents, in the fashion of married ladies returning from 
 their parents’ house. Kesur laughed, and said the property should 
 not be given up; and that the ladies were his own wives. The 
 minister returned with this answer to Sameiyoo. 
 
 Kesur sent for his kinsmen, as many of them as were at Keruntee, 
 and distributed to them a Soomuree lady a-piece. He retained four 
 for himself—in addition to his other numerous wives. Ten or twelve 
 years passed away, and the feud still continued. Eighteen sons were 
 born in this time to Kesur and his brothers, whose mothers were the 
 Soomuree ladies. At length Humeer sent to say, “ I would come to 
 “ fight with you, but Keruntee is a salt country; what subsistence 
 “ could my army find there?” Kesur sent answer, “ I will sow a 
 “ thousand acres with green wheat for your army.” Then Humeer 
 “ came to Keruntee-gurh, and in the battles that ensued, many 
 Rajpoots lost their lives. Among the rest Kesur fell with his 
 
THE JHALAS. 
 
 231 
 
 sons, of whom only Hurpal survived. His brothers and nephews also 
 fell, and Keruntee being destroyed, the Soomuree ladies burned 
 themselves with their husbands. 
 
 Hurpal, the son of Kesur, took refuge at Unhilwara Puttun, where 
 Ghelaro Kurun, the Waghela, ruled. The spear of Hurpal was as 
 heavy as his father’s, and he and Kurun were sister’s sons, therefore 
 he was well received at Puttun. Kurun was at this time suffering much 
 annoyance from a Bhoot, named Baburo, who had taken to himself 
 the favorite Ranee, Phoola Devee, of Janjmer Tulaja. Hurpal 
 attacked the Bhoot, and seizing him by his lock of hair, which ren¬ 
 dered him powerless, forced him to swear that he would never again 
 cause annoyance at Puttun. He demanded a further promise from 
 Baburo, which was, that he should attend him whenever he was in 
 difficulty and required his aid. The Bhoot assented. Hurpal had 
 afterwards a similar contest with a Shuktee Devee, whom he subdued, 
 and compelled to become his wife. 
 
 One morning, Kurun being seated in his court, sent for Hurpal, 
 the Mukwano, who came and stood before him ; Kurun invited him 
 to ask a boon in reward for his services ; he asked for as many 
 villages as he could bind garlands upon in one night Kurun made 
 him a written grant to that effect. When Hurpal returned home, the 
 Shuktee asked what present Kurun had made him, and, when she 
 was informed, took upon herself the task of binding the garlands. 
 Hurpal also called in the assistance of Baburo, the Bhoot, who 
 attended him with his followers, a lakh and a quarter in number. 
 They set out at nine in the evening, and fixed the first garland at 
 Patree, then at its six hundred dependent villages. At four in the 
 morning they had returned to Puttun, having bound garlands upon 
 the gates of two thousand villages. Next morning the king having 
 mounted a minister upon a dromedary, sent him out to make enquiry 
 as to the number of villages which had become the property of the 
 Mukwano. The list contained two thousand names, and Kurun 
 having read it, confirmed his previous grant. 1 
 
 1 The founder of a new village, after ascertaining from the astrologers the 
 fortunate hour, erects two posts, between which he suspends a garland of leaves. 
 This represents a Keerttee Stumbh. At the same time he sets up a water-vessel, 
 which he worships as an emblem of his family goddess. He then worships 
 Hunooman, and concludes by giving a feast. 
 
 With the story in the text compare the following :— 
 
 “ The Tichborne Dole. —The family of Tichborne date their possession of 
 the present patrimony, the manor of Tichborne, so far back as 200 years before the 
 Conquest. When the Lady Mabella, worn out with age and infirmity, was lying 
 on her deathbed, she besought her loving husband, as her last request, that he 
 
RAS mAlA. 
 
 232 
 
 When Kurun went into his female apartments, at noon, the Ranee 
 saw that something had occurred to cause him grief. She pressed 
 him to tell her why he was sad, and was informed that Hurpal had 
 taken two thousand villages. The Ranee had adopted Hurpal as 
 her bracelet-bound brother, so she caused her chariot to be yoked, 
 and set off to demand of him a bodice. Hurpal met her at the gate 
 of his mansion, and said, “ Sister 1 for what purpose are you come ? ” 
 She said she had come for a bodice, and he gave up to her the five 
 hundred villages constituting the district called the Bhal. 
 
 Baburo Bhoot, in assenting to Hurpal’s demand that he should serve 
 him when required, had added the following condition—“As soon as 
 “ the tasks you set me are performed, I shall devour you.” Hurpal 
 was, therefore, now compelled to devise means for ridding himself of 
 Baburo—the Bhoot declaring his intention of exacting the penalty 
 that had been provided. At length Hurpal ordered Baburo to bring 
 a tall pole. The Bhoot brought one immediately. Hurpal said, “ Fix 
 
 would grant her the means of leaving behind her a charitable bequest, in a dole of 
 bread to be distributed to all who should apply for it annually on the Feast of the 
 Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Sir Roger, her husband, readily 
 acceded to her request, by promising the produce of as much land as she could go 
 over, in the vicinity of the park, while a certain brand or billet was burning, 
 supposing that, from her long infirmity (for she had been bedridden for some years), 
 she would be able to go round a small portion only of his property. The venerable 
 dame, however, ordered her attendants to convey her to the corner of the park, 
 where, being deposited on the ground, she seemed to receive a renovation of 
 strength, and, to the surprise of her anxious and admiring lord, who began to 
 wonder where her pilgrimage might end, she crawled round several rich and goodly 
 acres. The field which was the scene of the Lady Mabella’s extraordinary feat 
 retains the name of “Crawls” to this day. It is situated near the entrance of the 
 park, and contains an area of 23 acres. Her task being completed, she was 
 reconveyed to her chamber, and summoning her family to her bedside predicted its 
 prosperity while the annual dole existed, and left her malediction on any of her 
 descendants who should be so mean or covetous as to discontinue or divert it, pro¬ 
 phesying that when such should happen the old house would fall, and the family 
 name would become extinct from the failure of heirs male, and that this would be 
 foretold by a generation of seven sons being followed immediately after by a 
 generation of seven daughters and no son. The custom thus founded in the reign 
 of Henry II. continued to be observed for centuries; and the 25th of March be¬ 
 came the annual festive day of the family. It was not until the middle of the last 
 century that the custom was abused ; when, under the pretence of attending the 
 Tichborne Dole, vagabonds, gypsies, and idlers of every description assembled 
 from all quarters, pilfering throughout the neighbourhood ; and, at last, the gentry 
 and magistrates complaining, it was discontinued in 1796. Singularly enough, 
 the baronet of the day had seven sons ; and when he was succeeded by the eldest, 
 there appeared a generation of seven daughters, and the apparent fulfilment of the 
 prophecy was completed by the change of the name of the late baronet to Doughty, 
 under the will of his kinswoman .”—Winchester Observer. 
 
EEDUR. 
 
 233 
 
 “ it in the ground and go on climbing up and down it; when that 
 “ task is completed you may devour me.” Thus was Hurpal relieved 
 of his cause for anxiety. 1 
 
 The race of Hurpal and the Shuktee spread like the branches of a 
 creeper of paradise ; Shedo, Mangoo, and Shekuro were their sons ; 
 and they had a daughter, Baee Ooma Devee. One day the Shuktee’s 
 sons were playing in the courtyard of the palace, when an elephant 
 belonging to the king got loose; she stretched forth her hand and 
 laid hold of them (jhala), whence they derived the name of Jhala. 
 
 “ I have heard of you as a warrior who conquered all the demons; I have 
 “ heard of you as a warrior who had a Shuktee for a Ranee; I have 
 “ heard of you as a warrior who took possession of two thousand vil- 
 “ lages. Hurpal ! great, with a hand like Yuma’s, I behold your 
 “ power daily increasing. There is no warrior upon earth, 0 ! son of 
 “ Kesur, equal to you. 
 
 “ In Patree the Mukwano built many a palace. The Ranee sat at 
 “ the window; no one knew that she was a Shuktee. The king’s 
 “ elephant broke loose; she saw, from a distance, the princes playing. 
 “ Shedo, Mangoo, and Shekuro, extending her hand, she laid hold 
 “ upon; she gave them the title of Jhala.” 
 
 The fortress of Eedur is situated on the south-western face of the 
 range of hills which connects the chains of Vindhya and Arawullee. 
 It consists of a piece of table-land, elevated to a considerable height 
 above the plains, and surrounded with eminences, the gaps intervening 
 between which are artificially filled in, and strengthened by ramparts. 
 The town of Eedur, which is surrounded by a handsome stone wall, 
 with circular bastions, nestles at the foot of the hill; it is hardly per¬ 
 ceptible from even a very short distance, being screened by small 
 rocky hillocks, from which frown outworks, mounted with cannon, 
 and manned respectively by the Jetawuts, the Koompawuts, the 
 Chohans, or other warlike vassals of the sovereign. From the residence 
 of the Rathor princes, situated at the back of the town, beside a reser- 
 
 1 Compare the following :—Michael Scott was, once upon a time, much embar¬ 
 rassed by a spirit, for whom he was under the necessity of finding constant employ¬ 
 ment. He commanded him to build a cauld , or dam-head, across the Tweed at 
 Kelso ; it was accomplished in one night, and still does honor to the infernal archi¬ 
 tect. Michael next ordered that Eildon-hill, which was then an uniform cone, 
 should be divided into three. Another night was sufficient to part its summit into 
 the three picturesque peaks which it now bears. At length the enchanter con¬ 
 quered this indefatigable demon by employing him in the hopeless and endless 
 task of making ropes out of sea-sand.— Appendix to the Lay of the Last Minstrel. 
 
234 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 voir of water, a steep and easily defensible pathway conducts through 
 more than one gateway and fortified work to the plateau of the fortress. 
 The two most conspicuous peaks of the hill above are crowned by 
 edifices; that on the left, a Hindoo temple, which tradition knows as 
 the guard-room of Runmul, one of the old Rows of Eedur; that on 
 the right, a small dome-covered structure, called “ the Palace of the 
 mourning Queen.” The level plain in front of the town of Eedur was, 
 until lately, covered by a thick and impenetrable forest of stunted 
 trees, which completed the defences of the fortress, and assisted in 
 giving to it that impregnable character which it bore of old, and which 
 is attested by the proverbial saying used throughout Goozerat, to 
 signify the successful conclusion of a hopeless undertaking,— 
 
 “I have captured Eedur-gurh.” 
 
 Eedur is first known in tradition as Il-doorg, the residence, in the 
 Dwapur Yoog, or third age, of Ailwun, the Rakshus and his brother, 
 Watapee. These demons harassed the surrounding country, which 
 the indulgence of their cannibal propensities rendered desolate; they 
 were at last destroyed by Ugust Reeshee. In the Kul Yoog, or iron 
 age, when Yoodishteer was fresh in men’s recollection, and Vikrum 
 had not yet arisen to free the world from the load of debt, Yenee 
 Wuch Raj ruled in Eedur. He was the possessor of a magical figure 
 of gold, which furnished him with resources for constructing the for¬ 
 tress on the hill and its various reservoirs. The Queen of Venee 
 Wuch Raj was a Nagpootree, the daughter of one of the snake kings 
 of Patal, or the infernal regions. They reigned there happily for 
 many years, and then, as the story goes, suddenly disappeared. “ Once 
 “ on a time the Raja and the Ranee were seated together in an oriel 
 “ window of their palace in Eedur-gurh, when the corpse of a man 
 “ who had died in the city was carried past, followed by a mourning 
 “ train. The Ranee enquired the meaning of this melancholy pageant, 
 “and was informed by her husband that the mourners lamented one 
 “ who was dead. ‘ Let us not remain in a place like this, where men 
 “ die,’ said the Ranee. Wuch Raj and his queen then went to the 
 “ hill of Tarun Mother, and entering a fissure in the rock, close by 
 “ the spot where the goddess is now worshipped, they descended to 
 “ Patal. Thereafter the land lay desolate for many years.” 
 
 When Wullubheenugger fell, Pooshpawutee, one of die queens of 
 Sheeladitya, was at the shrine of Umba Bhuwanee at Arasoor, which 
 she had visited for the purpose of laying upon the altar of the goddess 
 a votive offering in acknowledgment of her expectation of offspring. 
 She was on her return, when the intelligence arrived which blasted 
 
THE GHOILS OF PEERUM. 
 
 2 35 
 
 all her future hopes, by depriving her of her lord, and robbing him, 
 whom the goddess had promised to her prayers, of his ancestral crown. 
 She took refuge in a cave in the mountains, where she was delivered 
 of a son, thence called “ Goha,” or cave-born. The queen confided 
 the infant to a Brahminee, and enjoined her to educate him as one of 
 her own caste, but to marry him to the daughter of a Rajpoot. She 
 then mounted the funeral pile to follow her lord. At this period 
 . Eedur was in the hands of the Bheels. The young Goha, soon aban¬ 
 doning his Brahmin mother, frequented the forest in their company, 
 
 : and by his daring character rendered himself their favorite. The 
 Bheels, in sport, having determined to elect a king, the choice 
 fell upon Goha, and one of the “children of the forest” cutting his 
 finger, applied the blood as the teeluk of sovereignty to his forehead. 
 Thus Goha, the son of Sheeladitya, became lord of the forests and 
 mountains of Eedur. His descendants are said to have dwelt in these 
 regions for several generations. The Bheels, at length, tired of a 
 foreign rule, assailed Nagaditya, the eighth prince of the line of Goha, 
 and deprived him of his life, but his infant son, Bappa, then only three 
 years old, was saved to become the founder of the dynasty of Mewar. 1 
 
 After these events, some Pureehar Rajpoots came from Mundowur 
 in Marwar, and binding the garland upon its gates, refounded Eedur, 
 
 ; where they ruled for several generations. In the time of Pureehar 
 Umur Singh, the Raja of Kanouj, Jeychund Dule Pangulo, was 
 j performing sacrifice on account of the marriage of his daughter, Sun- 
 yogeeta. He sent letters of invitation to all rajas. Eedur was then 
 subject to Cheetor, and Sumurshee Rawul having been invited by his 
 brother-in-law, Prutheeraj, to accompany him to the marriage, sum- 
 moned his vassal, Umur Singh, to attend him. The Pureehar chief- 
 i tain, with his son and a body of five thousand horse, went to Cheetor, 
 and soon after they were cut to pieces in the great battle in which 
 Prutheeraj was defeated by the Mohummedans. When the tale was 
 told at Eedur, many of the Ranees became Sutees, casting themselves 
 from a precipitous cliff to the north of Eedur, which still bears the name 
 of “ the Ranees’ leap,” or “ the hill of murders.” 
 
 Umur Singh had left Eedur in the hands of a servant of his, named 
 ; Hathee Sord, a Koolee, in whom he had great confidence. Hathee 
 retained possession of the country until his death, and was succeeded 
 by his son, Samulyo Sord, in whose time the Rathors first appeared 
 in Eedur. 
 
 After the death of Jeychund Dule Pangulo, Seeyojee Rathor, who 
 1 Vide Tod’s Rajasthan, i., p. 220. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 236 
 
 is reputed to have been his son, left Kanouj and established himself 
 in the sandy deserts of Marwar. He had three sons, of whom the 
 elder, Astanjee, succeeded him ; Sonungjee and Ujjee, the two younger 
 sons, “ considered that they had better go to some foreign country 
 “ for their subsistence.” They repaired to the court of Unhilwara, 
 whose sovereign, probably Bheem Dev II., was their mother’s 
 brother. The Solunkhee prince assigned to them the fief of Sametura, 
 in the district of Kuree. Ujjee Rathor soon after espoused the daughter 
 of a Chowra chieftain, whose estate lay near Dwarka. This connec¬ 
 tion gave him an acquaintance with that part of the country, which 
 led him to seek an establishment therein; soon afterwards, therefore, 
 he slew Bhoj Raj Chowra, and possessed himself of Dwarka and of 
 the province of Okamundul. Ujjee left two sons, Wagajee and 
 Wadheljee, whose descendants are still numerous in that country 
 under the names of Wajas and Wadhels. 
 
 Samulyo Sord was, meanwhile, exciting the discontent of his subjects 
 at Eedur by his tyrannical conduct. The Nagur Brahmins were at 
 that time very numerous in the Sord’s dominions, and the leading man 
 of the caste was also the principal adviser of the sovereign. The 
 Brahmin had a very beautilul daughter, whom the raja, happening 
 one day to see, became enamoured of, and demanded in marriage. 
 The minister knew that if he ventured upon a direct refusal, Samulyo 
 would take his daughter away by force; he therefore counterfeited 
 acquiescence, and merely begged for half-a-year’s delay, in order that 
 he might make suitable preparations for the nuptials. In the interval 
 he hoped to discover some powerful chieftain whom he might call in 
 to his aid. The Brahmin, with this view, paid a visit at Sametura, at 
 the court of Prince Sonungjee, to whom he introduced himself, asking 
 him if he had the courage to take Eedur, with its nine lakhs of revenue. 
 Sonungjee assented. The minister, returning home, gave out that he 
 was making preparations for the marriage, and was, with the view to 
 its celebration, assembling his relations. By twos and threes, a hun¬ 
 dred carriages, supposed to contain Brahmin ladies, conveyed to the 
 minister’s mansion the Marwaree warriors and their leader. A number 
 of Koonbees were employed to collect goats and supplies of liquor. 
 The minister at length announced that his preparations were complete, 
 and sent to bid Samulyo Sord and his relations to the feast. The 
 bridegroom’s party arrived, was duly welcomed, and freely supplied 
 with intoxicating liquors and drugs. The minister then ordered his 
 servants to serve the second course. This was the signal which had 
 been agreed upon. The Rajpoots, therefore, rushed forward, and 
 surrounded the room in which the revelling was held. The doors 
 
 Utl- 
 
EEDUR 
 
 237 
 
 were then locked, that no one might be allowed to escape, but a 
 party of Koolees from without forced them open, and brought out 
 Samulyo Sord. The chieftain strove to cut his way through his 
 enemies, and regain the fortress, but a number of his followers were 
 slain on the steep ascent, and Samulyo himself fell within a short dis¬ 
 tance of the gate of Eedurgurh. When Row Sonungjee came up to 
 the spot where the Sord chieftain lay dying, Samulyo raising himself 
 for the last time, made the royal teeluk on the victorious Rathor’s 
 } forehead with his own blood, and begged him, with his dying breath, 
 to appoint, for the preservation of his name, that each Rathor Row, 
 
 \ on mounting the royal cushion of Eedur, should be marked with the 
 teeluk by a Sord, who should draw blood for the purpose from his own 
 right hand, and say, “ May the kingdom of Samulyo Sord flourish ! ” 
 Row Sonungjee assenting, Samulyo soon breathed his last. 
 
 The wife of Samulyo, who was pregnant, fled, and took refuge in 
 a cave at the foot of the hill sacred to Muha Dev Khokurnath. She 
 was there sheltered by the recluse who served the temple, and gave 
 birth to a son, from whom descend the Koolees, of Surwan, on the 
 Mewar frontier, and of Khokur, in Puttunwara. 
 
 The spots on the ascent to Eedurgurh, which are supposed to 
 have been stained with the blood of Samulyo and his slaughtered 
 followers, are still marked by the Hindoos with vermillion on “ the 
 \ “ dark fourteenth,” and other days on which Hunooman is wor¬ 
 shipped ; and when the descendant of Row Sonungjee assumes the 
 cushion of his ancestors in their last retreat at Pol, a Koolee of 
 Surwan is, to the present day, employed to mark, with blood 
 upon his forehead, the royal teeluk which asserts his yet unsur¬ 
 rendered title to the domains of Samulyo. 
 
 “ The Gohils,” says Colonel Tod, “claim, with some pretension, 
 “ to be of the race of the sun.” The accounts to which we have had 
 access, however, make them of the race of Chundra, or the moon, 
 descending through Shaleewahun, the conqueror of Vikramaditya. 
 Their first residence was Joona Khergurh, on the banks of the Loony 
 river, in Marwar, ten miles west of Bhalotra. They took it from one 
 of the aboriginal Bheel chiefs, named Kherwo, and had been in 
 possession of it for twenty generations, when they were expelled by 
 the Rathors. Their long possession of this seat in the “ land of 
 “ death,” is asserted by the title of “ Muroo,” which their chieftain 
 still assumes. 
 
 It was under the guidance of Sejuk, the son of Janjurshee, that 
 ; the Gohils retired from Marwar. The cause of their departure was 
 a feud excited between them and their neighbours, the Dabhees, by 
 
238 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the Rathor clan, under Astanjee, the son of Seeyojee II., then 
 making their first settlement in the land of Muroo. “ The Dabhees,” 
 says the bard, “ behaved treacherously to the Gohils—treacherously 
 “ did they seek to destroy Sejuk. To a feast they invited the 
 “ Muroo, intending to put him to death. Clever was the Dabhee’s 
 “ daughter ; she was the Queen of Sejuk. The virtuous wife became 
 “ aware of the intentions of her kindred ; yoking her chariot she 
 “ went forth ; she came to Sejuk’s house, and related to him the 
 “ whole matter. When Muroo set forth, he called his good warriors, 
 “ and acquainted them with the design; they armed themselves, and 
 “ attended him. To murder Sejuk the chieftains assembled; he 
 “ knew their treachery, and came to meet them. The warriors struck 
 “ at each other. Sejuk had been invited to a feast. Strange it was 
 “ that they should slay each other. In the hall the dishes remained 
 “ filled ; in the hall the sword moved; the chieftains caused wounds 
 “ in each other’s bodies, gaping like the opened windows of great 
 “ mansions. Janjurshee’s son, brandishing his dagger, struck it into 
 “ the breast of Man. Fighting with the Dabhees, as if hunting 
 “ game, the Gohil finished his sport, and went home joyfully to Kher. 
 “ Man he sent to the house of Yuma.” The Rathors, who had set 
 the parties at enmity, finding them both weakened by the losses 
 which their feud had occasioned, now stept in, and seized the booty 
 for themselves, expelling the belligerent clans from the land of Muroo. 
 Hence the proverb,— 
 
 “ Dabhees left, and Gohils right.” 
 
 Sejukjee assembled his clan; and, taking with him his minister, 
 Sha Rajpal Umeepal, and his family priest, Gungaram Wullubhram, 
 of which latter the descendants still exist at Seehore, set forth to 
 seek his fortune “ in foreign lands.” The image of his god, Mor- 
 leedhur, and the trident of his family, Khetrapal (or Lar), were 
 placed upon a chariot which preceded the line of march; for Mor- 
 leedhur had appeared to Sejukjee in a dream, and had informed him 
 that he should halt, and found a city upon the spot where the chariot 
 should break down. When the train arrived in the Punchal country, 
 the wheel came off the god’s car. Sejukjee halted upon the spot, 
 which is that where the village of Sapur stands, and proceeded with 
 Sha Rajpal to pay obeisance to the Ra of Joonagurh. The Ra Kuwat 
 and Koonwur Khengar received them, and enquired what had driven 
 them forth from their own country. Sejukjee answered that the- 
 Rathors had given the Dabhees bad counsel, and had excited them 
 
THE GOHILS OF PEERUM. 
 
 239 
 
 against him, and that eventually Astanjee had expelled the Dabhees 
 also, and had taken Khergurh for himself. Ra Kuwat took Sejukjee 
 into his service, and gave him a grant of Sapur and eleven other 
 villages, with a commission to protect that part of the country “against 
 “ the Kant Bheels.” At that time the Katees had not yet come out 
 of Pawur land, and Dhandulpoor, near Choteela, was the frontier 
 town between the Waghelas and the Ras of Joonagurh. 
 
 Sejukjee remained several days at Joonagurh, and, while he was 
 there the Koonwur Khengar, who was thirteen years old, went out 
 on a hunting expedition. He came at length to the neighbourhood 
 of Sapur, and, while following his sport, started a hare, which, when 
 pursued, fled, and took refuge in the Gohil’s encampment. Khengar 
 demanded that it should be given up to him ; but Sejuk’s brother 
 and nephews declined, saying, that no Rajpoot could give up what 
 had taken refuge under his protection. A contest ensued ; several 
 of the Koonwur’s followers were slain, and he was himself made 
 prisoner. One of the Koonwur’s party escaping hastened to Joona¬ 
 gurh, and informed Ra Kuwat of what had happened, adding, that he 
 did not know whether Khengar was alive, or whether he had been 
 slain. Sejukjee was sitting in the court at this moment; he became 
 very sorrowful, and considered that he would not now be able to 
 retain the grant of the villages. He rose, and making obeisance, placed 
 the putta in the Ra’s lap. Kuwat asked why he did so. Sejuk 
 answered, “ My followers have slain your only Koonwur; how can 
 “ 1 remain in your territory?” The Ra returned the grant to Sejuk¬ 
 jee, bidding him be of good courage. Sejuk hastened to Sapur, and 
 finding that the Koonwur was alive and well, he made submission 
 to him, and, bringing his daughter, presented her to him to be his 
 wife. The princess, whose name was Walum Koonwurba, was sent 
 with presents for her bridegroom, and a suitable wardrobe for herself, 
 to Joonagurh; and Sejukjee, with the Ra’s permission, founded a 
 new town near Sapur, and called it Sejukpoor. 
 
 At this time Sejukjee’s brothers also were settled at different 
 villages that were assigned to them. Hunoojee obtained Bugud; 
 Man Singh, Tatum, near Botad ; Doodojee, Toorka; and Depaljee, 
 Palyad. 
 
 Sejukjee was succeeded by his eldest son Ranjee. His younger 
 sons, Sahajee and Sarungjee, obtained the villages of Mandwee 
 and Urteela, and were the ancestors of the families of Gareeadhar 
 and Latee. 
 
 At this time, a chieftain named Ebhul, or Ubhye, of the Walo 
 clan, held possession of Walak-land and of its capital, the town of 
 
240 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Wulleh, situated among the remains of the ancient city of YVullubhee- 
 poor; he possessed, also, the neighbouring town of Tulaja. The 
 position of the latter place has been already indicated. It stands at 
 no great distance from the sea, on the banks of the river Shutroonj, 
 which flows down from the sacred mountain of the Jains, and at the 
 foot of a beautiful and pyramid-like hill, which the followers of the 
 Teerthunkers regard as part of the back-bone of Soreth—a cone of 
 the range of which Girnar and Shutroonj ye are the most celebrated 
 pinnacles. The hill abounds in caverns and excavations, chiefly 
 situated on its northern and western sides, and about midway be¬ 
 tween its base and its summit. The most remarkable of these is a 
 rectangular excavation of considerable size, the exterior face of which 
 has been formerly supported by four square pillars—all of them now 
 removed. The architrave above them is enriched with square facets, 
 and with a battlement of five four-centred arches, for which, as orna¬ 
 ments, though apparently ignorant of their constructive value, the 
 early Buddhist architects exhibited a singular predilection. 1 Tradition 
 has, however, forgotten the connection between this cave and the 
 sectaries, who, when Sheeladitya ruled in Wullubhee, filled so im¬ 
 portant a place in story, and now assigns as its founder, Ebhul the 
 Walo. Another large cave, close at hand, is dedicated to the Devee 
 Khodeear, (of whom hereafter) ; while of numerous similar smaller 
 excavations, some are used as dwellings by wandering ascetics; and 
 others, and by far the greater portion, as reservoirs containing the 
 purest rain water, for whose conduct into them small channels are 
 cut all over the hill. On the summit stands a Jain temple, erected 
 in a.d. 1381, and on the flat shoulder, to the west, a similar building 
 of very modern date; the ascent to both of which is rendered easy 
 by steps formed of masonry, or hewn out of the living rock. On 
 the northern and eastern sides the peak of Tulaja is clothed with 
 foliage, whose rich and varied coloring adds to the effect of the 
 temples, which, from their rocky pedestal, stand out white and 
 brilliant against the blue sky. The town, lying at its feet, is sur¬ 
 rounded by a handsome battlemented wall, and a clear rivulet creeps 
 beneath the northern bastions, which bears the same name as the 
 hill, and which unites a little below the town with the river that 
 descends from Paleetana. In a small shrine, on the eastern face of 
 the hill, a lamp is lighted every night in honor of Taluv Dyte, from 
 whom the hill derives its classic name of Tal Dwuj Geeree. Taluv was, 
 as tradition asserts, the foe of Ebhul Raja, by whose arms he was 
 
 1 Vide illustrations of the rock-cut temples of India, by Mr. Fergusson, p. 13. | 
 
THE GOHILS OF PEERUM. 
 
 24c 
 
 subdued ; but though his reputed conqueror is now impotent and 
 well nigh forgotten, the Dyte still rules, seated on his rocky throne ; 
 the lamp which burns before his shrine must never be extinguished, 
 even in the stormiest night of the monsoon, though the torrents of 
 rain rudely wound the mountain’s side ; and when the loose frag¬ 
 ments of rock roll down upon their dwellings, or pestilence rages 
 among them, the inhabitants of Tulaja repent of having neglected 
 the honor of Taluv Dyte, and drawn down upon themselves this, his 
 capricious vengeance. 
 
 In the days of Ebhul Walo, a merchant of the Jain faith had, it is 
 said, filled so many store-houses with grain that he found it impossible 
 to realize the value. He applied, in this strait, to his gooroo, one 
 of the magic-skilled Jutees, who, writing a charm on an amulet, 
 fastened it to the horn of a black antelope, which he set free to roam 
 in the forest. After this the rain ceased to fall; famine raged for 
 seven years ; the cattle perished; the people fled to Malwa ; and the 
 land was desolate. The merchant’s grain, however, was sold. Ebhul 
 Walo, of all his numerous stud, had only five horses left. He was 
 much distressed. A wood-cutter one day came into the court, and 
 said that he had observed a black antelope in the jungle, which, 
 wherever it moved, carried verdure with it. All then pronounced 
 that some one must have bound the rain with this antelope. The 
 raja and his followers went into the jungle, they caught the buck, and, 
 unfastening the amulet tied to its horn, took out the paper, and read 
 it. There was written thereon—“ When this note shall be dipped 
 in water then shall the rain fall.” They took water from a bouget, 
 and moistened the note. Torrents of rain began immediately to 
 Dll. Some of the followers of Ebhul Walo perished in the storm. 
 The raja himself rode a horse of celestial breed ; he put it to a gallop, 
 and made for a light which he observed twinkling in the distance, 
 and which led him to the house of a bard who lived in a “ Nes,” or 
 collection of huts. The men had, all of them, gone off to Malwa; 
 but the women were left behind, and one of them, named Syhee, 
 the Nesuree, took Ebhul off his horse. The king was senseless from 
 the fatigue he had undergone ; but Syhee restored him to conscious¬ 
 ness by embracing him, and rubbing him with warm fomentations. 
 Ebhul, recovering, asked Syhee who she was; she replied that she was a 
 bard’s wife. He informed her that she had saved the life of Ebhul Wdlo, 
 and pressed her to ask of him a boon. 1 She said, “ When a propel 
 “opportunity arrives I will ask it.” Ebhul then returned home to Tulaja. 
 
 1 Literally “a bodice/ 
 
 R 
 
242 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The famine disappearing, the bard returned home. He was in- 1 
 formed that, during his absence, his wife had entertained a stranger 
 in her house for three days. The bard was inflamed with jealousy ; 
 he began to accuse his wife, and threatened her. Syhee, placing the 1 
 palms of her hands together, looked up towards the sun, and prayed, I 
 saying—“ Sooruj, Sire ! If I am guilty, may I be struck with leprosy, 1 
 “ or else may this bard ! ” Her husband became a leper. Syhee, j 
 satisfied with having, by this ordeal, established her innocence, care- 1 
 fully tended him, and carried him to Tulaja, to the gate of Ebhul I 
 Raja. She begged the doorkeeper to inform Ebhul that his sister, I 
 Syhee, the Nesuree, had come to ask for her bodice. A When he re- I 
 ceived the message Ebhul was seated with his son, Ano, at dinner; 
 he rose immediately, and coming to the door, greeted the Nesuree, 
 and asked her what she desired. She said, “ My husband has become 
 “ leprous; but if he be bathed in the blood of a man who possesses 
 “ the thirty-two marks of virtue, he will recover.” Ebhul enquiring 
 where such a man was to be found, was told that his son, Ano, was 
 such. The Walo returned sorrowfully into his private apartments. 
 The Ranee asked who had arrived, and what was the intelligence 
 which caused him so much distress. Ebhul said, “A bards wife, to 
 “ whom I made a promise, has come to demand its fulfilment, and 
 “ asks for Ano’s life.” Hearing this, Ano quickly answered, “ She 
 “ says well, our names will live and be renowned.” The Ranee also 
 assented, and was pleased—thinking that men would say of her, 
 
 “ Such a jewel could have ripened only in the womb of such a 
 “ mother.” At length Ebhul, determining to perform his promise, 
 slew Ano, and washed the bard in his blood, upon which the leprosy 
 immediately disappeared. By the favour of Yog Maya, the bards 
 wife was enabled to restore Ano to life; but the devotion of himself 
 and of his father still survives in verse— 
 
 “ The giver of his head, 
 
 “ Or the headsman should we praise? 
 
 “ Men of Soreth ! consider, 
 
 “ Of the two Walos which was greater?” 
 
 In the time of Ebhul there lived at Wulleh a CMrun, or bard, 
 named Mamureeo, of the Mad sect, wBo had seven daughters suspected 
 of being Shuktees, and of sucking the blood of live buffaloes and 
 calves. " Ebhul Walo on this account sent for their father, and ordered 
 their expulsion from the city. Mamureeo called his daughters, and 
 said to them, “You are Shuktees, no one will marry you, and the 
 “ Raja orders that you should depart hence.” The seven sisters pre- 
 
THE GOHILS OF PEERUM. 
 
 243 
 
 pared to obey, and at starting agreed among themselves that when¬ 
 ever the temple of any of them should be found in a village, the 
 other sisters should leave the place, and proceed onwards. The 
 eldest of the sisters was lame, and hence named Khodeetr. The 
 others preceded her, and she limped after them, but to whatever 
 village they came they found shrines already dedicated to the worship 
 of Khodeear Devee, so powerful was her name. 
 
 d emples of Khodeear Mata are still numerous in every part of 
 Goozerat; vows are made, and offerings of buffaloes and calves pre¬ 
 sented to her. She has many “ Bhoowos,” 1 and numbers the chief 
 of the Gohils among her most devoted worshippers. Her sister, 
 Awud, has a temple at Mamchee, in Kateewar, and the other sisters 
 are similarly worshipped. 
 
 There were formerly a thousand houses of Walum Brahmins in 
 Wulleh. They were the family priests of the Kyeusth caste, and had 
 the care of the shrine of Wyejnath Muha Dev. On the marriage of 
 a Kyeusth maiden the Walum Brahmins exacted a fee of one hun¬ 
 dred rupees, so that many maidens, though they had attained the age 
 of thirty years even, remained unmarried in consequence of their 
 parents’ inability to satisfy the Brahmins’ demands. At length the 
 whole Kyeusth caste ceased to celebrate any marriage, hoping thus 
 to compel the Brahmins to abate their claims. The priests, however, 
 met this step by threatening that they would perform traga, and 
 inflict injuries upon themselves, of which the guilt should fall upon 
 the Kyeusths. These, as a last resource, threw themselves at the feet 
 of the raja. Ebhul Walo had been taught that the giver of a bride- 
 gift acquired as much virtue-wealth as the performer of a horse- 
 sacrifice. He caused the astrologers to search for a fortunate day, 
 and declared that all the maidens should then be married, and that 
 he would himself bear the expense that might be incurred. The 
 Brahmins, however, refused to officiate unless their demands were 
 satisfied beforehand; upon which, Ebhul, finding the power of these 
 priests to be too great at Wulleh, caused all the maidens to be removed 
 to Tulaja, where their marriages were celebrated by Brahmins of 
 other places. The Kyeusths having thus effected their purpose re¬ 
 turned to Wulleh, but the Walum Brahmins immediately repeated 
 their demands as if the marriages had been performed by themselves, 
 and resorted to traga and other means of compulsion. The raja then 
 called all the priests together, and held a council, with a view of 
 settling the dispute to the satisfaction of all, but the Brahmins were 
 
 1 For a description of the Bhoowos, see Conclusion. 
 
244 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 much enraged, and allowed themselves to speak, even of the king, 
 improper words. Ebhul Walo was very angry; he stood aloof while 
 a number of Bheels, employed by the Kyeusths, attacked the priests, 
 and committed many Brahmin murders. The priests who survived, 
 carrying their families with them, retired from Wulleh, binding them¬ 
 selves by an oath that none of their race should ever after dwell in 
 that town, or accept the office of family priest to any of the Kyeusth 
 caste. Travelling towards Goozerat, the Brahmins arrived in the 
 vicinity of Dhundhooka, where Dhun Mair, the Koolee, ruled. He, 
 having no son, presented his property, as Krishn-gift, to the Brahmins. 
 Tour hundred of them settled at Dhundhooka; others, who refused 
 the raja’s gift, passed on into Goozerat, and took up their residence 
 at Waso, Sojeetura, and other towns. To those who remained, the 
 raja granted the office of family priests to the Kshutrees and Vaishyas 
 of Dhundhooka, and, though Modh Brahmins from other places 
 came thither to act as family priests to the Modh Waneeas, this was 
 not permitted, and up to the present time the Walum Brahmins are 
 the priests of all castes in Dhundhooka. 
 
 Ranjee Gohil had meanwhile founded a town at the confluence of 
 the Goma and Bhadur rivers, no great distance from Dhundhooka, 
 and had given to it the name of Ranpoor. He formed an alliance 
 with the powerful Mairs, and to conciliate them, married a daughter 
 of Dhun Mair, their chieftain, by whom he had a son, who acquired 
 the village of Khus, and whose descendants still exist under the name 
 of Khusheeo Koolees. 1 
 
 Under pretence of avenging his oppression of the Brahmins, 
 Ranjee Gohil and Dhun Mair combined to attack Ebhul, the Walo. 
 The Gohil led two thousand Rajpoots, and five thousand Mairs 
 followed their chieftain. It was, as some say, while Ebhul, according 
 to his daily practice, worshipped the morning sun, that his enemies 
 attacked him, and that, as he refused to leave his devotions, he was 
 slain ; but others assert that he fell, in the dusk of the evening, on 
 the field of battle, and that he was deserted by Narayun, whom, when 
 he went forth, he had entreated to remain unmoved until he should 
 return victorious. Hence, his monumental stone, which still stands 
 among the ruins of Wullubhee, is believed to avert its face from the 
 deity which had betrayed him, turning to the west at the dawn of day, 
 and moving gradually to the east until the time of the setting sun. 
 
 1 Another account makes the Khusheeo Koolees to descend from the marriage 
 of Veeshojee, one of the brothers of Sejukjee Gohil, with the daughter of a Mair 
 Koolee of the Dhundhooka family. 
 
THE GOHILS OF PEERUM. 245 
 
 The acts of Ebhul Walo are thus done into verse by Mamureeo, 
 the father of Khodeear :— 
 
 “ First, I brought back the departed rain, 
 
 “ The fear of a terrible famine allaying; 
 
 “ Next, I cured the leper’s pains, 
 
 “ Releasing Nesuree Syhee from the curse. 
 
 “ Ano’s head I gave—I who am called Ebhul! 
 
 “ A band of maidens in one day I gave in marriage— 
 
 “ I, the Walo, victorious among those who keep their word ! 
 
 " Tulaja, the ornament of my royal diadem ; 
 
 “ Wulleh, my royal seat, a diadem among thrones. 
 
 “ A son of the sun, my father Soorojee ;> 
 
 “ An ocean of gifts ; of Hindoos the boundary; 
 
 “ Waster of founded cities, builder of cities in the waste ; 
 
 “ A Malwa to the poor, a raja like Dhurum.” 
 
 Dhun Mair resigned to his son-in-law their joint conquest of Walak- 
 land; and Ranjee Gohil removed his royal seat to Wulleh, and reigned 
 there until his death. 
 
 Ranjee Gohil was succeeded by his son, Mokherajee, the most 
 celebrated of his line, and the first who bore the far-famed title of 
 “ King of Perumbh.” The earliest achievement of Mokherajee 
 Gohil was his taking up a strong position in the Khokura hills, which 
 extend in a parallel line to the gulf of Cambay, between its waters 
 and the mount of Paleetana. From thence he made attacks upon 
 different points on all sides, rendering himself the terror of the sur¬ 
 rounding country. “ When, in the caves of Khokura, the lion roared, 
 “ the dwellers in Vindyachul abandoned their food, O ! Mokehra.” 
 He possessed himself of Oomrala and Bheemurad, Modulgurh and 
 Meetheealoo; but his most important conquests were those of Gogo 
 and Peerum. 
 
 Ghogha, or, as it is usually called Gogo, is at present a neat and 
 thriving seaport town, containing upwards of eight thousand inhabi¬ 
 tants, and possessing the best roadstead in the gulf of Cambay. Its 
 ; seamen, called Ghogharees, partly of the Mohummedan faith, and 
 partly Koolee, or Hindoo, the descendants of the navigators fostered 
 by the kings of Unhihvara, and to whom an entire square in that city 
 was assigned, still maintain their ancient reputation, and form the 
 best and most trusted portion of every Indian crew that sails the sea 
 under the flag of England. Modern alterations have left in Gogo 
 few remains of the times of Mokhera, the Gohil. On the south-west 
 corner of the town, and outside the circuit of the present walls, may, 
 however, be observed the site of the ancient citadel. The towers 
 may still be traced by large heaps of earth denuded of their mason- 
 
246 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 work, except where it is in some places grasped by the peepul-tree’s 1 
 tenacious roots. The situation was admirably selected for defensive 
 purposes, being the highest in the neighbourhood, and commanding 
 an extensive view of the gulf and the island of Perumbh, or Peerum, ; 
 on the one side, and on the other of the whole country as far as the I 
 foot of the Khokura hills. It is also well supplied with the purest 1 
 water. 
 
 The islet of Peerum is separated from the coast of Gohilwara by a 
 channel about three miles wide, and, in the centre, about sixty fathoms 
 deep—the outlet by which the river of Wullubhee makes its escape 
 seawards. The belief that the island was once connected with the 
 mainland is very prevalent, and may have originated in the existence 
 of numerous and intricate reefs which the ebb of the tide discloses, 
 especially in the direction of the port of Gogo. Neither history nor 
 natural science has yet found means for adequately explaining the 
 many and extraordinary changes which have been enacted on the 
 shores of the gulf of Cambay; and the formation of Peerum, and 
 the destruction of Wullubhee, connected as they probably are, in the 
 most intimate manner, remain confessedly mysteries. The island is 
 almost covered by a continuous range of sand-hills, resting on a scanty 
 bed of black soil. These hillocks form a barrier against the sea, along 
 the whole of the western face of the island, and are continually aug¬ 
 mented by the drift occasioned, in the fair season, by the prevalent 
 winds ; but the eastern side is comparatively free from sand, and its 
 soil affords a scanty subsistence to its few and temporary occupants. 
 The asclepias, which covers the summits of the sand-hills, a few limb 
 trees, whose flattened tops serve the inhabitants as storehouses for 
 their straw, some stunted bushes, and a grove of mangroves on the 
 eastern shore, are all that Peerum has to boast of foliage. The swell 
 during the south-west monsoon is particularly heavy on this coast, and 
 the dangerous effects of its strong tides are nowhere, perhaps, so 
 powerfully felt as in the channel of Peerum. The first rush of the 
 spring tide is irresistible in its force, and affords a scene which only 
 the eye-witness can fully realize. A perpendicular wall of water, three 
 or four feet in height, and extending across the gulf as far as eye can 
 reach, approaches at the rate of twelve miles an hour in speed, and 
 with an alarming noise, carrying certain destruction to the mariner 
 whose ignorance or fool-hardiness leads him to neglect its warning 
 voice. 1 Boats passing from the port of Gogo to Peerum, stand out 
 
 1 Vide Forbes’s Oriental Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 221 ; see also the papers “On 
 “ the Island of Perim,” in the first volume of the Journal of the Bombay Branch 
 of the Royal Asiatic Society. 
 
THE GOHILS OF PEERUM. 
 
 247 
 
 as if with the intention of crossing to Dehej-bara, at the mouth of 
 the Nerbudda, lest the strength of the current should carry them into 
 the strait. They are exposed to an uneasy chopping sea, which fre¬ 
 quently breaks over them, and are obliged carefully to avoid the 
 sunken reefs over which the water boils up into little conical waves. 
 The landing is usually effected upon a sandy beach on the northern 
 side of the island, below a bank upon which a white flag points out a 
 spot, marked by a paleeyo, dedicated to Mokherajee Gohil. The 
 remains of the fortress of Peerum may still be traced, occupying 
 nearly the centre of the island, and stretching across its entire breadth. 
 A few bastions, and the site of a gateway on the western side, may be 
 clearly distinguished ; and one of the entrances was formerly orna¬ 
 mented by two monolithe elephants, with their pedestals cut out of a 
 stratum of the conglomerate rock, which has been so great a subject 
 of interest from the fossil remains it has preserved. Within the en¬ 
 closure of the old castle, the remains of a tank and well are visible; 
 broken pieces of Hindoo sculpture strew the ground; and a hamlet, 
 consisting of about a dozen huts, occupies nearly the centre. At the 
 south-western corner of the fortress is an elevated piece of ground, 
 formerly, probably, the site of the citadel, but now occupied by a 
 lighthouse. From this point the value of Peerum, as the stronghold 
 of a maritime or piratical power of former days, may be vividly per¬ 
 ceived. On the one side is seen the coast of Gohilwara, the port of 
 Gogo, and many villages nestling among groves of trees, with the 
 whole of the country sloping upwards towards the Khokura hills; on 
 the other side may be clearly distinguished the mouths of the Ner¬ 
 budda and of the Tunkareea river; while, north and south, the eye 
 sweeps the waters of the gulf of Cambay so completely, that of all 
 that pass from ocean to the ports of wealthy Goozerat, no white sail 
 by day, nor glimmering lantern by night, can escape the glance of the 
 watchman of Peerum. 
 
 In these positions Mokherajee Gohil at length established himself. 
 “ Ran’s son, the powerful, the raja of rajas, built a new city for his 
 “ residence. On a hill he constructed a strong fortress; the waves 
 “ of the sea washed it on all sides. He made it famous under the 
 “ name of Perumbh, did the lord of earth, seizing the kingdom of 
 “ the Koolees. The Barea was then the lord of it—of both Ghogha 
 “ and Perumbh. Both Perumbh and Ghogha took Mokhera; seven 
 “ hundred mariners he put to the sword; he slew all the Koolees. 
 “ Subduing the two cities, he made splendid the throne of Perumbh, 
 “ did this great practiser of austerities in former birth, this chief of 
 “ great fortune. At Perumbh he kept many a ship, for the roads to 
 
24S 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ many countries lay there; many a vessel did he plunder; in every 
 “ port he was an object of terror. From all that sailed he exacted 
 “ tribute, did the raja seated on the throne of Perumbh. The image 
 “ of Hunooman he wore upon his armlet, the figure of Kaleeka was 
 “ impressed upon the hand of Mokhera.” 
 
 The exactions and piracies of the King of Peerum at length drew 
 upon him the weight of the imperial arms. His enemy is described 
 in Hindoo tradition simply as Toghluk Shah; but though the Mo- 
 hummedan historians mention nothing of the fall of Peerum, there 
 can be no danger in identifying this Moslem leader with the prince, 
 the outline of whose story, as far as it affects Goozerat, we have just 
 related,—Mohummed, the son of Gheias-ood-deen. 
 
 It was, no doubt, while employed in restoring order to this part of 
 his dominions that Mohummed Toghluk Shah turned his arms against 
 Mokherajee Gohil. The immediate cause assigned by Hindoo legend 
 is the ill-treatment of a merchant of Delhi, who brought fourteen 
 vessels laden with gold-dust to Peerum, which Mokherajee plundered, 
 though he had promised to protect them, and given the God of the 
 Sea as his security. 
 
 “ Much troops of Ghuznee came against Perumbh and Ghogha ; 
 “ the kettle-drums and horns sounded; it seemed as if ocean had 
 “ deserted his bounds. Many Mohummedans of different races were 
 “ there—foot soldiers, horse, and elephants. With the ocean-lord to 
 “ fight, they pitched their tents at the edge of the ocean. The Gohil 
 “ alone in his den at Perumbh roared like a lion. His austerities had 
 “ been great, so he feared not a whit. The armies prepared, the 
 “ arrows flew into the sky, but no blow struck the city of Mokhera. 
 “ Many days fought the Toghluk Shah with treacherous artifices, but 
 “ a lakh of attempts failed ; the shah was tired with his labors; in the 
 
 water of the ocean his sight failed to reach; but Mokhera grasping 
 “ his sword in his hand, maintained the honor of rajas.” 
 
 The enemy could not reach Mokhera at Peerum, being unable to 
 pass the strait, though the aggrieved merchant fasted, and adjured 
 the God of Ocean, who had become security to him, to withdraw his 
 waters, and leave a passage for the Moslem army. Mohummed Shah 
 then drew off his troops, hoping to entice the Gohil from his im¬ 
 pregnable position, a stratagem which the Moslem often practised, 
 and to which the Rajpoot chiefs as often succumbed. 
 
 “ Between Ghogha and Goondee the Mohummedans frightened 
 “ remained. Then considered the raja, ‘ death must come some day 
 “ without doubt.’ Ascending a ship, he came in the night from 
 “ Perumbh to Cxhogha ; he prepared to fight; taking in his hand his 
 
THE GOHILS OF PEERUM. 
 
 249 
 
 “ sword, he bound upon his brow the crown of dying. Causing the 
 “ gate to be thrown open, the high-minded one led his army out, 
 “ giving his soldiers encouragement. Mokhera, the Muroo, attacked 
 “ the padishah’s army ; he trampled the Mohummedans in the mud. 
 “ The pipe and the horn sounded; standards fluttered in the air; 
 “ streams of blood flowed. The warriors of both armies mingling 
 “ together, the sister’s son of the padishah who led the Yuwuns was 
 “ perceived by Mokhera; he struck him from his elephant down to 
 “ the ground. When Mokhera Gohil began to strike, the Mohum- 
 “ medans thought of Allah. On the Usoor’s army his blows rained ; 
 “ half of Toghluk’s soldiers did the son of Ran slay with the sword. 
 “ The enemy’s array, torn by the sword of the king, seemed like a 
 “ mountain which the lightning had riven. Then Mokhera fell, he 
 “ fell at the gate of Ghogha. The trunk of his body rushed on, 
 “ brandishing a sword ; from the head which fell to the ground issued 
 “ the cry, ‘ Kill! kill! ’ The army of the enemy fled in a body, 
 “ many of the Yuwuns fell. The padishah himself escaped with 
 “ difficulty. A charmed string, blue in color, they laid on the ground; 
 “ then fell the trunk, then ceased the sword to move. 1 he other 
 “ warriors then turned back. Perumbh’s lord fell on the earth, 
 “ having performed to the full all his vows. Sejuk’s grandson was 
 “ proved to be of the race of Devs; his life was swallowed up in 
 “ life, while the army of the padishah cried as it fled, ‘Well done, 
 “ Hindoo ! well done, Hindoo ! ’ ” 
 
 The fortress of Peerum was destroyed by the Mohummedans upon 
 the death of its founder, and was never afterwards restored. Its as¬ 
 sociation with his name is, however, still freshly preserved. 1 he 
 Hindoos delight to place a few grains of opium, under the name ot 
 a cup of Kusoomba, on the monumental stone erected to his honor, 
 and the mariners who sail past the island of Peerum seldom neglect 
 to cast an offering of food into the sea to propitiate the shade of 
 Mokherajee Gohil. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 MOOZUFFER SHAH I.— SHAH AHMED I. 
 
 Moozuffer Khan, immediately on his accession, undertook the task 
 of reducing the Hindoo chiefs to the position of tributaries, and his 
 first expedition of this nature was directed against Eedur. 
 
 Row Sonungjee had been succeeded, in their turns, by Emuljee, 
 
250 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Dhuvvulmuljee, Loonkarojee, and Burhutjee, of whom nothing is 
 recorded, except the remark, that “ until the time of Row Burhutjee, 
 
 “ the kingdom was neither increased nor diminished.” Runmul, the ; 
 son of Burhutjee, is better known. He it is whose guard-room is 
 pointed out, overtopping the fortress of Eedurgurh ; and by him, j 
 and the eleven Runmuls who attended him, the bard is supplied with 
 many a theme for romantic story. “ Row Runmul took from a Yaduv 
 “ family the country called the Bhagur, between Eedur and Mewar, 
 
 “ the capital of which, Jharud-gurh, he made for some time his resi- 
 “ dence. From thence he removed to Panowra. Runmul gave the 
 “ Bhagur to a puttfavut, or feudal vassal, of the Solunkhee blood ; he 
 “ received also a chief of the Sonuggera Chohans who came to Eedur 
 “ from Jhalor, having been despoiled by the Mohummedans; to him 
 “ the Row assigned the putta, or fief, of Jora Meerpoor. This Cho- 
 “ han family for some time intermarried with that of the Row; but 
 “ alter a time they connected themselves with Bheel women, and 
 “ became outcastes.” 
 
 “ In the year a.d. 1393,” says Ferishta, “the Ray of Eedur having 
 “ refused to pay the customary tribute, Moozuffer Khan marched to 
 “ enforce it. Several skirmishes ensued, in which the new governor 
 “ was generally victorious, until he arrived before the town of Eedur, 
 
 “ which he closely invested. The siege being protracted, the garrison 
 “ became so distressed for provisions, that it is said they consumed 
 “ cats and dogs—not before these animals had begun to feed upon 
 “ each other. The Ray, at length, sent out his son to prostrate him- 
 “ self before Moozuffer Khan, and to beg the lives of the inhabitants; 
 
 “ a boon which was granted on condition of the payment of a quantity 
 “ of jewels, and a large sum in specie.” 
 
 Moozuffer Khan was next engaged in vindicating the right of the 
 sovereigns of Goozerat—a right dating, probably, at least as early as 
 the reign of Sidh Raj—to the districts of Sultanpoor and Nundoorbar, 
 in Candeish, now attempted to be occupied by Adil Khan. On his 
 return to his capital, he learnt that the Ray of Jehrend, in the western 
 Puttun district, “ an idolater,” had refused allegiance to the Mohum- 
 medan authority. Moozuffur Khan accordingly marched against this 
 chief, from whom he exacted tribute. He then proceeded to Som- 
 nath, and once more overthrowing the Hindoo temples, converted 
 them into mosques. The Governor of Goozerat next marched to 
 Mundulgurh, which was surrendered to him; he then visited Ujmeer 
 to pay his devotions at the shrine of a Mohummedan saint; and he 
 returned home by Julwara, where he destroyed the temples, and 
 exacted contributions. 
 
 In a.d. 1398, we find him engaged in another attack on Row 
 
MOOZUFFER SHAH I. 
 
 25 1 
 
 Runmul, of Eedur, who was obliged, as on the former occasion, to 
 purchase forbearance by the payment of tribute. The terrific inroad 
 of Teimoor having just occurred, the court of Dehli was now in a 
 state of the utmost confusion, and many rivals were contending for 
 the crown. Moozuffer Khan and his son appear to have advanced 
 pretensions to the imperial throne; but these were not pushed to 
 extremity, and the Governor of Goozerat contented himself with 
 assuming royal state in the kingdom of which he was already the real 
 sovereign. It was about this time that he caused himself to be pro¬ 
 claimed king, under the title of Moozuffer Shah; struck coin in his 
 new name of royalty; and caused it also to be inserted in the 
 Khootba, or public prayers. 
 
 In a.d. 1401, Moozuffer Shah again marched to levy the tribute ot 
 Eedur; but Row Runmul fled to Veesulnugger, leaving the king to 
 occupy his capital. Next year the shah gained a bloody victory, at 
 Somnath, over a Hindoo prince, then apparently residing at I)iu. 
 The place was surrendered after the battle, and its prince and the 
 greater part of the garrison were murdered in cold blood. 
 
 The last achievement of Moozuffer Shah was an invasion of Malwa, 
 where he engaged Hooshung, its ruler, near Dhar, defeated him, and 
 took him prisoner. He died on the 27th July, a.d. 1411. 
 
 Moozuffer Shah was succeeded by his grandson, Ahmed Khan; 
 but Feroze Khan, the cousin of that prince, disputed his title, and 
 caused himself to be proclaimed king, at Broach, by an army of seven 
 or eight thousand men, encamped on the Nerbudda. The rebellion 
 was, for the present, easily extinguished; and Ahmed Shah, “ who 
 “ had always professed himself extremely partial to the air and 
 “ situation of the town of Yessawul (Ashawul), situated on the banks 
 “ of the Sabhermutee,” inaugurated his reign by laying the founda¬ 
 tions of a new city, of which Yessawul formed a suburb, and which 
 afterwards became the capital of the Kings of Goozerat; receiving, 
 from its founder, the name of Ahmedabad (a.d. 1412). 
 
 In the latter end of the same year, however, Feroze Khan again 
 set up his pretensions to the crown, and assembled a considerable 
 force, among whom he raised his standard at Morasa. He was soon 
 joined by Row Runmul, of Eedur, with five or six thousand horse, 
 and their complement of foot soldiers. On the approach of Ahmed 
 Shah, a garrison was left in Morasa, and Feroze Khan and the Row 
 retired to Rungpoor, a town ten miles further off. Here they were 
 besieged by the shah, and, the town being at length carried by storm, 
 were compelled to fly for refuge to the hills. It is said that soon 
 after Row Runmul and Feroze Khan had some disagreement, upon 
 
252 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 which the Rathor chief seized the horses, elephants, and other effects 
 of his late ally, and sought, by delivering them up, to conciliate the 
 favor of the shah. 
 
 Ahmed Shah was now engaged in a war with Sultan Hooshung, of 
 Malwa, who supported the faction opposed to his succession to the 
 throne. The shah was successful, and his enemies were dispersed. 
 One of them took refuge with the Ra of Soreth, at Girnar, and the 
 attention of Ahmed Shah was thus directed to that Hindoo principality. 
 
 Ihe country of Soreth has always been one full of attraction for 
 the Hindoo; it is to him an earthly paradise, a land of dear rivers, 
 of well-bred horses, of lovely women, —it is more, it is a holy land, 
 to the Jain the land of Adeenath and Urisht Nemee, to the orthodox 
 Hindoo the country of Muha Dev and Shree Krishn. The follower of 
 the Teerthunkers turns his pilgrim-thoughts towards the holy mountains 
 of Girnar and Shutroonjye ; the servant of Vishnoo thinks of Soreth as 
 each morning he places on his forehead the teeluk of Gopee Chun- 
 dun ; the worshipper of Shiva sounds with a conch-shell of Soreth 
 the praises of the victorious Shunkur; 1 while the Rajpoot and the 
 bard extol the gallantry of Ra Khengar, or lament the fate of Ranik 
 Devee, or, perchance, at evening, meeting beneath the village tree, 
 when the hooka bubbles, and the wandering stranger tells his tales 
 of other lands, repeat the verse,— 
 
 “ In Soreth are jewels five, 
 
 “ Horses, livers, women ; 
 
 “ Somnath the fourth ; 
 
 “ Fifth, Huree’s presence.” 
 
 Nor is the Mohummedan less eager in his praise. “ Fortune,” 
 says the Meerat Sekunderee, “ seems to have selected this territory 
 “ from the most fertile spots of Malwa, Candeish, and Goozerat, to 
 “ present to the view at once all that was valuable in those countries ; 
 “ but to all the advantages which it derives from its soil, in common 
 “ with those provinces, it possesses in its ports another, which they 
 
 ^ 1 The port of Vera wul, on the coast of Soreth, is called by Hindoos “the field 
 
 of lamentation,” oecause on the death of Sree Krishn and the Yaduvs, his com¬ 
 panions, Rookmunee, the bride of Krishn, and the Yaduv ladies, sacrificed their 
 lives there on the funeral pile. Near Veravvul is a tank, called, in memory of 
 Krishn s favorites, the Shepherdesses of Vruj, the Gopees’ or Shepherdesses’ tank. 
 The slime of this reservoir, which is white, and bears the name of Gopee Chundun, 
 or A Gopee sandal-wood ointment, is used by Vaishnavites, and especially by the 
 Rama Nundee ascetics, to make the mark of the god upon their foreheads. 
 
 1 he shunkhs or conch-shells, which are used as horns in the temples of Shiva, 
 are picked up on the coast of Soreth about Dwarka. 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 253 
 
 “ cannot boast of, from which its merchants obtain wealth, and the 
 “ inland countries many of those luxuries so much in demand.” 
 
 We have unfortunately little material for the history of “ the race 
 “ of Huree,”—the Yaduv princes of Girnar. 1 We have described 
 their capital; we have related the story of Khengar; we have seen 
 the Gohils and others entering Soreth as vassals of the Ras, and the 
 family of those princes itself subdividing into petty chieftainships ; we 
 shall now have little to record but long-continued and, at last, suc¬ 
 cessful attempts at conquest by the Mohummedans, until we come to 
 the closing scene, when, for a mere pittance, the Choodasuma waives 
 his sovereign rights, and under title, derived from all that remains of 
 the ancient line of Khengar, the banner of the union crosses is 
 unfurled in Soreth. 
 
 “ Ahmed Shah,” says the Mohummedan historian, “ having a great 
 “ curiosity to see the hill-fort of Girnar, pursued the rebel in that 
 “ direction ; and as none of the rajas had yet bent their necks to the 
 “ Mohummedan yoke, he took advantage of the circumstance of the 
 “ raja having afforded an asylum to Sher Mullik, to make it a plea 
 “ for invading his country. On his arrival at the hills in its vicinity, 
 “ the king was opposed by the Hindoo prince, who, unaccustomed to 
 “ the brunt of Mohummedan warfare, was defeated, and pursued to 
 “ the fortress of Girnar, now called Joonagurh. After a short time, 
 “ the raja, having consented to pay an annual tribute, made a large 
 “ offering on the spot. Ahmed Shah left officers to collect the stipu- 
 “ lated amount, and returned to Ahmedabad; on the road to which 
 “ place he destroyed the temple of Somapoor, wherein were found 
 “ many valuable jewels and other property.” 
 
 In addition to his attempts against the more powerful Hindoo 
 princes, the efforts Of Ahmed Shah were directed also against many 
 of the numerous chieftains who held lands of greater or less extent 
 in different parts of Goozerat. Some of these, sheltered in inaccessible 
 natural fortresses of forest or mountain, were with difficulty compelled 
 to pay a tribute, which was, from the first, always withheld, except 
 when enforced by the presence of superior military power; others 
 
 1 In the first volume of the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society (Bombay 
 Branch) is a fragment of an inscription on a tablet at the entrance of Ra Khengar’s 
 palace at Girnar, which mentions the name of Nowghun, Khengar, and Munduleek, 
 and alludes to Sidh Raj Jye Singh Dev, “whose eyes were moistened and intoxi- 
 ; “ cated with the stream of the enjoyment of the bright pleasures afforded by earth ; 
 
 “ the magnitude of whose glory dazzled the enemies ; and whose feet were washed 
 j “ by the fluid radiating from the gems on the brilliant crowns of kings who 
 “ humbled themselves before him.” There is unfortunately no date. 
 
254 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 who were less favorably situated for defence were driven wholly from 
 their lands, and lived the life of outlaws, until their continual harassing 
 incursions drove the proud conqueror to a composition, and they 
 regained, on terms which included submission and tribute, a part of 
 their hereditary domains. Some there were, who, urged by persuasion 
 or compelled by force, exchanged the creed of their fathers for Islam, 
 and, treated on this account with more consideration, assumed the 
 position of Mohummedan zumeendars. The work, however, was 
 never fully accomplished ; it was a labor of Sisyphus ; allegiance sat 
 as lightly on zumeendar as upon Thakor or Row, and notwithstanding 
 many a boast of the arrogant Moslem, the restoration of peace and 
 unity to Goozerat was reserved for other hands, a wiser and more 
 merciful policy, and a long future time. 
 
 “ It must be known,” says the author of Meerat Ahmudee, that at 
 “ the time of Allah-ood-deen, the Mohummedan faith was introduced 
 “ into the country extending from Nehrwala Puttun on the west, to 
 “ Broach on the east; but infidelity was still established in many 
 “ places. These, however, became purified and enlightened by 
 “ degrees, through the efforts of the Goozerat kings; and many of 
 “ them acquired the light of the faith through the labours of Shah 
 “ Ahmed.” In the year a.d. 14x4, one of the king’s officers, ennobled 
 by the title of Taj-ool-moolk, received a special commission to destroy 
 all idolatrous temples, and establish the Mohummedan authority 
 through Goozerat; a duty which he executed with such diligence, 
 that as Ferishta is anxious to believe “ the names of Mewas and Gras 
 “ were hereafter unheard of in the whole kingdom.” 
 
 It was not to be supposed that the bardic chroniclers should have 
 passed over, without notice, such a revolution as was now attempted, 
 nor have they done so, and though, in their usual temper, they have 
 made the domestic features more prominent than the political or the 
 religious, they have given us a picture of the times which we could 
 not afford to lose, and much of the spirit, if not of the accurate details, 
 of history, in the following picturesque tale of 
 
 THE COURTSHIPS OF AHMED SHAH. 
 
 When the padishah, says our present bardic authority, had taken 
 the kingdom of the Waghelas, there arose of that race two brothers 
 named Wurhojee and Jetojee, who went out in rebellion. 1 In the 
 
 j 1 The original term is “ Bahirvvutoo the rebel himself is termed “ Bahir- 
 “ wuteea.” “ This term,” says Colonel Walker, “is derived from Bdkir, outside, 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 
 
 255 
 
 country called Thul, near Unhilwara Puttun, there are two villages, 
 named Bheeluree-gurh and Surdhar, at which they placed their 
 families for shelter, on which account the descendants of the former 
 are called Bheelareea, and of the latter Surdhara Waghelas. The 
 chiefs left their families, and used to make forays as far as Ahmeda- 
 bad, with about one hundred and fifty horsemen. Sometimes in the 
 daytime and sometimes at night they plundered the villages of 
 > Ahmedabad ; sometimes they carried off men. The padishah, Sultan 
 ! Ahmed, took great trouble to apprehend them, but without success. 
 At last, their means of subsistence being much reduced, they suffered 
 greatly, and gradually lost most of their horsemen. There is a village 
 I called Nashmud, on the road between Ahmedabad and Kuree, near 
 Santuj. At the tank of that village the brothers arrived one night. 
 In the early morning, a Rajpoot of the village, named Bhundaree 
 Ukho, was driving out a cartload of manure to his field. One of the 
 Waghelas’ followers seeing him approach, concealed himself. The 
 peasant who drove Ukho’s cart perceiving this, said, “ Sir ! I think 
 | “ the outlaws are come to the tank ; we had better move on quickly.” 
 Ukho said, “Fear them not, there is no Rajpoot among them like 
 “ me, or they would have recovered their lands (gras) within three 
 “ days.” The Waghelas’ follower hearing this speech, went and told 
 his chiefs; they sent him to invite the Rajpoot to come to them. 
 Ukho Bhundaree having come to them, the brothers asked him what 
 it was that he had said. He thought within himself that he had 
 
 “ and w&t, a road.” “ The offence consists in the Rajpoots, or Grassias, making 
 I “ their ryots and dependents quit their native village, which is suffered to remain 
 “ waste, and the Grassia with his brethren then retires to some asylum, whence he 
 ; “ may carry on his depredations with impunity. Being well acquainted with the 
 
 “ country, and the redress of injuries being common cause with the members of 
 I “ every family, the Bahirwuteea has little to fear from those who are not in the 
 : “ immediate interest of his enemy, and he is in consequence enabled to commit 
 
 “ very extensive mischief, until he may be extirpated, or his principal forced to 
 “ compromise the dispute. The number of small fortresses in the country, the 
 | “ want of artillery, and little skill in its management, render it easy for a person 
 
 “ to obtain an asylum where he may defy the attacks of his enemies, while the 
 I “ safety which these holds afford causes the commission of numerous acts of depre- 
 | “ dation which otherwise would not be committed.” In the hill country of Eedur, 
 in the north-east of Goozerat, it is said of such an outlaw that he is “ Wukhe,” 
 I or “in trouble.” We shall have many examples to produce in the following pages. 
 A very similar course of proceeding to that of the Bahirwuteea is described in the 
 14th chap. II. Samuel“ Therefore Absalom sent for Joab, to have sent him to 
 the king ; but he would not come to him : and when he sent again the second 
 “ time he would not come. Therefore he said unto his seivants, see, Joabs field 
 ‘ is near mine, and he hath barley there ; go and set it on fire. And Absalom s 
 “ servants set the field on fire.” 
 
rAs mala. 
 
 256 - 
 
 meant it merely as a jest, but he would not deny his words. “ Yes ! 
 “ my lord,” he said, “ if you had a Rajpoot like me with you, you 
 “ would recover your lands in three days.” The brothers said they 
 would mount him on one of their horses, which was worth a hundred 
 pounds, and give him anything else he asked for. They took him 
 with them towards Ahmedabad. 
 
 The Hoorma, or queen of the padishah, and the Begums of the 
 Mohummedan chieftains, went every Friday to the holy place at 
 Mukurbo, near Sirkhej, with five hundred chariots and a numerous 
 escort. The attendants, however, remained at a short distance off, 
 and the ladies alone went to the tomb of the saint. Ukho Bhundaree 
 said to the brothers, “ Unless you seize these ladies, you will not 
 “ recover your lands.” When the ladies’ carriages had entered the 
 precincts of the tomb, the Rajpoot horsemen surrounded them. The 
 Hoorma asked who they were; they said they were Wurho and 
 Jeto, who, having lost their hereditary estates, were determined to 
 die, and announced their intention of driving off the carriages. The 
 Hoorma said, “ If you take away my honor I must die. I will go 
 “ into the city and procure the recovery of your lands for you imrne- 
 “ diately.” She swore to this solemnly, and the horsemen then 
 retired. In the meanwhile, the escort discovering the Waghelas, 
 prepared for an attack, but the Hoorma forbad them to molest the 
 Rajpoots. They obeyed her commands. The Hoorma went into the 
 city, and at night sat moodily in the palace, forbidding the lamps to 
 be lighted. The padishah, being apprised of this, came to her, and 
 asked what had happened. She told him the whole, and said, “ I 
 “ have given my oath, therefore you must send for the two brothers, 
 
 “ and reinstate them in their lands. If they had driven off my 
 “ carriage, where would have been the padishah’s honor?” 
 
 The padishah invited the brothers with great respect into Ahmed¬ 
 abad, and promised them dresses of honor. The Hoorma had told 
 them to remain at the white well near Palaree, and that she would ; 
 send a hostage (bandhur) for them in the morning. They did 
 accordingly, and in the morning the padishah sent his ministers, 
 Manikchund and Moteechund, who went to the spot, and, with the 
 assistance of a gardener, called Wurhojee and Jetoiee to them. The 
 Waghelas asked what security they had that they should not be ■ 
 seized and cast into prison. The ministers said they were securities ! 
 for them themselves, and taking oaths to this effect, brought them ! 
 towards the city. It was nearly sunset when they arrived at the gate, j 
 and observed a woman seated by the roadside in an indecent posture. 
 The Waghelas enquired of what caste the woman might be; the 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 
 
 2 57 
 
 ministers said they supposed she was a Brahmin or a Waneeo. The 
 Rajpoots enquired further, of what caste the ministers themselves 
 were ; they answered that they were Waneeas. Wurho then said to 
 Jeto, “Brother! these ministers are the sons of women who behave 
 “ thus in open day—what shame will they feel if the padishah throw 
 “ us into prison, or what hold can they have upon him? We had 
 “ better turn back from this place.” They said to the ministers, 
 “ We cannot rely upon your security;” and then turning, went back 
 to the white well. The ministers related what had happened to the 
 padishah, who sent to ask the brothers the reason of their distrust. 
 The Waghelas said that they would not come without better security. 
 The padishah then sent some of his Umeers as security, and the 
 Rajpoot horsemen again advanced towards the city. It was evening, 
 and the way was somewhat narrow. As they turned a corner they 
 came suddenly upon a Puthan woman who was passing along, with 
 her face veiled; and who, seeing the horsemen, endeavoured to 
 conceal herself, but found no place. She considered with herself 
 that it was not right that any man should see a Mogul’s daughter, 
 and having no other resource, jumped into a well. A number of 
 people hearing the noise, ran together. The Rajpoots also stopped. 
 When the woman was taken out, it was discovered who she was, and 
 what was the reason of her falling into the well. Wurho and Jeto 
 then felt confidence that the honor of the sons of such women would 
 be a safeguard to them. Thus they came to the padishah’s court. 
 He ordered their old clothes to be taken from them, and presented 
 them with new ones. From the old garments four pounds’ weight 
 of lice were taken out—such calamity had the Rajpoots endured in 
 the jungle. 
 
 The brothers considered in what way they could please the 
 padishah; they gave him their sister, Lala, in marriage. Ahmed 
 Shah gave them the five hundred villages of Kulol, and asked them 
 how they would divide the estate. Wurho and Jeto said the elder 
 brother would take the larger share, according to custom. The 
 padishah asked what foundation the custom had, to which the 
 younger brother replied, that its foundation was “ force.” Ahmed 
 Shah said that as they had suffered alike they should share equally. 
 Wurho, upon this, took Kulol and two hundred and fifty villages. 
 The chief of his descendants now holds Lembor, and junior branches 
 hold Pethapoor and Pendairoo, with twelve villages apiece. The 
 rest have been expelled by the Koolees. The younger brother had 
 the two hundred and fifty villages of Sanund. The brothers had 
 •arranged that the elder should have the best land, but by-and-bye 
 
 s 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 258 
 
 the younger brother’s land began to produce fine wheat, while the 
 elder could hardly grow vetches. 
 
 After these things a Thakor, or chieftain, who possessed three 
 hundred and fifty villages, named Beeola Samunt Singh, was one day 
 passing along the road beneath the padishah’s palace. It was the 
 hot weather, and, as the sun was very powerful, he had thrown a 
 cloth over his head, for at that time chutrees were not in use, and 
 only the great Mohummedan omrah were permitted to use aftab- 
 geerees. 1 Wurho and Jeto were at this time seated in one of the 
 windows of the palace. They said, in ridicule, “ Who is it that goes 
 “ along hiding his face?” Samunt Singh, hearing this, said, “Why 
 “ should I hide my face ? They may well hide their faces whose 
 “ daughters and sisters have been given to the Mohummedans.” 
 Wurho and Jeto were very much enraged when they heard this ; they 
 swore that Samunt Singh should give his daughter to a Mohummedan, 
 or they would no longer call themselves Wurho and Jeto, but would 
 submit to be dishonored. Samunt Singh, meanwhile, went on to 
 his lodging. The Waghela brothers, on the first opportunity, told 
 the padishah that the chieftain of Beeol had insulted them, and that 
 the only remedy was, that Ahmed Shah should take to wife the 
 Beeola’s daughter, a young lady fourteen years of age, and celebrated 
 for her beauty. The king assented to their proposal; and said to 
 some of his Mogul officers, “ When Samunt Singh comes to court, 
 “ demand his daughter for me in marriage.” They answered, “ \ our 
 “ Majesty ! this Samunt Singh is a dweller in the forest; he will not 
 “ easily be brought to listen to what we say ; and, indeed, it is a 
 “ difficult matter for us to speak to him on the subject.” The 
 padishah said, “ Well, when he comes, remind me of the matter, and 
 I will speak to him.” One day Samunt Singh came to the court. 
 The Mogul officers reminded the sultan, and he asked “ Samunt 
 “Singh, what children have you?” The chief answered, “Your 
 “ Majesty ! I have one son and one daughter.” Ahmed Shah asked 
 how old the daughter was. He said, “She is seven years of age.” 
 The padishah enquired why the Rajpoots delayed so long marrying 
 their daughters. The chief said, that it would cost him two or three 
 hundred pounds to marry his daughter, and that it was difficult for 
 him to spare so much ; and further, that if he married her at too 
 early an age, and she were to die, the money would be thrown away. 
 
 1 Chutree here means the common parasol or umbrella of modem days ; iftab- 
 geeree, a magnificent state umbrella. Chutree, however, equally means the royal 
 canopy; it is the Hindoo, as the other is the Mohummedan word. 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 
 
 2 59 
 
 The king said, “ Well ! Samunt Singh, marry your daughter to the 
 “ padishah’s throne.” The Thakor replied, “ You say well, sire, I 
 “ know that many Hindoo raja’s daughters are in the king’s harem— 
 “ the Kulol Raja’s, the Eedur Raja’s, and others; therefore, if my 
 “ daughter be there too, it will be well, but she is too young as yet, 
 “ and, in appearance, far from worthy of the king. There may be 
 “ among my kinsfolk some maiden worthy of the king—her I will 
 “ marry to your majesty.” The padishah said, “ Marry me your 
 “ daughter, however things may be.” Samunt Singh made many 
 excuses as to her youth; but the padishah continued to insist, until 
 he promised his consent. The chief went to his lodging; and the 
 king calling for Wurho and Jeto, told them that Samunt Singh had 
 agreed to give his daughter, notwithstanding their predictions to the 
 contrary. They said, “ He has so far agreed certainly, but among 
 “ Rajpoots it is the custom for the bridegroom to present a dress and 
 “ jewels to the lady, which we call ‘ wusunt / if the Beeola receive 
 “ ‘ wusunt,’ we may then reckon the affair as settled.” 
 
 Some days afterwards, Samunt Singh having come into the court, 
 Ahmed Shah said to him, “ Samunt Singh, receive ‘ wusunt ’ on behalf 
 “ of your daughter.” He said he would after his return home. 
 The king said, “No! take it away immediately to your lodging.” 
 The chief was then forced to receive it. The king told the brothers 
 that their prophecy, in regard to the Beeola’s refusing to receive 
 “ wusunt,” had proved as untrue as their first prediction. They said, 
 “ He has received ‘ wusunt,’ but he will certainly not fix the day.” 
 The king upon this said to Samunt Singh at the next interview, 
 “ You must fix the day for the marriage.” He replied, I have 
 “ been here ten months; I must return home, and look after my 
 “ revenues; and it will take me a year to make preparations for the 
 “ marriage; I have not -the means, at present, to pay for a wedding 
 “ with the padishah. Wait awhile.” The king said, “ Take what 
 “ sum of money you require from the treasury, but fix the day.” 
 He answered, “Your majesty! if I take money of yours for the 
 “ purpose, that will not be creditable to me.” The padishah, never¬ 
 theless, ordered a camel’s load of treasure to be conveyed to Beeol. 
 With that money Samunt Singh built a fort at Beeol with bastions, 
 and collected powder and ball, and soldiers. Then he sent word to 
 the padishah to say, “Now be pleased to come, and be married.” 
 
 About fourteen miles from Beeol is a hill, which is a very terrible 
 place ; there is a fortress there, called “ Dhoree-Pawutee.” At that 
 place, Samunt Singh had built a great mansion, and he had made a 
 large cave under ground, in order that he might retreat thither if 
 
260 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 forced from Beeol. The remains of these still exist, and people say 
 that there is much treasure buried there, but from fear of the bees 
 no one can enter. 1 About two miles from the same place is Keda- 
 reshwur Muha Dev, which is believed to be of the time of the Pan- 
 duvs, and twelve miles further on is Oontareeya Muha Dev, which 
 is far older than the time of the Panduvs. 
 
 The king, taking a force with him, went towards Beeol, and pitched 
 his camp four miles from the place. Samunt Singh sent his brother 
 and nephew to the king, to enquire whether he intended to be married 
 in the Mohummedan fashion or as a Hindoo. The king said he had 
 never seen a Hindoo marriage, and would prefer that fashion. They 
 said, “ The king has come to our home to be married ; we must, 
 
 “ therefore, perform the ceremony in a handsome manner. We will 
 “ fire off guns, and cast red powder into the air ; and it is our Hindoo 
 “ practice to ridicule the bridegroom’s party, and to sprinkle them 
 “ with salt and sand. If, perchance, your followers do not take it in 
 “ good part, and strike any one, there may arise a great fight out of 
 “ the marriage. You must, therefore, make them understand that 
 “ they are not to quarrel with any Beeol man who may ridicule them.” 
 The king gave orders accordingly to his followers. Samunt Singh’s 
 brother next said, “ Sire ! there is not room enough near Beeol for 
 “ your army to encamp. Let the great chiefs and nobles, therefore, 
 “ be sent on in advance; do you come yourself after them, and let 
 “ the troops come last.” Having delivered the whole of their mes¬ 
 sage, they returned into the town. The king sent on his chief officers, 
 following them himself, his troops being in the rear. When they ar¬ 
 rived near Beeol, they found five thousand Rajpoots waiting for them, 
 
 1 In an eastern country, and in such a locality, the bees are an enemy by no means 
 to be despised. Moses reminds the Israelites, in Deuteronomy, how the Amorites, 
 which dwelt in the mountain, came out against them, and chased them “ as bees do." 
 And Joshua relates how the wasps or hornets, “the forerunners of God’s host,’’ 
 drove out the same enemy from before them. In his Western India, Colonel Tod 
 tells a story of Mahmood Begurra, Sultan of Ahmedabad, and his iconoclastic 
 attempts upon a brass bull of colossal size at the shrine of Uchuleshwur, upon 
 Mount Aboo. “ In descending from Aboo, after the reduction of Uchulgurh, his 
 “ banners ‘fanned by conquest’s crimson wing,’ confusion waited on them from an 
 “unlooked-for source. A legion of bees , issuing from their pinnacled retreats, at- 
 “ tacked and pursued the invaders even to Jhalor. To commemorate this victory 
 “ over the spoiler, the name of Bhumur Thul , or ‘Bees’ Valley,’ was given to the 
 “ spot. A temple was erected, and from the captured arms thrown away in their 
 “ flight, a vast trident was formed, and placed in front of the divinity who thus 
 “ avenged the insult to Nundee.” Vide p. 87, Tod's Wtstern India. 
 
 Not many years ago at Kaira, in Goozerat, the funeral procession of a British 
 officer was as effectually put to the rout by an army of bees. 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 
 
 261 
 
 with guns loaded with ball. They closed the gate, and fired a volley 
 from the ramparts, slaying many of the king’s troops; but Ahmed 
 Shah for a long time continued to think they were in sport. When 
 he saw many men fall, however, he perceived that it was treachery. The 
 fight went on for seven days, at the end of which time Samunt Singh 
 having sustained a severe loss, carried off his family to Dhoree 
 Pawutee. The king’s army entered Beeol, and plundered it; Ahmed 
 Shah remained there three months looking after the wounded, pre¬ 
 paring military stores, and collecting troops. At length he set off for 
 Dhoree Pawutee. He cut down many trees there, and continued to 
 attack the place for two months. People say, that at last Samunt 
 Singh fired balls of gold and silver at the Mohummedans. In the 
 end, Samunt Singh, flying from Dhoree Pawutee, took refuge at the 
 mountain called Ghoonwo, and married his daughter to the Row of 
 Eedur. The king seized his three hundred and fifty villages. 
 
 Samunt Singh remained in outlawry for twelve years, during which 
 time he caused the Mohummedans much annoyance. At last the 
 king sent security to him, offering an accommodation. Samunt Singh 
 said he would live in peace if his lands were restored. The king then 
 gave wanta lands in eighty-four villages in the Dehgam Pergunnah to 
 Samunt Singh, and settled the dispute. Samunt Singh returned to 
 Beeol, and took up his residence there; and, at the present day, 
 descendants of his are existing under the name of Beeola Rajpoots, 
 who hold wanta lands in Dehgam. 
 
 Lala, the sister of Wurho and Jeto, died—some people say from 
 drinking hot milk, which scalded her internally. The shah, who was 
 very fond of her, and enchanted with her beauty and accomplishments, 
 became distracted. He sent his ministers into different countries to 
 procure him such another Hindoo wife, but they could find no beauty 
 like Lala among Hindoos or Mohummedans. The king, coming to 
 Ahmedabad, made proclamation to this effect, and was more dis¬ 
 tracted than ever. He deserted the management of his affairs, and 
 sat in a stupor of sorrow. The ministers thought there was no remedy 
 but to procure for him another wife such as Lala, the Waghelanee. 
 They sent a Brahmin, employed for such purposes, to seek another 
 fair one. The Brahmin, after travelling through many countries, came 
 at last to Matur, where there was a Seesodeea Raja, of the house of 
 Cheetor, who bore the name of Sutrasuljee, and the title of Rawul. 
 He possessed sixty-six villages, and had a daughter, named Raneeba, 
 and two sons, Bhanjee and Bhojjee. Raneeba was very beautiful. 
 The Brahmin when he saw her was much delighted, thinking that, 
 when he carried to court the good news that he had discovered her, 
 
262 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 he should receive a dress of honor. He went to the king’s ministers, 
 and told them that he had found a successor for Lala Waghelanee. 
 They gave him a dress of honor, and made him detail the particulars. 
 He said he had found at Matur, in the Churotur, a beautiful maiden, 
 the daughter of Rawul Sutrasuljee. The ministers sent for Sutrasuljee 
 to Ahmedabad, and with much respect, solicited him to marry his 
 daughter to the throne. Sutrasuljee answered that the daughter of a 
 Hindoo could not be thus married. The ministers urged that the 
 harem of the shah contained many Hindoo rajas’ daughters. Sutra¬ 
 suljee merely answered, “They and I are different.’ Ihe Deewans 
 said that if he did not give his consent willingly they should be com¬ 
 pelled to extort it. The Rawul still refused, and, at last, was thrown 
 into prison. His wife, when she heard the news, considered within 
 herself, “ I must look upon this daughter as one who is dead ; but, by 
 “ some means or other, I must save the Chief’s life and our gras.' 
 She sent her daughter, accordingly, to Ahmedabad. When the lady, 
 wearing her ornaments, was introduced to the king, he was astonished 
 at her beauty, and exclaimed, “ Is this Lala returned ? ” She an¬ 
 swered, “That Lala has gone.” The king recollected himself. The 
 next day he held a court. He caused the fetters to be struck off Sutra¬ 
 suljee, and, calling him into court, presented him with a dress of 
 honor. Sutrasuljee thought lightly of his imprisonment, congratulating 
 himself that he had escaped giving his daughter to the Mohummedan. 
 He returned cheerfully home. When the time came for sitting down 
 to dinner he called for Raneeba. The Ranee pretended to go out 
 for her, and, returning, said that Raneeba was amusing herself, and 
 would not come. Sutrasuljee declared he would take no food until 
 she arrived. Then the Ranee said to him, “ My lord ! when Raneeba 
 “ was sent to the king at Ahmedabad your prison doors were opened.” 
 Hearing this, Sutrasuljee was overpowered with grief. He said, 
 “ What mattered it had I died there? I am of the race of Cheetor; 
 “ I have myself been called Nukulunkee j 1 such a stain was never 
 “ before cast upon the Seesodeeas’ honor. Fie upon you that you 
 “ have spotted it thus !” The Ranee said, “Your life would have 
 “ been lost; let us then look upon our daughter as one who is dead.” 
 The Rajpoot rose, quick as thought, and seized his sword; his wife 
 cast her arms round him, but he dashed her from him down to the 
 ground, and, drawing the weapon, plunged it into his belly, and fell a 
 corpse. 
 
 Sutrasuljee’s sons, Bhanjee and Bhojjee, carefully performed his 
 
 1 The “ Stainless. 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 
 
 263 
 
 obsequies; they began to rule at Matur. When the matter became 
 known at Ahmedabad, Raneeba performed ablutions, and was very 
 sorrowful. Beholding her grief, the king said kindly to her, “ When 
 “ any one of the Hindoo rajas dies, and his sons succeed to the 
 “ throne, is there anything which a relation can do to help them ?” 
 Raneeba said, “ A rich relation may send a dress of honor, and replace 
 “ with it their white habiliments of mourning.” The king said, “ Let 
 “ me send for your brothers here to make them presents, and remove 
 “ their mourning.” So was it done; the Thakors came to Ahmedabad, 
 and alighted at their own lodging. The king sent them hay, grain, 
 and other necessaries; he said to the lady, “ I will this day present 
 “ your brothers with dresses of honor.” She said, “ What brothers, 
 “ and what sister ? I am no longer related to them." The king asked, 
 “ How? Are they not your brothers?” Raneeba answered, “ I am 
 “ now a Mohummedan, they are Hindoos, we cannot eat together or 
 “ drink of the same cup of water. How then any longer are we 
 brothers and sister ! ” The king replied, “ Do you prepare dinner 
 “ for them to-day.” Hearing this, the lady reflected, “ I meant well, 
 “ but it has turned out otherwise.” When the king sent for the 
 “ brothers, they came in expectation of receiving dresses of honor, 
 and sat down at their sister’s mansion. The lady, when they were 
 alone, said to them, “ Shame on you, brothers, that though our father 
 “ died on account of his grief at my being given up to the Mohum- 
 “ medan, you are come here to be made outcastes ! ” She then ex- 
 “ plained the intentions of the king. The younger brother, Bhojjee, 
 at once dropped from the window, and made his escape ; the elder 
 : brother, Bhanjee, remained. The king came out, and said, “ Eat of 
 “ the food which your sister has prepared.” Bhanjee said, “ Sire ! I 
 “ cannot.” The king said, “ Why stand you thus aloof?” Bhanjee 
 said, *• Sire ! if I eat here, no Rajpoot will give me his daughter to 
 “ wife.” The king said, “ Think not of that, I will bring as many 
 “ Rajpoots as you please, and make them eat with you.” He com¬ 
 pelled Bhanjee to partake of the repast. The Thakor was much 
 grieved at this, and to assuage his grief, the king caused Rajpoots 
 from fifty-two villages to be brought to Ahmedabad. At this time 
 many Rajpoots hearing that the king meditated their forcible conver¬ 
 sion, abandoned their villages and “ gras,” and went away into other 
 countries. Such as fell into the king’s hands were compelled to for¬ 
 feit their caste. Things went on in this way for many days; many a 
 battle was fought, and many a Rajpoot lost his life. 
 
 Near Champaner is Rajpeepla, which is the capital of three hun¬ 
 dred and fifty villages. The raja of it was Thakor Hureesunghjee 
 
264 
 
 RAS MALA, 
 
 Gohil. On one occasion a set of pearls of great value having been 
 presented to him, he had made a necklace of them for his lhakorine. 
 He said to her, “ There is water, truly, in these.” When the struggle 
 with the king occurred, the Raja of Rajpeepla, with the other chiefs, 
 was compelled to fly into the jungle. At a time when they were 
 suffering dreadfully from thirst, the Ranee, looking sorrowfully at her 
 necklace, said, “ Thakor ! you once told me there was water in these.” 
 On this incident the Charuns made the following verses 
 
 “ O ! shah, sultan, friend, when you became angry, the Shesh could 
 “ not support its burthen ; the earth began to tremble. You slew.the 
 “ warrior Rajpoots, full of pride—them of the Rewa. On all sides 
 “ the dust was wetted with blood. O ! sultan, from fear of you, 
 “ blistered were the feet of the Bhoomeeas’ Ranees; they wandered, 
 “ eating esculent roots; Upsuras in form, they tore the pearls from 
 “ their necks, and, squeezing them into their husbands’ mouths, cried, 
 “ ‘ You said there was water in these.’” After twelve years spent in 
 <£ outlawry, Hureesunghjee Gohil recovered his u gras from the shah, 
 and his descendants still rule at Rajpeepla. 
 
 The Rajpoots who were thus put out of caste, concludes the bard, 
 formed a separate caste, called “ Molesulam,” because they had bowed 
 (or made sulam) to the Mohol, or palace of the sultan. These still 
 dress as Hindoos ; some of them practice the Hindoo religion, and 
 some the Mohummedan; but among them the corpses of the dead 
 are always buried, and not burned. Their women also dress as 
 Hindoos. Other Hindoos look down upon them as Mohummedans; 
 but they retain the names of the clans they formerly belonged to; and 
 have Bhats for their Wyewunchas, who read their pedigrees. At 
 marriages they do not use the fire-sacrifice; but are united with prayers; 
 they retain, however, the “ Gunesh-pooja,” and some other Hindoo 
 rites. Some Rajpoots, who escaped notice from their unimportance, 
 retained their caste, and are known as Karudeeas; others, who were 
 too powerful to be subjected, but agreed to become tributary to the 
 sultan, remained rajas, and were still addressed by the title of Jee. 
 A number of poor Rajpoots, remaining aloof “ nurwa,” and seeking 
 nothing further than permission to cultivate the land, became Narodas. 
 The Waneeas and Brahmins, who were made outcaste at the same 
 time, joined the sect of the Borahs. 1 
 
 1 “ But there is another tribe of Mohummedans, which cuts a considerable 
 “ figure in this collectorate (Broach) as agriculturists : these are the Borahs ; but 
 “ they are quite a distinct sect from the trading Borahs. Agriculture is their sole 
 “ pursuit and occupation, although they sometimes hire out their carts, and accom- 
 “ pany them as their drivers. They are the most active, industrious, and skilful 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 
 
 265 
 
 The elder branch of the Waghelas soon after these times melted 
 : away. Anund Dev, the grandson of the first chief, held the undivided 
 estate of Kulol, but his younger son, Ranik Dev, received as his 
 patrimonial inheritance Roopal, with forty-two villages. In a.d. 1499, 
 when Mahmood Begurra, the grandson of Shah Ahmed, was upon 
 • the throne, Rooda Ranee, the consort of Veer Singh Waghela, the 
 then Lord of Kulol, constructed, at an expense of “ five lakhs of 
 tunkhas,” the magnificent well which still exists at the village of Udalej. 
 Veer Singh and his brother Ujetra Singh were at war with the Mohum- 
 ; medans, who slew the elder brother, and placed a garrison in his 
 
 [ “ cultivators in the Zilla, as the appearance and resources of their villages fully in- 
 | “ dicate ; their dress, manners, and language are the same as those of the Ivoonbee 
 | “ and other Hindoo cultivators ; they were, indeed, themselves originally Hindoos. 
 
 [ “ Their ancestors are supposed to have been for the most part Koolees and Raj- 
 ' “ poots, with perhaps a few Koonbees ; and their conversion, they think, took 
 [ “ place in the time of the Mohummedan monarch of Goozerat, known by the name 
 f “ of Sultan Mahmood Begurra. The Goozeratee is the language spoken among 
 “ these Borahs, and not the Hindostanee, as in the case of those among the 
 I “ Mohummedan cultivators,called Mulleks, Khans, &c. All the cultivating Borahs 
 “ are Soonees.”— Colonel Williams's Memoir on the Zilla of Baroche, p. 9 1 - 
 
 The following account of the origin of the Borahs is from an article on Oujein 
 by Connoly, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society (Bengal), vol. vi. p. 842 :— 
 
 “ A man, named Yakub, obliged to quit his country from some domestic or 
 ; “ party feud, was the first of his sect who put his foot in India, having left Egypt 
 “ and landed at Cambay, A.H. 532 (a.d. 1137). At this time the chief Mulla of 
 “ the sect (which had been for some years settled in Yemen) was Zohribbin Musa. 
 
 I “ Egypt obeyed the rule of the Caliph Mostemsir Billah, and Sadras Singh 
 “ governed the Hindoo kingdom of Pirdn-pattan. Now Mostemsir, say most 
 | “ authorities, died a.h. 487, and his grandson, Hafedh, the nth caliph, reigned 
 1 “ from 524 to 544. The Guzerat chronicles, though very confused at this period, 
 jj “ agree better with the above date, for Sidd'na, or Jaya Singh, of which Sadras 
 “ may be a corruption, was King of Anhulwara patan in 1094.” 
 
 See, however, the remainder of the article. It appears that Yakub landed at 
 Cambay, and lived with a gardener, whom he converted. He subsequently con¬ 
 verted the son of a Brahmin. “The King Sadras,” and his two dewans, the 
 brothers, “Tarmall and Barmall,” used frequently to visit a temple at Cambay, 
 where an iron elephant was suspended in the air by a magnet. Yakub removed 
 the magnet, and was also victorious in a contest with the Brahmins. “ Sadras and 
 ; “ his couit, won by such a succession of miracles, embraced the religion of their 
 “ author.” Their example was soon followed by many others. I he sect kept up 
 an intercourse with Arabia, and assumed the name of V yuvuharees, or Borahs. 
 
 There seems to be a strange jumble of real names and events in this story. 
 ‘ 1 Sadras Singh” may well be Sudderd Jesingh, the name by which Sidh Raj is 
 popularly known in Goozerat, but the two dewans, 1 armall and Barmall, must be 
 the brothers, Tej Pal and Wustoo Pal, the ministers of Veerdhuwul Waghela. 
 Again, the story of the king’s conversion would apply better to Koomar Pal, or 
 Ujye Pal, of whom such tales are elsewhere related. 
 
266 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 patrimonial town. Kulol was, however, held for several generations 
 after by Veer Singh’s descendants, until it was at length lost, in a.d. 
 1728, by Bhugut Singh. That chief retired to Lembodura, a village 
 which he took from the Anjuna Koonbees, and which is still held by 
 his descendant, who claims, and apparently with reason, the honor of 
 being the chief of the Waghelas. 
 
 Two or three generations after the death of Ranik Dev, the younger 
 son of Anund Dev, the estate of Roopal was subdivided between the 
 sons of Samunt Singh, the then chieftain; the eldest, Wuje Kurunjee, 
 retained Roopal, but a mansion was built at Kolwura for the younger 
 son, Someshwur, who received fourteen of his father’s villages. Wuje 
 Kurunjee appears to have lost Roopal, for his eldest son, Bheemjee, 
 retired into the Eedur country, where he founded the families of 
 Poseena and Hurad, vassals^ of the Rows of Eedur, while Wunojee, 
 the younger son, settled at Aloowa, on the banks of the Sabhermu- 
 tee, at which place his descendants still remain. 
 
 Someshwur’s grandson, Chandojee, still held Kolwura. He had a 
 son, Heemalojee, whose mother’s brother, Pethoo Gol, possessed the 
 estate of Sokhuroo, near the Sabhermutee river. Pethoo Gol was 
 afflicted with an incurable disease, and as he had no offspring, he 
 looked with an eye of apprehension on Heemalojee ; it being no un¬ 
 common thing in those times, says the bard, for nephews to put their 
 uncles to death for their gras. Pethoo’s fears were not without founda¬ 
 tion, but the precautions taken by him prevented any open attack 
 by his nephew. At length, however, Heemalojee, pretending a pil¬ 
 grimage to Sokhureea Muha Dev, entered Sokhuroo with a band of 
 Rajpoots concealed in the closed carriages used for the conveyance 
 of women. These warriors made their way into the mansion of the 
 chief, whom they put to death. “ Sut ” having then come upon the 
 Ranee, she cursed Heemalojee, and prophesied that the children of 
 even his daughters should meet an untimely death. The Thakor 
 implored her forgiveness, and said, “ Mother 1 you have no child; I 
 “ am your son; what has happened has happened ; be kind to me, 
 
 “ and I will obey any order you may give.” The Sutee commanded 
 him to found a new village in the name of his uncle, and promised 
 that his descendants, in the male line, should maintain themselves 
 there, but declared, that as her word could not be altered, the 
 daughters of his race should be childless. Such was the origin of 
 Pethapoor, a handsome town on the Sabhermutee river, a few miles to 
 the north of Ahmedabad, distinguished to the present time by its 
 manufacture of matchlocks, and by the valor and fidelity of its mer¬ 
 cenary bands. The curse of the Sutee has, however, been accom- 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 267 
 
 plished, and the daughters of the Lords of Pethapoor, it is said, have 
 never reared a child. 
 
 The Sanund. branch of the family has been more fortunate than 
 that of Kulol, and still retains its possessions, subdivided into the two 
 principal estates of Sanund (called also of Kot) and Gangur. 1 
 
 ' 
 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 AHMED SHAH I.—MOHUMMED SHAH 1.—KOOTB SHAH. 
 
 In the year a.d. 1418, Ahmed Shah was drawn to the defence of the 
 districts of Sultanpoor and Nundoorbar, then threatened by the 
 ruler of Asseer, in conjunction with Sultan Hooshung, of Malvva. 
 When the rains had already set in, the shah received intelligence 
 that during his absence the Row of Eedur, the Rawul of Champaner, 
 the chiefs of Mundulgurh and Nadot, had combined to invite Sultan 
 Hooshung to an invasion of Goozerat, and that the Ra of Soreth, 
 having heard of the projected invasion, had refused to pay his tribute. 
 
 1 There is much confusion, which it is now impossible to remedy, in the bardic 
 account of the Waghelas. One authority makes the first holders of Kulol and 
 Sanund to be sons of Kurun Waghela, and even mentions the names of their 
 mothers. The account is as follows :—“ Kurun’s sons, Sarung and Wurshung, 
 “were born at the same time, and were, therefore, both ‘ Patuwees.’ Sarung’s 
 “ mother was Taj Koonwureejee, daughter of Gujsunghjee Bhatee of Jesulmer ; 
 “ Wurshung’s mother was Umur Koonwerba, daughter of Desuljee Jhareja of 
 “ Kerookot. Wurshung had Surdhar assigned to him in the life-time of his father, 
 “ with six hundred and fifty villages. Sarung received, in like manner, Bheeluree, 
 “ with six hundred and fifty villages. Meeting at Bheeluree, the brothers took 
 “ Kuree from the Mohummedans, but continued the Begum on the throne, and 
 “ and went to meet the padishah at Puttun without taking any security. The 
 “ padishah was pleased, and gave them five hundred villages. Sarung Dev took 
 “ Kulol, with two hundred and fifty villages, and Wurshung took Sanund, with 
 “ the like number.” The inscription on the well at Udalej gives the following 
 pedigree :—I. Mokul Singh ; 2. Kurun ; 3. Mool Raja ; 4. Mahip, whose sons 
 were Veer Singh and Ujetra Singh, the former Rooda Ranee’s husband. These 
 two brothers are doubtless the Wurho and Jeto of the bards, to whom a family 
 tradition has been assigned. Another inscription is to be A found in a well at Mansa. 
 It gives the following pedigree :—I. Mool Raj ; 2. Vijye Anund ; 3. Velo ; 4. Dhu- 
 wul; 5. Wanka ; 6. Chumpuk, who married Chumpa Devee, daughter of Loonka, 
 the son of Sarung Devjee, and had by her a son Dhara, the person who constructed 
 the well, a.d. 1526. This branch of the Waghela family was seated at Oganej, 
 near Kulol. 
 
268 
 
 RAS. MALA. 
 
 Ahmed Shah immediately crossed the Nerbudda, notwithstanding the 
 unfavorable season, and encamped his army on the banks of the 
 Myhee, from whence he himself, with a light force, rapidly advanced 
 to Ahmedabad, and thence to Morasa. Troops were detached against 
 the Ra of Soreth, the Raja of Mundulgurh, and others of the con¬ 
 federates ; and the shah himself, when the season opened, advanced 
 from Morasa into Malwa, where he defeated Hooshung, and pursued 
 him to within a few miles of Mandoo. In the following year a peace 
 was concluded between the Kings of Goozerat and Malwa, and the : 
 former seized the opportunity of revenging himself upon his neater; 
 neighbours. He occupied Eedur, and he invested Champaner, and 
 compelled the Rawul to consent to an annual tribute. He next “ re- i 
 “ turned to settle the boundaries of his own country, dispersed the 
 “ refractory, and, destroying the Hindoo temples, built mosques in their 
 “ place. Having also founded forts in such places, he left garrisons 
 “ in them, among which may be mentioned the fort at the town of 
 “ Jinoor, in the Pergunnah of Bareah, and that of Shivpoor. After 
 “ this he established the market town of Dahmod, among the moun- 
 “ tains, where he erected a fortification. After this the fort of Karieh 
 “ (Kaira or Kuree ?) built in a.d. 1304, by order of Alp Khan, who 
 “ governed the country for Allah-ood-deen Khiljy, was repaired, and 
 “ named Sultanabad.” 
 
 Ahmed Shah was subsequently engaged in a war of some duration 
 with Malwa, in which he was, on the whole, successful, though his 
 troops suffered so much during the campaign as to oblige him to 
 abstain from any foreign attacks for some years. In a.d. 1426, he 
 marched “ to retake Eedur,” but being apparently convinced of his 
 inability to hold that capital, the citadel of which, it is probable, had 
 never been surrendered to him, he, on this occasion, with the view of 
 more fully overawdng the country of the Rows, commenced the con¬ 
 struction of a large and handsome fortress on the banks of the Hat- 
 mutee river, and within sight of the mountain-peaks that rise above 
 Eedur-gurh, to which he gave the name of Ahmednugger. Tradition 
 states that he also founded the fort of Sadra, situated about half-way 
 between Ahmednugger and his capital, in a strong position, on the 
 banks of the Sabhermutee, defended by deep ravines. Row Poonja, the 
 then chief of Eedur, however, obstructed the shah’s operations by night 
 attacks on Ahmednugger, and by marauding expeditions into the 
 country held by the Mohummedans. A reward was therefore set 
 upon his head. On one occasion, when he had attacked Ahmednug¬ 
 ger, the Row was repulsed, and pursued by the Moslem cavalry. He 
 gallopped towards Eedur, but, as he passed at a rapid pace along a 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 
 
 269 
 
 path at the edge of a ravine, his horse shied with him, and fell into 
 the chasm below. The Row falling below the animal was killed. 
 Next day, a woodcutter, who discovered the corpse lying in the ravine, 
 having heard the proclamation of a reward, cut off Row Poonja’s head, 
 and brought it to the audience tent of the sultan. Ahmed Shah now- 
 sent a detachment to lay waste the country of Beesulnugger, in the 
 hills about which Row Poonja had been wont to take refuge. 
 
 Row Poonja was succeeded by his son, Narondas, who, as Ferishta 
 states, agreed to pay an annual tribute of three lakhs of tunkhas of 
 silver into the treasury of Goozerat. From Eedur the king marched 
 into the district of Gudwara, and next year, a.d. 1428, his pacification 
 with Row Narondas having already been broken, “ he marched again 
 ; “ to Eedur, and on the 14th of November carried by storm one of 
 ; “ the principal forts in that province, wherein he built a magnificent 
 ! “ mosque.” 
 
 A contest now ensued with the Bahmuny sovereign of the Dekkan, 
 in which his usual success attended the arms of Ahmed Shah. An 
 [ interesting fact is here disclosed—the possession by the sovereigns of 
 ! Goozerat of Salsette and of the islands of Mahim and Moomba Devee, 
 
 ! which, in their united form, constitute the present island of Bombay. 
 Mahim was then held by a tributary Flindoo prince, with the title of 
 Raee, who afterwards gave a daughter to the harem of the son of Shah 
 Ahmed. There is no record of the separate conquest of this territory 
 by the Mohummedans, nor does it appear that either the viceroys or 
 the sultans of Goozerat were ever sufficiently unemployed up to this 
 time, or possessed of sufficient resources to have enabled them to 
 undertake an extension of their dominions into this detached and 
 distant quarter. We have seen, however, that the sovereigns of Unhil- 
 wara pushed their armies deep into the Dekkan; that they not only 
 held possession of the northern part of Candeish, in which Kurun 
 Waghela long maintained himself after Goozerat had been overrun; 
 but that they also occupied the Konkun, and threatened the kingdom 
 of Kollapoor. We may therefore conclude that Bombay and the 
 northern Konkun fell into the possession of the Mohummedans on the 
 extinction of the Waghela dynasty, as part of the recognised territories 
 of the lords of Unhilwara,—a fact which, taken in connection with the 
 glimpses we possess of their naval supremacy, is calculated to add no 
 little interest to the illustrious line of Sidh Raj. 
 
 Kootb Khan, the governor of Mahim on the part of Ahmed Shah, 
 dying, the Bahmuny sultan, seizing the favorable opportunity, occu¬ 
 pied that island without loss, and also took possession of Tannah, in 
 Salsette. Ahmed Shah immediately assembled a fleet of seventeen 
 
270 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 sail at Diu, Gogo, and Cambay, which, in co-operation with an army 
 advancing along the northern Konkun, attacked and recovered Tan -1 
 nah. The Bahmuny general retreated to Mahim, and on the face of j 
 that island, which was exposed, constructed a very strong wattled j 
 breast-work. This stockade was carried, not without considerable loss, j 
 by the troops of Ahmed Shah, who now found themselves opposed to j 
 the whole of the Dekkan line. A bloody and indecisive action ensued, f 
 which was terminated at nightfall; but while darkness lasted, the Dek- j 
 kan general abandoned his position, and retreated to the contiguous 
 island of Moomba Devee. The Goozerat fleet blockaded the island, 
 and effected a landing upon it for the troops, and the general of the 
 Bahmuny shah was compelled to fly to the continent. After another 
 action, fought under the walls of Tannah, the Dekkany troops were 
 ultimately defeated and dispersed, and the fleet of Goozerat returned 
 home, carrying with it “ some beautiful gold and silver embroidered 
 “ muslins," taken on the island of Mahim. 
 
 The Bahmuny sovereign, in a.d. 1431, sought to revenge his defeat 
 by an irruption into the Goozerat provinces of Candeish; but he was 
 encountered by Ahmed Shah in person, and met with his former ill- 
 success. 
 
 Next year Ahmed Shah marched into Rajpootana, exacted tribute 
 from the Rawul of Doongurpoor, proceeded through the Bheel coun¬ 
 try into the territories of Rana Mokuljee of Mewar, and levied contri¬ 
 butions from the Rows of Kotah, Boondee, and Nudoolaye. The 
 close of his reign was occupied by an unsuccessful attempt to preserve 
 the throne of Malwa to the descendants of his ancient enemy, Sultan 
 Hooshung. He died at Ahmedabad on the 4th of July, a.d. i 443 > 
 and was buried there in a sumptuous tomb in front of the Friday 
 mosque. 
 
 Mohummed Shah, the son and successor of Ahmed, in the year of 
 his succession led an army against the Row of Eedur, who for a time 
 took to the hills ; but “ having soon after sent ambassadors to ask 
 “ pardon for his faults,” was accordingly forgiven, and gave his daugh¬ 
 ter in marriage to the sultan. Mohummed Shah continued his 
 advance into Bhagur,and after exacting tribute returned to Ahmedabad. 
 In a.d. 1449, he marched against Rawul Gungadas of Champaner, 
 and, defeating him, drove him to take refuge within his fortress. The 
 Rawul, however, prevailed upon the Khiljy sovereign of Malwa to 
 march to his assistance, and Mohummed Shah made a disgraceful 
 retreat before this new enemy. 
 
 Sultan Mahmood of Malwa now threatened the subjugation of Goo¬ 
 zerat ; Mohummed Shah died or was poisoned, and his son, Kootb 
 
AHMED SHAH I. 
 
 271 
 
 Shah, succeeding, found the invader between the villages of Sirkhej 
 and Butwa, within a few miles of his capital. An action was fought, 
 and the Sultan of Malwa, though nearly successful, was compelled at 
 last to retire. A peace was concluded between the two sovereigns, 
 who bound themselves by a special article to wage henceforth perpe¬ 
 tual war against Hindoos, an engagement afterwards partially redeemed 
 by an offensive alliance against Rana Koombho of Mewar. 
 
 Koombho Rana was one of the best of the many energetic princes 
 who successively ruled Mewar, and to him is attributed that augmen¬ 
 tation of her resources which enabled her to make so gallant a stand 
 against the Mohummedan power under Sung, his heroic grandson. 
 To Koombho Rana are attributed thirty-two of the eighty-four for¬ 
 tresses erected for the defence of Mewar. The greatest of these was 
 Koombhomer, or Komulmer, whose natural position, aided by the 
 works which he constructed, rendered it impregnable to a native army. 
 He also erected a citadel within the ancient fortress of the Purmars at 
 Aboogurh, in which he often resided. Its magazine and alarm tower 
 still bear Koombho’s name ; and, in a rude temple, his effigy, in brass 
 stills receives divine honours. Koombho Rana also fortified the 
 passes between the western frontier and Aboo; he erected the fort of 
 Wusuntee, near Seerohee; a second at Koombhareea, beside the 
 shrine of Umbajee^ and others which protected his territories against 
 the Mairs of the Arawullee, or the Bheels of Jharol and Panowra. 
 The temple of Koombho Sham, on Mount Aboo, is another monu¬ 
 ment of the Seesodeea prince, who contributed largely also towards 
 the erection of the celebrated shrine of.Rishub Dev, which occupies 
 the Sadree pass, “ a deserted glen running into the western slope of 
 “ the Arawullee, below his favorite fort of Komulmer .” 1 He was 
 himself a poet, and the husband of a poetess, the celebrated Rathor 
 princess, Meera Baee. 
 
 Kootb Shah was called upon for assistance against the Rana of 
 Mewar by his relation, Shums Khan, the descendant of a brother of 
 Moozuffer Shah, then possessing Nagor. The first expedition in which 
 
 1 There is an inscription on this temple which furnishes a pedigree of Koombho 
 Rana, or, as he is there called, Rana Shree Koombh Kum, from Shree Bupya or 
 Bappa, for an account of whose origin see p.235 . In this inscription (which is 
 dated a.d. 1440), among other epithets applied to Koombho Rana, are the following: 
 he was “The eagle which destroyed the crowd of snake-like barbarian princes, the 
 
 forest conflagration which burned the jungle of injustice, the Sultan of the Hin- 
 “ doos. ” The temple stands at a village called Ranpoor, about five miles from the 
 town of Sadree, or Saduree, in Marwar. For a description of it, with illustrations, 
 see Fergusson’s Illustrated Hand Book of Architecture, vol. i., p. 79, and the same 
 author’s Illustrations of Indian Architecture. 
 
272 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the shah was not himself personally engaged was eminently unsuccess¬ 
 ful, the troops of Goozerat being completely defeated by the Rana. 
 Kootb Shah, hearing of this disaster, advanced in person : he defeated 
 the Rajpoots of Seerohee, at this time vassals of Mewar, entered the 
 hills, and made his way to Komulmer. In this position he was 
 attacked by the Rana, who, being unsuccessful in several engagements, 
 at length sued for peace. 
 
 Sultan Mahmood, of Malwa, now proposed to Kootb Shah the par¬ 
 tition between the two Mohummedan powers of the whole territories 
 of Rana Koombho, and a treaty to this effect was solemnly signed by 
 their respective envoys, at the town of Champaner. Next year Kootb 
 Shah marched towards Cheetor, carried the fortress of Aboogurh, in 
 which he left a garrison, again reached Seerohee, and entered the hills, 
 where, after two successful general actions, he a second time com¬ 
 pelled the Rana to submission. In the following year, a.d. 1458, 
 Rana Koombho was, however, again in arms with the view of reducing 
 Nagor. Kootb Shah, after a long delay, marched against him, and 
 continued his victorious progress, until it was once more arrested 
 by the impregnable fortress of Komulmer. He returned to Ahmeda- 
 bad, where he shortly afterwards died, and was buried by the side of 
 Mohummed Shah, his father, in the mausoleum of Sultan Ahmed. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 
 
 Kootb Shah was succeeded by his uncle, Dawood, who proved 
 wholly incapable, and reigned only a few days, and then by his 
 younger brother, Mahmood, surnamed Begurra, the greatest of the 
 Mohummedan sovereigns of Goozerat. Though fourteen years of 
 age at his accession, he speedily evinced the courage and ability 
 which distinguished his future career. Having displayed a determi- j 
 nation to protect against his enemies a faithful minister, whose 
 destruction would have been but the prelude to his own, the young 
 sultan was assailed in his palace by a body of thirty thousand rebels. 
 His friends thought only of shutting themselves up in the citadel, or 
 of escaping with the royal treasures, but Mahmood was of a different 
 temper. The gates of the citadel were thrown open, and the boy 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 
 
 273 
 
 king gallantly sallied forth, with quiver at his back and bow in his 
 hand, and proceeding through the main street, in slow procession, 
 in the midst of his enemies, the royal music sounding before him, 
 gave his faithful nobles an opportunity of rallying round his stan¬ 
 dard. The commanding points were, under his personal direction, 
 quietly and skilfully seized, and the rebellion was at once rendered 
 hopeless. 
 
 Three years after this brilliant commencement of his reign, Mah- 
 mood assumed in person the command of an army, with which, 
 marching into the north of Candeish, he saved the Bahmuny Shah of 
 the Dekkan from the Sultan of Malwa. 
 
 In a.d. 1468, the holy prophet, Mahomet, having appeared to him 
 in a dream, and invited him to the conquest of infidels, by spreading 
 before him, in a vision, a magnificent banquet of the most delicious 
 viands, Mahmood Shah prepared to achieve the conquest of Soreth, 
 which Mohummed Toghluk, and his own great ancestor Ahmed, 
 had attempted in vain. The most magnificent preparations were 
 made for this expedition : the treasure chest contained fifty millions 
 of gold, the commissariat was supplied with eighteen hundred gilded- 
 handled swords, the manufacture of Egypt, Arabia, and Khorasan, 
 with three thousand eight hundred of the celebrated blades of Ah- 
 medabad, and the daggers in similar profusion, mounted with gold 
 and silver; the master of the horse led with him two thousand 
 steeds of Arabia and Toorkistan, and lest these rewards should be 
 insufficient to recompense the warriors who attended him, Mah¬ 
 mood promised also the plunder of Soreth as the prize of their 
 victorious valor. 
 
 On arriving within eighty miles of Girnar, Mahmood detached 
 a force of seventeen hundred men, under his uncle, Toghluk Khan, 
 to occupy two outworks called Mohabilla, before his arrival. The 
 Rajpoots, who were entrusted with the post, were surprised and cut 
 off; but the Ra of Soreth, hearing of the event, descended from his 
 hill-fortress, and attacking Toghluk Khan, was upon the point of 
 repulsing him, when the arrival of Mahmood Shah in person changed 
 the fortune of the day, and the Ra retreated, himself severely wounded. 
 Mahmood cleared the country in the neighbourhood; sent out forage 
 parties, who procured abundant provisions for his camp, and prepared 
 for a siege; but the difficulties were probably greater than he had 
 anticipated, and the Ra was allowed to purchase a cessation of 
 hostilities by present submission, and by the payment of a large 
 amount in jewels and in specie. 
 
 Mahmood, however, only required a pretext for attacking Girnar 
 
 x 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 274 
 
 a second time, and next year discovered one in the fact that “ the 
 “ Row Munduleek visited the temples of idolatry, and went there 
 “ with all the ensigns of royalty.” An army of forty thousand horse 
 marched to Girnar to punish this presumption ; and the Ra, who was 
 neither able nor willing to oppose the Mohummedan arms, paid the 
 tribute which was demanded of him, and surrendered his royal 
 umbrella and other kingly ensigns to the sultan. These concessions, 
 however, were unavailing. The Ra of Soreth might have exclaimed, 
 with his predecessor in misfortune, the gallant Prutheeraj Chohan, 
 “ Like a fly scared away, again and again the enemy returns.” In the 
 latter end of the same year Mahmood again marched in person to 
 Soreth. The Ra declared his willingness to pay any sum of money 
 he could produce, to protect his subjects from the horrors of war; 
 but Mahmood replied, that “ there was no greater fault than infidelity, 
 “ and that if he was to expect tranquillity, he must acknowledge the 
 “ unity of God.” The Ra made no answer ; but shut himself up in the 
 fort of Joonagurh, to which Mahmood laid siege. Finding his position 
 untenable, the Ra, leaving Joonagurh, retired to the upper fortress, 
 on Girnar; but his garrison was starved into submission, and seeing 
 no end to his misfortunes, he quitted the fort, delivered the keys to 
 the sultan, and repeated the confession of faith in imitation of the 
 conqueror. His conversion is, however, by the author of the Meerat 
 Sekunderee, made subsequent to his fall, and owing to the example 
 of the saint rather than of the sovereign. “ The Munduleek Raja,” 
 says that author, “ being taken prisoner, was sent to Ahmedabad. 
 “ One day perceiving a grand procession going towards the residence 
 “ of the holy Shah Alum, at Russoolabad, the Raee enquired who 
 “ Shah Alum was, and in whose service. He was told that this holy 
 “ person acknowledged no master but the supreme Being. Struck 
 “ with admiration at the reply, he resolved to visit him, and was 
 “ afterwards persuaded by him to become a proselyte to the faith.” 
 The last of the Ras of Soreth was dignified by the title of “ Khan 
 “ Jehan,” or “lord of the universe,” by the Mohummedans, and, 
 under the guise of a saint of Islam, is to the present day, at his tomb 
 in the city of Ahmedabad, worshipped (like many other saints) by 
 the descendants of those who had unremittingly persecuted him 
 throughout his life. 
 
 Mahmood Shah, having effected this much desired conquest, called 
 together the Syuds and learned men of every quarter in order to 
 settle them in Soreth. He caused also a city to be built, which in 
 a little time also equalled the capital, and was called Moostufabad. 
 While superintending the building of this new city, the sultan heard 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 
 
 275 
 
 that the inhabitants of Kutch had made inroads upon Goozerat. In 
 the year a.d. 1472 he therefore proceeded against them, and com¬ 
 pelled their submission, and soon afterwards marched against the 
 J utts and Beloochees of Sindh, on which occasion he penetrated as 
 far as the Indus. 
 
 The following bardic relations belong to the times at which we 
 have now arrived :— 
 
 Gohil Bheemjee, the descendant of Sarungjee, possessed Latee 
 and Urteela. He had three sons, and a daughter who was married 
 to the Ra of Soreth, and, on account of this connection, the family 
 usually lived at Joonagurh. When the army of the Mohummedans, 
 breaking down the Hindoo temples as they advanced, came near 
 Latee, Humeerjee, the youngest son of Bheemjee Gohil, was the 
 only male of the family who was at home. The bad news having 
 airived, Humeer said to his brother’s wife, “The Mohummedan army 
 “ is coming on with the intention of destroying Somnath ; but if 
 “ there were any seed of the ICshutrees left, the Mlech would not be 
 “ able to destroy the Hindoo temples.” His sister-in-law replied, “ If 
 “ there be no other seed of the Kshutrees, there is one seed at least— 
 “ yourself. ” When he heard these words, Humeer’s blood boiled 
 within him. He said not a word ; but off he went, taking two hun¬ 
 dred followers with him, to a hill called Surod, a few miles west of 
 Seehore, where his friend Veguro, the Bheel, lived. Humeer told his 
 story to Veguro; but the Bheel said, “None of the great rajas are 
 setting forth to the battle ; why should you go ? This Mohumme- 
 “ dan army is very powerful; you cannot hope alone to drive it back.” 
 Humeer said, “ I am going against them, that I may die in the fight; 
 “but I am troubled much about this one thing—that I am still 
 unmarried.” 1 Upon this, Veguro Bheel, with the consent of his wife, 
 married one of his daughters, who had attained the age of puberty, 
 to Humeer Gohil. Humeer staid there one night, and left his wife 
 pregnant. Descendants of theirs are still to be met with at Nagher, 
 in the Diu district, bearing the name of Gohil Koolees. 
 
 Veguro Bheel collected three hundred bowmen, and, joining Hu¬ 
 meer and his two hundred Rajpoots, hastened to the defence of Som¬ 
 nath. _ When the battle was at its hottest, Humeer cried to Veguro, 
 who fought outside, to come in by a postern door; but the Bheel 
 replied, “I am the Veguro (the long-horned bull), why should I enter 
 1 The Shastras have laid it down that 
 
 “ The son-less obtains not liberation ; 
 
 “ Paradise is not for him—not for him.” 
 
276 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ the postern ? ” So they fought on, each in his own fashion, until 
 Veguro fell— 
 
 “ Vegud the great fighter, 
 
 “ Within the fort’s postern entered not, 
 
 “ But, tossing aloft his horns, 
 
 “ Against the sky he struck them.” 
 
 Humeer, too, was slain very soon after in the same battle :— 
 
 “ Come quickly, brother ! 
 
 “To the aid of Somaiyo : 
 
 “ Drive them as the wind drives the waves, 
 
 “ At the point of the spear. 
 
 “ O ! son of Bheem. 
 
 “ To Shiv-Puttun advanced the flood 
 “ Of rattling weapons. 
 
 “ Among them sported the Soor, 
 
 “ Like an untamed bison, 
 
 “ Did the son of Bheem ! 
 
 “ Like a wave, O ! Veer, 
 
 “ Advancing, you turned not back, 
 
 “ Against the cliffs you dashed, 
 
 “ Of the army, 
 
 “ O ! son of Bheem. 
 
 “ Sieve-like though became 
 “ The form of your body, 
 
 “ Your steps still, as befitted your race, 
 
 “ Kept advancing, 
 
 “ Son of Bheem ! 
 
 “ A forest of thorns, O ! Veer, 
 
 “ They who survived beheld, 
 
 “ For the eye-protecting lid—Humeer 
 “ Was first destroyed, 
 
 “ Was the son of Bheem.” 1 
 
 Champa, the son of Ebhul Walo, Lord of Jetpoor, near Joonagurh, 
 
 1 “ Many powerful Mahometan chiefs followed the example of Mahmood (of 
 “ Ghuznee). Sultan Mahmood Begurra, of Ahmedabad, is stated as the last who 
 “ sent an army against this place. On this occasion, the Gohil chief of Latee, 
 “ opposed the sultan, but without effect. He was killed, and Mahmood suc- 
 “ ceeded in reducing it, when he built a mosque on the spot where the temple 
 “had formerly stood. Another temple was lately built by Ahilya Baee, a wife of 
 “ one of the Holkars, in which another symbol of Muha Dev has been placed.”— 
 Colonel Walker's Reports. 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 277 
 
 died in the same battle, leaving a name at which the Mohummedans 
 long afterwards trembled :— 
 
 “ O ! padishah, rest not secure, 
 
 “ That that flower has departed ; 
 
 “ The Chumpa 1 from the basket, 
 
 “ May start once more, 
 
 “ May the son of Ebhul.” 
 
 In the time of Mahmood Begurra, says another bard, Ranpoor was 
 held by a Goh.il chieftain named Ranjee, who resided in a fort situated 
 at the confluence of the Goma and Bhadur rivers, upon the spot 
 where stands the present edifice, subsequently erected by Azim Khan 
 Oodaee. 2 Ranjee Gohil and the padishah had, it is said, married 
 sisters, daughters of a raja of Marwar. The queen of the padishah, 
 being once at her father’s house on a visit, met there Ranjee’s Tha- 
 korine, 3 whom she invited to dine with her. The Gohil’s wife excused 
 herself, saying, “ You have married the padishah, and my husband is 
 “ called his servant, therefore I am not worthy to sit at dinner with 
 “you.” This, and many other excuses, she offered ; but the elder 
 sister, pressing with great urgency, she entreated her forbearance, and 
 then confessed her real reason—that the queen, having married a 
 Mohummedan, she should lose caste by eating with her. The queen, 
 however, was very angry, and determined that she would, by whatever 
 means, have her sister brought to Ahmedabad, and there cause her to 
 dine with her. 
 
 After her return to the capital, Ranjee Gohil, being then present 
 upon duty, the queen related the story to her husband, and begged 
 him that he would send for her sister in any way that would secure 
 her attendance, At this time Ranjee’s groom of the chamber, having 
 fallen into disgrace with his master, had been dismissed. The queen 
 took him into her service, and instructed him to go for the Thakorine. 
 
 The Thakor’s servant said that without a letter from Ranjee the 
 lady would refuse to come. Upon this, the padishah one day asked 
 Ranjee for his sword to look at, another day for his dagger, and again 
 
 1 A play upon the words Chumpa and Champa, the former being the name of a 
 flower tree (Michelia Champaca). 
 
 2 Azim Khan Ghazee was an officer of the later Mohummedan governments. 
 In addition to the handsome fort of Ranpoor, he erected (in a.d. 1630) a building 
 intended for a college, at Ahmedabad (which has since been degraded to the condi¬ 
 tion of a jail); and other edifices so numerous as to have given rise to his popular 
 surname of “ Oodaee,” or “the white-ant,” in allusion to the constructive habits of 
 that insect, which is said never to move without building a house over its head. 
 
 3 The usual title of a chieftain’s wife in Goozerat is “ Thukuraloo,” or “ Thuku- 
 ranee,” but as that employed in the text is also used, we have preferred it, as being 
 more agreeable to European ears. 
 
278 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 for his armlet These he gave to the servant and sent him off. The 
 servant went to Ranpoor, and said to the Thakorine, “ I am your 
 “ groom of the chamber, as you are aware; Ranjee has sent me to 
 “ summon you, and has given me these three articles as tokens. If 
 “ you disobey Ranjee, he will abandon you. You should, therefore, 
 “ join him speedily.” The Thakorine, hearing these words, ordered 
 her chariot to be prepared, and set off with the servant. When they 
 reached the neighbourhood of Ahmedabad, some of Ranjee’s people 
 met them, and recognizing the carriage, went up to it The discharged 
 servant then took to flight. Ranjee’s followers conveyed the lady to 
 his lodging, and when he enquired the cause of her coming, she said 
 that it was at his order, and produced the tokens she had received. 
 Then Ranjee knew that there had been treachery. 
 
 Soon after the padishah sent to say, “ Let your Thakorine come 
 “ hither to pay a visit; if you refuse, I will bring her by force.” The 
 Gohil refused, and a fight thereupon ensued; but Ranjee soon found 
 that resistance was hopeless, and therefore had recourse to stratagem, 
 and, with the aid of a Charun’s daughter, who remained to personate 
 the Thakorine, he brought her off in safety. 
 
 This Charun’s daughter was no common woman, but was, in truth, 
 a Shuktee. She was the daughter of Doodo, of Oometa, and Ranjee 
 had become acquainted with her powers when on an expedition to 
 collect tribute in that part of the country. A storm of wind and rain 
 coming on, he was separated from his horsemen, and wandered alone 
 to Oometa, and being very much afflicted with thirst when he arrived 
 there, he called to a girl who stood near for some water. She extended 
 her arm from where she stood until she reached him as he sat on his 
 horse, and thus handed him the cup. Ranjee, beholding this prodigy, 
 dismounted from his horse, and, performing circunaambulation, pros¬ 
 trated himself before her. Raj Baee, for such was her name, upon 
 this, said to him, “ Ask a boon!” He answered, “ That I may call 
 “ upon you for aid whenever a time of calamity occurs.” She con¬ 
 sented, and when Ranjee found himself in such straits at Ahmedabad 
 he bethought himself of her, as has been related. On his return to 
 Ranpoor, Ranjee prepared a place for Raj Baee in his fort, and 
 installed an image of her there as his Kool Devee, or family goddess. 
 
 After these things an old Mohummedan woman, with her son, 
 lodged one night at Ranpoor, on their way to Mecca on pilgrimage. 
 The boy rose early in the morning and began, as was his custom, to 
 cry the “ bang,” or call to prayers. Some Brahmins, hearing it, went 
 to the Gohil and said, “ This barbarian’s crying the 4 bang ’ at such a 
 “ time, portends that the sovereignty of this town will pass to the bar- 
 “ barians.” The Gohil was enraged at the idea, and seizing the old 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 
 
 2 79 
 
 woman and her son, asked them how they presumed to cry the “ bang” 
 at his gate. The woman entreated pardon, and protested that no 
 harm was meant; but Ranjee was not satisfied, and he slew the 
 boy with his sword. In revenge the old pilgrim retraced her steps 
 to Ahmedabad, and laid her complaint before the padishah. Mah- 
 mood Begurra mentioned what had happened to all his Umeers, but 
 they received the news very coolly, and no one thought proper to 
 set out to fight with the Gohil. At length the padishah’s own sister’s 
 son, Bhunderee Khan, notwithstanding that his nuptials had only that 
 day been celebrated, determined to go forth against Ranpoor. The 
 padishah and his officers spoke to him to dissuade him, but he said 
 that he would certainly strike a blow for Allah. He advanced with 
 an army as far as Dhundhooka, where he was met by Ranjee Gohil. 
 and a desperate conflict ensued The fight lasted for a long time, and 
 Ranjee was driven continually backwards, until he reached the gate of 
 Ranpoor. He sent to his Thakorines, to order that when they beheld 
 his royal umbrella go down they should destroy themselves, to avoid 
 being captured by the Mohummedans. As the fight went on, the 
 bearer of the umbrella set it down for a moment to drink water. The 
 ladies thought their husband had fallen, and at once precipitated 
 themselves into the well of the fort, and perished. Ranjee continued 
 the battle after this catastrophe, but fell at last at the gate of Ranpoor ; 
 
 [ and the Mohummedans entered the fort, not, however, without the 
 loss of their brave young leader, Bhunderee Khan. Mahmood 
 Begurra afterwards presented Ranpoor to Haloojee Purmar, of Moo- 
 lee, who was the son of the sister of Ranjee. 
 
 The story of Haloojee is as follows :—A chief of the Jutts, who at 
 !. that time lived in Sindh, had a very beautiful daughter, named Soo- 
 muree Baee, whom the Sindh padishah attempted to take by force 
 into his harem. The Jutts, therefore, fled from Sindh, about seventeen 
 hundred in number, and came to Moolee, then held by two brothers 
 of the Shoda Purmar blood, named Lugdheerjee and Haloojee. The 
 Jutts said that the padishah would certainly pursue them from Sindh, 
 and that if the Purmars could protect them they would remain, other¬ 
 wise they would go on further. The Purmars swore they would not 
 allow them to be injured as long as their own heads stood on their 
 shoulders. So the Jutts remained at Moolee. 
 
 The Sindh padishah’s army soon arrived, and as it was very 
 powerful, the Purmars considered that having no fortress they 
 would find difficulty in holding their ground. They retreated, 
 therefore, to a hill named Manduv, thirty miles to the west of 
 Moolee, and strengthened themselves in the jungle there. The 
 
280 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 padishah’s army followed them, and the fight went on for a length of 
 time, until at last a link-bearer of the Purmars treacherously went 
 over to the enemy, and pointed out to them the single well which 
 supplied the Purmars with water. The Mohummedans cut off a cow’s 
 head and cast it into the well. The Purmars were now forced to 
 come to terms, and Lugdheerjee, the elder brother, gave Haloojee as 
 a hostage instead of the Jutt’s daughter, whom he told to make her 
 escape. She fled, and buried herself alive at Wunod, where her tomb 
 may still be seen. 
 
 Lugdheerjee, going to Ahmedabad, procured the aid of the King of 
 Goozerat, whereupon an army advanced from Ahmedabad. A battle 
 was fought in the Bhooj country, when the Sindhis were defeated, and 
 Haloojee released, and carried to the capital. 
 
 Haloojee Purmar became a convert to Islam, upon which Mah- 
 mood Begurra offered him lands in several districts. He refused them, 
 however, saying that his family would wonder what had become of 
 him, and begged for the wasted town of Ranpoor, which had belonged 
 to his uncle, Ranjee Gohil, and had been ploughed and sown with 
 salt by the padishah. This being given to him, Haloojee begged for 
 a grant on copper plate, but the padishah said that the fact of his 
 conversion was not likely to be forgotten, and that no grant was 
 required. 
 
 Lugdheerjee Purmar retained his religion and the Moolee estate 
 acquired by his ancestors. The following story explains how he met 
 his death :— 
 
 The Chief of Sanund had given the village of Raneesur, as rent-free 
 land (pusaeeta) to a Charun, from whom descended Ruleeo Guduvee, 
 who was celebrated for his wit and sarcasm. At this time there was 
 much plundering in the country, but no one molested the Charun’s 
 village, on which account people of the surrounding villages placed 
 their property there for protection. Being aware of this, a Mohum- 
 medan leader, named Boree Mogul, came to plunder Raneesur. 
 After sacking the village, the assailants bound Ruleeo Guduvee with 
 his children and family, and other people of the village, and carried 
 them off. The first night they halted, Ruleeo, at midnight, began to 
 howl and weep. The Mohummedans asked why he wept: he said it 
 was for a great cause of mourning, with which he would acquaint none 
 but their commander. Boree Mogul’s servants told him of this, and 
 he came up in person. Then the Goduvee told him he would give 
 any sum that might be demanded for the ransom of himself and 
 family. The Mogul asked where he could have any money left to 
 him now. He said he had discovered a note in a locket, in which 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 
 
 281 
 
 was described a place where his father had buried a hoard. The 
 Mogul sent five hundred men with him, ordering that he should be 
 released on giving up a lakh of money. After two or three marches 
 they arrived at the edge of the Runn at Teekur, near Hulwud. 
 The Guduvee then said that his property was buried in an island to 
 which he pointed, and proposed that the party should gallop over 
 the intervening level ground, and reach their destination at once. He 
 set his pony in motion, and the heavy horsemen followed him 
 at a gallop, but he led them into a quagmire, and when they 
 were fairly entangled he got clear away, and ran off to Wudwan. He 
 represented to the raja that he was the Rajpoot’s Charun, and persuaded 
 him to recover his family from the Mogul. The Wudwan Raja bade 
 him seek further assistance from the Shodas of Moolee, and said that 
 he would in the meantime march against the Mohummedans, which 
 he did. Ruleeo went to Moolee, and told his story, and Lugdheerjee 
 immediately set off in pursuit, with five hundred Purmars. There is a 
 tank called Punungsur in the Null Kanta, near which Lugdheerjee 
 met Boree Mogul—the Wudwan Raja not having yet come up—and 
 fought with him a great battle. At last the Mogul was left with 
 but few men, and he therefore fled, taking with him, on his horse, 
 the daughter of a Brahmin of Raneesur. Lugdheerjee pursued, and 
 came up with him at about a mile’s distance. The Mogul turned and 
 looked round, and perceiving that Lugdheerjee was alone, he wheeled 
 round his horse and aimed a blow at him, but missed him. Lugdheer¬ 
 jee struck also, and missed his opponent; both of their horses rearing, 
 they fell to the ground, and, getting up, wrestled. First Lugdheerjee 
 was down, but the lady assisting him, he got the Mogul below him ; 
 the Brahminee then told him to use his dagger. He drew it, and 
 stabbed the Mogul, but not before he had himself received a thrust 
 from his antagonist’s weapon in the belly. Both perished. Lugd- 
 heerjee’s men plundered the Mogul’s camp, and then searching for 
 the corpse of their chief, committed it to the pile, and set up a monu¬ 
 mental stone (paleeyo). The Brahminee they restored to her father, 
 at Raneesur. 
 
 The Moolee Purmars are to this day celebrated for their courage, 
 and treated with peculiar respect by the Jutt chiefs, in remembrance 
 of the protection afforded them. A younger brother of Lugdheerjee 
 and Haloojee, following the example of the latter, became a Mohum- 
 medan, and received a grant of the twenty-four villages of Botad, 
 which his descendants held for several generations. They were 
 in subsequent times well known in Goozerat, under the title of 
 i Talookdars of Dholka. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 
 
 Mahmood’s next effort, after his expedition to Sindh, was an attack 
 directed against the pirate chiefs of Jugut and Beyt, to which he was 
 induced by the injuries they had inflicted on a holy man—“ one of 
 “ the most learned philosophers of his age,” who, being on board a 
 vessel bound to his native country of Ormuz, had been driven into 
 the port of Jugut, and there plundered “ by the infidels, misled by 
 “ the infernal-minded Brahmins.” The Mohummedans, with con¬ 
 siderable difficulty, made themselves masters of both Jugut and Beyt; 
 and Raja Bheem, the chief of the Rajpoots, being taken prisoner, 
 was, at the instigation of the philosopher, dragged around the city of 
 Ahmedabad and put to death, “ in order to deter others from similar 
 “ conduct.” 
 
 Shortly afterwards a conspiracy was set on foot among the Mo- 
 hummedan nobles, having for its object the destruction of Mahmood, 
 and the elevation of his son, the Prince Moozuffer, to the throne. 
 It was at this time that the king was recommended to give employ¬ 
 ment to his officers, by proceeding against the fortress of Champaner. 
 1 he conspiracy, however, proved abortive, and Mahmood’s proposed 
 expedition was postponed for some years. In a.d. 1482, he prepared 
 for its accomplishment; but at this time his attention was diverted to 
 the pirates of Bulsar, on the coast below Surat, who had gained an 
 ascendancy at sea which had not only interrupted trade, but even 
 excited apprehensions of invasion. Mahmood now appeared in the 
 character of a sea-captain; he collected a fleet at Cambay, on board 
 of which he embarked a force consisting of archers, musketeers, and 
 gunners ; and giving chase to the enemy, sustained a running fight for 
 some hours, during which several of the piratical vessels were cap¬ 
 tured. It was not until the close of the year that he was prepared to 
 march against Champaner. Before we accompany him to the siege 
 of this fortress, however, it is necessary to revert for a time to the 
 affairs of Eedur. 
 
 Row Bhan, the brother of Narondas, appears to have been the 
 prince who was compelled to give his daughter in marriage to Mo- 
 hummed Shah, the father of Mahmood. The Mohummedan his¬ 
 torians speak of him under the name of Beer, or Veer Raja. He is 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 
 
 283 
 
 mentioned in an inscription on a well at Jebhara, in Eedur-war&, 
 which not only furnishes us with a date, but also with a solution of 
 the discrepancy regarding his name. The Row, it appears, had ac¬ 
 cidentally killed a cow, for which crime he endeavoured to atone by 
 building the well in which the inscription is preserved. “ In Sumwut, 
 “ 1532 (a.d. 1476), on the fourth of the moonlight half of the month 
 “ of Phalgoon, on Monday, Kamdoogha Mata,—O Ram, Shree 
 “ Ram !—-having come to drink water, Raja Shree Shree Bhan Veerjee 
 “ forced her to take shelter with Ram. Therefore, to remove his sin, 
 “a gold cow, as a gift, he presented; a place of water he caused to 
 “ be constructed ’’ * * * “ Row Bhan,” say the bards, “ soon after he 
 1 “ had assumed the royal cushion, began to fix his boundaries. He 
 “ first struck the Seerohee village of Las, and fixed a stone (paleeyo), 
 
 • “ with a horse sculptured upon it, which still remains at a spot between 
 | “ Rohera and Poseena. Next he fixed his boundary at Row Jethee’s 
 I “ funeral temple, on the Nyhee river; and beyond that he took the 
 “ Chupun-pal-land, which now belongs to Oodepoor. Thence he 
 1 “ advanced to Thano, formerly called * the Row’s Thano,’ on the 
 : “ Soma river, about four miles from Doongurpoor. Thence he con- 
 tinued his march along the banks of the Soma, to Malpoor and 
 “ Mugoree, which he included in the Eedur territory, as well as Kup- 
 “ perwunj and the Bawun districts, as far as the river Sabhermutee. 
 “ That river he made his boundary line as far as Taringa, which he 
 “ included ; and thence he went again to the stone at Seerohee.” 
 The boundaries thus laid down include, we may observe, a very 
 ample territory. 
 
 Taringa, here alluded to, is one of the celebrated sacred moun¬ 
 tains of the Jains. Though it possesses neither the magnificence of 
 Shutroonjye, nor the beauty of Tulaja, it is yet picturesque and in¬ 
 teresting. The temple of Ujeetnathjee, built by Koomar Pal, stands 
 on a considerable piece of flat elevated land, in the bosom of a chain 
 of mountains. It retains more of the venerable appearance of age 
 than either of the shrines of Paleetana, though, like them, it has 
 suffered much from the modern innovator; it is surrounded by several 
 small temples of recent date, and in its vicinity are, as usual, reser¬ 
 voirs of the purest water. On the hill there remains a shrine sacred 
 to the Devee Tarun Mata, from whom is derived the name of Taringa; 
 it is associated with the times of Yenee Wuch Raj, and his Nag Poo- 
 tree consort, and the site was probably occupied by a building long 
 before the royal convert of Unhilwara installed Shree Ujeetnath. A 
 jungle, of the thickest character, surrounds the hill on all sides, and 
 renders access difficult to all, and nearly impracticable to a party un« 
 
284 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 provided with a guide, much more to an invading enemy. Two easily 
 defensible paths alone give access to the plateau on which the temples 
 stand, and which, like that at Eedur, is fortified by the filling in of 
 the few gaps nature had left exposed On three of the surrounding 
 peaks are built little whitened chutrees or pavilions, which, from their 
 exceeding brightness, when a glimpse of them is now and then ob¬ 
 tained through black ravines and tangled forest, serve as lanterns of 
 the day, pointing out to the way-worn pilgrim the site of the holy 
 dwelling of the “ Invincible Lord.” 
 
 In a.d. 1471, Mahmood Shah having withdrawn his court to his 
 new city of Moostufabad, near Girnar, a powerful officer, ennobled by 
 the title of Mohafez Khan, occupied a viceregal position at Ahmeda- 
 bad, and his son, Mullik Khizr, in the king’s absence, marched without 
 orders, and exacted tribute from Row Bhan of Eedur, as well as from 
 the chiefs of Wagur and Seerohee. 
 
 Row Bhan was about this time engaged in a contest with the Rawul 
 of Champaner, whom he took prisoner, and carried with him to 
 Eedur, but released after a six months’ captivity. The cause assigned 
 for the feud is characteristic; it is said that Row Bhan was attenuated 
 in person and swarthy in complexion, and that the Rawul enraged 
 him by causing a buffoon to personate him in some dramatic enter¬ 
 tainment, in which the company were amused at an exposure of the 
 Row’s defects. The following verses, supposed to be spoken by the 
 consort of the Rawul, express the terror with which the prowess of 
 Row Bhan had inspired his enemy :— 
 
 “ When, wearing ankle-bells, I walk, 
 
 “ He thinks ’tis armour clanking, 
 
 “ When ornaments I wear, 
 
 “ They seem to him to be mail, 
 
 “ When my bracelets clatter, 
 
 “ He thinks ’tis the clash of swords, 
 
 “ My ear-rings, when they glitter, 
 
 ‘ ‘ Remind him of the blaze of fire. 
 
 “ From fear of Row Bhan my husband starts, 
 
 “ Even when safe in his home remaining, 
 
 “ How can I sport with my husband 
 “ Who has no moments’ respite from fear.” 
 
 To Row Bhan and his Ranee, is attributed the construction of the 
 Bhansur and Raneesur tanks at Eedur, with that of several other 
 reservoirs at Wuralee, Dudhaleea, and other places. The bards 
 further assert that Row Bhan was mainly instrumental in the conquest 
 of Champaner, effected by Mahmood Begurra, and though no mention 
 of the circumstance is made by the Mohummedan historians, it is very 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 285 
 
 probable, especially considering the former feud, that the forces of 
 Eedur formed part of the army of the shah. 
 
 The fortress of Champaner, so called from Jamb or Champa, the 
 companion of Wun Raj, and its reputed founder, is also known as 
 Powan-gurh, “ the castle of the winds,” a name not undeservedly 
 attributed to it from the stormy blasts that continually howl around 
 it. It has the reputation of being a favourite residence of the goddess 
 Kalee, whose temple occupies its summit, and more than one Rajpoot 
 chieftain, regarding himself as her feudal vassal, bends with respect 
 to the authority which holds possession of the venerable hill. The 
 mountain-rock of Powan-gurh stands nearly isolated, frowning over 
 the eastern districts of Goozerat, and on some sides presents to view 
 little but perpendicular cliffs; its steep ascent is everywhere strongly 
 protected, and that which to the observer from the plains appears an 
 artificial fortification is found to be a natural defence, consisting of 
 rock scarped to a depth most formidable. At its northern base lie 
 the remains of the city of the Hindoo princes, and there a remnant 
 of falling domes and broken minarets, protruding through the dry and 
 dusty jungle, evinces that as a Moslem capital the city once bore the 
 ame of Mahmood-abad. 
 
 Of the Hindoo princes of Champaner, as of the great Scottish 
 house of Marr, it may be said “their origin is lost in its antiquity.” 
 At what period the castle of Champa passed into the possession of 
 the Chohans it is needless to conjecture, but the “ Pawaitchas of 
 “ Powan-gurh ” it may be asserted were not unworthy scions of a race 
 to which has been assigned the palm of martial intrepidity among all 
 the royal houses of India. Rawul Gungadas we have mentioned as 
 the opponent of Mohammed Shah; the prince of whom we are now 
 to speak was his son, Jye Singh, by Ferishta entitled “ Beny Ray,” 
 and widely known in Hindoo tradition under the name of Phutaee 
 Rawul. 
 
 The Rawul of Champaner, hearing of Mahmood’s preparations to 
 attack him, at first sallied fiercely forth, and carried fire and sword 
 into the territories of the shah, and then, as if terrified at his own 
 temerity, sent ambassadors to implore forgiveness. Mahmood, irritated 
 by the devastation which had been committed, refused to listen to any 
 terms of accommodation, and the advanced guard of the Moslem 
 army arrived at the foot of the hill of Kalee on the 17th March, a.d. 
 1483. The shah himself soon afterwards joined with the main body 
 of his army. Rawul Jye Singh once more made offers of submission, 
 but as these were not received, he commenced a desperate resistance. 
 The lines of the besiegers were continually attacked by the Rajpoots, 
 
286 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 who at length appeared in such force that Mahmood was compelled 
 for a time to abandon the siege in order to give them battle. The 
 action was sanguinary and obstinately contested, and the Hindoos, 
 though ultimately repulsed, effected their retreat in order. Mahmood 
 now resumed the siege, and the Rawul, notwithstanding a partial 
 success in cutting off a convoy of provisions and stores for the be¬ 
 siegers, found himself hard pressed, and, in despair, had recourse to 
 his old ally, the Sultan of Malwa. Gheias-ood-deen assembled an 
 army, and showed a disposition to aid the Rawul, but on Mahmood’s 
 advancing against him he abandoned his intention; and the shah 
 returning to his lines before Champaner, caused a mosque to be built 
 therein, in order to convince his troops of his determination to persist 
 in the siege. The approaches were now carried so near the place as 
 to admit of the besiegers discovering the sally-port through which the 
 Rajpoots passed each morning to perform their ablutions. A breach 
 in the western wall was about the same time effected. On the morn¬ 
 ing of the 17th November, a.d. 1484, 1 the sally-port was seized by the 
 Mohummedans, while Mullik Eiaz Sooltany, afterwards famous for his 
 naval contest with the Portuguese, escaladed the western wall. The 
 Rajpoots made desperate attempts to expel Mullik Eiaz, but without 
 success; Mahmood Shah in person supported him with fresh troops, 
 the standard of the crescent waved upon the ramparts of Champaner, 
 and a Moslem shell—emblem of Kalee’s anger—fell upon the palace 
 of its sovereign. A funeral pile now rose within the walls ; the wives, 
 the children, the wealth of the Rajpoots were placed upon it; the fire 
 rose, raged, and died away, and then the defenders of Powan-gurh, 
 with bodies bathed in water and wrapped in saffron robes, flung 
 themselves desperately upon their enemies. Few of the Rajpoots 
 survived, the victors also suffered severely both in killed and wounded, 
 and the Rawul of Champaner and his minister, covered with their 
 own blood, fell into the hands of the shah. 
 
 Mahmood caused public prayers to be read for his victory, and 
 while the sick and wounded were recovering he was employed in 
 building “a beautiful mosque,” and in giving a Mohummedan character 
 to the city now termed Mahmoodabad. He stained his victory, how- ! 
 ever, by the murder in cold blood of Rawul Jye Singh and his 
 minister, who, after recovering from their wounds, were vainly solicited 
 to purchase life by embracing the Mohummedan faith. 
 
 Such is the Mohummedan account of the fall of Champaner. The 
 names of the chief Hindoos who perished in the final sacrifice—so 
 
 1 Vide Briggs's Ferishta, vol. iv. p. 68. 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 287 
 
 congenial to the blood-loving Kalee—have been preserved by the 
 bards :— 
 
 “ In Sumwut, fifteen hundred and forty-one, 1 
 “ In the month of Posh, on the third day, the day of the sun, 
 
 “ Six rajas perished. First, Vershee fell, 
 
 “ Then Sarung Jhareja, Kurun, and Jetmal. 
 
 “ Survaiyo Chundrabhan, for Phutaee gave his life, 
 
 “ When Mahmood Shah, the great king, took Pawagurh.” 
 
 It would seem, however, that the city only, and not the fortress on 
 the mountain, had been as yet captured by Mahmood, and though 
 the Mohummedan historians say nothing further on the point, there 
 is probably truth in the common Hindoo traditional account, which 
 states that the castle of the winds yielded only to a lengthened 
 blockade. 
 
 Phutaee Rawul, says another bardic tradition, was king of Cham¬ 
 paner. Once at the festival of the Nowrattra, he went to see the 
 women, singing “gurbhos.” Kaleeka Devee, of Champaner, on this 
 occasion having assumed a human form, was singing among them. 
 The raja, beholding how beautiful she was, fell desperately in love 
 with her; he laid hold on the Mata’s scarf, with lustful intention. 
 Kalee pronounced the curse upon him, that his royalty should 
 pass away. 
 
 Once on a time the padishah, in the course of a journey, passed 
 within sight of Champaner, and, when he beheld the fortress, he 
 j stroked his moustache with his hand. There was a Brahmin in the 
 | city who had a son called Lowo, which Lowo witnessed this action 
 of the king, and knew thereby that the king had formed the intention 
 of taking Champaner. He went to Phutaee Rawul, and told him 
 that the padishah would take his throne that year. The raja con¬ 
 structed five lines of fortification around the city-—of stone, of water, 
 of wood, of mud, of jungle. He prepared ammunition also, and 
 sent Lowo to Ahmedabad to keep a watch upon the padishah. Lowo 
 hired a ma.nsion, which belonged to a merchant, opposite the padi- 
 shah’s palace. Once on a time the king sat at a window, looking in 
 all directions. When he looked towards Champaner he stroked his 
 moustache with his hand, and spoke of preparing an army. Lowo 
 became aware that the padishah was now about to attack Champaner; 
 
 1 On this occasion the hards are accurate in their date ; Champaner fell, accord¬ 
 ing to Ferishta, in A. n. 1484. If Mr. Prinsep’s opinion be adopted, and fifty-seven 
 years allowed as the difference between the Sumwut and the year of our Lord, the 
 bardic date will exactly agree with the Mohummedan. If fifty-six years be allowed, 
 as is more usual, there will be a difference of one year between them. 
 
238 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 he returned to Phutaee Rawul, and told him that the padishah’s army 
 was coming against him. The Rawul took all possible precautions 
 with a view to defence. The army of the padishah, five hundred 
 thousand in number, advanced to within a short distance of Cham¬ 
 paner, but no one knew what the object was which the king had in 
 view. At midnight the padishah assembled his Sirdars, and com¬ 
 manded them to plant his flag upon the city. The army attacked the 
 city, and cannonaded it, but the fire from the city was heavier than 
 the fire of the assailants, and the city could not be taken; so the 
 padishah blockaded it for twelve years, but still without success. He 
 then made peace with Phutaee Rawul, and called him to his own 
 quarters to an interview, in the course of which he enquired of the 1 
 Rawul how he had discovered his intention of attacking him. The 
 raja answered that his priest, Lowo, had discovered his intention, and 
 informed him of it. The padishah agreed never to interfere with 
 Champaner, and asked to be presented with Lowo. Phutaee Rawul 
 agreed, and the king caused a paleeyo to be sculptured with the 
 figures of two donkeys, and underneath to be written, “ If any Mo- 
 “ hummedan take this city, there is the donkey’s oath (gudheree gal) 
 
 “ to him.” He carried Lowo away with him, and made him his 
 minister; and though he did not take the city of Champaner, he 
 seized the districts and surrounding villages, and established it as a 
 rule, that no one should carry anything into or out of Champaner. 
 The inhabitants were distressed on this account, and took shelter in 
 Ahmedabad. 
 
 The padishah, continues the bard, went from Champaner to Oom¬ 
 rala, and seizing the raja of that place, carried him to Ahmedabad, 
 where he threw him into prison. The raja remained in confinement 
 for two years, and at the end of that time, a potter, of the village of 
 Bhundareeo, in his territory, went to Ahmedabad, and made acquaint¬ 
 ance with a potter of that city, who was employed about the prison, 
 with whose assistance he succeeded in bringing the raja out in a' 
 donkey’s panniers, and placed him among a band of Uteets, who 
 carried him to his father’s sister, at Champaner. She paid his ransom 
 to the sovereign of Ahmedabad, and replaced him on his throne of 
 Oomrala. From that day the Oomrala rajas took the name of Rawul, 
 in imitation of Phutaee’s title, and they still retain it, and at their en¬ 
 thronement a descendant of the potter of Koombhareeo makes the 
 royal mark upon their foreheads. 
 
 The latter part of this tradition carries us back to the Gohils of 
 Peerum. 
 
 Mokherajee Gohil had by his wife, Wadun Koonwurba, a Raj- 
 
 U‘ 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 
 
 289 
 
 pootnee, of the Survaiyo clan, and of the family of Hathsunee, near 
 Paleetana, a son, named Doongurjee, who succeeded him. He had 
 also two other sons, Semursunghjee and Gormaljee, both of them 
 born at Peerum. Semursunghjee went to reside with his mother’s 
 family, at Rajpeepla, and eventually succeeded to its possessions. 
 Gormaljee left no descendants. 
 
 Doongurjee, the elder brother, abandoned Peerum, and made 
 Gogo his residence. He was succeeded by his son, Veeyojee, who 
 left three sons, Kanjee, Ramjee, and Roodojee. Kanjee succeeded, 
 and left two sons, Sarungjee and Gemuljee, who were minors when 
 their father died. 
 
 Ramjee, on the arrival of a Mohummedan army under the leader 
 whom the Hindoos call Boree Mogul, made submission to that officer, 
 and, surrendering his nephew, Sarungjee, as a hostage, seated himself 
 on the royal cushion at Gogo as if in his own right. Sarungjee was 
 conveyed to Ahmedabad; but a potter, named Pancho Goojur, of the 
 village of Kooleyak, having gone thither, succeeded in carrying him 
 off in a pannier, on the back of one of his asses. The escape of 
 Sarungjee becoming known, some horsemen followed the fugitives. 
 At a time when he was nearly overtaken, the potter fortunately fell in 
 with the jumat, or band, of a gosaee, named Pertap-gur-Bhawo, and, 
 having explained to their leader that the boy was the Gogo raja’s 
 heir, who would be able at a future time to recompense a service now 
 paid to him, he placed him under the Gosaee’s protection. The 
 potter, continuing his route with his asses, was overtaken and seized 
 by the horsemen; but these, disappointed in their expectations of dis¬ 
 covering Sarungjee, went on but a little further, and then, giving up 
 the pursuit, returned. Pertap-gur-Bhawo conveyed the young prince 
 to Phutaee Rawul, of Doongurpoor, who had married his father’s 
 sister, and Sarungjee remained in concealment there until he had 
 attained the age of twenty years. He then begged of his aunt that 
 she would give him a few attendants, and allow him to proceed home¬ 
 wards. Rawul Phutaee supplied him with a force for his protection, 
 and his aunt dismissed him, saying, “ Go and recover your rights, and 
 “ your descendants shall bear the title of Rawul as a memorial of the 
 “ protection you have received from Doongurpoor.” Sarungjee, agree¬ 
 ing to this, set out, and made his way to Oomrala. His uncle, Ramjee, 
 at Gogo, hearing of his arrival, sent for the Lords of Gareeadhar and 
 Latee, the descendants of the younger sons of Sejukjee, and heads 
 of the two earliest branches of the Gohil house, and offered to resign 
 to them twelve villages each if they would assist him against Sarung¬ 
 jee. Trapuj and eleven other villages he passed to the chief of 
 
 u 
 
290 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Gareeadhar ; and to the Latee Thakor he offered the twelve townships 
 of Walookur. These leaders at first assented to Ramjee’s designs; 
 but afterwards, while returning together from Gogo, they considered 
 that they had not done well in making such an agreement, and pre¬ 
 ferring a cadet’s right to the cushion to that of the lineal heir; they 
 determined, therefore, to go together to Oomrala. Having arrived 
 there, and being admitted to an audience of Sarungjee, they said to 
 him, “ Ramjee Ghogharee has sent us to oppose you, promising us 
 “ twelve villages each, but as you are the owner of the royal cushion, 
 
 “ we present the grants to you.” Sarungjee said, “ Bring me the 
 “ grants, I will sign them.” He did so, and secured their loyalty. 
 Ramjee Ghogharee, hearing of what had occurred, felt that his op- ; 
 portunity was lost; he therefore set off for Oomrala, and himself 
 also made submission to Sarungjee. The chieftains drank the red 
 cup together, and agreed to forget the past. Sarungjee advanced to 
 Gogo, and took possession of the royal cushion. His uncle, Ramjee, 
 making obeisance before him, received as a grant for his subsistence 
 the villages of Ookhuloo, Ugeealee, and Bhurelee, the grassias of 
 which still bear the surname of Ghogharee. Ramjee held also the 
 village of Monpoor. 
 
 In a.d. 1494, a revolted officer of the Dekkan government, having 
 seized some Goozerat trading-vessels, and also taken possession of 
 the island of Mahim, Mahmood Shah sent a fleet and army against 
 him. The fleet, having arrived off the island, was destroyed by a 
 tempest; the admiral, and as many of his sailors as escaped, were 
 washed ashore, and either made prisoners or massacred by the enemy. 
 The officer who commanded the army, having marched through the 
 northern Konkun, as on a former occasion, heard of the naval disaster 
 on his arrival near Mahim, and, halting his troops, despatched a 
 messenger to Mahmood Shah for instructions. The rebels were 
 afterwards subdued by the King of the Dekkan, and their fleet 
 delivered over in compensation to the Goozerat admiral, who was 
 released from prison. 
 
 Next year, Mahmood Shah “marched towards the countries of 
 “ Wagur and Eedur, from the rajas of which places he exacted large 
 “ offerings, and returned laden with treasure to Mahmoodabad Cham- 
 “ paner.” Soorujmuljee, the son of Row Bhan, appears to have been 
 at this time the Prince of Eedur ; he reigned eighteen months, and 
 left a son, Raeemuljee, whose throne was, in his minority, usurped 
 by his uncle Bheem. 
 
 In a.d. 1507, Mahmood Shah again appeared as an admiral. “ The 
 “ infidel Europeans, who had of late years usurped the dominion of 
 
MAHMOOD BEGURRA. 
 
 291 
 
 ths ocean, endeavoured at this time to occupy for themselves 
 “ some part of the coast of Goozerat, on which they wished to settle.” 
 Umeer Hoosein, the admiral of the Turkish emperor Bajazet II., 
 arrived off the coast of Goozerat with a fleet of twelve sail, carrying 
 fifteen hundred men; and Mahmood Shah, anxious to aid in the ex¬ 
 pulsion of the foreigners, sailed in person with his fleet to Damaun 
 and Mahim. T.he TJmeer-ool-Oomra Mullik Eiaz Sooltany sailed 
 also, from the port of Diu, and, having united his squadron with that 
 of the Turkish admiral, attacked the Portuguese fleet, then lying off 
 the harbour of Choul, a few miles to the south of Bombay. Victory 
 declared for the Mohummedans; and the Portuguese fled, with the 
 loss of three thousand or four thousand infidels,” as their adversaries 
 assert; or, as they themselves admit, of their flag-ship, their admiral 
 Don Lorenzo Almeida, and one hundred and forty men. The com¬ 
 bined fleet was, however, afterwards defeated, and the Mamlook part 
 of it annihilated in a battle fought close to Diu, on the coast of Soreth. 
 Sultan Mahmood, if not the greatest, is certainly the most popular 
 I of the kings of Ahmedabad; he is to the Moslem as Sidh Raj is to 
 I the Hindoo—a nucleus around which gathers romance and tale. 
 His personal bravery and strength, his justice, his beneficence, his 
 strict observance of Mohummedan ritual, and the excellence of his 
 judgment, aie alike extolled. He was also, it is said, “a great 
 eater.” Many are the anecdotes which are related of him; nor is 
 there a fragment of Moslem architecture in Goozerat which popular 
 feeling does not connect with the name of the great king—Mahmood 
 Begurra. In additon to the two Mohummedan cities of Moostufabad 
 and Mahmoodabad Champaner, he founded a new city on the banks 
 : of the Watruk, which, also, he called by his own name; “ and 
 t having fortified a rising ground on the banks of the before-mentioned 
 I ^ river,, he ordered noble palaces to be built, of which the marks and 
 ( remains, says the author of Meerat Ahmudee, “ are yet to be seen 
 “ at the time of writing, being the year a.d. 1756.” At one or other 
 of these he frequently resided; but he was punctual in “ going to 
 “ Ahmedabad during the hot season of ripe melons, and returning 
 “ again after enjoying himself there for six months.” The same 
 writer goes so far as to assert that “all the fruit trees in the open 
 “ country, as well as those in the city, towns, and villages, were 
 “ Panted in the reign of this sultan.” It is said that his surname 
 was derived from the capture of those two, as yet impregnable, 
 Hindoo fortresses 1 Girnar and Champaner, a derivation which 
 
 1 Be meaning two, and gurh a fort. 
 
292 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 appeared to Ferishta to be “ sufficiently rational and probable,” and 
 which, as we have none equally good to offer, we may adopt upon 
 his authority. It was, perhaps, his naval warfare which won for him 
 an European reputation. “ The travellers of his day,” says Mr. 
 “ Elphinstone, 1 seem to have formed a tremendous idea of this 
 “ monarch. Bartema and Barbosa are both full of him. One of 
 “ them gives a formidable account of his personal appearance; and 
 “ both of them agree that a principal part of his food consisted of 
 “ mortal poisons; and so impregnated was his system with this diet, 
 “ that if a fly settled upon him, it instantly dropped down dead. 
 “ His usual way of putting men of consequence to death was to blow 
 “ upon them after he had been chewing betel. He is the original of 
 “ Butler’s ‘ Prince of Cambay/ whose 
 
 -daily food 
 
 “ Is asp, and basilisk, and toad.” 
 
 The following account of his death is derived from the Meerat 
 Ahmudee :—“ In the close of the year a.d. 1510, the sultan set out for 
 “ Puttun, and, as this was the last time he appeared in public, having 
 “ collected together all the great men of the state, he told them that 
 “ his life was near a close. On returning from Puttun he came to 
 “ Ahmedabad in four days ; when, having made a pilgrimage to the 
 “ burial-place of Sheik Ahmed Khuttoo, he wept tears of repentance 
 “ over his own tomb, which had been built at the foot of the Sheik s 
 “ mausoleum. Subsequently to this, having entered the city of 
 “ Ahmedabad, he fell sick; and continuing so for three months, sent 
 “ for the Prince Khuleel Khan, from Baroda. After informing him 
 “ of his approaching dissolution, he finally took his leave for another 
 “ world on Monday, the 3rd of Rumazan, in the year of the Hijra 
 “ 917 (a.d. 1511); and his remains were deposited in the mausoleum 
 “ which still exists at Sirkhej.” 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 MOOZUFFER II.—SIKUNDER—MAHMOOD II.-BUHADUR SHAH-MAH- 
 
 MOOD LUTEEF KHAN-CLOSE OF THE DYNASTY OF AHMEDABAD — 
 
 THE EMPEROR AKBAR. 
 
 Mahmood Begurra was succeeded by his son Moozuffer II., whose 
 opening reign was rendered remarkable by an earnest appeal to him 
 
 1 Vide History of India, vol. ii., p. 206. Edit. 1841. 
 
MOOZUFFER II. 
 
 293 
 
 for assistance, which proceeded from the Sultan of Malwa. Mednee 
 Raee, the Hindoo minister of that prince, had, it was represented, 
 acquired such authority, that nothing beyond the name of king was 
 left to the sultan, and infidelity was therefore rapidly regaining its 
 dominion. Moozuffer II., moved with zeal for the true faith, 
 immediately commenced his march for the land of Bhoj; and Ein- 
 ool-Moolk, the Governor of Unhilwara Puttun, was ordered in con¬ 
 sequence to move his division to Ahmedabad. The opportunity was 
 not neglected by the still unconquered chief of the Rathors. Row 
 Bheem, of Eedur, the younger son of Row Bhan, whom we have 
 beheld usurping the throne of his nephew, Raeemuljee, taking 
 advantage of the governor’s absence, plundered and laid waste 
 the surrounding country as far as the river Sabhermutee. Ein-ool- 
 j Moolk, on the receipt of this intelligence, marched to Morasa, where 
 he was attacked by Row Bheem and defeated, with the loss of an 
 | officer of distinction and two hundred men. Moozuffer Shah hear- 
 I ing of this, instantly returned to his own dominions, and taking up a 
 position at Morasa, laid waste from thence the whole of the Eedur 
 territories. Row Bheem himself took refuge in the hills; but the 
 garrison of Eedur, consisting, as the Mohummedans assert, of only 
 ; ten Rajpoots, defended the place with obstinacy against their enemies. 
 
 | Eedur was, however, taken; its temples, palaces, and garden-houses 
 were levelled with the dust, and its heroic defenders put to the sword. 
 Meanwhile, the Row, having deputed a Brahmin, named Mudun 
 Gopal, as his envoy to the Shah, had, through him, expressed his 
 \ regret at the warfare which had arisen, and which he attributed to 
 unprovoked outrages committed by Ein-ool-Moolk. He sent also 
 one hundred horses and two hundred thousand “ tunkhas ” as an 
 offering, and Moozuffer Shah, in consideration of the deferred expedi¬ 
 tion to Malwa, thought proper to overlook his defection and accept the 
 treasure, which was applied to the purposes of the projected campaign. 
 Moozuffer Shah now proceeded into Malwa. Row Bheem, of Eedur, 
 was at his death succeeded by his son, Barnaul; 1 that prince 
 was, however, soon after deposed by Sung Rana, of Cheetor, whose 
 daughter had been married to Raeemuljee, the son of Soorujmul, 
 now grown up to manhood. Barnaul, in the year a.d. 1515, sent 
 envoys to Moozuffer Shah to solicit his aid, and the Mohummedan 
 
 1 There are two inscriptions of these princes on wells at Teentoee and Reetora. 
 The first was constructed in Sumwut, 1566 (a.d. 1510), by order of “ Shree Muha 
 “ Raee, Shree, Shree, Shree Bheem, and Koonwer Shree Barnaulthe second in 
 Sumwut, 1599 (a.d. 1543), “when Muharaja Raee Shree Barnaul” was ruling 
 victoriously. 
 
294 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 sovereign, displeased at the intervention of Sung Rana, and glad of 
 the opportunity of asserting “that Bheem Row ruled Eedur by his ; 
 authority,” determined to send a force to the country of the Rathors. j 
 Nizam-ool-Moolk, his officer, accordingly advanced, and replaced 
 Barmul on the throne; but, having pursued Raeemuljee into the hills, 
 he was brought to action, and defeated with severe loss. The shah f 
 reproved Nizam-ool-Moolk severely for having exceeded his in¬ 
 structions, and recalled him to the capital, but on his arrival there, 
 appointed him to the government of Ahmednugger. In a.d. 1517, 
 Raeemuljee again appeared in the Eedur territory, and defeated, with 
 the loss of two hundred and seven men, Zeher-ool-Moolk—the Jher 
 Khan of Hindoo tradition—a Mohummedan officer who had been 
 sent against him at the head of a body of cavalry. Mullik Noosrut- 
 ool-Moolk was upon this directed to march to Veesulnugger, and to 
 plunder and lay waste the whole of the surrounding country, which 
 the shah, in his orders, styles “ the receptacle of renegadoes, and the 
 “ asylum of rebels.” 
 
 The two following years were honorably employed by Moozufifer 
 Shah in restoring to his throne the Sultan of Malwa. The Rajpoots 
 were more than once defeated. Mandoo-gurh was taken by assault,., 
 and Rana Sung, who had attempted its relief, was forced to retire. 
 Moozufifer Shah, having received marked expressions of gratitude 
 from Sultan Mahmood, returned to his capital, which he had scarcely 
 reached when he received intelligence that Raeemuljee, of Eedur, had 
 sallied from the Veesulnugger hills, laid waste the Puttun district, and 
 sacked the town of Gilwara. The Rathor prince had at length, 
 however, been compelled to retire by Mullik Noosrut-ool-Moolk, who 
 commanded at Eedur. The shah determined to seize Raeemuljee; 
 he advanced in person towards Veesulnugger, and laid waste the 
 country. He did not, however, succeed in effecting his object. Raee¬ 
 muljee soon after died of disease, and Barmul, as his heir, acquired 
 an undisputed title to the royal cushion. 
 
 At this time intelligence was received that Sultan Mahmood, of 
 Malwa, having ventured, in company with his Goozerat auxiliaries, to 
 attack the combined forces of Mednee Raee and Rana Sung, had 
 been defeated, and taken prisoner. Soon afterwards, Noosrut-ool- 
 Moolk having been removed from the government of Eedur, and 
 Moobariz-ool-Moolk nominated to that office, some person ventured 
 to extol, in the presence of the new governor, the bravery of Rana 
 Sung. Moobariz was incensed at this praise, and to show his con¬ 
 tempt for the gallant prince of Cheetor, he caused a dog to be tied 
 up at the fort gate, which he directed to be called by his name. 
 
MOOZUFFER II. 
 
 295 
 
 Sung Rana, hearing of this insult, was so much enraged, that he 
 immediately marched with the intention of attacking Eedur, and 
 had soon pillaged the country as far as Seerohee. Having arrived at 
 Wagur, he was joined by the raja of that country, with whom he ad¬ 
 vanced to Doongurpoor. The Governor of Eedur now thought it 
 necessary to send for reinforcements ; but his enemies at court 
 prevented their despatch, representing to the shah that Moorbariz, 
 after having wantonly insulted the Rana, was now pusillanimously 
 seeking for assistance, even before he had sustained an attack. 
 Moorbariz-ool-Moolk was therefore compelled to evacuate Eedur, and 
 retire to the fortress of Ahmednugger. The next day Sung Rana took 
 possession of the Rathor capital, where he was joined by several 
 Rajpoot chiefs from the vicinity of Ahmedabad, who had fled from 
 the oppression of its governor. With his new allies he advanced 
 towards Ahmednugger, swearing that he would not draw rein until 
 he should be able to water his horse at the Hatmutee river. 
 Moobariz-ool-Moolk, though his force was far outnumbered by that 
 of his opponent, quitted the fortress of which he held command, and 
 formed in battle array outside its walls, on the opposite bank of the 
 stream. The troops of Rana Sung received an attack from the 
 Mohummedans with great steadiness, and then charged. The array 
 of Islam was broken by the fury of the Rajpoots, several officers of 
 distinction were killed; Moobariz-ool-Moolk himself was severely 
 wounded; his elephants were taken, and the whole force was driven 
 in confusion towards Ahmedabad. Sung Rana now plundered the 
 surrounding country at his leisure : he spared the Brahmins of Wur- 
 nugger; but finding Veesulnugger defended against him, he took it 
 by assault, slaying the Mohummedan governor. Having thus 
 revenged himself for the insult which had been offered to him, he 
 returned, unopposed, to Cheetor. 
 
 The viceroy of Moozuffer Shah, then absent on the Malwa frontier, 
 having succeeded in reinforcing his army, and the dog, Rana Sung, 
 having retired, Moobariz-ool-Moolk attempted to re-assume his go¬ 
 vernment. On the way to Ahmednugger he was opposed by a body 
 of Rajpoots and Koolees from the Eedur territory, whom he defeated, 
 but, having reached that city, he found the country around so 
 enfeebled by the ravages to which it had been lately subjected, that 
 he was compelled to fall back for supplies upon Poorantej. 
 
 Moozuffer Shah, determined not to allow of the abandonment of 
 Ahmednugger, directed his officers to hold it at all hazards during 
 the rains, and in December, a.d. 1520, he marched thither in person, 
 with an army destined eventually for the reduction of Sung Rana. 
 
296 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The Eedur country was again subjected to the ravages of Mohurn- 
 medans; but no decisive success was obtained by them over the 
 Rana of Cheetor, with whom “a peace was patched up,” as the 
 author of Meerat Ahmudee relates, “ in consequence of the hypo- 
 “ critical conduct of the officers commanding the troops.” 
 
 The Rows of Eedur, during the occupation of their capital by 
 the Mohummedans, lived, it is said, with their families at Surwan— 
 the village held by the descendants of Samulyo Sord, situated in the 
 hilly country on the frontiers of Mewar. Row Barnaul, as the 
 Reetora inscription proves, outlived Moozuffer II., as well as his 
 sons, Sikunder and Mahmood II., and was alive in a.d. 1528, when 
 “ Buhadur Shah marched towards the countries of Eedur and Wagur, 
 
 “ from whence he returned, by Champaner, to Broach ; ” and also 
 in a.d. 1530, when the sultan again “marched towards Eedur ; but 
 “ himself retired, after despatching two of his officers, with a large 
 “ force, to Wagur.” Row Barmul died after a.d. 1543, and was 
 succeeded by Row Poonjajee, respecting whose career no incidents 
 have been preserved. 
 
 It is unnecessary to our purpose to enter into a detailed account 
 of the fortunes of the dynasty of Ahmedabad, whose history, as 
 related by the Mohummedan writers, contains henceforth nothing 
 which bears directly upon the story of the Hindoo princes of 
 Goozerat. The reign of Sultan Buhadur was one marked by the 
 most violent contrasts. At one time we behold him emulating the 
 glory of his great predecessor, Sidh Raj, his supremacy acknowledged 
 by the kings of Candeish, Berar, and Ahmednugger ; his rule i 
 extending over the kingdom of Malwa, once again subdued by the 
 arms of Goozerat; and his victorious banner waving from the lofty 
 battlements of Mandoo. At another time we find him driven from 
 his kingdom by the Emperor Hoomayoon, whom, in his prosperity, *- 
 he had provoked. And, at last—a miserable affray with the Portu¬ 
 guese, sullied by more than the suspicion of treachery on either side, 
 resulting in his death—we behold his murdered corpse cast upon the 
 waters of the ocean ; while the annalist who relates his story can 
 close it only with admissions of weakness, and presages of decay. j 
 “ After the death of Sultan Buhadur, much disorder and sedition 
 “ found their way into the affairs of Goozerat; and, from that time, 
 
 “ the tribute from the kings of the Dekkan, and the ports possessed 
 “ by the Europeans, was no longer received.” 
 
 Several years afterwards, in a.d. 1545, Mahmood Luteef Khan, 
 the nephew of Buhadur Shah, being then the occupant of the 
 royal cushion, the extinction of the rights of the Hindoo land- 
 
MARMOOD LUTEEF KHAN. 
 
 297 
 
 holders, formerly attempted in part, and with circumspection, in the 
 vigorous days of Shah Ahmed and Mahmood Begurra, was now 
 sought to be effected over the length and breadth of Goozerat, by 
 hands as feeble as they were presumptuous; and a course of policy 
 was entered upon, which, had other causes of dissolution been 
 wanting, could hardly have failed in producing the total subversion of 
 the throne of the sultans. “ At this time the shah abandoned the 
 “ pleasures of the harem, and the government having thus received 
 “ an accession of power, both nobles and soldiers fell so completely 
 “ under its management that they had not the power of disobeying. 
 “ There was now some desire manifested of seizing upon Malwa; 
 “ but when the sultan consulted his minister, Asuf Khan, in this 
 “ matter, he was told that he might obtain a country equal to Malwa 
 “ by merely attaching a fourth part of the Goozerat province, or 
 “ that part called the apportioned (Wanta) lands, then possessed by 
 “ Rajpoots, Grassias, and Koolees. ‘ If,’ said the minister, ‘ that 
 “ fourth was only brought under government management, it is 
 “ sufficient, as a jagheer, to maintain twenty-five thousand horse;’ 
 “ and the order was accordingly given for its resumption.” The 
 result was one which might have been expected—an universal, and, 
 as subsequent history proves, a successful insurrection ; for whatever 
 deeds of oppression and of blood may have been enacted at the 
 time, and however the Mohummedan rulers may have chosen to 
 believe, or the Mohummedan historians to represent, the Hindoos 
 to be a crushed and subdued people, the fact remains beyond 
 dispute that their descendants, in spite of many a subsequent danger, 
 still possess the soil of which it was sought to deprive them; while 
 little but squalid poverty, and tottering ruins, represent the once 
 proud sway of the dynasty of Shah Ahmed. “ The Grassias of 
 “ Eedur, Seerohee, Doongurpoor, Banswara, Loonawara, Rajpeepla, 
 “ the banks of the Myhee, and Hulwud (Jhalawar), began on this 
 “ account to disturb the country. The parties of soldiers stationed 
 “ at Seerohee, Eedur, and other places, were therefore ordered to 
 “ extirpate the very name of Rajpoot and Koolee from such places; 
 “ excepting, however, those who were the armed police of the 
 “ country, or such as were engaged in trade, and who were to be 
 distinguished by a specific mark on the right arm. Should any of 
 ‘ this class be found without this mark, they were to be executed. 
 In consequence of such orders, the Mohummedan faith obtained 
 such a superiority in those parts, about the latter end of this reign, 
 [‘ that no Hindoo was allowed to ride on horseback through the 
 j“ city; and those on foot were not allowed to wear clothing unless 
 
298 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ distinguished by a patch of red cloth sewed on the shoulder. 
 
 “ They were, moreover, prevented from exhibiting any public marks 
 “ of infidelity—such as the idolatries of the Hoolee and Dewalee 
 “ festivals. It is, therefore, related that after the villain Boorhan 
 “ murdered the sultan, the Grassias and Koolees set up an image 
 “ of the murderer, which they worshipped and addressed, saying, 
 “ ‘ This is our protector, who has saved us from perdition.’ ” 
 
 Whoever in the present day visits Goozerat, and in particular that 
 capital city of Ahmedabad, which was the principal scene of these 
 tyrannies, may behold the subterranean temple of the persecuted 
 Hindoo, and the tall minaret of the Moslem in his day of power and 
 intolerance, and may compare the state of affairs which these recall 
 with things that are. The falling mosque strews the earth with its 
 ruins, while, beside it, emerging from their dark hiding-places, the 
 images of Shiva or of Parusnath are installed in newly erected 
 temples; and the descendants of the swaggering Putans and 
 Moguls inlay the marble floors of the Hindoo shrines, or, for a 
 pitiful hire, wave the torch and beat the drum in those idolatrous 
 processions which gaily move along to re-establish in state the mute 
 gods which their fathers fancied they had destroyed. 
 
 Sultan Mahmood was put to death in a.d. 1554; his dynasty 
 lingered through the reigns of two feeble successors until the 18th 
 November, a.d. 1572, when the great Akbar displayed his imperial 
 banner within sight of the city of Ahmed, and a crowd of its 
 inhabitants, of all ranks, went forth to welcome him as their 
 sovereign. 
 
 “ The learned and observing,” says the author of Meerat 
 Ahmudee, “ well know that a cause for the decline of every empire 
 “ which has existed since the beginning of the world may be found 
 “ in the animosities of its nobles, assisted by rebellious subjects, 
 “ whose mutiny and endeavours, thank God ! generally revert on 
 “ themselves, so that some more fortunate rival steps in and profits 
 “ thereby. Such was the end of the kings and nobles of Goozerat. 
 “ Fate having decreed the destruction of the government, its servants, 
 “ by disregarding all sacred ties in the midst of rebellions, went to 
 “ war among each other ; so, under the semblance of friendship, they 
 “ openly committed acts of hostility, until at length, those parties 
 “ being set aside, the powers and seals of this kingdom were 
 “ transferred to the hands of the illustrious descendant of Teimoor— 
 “ Jelal-ood-deen Mohummed Akbar.” 
 
 The period which immediately preceded the establishment of 
 
CLOSE OF THE DYNASTY. 
 
 299 
 
 Akbar’s authority was indeed one of the most melancholy in the 
 history of Goozerat. At this time the Mohummedan nobles of the 
 
 ( country, who had set up a supposititious son of Mahmood II. under 
 the title of Mouzuffer III., divided, in reality, the country among 
 themselves. Itimad Khan, the most powerful of their number, held 
 the capital city of Ahmedabad, with the port of Cambay, and the 
 intervening territory; a second leader possessed the ruins of Unhil- 
 |( poor, with much of the country between the Sabhermutee and the 
 Bunas; to a third had been assigned the harbours of Surat and 
 Broach, the fortress of Champaner, and the provinces south of the 
 ; Myhee; Dhundhooka and Dholka had fallen to a fourth; and a 
 fifth, seated in a fortress of Khengar, affected to extend his rule over 
 ‘ the peninsular of Soreth. Of Hindoo military vassals of the state 
 there were at this time many. The northern districts, ranging from 
 Kuree to Deesa, supplied a body of three thousand Rajpoot horse; 
 
 | Bohrjee, the zumeendar of Baglana, possessed the forts of Mooler 
 and Sahler; and, served with the same number of cavalry, the 
 revenues of two districts in the province of Godhrah were settled on 
 the zumeendar of Sonth and “ Chuttaral Koolee ” for the services 
 they performed; other “ Wuttundars,” or hereditary landholders, 
 in the district of Nagor, served with a large force of mounted 
 Rajpoots, and Poonja Rathor of Eedur, Raee Jye Singh of Raj- 
 peepla, the Rawul of Doongurpoor, the chief of the Jhalas, the Jam, 
 with his four hundred grassia dependants, and Khengar Jhareja of 
 Bhooj supplied contingents, which, in cavalry alone, were estimated 
 at sixteen thousand men. These powerful Rajpoot chiefs, who had 
 maintained their lands and much of their independence against all 
 the encroachments of the dynasty of Ahmedabad, had, of course, 
 little to fear from the fragments of its shattered power, and the 
 wild aboriginal tribes began again to break forth like a fire which had 
 been restrained, indeed, by superincumbent weight, but had never 
 yet been extinguished. 
 
 On the conquest of the country by Akbar, a viceroy or soubahdar 
 was appointed over the whole, under whom served the district 
 revenue and military officers. The soubahdars were usually men of 
 the highest rank. The office was held by Khan Uzeez Koka, the 
 foster-brother, and by Sultan Morad Bukht, the son of Akbar; by 
 Shah Jehan in the life of his father, Jehangeer, and by the Prince 
 Morad, his son, during his own reign. The annals of these times 
 belong, however, to the general history of the empire of Delhi, and 
 the pages of the Mohummedan writers contain little information in 
 regard to the Rajpoot chieftainships, whose story is the object 
 
3 °° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 of this work. We find that Raja Todur Mul, when deputed by the 
 emperor Akbar to effect a revenue settlement in Goozerat, seized 
 every opportunity of conciliating and attaching to the throne the 
 Rajpoot chiefs, in furtherance, doubtless, of the wise and generous . 
 desire of his master to rule no longer only as the chief of the 
 Mohummedans, but as the head of a great and united Indian nation. 
 On his arrival on the frontier of Goozerat in a.d. 1576, “the zu¬ 
 meendar of Seerohee,” we are informed, “ presented a tribute of 
 “ five hundred rupees with one hundred gold mohurs. 1 Raja Todur 
 “ Mul gave him in return an honorary address, a jewelled head 
 “ ornament, and an elephant, after making an agreement with him, : 
 “ on the part of the Delhi government, that he was to serve the < 
 “ governor of Goozerat with two thousand cavalry. Raja Todur • 
 “ Mul went from thence to Surat, and on the way thither, having had 
 “ a meeting at Broach with the zumeendar of Ramnugger, who 
 “ presented a tribute of twelve thousand rupees and four horses, he 
 “ made him suitable presents in return. The zumeendar was at 
 “ this time permitted to assume the rank of fifteen hundred horse, 
 
 “ and agreed to serve the Governor of Goozerat with one thousand 
 “ cavalry. 
 
 On Todur Mul’s return from Goozerat towards Delhi, “ he received 
 “ a visit from Rana Sahsmul, zumeendar of Doongurpoor, when this 
 “ chief was presented with an honorary dress, and the rank of two 
 “ thousand five hundred cavalry. He was also permitted to take 
 “ leave at Meertha after having agreed to serve in the province 
 “ of Goozerat.” 
 
 From a statement made in the Ayeen-i-Akbery, that Row Naron- 
 das, of Eedur, commanded five hundred cavalry and two thousand 
 infantry, it would appear that he also, like the chiefs of Seerohee and 
 Doongurpoor, had been retained to aid the Viceroy of Goozerat w r ith 
 a subsidiary force. In the bardic Churittra of Veerum Dev also, the 
 Row of Eedur is represented as a military vassal of the Delhi emperor. 
 Ubool Fuzil alludes to others of the chiefs of Goozerat as similarly 
 situated. “ Chalawareh,” he says, “ formerly was an independent 
 “territory, containing two thousand two hundred villages, which 
 “ extended seventy coss in length, and forty coss in breadth; and it 
 “ had ten thousand cavalry, with the same number of infantry. Now 
 “ it has two hundred cavalry and three thousand infantry; it is sub- 
 
 1 This must have been “nuzur,” the usual offering made at a visit, and-not 
 a payment of tribute. Here, and in the extracts which we shall afterwards have 
 to produce, there is, however, much difficulty in regard to the numbers. 
 
THE EMPEROR AKBAR. 
 
 3°r 
 
 “ject to the Governor of Goozerat, and inhabited by the tribe of 
 “ Chaleh (Jhala). Although now formed into four divisions, it is only 
 “ reckoned as a single pergunnah of Ahmedabad. It has a great num- 
 “ ber of towns.” The four divisions here alluded to were those of 
 Hulwud, Wudwan, Lugtur, and Limree, the formation of which will 
 be described in a succeeding chapter. Soreth was, according to the 
 same author, divided into nine divisions. The first of these, come 
 monly called “ new Soreth,” had not been explored for a long time on 
 account of the thickness of the forests and intricacy of the mountains. 
 Joonagurh was situated in this division. New Soreth, as well as the 
 second division of Puttun Somnath, was inhabited by “ Rajpoots of 
 “the Gehlote tribe;” and the chiefs commanded, each of them, one 
 thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry, “ together with a num- 
 “ ber of Aheers (or cowherds), meaning, probably, Katees, of whom it 
 is said in another place that they are of the Aheer caste, and that it 
 is their business to look after horses. Of the third division, Ubool 
 Fuzil informs us that, “ At the foot of the mountains of Sironj (Shut- 
 “ roonjye), is a large city now out of repair, although the situation is 
 “very desirable.” The allusion is, probably, to the remains of Wul- 
 lubheepoor. “ Maabidcheen,” he continues, “ and the port of Gho- 
 “ geh are dependent upon it. The island of Birum is also in this 
 “ division ; it is a square hill of nine coss in the midst of the river, 
 “ and formerly was the seat of government. The zumeendar of this 
 “ division is of the Gohil tribe, and commands two thousand cavalry 
 “ and four thousand infantry.” The fourth division was inhabited by 
 Wala Rajpoots; it included the ports of Mhowa and Tulaja, and sup¬ 
 plied a contingent of three hundred cavalry and five hundred infantry. 
 We need not follow our author through the remaining divisions, his 
 description of which is not at all times intelligible. The Wadhels, he 
 mentions, possessed the port of Aramra, which was a very strong 
 place, and their contingent numbered one thousand horse and twice 
 that number of foot. The kindred tribe of Wajas held a seaport 
 called Jhanjeer, and supplied two hundred cavalry and the same 
 number of infantry. By “ the tribe of Cheetore,” who mustered one 
 thousand horse and two thousand foot, the author probably meant 
 the Jetwas of Bhoomblee. “The Bagheyleh tribe” inhabited one 
 division, and commanded two hundred horse and the same number 
 of foot; while the Katees, of the same part of Soreth, mustered six 
 thousand horse and ten thousand foot; and another tribe of Aheers, 
 who lived on the banks of the river Doondy, and were called Poorun- 
 jah, mustered half that number. The military force of the Jharejas 
 of Kutch Bhooj rvas ten thousand cavalry and fifty thousand infantry; 
 
302 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 they were tall and handsome men, and wore long beards. The Jam 
 “ Suttersal,” a relation of the ruling family of Kutch Bhooj, was the 
 grandson of a chief, who, having been driven out of that country by 
 the Rawul, sixty years before, had settled in Soreth, “ between the 
 “ territories of Chatwah, Badhil, and Nowneel,” in a fertile country 
 to which he had given the name of “ Little Kutch,” and in which he 
 had founded his capital city of Nowanugger. The Jam’s contingent 
 was seven thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry. 
 
 In the Meerat Ahmudee we find it mentioned, that the Jam of 
 Nowanugger was at one time the supporter of Moozuffer III., the 
 last of the sultans of Ahmedabad, but that he eventually betrayed him 
 to his enemies. Moozuffer and the Jam were defeated by the viceroy 
 Khan Uzeez Koka, in a.d. 1590, and compelled to take refuge in the ; 
 hills. The viceroy, subsequently to this victory, plundered Nowa- j 
 nugger, and besieged Joonagurh, which was defended by adherents 
 of Moozuffer III., but being unsuccessful for a time in taking the 
 latter place, he returned to Ahmedabad, when, as the historian 
 remarks, the nobles were, for once, permitted to remain quiet on their 
 own estates. Next year, Joonagurh fell into the hands of the viceroy, 
 and Moozuffer was driven to take refuge with Khengar, the Row of 
 Kutch, who also had supported him. Uzeez Koka sent a force in 
 pursuit of him, under the command of his son, who, during his march 
 received the submission of the Jam, and concluded a treaty with him, 
 and the forlorn sultan, being soon after seized by the aid of the Jam, 
 that chief received, as his reward, from the imperial officers, the 
 Pergunnah of Moorbee, which had formerly constituted part of his 
 territory. 
 
 The following notice of the Rajpoot chieftainships, which lay on 
 the eastern frontier of Goozerat, is to be found in the work of Ubool 
 Fuzil:—“ Near to Merow and Mungreetch is a territory called Pall, 
 
 “ through which runs the river Mehindery. On the Goozerat side of 
 “ this territory is an independent zumeendar, who resides at Doongur- 
 “ poor. On the Malwa side of this country is Banswaleh, whose 
 “ chief is independent. Those two last mentioned chiefs have each 
 “ five thousand cavalry and one thousand infantry; and they were 
 “ both of the Seesodyah tribe, and relations to the Ranna, but now 
 “ the possessors are of another tribe. 
 
 “ In the vicinity of Sirkar Putten is a country of which Serowhy is 
 “ the capital. The chief commands one thousand cavalry and five 
 “ thousand infantry. He has a fort on the top of a mountain called 
 “ Iyugurh (vid. Aboogurh), encompassing twelve villages, with great 
 “plenty of water and pasturage. There is also another territory 
 
AFFAIRS OF EEDUR. 
 
 3°3 
 
 “ situated to the east of Nudeebar, to the north of Mendow, to the 
 “ south of Madowt, and to the west of Chumpaneer, measuring sixty 
 “ coss in length, and forty in breadth. The chief is of the Chowhan 
 “ tribe, and his capital is Alymohan. Here are many wild elephants. 
 “ The military force is six hundred cavalry and fifteen thousand 
 “ infantry. 
 
 “ Between the Sircars of Surat and Nuderbar is a mountainous 
 “ country, well inhabited, called Buglana. The chief is of the Rathore 
 “ tribe, and commands three thousand cavalry and two thousand 
 “ infantry. Here are apricots, apples, grapes, pine-apples, pome- 
 “ granates, and citrons in great perfection. Buglana has seven forts, 
 “ of which number Mowleer and Saleer are exceedingly strong. 
 
 “ Between Sirkar Nadowt and Nuderbar is a hilly country, mea- 
 “ suring fifty coss in length, and forty coss in breadth. It is inhabited 
 : “ by the Gowhil tribe of Rajpoots. At present the management of pub- 
 “ lie affairs is in the hands of one Tewary, a Brahmin, and the raja, 
 
 [ “ who possesses nothing but the name, resides sometimes at Rajpeep- 
 f “ lah and sometimes at Ghoolwa. He has three thousand cavalry 
 f “ and seven thousand infantry. The water of the latter place is very 
 i “ bad ; but there is produced very good rice and honey.” 1 2 * 
 
 The chieftainship last alluded to is that which, as we have seen, 
 was founded by Semursunghjee, the son of Mokherajee Gohil, the 
 king of Perumbh, who succeeded to it in right of his mother. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 AFFAIRS OF EEDUR—ROW NARONDAS—ROW VEERUM DEV—ROW 
 KULEEAN-MUL. 
 
 Row PoonjA, of Eedur, was succeeded by his son, Row Narondas, 
 who is mentioned (a.d. 1573) as having aided in creating disturbances 
 against the government of Khan Uzeez Koka, the Mohummedan 
 nobleman appointed by Akbar to the viceroyalty of Goozerat. 8 The 
 insurrection was suppressed by the emperor, in person, and a large 
 army was sent to punish the Row of Eedur. Two years afterwards, 
 
 1 Vide Meerat Ahmudee, by Bird, pp. 325, 339, 343, 349. 
 
 2 Vide “ Ayeen Akbery,” translated by Gladwin, vol. ii., article, “ The Soobah 
 
 “ of Gujerat,” pp. 75 to 96. 
 
3°4 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 Uzeez Koka having been succeeded in his government by Meerza . 
 Khan, “a suitable army was sent to subdue Eedur,” and in a.d. 1576, 
 Row Narondas, being overwhelmed by the multitude of the imperial 
 army, took refuge in the mountains. At length, leaving his place of 
 security, and advancing to give the Mohummedans battle, he was 
 defeated, and his capital fell into the hands of the emperor. 
 
 The following notice of Row Narondas is to be found in the 
 Ayeen-i-Akbery :—“ The Zumeendar of Eedur, who is named Naron- 
 “ das, lives with such austerity that his only food is grain which has 
 “ passed through oxen, and been separated from their dung ; and 
 “ this kind of aliment the Brahmins consider as pure in the highest 
 “ degree. This Narondas is one of the principal chiefs of the Rathor 
 “ tribe; and he commands five hundred cavalry and two thousand 
 “ infantry.” 
 
 Row Narondas was succeeded by his eldest son, Veerum Dev, a 
 favorite hero of bardic tradition. A somewhat lengthy ballad poem 
 records the adventures of his youth, and narrates how, at the age of, 
 five and twenty years, he found his way to Poongul, in the north of 
 Marwar ; how he won the love of the beautiful Punna, the daughter 
 of a wealthy merchant of that place ; how he triumphantly carried off 
 the lady by force of arms, and how he slew many a valiant chieftain, 
 when the array of Poongul “ came upon the war.” Another bardic 
 account continues the story of Veerum Dev to its close, and this latter 
 we propose to present to the reader, in as literal a translation as pos¬ 
 sible. It is entitled, 
 
 THE CHTJR1TTRA OF ROW SHREE VEERUM DEV. 
 
 A year and a half after Veerum Dev had returned from Poongul, 
 the Emperor Akbar summoned all the rajas of India to Delhi. The 
 Princes of Oodeipoor, Jodhpoor, and Boondee, with others, obeyed 
 the command. They remained three or four months at Delhi. Row 
 Narondas and Prince Veerum Dev also went there. One day a tiger, 
 which the emperor had in a cage, made its escape. Akbar gave orders 
 that it should be caught, but his warriors answered, “ Sire ! a tiger 
 “ cannot be laid hold on.” Prince Verum Dev said, “ A Rajpoot 
 “ might lay hold on him, but he could not be sure to do so. The 
 “ tiger might kill the Rajpoot, or the Rajpoot might kill the tiger.’ 
 The emperor said, “You have well spoken.” Then Veerum Dev 
 went to lay hold on the tiger; he held a little shield in his hand, and 
 advancing it before him, soon came to fisticuffs with his enemy; he 
 struck down the tiger, and wrapping a scarf round his left arm, he ; 
 
ROW VEERUM DEV. 
 
 3°5 
 
 thrust it into the brute’s mouth, and with his right hand stabbed it 
 with the point of his sword, so that it died. Then the emperor was 
 delighted beyond measure, and gave him a magnificent dress of honor. 
 Akbar said, too (alluding to Narondas, who was spare in person), that 
 he had thought less than he ought of the gaunt Row, not knowing 
 him to be the father of such a son as Veerum Dev. 
 
 Now Veerum Dev asked only one boon of the emperor, “ When I 
 “ shall have come here, and it shall happen to be my wish to return 
 “ to Eedur, let me have leave to go at once.” Akbar promised that 
 he should. The Row and his son then made their obeisance, and 
 went home to Eedur, and soon after Narondas died, and Veerum Dev 
 sat on the royal cushion. Narondas left four Ranees :—one was the 
 sister of the Rana Pertap Singh, of Oodeipoor, who bore to him his 
 two elder sons; the second was the daughter of the Bhatee Prince of 
 Jesulmer, and the mother of Raee Singh and Kishor Singh; the third 
 was a lady of the Shekhavvut clan, the mother of Gopaldas. The Row 
 left, besides, a fourth Ranee, the daughter of the Hara of Kotah, and 
 three concubines. The whole seven became sutees with Narondas. 
 After this, a chief of the Row’s, Hemut Singh, the Beeola, had gone 
 to Doongurpoor on a visit, because his sister was married there to the 
 Rawul Ram Singh. Dinner time having come, Ram Singh sent for 
 him, and, with much urgency, pressed him to dine off the same dish 
 with him. The chief had weak eyes, and they watered as he sat at 
 dinner. Ram Singh said, “ There’s nothing I have such an aversion 
 “to as this; if I had known of it, I would not have invited you to sit 
 “beside me.” Hemut Singh, hearing such insulting words, got up 
 and left the room ; he returned to Eedur, and said to Row Veerum Dev, 
 “I am not strong enough of myself to strike Doongurpoor, may it 
 “ please your highness to accompany me ? If not, with the men and 
 “ money I have, I will go and fight with Doongurpoor, and die there.” 
 Veerum Dev said, “ Do you stay here until after New Year’s-day, and 
 “then I will accompany you.” After the festival they mounted 
 accordingly, and set forth. Meanwhile, a famine having occurred in 
 Marwar, two bard’s sons, who were on their way from thence to Goo- 
 zerat, met them. One of the boys was going along on the road carry¬ 
 ing some food with him, when Veerum Dev’s cavalcade came up; he 
 then moved on one side, and stood close to the hedge till it should 
 pass. The Row, seeing him, cried out, “ Halloo there ! who are you ? 
 “ and what are you standing beside the hedge for ? ” The boy 
 answered, “ Muharaj ! I am a bard’s son, and I have heard that Vee- 
 “ rum Dev rains gifts even upon the hedges, so I am looking to see 
 
 x 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 306 
 
 “ what he has rained on this hedge.” Then Veerum Dev took from 
 his wrists his golden bracelets, and, throwing them into the hedge, said, 
 “ Go on looking, you’ll find something in the hedge.” As they went 
 on, the boy’s brother was standing by a well. The Row asked him, 
 “ Is this well yours?” He answered, “Sire! how should it be my 
 “ well? the well is your highness’s.” The Row then gave order, “ I 
 “have presented this well to you.” Veerum Dev caused both of 
 these boys to be suitably married, and descendants of their’s still 
 enjoy the said well. After this, the Row halted eight or ten days at 
 Wuralee. 
 
 Now, while Veerum Dev’s camp was pitched beside the Sumule- 
 shur tank at Wuralee, it so happened that his brother Raee Singh 
 also came by chance, as he was engaged in hunting, to that place. 
 This Raee Singh, it must be noted, was a most eager sportsman. 
 When Veerum Dev saw him, it came into his mind that if Raee 
 Singh remained alive he would take his throne. Afterwards, when 
 he had returned from Wuralee to Eedur, he involved that brother of 
 his in some fault, and slew him with his sword. This Raee Singh 
 had a sister who was married at Jeipoor, and who, retaining this 
 cause of feud in mind, put Veerum Dev to death, as will afterwards 
 be related. 
 
 As things went on in this manner, another new year came round, 
 and the Row collected his army, which with the following of his 
 chiefs, amounted to eighteen hundred horse. They set out, and 
 advanced by stages to Vincheewara; their warlike stores, such as 
 armour for men and horse, cannon and swivels, being carried on the 
 backs of camels. Hemut Singh, too, was with them with his force, 
 for whose sake, indeed, it was that it became necessary to advance 
 upon Doongurpoor. The Chief of Vincheewara, who was a vassal 
 of Doongurpoor, made enquiries as to whither the Row’s cavalcade 
 was advancing. Answer was made to him that the Row was on his 
 way to his father-in-law’s at Rampoor, which is on the banks of the 
 Chumbul, on the borders of Mewar and Malwa. However, the chief 
 knew that Hemut Singh and his sovereign were at enmity, and he 
 thought to himself, “ Here is Hemut Singh with them, with all his 
 “ men, and guns and other warlike stores, what reason can there be 
 “ for taking all these to Rampoor ?” So he was lost in doubt. 
 Then the Eedur chiefs said to Veerum Dev, “Some one will say that 
 “ the Row came like a thief and struck Doongurpoor, but if he had 
 “ come openly he would not have struck it, therefore the matter 
 “ should be made public.” The Row said, “ It is well!” Then 
 
ROW VEERUM DEV. 
 
 3 ° 7 
 
 they told the chief of Vincheewara that they were advancing against 
 Doongurpoor, and that he should go and make known publicly that 
 the Row was coming against them at Doongurpoor, and that they 
 should get ready to fight with him. The chief went, accordingly, 
 and made the matter known, and the Rawul called his vassals to¬ 
 gether, and got ready to fight, and sent a messenger to Veerum Dev 
 to say, “ Come at your leisure to fight, we are ready.” The Row 
 remained eight days at that halting place, and then advanced to the 
 neighbourhood of Doongurpoor, and the battle commenced by a 
 discharge of cannon on both sides. The assailants knocked down a 
 good deal of the fort and palace of Doongurpoor, which remain in 
 the same broken state to this day. After ten days spent in this way, 
 they put armour on men and horses, and assaulted the place, upon 
 which occasion each side lost a hundred men. The Rawul, with his 
 family, fled, and the Row, having remained three days and a half at 
 Doongurpoor, and plundered the town, and taken all the treasure he 
 could find, returned to Eedur. When he was gone, the Rawul 
 returned home. 
 
 After this the emperor’s army came against Oodeipoor, and the 
 Rana, Pertap Singh, fled to Venchawara (this is the Venchawara, 
 which is near Panowra) for the Ranas were, from father to son, in 
 outlawry against the emperor, and that sovereign had carried away 
 the doors of the gate of Cheetor, and had set them up in the gate of 
 Delhi; fifty-two rajas had perished, and the Ranas, in their troubles, 
 lay at nights on counterpanes spread on the ground, and neither 
 slept in their beds nor shaved their hair, and if, perchance, they 
 broke their fast, had nothing better to satisfy their hunger than beans 
 baked in.an earthen pot; for which reason it is that solemn practices 
 are to this day observed at Oodeipoor; a counterpane is spread be¬ 
 low the Rana’s bed, and his beard remains unshorn, and baked beans 
 are daily laid upon his plate. To this day, too, no new doors have 
 been made for the further gate of Cheetor; and when the English 
 government proposed to the Rana that he should cause new doors to 
 be made, or that, if he liked, his own doors should be sent for for the 
 purpose, the answer received was, that the Rana would set up his own 
 doors again when he should have brought them from Delhi, by force 
 of arms. 1 However, to return :—When the Rana fled to Venchawara, 
 a Mewar Bheel, named Champo, who was in outlawry against the 
 Rana, was making great disturbances in that part of the country. 
 
 1 For the story of Rana Pertap Singh of Mewar, see chap, xi., of the Annals of 
 Mewar. Tod’s Rajasthan, vol. i., pp. 331 to 350. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 3°8 
 
 The Rana drove him out, and he lived in the wild part of the Eedur 
 territory, where he maintained himself by highway robbery and break¬ 
 ing into houses at night. When he began to give great trouble m 
 Eedurwara, the Row, Veerum Dev, said to his chiefs, I will give a 
 reward “ to any one who will seize this Champo Bheel. Then the 
 chief of Dudhaleea said, “ I’m the man, I’ll seize him.” So saying, 
 he went off to his village. When Champo Bheel heard^ this, he left 
 off all other excursions, and began to ravage Dudhaleea only. The 
 chief thereupon sent-privately to him to say, “You must not plunder 
 “ my village ; I will not seize you. Some months after this the 
 Row again spoke to his chiefs. This time the chief of Mohunpoor 
 said he would seize the Bheel. After having so said, he was on his 
 way home, and had arrived at the tank at Sabulee, where he lay 
 down under a sacred fig-tree, putting off his arms. He sent also 
 three or four horsemen that were with him into the village to pro¬ 
 cure necessaries. As the shadow of the tree moved, so he moved 
 also, pulling the coverlet spread under him, until, at last, he had left 
 his weapons at a long distance. Meanwhile, Champo Bheel came 
 there; he had heard what had passed, and therefore thought 'die 
 would kill the chief. He said to him, “ So you have come out to seize 
 me, have you ?” The chief was afraid, and said, It is not to seize 
 “ you that I want, but I have been very anxious to have an inter- 
 “ view with you.” So saying, giving him confidence, he invited him 
 to sit beside him, and gave him opium to drink. Afterwards, when 
 Champo got up, and was going away, the chief considered with him¬ 
 self, “If he gets out of my hand at this time, when will such another 
 opportunity arrive?” So considering, immediately he sprang upon 
 Champo, and seized the sword he had in his hand, and the dagger 
 that was in his waist, and with one hand stabbing him with the 
 dagger, and with the other striking him with the sword, he put him 
 to death. After this his own horsemen came up, and with them he 
 sent the Bheel’s head to Eedur, himself returning home. The Row 
 presented him with the place which had been the haunt of Champo 
 Bheel, where he founded a village called Champanalya, which still 
 forms part of the Mohunpoor estate. 
 
 At this time, Veerum Dev determined upon attacking the fort of 
 Ahmednugger, and with that view assembled his vassals. Of these 
 the principal was Rutun Singh Waghela, of Poseena. The force was 
 got ready, guns and stores were prepared, and Ahmednugger attacked 
 for ten or twelve da>s, and at last taken; the market-place was 
 plundered, and hostages were seized. When Veerum Dev returned 
 
ROW VEERUM DEV. 
 
 3°9 
 
 back, the merchants of the town began to repair their losses. The 
 Row then said that he would not obstruct them, on condition of their 
 preserving the name of Eedur, whereupon they called one of the 
 gates of the town “ the Eedur gate.” 
 
 The Pethapoor chief was with the Row on this expedition, and 
 from enmity on that account, an army from Ahmedabad attacked 
 Pethapoor. The Row hastened to his assistance, and repulsed the 
 Mohummedan army, upon which the Pethapoor chief gave his 
 daughter in marriage to Veerum Dev. The Row was very fond of 
 this lady on account of her great beauty, so he presented her brother 
 with the village of Gudha, which is still part of the estate of Petha¬ 
 poor, after which the chief continued for a length of time to act as 
 the Row’s minister. 1 
 
 After this, an army from Delhi came to levy tribute upon Ram- 
 poor, the seat of Veerum Dev’s father-in-law. The latter thereupon 
 wrote to Veerum Dev to say, “ This army comes against me to- 
 “ day, but to-morrow it will come against you. Do you, therefore, 
 “ hasten to my assistance.” Veerum Dev assembled a thousand 
 horse, which he sent with his vassals of Mohunpoor and Dudhaleea. 
 At this time, Rutun Singh, of Poseena, staid at home in anger, 
 the reason of which was this :—Some one had said to the Row, 
 “ It was because your highness had such a follower as Rutun Singh, 
 “that you took Ahmednugger ; ” to which Veerum Dev answered, 
 “ What can Rutun Singh do? Is it a kingdom founded by him that 
 “ I rule over?” The chief, hearing this, was enraged. Now the 
 two above-mentioned leaders went to Rampoor. The Row of that 
 place had sworn an oath that he would employ no Rajpoot who was 
 either unwounded, or wounded in the back. A battle was fought 
 with the invading army, which was driven back; but many 
 Rajpoots, both of Rampoor and Eedur, came to use there, and it is 
 doubtful whether a single one escaped unwounded. Veerum Dev 
 presented villages to the heirs of the deceased “ for their heads.” 
 Some say that it was on account of the assistance thus afforded, 
 that Veerum Dev obtained the daughter of the Row of Rampoor for 
 his wife. 
 
 1 The Pethapoor bardic account is as follows :—“ The chief Doodojee, with 
 “ seven hundred Rajpoots was slain when Shukurdeen came to attack Eedur, at 
 “ which time many Toorks also fell. Twelve Waghela chiefs, a Gohii, and a 
 “ Purmar fell with Doodojee. Eedur was victorious. The Eedur Row, on this, 
 “ gave to Waghjee, the son of Doodojee, the twenty-five villages forming the estate 
 “ of Gudha, which is still enjoyed by Pethapoor.” 
 
3i° 
 
 After this, the Mohummedan army came against Cheetor, and the 
 Rana of Me war made a desperate stand ; fifty-two rajas came to use, 
 and Rana Pertap Singh received many wounds ; at last the imperial 
 army was compelled to fly. This Pertap Singh was the mother’s 
 brother of Veerum Dev, on which account the Row went to pay him 
 a visit He staid many days at Oodeipoor, until the Rana recovered. 
 At Oodeipoor there is a great tank called “ the Peecholoo,” in the 
 middle of which are grand palatial buildings, called “Jug Mundeer.” 1 
 The Rana and the Row used to go thither in a boat. One day a 
 kingfisher, hovering in the air, dashed into the water after a fish. 
 The Row was very much delighted, and said, “ Wah ! wah ! what 
 spirit the little bird has !” Then the Rana asked where the bird had 
 dived into the water, upon which the Row, taking a jewelled armlet 
 off his arm, pitched it into the water, and said, “ There, that’s the 
 place.” The Rana cried out, “ The armlet’s gone, the armlet’s 
 gone.” Then the Row threw in the other, and said, “We must 
 “ give a present that will please it to such a gallant little bird, 
 “ must we not.” This the bards have celebrated as a great act of 
 generosity. 
 
 Afterwards Veerum Dev returned to Eedur. At that time a Mar- 
 war bard, whose name was Alojec, came to ask alms of Veerum Dev. 
 Now it was the Row’s practice not to go in turn to any Ranee on the 
 day of the full moon; but to stay at the palace of the Rampoor lady, 
 and to sit at the eastern window till the moon appeared, when he 
 distributed gifts, called “ lakh pusav.” On this occasion he was 
 seated, as usual, and called out, “ Bring the lakh pusav, here is some 
 bard.” The minister said, “ Yes, there is this one bard come; call 
 “him.” The bard came, accordingly, and said, “At night time a 
 “prostitute or a female ascetic might receive alms. I won’t receive 
 “ them at such a time.” The Row said, “Take them now, for in 
 “ the morning I will not give them.” The bard swore an oath to 
 leave Eedur at day-break, and said, “ If you would give me two 
 “ lakhs, I would treat it as a defiled thing.” The Row then said, 
 “ If it be my fault that you turn away, then may you get a sub- 
 “ sistence ; but if it be your own fault, and if you go away leaving 
 “ me in blame without right, then may you get no subsistence.” 
 Thus he cursed him. At the same time he gave the lakh pusav, and 
 the village of Reheroo, to another bard. Now the first-mentioned 
 
 1 See, for a description and view of this reservoir, Tod’s Rajasthan, vol. i., 
 P- 373- 
 
ROW VEERUM DEV. 
 
 311 
 
 bard rose in the morning, and took the road ; with him were forty 
 horses, five camels, and tents and equipage of all sorts; but wher¬ 
 ever he went in Rajwara he met with disrespect, and at last he found 
 his way home to Marwar, having sold the whole of his equipage to 
 fill his belly. 
 
 Now, as to Rutun Singh, of Poseena, who had been enraged :—The 
 Row, day by day, began more and more to hate him ; on which 
 account, the chief mounted his horse, and caused his cavalcade to 
 get ready, and went off suddenly to Seerohee. Then the Row re¬ 
 flected, “ If I were to seize on any of the seventy-two villages of 
 “ Poseena, I should drive him out into rebellion; but, on the other 
 “ hand, I get no service from him.” Thus considering, he sent a 
 bard to Seerohee to invite Rutun Singh to come in. The chief, how¬ 
 ever, refused to come to Eedur; but agreed to come to Gudha. So 
 the Row set off thither, and a meeting took place. Then Yeerum 
 Dev pretended great affection externally, and he and Rutun Singh 
 sat down together in an old temple which is in that place; but two 
 Rajpoots, of Seerohee, who were in the Row’s service, had been pre¬ 
 pared beforehand, and they, accordingly, all at once rushed in, and 
 killed the chief with the sword. His estate was given to his son, who 
 was eighteen years of age. A bard made a song on this, addressed 
 to Veerum Dev, the meaning of which was—“ Had you not entrapped 
 “ Rutun Singh, and slain him, after inviting him, he would have 
 “ swung you and the temple round with one hand, as Bheem swung 
 “ round the elephant.” The Row returned to Eedur ; but this song 
 rang in his ear. He set to work, and found out who had made 
 the song. The Row swore he would slay the bard if he could get 
 him into his power, and proclaimed that he would give a reward to 
 any one who should bring news of him. One day when the bard had 
 gone to Wuralee to buy opium, the Row, too, happened to come 
 there. As soon as the bard knew of Veerum Dev’s arrival, he started 
 off at the top of his speed. Some one told the Row of this, and he 
 mounted and pursued the bard; and, after going some distance, 
 came up with him. The Row then said, “ How far will you run 
 away, mounted on that wretched pony of yours ? ” The bard dis¬ 
 mounted, and drawing forth a dagger, and pointing it towards his 
 belly, said, “ Your highness will get no praise for killing a poor 
 “ man like me. Better than that, that, if necessary, I should die by 
 “ my own hand.” The Row adjured him not to kill himself, and 
 said, “ How is it that you, knowing you were under my displeasure, 
 “ should go about on such a poor animal as that ?” The Charun 
 said, “ Sire ! where should a poor man, such as I am, get a good 
 

 312 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ horse from ? ” The Row gave him his own horse, and a dress of 
 honor, and the village of Veevavya, which his descendants still en¬ 
 joy. He then returned to Eedur. 
 
 The Row, after this, made an expedition to Panowra, the cause of 
 which was that the Bheels of that place having made a night attack 
 upon Delol, and carried off the cattle, the chief of Delol, one of the 
 Row’s vassals, mounted, and went on the “war ;” and, regaining the 
 cattle, slew many of the Bheels and the leader of the foray, whose head 
 he sent to Eedur. The Bheels who escaped, and the heirs of those who 
 died, began to plunder many villages of the Eedur territory, to balance 
 this feud, and caused great annoyance to Delol. The Waghela of 
 Delol, on this account, made petition to the Row that he would effect 
 a settlement. The Row Veerum Dev thereupon wrote to the Rana 
 of Panowra to restrain his Bheels, who made answer that they were 
 not under his control. The Row then prepared to advance against 
 him, and went by way of Pol to Surwan, and thence to Panowra. 
 The guns played for one day, and next day they used the musket and 
 sword; and the Rana of Panowra “ came to use,” with many other 
 warriors, on both sides. The Row staid a month at Panowra, and 
 slew many of the Bheels of those parts; while others he seized and 
 fined, or released on their giving security. He then placed the Rana’s 
 son on the cushion, and returned to Eedur. The Koolee chief of 
 Surwan was with the Row in this expedition. 
 
 After this the Row set off to perform pilgrimage at Dwarka, to 
 expiate the sins of killing his brother, Raee Singh, and the chief of 
 Poseena. His Ranees and vassals accompanied him. They went to 
 Dwarka, and on their way home halted at Hulwud. The Row 
 seeing there a vast number of Sutees’ shrines, asked the Raj of 
 Hulwud, “ Have all these Ranees become Sutees ? ” The Raj 
 answered, “ These are the cobblers’ wives of this place, who became 
 “ Sutees.” The Row asked, “Where, then, are the shrines of the 
 “ Rajwara Sutees?” The Raj said, “ I never heard that any one in 
 “ my family had become a Sutee. The Row said, “ There must be 
 “ some fault in this ground. Make yourself a palace on the spot 
 “ where the cobblers’ houses are.” The Raj had tried that, he said, 
 but still there had been no Sutee. Then Veerum Dev said, “What ! 
 “ has no one of your family married a true Rajpootnee. See, then, 
 “ here is my sister, a virgin, you shall have her in marriage.” The 
 betrothal was soon arranged, and when the Row returned home, the 
 Jhala chief came to be married, and the sister of Eedur, at her 
 husband’s death, followed him through the flames. 
 
 While the Row was absent at Dwarka, the son of Lai Meea, of 
 
 L 
 
ROW VEERUM DEV. 
 
 313 
 
 Mandoowa, who was a wanton fellow, happened to go for a time to 
 Kupperwunj. He saw there a trader’s daughter, who was very pretty, 
 and seduced her, and carried her off to Mandoowa. His father was 
 very angry with him, but the mischief was done, and the girl had lost 
 caste. Kupperwunj was in the Row’s possession, and therefore, as 
 he was on his way home from Dwarka, the trader came and com¬ 
 plained to him. Veerum Dev carried his cavalcade to Mandoowa, 
 which he struck, and seizing Lai Meea’s son, put him to death. Lai 
 Meea himself fled', and the Row, after staying three days at Man¬ 
 doowa, which before and after that time paid revenue to Eedur, 
 returned to his capital. 
 
 Now the Row, having no son, made many vows to many Devs and 
 Devees, and performed many pilgrimages, but no prince made his 
 appearance. At last some one said to him that if he would go to the 
 ford, called Omkareshwur’s, on the Rewa river, 1 and there bathe with 
 his chief Ranee, with the same scarf wrapped round them both, he 
 would obtain a son. The Row accordingly made a progress thither, 
 accompanied by his family. Meanwhile, the following of a shahzada 2 
 of the emperor’s, had encamped there, and some butchers had col¬ 
 lected eight or ten cows for them, which they were driving along the 
 road. Some of Veerum Dev’s servants saw them, and asked them 
 who they were, and where they were taking the cows to. They said 
 they were butchers, and were taking away the cows for the shahzada. 
 When the Row got intelligence of the matter, and was informed by 
 the butchers that they had brought the cows from a distance of a 
 hundred miles, he offered them from ten to a hundred pounds for 
 each cow, but they refused his offer. Then the Row thought 
 within himself, “ I am styled protector of cows and Brahmins, so 
 “it is a good thing to die at a place of pilgrimage in defence of 
 “ cows.” Thus considering, he took away the cows by force, and 
 then sent off his family immediately towards Eedur, the Ranee saying 
 that if he came to use in protecting the cows, she would not remain a 
 moment in the world behind him. Now the butchers went to 
 the shahzada, and complained, and the prince sent a herald to 
 demand the cows. The Row humbly replied, “ I am a Hindoo and 
 
 1 This is the place commonly called Unkulesur, on the Nerbudda River, 
 opposite Broach. 
 
 2 The ‘ ‘ shahzadas ” mentioned here and in other bardic chronicles of the time 
 are, no doubt, the Mirzas, for an account of whom see Elphinstone’s India, vol. i. 
 p. 266, &c. 
 
3U 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ in a place of pilgrimage like this I cannot give up the cows as long 
 “ as there is life in me, but whatever price you may command me to 
 “ pay for them I am ready to give.” Then the shahzada ordered his 
 guns to open on the Row’s party, but Veerum Dev and his followers 
 immediately rushed upon them, and drove nails into the vents, and 
 then the sword played. Many men fell on both sides, and after a 
 time the Row retired to a place two miles off, where he halted. 
 He had, before the fight, let the cows loose in the jungle, solemnly 
 entrusting them to the care of Sooruj Dev. In the night time he 
 reflected that there were very many butchers with that cavalcade, and 
 that if he were to kill them, that would save the life of many a cow, j 
 so he fell upon them while it was yet dark, and slew numbers of the ; 
 butchers. In. this action a Khuwas, of whom Veerum Dev was 
 excessively fond, was killed. The Row, taking up his corpse, retired 
 a few miles and committed it to the flames on the banks of the Rewa. 
 He then remained secretly at the village of Wudwanee, belonging to 
 a Seesodeea, which is in that neighbourhood, for some days, and 
 every night he went and slew or plundered some of the shahzada’s 
 people. At length the cavalcade, which was going to Ahmedabad, 
 suffered so much knocking about that it turned back to go home¬ 
 wards. The Row performed Supindee shrad , and other funeral rites, 
 on behalf of the Khuwas, and erected a pavilion, which is still to be 
 seen, over the spot where his body had been consumed. He then 
 returned to Eedur. 
 
 Now the shahzada, having gone to the emperor and complained, j 
 there was a mighty army sent against Eedur, which came and en¬ 
 camped at the Rumulesur tank, and erected batteries against the 
 town. The contest of artillery went on for ten days, but the Row, 
 remaining in Eedur-gurh, the emperor’s army found that no strength of 
 their’s prevailed against it. They therefore set sentries, and encamped 
 there for six months. At the end of this time, the Row, taking with 
 him his Ranees, and their establishment, and eighteen hundred horse, 
 left Eedur-gurh by a secret way, and retiring to Pol, took up his 
 residence there. He left, however, his younger brother, Kuleeanmul, 
 with a few soldiers, in Eedur-gurh. The emperor’s army took the 
 town of Eedur, and plundered it, but could not take the fortress. 
 They discovered, also, that the Row had retired to Pol. The shahzada, 
 therefore, leaving a small force at Eedur, advanced to Bheelora, and 
 encamped there with another division of his army, having placed 
 his posts at Wuralee, Guloroo, Ahmednugger, Morasa, Meghruj, and 
 other towns, and thus taken possession of the whole Eedur country. 
 
ROW VEERUM DEV. 
 
 315 
 
 The Row lived six months at Pol, provisions ran short, and for 
 two whole days he had been fasting ; on the third day he went to the 
 temple of Muha Dev, and with the intention of performing the “ lotus- 
 • “ worship,” he aimed his sword at his throat. At this moment the 
 [ word “ forbear ” issued from the temple. The Row looked round, 
 
 ' but could see no one; he thought therefore that from his weakness of 
 body, consequent on want of food, his mind had been playing tricks 
 ! with him. He again prepared to kill himself, but three several times 
 the word “ forbear ” issued from the shrine. The Row then asked, 
 “Who is it that forbids me?” The answer was, “I am Muha Dev ! 
 “ why do you seek to slay yourself?” “Because I have nothing to 
 “ support life with,” said Veerum Dev. “You shall have that which 
 “ you seek to-morrow,” was the reply. The Row, upon this, returned 
 to his quarters. At this time the formerly-mentioned Alo Guduwee, 
 the Charun, who had gone away, angrily refusing to accept the lakh 
 fiusav, came back to the Row, at Pol, in a state of destitution, and 
 sang a good song in his praise, and begged for alms. Those who 
 stood by said, “Are you not ashamed to ask alms at such a time as 
 this?” To this the Charun only answered by an extempore stanza. 
 Meanwhile news had been carried to Oodeipoor that “ Veerum Dev 
 is in trouble (wukhe) at Pol, and has no food left.” A supply of 
 money and necessaries was then put upon camels, and sent off, and 
 at this very moment the convoy arrived. Veerum Dev gave all the 
 treasure out of it to the Charun. 
 
 Afterwards the Row considered that it would be out of his power 
 to defeat the emperor’s army, and that even if he drove a post out of 
 a position, it would be soon replaced ; so he got up one morning, and 
 put a knife and a dagger in his waist, and tied on his sword, and 
 mounted his horse, and set out without telling any one. He took 
 only a single horseman with him, and went to Bheelora. There was 
 a high building there, upon which the shahzada was seated. The 
 Row pulled up his horse below, and gave the bridle to his follower, 
 enjoining him not to stir from the spot. He went on and said to the 
 sentinel, that he wished to have an interview with the prince. The 
 sentinel made his request known, and he was directed to lay down 
 his arms and proceed. He went up and engaged in conversation, 
 when lie perceived a cat that had seized a pigeon drop with it from 
 the roof of the building to the ground. The cat was above and the 
 pigeon below, so that the latter was killed while the former escaped. 
 Veerum Dev thought within himself, “ If I take him, and fall with 
 him, I shall perhaps survive.” He seized the prince by the throat, 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 316 
 
 and threw him down out of the window, falling himself upon him. 
 The shahzada was killed, but the Row, mounting his horse, escaped to 
 Pol. When the shahzada’s death was known, the whole army retired. 
 Then the Row returned home to Eedur, and lived there many days. 
 
 Meanwhile, a merchant brought horses to sell them, among which 
 were two horses, named Nuthwo and Jalahur, upon which the 
 merchant set a price of forty-four thousand rupees. Veerum Dev 
 purchased them. When the Dussera came, and they went to worship 
 the Shumee-tree, and kill the “ Choganeeo buffalo,” these two horses 
 were much admired. They set free, according to the Eedur practice, 
 a large and well-fed male buffalo; the Row struck it with the blunt 
 edge of his spear so as to make it run, and then the nobles gallopped 
 after it to spear it. The buffalo killed, and the shumee-tree 
 worshipped, each exhibited the excellence of his horse and his own 
 skill in riding. This amusement finished, the Row and his nobles 
 rested themselves on swinging seats, fastened to the trees, until dark, 
 when torches were lighted and the procession prepared, and the whole 
 party marched in great splendour to the court. On the fourteenth, 
 the Row presented the horse, “Jalahur,” to Saya Jhoola Guduwee as 
 a present, and kept “ Nuthwo ” for his own riding. That day it was ; 
 the turn of the Waghelee lady, of Pethapoor, to entertain her husband. 
 The Row, having gone to her apartments, said to her two or three 
 times, “To-day I gave away my horse, Jalahur, in a present.” The 
 Ranee said, “ Why do you keep on telling me time after time that 
 “ you have made a present of a pony ?” The Row then grew angry, 
 and said, “ When your father shall give the Charun a horse like 
 “ Jalahur, I will come back again to your apartments, and not; 
 “ before.” So saying, he got up, and went out. The Ranee, directly 
 she got up in the morning, ordered her chariot, and, going to 
 Pethapoor, told the story to her father. He then sent men to get a 
 horse of similar value, to Kateewar, to Moolee, to Choteela, to Than 
 Raddhuroo, and every other place he could think of where fine 
 horses are produced ; but a horse of such value was nowhere to be 
 found. Then the Thakor went in person to the Charun’s house, and, 
 buying the horse from him for a very large sum, brought it home. 
 Six months afterwards he sent for the same Charun, and (a thing; 
 which made every one stare and look angry) made him a present of'!; 
 the horse. When the Row was made aware of this, he went in 
 person to the Pethapoor, and, after saying “ bravo ! ” to his father-in- 
 law, brought the Ranee home with him. 
 
 Afterwards the Charun wanted to give the horse to the Row to take 
 
ROW VEERUM DEV. 
 
 317 
 
 care of during the rainy season, but the Row said, “ My Sirdar, Maljee 
 “ Dabhee, is on duty at the out-post, at Brumh Kheir, do you give 
 the horse to him to take care of.” So the Charun gave it to the 
 Thakor Maljee. Soon after this, Rana Wagh, of Tursunghmo, made 
 a foray as far as Kheir, and the Dabhee, mounting the same horse, 
 set off on the war. He was successful, and recovered the buffaloes, 
 but the horse was wounded, for the forayers had taken to the hill 
 Mundowuree, near Wadhuwa village, and the horse had galloped 
 half-way up the hill, as may be known by marks that are still existing 
 in that place—and a difficult place truly it is—not such as a horse 
 might ascend. Afterwards the horse died of his wounds ; on which 
 subject the Charun composed some verses. This Rana Wagh, it 
 must be told, was very valiant, and he used to say— 
 
 “ I am Rana Wagh, 
 
 “ And up the Hurnav is my share (bhag).” 
 
 That is the river Hurnav, which flows into the Sabhermutee, at 
 Bhanpoor of the Bhatees, near Sutlasuna, and the Rana claimed it as 
 his boundary. 
 
 After this, when another Dussera came round, the Row, with his 
 own hand, killed the “ Choganeeo buffalo.” That day it was the 
 Ranee Chundrawutjee’s turn to receive her husband. The Row said 
 to the Ranee, “ To-day there was a very large buffalo, and I killed it 
 “ myself.” Then the Ranee said, “ A male buffalo is a different sort 
 “ of an animal—this was nothing of a buffalo.” Then the Row be¬ 
 came angry, and said, “ When you can show a different sort of a 
 “ buffalo, then you may be pleased to return to Eedur; until then, be 
 “ so good as to go to your father’s house, and stay there.” So saying, 
 he got up. Then the Ranee said, “ Let your highness be pleased to 
 “ come to Rampoor before the next Deewalee. Make me a promise !” 
 The Row made the promise and went away. The Ranee, too, in the 
 morning set off to her father’s house. When she arrived there she 
 sent for a. wild buffalo, as strong a one as she could get, and began to 
 feed it up to the highest point. Afterwards, about the Deewalee time, 
 the Row set out from Eedur, to go by way of Doongurpoor to Ram¬ 
 poor. Meanwhile, a cadet of Jodhpoor, named Umur Singh, when 
 out hunting, wounded a boar, which, running away, got into the lands 
 of Vikaner, the raja of which place killed it. Then Umur Singh 
 got angry, and said that he would, without doubt, slay the man who 
 had killed the boar wounded by him. He prepared to attack 
 Vikaner, but, in the meantime, the Delhi Emperor, hearing of the 
 matter, sent a shahzada to put a stop to the feud. This shahzada and 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 318 
 
 Veerum Dev met on the road. Then the prince thought of taking 
 revenge for his brother ; but, in the meantime, he received a letter 
 from Umur Singh, who had heard of his coming, and thought he 
 would take part with Vikaner, to say, “ I am ready for you, too, if 
 “ you choose to come and fight me; ” and so he was obliged to leave 
 the Row' unmolested, and go to the aid of Vikaner. While the 
 fight was going on between these two parties, the Row went on to 
 Rampoor. When he arrived within thirty miles of the place, he sent 
 forwards to say that he was coming. Now the family bard of Ram¬ 
 poor had some time or other been to Eedur, where he had not re¬ 
 ceived the respect he was entitled to. On account of that enmity, 
 when he heard that the Row was coming, he caused the above-men¬ 
 tioned wild buffalo to be let loose on the road by which he was to 
 come, pretending that it was doing too much mischief at Rampoor. 
 When the Row saw the animal coming, he thought that it was let 
 loose to meet him on his arrival, so he killed the buffalo. He then 
 became very angry, supposing that it had been the intention to ridi¬ 
 cule him. He said to himself, “ If I had not killed it, I should have 
 “ lost my character.” In his anger, on this account, he turned back, 
 and put up for the night at a village two miles distant. When the 
 Rampoor Raja heard of the matter he set out to meet Veerum Dev, 
 and, making apologies to him, brought him back with him, and said, 
 “ It was not I who caused the buffalo to be let loose.” When they 
 came to examine into the matter, they found that it was the bard who 
 had set the buffalo loose, upon which he was reprimanded. After 1 
 this the Row staid there a month, and then began to talk of going 
 away. The Ranee said, “ Since my father died, the Row of Boon- 
 “ dee, knowing my brother to be a minor, has seized upon some of 
 “ his districts. As your highness has come, be pleased to cause them 
 “ to be given up.” Then Veerum Dev wrote to the Row of Boondee 
 to say, “ Restore the districts, or else get ready to fight, and come to 
 the boundary line.” The two chiefs thereupon met at the boundary 
 line, and a battle ensued, in which many on both sides were slain. 
 The districts, however, were won back, and the Row, returning to 
 Rampoor, took the Ranee home with him to Eedur. Afterwards he 
 gave to Sayajee Guduwee an elephant and “ lakh pusav.” 
 
 A very short time after this, Veerum Dev set off on a pilgrimage 
 to Gungajee ; he bathed at the Sorum Ghat, and turned homewards. 
 Now, his half-sister (the sister of Raee Singh) was married at Jeipoor. 
 She sent her own Koonwur, her minister, and others to meet 
 Veerum Dev, and invited him with great urgency to Jeipoor. The 
 Row was apprehensive that she would poison him, to take revenge 
 
ROW VEERUM DEV. 
 
 319 
 
 for her brother, therefore he used every precaution in regard to what 
 he eat or drank. At the time of taking leave, a very valuable dress 
 of honor was presented to the Row, which, however, was poisoned. 
 When Veerum Dev got back to Bheelora, within the Eedur country, 
 he forgot his fears, and put on the dress. He was immediately seized 
 with excruciating pains, and within an hour became a corpse. His 
 funeral pile was erected at the gate of Bheelora, and the Ranees at 
 Eedur, when they heard of the event, became Sutees. 
 
 Row Veerum Dev left no son. Of the younger sons of Row 
 Narondas, however, several survived—Gopaldas, Keshuvdas, Samul- 
 das, Kuleean Mul, and Pertap Singh. Keshuvdas and Samuldas re¬ 
 ceived the estates of Subulwad and Hatheea Wussye. Pertap Singh, 
 whose mother was of the Tursunghmo family, generally lived at Tur- 
 sunghmo. On one occasion he was the cause of some injury to the 
 Rana, who, thereupon, put him to death, and it was partly in revenge 
 for this deed that Row Kuleean Mul, when he took possession of the 
 cushion, struck Tursunghmo. 
 
 Previously to the death of Veerum Dev, Gopaldas and Kuleean 
 Mul had together made a pilgrimage to Dwarka, and, while they 
 were worshipping there, the silver teeluk, on the forehead of the image 
 of Shree Krishn, had fallen into the lap of Kuleean Mul, who was 
 therefore considered to have been specially appointed by the god to 
 succeed to the royal cushion. When Veerum Dev died, however, 
 Gopaldas, as the rightful heir, prepared to seat himself on the throne, 
 and the astrologers were employed to calculate the auspicious hour. 
 Kuleean Mul, then at the house of his mother’s family at Oodeipoor, 
 was summoned to be present at his brother’s inauguration. When 
 ; the proper time arrived, Gopaldas seated himself to be invested with 
 ; the royal jewels. He put on first one and then another, and took 
 them off again, and was not able to make up his mind. Meanwhile, 
 the auspicious hour had passed away. The ministers and chiefs were 
 complaining to each other that such a person as this was not fit to 
 manage the kingdom, when, at the very moment, Kuleean Mul came 
 up from Oodeipoor, attended by five horsemen. The whole court 
 welcomed him, and placed him on the throne. When the royal drum 
 began to sound, Gopaldas enquired what was the matter, and was 
 informed that Kuleean Mul had assumed the cushion. 
 
 Gopaldas went to Delhi, and took service with the emperor, in the 
 hopes of procuring assistance to enable him to regain Eedur. At 
 length he advanced, bringing an army with him, and struck Mandoowa, 
 of which he took possession, and from thence he meditated advancing 
 
3 2 ° 
 
 RAS MAI.A. 
 
 upon Eedur. Lai Meea, of Mandoowa, however, concealed his men 
 in a ravine, in ambuscade, and Gopaldas fell into the net, and was 
 slain with fifty-two Rajpoots. He had left his family when he went 
 to Delhi at the hamlet of a cowherd named Wolo, and, after his 
 death, they remained there, and founded a village called Wulfisuna, * 
 after the cowherd. They gradually encroached upon the surrounding 
 country, and at length Huree Singh and Ujub Singh, the two sons of 
 Gopaldas, divided their lands into the greater and lesser estates of 
 Wulasuna. 
 
 During Veerum Dev’s absence at Benares, the districts of Panowra, 
 Puharee, Juwas, Jora, Patheea, Wullecha, and others had been 
 brought under Mewar. Kuleean Mul, raising an army, conquered j 
 them back again. Rana Umur Singh, of Oodeipoor, opposed him 
 with an army; a cannonade commenced the engagement, and then 
 the sword played ; there was great slaughter on either side, but vic¬ 
 tory remained with the Row. Kuleean Mul also struck Tursunghmo, 
 for the following reason. 
 
 Rana Wagh, of Tursunghmo, had heard that the Ranee of Kuleean 
 Mul, who was the daughter of the Row of Bhooj, was very beautiful. 
 He therefore conceived a great desire of seeing her. On the Dhunal 
 estate there is a village named Gudheroo, in the lands of which the 
 Row’s Jharejee Ranee had constructed a temple to Shamlajee, at an 
 expense of five thousand pounds. Hearing that the Ranee had come 
 to that temple on a pilgrimage, Rana Wagh, assuming the dress of a 
 Brahmin, went thither among a number of Brahmins. The Ranee 
 marked the Brahmins on the forehead, and made them presents ; she 
 offered a present to Rana Wagh, among others, but he declined to 
 receive it, and when a discussion arose, disappeared. Row Kuleean 
 Mul became aware of what had happened, and, in revenge, struck 
 Tursunghmo. 
 
 Afterwards, the Guduwee Sayajee formed the design of erecting a 
 fort, at the village of Koowawoo. The Row w T as not pleased with 
 this proceeding, and therefore he persuaded theGuduwee’s astrologer 
 to tell him that his allotted term of life was expired, for the Guduwee 
 had enjoined the astrologer to inform him upon this point, that he 
 might retire to Vruj. The Guduwee, thereupon, set off to Yruj, and 
 presented to Shree Nathjee a salver containing thirteen pounds’ 
 weight of gold. Thence he went on to Benares, and, as he had faith 
 in the astrologer’s -words, he staid there awaiting his death. How¬ 
 ever, he had to wait ten years. When at length he fell very sick, he 
 wrote to the Row of Eedur, to say that he greatly desired to see him. 
 The Row set off to Benares, and was within one stage of that city 
 
row kuleeAn mul. 
 
 321 
 
 when news was brought that Sayajee had cast off the body. The 
 Row then considered that if he were to continue his journey to 
 Benares people would say that he had come on a pilgrimage, and not 
 on account of Sayajee. He therefore sent for water of the Ganges 
 to the place where his encampment was, and having bathed therein, 
 turned homewards by way of Oodeipoor. From that place he brought 
 Guduwee Gopaldas, to whom he presented the villages of Therasunoo 
 and Rampoor, which are still held in twelve shares by his descendants. 
 To another Charun, who accompanied him, he gave the village of 
 Thoora-was, which his descendants hold, divided into four shares. 
 
 After this, the Row had a quarrel with Seerohee, and went to war 
 about a boundary. Twenty or thirty men on either side were slain, 
 between Rohera and Poseena; at length the Thakor of Poseena stept 
 between the combatants, and an arrangement was effected. Kuleean 
 Mul was succeeded, at his death, by his son, Row Jugunnath. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE SHRINE OF UMBA BHUwAnEE.—dAntA. 
 
 Immense of bulk, her towering.head she shews, 
 
 Her floating tresses seem to touch the skies, 
 
 Dark mists her unsubstantial shape compose, 
 
 And on the mountain’s top her dwelling lies. 
 
 As when the clouds fantastic shapes disclose, 
 
 For ever varying to the gazer’s eyes, 
 
 Till on the breeze the changeful hues escape, 
 
 Thus vague her form, and mutable her shape. 
 
 Illusive beings round their sovereign wait, 
 
 Deceitful dreams, and auguries, and lies, 
 
 Innumerous arts the gaping crowd that cheat 
 Predictions wild, and groundless prophecies,; 
 
 With wondrous words, or written rolls of fate, 
 
 Foretelling—when ’tis past—what yet shall rise ; 
 
 And alchymy, and astrologic skill, 
 
 And fond conjecture—always formed at will. 
 
 Lorenzo De' Medici , translated by William Roscoii. 
 
 The temple of Umba Bhuwanee lies embosomed among the hills of 
 Arasoor, at the south-western termination of the Arawullee range. 
 From Unhilwara and the sacred Sidhpoor, the river Suruswutee may 
 be followed up to its source, at Kotheshwur Muha Dev, near Umba- 
 
 Y 
 
322 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 jee, through a wild, but picturesque, and fertile valley, upon which the 
 forest-covered hills gradually close. Beside this lonely streamlet, 
 when evening darkens around him, adding to the mysterious gloom 
 of the untracked jungle, the lair of the hysena and the tiger, with the 
 dusky, unclothed forms of the children of the forest around him, and 
 the harsh and wooden rattle of their drums, sounding from some dis¬ 
 tant village, the stranger need tax his imagination little to realize to 
 himself his dreams of the Fetish-haunted banks of African Niger. 
 Nor long, perchance, before a strange illumination lightens up the 
 scene. The Bheel is offering his rude lustration to the mountain 
 under whose form he worships the goddess of his faith; and flames, 
 feeding on the dry brushwood, creep from hill to hill, slowly undu¬ 
 lating like a huge fiery serpent, and recalling the imagery of the 
 Psalmist,—“ as the stubble before the wind, as the fire burneth the 
 “ wood, and as the flame setteth the mountains on fire.” 
 
 Small bands of worshippers arrive daily at the temple of Umbajee, 
 from the whole surrounding country, and even from remote parts of 
 India ; but the great Sunghs, or caravans, approach it three times a 
 year, and principally in the month of Bhadrapud, during the rainy 
 season, on the birthday of the Goddess. Not seldom from even 
 Europeanized Bombay,—its air dusty with commerce, its waters 
 white with many a western sail,—from beneath the shadow of the 
 Cathedral which bears the name of the great Eastern Apostle, perhaps 
 from the very precincts of the Court where ermined judges sit to 
 administer the strange law of a foreign land—a land whose shadowy 
 form, if ever it rise before his mental vision, looms far beyond the 
 horizon which his hereditary faith has drawn around this mortal scene— 
 the Hindoo pilgrim, quitting as it were a phantom-peopled world, 
 for one, to him more real, measures with penitential feet the toil¬ 
 some road to Arasoor. 
 
 The sacred caravan, which is usually very numerous, is entertained 
 at whatever spot it makes its nightly halt, by members of it who have 
 bound themselves by vows to consecrate sums of money to the service 
 of “the mother.” The last halt is at Danta, a small town nestling 
 at the base of wild and rocky hills, at which reside the Purmar chief¬ 
 tains who have been the most favoured followers of “ the illustrious 
 Umba.” From thence the ascent to the shrine is lengthened, and for 
 the most part very gradual, though occasionally sufficiently steep and 
 rugged—for no human hand may smooth the difficulties which obstruct 
 the pathway to Doorga’s throne. Proceeding along this varied route, 
 he holy band shining in the bright sun-light, with scarlet, and white, 
 and yellow, with glittering steel, and softer gold, exhibits a gallant 
 
UMBA BHUWANEE. 
 
 3 2 3 
 
 show; now traceable in lengthened, winding line upon the broken 
 plain, now partly hidden by many coloured rocks, or concealed from 
 view by the tangled forest’s shade. At a place called “ the well of 
 Nanabhaee,” about half-way up the steepest portion of the ascent, the 
 Sungh makes a temporary halt, and on quitting this spot, it soon 
 emerges from amidst the gloomy rocks, and reaching more open 
 ground, begins to scent the perfumed breezes of Arasoor. By-and- 
 bye a shout from the head of the line of march proclaims that the 
 temple is in sight. Then, dismounting from their horses, or descend¬ 
 ing from their litters, the whole pilgrim band prostrate themselves 
 upon the ground, and as they rise again, the hills re-echo with their 
 cries of, “Conquer! Umba, Mother!”—“Victory to the illustrious 
 Umba! ” 
 
 The temple itself is small and much surpassed by many a less 
 venerated fane ; it is surrounded by a fortified wall, inclosing buildings 
 occupied by the priests and servants of the Goddess, or tenanted by 
 her pilgrim worshippers; it contains also a garrison, but that she may 
 not be thought to owe the inviolability of her dwelling to any aid from 
 an arm of flesh, Umba Mother has refused to permit the erection of 
 an external door. It is Doorga, the daughter of Hemachul and 
 Meena, the consort of the mighty Shiva, who is worshipped in this 
 shrine ; not, as in her storm-rocked temple on the hill of Champaner, 
 under the shape of the blood-delighting Kalee, but rather in the milder 
 and more mysterious form of an Isis or a Cybele, as Bhuwanee, the 
 active expression of the self-existent principle, and as Umbajee, the 
 mother of Creation. 
 
 The Shrine of Arasoor lays claim to the most remote antiquity. 
 Here, it is said, was offered in vicarious sacrifice the hair of the infant 
 Shree Krishn, and here, in after days, his bride, Rookmunee, wor¬ 
 shipped Devee, when he bore her from the threatened embrace of 
 Shishoopal. The threshold has been worn away by the feet of the 
 pilgrims of many a century. The worshippers, when they are admitted 
 to a sight of the idol, lay before it offerings of garments, money, or 
 jewels. They present also, among other articles, cocoa-nuts, as vica¬ 
 rious offerings, instead of the lives of themselves or of their friends . 1 
 
 1 The reason why the cocoa-nut is constantly employed by Hindoos to represent 
 a human being, is to be found in the strange story of Vishwamitra. That saint, 
 it is said, in imitation of Brumha’s creative power, produced, himself, several sorts 
 of grain—he also formed a cocoa-nut tree, and at length began to create men 
 growing out of this tree, commencing with their heads. Brumha, fearful that his 
 occupation of creating would be taken from him, worshipped the saint, who there¬ 
 upon consented to desist, but, in commemoration of his exploit, permanently 
 affixed the human heads to the tree, under the form of its fruit. 
 
324 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The most solemn worship is performed on the eighth night of the 
 Nowrattra, when the Rana of Danta, in person, celebrates fire- 
 sacrifice before the Arasooree Mother, and fills with sweetmeats a 
 large cauldron, which the wild Bheels of the mountain empty on a 
 signal the Goddess gives, by letting fall from off her neck her 
 garland of flowers. The same chief receives the pilgrim-tax and the 
 duties levied for the protection of caravans. If a Thakor arrives as 
 a worshipper, the best horse in his suite must be presented to the 
 Rana. He removes also the whole of the offerings which are made 
 by the pilgrims during their stay at the shrine, and which consist of 
 vestments, banners, vessels of the precious metals, bells, and other 
 necessaries for the service of the temple. Seven silver clogs stand 
 continually before the idol. 1 
 
 Notwithstanding the more beneficent form in which the goddess 
 here appears, she receives the sacrifice of animals which are slain 
 before her image, and also offerings of spirituous liquors. The use 
 of oil is forbidden in the service of the temple, nor may it be 
 employed by a worshipper as long as his pilgrimage lasts. The 
 lamps which illuminate the shrine, and those which are waved before 
 the idol, are supplied with clarified butter. The Rana of Danta, 
 when present at the evening worship, himself fans the goddess with a 
 “ chamur ” of horse-hair, but the ordinary officiating priests are 
 three in number—Owdich Brahmins of Sidhpoor, who farm their 
 office, paying a revenue to the Rana. It is their duty to mark 
 pilgrims with the chandlo on the forehead, at the commencement of 
 the pilgrimage, and with a red hand, on the shoulder, at its ter¬ 
 mination; they are fee’d by the worshippers according to their means, 
 and sometimes, it is said, refuse the indispensable mark of dismissal 
 until their claims are satisfied. 
 
 In a temple to “ the Invincible Mother,” on the edge of a reservoir 
 near the principal shrine, called Mansurowur, is an inscription of 
 the Muha Rana Shree Mai Dev, dated Sumwut, 1415 (a.d. 1359 -) 
 At the door of the adytum of the temple of Umbajee is a tablet, 
 which records offerings made in Sumwut, 1601 (a.d. 1545)5 by the 
 Ranee of Row Barmul, of Eedur, probably on the death of her 
 husband. There are several other inscriptions on the pillars of the 
 temple, principally of the sixteenth century, recording the gifts of 
 private individuals, and one dated in Sumwut, 1779 (a.d. 1723), 
 
 1 The numbers three, five, and seven, are considered auspicious by the Hindoos, 
 and particularly the two latter. They represent heaven, earth, and hell; the five 
 elements ; and the seven Sages. 
 
UMBA BHUWANEE. 
 
 325 
 
 when “ the lord of the land, Raj Adheeraj Ranajee, Shree one 
 “ hundred and eight times repeated, Shree Pruteesunghjee,” was 
 ruling, states, that a waneea family built a dhurum-sala, or house 
 of accommodation for pilgrims, “for the sake of a son,” and adds 
 “ by the kindness of Umba, the hope was fulfilled.” 
 
 The Rows of Seerohee, whose territory approaches the shrine of 
 Umbajee, once held a share in its revenues, but subsequently 
 resigned it, on the ground, it is said, that Gosaees alone can with 
 credit receive the offerings made at a temple. A daughter of Danta 
 was once married to a bridegroom of the house of Seerohee. She 
 proceeded to the house of her father-in-law, dressed in a scarf, 
 which, as ill luck would have it, had been presented to the goddess 
 by one of her bridegroom’s family. Her husband therefore declared 
 that as she wore the mother’s dress, he could henceforth regard her 
 only as a mother to him. The lady was compelled to return home, 
 
 “ Widowed wife and wedded maid ; ” 
 
 and, from that time, a rule was made that the daughters of Danta 
 should abstain from the use of garments which had been offered 
 to Umbajee. 
 
 About two miles to the west of the temple of Umba Bhuwanee, is 
 a hill upon which a fortress was formerly situated called Gubbur- 
 gurh. The rocks there form themselves, when seen from a distance, 
 into the semblance of a huge arched portal, a fact which, perhaps, 
 gave rise to the legend that Mother Umbajee keeps her state in the 
 hollow of the hill. “ At one time,” it is said, “ a cow belonging to 
 “ the Matajee used to graze with the shepherds’ cattle all day, and 
 “ return into the hill at night time. A cowherd wondered whose 
 “ the cow could be, and gradually came to the determination that 
 “ he would, at all risks, discover the owner, and claim from him his 
 “ fee. One evening, when the cow set off as usual homewards, the 
 “ cowherd followed, and with it entered the hill. He found himself 
 “ in the interior of a splendid palace, full of magnificent apartments. 
 “ In the principal hall the Matajee herself appeared, reclining on a 
 “ swinging couch, and surrounded by numerous female attendants. 
 “ The cowherd, mustering up courage, approached her, and enquired 
 “ whether the cow was hers. She answered in the affirmative, and 
 “ the cowherd was encouraged to continue. He said that the 
 “ animal had been tended by him for twelve years, and that he had 
 “ now come for his fee. Mata Umbajee directed one of her 
 “ maidens to give him some of a heap of barley that lay upon the 
 
rAs mAlA. 
 
 326 
 
 “ ground. The servant took up a winnowing fan full of the grain, 
 “ and presented it to the cowherd. He took it, and went out 
 “ disappointed and angry, and as he passed the threshold he threw 
 “ the barley from him, On reaching home, however, he discovered 
 “ some grains of the finest gold adhering to his dress. The cowherd 
 “ attempted next day to regain the entrance of the hill, but was 
 “ unable to discover it, nor did the Matajee’s cow ever again make 
 “ its appearance.” 
 
 A more modern legend is attached to another hill hard by. “ A few 
 “ years ago, a cultivator belonging to the Seerohee country went from 
 “ home to find a purchaser for a pair of bullocks. As he wandered 
 “ about a gosaee met with him, who said, ‘ If you wall follow me, I 
 “ ‘will enable you to dispose of your bullocks.’ The cultivator 
 “ accordingly followed the ascetic, who led him, taking his bullocks 
 “ with him, into a cave in the side of the hill. After proceeding 
 “ onwards for some distance within the cave, they came at last to a 
 “ magnificent hall, with a large stable beside it, in which many 
 “ horses were stalled. There were many men at work there, too, 
 “ making armor for men and armor for horses, and weapons, guns, 
 “ and other warlike stores ; there were also piles of cannon balls, and 
 “ heaps of musket bullets. The gosaee now asked the cultivator what 
 “ price he expected for his bullocks, and, having ascertained. it, 
 “ brought the sum demanded from the hall, and gave it to him. 
 “Then the cultivator asked, ‘Whose mansion is this, and whose 
 “ stores are these, and who lives here ? ’ The gosaee said, ‘ You shall 
 “ know of this two years hence. These stores are for war with the 
 “ English government.’ The cultivator returned home, and made 
 “ known in his village what he had seen. Other people of the 
 “ village then, taking the cultivator with them, went to see the cave, 
 “ but it w r as nowhere to be found.” 1 
 
 1 Traditions, similar to these, are to be met with in all countries. The 
 Eniheriar dwell in Valhalla, and at the destruction of the world are, under the 
 guidance of Odin, to come forth again in arms. King Arthur rests in the Isle of 
 Avalon, awaiting his destined time for the overthrow of his enemies. 1' rederick 
 Barbarossa sleeps in the Kiffhaiiser, in Thuringia, until the hour of his deliverance 
 strikes, and a better time ensues, which will be, it is said, when the ravens no 
 longer fly round the mountain, and an old withered worn-out pear-tree on the 
 Riithsfeld again sends out shoots, and bears foliage and blossoms. In the 
 Wunderberg, near Salzburg, dwells the great emperor, Charles V., with golden 
 crown and sceptre, attended by knights and lords. His grey beard has twice 
 encompassed the table at which he sits, and when it has the third time grown 
 round it, the end of the world and the appearance of Antichrist will take place. 
 The Jaloff inhabitants of the mainland of Africa, opposite the isle of Goree, 
 
umbA bhuwAnee. 
 
 327 
 
 Near Umbajee, beside a rivulet, and among natural shrubberies of 
 wild jasmine and other scented flowers, is a little village founded by 
 Koombho Rana, of Cheetor, and called after his name, Koom- 
 bhareea. Beside it are some handsome white marble temples of the 
 Jain faith, constructed by Yeemul Sha. “The Mata," as the legend 
 relates, “ gave much wealth to Veemul Sha, and he constructed here 
 “ three hundred and sixty temples to Parusnath. The Matajee 
 “ asked him by whose aid he had built them; he said, by the aid of 
 “ his spiritual preceptor. She repeated the same question thrice, 
 “ and each time received the same answer. She then said to him, 
 “ ‘ Escape as quickly as you can.’ The Sha fled into the crypt 
 “ below one of the temples which is connected with the crypts of 
 “ those at Dailwara, and travelling by the subterranean passage, 
 
 believe in a species of beings called Yumboes, who resemble the Gothic fairies. 
 Their chief abode is a subterraneous dwelling in the Paps, the hills about three 
 miles from the coast. Here they dwell in great magnificence, and many wonderful 
 stories are told of those persons, particularly Europeans, who have been received 
 and entertained in the subterranean residence of the Yumboes ; of how they were 
 placed at richly furnished tables ; how nothing but hands and feet were to be 
 seen, which laid and removed the various dishes ; of the numerous stories the 
 underground abode consisted of; the modes of passing from one to the other 
 without stairs, &c. &c. As to gifts made oh such occasions, and rejected, 
 compare the following story :— 
 
 “ A dwarf came down one night from the chesnut woods on the side of the 
 “ mountain over the village of Walchwyl (in Switzerland), and enquired for the 
 “ house of a midwife, whom he earnestly pressed to come out, and go with him. 
 “ She consented, and the dwarf, bearing a light, led the way in silence to the 
 “ woods. He stopped at last before a cleft in the rock, at which they entered, 
 “ and the woman suddenly found herself in a magnificent hall. She was thence 
 “ led through several rich apartments to the chamber of state, where the queen 
 “ of the dwarfs, for whom her services were required, was lying. She performed 
 “ her office, and brought a fair young prince to the light. She was thanked, and 
 ‘ ‘ dismissed, and her former conductor appeared to lead her home. As he was 
 “ taking leave of her, he filled her apron with something, bidding her on no 
 “ account to look at it till she was in her own house. But the woman could not 
 “ control her curiosity, and the moment the dwarf disappeared, she partly opened 
 “ the apron, and lo ! there was nothing in it but some black coals. In a rage she 
 “ shoke them out on the ground, but she kept two of them in her hands, as a 
 “ proof of the shabby treatment she had met with from the dwarfs. On reaching 
 ‘ ‘ home, she threw them also down on the ground. Her husband cried out with 
 “ joy and surprise, for they shone like carbuncles. She asserted that the dwarf 
 ‘ ‘ had put nothing but coals into her apron ; but she ran out to call a neighbour, 
 “ who knew more of such things than they did, and he, on examining them, 
 “ pronounced them to be .precious stones of very great value. The woman 
 “ immediately ran back to where she had shaken out the supposed coals, but they 
 “were all gone.”— Vide “ Keightley’s Fairy Mythology,” “Thorpe’s Northern 
 “ Mythology,” &c. 
 
328 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 “ emerged upon Mount Aboo. Then the Matajee consumed all the 
 “ temples by fire, with the exception of five, which she left as 
 “ witnesses to the tale, and the calcined stones of those which were 
 “ destroyed may still be seen strewed over the ground.” This legend 
 probably contains a certain amount of truth, in as far as it relates 
 the destruction of temples founded on the spot by Yeemul Sha, 
 through a volcanic agency which has evidently at some time or other 
 been very active throughout the hills of Arasoor. The Sha himself 
 seems to have fully believed that his loss was occasioned by the 
 vengeance of Shree Umbajee, for the inscription on the temple which 
 he subsequently founded at Dailwara, of Aboo, contains the 
 following stanzas in propitiation of that goddess :— 
 
 “ IX. Thou whose leaf-like hands are red as the leaves of the 
 “ Ushok tree, thou who appearest in resplendent beauty, borne in a 
 “ carriage drawn by Keshree-Singhs, thou who bearest two children 
 “ in thy lap, such in person, Sutee Umbeeka, destroy the calamities 
 “ of virtuous men ! 
 
 “ X. Once on a time to that viceroy at night-time, Umbeeka the 
 “ wise, gave this order—' Upon this mountain do you erect a good 
 “ temple for Yoogadee Nath, a place pure from sin.’ 
 
 “ XI. When one thousand and eighty-eight autumns had passed 
 “ since the time of Shree Vikrumadit (a.d. 1032) on Urbood’s 
 “ summit, Shree Adee Dev was by Shree Yeemul seated. Him I 
 “ worship.” 
 
 Among more modern inscriptions in the temple of Nemeenath, at 
 Koombhareea, occurs one, dated Sumwut, 1305 (a.d. 1249), recording 
 additions to the edifice made by Brumh Dev, the son of Chahud, the 
 minister of Koomar Pal Solunkhee, who, as is here mentioned, “ at 
 “ the village of Padpura, caused to be erected the temple called Oon- 
 “ deer Wusaheeka.” 1 
 
 On a paleeyo close by is another interesting record, dated Sumwut, 
 1256 (a.d. 1200), which states, that “Shree Dharawursh Dev, the lord 
 “ of Urbood, the thorn to all Munduleeks upon whom the sun shines,” 
 constructed a well “ in this city of Arasanapoor.” 
 
 From these particulars, relating to the shrine of their patron goddess, 
 we now turn to the story of the race of Rana Wagh, the Purmars, of 
 Danta, and Tursunghmo. 
 
 1 Or “the Rat’s temple.” It is mentioned in the Prubundh Chintamunee, that 
 Koomar Pal caused a temple of this name to be constructed in commemoration of 
 the injury he had inflicted on a rat, by taking away its pieces of silver. Vide p. 139. 
 
DANTA. 
 
 329 
 
 Ruvpaljee Purmar was the fortieth in descent from Vikrum. He 
 went on a pilgrimage to Dwarka, and thence was on his way to Kutch. 
 He had a vow neither to eat nor drink without having first worshipped 
 Mata Umbeeka, on which account she was pleased, and permitted 
 him to behold her, and promised to grant whatever boon he might 
 ask. He asked for the throne of Nugger Tatta and the rule over 
 Sindh, which the goddess granted to him ; and he erected three royal 
 seats, at Nuggur Tatta, Bamunoowa, and Bela. Twelfth in descent 
 from Ruvpaljee was Damojee, who, having no Koonwur, made vows 
 to Umbajee for the purpose of obtaining one. The goddess drew 
 blood from her own finger, and, with this and dust from her body, 
 produced a prince, to whom she ordered the name of Jus Raj to be 
 given. She also declared that she had created him that he might 
 protect the place where she was worshipped. Nuggur Tatta was in 
 in this reign invaded by the Mohummedans, who, after a struggle of 
 nine years’ duration, took the city, and slew Raja Damojee. Koon¬ 
 wur Jus Raj, however, continued the contest, and recovered the city. 
 
 Raja Jus Raj, also, was a devoted servant of Umbajee, and received 
 great strength from the goddess. In his reign, however, the Mohum¬ 
 medans again returned, and, making wells with the bones of animals, 
 and perpetrating other Mlechisms, so polluted the land, that Umbajee 
 said to Raja Jus Raj, “ I have no pleasure in remaining here any 
 “ longer; I will retire to my dwelling which is at Arasoor.” The raja 
 said, “ I am your servant, wherever you go I will follow.” She lis¬ 
 tened to his prayer, and said, “ It is well! Come with me, and I 
 “ will give you the throne of that country.” So saying, she vanished. 
 Jus Raj after this again engaged the Mohummedans, but was defeated, 
 and lost Nuggur Tatta. He then, taking his family with him, went 
 to the Matajee, at Arasoor. Umbajee gave him the tiger upon 
 which she rides, and said to him, “ Seat yourself upon this tiger, and 
 “ make a circuit—whatever territory you encircle shall be yours.” The 
 raja did so, and made the circuit of seven hundred and sixty villages. 
 On the south he included the Doturso Putta, as far as Kheraloo; on 
 the north-east the territory up to Kotura; on the east as far as Derol; 
 on the north the country up to the Bharja’s well, which is in the lands 
 of Seerohee ; on the south-east he went as far as Gudwara; on the 
 north-west as far as the village of Hatheedura. He found buried treasure 
 in the Bhundharo hill, which people now called “ Gubbur,” with which 
 he raised an army, and went to Nuggur Tatta to take revenge for his 
 father. Jus Raj drove the Mohummedans out of the city, and slew 
 many of them; he remained in that country until his death, but his 
 Koonwur was all this time at Gubbur-gurh with the Matajee. 
 
33° 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 Jus Raj’s son, Kedar Singh, or Keshree Singh, fought with Tur- 
 sungeea Bheel, who reigned at Tursunghmo, and, having slain him, 
 removed to that place his royal seat, which had been before at Gub- 
 bur-gurh. Kedar Singh’s son was named Juspal, or Koolpal. He 
 attempted to perform a great sacrifice at Rora village, but the attempt 
 failed, and the Brahmin who was employed was so mortified that he 
 threw himself into the fire pit, and perished, having laid a curse upon 
 the race of Juspal, that they should have no power of providing for 
 the future, but should always lose their opportunity, and then repent. 1 
 Several generations after this, in the time of Rana Jugut Pal, the army 
 of Allah-ood-deen Khoonee took Tursunghmo. The Rana went and 
 entreated the Matajee’s assistance, who told him to fight again 
 the next day; he did so, and won Tursunghmo back again. a Sixth in 
 descent from Jugut Pal was Kanur Dev, whose brother, Ambojee, 
 seized upon the putta of Kotura. Kanur Dev had two Ranees ; to 
 one of them, Ram Koonwuree, a Jhaleejee of Hulwud, the Doturso, 
 or Kheraloo putta, was assigned for her subsistence. The Ranee 
 lived there with her Koonwur Meghjee, and built the eastern door of 
 Kheraloo, and a well and tank, which are to this day known as “ the 
 “ Jhalees.” The second wife was Rutun Koonwuree, a Seesodunee, 
 of Oodeipoor, who founded Rohilpoor Puttun, now called Rora. The 
 raja went to Oodeipoor to be married a third time to the Ranee A Lal 
 Koonwuree Seesodunee. As he returned with her, his brother, Am¬ 
 bojee, of Kotura, was anxious to entertain the bridal party, but Kanur 
 Dev was not inclined to stay. Then Ambojee spoke humbly to Ranee, 
 Lai Koonwuree, and said, “ There has been a quarrel between us 
 “ two brothers about the putta; if this be not reconciled now that you 
 “ are come, when shall it be reconciled ? ” The Ranee then persuaded 
 her husband, and it was agreed that they should stay there. When 
 the time for dinner came, the two brothers sat down to dine together. 
 Suddenly Ambojee got up, and, striking Kanur Dev a blow on the 
 head with his sword, ran upstairs. Kanur Dev rushed after him, and, 
 catching him by his dress, gave him twenty-one wounds with his 
 dagger, so that he died. Thus both brothers were slain. The 
 newly-married Ranee became a sutee in the same place, and a funeral 
 pavilion was built over her remains. The Jhalee Ranee also became 
 a sutee at her father’s house at Hulwud. 
 
 When Rana Kanur Dev set out for Oodeipoor, his two sons, 
 
 1 The present Rana Jhalum Singh makes the following comment upon this 
 story Yes ! that curse remained'in force up to the time of my uncle Jugut 
 “Singh.” 
 
DANTA. 
 
 331 
 
 Meghjee and Waghjee, were left with their mother’s family at Hulwud, 
 while Tursunghmo was entrusted to a Khuwas of the Rana’s, named 
 Maroo Rawut. The Row Bhan of Eedur had married the daughter 
 of Ambojee, and when he heard of the death of the two brothers, he 
 collected a force, and went to Tursunghmo, which he took, and 
 seizing Maroo Rawut, carried him to Eedur. The Row left a garri¬ 
 son at Tursunghmo. Opposite to the palace at Eedur there is a pri¬ 
 son, into which the Row thrust Maroo Rawut, and every day he used 
 to amuse himself, by sitting at the window, and ridiculing him in every 
 possible way. At last the Khuwas made answer, “ Row, you have 
 “ seized upon the principality, because the Koonwurs are infants, but 
 “ do not suppose that there is no one to help. A tiger even, when 
 “he’s caged, can do nothing; but if you were to let me out, I would 
 “ cause this palace of yours to be dug up, and thrown into the Rora 
 “ Hurnav river.” The Row was enraged when he heard this, and 
 cried to the guard, “ Turn that dog out! ” However, the Row’s Ranee, 
 Ambojee’s daughter, knew of the exploits that Maroo Rawut had per¬ 
 formed, so she would not permit that he should be let out of the prison. 
 Another day, when she was not present, the Row released him. He 
 remained two days at Kulnath Muha Dev’s, and then went to Hulwud. 
 As he sat beside a tank, a Wudharun, or female slave, of the Ranee 
 Jhalee’s suite, came there for water, through whom he made his story 
 known. The raja sent for him, and soon afterwards Maroo Rawut, 
 with the two Koonwurs and a large sum of money, were on their 
 way to Ahmedabad. Maroo first saw the padishah’s minister, and 
 arranged matters with him; then he took the two Koonwurs, one on 
 each hip, and, with a brazier of lighted coals on his head, went to 
 make his complaint to the padishah. When the padishah saw him, 
 he said, “ The children will be burned, put them down.” Both the 
 Koonwurs then cried out with a loud voice, “ Sahib ! when we have 
 “ got down where shall we stand ? The Eedur Row has seized posses- 
 “ sion of our ground, and this is the padishah’s ground; if we get down 
 “ upon it, we shall make an enemy of him.” The padishah told them 
 to take courage, and having caused them to be set down, and made 
 himself acquainted with their story, was pleased to send an army 
 against Eedur, on the agreement. that the Koonwurs should pay him 
 ten thousand pounds as an offering. The army advanced, and 
 encamped near Eedur. Row Bhan then said to the leader of the 
 army, “ I am ready to pay the padishah whatever offering these Tur- 
 “ sunghmo people have agreed to pay; so do you take your army 
 “ back again.” But the Mohummedan said, “ I have the padishah’s 
 “ orders, and must act up to them.” Row Bhan upon this fled with 
 
332 
 
 his family, and the army struck Eedur, and cast the Row’s palace 
 down to the ground. Then Maroo Rawut said, “I will give a gold 
 “ mohur to every one who will take a stone from hence, and throw it 
 “ into the Hurnav.” Many of the soldiers, therefore, took stones and 
 piled them beside the Hurnav, and with these was built the temple of 
 Shamlajee, which is upon the banks of the river, near the village of 
 Gudha. From thence the army went on to Tursunghmo ; the Eedur 
 garrison abandoned the place and fled, and it was restored to a 
 prosperous state, and made over to the Koonwur. Then the leader 
 of the army said to Maroo Rawut, “Now produce the money which 
 “you promised.” Maroo answered, “I have no money here, my 
 “ treasure is in the hills of Soodasuna : if you will come thither, I will 
 “pay you the money.” So saying, he put the Koonwurs under the 
 care of Mata Umbajee, and set out himself with the army. He 
 caused the army to encamp at the Wursungh tank, which is between 
 Temba and Bhatwas, in Gudwara; he then said, “ I will go and get 
 “ out the treasure, and bring it.” So saying, he went into the Soo¬ 
 dasuna hills, and there lay concealed. The Mohummedans for a 
 day or two waited for him, but as he did not come they set out to 
 look for him. However, they could not find him. At length he sent 
 to the commander of the army, and said, “ If you will give me a 
 “ hostage, I will come in and settle the matter with you.” Having 
 received a hostage, the Rawut came into the encampment, and said, 
 “ I have not got the money, but here is this Kheraloo district, I will 
 “ mortgage it to the padishah, and whenever I can pay the money the* 
 “district shall be released.” Thus saying, he passed a deed of mort¬ 
 gage for the Kheraloo district, but retained “ wanta ” lands in several 
 villages. 
 
 In the time of Askurunjee Rana, one of Akbar’s shahzadas fled 
 from Delhi, having committed some offence. He went to Oodeipoor, 
 Jeipoor, and other places in Rajwara; but found no one to shelter 
 him. At last he came to Tursunghmo. Askurunjee offered him 
 shelter, and he remained there, and built a fortress upon the hill 
 called Kalwan, which is north of Tursunghmo about three miles. One 
 day, when the shahzada was very much pleased with the Rana, he 
 began to give him his ring, which was of great value, and set with 
 precious stones; but the Rana said, “I will not take it now, when 
 “ your highness’s affairs are arranged, and you go hence in peace, I 
 “ will receive whatever you may choose to offer.” His servants, how¬ 
 ever, told the Rana that he had made a mistake, for that princes’ minds 
 were not always the same, and that he should have taken the oppor¬ 
 tunity while he had it Then the Rana recollected the Brahmin’s 
 
dantA. 
 
 333 
 
 curse upon his ancestor—that the lords of Tursunghmo should never 
 have a provident mind. Next day he went to the shahzada, and said, 
 “ Will your highness give me the ring which you were going to give 
 “ me ? ” but the prince replied, “ When I am going I will give it.” 
 However, he went away to the west without giving it, and Barmul 
 Row, of Bhooj, seized him, and sent him to the padishah, at Delhi; 
 for which service Row Barmul got the Moorbee district. 1 Afterwards, 
 when the padishah and the shahzada were on good terms again, the 
 padishah asked him who they were that had given him shel¬ 
 ter, and who that had entertained him hospitably. He said, 
 “ Askurunjee, of Tursunghmo, was the only one who sheltered me or 
 “ treated me with hospitality.” The padishah, when he heard this, 
 sent Askurunjee a dress of honor, and the title of Muha Rana. The 
 shahzada also sent the before-mentioned ring, which was set with 
 diamonds worth a large sum of money. Askurunjee left three sons— 
 Wagh, Jeimul, and Pertap Singh. 
 
 In the time of Rana Wagh, the two Ranees of Row Kuleean Mul, 
 of Eedur, (that is to say), Bhanwuntee, of Oodeipoor, and Veenuya- 
 muntee Jharejee, of Bhooj, used to come every Monday to worship 
 at the temple of Muha Dev, at Brumh Kheir. 2 That place is called 
 Bhrigoo-kshetra; the Hurnav river is there, and Rana Wagh claimed 
 it as his boundary line—as the couplet says— 
 
 “ I am Rana Wagh, 
 
 “ And up to the Hurnav is my bhag.” 
 
 Some one told Rana Wagh that the Eedur Row’s Ranees were 
 very beautiful, and so he determined he would see them. He dressed 
 himself like a Brahmin, and went with the Brahmins, one Monday, 
 to Bhrigoo-kshetra. The RAnees, after worshipping Muha Dev, 
 made marks on the Brahmins’ foreheads, and gave them alms. 
 Among the rest, they marked Rana Wagh, and offered him alms, which 
 he refused to receive. They asked him what was the reason for his 
 refusal. He said he had taken a vow at Benares that he would not 
 receive alms from any one. The Ranees went away, and the Rana 
 also returned; but the matter came to the knowledge of Row Kuleean 
 Mul. The Row then entered into an alliance with Jeimul, Rana 
 Wagh’s brother, whom he kept with him at Eedur. He also enter- 
 
 1 This is probably an incorrect allusion to the story related at page 302. The 
 “ shahzada” would then be Sultan Moozuffer III., of Ahmedabad. 
 
 1 The account here given is the Danta version of the story, as that given at 
 p. 320 is the Eedur version of it. Each has been translated literally. 
 
334 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 tained Vegurno Jemadar, a Nagur Brahmin, who had lost caste, and 
 become a Mohummedan • but had quarrelled with the padishah, and 
 leaving Ahmedabad, had come to Eedur. The Row promised to 
 entrust to this officer the village of Wuralee, if he would seize Rana 
 Wagh, and give him up to him. Vegurno agreeing, went to take 
 charge of Wuralee, and laid himself out to be the best of friends with 
 Rana Wagh. Once on a time the Jemadar invited Rana Wagh to 
 drink opium with him at the ford of Lank, on the Sabhermutee. The 
 Rana went there, taking two horsemen with him. Munjee Wacha- 
 wut, Thakor of Deepuree, one of the Rana’s sirdars, thought with 
 himself, that the Rana setting out alone that day, would surely be 
 made prisoner, so he went to remonstrate with him. The sage’s 
 curse, however, lay on the family, so the Rana could not see before¬ 
 hand,to provide against the danger. He not only persisted in going, 
 but desired Munjee Wachawut not to accompany him. The Thakor, 
 however, was so impressed with the danger, that he followed him at 
 a distance. Rana Wagh reached the ford of Lank, and feasted with 
 Vegurno and drank liquor. After that, Vegurno’s men seized him ; 
 one of his followers was slain, and the other escaped. Munjee Thakor 
 came to the rescue, and killed one or two men with his spear, but 
 was then slain. The Jemadar carried the Rana to Wuralee, and 
 threw him into prison, and wrote off to the Row to say, “ I have seized 
 “ Rana Wagh, do you, therefore, confine his brother Jeimul.” When 
 the Row received the letter, he was playing at draughts with Jeimul 
 in an upper room; and below, at the foot of the stairs, a Rajpoot^ 
 named Saloo Bhoot, Thakor of Champoo and Khapuretha, was seated. 
 The messenger, going to him, said, “Where is the Row? I have brought 
 “ this letter from Wuralee.” The Thakor said, “ What is the letter 
 “ about ? you need not fear to tell me, for I am one of the Row’s 
 servants.” The messenger said, “ The letter is about the capture of 
 “ Rana Wagh.” Then Saloo Bhoot said, “ The Row is lying down, sit 
 “ you here till I go and take a look. If he be awake, I will call you; 
 “ but if he be asleep, and you wake him by talking too suddenly, he 
 “ will be angry.” So saying, he made him sit down, and going up 
 stairs, stood behind the Row and in front of Jeimul, and drawing a 
 knife across his throat, made signs to the latter that the Row would 
 take off his head. Jeimul, not understanding this signal, the 
 Thakor made signs to him to come down stairs. Then Jeimul under¬ 
 stood, and, making a pretence for his absence, -&ent below. Saloo 
 Bhoot told him what had happened; and he went home to his lodging, 
 and, mounting his horse, gallopped off, northwards, towards Baleshee 
 (Mhow). He kept his horse at full speed for twenty miles, so that 
 
dantA. 
 
 335 
 
 when he reached the gate of the village of Akordeea, the horse 
 dropped. Jeimul went into the village on foot, and took shelter with 
 a Charun, named Wurjang Badooa. Wurjang’s son, Sudhoojee, 
 asked what had happened, and who he was. Jeimuljee said, “ The 
 “ Row’s men are pursuing me; therefore, if you can protect me, do 
 “ so ; if not, forward me on to some distant place.” The Charun 
 said, “ I will protect you with my head; but though I die, the Row 
 “ will not quit you. Do you, therefore, take the better of these two 
 “ mares, and make your escape; and when you get back to your 
 “ country think of me.” Then Jeimul took the mare, Keshur, and 
 fled, and got safe to Kheraloo. 
 
 Now the Row, having received the letter from the messenger, and 
 read it, sent in pursuit of Jeimul. When the pursuers got to 
 Akordeea, and saw the horse lying dead, they felt sure that the 
 fugitive was in the village. They went to the Charun’s house, and 
 made great uproar there, saying, “ Give up our thief to us.” The 
 Charun said, “ He has deceived me and fled, taking my mare with 
 “ him. I don’t know who he is.” The pursuers went after him to 
 the distance of twenty or five-and-twenty miles, and then returned to 
 Eedur. 
 
 Jeimul assembled men in the Kheraloo district, and went to 
 Tursunghmo, of which he took possession, and began to collect 
 stores there. Meanwhile Row Kuleean Mul came thither with an 
 army. A battle took place, and the Row, being unsuccessful, re¬ 
 turned to Eedur. The dispute with the Row lasted a long time. 
 There were in theRana’s service two brothers, Mehepo and Rajdhur, 
 
 I Thakors of Muhawud, and the Koolee Thakor of Wujasuna, named 
 Depo, who had eighty men. This Depo asked permission to make 
 an attack upon Eedur, which was granted him. He placed his 
 followers in little hamlets in the Eedur country, and went himself, 
 with two or three men^ to Eedur. At this time some actors were 
 playing before the Row, in his court. The Thakor went, and sat 
 j down among the lookers on, and ascertained that the Row’s brother, 
 
 ; Keshuvdas, was present. The daughter of this Keshuvdas was throw¬ 
 ing pebbles, from the window, at Rana Wagh, and when they struck 
 him on the head he uttered something like a cry, upon which all 
 present, actors and spectators, laughed. The Rana Wagh said, “ I 
 \ “ shall never be at peace in another world unless my heir, whoever 
 “ he be, cause this woman to weep.” Depo Thakor was very much 
 grieved when he saw the Rana suffering such affliction. Now when 
 the play was finished, they brought the plate round; then Depo took 
 the gold armlet off his arm, and threw it in. The actors said, “ Who 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 336 
 
 “is it that gives this, whose fame shall we celebrate ? ” but Depo 
 made no answer. Then the by-standers said, “ Some drunken fellow 
 “ has given it; but what business is that of yours, the Supreme Being 
 “ has given it to you.” Afterwards they brought round the plate 
 again; then the Thakor gave the other armlet. It was now mid¬ 
 night. At this time the Row’s brother, Keshuvdas, went out. Depo 
 followed him, and struck the torch out of the hand of the torch- 
 bearer who was with him. He then stabbed Keshuvdas, and, cutting 
 off his head, made his escape with it. Then there arose a cry of 
 “ The Row’s brother has been murdered ! The Row’s brother has 
 been murdered!” The girl before-mentioned now began to weep, and 
 beat her breast; and Rana Wagh, when he heard this, immediately 
 killed himself. As long as the Rana was alive, the Row used daily 
 to say to him, “ If you will pass a deed assigning some of your 
 “villages to me, I will release you;” but the Rana would never 
 agree to this, and only answered— 
 
 “ I am Rana Wagh, 
 
 “ And up to the Hurnav is my bhag.” 
 
 Now, Depo, as soon as he had got clear off, set fire to a hill, upon 
 which his men, posted in different places, directly they saw the glare, 
 set fire also to the villages they were in. 
 
 Afterwards, Depo came to Tursunghmo, and having made obeisance 
 to Jeimul, said, “ Umbajee Mata has preserved my honor.” Jeimul 
 gave him the village of Bheemal. Depo’s descendants are still to be 
 found at Wujasuna, in the position of cultivators. Rana Jugut Singh 4 
 took back the village of Bheemal from the family, but left them a 
 fourth share of it, which they still hold. 
 
 The Row sent for the Charun, Badooa Sudhoojee, and said, “You 
 “ caused my thief to escape, therefore you shall not remain in my 
 “ country.” When Rana Jeimul heard of this, he sent for that 
 Charun to Tursunghmo, gave him the village of Paneealee, and, 
 making him his family-bard, kept him near himself. 1 
 
 Now the two Gudheeas, Mehepo and Rajdhur, who were in the 
 service of Rana Jeimul, asked for a few days’ leave, and set off 
 homewards. Meanwhile they came to the river, at the gate of the 
 village of Gothura, when a shepherd came out with some goats. They 
 asked him whose the goats were; he answered that they belonged to 
 the Rana. They said, “ We belong to the Rana, too, so give us one 
 of the goats.” The shepherd refusing, they took one by force, and 
 
 1 The Charun from whom this account was derived is a descendant of Sud- 
 hoojee’s, and holds a sixteenth share of the village of Paneealee. 
 
dantA. 
 
 337 
 
 killed it. Then he went to Tursunghmo, and complained to the 
 Rana, that the Gudheeas, though warned not to do so, had taken 
 one of the goats by force, and killed it. The Rana when he heart 
 this said, “These people are getting very proud, they must be looked 
 “ after.” Some friend of theirs wrote this information to the Gud¬ 
 heeas, and told them that if they came back without making a thorough 
 arrangement they would be put to death. Upon this the Gudheeas 
 remained six months at home idle; at the end of this time the Rana 
 summoned them. They said they had not confidence m the Rana, 
 but that they would come if they received Badooa Sudhoojee s 
 security. The servant came back with this message, upon which the 
 Rana called his minister, and assembled his sirdars, upon whose 
 advice he sent off a letter giving Sudhoojee’s security unknown to 
 the Charun. When they read this letter, the Gudheeas, Mehepo 
 and Rajdhur, came to Tursunghmo, and put up at a garden at the 
 gate of the town, preparatory to presenting themselves to the Rana. 
 Then Badooa Sudhoojee went to pay them a visit, in the course of 
 which he observed, “ It is a very good thing that you, master and 
 “ servants, are at one again.” They said, “Yes, but it was only on 
 “ receiving your letter of security that we came. Sudhoojee 
 answered that he knew not a word of any security ; upon which they 
 showed him the letter. He repeated that he knew nothing of the 
 matter, and said that they had better determine upon what they were 
 to do at once. The two brothers then made up a plan between them 
 and the younger soon after set off', pretending that he had quairellec 
 with the elder. All the people then surrounded the elder brother, 
 and said that he should go, and make up with his brother, and bring 
 him back. Mehepo accordingly mounted his horse, and set oft under 
 pretence of bringing Rajdhur back again; and when they came to¬ 
 gether, they shook their horses’ reins, and galloped off to Muhawud. 
 When the Rana heard that the Gudheeas had gone back again, he 
 asked what was the reason. Then the people told him that there 
 had been a quarrel between them, and that one had gone away 
 angered, upon which the other had followed him to bring him round. 
 The Rana, however, thought within himself that some one must 
 certainly have told them. He asked the Guduwee whether he had 
 gone to visit them, and whether he was the person who had com¬ 
 menced the subject, or whether another had done so. ^ Now theie 
 was a Koolee, named Waleeo, a servant of the Gudheeas, who was 
 given to opium, and who used to live about the Rana’s presence, and 
 make leaf-plates. The Charun said that it was probably Waleeo who 
 had told them, and that they had therefore made off in alarm. 1 nen 
 
 z 
 
33^ 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the Rana threatened this Koolee very much, and turned him out, and 
 he too went to Muhawud. Afterwards Badooa Sudhoojee said to the 
 Rana, “ Well done, Thakor ! you caused me to quarrel with the Eedur 
 “ Row, and brought me here, and then you laid a plot to take away 
 “ my character, by secretly sending security in my name, and bringing 
 “ the Gudheeas here. Now, I am not going to remain any longer in 
 “ your country.” He then went off in anger, and the Thakors, 
 Mehepo and Rajdhur, having secretly invited him, he, too, went to 
 Muhawud. Then the Thakors were considering about giving the 
 Guduwee a village, but meanwhile the Rana got information of the 
 matter, and he sent to make friends with the Guduwee, and induced 
 him to return, and replaced him at Paneealee. 
 
 Now, the Eedur army came against Tursunghmo, and a battle was 
 fought, and many on both sides were slain. At length the army turned 
 homewards. At this time they seized a Nagur of Tursunghmo, whom 
 they took to Row Kuleean Mul. The Row ordered that his nose 
 should be cut off. Then the Nagur said, “ It is well! it will be known 
 “ then that I was with Kuleean Mul’s army.” The Row asked what 
 was meant; the Nagur answered, “When you have cut off my nose, 
 “ having taken me alone, it will be as if your whole army had lost its 
 “ nose.” The Row turned him out without maiming him. 
 
 As the army turned back a Koonbee woman was going along wuth 
 her husband’s dinner. The Row saw her, and. as he was hungry, he 
 said, “ What have you there ? ” She answered that it was rice-pottage, 
 He took it and began to eat, but, as the pottage was hot, his fingers 
 were burnt. The woman said, “ Why, you’re as bad as Kuleean Mul.” 
 The Row asked how that was. She said, “ The Row, instead of 
 “ taking possession of the outlying villages, attempts to take Tur- 
 “ sunghmo itself, a thing which he cannot accomplish in ten years. 
 “ So you, instead of beginning upon the pottage round the edges, 
 “ which has become cooled, must needs thrust your fingers into the 
 “ middle and get them burnt.” The Row thought, “ What she says 
 “ is true ; I have found my tutor ! ” He sent for the Gudheeas to 
 his camp, and asked them to take the direction of the army. They 
 said, “ We have eaten the Rana’s salt, and drunk water from his wells 
 “ for many a day. You must permit us to make one attempt to bring 
 “ him to terms, and, if he will not listen, we will do as you desire.” 
 Mehepo then went to Tursunghmo, and said, “ Cut away these sacred 
 “ fig-trees that overhang the fort of Tursunghmo, otherwise the enemy 
 “ will climb the trees,-and fire from them into your palace.” The 
 Rana said, “ Who is there strong enough to come as far as this ? 
 “ Besides, to cut down a peepul-tree, and to murder a Brahmin, these 
 
DANTA. 
 
 339 
 
 “ two sins are equally abominable; 1 therefore, I will not cut one.’ 1 
 When the Gudheea pressed very much, the Rana said, “ Go ! do you 
 “ too, climb up with them, I care not for you.” Then the Gudheea 
 returned to the Row’s camp, and said, “ The Rana refuses to listen.” 
 They divided the army into three divisions, of which the Gudheeas 
 each of them led one, the Row commanding the third. They ad- 
 ! vanced upon Tursunghmo by different roads and invested it, and, 
 climbing the surrounding heights, descended into the town. Then 
 the Rana, taking his family with him, fled to Danta. The following 
 are the principal sirdars on the Rana’s part, who came to use in this 
 war :—Khet, Mehedas, Parkhan, Pertap, Gopal Singh, and Veerbhan. 
 Jugmal, one of the Rana’s chiefs, slew Shenkhan, a sirdar of Eedur. 
 
 The Rana Jeimul and Koonwur Jetmal, having retired to Danta, 
 
 ■ were followed thither by their enemies, upon which they took shelter 
 | at the Matajee’s, and went out against the Row. Kuleean Mul left 
 [ posts at every village, and returned to Eedur. At Tursunghmo, Mala 
 [ Dabhee commanded the post; at Surra, the Rehwurs; at Thana, 
 Megha Jaduv. Rana Jeimul lost all his men and horses by degrees, 
 and at last died. 
 
 After his father’s death, Koonwur Jetmal sat at the Matajee’s gate, 
 and fasted for many days without procuring any sign from the Matajee. 
 At last he made preparations for performing the “ lotus worship.” 
 Then the Matajee seized his hand, and said, “ Mount your horse, and 
 ; “ set forth; I will be your helper. Whatever land you shall pass 
 “ round in this day’s ride shall be yours, and where you draw rein 
 “ your territory shall cease.” Then Jetmal, with the few horsemen 
 he had left, mounted, and set off. They came first to the post of the 
 Rehwurs, who, perceiving the approach of an immense cloud of horse¬ 
 men, took to flight, leaving their horses and baggage. The next post 
 they came to was Megha Jaduv’s. Here, by the Matajee’s aid, the 
 enemy saw a horseman in every bush on the hill-side, so they fled in 
 dismay; Megha, who was engaged in washing his horse, was taken 
 by surprise and slain. They went on to Tursunghmo, and drove 
 away the post from thence; next they cleared Ghorad and Hurad of 
 the enemy. Then Rana Jetmal was wearied, and prepared to dis¬ 
 mount ; the other Rajpoots entreated him to forbear, but he answered 
 
 1 In the Bhugwut Geeta, Krishn declares that he is represented by the fol¬ 
 lowing :— 
 
 “ Among trees, the sacred fig ; 
 
 “ Among holy sages, Nard ; 
 
 ‘ ‘ Among Gnndhurvs, Chitraruth ; 
 
 “ Among Siddhs, Kupeela Moonee.” 
 
34° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 that he could sit his horse no longer. He dismounted, and the Mata- 
 jee’s gift was at an end. After this, Tursunghmo lay desolate, and 
 the royal seat was removed to Danta; which town derived its name 
 from Dantoreeo Veer, whose shrine is situated two miles to the west 
 of it, on the road to Nowawas, where the people make offerings of 
 horses formed of clay. Soon after, Rana Jetmal died. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 EEDUR. 
 
 On the death of Row Kuleean Mul, of Eedur, his son Row Jugun¬ 
 nath assumed the cushion. During the reign of Kuleean Mul two 
 parties had been formed amongst the Eedur ministers; the one con¬ 
 sisted of the Desaee zumeendars, of Wusaee, Mondeytee and Kuree- 
 aduroo, who were supported by the Waghela Thakors of Poseena, 
 and the Derol sirdars; the other was composed of Ghureebdas, the 
 Rehwur Thakor, of Runasun, the chiefs of the Mohummedan Kus- 
 batees, of Eedur, and Moteechund Sha Muzmoondar, of Wuralee. 
 In these times the Mohummedans began to send armies to levy the 
 tribute of Eedur with more regularity, and Vetal Bharot, of Baroda, 
 who bore the title of Row, was security to the emperor for the Ra- 
 thor princes. The imperial tribute was levied through the Governor 
 of Ahmedabad. No annual payment was yet established, but every 
 five or ten years, when the governor found himself in sufficient 
 strength, he sent an army, and effected a levy. After the accession 
 of Row Jugunnath, however, the Mohummedan power increased 
 every day, and the Eedur tribute became, by degrees, an annual levy— 
 Vetal Bharot being still the go-between. The Bharot at length be¬ 
 came so large a creditor of Row Jugunnath’s, that that prince resolved 
 to get rid of him. For this purpose he sent a female slave to his 
 lodging, and, exciting against him a false accusation of fornication, 
 expelled him from the town. The Bharot retired to Baroda, and sub¬ 
 sequently went to Delhi, as will be seen in the sequel. 
 
 Row Jugunnath 1 had, after this, a quarrel about precedence with 
 the Seesodeea Rawul, of Doongurpoor, whose name was Poonja. 
 About the year a.d. 1650, they met at the temple of Shamlajee, which 
 
 1 There is an inscription of Row Jugunnath’s on a well at Eedur, dated a.d. 1646. 
 
EEDUR. 
 
 341 
 
 is on the boundary of their dominions. On this occasion Rawul 
 . Poonja’s handkerchief happening to fall to the ground, the Row, who 
 was junior to the Rawul, took it up, and presented it to him. It was 
 then pronounced that the Rawul had forced the Row to touch his feet. 
 
 In this matter Mohundas Rehwur, Thakor of Mohunpoor, did good 
 service, for he attacked Doongurpoor, made the Rawul prisoner, and 
 l kept him in confinement until he compelled him to make submission 
 to the Row, upon which he dismissed him with presents. It was at 
 the time of worship that the Rawul was seized, and the image he used 
 was taken by the Thakor, and is now at Mohunpoor. Upon this, the 
 bards have the following verses - 
 
 “ Poonja he forced to submit, 
 
 “ Did the Eedur Row ; 
 
 “ Jugunnath performed a deed of strength, 
 
 “ He inflicted great disgrace. 
 
 “ The Row imprisoned the Rawul, 
 
 “ He exalted the honor of the line of Kumdhuj, 
 
 “ With his sword subduing the Lord of Powan-gurh. 
 
 “ The honor of Doongurpoor was lost, 
 
 “ The Rawul trembled with fear, 
 
 “ Taking the Seesodeea by the hand, 
 
 “ Jugunnath caused him to touch his feet.” 
 
 One day, while Row Jugunnath was at Morasa, a physician came 
 thither from Delhi, who gave him medicine to restore virility, telling 
 him not to use it until he rejoined the Ranee. When Jugunnath 
 arrived within a few miles of Eedur, he took the medicine, which had 
 nearly been the cause of his death. He escaped, however, but from 
 that time forth was never able to stand upright. 
 
 Now Vetal Bharot, having gone to Delhi, presented to the padi- 
 shah, as an offering, a gold dish filled with water, and containing the 
 leaf of a mango tree, a piece of sugar cane, a leaf of a khakuro tree 
 with a representation of a squirrel upon it, which held in its mouth 
 a piece of sugar. The padishah, enquiring the meaning of this gift, 
 the Bharot made answer,—“ There is a country which is like a gold 
 “ dish, where there is plenty of water, and where mango trees and 
 “ sugar cane flourish, but the animal that dwells among the khakuro 
 “ trees 1 eats the sugar. If your majesty will give me five hundred 
 “ horse I will bring this country into subjection to you.” The padi¬ 
 shah, upon this, sent orders to the Shahzada Morad, who was then 
 governor of Ahmedabad, and commanded him to assist Vetal Bharot 
 
 1 An allusion to the Khakuro jungle, which then surrounded, and formed one of 
 the defences of Eedur. 
 
342 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 with five thousand horse. There was at this time at Delhi, a vukeel, 
 or agent, on the part of the Row Jugunnath, who sent off an express 
 to say that an army, under Vetal Bharot, was ordered to advance 
 against Eedur. The Row had by this time forgotten his ill-treatment 
 of the Bharot, and he therefore wrote to him in a friendly manner, 
 to say that he had perfect confidence in him, and to enquire whether 
 the force were indeed directed against Eedur. Vetal Bharot returned 
 answer, that the Row need feel no alarm; but the army under Prince 
 Morad nevertheless advanced, and Eedur was taken without a blow 
 being struck. 
 
 “ In Sumwut seventeen hundred and twelve (A.D. 1656), 
 
 “ On the third of the month, on Sunday, 
 
 “ In the month of Asho, in the light half of the month, 
 
 “ The Shahzada Morad came to take Eedur. 
 
 “To fight against him, Jugunnath prepared, 
 
 “ Treacherously the Bhat prevented him from fighting, 
 
 “ Treacherously did Vetal expel the Row ; 
 
 “ But when Poonj Raj was slain, then it was that the 
 “ Mohummedan took Eedur-gurh. ” 
 
 The last line is an allusion to Row Jugunnath’s son, Poonja, who 
 “ went out ” against the Mohummedans. Indeed, as long as he lived 
 they could not call Eedur their own. 
 
 “ Poonja slew many a Puthan, 
 
 “ His force to Eedur leading, 
 
 “ Night and day the Puthanees shed tears for their lords, 
 
 “ For Poonjajee struck down the base ones in the field. 
 
 “ Those whom Poonja struck needed no physician. 
 
 “ When in the field the Ivumdhuj warrior fights, 
 
 “ Plow can I retain any confidence in my bracelets ? 
 
 “ Thus cried the Mogulanees, losing all hope, 
 
 “ Alas ! alas ! no one’s lord will return.” 
 
 Row Jugunnath retired to Pol after his expulsion from Eedur, and 
 died there soon afterwards. 1 
 
 Morad Shah having taken Eedur, continued the ministers in the 
 management of affairs, and having placed a Mohummedan officer, 
 
 1 There is a ballad account of this Row, which thus commences : — 
 
 “ Jugunnath Row, you sunk your house, 
 
 “ Base son of Kuleean ! ” 
 
 The bard, who began to recite it to us, however, had no sooner repeated the 
 above two lines, than his arms, which had been raised for gesticulation, fell to his 
 sides, his head sank upon his bosom, the tears started to his eyes ; he murmured, 
 
 Why should I speak ill of the Rowjee ! ” and, neither at that nor at any future 
 time, could be persuaded to resume his tale. 
 
EEDUR. 
 
 343 
 
 named Syud Hatho, in command, returned home. Syud Hatho 
 commenced his government by resuming all the grants (shasuns) which 
 had been made by the Rows; and the Bhats and Charuns thereupon 
 deserted their villages, and took refuge with the Thakor of Malpoor, 
 by whom they were protected. 
 
 The following is a further account, given by the bards, of Poonja, 
 the son of Jugunnath: — 
 
 Poonja, being a minor, proceeded to Delhi to receive investiture. 
 The Jeipoor Raja, remembering the old feud of the time of his great 
 uncle, Veerum Dev, was unwilling that Poonja should be invested, 
 and accordingly persuaded the padishah that the young Row of Eedur 
 was very turbulently disposed, and that his present minority would be 
 a good opportunity for seizing upon the principality. The padishah 
 asked how he could be satisfied that the young Row was turbulently 
 disposed. The raja advised that he should ask for a handsome horse, 
 which the Row possessed, and remarked that if this were given up, 
 Poonja would be proved to be loyal, but if not, that it would clearly 
 appear he meditated treachery. The padishah accordingly sent to 
 demand the horse, but the Jeipoor Raja had meanwhile persuaded 
 Row Poonja that the padishah intended a disrespect, and had indeed 
 determined to destroy him, and that it would be better for Poonja to 
 return home at once. The Row, therefore, fled. He was pursued 
 by the padishah’s troops, and surrounded at a village twenty-five 
 miles from Delhi. He managed, however, to conceal himself in the 
 house of a carpenter, and to join a band of Uteets, in company with 
 whom he wandered about for a long time. Meanwhile Eedur was 
 taken by the padishah’s troops, and Row Poonja’s mother, supposing 
 that her son was dead, had retired to the house of her own family at 
 Oodeipoor. Some time after, Row Poonja found his way, in com¬ 
 pany with the Uteets, to Oodeipoor, where he made himself known 
 to his mother, and to the Rana, who gave him a force to assist in 
 recovering his hereditary dominions. Row Poonja accordingly ad¬ 
 vanced and conquered back Eedur, where he took up his residence, 
 placing, however, his Ranees and treasure at Surwan. It was in 
 Sumwut, 1714 (a.d. 1658), that Row Poonja regained Eedur; he 
 reigned there about six months, and was then taken off by poison. 
 
 Urjoondas, the brother of Row Poonja, lived at this time at Dha- 
 mod-nee-Nal, where he gradually assembled a thousand men, with 
 whom he harassed the Ahmedabad Pergunnahs. Once on a time, the 
 Raj Koonwurs, or princes, of Dewulya, Banswara, Loonawara, and 
 Doongurpoor, were on their way from Ahmedabad to their own homes. 
 They halted at Runasun, where they were well received; and as they 
 
344 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 continued their journey from thence, Row Urjoondas, hearing of their 
 arrival, sent an express to invite them to pay him a visit. They went, 
 therefore, to Dhamod. While they were there, it occurred to them 
 that Runasun, being a difficult place, would be a good point for the 
 Row to take post at, and make incursions upon the lands of Ahmed- 
 abad and Eedur. They agreed, further, to take part with the Row, 
 and mustering their united forces, found that they amounted to five 
 thousand men. They went, therefore, to Runasun. Now the Reh- 
 wurs had been on the look out ever since the Koonwurs had seen 
 Runasun, lest they should join Row Urjoondas, and cast a longing 
 eye upon the place. Though the Row and his confederates arrived 
 suddenly therefore, the Rehwurs were prepared, and under cover of 
 the houses, fired upon them as they were entering Runasun. Four 
 rajas were at once slain—Urjoondas Row, and the Koonwurs of Doon- 
 gurpoor, Loonawara, and Dewulya. The Koonwur of Banswara fled, 
 carrying the corpses of his companions with him. to Dhamod, where 
 he performed their funeral rites. Row Urjoondas left a son, then five 
 years old, whom the Koonwur took with him to Banswara, where he 
 gave him the putta of Tooteeabul in Wagur for his subsistence during 
 his minority, and this putta is still enjoyed by his descendants. 
 
 Row Urjoondas having fallen, Jugunnath’s brother, Gopeenath, 
 remained “ out,” and made excursions as far as Ahmedabad. The 
 padishah’s power was at this time on the decline, and Syud Hatho 
 thought fit to call upon the Desaees and Muzmoondars to go to the 
 Row, in order to arrange for the payment to him of a certain sum, 
 on condition of his forbearing to harass the country. The ministers 
 said that such a purpose could not be effected without the aid of 
 Bhats and Charuns. Syud Hatho, therefore, recalled the Bhats and 
 Charuns, who had held grants from the Rows, and restored their 
 villages. Jogeedas Charun, of Koowawoo, was then despatched to 
 the Row, and arranged for the payment of the “ Wol,” which the 
 Rows still hold upon Eedur. Syud Hatho was soon after replaced 
 by Soubah Kumal Khan, an indolent person, who paid no attention 
 to his government. Gopeenath Row was therefore enabled to drive 
 him out, and thus, at length, recovered possession of Eedur, where 
 he ruled for about five years. Ghureebdas Rehwur, the Thakor of 
 Runasun, was, however, afraid that if the Row held Eedur, he would, 
 sooner or later, take vengeance for Row Urjoondas. Ghureebdas 
 was, as has been mentioned, at the head of a powerful party in Ee dur, 
 which included the Kusbatees. With their aid he brought an army 
 Irom Ahmedabad to expel the Row. Row Gopeenath had two 
 Ranees, a daughter of Oodeipoor and a daughter of the Waghel.a of 
 
EEDUR. 
 
 345 
 
 Pethapoor ; he had also two concubines. Taking these ladies with 
 him, he retired into Eedur-gurh, but the Kusbatees pursuing him, 
 and forcing their way in, he was obliged to descend the hills, in the 
 direction of Kulnath Muha Dev. The ladies, at the same time, fled 
 to the “ hill of murders,” where they determined to die, supposing 
 that all was lost; and accordingly perished, by drowning m the reser¬ 
 voir railed “ the broken tank.” Row Gopeenath, meanwhile, was 
 sheltered at Kulnath Muha Dev’s. A Brahmin, of Wuralee, came 
 there to worship Kulnath, and Row Gopeenath, who was accustomed 
 to eat a pound and a quarter of opium every day, took two gold 
 bracelets off his arms, and gave them to him, saying, that one was a 
 crift but that he should sell the other, and bring opium, to enable him 
 to get on to Surwan. He also promised the Brahmin, that when he 
 was restored to Eedur, he would give him a village The Brahmin 
 took the bracelets, and, going home, related to his wife what had hap¬ 
 pened. She advised that he should not return, for that the Row 
 would some day lay claim to the bracelets, if he survived. Gopee¬ 
 nath, being unable to procure opium, died, and from that time the 
 
 Rows have never recovered Eedur. 
 
 The affairs of Eedur now fell into the hands of Moteechund the 
 Muzmoondar of Wuralee, and the Desaees of Wusaee, Ghureebdas 
 Rehwur, holding the office of Prudhan, or chief minister, Gopeenath s 
 son, Row Kurun Singh, lived at Surwan until his death. He left two 
 sons, Chando or Chundra Singh, and Madhuv Singh 5 the mother of 
 the former was a Jhala lady, of Hulwud, and that of the latter, a 
 daughter of Danta. Row Chando grew up at Surwan and Madhuv 
 Singh, at Udheyrun, which had been assigned to his mother. Madhuv 
 Singh at length went out, and engaged the padishah’s troops at the 
 village of Champulpoor, in the Poseena district. From thence he 
 went to Verabur, which he took possession of, and his descendants 
 
 remain there still. A n 
 
 In the same year, Sumwut, 1752 (a.d. 1696), Row Man and Go- 
 wind Rathor, relations of Row Chando, joined him from Mewar, and 
 “ went out ” with him against Eedur, and in Sumwut 1774 (a.d. 17 1 
 the Desaees brought Row Chando back to Eedur, having driven out 
 the Mohummedan garrison. Row Chando, however, did not rule 
 well, and the Waghelas and Rehwurs encroached upon all the crown 
 villages of Eedur; the former occupying the country as far as Wura¬ 
 lee, and the latter advancing their territories to Sabulee. At this time, 
 the Thakor of Palya having died, it became necessary to present a 
 sword and dress of honor to his successor. Row Chando attempted 
 to leave Eedur, under pretence of making this investiture, but his 
 
346 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 mercenaries interrupted his departure, and demanded their arrears. 
 1 he Row gave them as security Sirdar Singh, the Thakor of Wola- 
 suna, who was then at .Eedur, and entrusting him with the govern¬ 
 ment, as his representative, quitted his capital, never to return. Sirdar 
 Singh ruled at Eedur for a time in the name of the Row, until, at 
 length, the Desaees and zumeendars placed him on the royal cushion. 
 Sirdar Singhs munster was Shamlajee Thakor, of Lehee, a “brother 
 of Wolasuna, a man of great ability and courage, who recovered 
 the villages which had been encroached upon by the Rehwurs and 
 vaghelas. His success raised him many enemies, and the leading 
 men of the Kusbatees at length persuaded Sirdar Singh that Sham¬ 
 lajee meditated hi^s and their destruction. The Row believed them, 
 and dismissed Shamlajee, who went his way. Bucha Pundit was in¬ 
 vited from Baroda, to be his successor. Soon after, however, a quarrel 
 arose between Row Sirdar Singh and the Kusbatees, and the former 
 meditated attacking them, and openly declared that, unless he were 
 able to put them to death, he would not remain at Eedur. Finding 
 imself unable to effect his purpose, he retired in discontent to Wolfi- 
 suna Bucha Pundit then ruled in Eedur, with the Kusbatees, Mo- 
 teechund Muzmoondar, and Rehwur Udhey Singh, of Runasun, the 
 interest of the Desaees having declined. Bucha Pundit paid tribute 
 to the governor of Ahmedabad, and continued to rule in Eedur : but 
 the Desaees were discontented with the state of affairs, and Lfil Singh 
 Oodawut having arrived at Wusaee, on his way from Soreth to Mar- 
 war, they went to him, and made him their confidant. He said, that - 
 if they chose, he would bring them a good raja. The Desaees agreed, 
 and entered into a written engagement, upon which Lai Singh went 
 o oseena, and brought Muharaja Anund Singh and his brothers to 
 
 Q Cd w i m r the year Sumwut > 1787 (a.d. 1731), that Anund 
 Singh took Eedur from Bucha Pundit. 
 
 . return t0 R ow Chando This prince retired to Pol, which was 
 in the possession of his wife’s family, the Pureehar Rajpoots, with the 
 expressed intention of bidding them adieu, and proceeding to Kashee, 
 o cie there. . After remaining at Pol about two months, Row Chando 
 set out to retire to Benares. There is a village named Surchow, about 
 ten rnfies from Pol. The Row halted there, and wrote to his friends 
 at 1 ol, to come and eat a last feast with him, and return home. They 
 came and feasted, and drank with Row Chando. When the Pol 
 Rajpoots were overcome with drink, the Row caused them all to be 
 put to death, and returning to Pol, seated himself on the royal cushion, 
 and his descendants remain at Pol to this day. 
 
CHAP. XI. 
 
 THE GOHILS. 
 
 We have thus followed the fortunes of Northern Goozerat, to the 
 time when the transient dominion of the Moslem ceased, when the 
 Muezzin’s call to prayers began to die away, subdued by the sound of 
 the liberated bells, which once more tinkled in each Hindoo temple, 
 and the flag of Shiva, under the form of the national banner of the 
 Mahrattas again floated supreme throughout the land, from that deity s 
 much oppressed shrine at Prubhas, to the still inviolate mansion o 
 his consort, the inaccessible Umba Bhuwanee. The sovereigns of the 
 Dekkan we shall again behold, as in the days of the Solunkhee Kings 
 of Kuleean, extending their dominion over Goozerat and Soreth. 
 Before, however, we pursue their story, we must return once more 
 to the scene with which our drama opened—to the site of forgotten 
 Wullubheepoor, to the minarets of Loleeyanah, already crumbling into 
 dust, and to the neighbouring spot on which is now to^ rise the 
 Shaivite spire, inscribed with the dreaded name of Damajee Guikowar. 
 
 Sarungjee Gohil, 1 was succeeded in turn by his son, Shivdas, and 
 his grandson, Jeytjee. Jeytjee had two sons, Ramdas and Gungadas, 
 which latter obtained, as his portion, the village of Chumardee. 
 
 Gohil Ramdasjee, say the bards, visited Benares as a pilgrim ; he 
 feasted there fourteen thousand Brahmins, and presented each of them 
 with a gold coin in alms. When he had completed his pilgrimage, 
 he sent the Sungh home, and proceeded alone to Oodeipoor. Ivoom- 
 bho Rana inquired what Rajpoot clan he belonged to, and what lands 
 he was possessed of. Ramdas replied, “ I am the Gohil Rajpoot, lord 
 “ of the port of Ghogha and of Gohilwar.” Then Koombho Rana 
 gave his daughter, Sukomul Ba, to Ramdas. At this time, Momud 
 Shah’s army attacked Oodeipoor, and a battle was fought, in which 
 Ramdas slew many men, horses, and elephants. Ramdas had a 
 Shalagram stone in his head which was cut in two in the fight; an 
 elephant’s bell falling upon it concealed it for the time, and after that 
 a snake built his heap upon it. Koonwur Sutojee heard the news of 
 
 1 See page 289. 
 
343 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 this fight, at Ghogha; he performed the funeral obsequies of his 
 father. At this time, the Shalagram appeared to him in a dream, and 
 said, “ I, your Isht Dev, am buried in the ground at Oodeipoor; 
 “ bring me from thence.” Sutojee sent Duvey Rughoonath and 
 others to the spot pointed out at Oodeipoor, and brought thence the 
 Shalagram ; and the stone, the pieces of which have adhered to¬ 
 gether, is now worshipped in the house of the Duvey’s descendants at 
 Seehore, who enjoy annual grants on that account. 
 
 Ramdas left two younger sons, Sudooljee and Bheemjee, to the 
 former of whom was assigned, as his portion, the village of Udhey- 
 wara; and to the latter, that of Thana, the present possessors of which, 
 Bheemjee’s descendants, bear the title of “ Thaneea Rawuls.” 
 
 In the annals of Mewar, mention is made of “the Gohil from 
 Peerum, as one of the defenders of Cheetor, on the occasion of 
 its capture by Allah-ood-deen, in a.d. 1303, 1 and the historian of 
 Rajpootana applies the incident to the time of Ramdasjee Gohil. 
 Tire bards of the Bhownugger family, however, connect, as we have 
 seen, Ramdasjee Gohil with the reign of Koombho, Rana of Mewar. 
 That prince encountered Mahmood, Shah of Malwa, and defeated 
 him, as Ferishta mentions in his Malwa history, in a.d. 1454. This 
 latter date even, can hardly be brought to synchronise with Ramdas¬ 
 jee, whose great grandson, Dhoonajee, died in a.d. 1619. It is, per¬ 
 haps, more probable that the Gohil prince was one of “ the numerous 
 ^ auxiliaries from all parts of Rajwara,” who endeavoured to maintain 
 Cheetor against Buhadur Shah, of Goozerat, by whom it was taken in 
 A - D - 1S32-33 - 2 
 
 Sutojee, the son of Ramdas, left four sons, Veesojee, who suc¬ 
 ceeded him, Devojee, Veerojee, and Mankojee. The younger 
 biothers obtained, as their portions, three villages each, forming 
 the estates of .Pucheygam, Uwaneeya, and Nuwaneeya. The descen¬ 
 dants of Devojee form the family called Devanee Gohils, from his own 
 name ; those of Yeerojee, are known as the Vachanees, from Veero’s 
 son, Vacho. They now hold Rhokhura, Mamchee, and Kunar. 
 
 The town of Singhpoor, or Seehore, was, as we have seen, granted 
 by the sovereigns of Unhilwara to Brahmins, who appear to have 
 maintained possession of it, without admitting any external authority, 
 until the times at which we are now arrived, when dissensions among 
 themselves gave them a master in the person of Veesojee Gohil. 
 d he situation of Seehore bears some resemblance to the crater of 
 
 * Vidc Tod ’ s Rajasthan, vol. i. p. 266. Tod’s Western India, pp. 258-9, 266. 
 
 2 Ibid., vol. i. pp. 310 et seq. 
 
THE GOHILS. 
 
 349 
 
 a volcano; it is a flat plain, surrounded by a girdle of rugged bills. 
 In the centre of the ancient town, of which no single dwelling now 
 remains, is a small conical hill, called the hill of the seven streets, on 
 the summit of which is a pavilion, in which, as tradition relates, the 
 Brahmins of Seehore met of old in council, and for the administration 
 of justice. Not very far from the base of this hill, is a handsome 
 reservoir called “ the Brumhkoond.” It is of considerable size, square 
 in form, and surrounded with niches containing Hindoo sculpture, 
 and it descends from all sides, towards the pool in the centre, by 
 flights of steps, relieved at regular intervals by landings. Around the 
 terrace of the koond, a row of temples forms a kind of cloister, and 
 outside these a wall surrounds the whole. To the south of the koond 
 rises a singular hill, called, from the number of its peaks, “ the three¬ 
 horned mountain.” 
 
 The circumvallation of old Seehore is still, in some places, dis¬ 
 cernible ; the new town is placed on the north of these, and touches 
 very closely the feet of the surrounding hills. A river, called the 
 Gomutee, or Goutumee, washes the western side of Seehore, whose 
 banks are dotted with numerous funeral memorials. A short distance 
 from the town, near the river, is a second reservoir, called “ the 
 Goutumeshwur koond.” 
 
 The old town of Seehore was, it is said, divided between two sects 
 of Brahmins, the Runas and the Janees, who occupied respectively 
 its southern and northern portions. A Janee Brahmin’s daughter, 
 who had married into a Runa family, was, it is said, one day churn¬ 
 ing milk in the yard of her husband’s house, wearing her long hair 
 loose over her shoulders, and her head uncovered. Her husband was 
 seated at this time among other Brahmins in the pavilion on the hill 
 of the seven streets which overlooked the whole of the city. One of 
 the Brahmins, remarking that the woman did not cover her head 
 though she was exposed to their gaze, said, without knowing that her 
 husband sat beside him, “ The man must be an effeminate fellow 
 “ whose wife is so careless of decency as this.” Her husband, hear¬ 
 ing the remark, was full of shame and anger; he went home, and cut 
 off his wife’s hair and her nose. The woman ran weeping to her 
 father’s house to complain of the cruel treatment she had suffered; 
 her male relations took up arms, and hastened to exact revenge. A 
 conflict ensued, in the course of which many Brahmins were slain, 
 and the spot, thus stained with so much sacred blood of the priests, 
 became henceforth accursed and desolate. It still retains the name 
 of the “ field of murders.” 
 
 The Janees and Runas each of them now sought foreign assist- 
 
35° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 ance. The former set off to Gareeadhar, to the descendant of Saha- 
 jee, the brother of Ranjee Gohil, and offered to make over to that 
 chieftain the town of Seehore, with its twelve dependent villages. 
 The chief of Gareeadhar accordingly assembled a force, and advanced 
 upon “ the lion city,” but, a bad omen occurring, he halted on the 
 way, and lost his opportunity, being soon after attacked by the head 
 of his house, Rawul Veesojee Gohil, whom the Runas had brought 
 with them from Oomrala. Veesojee repulsing his kinsman of Garee¬ 
 adhar, entered Seehore, and took possession of the royal rights con¬ 
 nected with it, leaving, however, the land to the Brahmins ; and from 
 this time Seehore became the capital of the Gohils, until Bhow Singh 
 erected the new city, called after his name, on the ruins of the old 
 town of Wuduwa. 
 
 “No enemy,” says the bard, “ ever subdued the strength of Oomur 
 “ Kot (Oomrala). Through Soreth walked the son of Sutmaljee, 
 “ grasping his sword. Veesul was like a tiger; an acre of his land 
 “ was to him as his liver—no enemy could take it, though striving 
 “ with great labour, from the son of Sutojee.” 
 
 Veesojee was succeeded by Rawul Dhoonajee; he left also two 
 younger sons, Bheemjee and Kusheeojee, to whom were assigned the 
 estates of Huleeyad and Bhudulee. 
 
 While Dhoonajee ruled in Seehore his kinsman, Noghunjee of 
 Gareeadhar, was attacked by Loma Khooma, the Katee chief, of 
 Kherudee, and deprived of his estate, or, as the bard says, “his 
 “ gras was taken from him.” Noghunjee fled to Seehore for assist¬ 
 ance, and Rawul Dhoonajee prepared to support him with all his 
 power; for, however willing the head of a Rajpoot house may be to 
 infringe in his own interest upon the rights of the cadents of the 
 family, his assistance is sure to be afforded them in case of an attack 
 from without, which, if successful, must tend to his own eventual 
 disadvantage—the teelayut being in the last resort the heir of the 
 phutayo. The Katee chief, however, taking two hundred horse with 
 him, made a night attack upon Wulleh, where Dhoonajee’s levies 
 were assembling, and, in the course of the action, the Rawul was 
 slain. 
 
 Noghunjee Gohil now fled to Rujo Barea, the Koolee chief of 
 Juwash, and, espousing his daughter, brought a force of Barea 
 Koolees to Seehore, and, procuring further aid from thence, advanced 
 on Gareeadhar. The Putel of the town came to his camp, and in¬ 
 formed him that Loma’s force was too strong to be attacked with 
 success. A stratagem was determined on, and the Putel, returning 
 into the town, raised an alarm that his cattle had been carried off by 
 
THE GOHILS. 
 
 351 
 
 a party of horse who had retired in a westerly direction. The Katees 
 hastened in pursuit, and Noghunjee, seizing the opportunity, entered 
 the town with his family and followers. The inhabitants were favour¬ 
 able to the cause of the Gohil, and Gareeadhar was therefore won; 
 but Noghunjee, on the advice of his wife, fearing that Loma would 
 retake the town, went to that chieftain, and gave up his sword. His 
 wife became the adopted sister of Loma Khooma, but both she and 
 her husband merely dissembled until an opportunity offered for 
 revenge, At length a marriage occurred at the court of the Jam of 
 Nugger, who was Noghunjee Gohil’s son-in-law. The chief of 
 J Gareeadhar and his Thakorine were invited, but the lady refused 
 to go unless attended by her brother, Loma Khooma. A letter, 
 sprinkled with red water, was therefore sent from Nugger to Loma, 
 
 ; though he and the Jam were at enmity at the time, in consequence of 
 the Jam’s having been betrayed by Loma in an engagement with the 
 Mohummedans. The Katee chief, however, went to Jamnugger, and 
 I was present at the marriage; but, being afterwards invited to an en¬ 
 tertainment in the Jam’s apartments, and prevailed upon to lay aside 
 his arms, he was treacherously seized upon by Noghunjee and the 
 Jam, and put to death. Several of his relations also shared the same 
 fate. 
 
 When the Katee chief was bound and disabled by wounds, the 
 Jam tauntingly asked him what he would do if he were then released. 
 Loma answered, “ I would overturn Nugger, as a woman turns cakes 
 on the girdle.” 
 
 The following is the bardic version of the story of Dhoonajee 
 Rawul:—“ Loma Katee and Noghun, proud in fight, contended; 
 “ the drum beat in the limits of Wulleh. The Gohil mingled in the 
 “ fray ; many arrows and musket-balls were discharged ; the edge of 
 ’ “ the sword played. Eesh came thither quickly to string heads in his 
 “ Roondmala; flesh-devouring Shuktees and carrion birds came thither; 
 “ Upsuras, too, and the thirty-three crore of Devs. Says Sooruj to 
 ; “ Uroon, ‘Stop the chariot, O ! Uroon; behold Dhoonajee dies on 
 “the field of battle.’ A thousand horses were neighing there; 
 “ banners were waving; Dhoonajee turned not his heel to the foe. 
 “ Angrily the Muroo Raja fought, and broke the Katee’s army, 
 j “ None but he would give his head ; Noghun escaped, but Dhoonajee 
 “ remained on the field. The king adorned the Kshutree race like 
 “ another Ram, the supporter of the ‘ birud.’ Veesul’s son, making 
 “ his sword to play, wed an Upsura, and passed to Swerga.” 
 
 On the banks of the river at Seehore stands the funeral paleeyo of 
 
35 2 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Rawul Dhoonajee ; he is represented as a mounted warrior brandish¬ 
 ing his lance, and, beside his monument, are those of two of his 
 wives who followed him through the flames. The name of one only 
 of the sutees is legible, “ Baee Shree Kurma Devee.” From this i 
 monument we derive the date of Dhoonajee’s death, “ the light half 
 of the month of Kartik, in the year of Vikrum, 1675 ” (a.d. 1619). 
 Close beside the paleeyo of his father stands the monument of “ Shree 
 “ Rutunjee, the son of Rawul Shree Dhoonajee,” which is dated only 
 one year later (a.d. 1620.) There are two sutees’ monuments beside 
 that of Rawul Rutunjee; the names are obliterated, but on one of 
 them may be traced the record thatMother Shree —jee departed 
 “ with her beloved.” Of the circumstances of Rutunjee’s death 
 nothing is known, except that it was the death of the warrior. The 
 bardic account is as follows :—“ When Rutun fixed his foot for the 
 “ fight, the Upsuras crowded from heaven to the spot to claim the 
 “ hand of the son of Dhoono. On the spire, his family, La Gohil, 1 
 “ placed the finial ‘ generosity.’ The son of Dhoono added to it the 
 “ banner of Kshutree-worthiness in war, and went his way.” 
 
 Rawul Rutunjee had a brother, named Ukherajjee; he had also 
 three sons, Hurbhumjee, Gowindjee, and Sarungjee, and a daughter, 
 Leelajee Ba, married to Ra Bharo, of Bhooj. Rawul Hurbhumjee 
 succeeded his father; he married the Ranee Unajee Ba Survaiyanee, 
 and had by her a son, named Ukherajjee. The Koonwur was two 
 years old when his father “ became a Dev.” Gowindjee, his uncle, 
 took possession of the royal cushion, and Ranee Unajee Ba, for fear 4 
 of him, fled to Bhooj, taking with her the young prince. 
 
 The Vachanees Keshuvjee, and Mukunjee, and the Devanee Maljee 
 at this time took counsel together, and, calling in a shepherd, named 
 Bhanguro, to their aid, determined to oppose Gowindjee in the 
 interest of their young lord, Ukherajjee, then sheltered at Bhooj. 
 They commenced a system of incursions upon Seehore. Gowindjee ; 
 went to Ahmedabad to procure assistance from the Mohummedan ; 
 government, and died there. When the news arrived at Seehore and 
 Sutrasuljee, the son of Gowindjee was engaged in celebrating his 
 father’s obsequies; Keshuvjee and his confederates, taking advantage j 
 of the crowd and confusion, made their way to the Rawul’s residence, 
 and, surprising Sutrasuljee while asleep, seized him, and carried him 
 out of tire town to Old Seehore, where they had left their horses. I 
 They placed him before one of their party on horseback, and were ; 
 
 1 La Gohil is a fabulous ancestor of the family, celebrated by the bards as having 
 presented gifts even from the tomb. 
 
THE GOHILS. 
 
 353 
 
 making off in the south-west direction, when they observed a party of 
 Katee horsemen approaching Seehore, to join in the funeral cere¬ 
 monies. Keshuvjee and his friends attempted to gain the three-horned 
 hill, but were not able to avoid the Katees; they therefore deter¬ 
 mined on accosting them, and said, “ Gowindjee has taken our master’s 
 “ cushion, so we have seized his Koonwur, and brought him off. If 
 “ his friends will give up the town to the true raja, we will restore the 
 “ Koonwur.” The Katees promised their assistance, and recom¬ 
 mended that Ukherajjee should be brought to Seehore, when they 
 would place him on the cushion. Rawul Ukherajjee was thus brought 
 home and restored to his rights, and Sutrasuljee was released, and 
 presented with the estate of Bhundareeo as his portion. His descen¬ 
 dants are the Gowindanee Gohils. 
 
 While Ukherajjee was yet a minor, and the power of the Gowin¬ 
 danee of Bundhareeo was still felt in Seehore, the young Rawul’s 
 mother, Unajee Ba, became acquainted with Desaee Mehraj, a servant 
 of the Mohummedan government, at Loleeyanah. His son, Mehta 
 Ramjee Mehraj, was brought to Seehore, and installed as minister to 
 the Rawul, his authority being supported by a party of troops from 
 Loleeyanah, and the influence of the Gowindanees was thus counter¬ 
 balanced. Ukherajjee was succeeded by his eldest son, Rawul Ru- 
 tunjee; his younger sons, Hurbhumjee, Vrujrajjee, and Surtanjee, 
 received as their portion the estates of Wurtej, Thorudee, and Mug- 
 lanoo. Dhoonojee, another son, left no descendants. 
 
 Rawul Rutunjee employed, as his minister, Damjee, the son of 
 Ramjee Mehraj; he left one son, Rawul Bhow Singh, the founder of 
 Bhownugger. 
 
 While Bhow Singh was yet a youth, some of his companions ex¬ 
 cited his anger against Wullubhjee, the son of Damjee, by jestingly 
 remarking that the Mehta was the raja in fact. Bhow Singh upon this 
 slew Wullubhjee Mehta with his spear. The minister’s brothers and 
 their partisans prepared to leave Seehore, but Bhow Singh’s mother 
 came to their house in her chariot, and entreated them to remain 
 protesting that she was herself perfectly innocent of the deed, and 
 that her son, as soon as he should be made aware of the truth, would 
 repent what he had done. The Ranee also declared that if they 
 left Seehore, she was determined to accompany them. Wullubhjee’s 
 brothers were thus prevailed upon to remain, and Mehta Runchor, the 
 eldest of them, was appointed minister, and presented with the turban 
 and silver inkstand, as usual. 
 
 In a.d. 1723, Rawul Bhow Singh founded a town near the ancient 
 Wuduwa, to which he gave the name of Bhownugger. It is a pic- 
 
 A A 
 
354 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 turesque sea-port town, situated on the banks of the creek, or Karee, 
 already alluded to under the name of “ the Bhownugger,” or “ the 
 former ” river, and which is navigable for small craft up to the point 
 called Gheluree Bunder, about half-way distant between the port and 
 the town of Wulleh. The residence of the Gohil Rawuls, with its 
 clock-tower and campaniles, one or two large round towers on the 
 walls, a reservoir constructed by Rawul Wujesunghjee in the suburbs, 
 and several temples and funeral monuments of the ruling family, are 
 the objects which first attract notice at Bhownugger. The houses are 
 well built, usually of stone, but sometimes partly of brick, and en¬ 
 riched with woodwork, very elaborately ornamented. 
 
 From a slight elevation near the town, on the land side, a view is 
 obtained of the port of Gogo,—between which and Bhownugger lies 
 a dreary flat and sea-deserted tract,—of the Khokura hills, and those 
 of Paleetana, Seehore, and Chumardee, with the Karee winding 
 towards the gulf. On the banks of the creek, a little below the town, 
 placed upon a gentle eminence studded with shrubs, is the temple of 
 Roowapooree Mata, which derives its origin, as tradition asserts, from 
 the inhumation of the potter’s wife, who turned back to look upon 
 the falling city of Wullubheepoor. The shrine of Roowapooree has 
 no object worthy of notice, but in its immediate vicinity is an oblong 
 stone, derived apparently from the funeral monument of an ascetic, 
 which has long been celebrated as an ordeal stone, under the name 
 of the “ window of truth and falsehood.” 
 
 Still nearer the waters of the creek is a bank bearing the name of 
 “ Doono,” the scene of a legend, which tells that a merchant, refusing 
 to fulfil a vow made by him to Roowapooree Mata, was sunk there, 
 with his ships, laden with oil and madder. The bank emits dis¬ 
 coloured w r ater, which is pointed to in confirmation of this tale of 
 Roowapooree’s vengeance. 
 
 In the creek, opposite the town, a few tall masts are visible, the 
 remnant of the naval power of the Kings of Perumbh; and beneath 
 their keels lies the submerged city of Dhootar Puttun, the out-port 
 perhaps, of Wullubhee Nugger, whose foundations of stone and brick 
 may yet be exhumed when the low state of the tide offers opportunity. 
 
 The description of the capital of the Gohil Rawuls, given by their 
 own bards, must not, however, in this place be omitted : “ In this 
 “ Kulyoog,” say they, “in the year of Vikrum, 1779, in Wyeshak 
 ‘ month, when the moon shone bright, on the 3rd day of the month, 
 “ the pundits were sent for, and the auspicious hour ascertained. 
 “ Beholding the conjunction, the learned men were much rejoiced ; 
 
 Bravo! bravo!’ said they, ‘this city will be like Indra’s.’ The 
 
THE GOHILS. 
 
 355 
 
 „ WOrd ^ su l d from their mouths, and the name of Bhownugger was 
 „ glVe 1 I \ to j he Clt >/ The brahmins prophesied that jewels and pearls 
 “ W°h U m - the C l ty J • that lts en emies would be discomforted. 
 „ ^hat Brahmins predict is sure to be fulfilled ! Believing this the 
 
 „ * aWU * Pj ac " d , hls throne i g ar dens he caused to be laid out; man- 
 « S10ns he built ^ reached into the sky; a fort whose battlements 
 “ JT ere fl overto .PPf d by the Palaces. Over the towers, kite-like, fluttered 
 „ ?! flagS; “ the narrowest streets polished lime was spread upon 
 <£ the walls; the women that out of each lane went forth to fill water 
 
 « oianTd^ 6 Pfi rdS °[ lh i e t lephants of Ce y lon - With many different 
 (( P ans ’ tbe artificers built houses of many stories; the cornices pro- 
 
 „ jec ed on either side; flower trees peeped through the lattices and 
 „ embrasures; elephants, with their collars of bells, created a jingling 
 “ h°ir e ’/° 0tm t n followed them , and horsemen bearing lances; larg e g 
 u b r !l ed mer chants wandered about with their dress loose; in lines 
 {< ° f tbousa nds, on both sides, were the shops; from shop to shop 
 “ P, urcba ® ers wltbou t number; the merchants trafficking, destroyed 
 
 “ S e h tra f e °h 0t ? er Cltl f S ' In n ° 0ther pIace were such lakh-lords 
 « Hlsni 6 f ° u ? d ;/ rom P lace to Place were the houses of those who 
 “ SS he crore - b “ ner - . Th e beauty of the Rawul’s mansion 
 <£ was such as none could estimate; it was covered with creepers 
 „ bearing gold-coloured flowers; the windows were studded with 
 cos ly stones ; it was adorned with many kinds of sculpture; instru¬ 
 ments of music sounded there; every one exclaimed, ‘Bravo! 
 
 “ P nnce dom ! ’ The lamps were lighted, the courtiers 
 
 ££ sembled, the great drums rolled, the dancers danced, the pugilists 
 „ J ontea ded, every spectator was full of delight, foreign fruits were 
 ‘‘tW l! n f P i ent o y ’^ e Upsuras danced with loosened vestments, 
 a “ k ° f G ? h t l raCe Sh ° ne Hke the sun > P° ets chaunted songs 
 „ e h ! m ’ the whole eight watches of the day passed in delight. 
 
 « TV S 1 ands of Jflmuvee may be numbered, or the drops of rain; 
 
 “ O 1 tdStf , Cmbh!-’ de,Cribe h0W S reatwas ^ lordUness, 
 
BOOK III. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 FROM THE FIRST APPEARANCE OF THE MAHRATTAS IN GOOZERAT 
 TO THE CAPTURE OF AHMEDABAD . 1 
 
 Early in the eighteenth century, Khundee Row Dhabaree, the 
 Senaputee of the Mahratta empire, began to pour his predatory horse 
 into Goozerat, and exact tribute from that province. At first he 
 hung about the neighbourhood of the city of Shah Ahmed; but after¬ 
 wards, retiring for a time therefrom, he effected a more permanent 
 establishment in the strong country about Nandode and Raj peepla,from 
 whence he commanded the principal routes for traffic between Gooze¬ 
 rat and the Dekkan. At the battle of Balapoor, fought in a.d. 1730, 
 the troops of Dhabaree distinguished themselves by their bravery, 
 and on that field a chieftain first obtained renown, whose name was 
 destined to exercise no unimportant influence on the affairs of Gooze¬ 
 rat. Damajee Guikowar was now appointed to command under the 
 Senaputee, and was ennobled by the title of Shumsher Buhadur. 
 
 Both Khundee Row and his newly-appointed lieutenant died soon 
 after they had attained this success. Trimbuk Row Dhabaree was 
 then honoured with the dress of Senaputee, in succession to his father, 
 and Peelajee, the son of Junkojee Guikowar, obtained the command 
 which had been held by his uncle, Damajee. A few years afterwards, 
 Oodajee Powar, another active partisan leader, brought his Mahratta 
 horse into Goozerat and Malwa, plundering the former province as 
 far as Loonawara, and laying the foundations, in the latter, of a power 
 imitating the name and possessing the royal seat of the dynasty of 
 Bhoj. Shoojat Khan was at this time appointed the deputy in Gooze¬ 
 rat of Sur Boolund Khan, the imperial viceroy, and he was opposed 
 by Hamed Khan, on the part of his nephew, Nizam-ool-Moolk, who 
 had lately been deposed from the government of the province. Hamed 
 Khan, by a promise of “ the chouth ,” succeeded in procuring the assist¬ 
 ance of the Mahratta leader, Kuntajee Kuddum Bhanday, and these 
 two officers, joining their forces, attacked, defeated, and slew Shoojat 
 
 1 The information contained in this, and the next following chapter, is almost 
 entirely taken from Grant Duff’s History of the Mahrattas and Forbes’s Oriental 
 Memoirs. 
 
THE MAHRATTAS. 
 
 359 
 
 Khan, within a few miles of the capital of Goozerat. When this 
 event occurred, Roostum Ulee, the brother of Shoojat Khan, held 
 the office of military governor of Surat, and had just gained advantages 
 over Peelajee Guikowar, in the neighbourhood of that city. 
 
 Hearing of his brother’s defeat and death, Roostum Ulee made a 
 truce with his Mahratta opponent, and invited him to join in an attack 
 upon Hamed Khan. The wily Mahratta accepted his overtures, 
 though already engaged by the emissaries of his adversary, and 
 accompanied him towards Ahmedabad until he could ascertain pre¬ 
 cisely which side it would be most advantageous for him to join. 
 The confederates crossed the Myhee at Fuzilpoor, and advanced to 
 Aras. Hamed Khan here attacked them, but was driven back by the 
 fire of Roostum Ulee’s artillery. By this time, however, Peelajee 
 Guikowar had chosen his side j he therefore recommended Roostum 
 Ulee to charge the fugitives, leaving the guns to his care. The gallant 
 Mohummedan had no sooner followed this fatal advice than his guns 
 were overturned, and his troops attacked in the rear by his treacherous 
 ally. . Roostum Ulee defended himself for some time with bravery, 
 but his reduced numbers showed him the impossibility of escape, and 
 dreading the ignominious treatment to which he knew he should be 
 exposed as a prisoner, he stabbed himself to the heart. ' 
 
 Peelajee’s treachery was rewarded by an equal share of the chouth 
 with Kuntajee; and both, in conjunction, proceeded to levy their 
 assignments; but the division of the money led to perpetual disputes. 
 For some time these differences only produced heavier impositions 
 on the towns and villages. When, however, the Mahratta leaders 
 approached Cambay, and began, as usual, to burn the suburbs for the 
 purpose of intimidation, the inhabitants, aware of their dissensions, 
 and affecting to consider Kuntajee the superior, sent a messenger to 
 Peelajee hinting this circumstance, and offering him a sum of money 
 to retire. Peelajee, exasperated by the insult, confined the messenger ; 
 Kuntajee insisted on his being released, and both flew to arms to 
 assert their prerogative. After a severe conflict, within sight of the 
 walls, Peelajee was discomfited, and retired to Matur, near Kaira. 
 The contribution from Cambay was levied by the victor. The sum 
 of five thousand rupees having been demanded from the English 
 factory, the agents pleaded exemption, in consequence of privilege of 
 trade from the “ Shao Raja,” but at this “ the armed villains,” as 
 Mr. Innes, the chief of the factory, in bitterness of heart, terms them, 
 “ only laughed.” 
 
 Hamed Khan, foreseeing the desertion of one or other of his allies, 
 made them sign an agreement, by which the chouth east of the 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 360 
 
 Myhee was assigned to Peelajee, and that to the west to Kuntajee. 
 The Mahrattas still preserved their original custom of retiring to 
 quarters during the rainy season, and soon after the battle at Cambay, 
 Peelajee retired to Songurh, near Surat, and Kuntajee to a district 
 which he held in Candeish. 
 
 Sur Boolund Khan, an excellent and popular officer, who had been 
 unjustly removed from Cabul, was at this season of difficulty courted 
 by the emperor, and earnestly solicited to repair to his government 
 in Goozerat, for the purpose of suppressing the formidable insurrection 
 of Hamed Khan. A large army was soon assembled under his com¬ 
 mand, and he proceeded on his route to Ahmedabad in a.d. 1725. 
 Hamed Khan, despairing of being joined by the Mahrattas, left 
 Ahmedabad defended by a weak garrison, and retired before the 
 advanced division of the army of Sur Boolund. 1 he Mahrattas had, 
 however, crossed the Myhee, and as they joined him at Mahmooda- 
 bad, he retraced his steps to the capital. A party in the city, favor¬ 
 able to the new governor, having overpowered his garrison, and forced 
 them out, Hamed Khan encamped at the Shahee Bagh on the same 
 day that the advanced guard of Sur Boolund Khan arrived at Udalej. 
 The rebel leader obtained a victory over this force, which had been 
 pushed too far in advance, but his advantage was dearly purchased, 
 and the Mahrattas could not be brought to risk another battle. 
 Hamed Khan became therefore a mere plunderer like themselves, 
 and though military officers were appointed to the command of each 
 district, and arrangements made with more than ordinary vigour by 
 the new governor, Kuntajee and Peelajee continued to plunder during 
 the remainder of the season, until at the approach of the rains they 
 took their annual flight. “ A deceitful calm,” says the historian of 
 Muharashtra, “ succeededthe fall of the rain brought back the 
 “ cheering green ; and the beautiful province of Goozerat, which, for 
 “ hundred of miles, may vie with the finest parks of the nobles of 
 “ England, was clothed, in all its natural beauties, by rapid verdure 
 “ and luxuriant vegetation. Tranquillity seemed to reign, where, a 
 “ short time before, nothing was to be seen but perpetual skirmishing, 
 “ murder and robbery in open day, caravans pillaged even when 
 “ strongly escorted, and villages burning or deserted.” 
 
 Sur Boolund Khan exerted himself to check the incursions of the 
 Mahrattas, and he repeatedly applied to Court for a supply of money, 
 the exhausted state of the country under his care rendering it impos¬ 
 sible to raise at first any revenue of consequence. His demands, 
 however, being entirely neglected, he next endeavoured to conciliate 
 Peelajee andKuntajee by grants of chouth, but this attempt also failed, 
 
THE MAHRATTAS. 
 
 361 
 
 the Mahratta leaders collecting all the revenue, but affording no 
 protection to the country. At length Chimnajee Appa, the brother 
 of the Peshwah Bajee Row, arriving with a large army, plundered 
 Dholka, and exacted a heavy contribution from Pitlad. He promised, 
 however, on the part of his brother, that if concessions were made to 
 him, the country should be effectually secured from the depredations 
 of all other freebooters. Sur Boolund Khan at length agreed to the 
 Peshwah’s proposals, after stipulating that two thousand five hundred 
 Mahratta horse should constantly be kept up, and that every assist¬ 
 ance should be afforded in maintaining the imperial authority. Bajee 
 Row further agreed, on the part of Raja Sahoo, to prevent Mahratta 
 subjects from taking part with or in any way supporting disaffected 
 zumeendars and other disturbers of the public peace, a clause appa¬ 
 rently particularly aimed at Peelajee Guikowar, who had leagued him¬ 
 self with the Bheels and Koolees of the country, and was on that 
 account considered particularly formidable by the Mohummedans. 
 
 No sooner had the Peshwah obtained these terms from Sur Boolund 
 Khan than Trimbuk Row Dhabaree commenced to negotiate with 
 the other Mahratta leaders, and to assemble troops in Goozerat. At 
 length, finding himself at the head of thirty-five thousand men, and 
 having secured the support of Nizam-ool-Moolk, he arranged his 
 plans for an invasion of the Dekkan. He was supported by Peelajee 
 Guikowar, by Kuntajee and Rughoojee Kuddum Bhanday, by Ooda- 
 jee and Anund Row Powar, and by many other officers, and he 
 proclaimed that he was proceeding to the Dekkan, to protect from 
 the Peshwah's ambition the authority of Sahoo Raja. Bajee Row 
 determined to anticipate his opponents. His army was far inferior in 
 numerical strength, but was composed of the old Pagah horse, and 
 some of the best of the famed Mahratta Mankurees. He advanced 
 therefore rapidly towards Goozerat, and had soon crossed the Ner- 
 budda. Here his vanguard came into collision with a party of the 
 enemy under the command of Damajee, the son of Peelajee Guikowar, 
 and was completely defeated. This check, however, did not dis¬ 
 courage Bajee Row. He continued his advance, and at last met his 
 enemy at a place between the cities of Dubhoee and Baroda, both 
 then held by Peelajee Guikowar, where he gained the decisive victory 
 which gave him all but nominal control of the Mahratta sovereignty. 
 
 This important battle was fought upon the first of April, a.d. 1731. 
 Bajee Row, when about to engage his countrymen, determined, 
 contrary to his usual plan, to close with them immediately. The new 
 levies of the Senaputee did not await the shock, but fled at the first 
 charge. Kuntajee Kuddum Bhanday joined them in their flight, and 
 
362 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 soon the veterans of Khundee Row Dhabaree were alone left to pro¬ 
 tect his son. Bajee Row fought on horseback, and exerted himself 
 with all the energy so great an occasion required. His opponent 
 was mounted on an elephant, and, beholding the flight of his troops, 
 commanded the animal’s legs to be chained. The field was disputed 
 with obstinacy, and the issue was still doubtful, when Trimbuk Row, 
 as he drew his bow-string to his ear, was slain by a random matchlock 
 ball. 
 
 The victory gained, Bajee Row, at the suggestion of Sur Boolund 
 Khan, prepared to reduce Baroda,—the possessor of which, Peelajee 
 Guikowar, had escaped wounded from the field. An accommodation 
 was, however, come to in the month of August, and the Peshwah, at 
 the close of the rainy season, returned to Satara. 
 
 The victory over Dhabaree, like the issue of every civil war, left 
 impressions on the minds of many which were not easily effaced. 
 The Peshwah, however, adopted every means of conciliation in his 
 power. Among other measures, Yeshwunt Row, the young son of the 
 deceased, was raised to the rank of Senaputee, under the guardianship 
 of his mother; and Peelajee Guikowar, their former lieutenant, was 
 confirmed in that situation, assuming the title of Sena-Khas-Kheyl, 
 in addition to his hereditary one of Shumsher Buhadur. In order to 
 prevent disputes, an agreement was drawn up under the authority of 
 Sahoo Raja, and subscribed by the Peshwah and the Senaputee, which 
 stipulated that neither party should enter the possessions of the other 
 in Goozerat and Malwa. Within the limits of the former province, 4 
 the Senaputee was to have the entire management; but he bound 
 himself to pay one-half of the revenue to the Satara government, 
 through the Peshwah. 
 
 Although no attempt had been made to assist Sur Boolund Khan, 
 or to avert the calamity and disgrace which that officer foretold must 
 be the consequence of neglecting his applications for assistance, the 
 concessions made in Goozerat were highly disapproved of by the 
 imperial Court, and the Khan was superseded by Ubhye Singh 
 Rathor, Raja of Marwar, who proceeded with an army to take pos¬ 
 session of his new government. Sur Boolund Khan opposed him for 
 some time, but at last retired to Delhi, where he was extremely ill- 
 used, and unworthily disgraced. 
 
 The district of Broach was at this time held by an officer named 
 Abdoolah Beg, as military governor under Sur Boolund Khan. It 
 had formerly been assigned to Nizam-ool-Moolk, as one of the dis¬ 
 tricts of his personal estate, and Abdoolah Beg now placed himself 
 under the authority of the Nizam, from whom he received the title of 
 
THE MAHRATTAS. 363 
 
 Nek Alum Khan, and neither acknowledged Ubhye Singh nor ad¬ 
 mitted the pretensions of the Mahrattas. 
 
 In a.d, 173 2, Ubhye Singh’s officer recovered the fort of Baroda. The 
 cause of Peelajee Guikowar was, however, popular. He took the field, 
 gained several victories, and occupied many of the principal fortified 
 places. The Rathor chief at last determined upon despatching him, 
 and, on pretence of arranging a final agreement, sent emissaries to him 
 with that intention. These persons met Peelajee at Dakor, a village 
 in the district of Tasra, celebrated for its shrine of Shree Runchor. 
 They had frequent interviews with him, to disarm suspicion. At 
 length, having sat one evening at dusk, they took leave, and quitted 
 the Guikowar’s tent. One of the number, on pretence of having 
 omitted some communication of importance, returned, and, affecting 
 to whisper in Peelajee’s ear, stabbed him to the heart with a dagger. 
 
 The assassination of Peelajee Guikowar failed, however, to secure 
 the advantages expected by Ubhye Singh. The Koolees and Bheels, 
 instigated by the Desaee of Padura, near Baroda, who had lived in 
 friendship with Peelajee, rose all over the country; Mahadajee 
 Guikowar, the brother of Peelajee, advanced from Jumbooseer, and 
 re-took Baroda, which has ever since remained in the hands of the 
 Guikowar family; and Damajee, the eldest son of the murdered 
 chief, advanced with a large force from Songurh, occupied many of 
 the principal districts in the east of Goozerat, and pushing his incur¬ 
 sions as far as Jodhpoor, compelled Ubhye Singh to resign Ahmeda- 
 bad to a deputy, that he might return homewards for the protection 
 I of his hereditary dominions. 
 
 Damajee Guikowar now established himself in Goozerat, and two 
 years afterwards compelled his father’s rival, Kuntajee Kuddum 
 Bhanday, to quit the province. Kuntajee, however, the next year, 
 a.d. 1735, persuaded Holkar to join him in an inroad upon Goo¬ 
 zerat ; they appeared unexpectedly ; plundered several towns to the 
 north of Ahmedabad, levied contributions at Eedur and Pahlunpoor, 
 and as far as the Bunas; and departed as suddenly as they had 
 come. Ubye Singh was shortly afterwards formally removed from 
 the government of Goozerat, but his deputy, Bhundaree Rutun-shee, 
 refused to evacuate the city of Ahmedabad, and Nujeeb-ood- 
 Dowlah Momin Khan, the newly-appointed governor, was compelled 
 to solicit the aid of Damajee Guikowar in order to expel him. The 
 Guikowar and Momin Khan exchanged turbans, and the Mahratta 
 chief sent a force under an agent, named Rungajee, with his new 
 ally to expel Rutun-shee; the confederates were repulsed in an 
 assault upon the city, but Rutun-shee at last surrendered. Rungajee 
 
3 6 4 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 and Momin Khan obtained possession of Ahmedabad about the 20th 
 of May, 1737, and an equal share of authority and revenue was 
 assigned to the Moguls and Mahrattas, an arrangement which, as 
 might have been expected, occasioned constant disputes. In the 
 same year, the emperor having at last prevailed on Nizam-ool-Moolk 
 to repair to court, the governments of Malwa and Goozerat were 
 once more restored to that chieftain in the name of his eldest son, 
 Ghazee-ood-deen,—the conditions being that he should drive the 
 Mahrattas from those provinces. These conditions, however, he was 
 unable to fulfil, and after a contest with his able opponent the 
 Peshwah Bajee Row, Nizam-ool-Moolk was compelled to sign a con¬ 
 vention by which he promised to procure the emperor’s confirmation 
 to the grant to Bajee Row of the whole province of Malwa, and the 
 complete sovereignty of the territory between the Chumbul and the 
 Nerbudda. 
 
 Damajee Guikowar henceforth possessed very considerable re¬ 
 sources. He wielded, as agent of the widow of Trimbuk Row, the 
 whole power of the party of Dhabaree, for Yeshwunt Row even, when 
 his age entitled him to claim that position, was altogether incompe¬ 
 tent to act as its leader. Damajee continued to levy all the usual 
 Mahratta dues in Goozerat, and an annual tribute from Kateewar, 
 until the death of Momin Khan, in February, 1743. Ubdool Uzeez 
 Khan, the new governor, appointed by an imperial edict, was then at 
 Aurungabad, in the Dekkan ; he raised immediately a few thousand 
 men, and, marching to assume the charge of his new government, 4 
 passed Surat, and arrived at Unkulesur, near Broach. At this place, 
 however, he was suddenly attacked by the partisans of Damajee, and 
 his party totally destroyed. Fukheer-ood-Dowlah was next sent from 
 Delhi to take charge of Ahmedabad (a.d. 1744), but a detachment 
 of Damajee’s troops, under Rungajee, opposed him, and prevented 
 his obtaining possession. Damajee was at this time absent at Satara, 
 and his brother, Khundee Row, taking advantage of the opportunity, 
 made several important changes, removing Rungajee, and appointing 
 an agent of his own at Ahmedabad. He also gave some support to 
 Fukheer-ood-Dowlah, but Damajee, speedily returning, dissolved 
 their connection before it had proved injurious to the Mahratta 
 cause, by giving up to Khundee Row the fort of Borsud and the 
 valuable district of Nerriad, and appointing him his deputy at 
 Baroda. By this judicious management Damajee preserved an 
 ascendancy over the numerous members of his own family, and thus 
 surmounted the most important obstacle to the maintenance of his 
 power. He refused to acknowledge Fukheer-ood-Dowlah, and 
 
THE MAHRATTAS. 365 
 
 supported, in preference the brother and son of his old ally, Momin 
 Khan. 
 
 In a.d. 1751, Damajee Guikowar, on the invitation of Tara-Baee, 
 the widow of Raja Ram, the son of Seervajee, marched to Satara to 
 rescue the raja and the Mahratta state from the power of the Brah¬ 
 mins. As soon as accounts were received of the Guikowar’s 
 approach, Tara Baee, who had before unsuccessfully urged the raja 
 to assume the control usurped by his servant, Balajee Bajee Row, 
 now invited him into the fort of Satara, where she made him a 
 prisoner. Damajee Guikowar was at first successful in defeating 
 the Peshwah’s officers, and in joining Tara Baee, but he was 
 immediately afterwards compelled to retire before them, and to open 
 a negociation with Balajee. The Peshwah finding Damajee in his 
 power, now demanded the payment of all the arrears due from 
 Goozerat, and the cession of a large portion of territory. Dama¬ 
 jee represented that he was but the lieutenant of Dhabaree, and 
 that he had no authority for complying with these demands. On 
 this reply the Peshwah seized some of the family of the Guikowar 
 and of Dhabaree, and imprisoned them in a hill fort; he afterwards 
 treacherously attacked and plundered the Guikowar’s camp, and 
 seizing Damajee himself, placed him in confinement in the city of 
 Poonah. Before he would listen to any overtures for the release of 
 his prisoner, the Peshwah bound him down by the strongest securities; 
 he fixed a sum of fifteen lakhs of rupees as an acquittance for the 
 amount then due; he also exacted a bond for an equal partition both 
 of the districts then held by the Guikowar family in Goozerat, and 
 of all future conquests. Damajee agreed to give up half the territory, 
 and, after deducting his expenses, to render a fair account of half the 
 surplus in situations where tribute, shares of revenue, contributions, 
 or prize property were realized. He also engaged to maintain ten 
 thousand horse, and to assist the Peshwah when necessary ; to pay, 
 as the lieutenant of Dhabaree, an annual tribute of five lakhs and 
 twenty thousand rupees for his share of the Goozerat province; to 
 contribute annually a certain sum for the support of the raja’s esta¬ 
 blishment ; to aid the Peshwah in establishing garrisons in the dis¬ 
 tricts ceded by this agreement; and finally, to join in enforcing their 
 mutual claims to tribute over the whole peninsula of Soorashtra. 
 Rughoonath Row, or Raghoba, the younger brother of the Peshwah, 
 now made an expedition into Goozerat with the view of completing 
 the general arrangements comprehended in the settlements with 
 Damajee Guikowar, and that chieftain, having been released, joined 
 him with his army soon after he entered the province. They pro- 
 
366 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 ceeded together levying tribute and reducing the country, and their 
 progress was not interrupted until they arrived under the walls of 
 Ahmedabad. 
 
 The capital of Goozerat was then in the hands of Juwan Murd 
 Khan Babee, an officer originally appointed to the charge of 
 the Mogul quarter by the brother of the deceased, Momin Khan, but 
 who, during the confinement of Damajee, had usurped the whole 
 power of the city, permitting, however, the realization of the Guiko- 
 war’s dues. Juwan Murd Khan was absent at Pahlunpoor when the 
 confederated Mahratta chiefs appeared before Ahmedabad. He re¬ 
 turned in time to save the city from being carried by escalade; and 
 his presence communicating a new spirit to the garrison, the defence 
 was maintained with great resolution. The conduct of Juwan Murd 
 Khan Babee procured him an honorable capitulation, and the dis¬ 
 tricts of Puttun, Wurnugger, Rhadunpoor, Beejapoor, and others, 
 were conferred upon him on condition of his giving up the city. In 
 April, 1755, Ahmedabad was finally taken possession of by the Mah- 
 rattas. The revenue was to be equally divided between the Peshwah 
 and Guikowar, but the whole garrison was furnished by the Peshwah, 
 excepting that of the citadel, now called the Guikowar’s Huwelee, 
 which was occupied by the troops of Damajee. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE BRITISH FIRST APPEAR IN GOOZERAT. 
 
 From the time of Mr. Bourchier’s succession to the government of 
 Bombay, which took place on the 17th November, 1750, a more 
 intimate intercourse commenced between the Mahrattas and the 
 English. The latter were long urgent with the Peshwah to assist 
 them in restoring order in Surat, the affairs of which had during the 
 weakness of the imperial government fallen into a state of confusion, 
 and in establishing their privileges and trade in that city on a secure 
 footing. The Peshwah, however, failed to afford them the support 
 they required; and when they attempted to effect their object inde¬ 
 pendently of his assistance, he defeated their schemes by making a 
 feint of attacking the island of Bombay. Surat Castle was notwith¬ 
 standing taken possession of by the English, though with a considerable 
 
FIRST BRITISH PERIOD. 
 
 367 
 
 loss of both officers and men, on the 4th of March, a.d. 1759. It 
 was not long before they were led to take a further step towards a 
 territorial establishment in Goozerat. In a.d. 1771, they prepared to 
 ; enforce against the Nowaub of Broach certain claims which they pro¬ 
 fessed in right of sovereignty in Surat. A collision was, however, for 
 ; a time avoided, and a treaty concluded with the Nowaub, which, as 
 insufficiently favorable to the interests of the latter chief, was soon 
 disregarded by him. The expedition which had been formerly pro¬ 
 jected was now carried into effect, and Broach, with the loss of the 
 gallant and accomplished general, David Wedderburn, was taken by 
 storm on the 18th November, 1772. 
 
 Meanwhile, the great Guikowar chief, Damajee Row, had died, 
 leaving behind him four sons. Syajee Row, the eldest of these, was 
 the son of the second wife of Damajee, and his title to the succession 
 was therefore disputed by his brother, Gowind Row, who, though 
 junior in age, derived his birth from the first-espoused wife of his 
 father. The remaining sons, Manukjee and Futteh Singh, brothers 
 of whole blood, were the children of a younger mother. The pre¬ 
 tensions of Gowind Row had been at first admitted by the Peshwah 
 Mahdoo Row ; but, being afterwards disallowed in his court of law, 
 were finally rejected by him in favor of those of Syajee, who was in¬ 
 vested accordingly with the titles of Sena-Khas-Kheyl, Shumsher 
 Buhadur. Syajee Row was, however, an idiot, and his brother, 
 Futteh Singh, was therefore appointed by the Peshwah to act as his 
 deputy. After the death of Mahdoo Row, and the murder of Nara- 
 yun Row, his brother, their uncle, Raghoba, the younger son of 
 Bajee Row, succeeding for a time to the office of Peshwah, invested 
 Gowind Row as successor to the Guikowar possessions in supercession 
 of the former installation of Syajee. Gowind Row immediately set 
 off for Goozerat, with the view of wresting the government from 
 Futteh Singh, and a state of constant warfare commenced between 
 the partisans of the rival brothers. 
 
 The continuance in power of Raghoba was but brief. The 
 ministers of the Poonah state, supported by the great military chiefs, 
 Holkar and Smdia, opposed themselves to him, and in January, 1775’ 
 he arrived, almost a fugitive, at Baroda, in Goozerat, where his par- 
 tizan, Gowind Row Guikowar, was then engaged in besieging his 
 brother. The deposed Peshwah had also a further object in retiring 
 to Goozerat. He sought to renew a negociation which he had for 
 some time had on foot, for obtaining the assistance of the Bombay 
 government. A treaty was finally concluded between these parties 
 on the 6th March, and the English became pledged to the support of 
 
3 68 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Raghoba with a military force. A detachment sailed accordingly ; 
 from Bombay, in expectation of forming a speedy junction with 
 Raghoba’s army in Goozerat. On their arrival at Surat, however, ; 
 the English found that their ally had already experienced a serious , 
 reverse. He had been compelled by a confederated ministerial army 
 to raise the siege of Baroda, and to engage them on the plains of 
 Aras, near the river Myhee, where he was totally defeated. The' 
 British detachment, which was under the command of Colonel 
 Keating, proceeded nevertheless to Cambay, accompanied by the ex- 
 Peshwah, and landed at that place on the 17th March. It was more' 
 than a month before they effected a junction, at the village of 
 Durrnuj, eleven miles north of Cambay, with the fugitive army of 
 Raghoba, and it was not until the 3rd May that the united force 
 reached the town of Matur. The direction of their route was now 
 changed. They left Matur on the 5th, with the intention of moving 
 on towards Poonah, and on the 8th reached Nerriad, where they re¬ 
 mained a week, exacting a contribution from the town. The army, 
 after quitting Nerriad, continued its march towards the Myhee, and 
 on the 18th, at Aras, near that river, the fatal scene ofRoostum Ulee’s 
 defeat and death, and of Raghoba’s former discomfiture, an engage¬ 
 ment was fought, in which the enemy was defeated, not, however, 
 without severe loss to the British detachment. Colonel Keating 
 arrived at Broach on the 29th, and having deposited his wounded in 
 that town, made an attempt upon the enemy, who were encamped 
 near the Nerbudda. They became aware of his approach through^ 
 the irregular movements of his Mahratta auxiliaries, and throwing 
 their guns into the river, retreated along the northern bank. It was 
 now finally resolved to remain in Goozerat during the rainy months, 
 and to proceed to Poonah at the commencement of the fair season. 
 The fortress of Dubhoee was the place destined for the winter 
 quarters of the British detachment, and on the 8th June Colonel 
 Keating accordingly marched thitherwards from Broach, along the 
 banks of the Nerbudda. After an attempt to surprise the enemy, at 
 the ford of Bhawa Peer, the British troops at length quitting the 
 river, turned towards Dubhoee. The monsoon, however, commenced 
 with unusual violence, and though they had no other enemy to 
 encounter, and no more than twenty miles to march to their destina¬ 
 tion, it was upwards of a fortnight before the officers and privates of 
 the English detachment found themselves sheltered within the time- 
 hallowed walls which had been erected by the Kings of Unhilpoor. 
 
 Such was the termination of the first British campaign in Goo¬ 
 zerat. If not wholly unsuccessful in its progress, it was certainly 
 
FIRST BRITISH PERIOD. 
 
 3^9 
 
 barren of immediate results. The supreme government, seated with 
 new authority in Bengal, disapproved in no measured terms of the 
 alliance with the ex-Peshwah. A cessation of hostilities was the 
 consequence, and as soon as the state of the roads allowed, the 
 detachment under Colonel Keating, accompanied by Raghoba, re¬ 
 turned towards Surat. 
 
 A few years afterwards the English, on this occasion as principals, 
 were again at war with the Poonah government, of which the master¬ 
 spirit was the celebrated Nana Furnuvees. On the 1st of January, 
 a.d. 1780, General Goddard, in command of an English army, 
 crossed the river Taptee, from Surat, and moved slowly northwards. 
 His battering-train and stores having at last reached him, he marched 
 to attack Dubhoee, then held in the name of the Peshwah, while the 
 civil officers of the British government, raising irregular troops, ex¬ 
 pelled the partisans of Nana Furnuvees from the districts of Surat 
 and Broach. On the 18th of January the army of General Goddard 
 arrived before Dubhoee, and two days afterwards, a battery being 
 in readiness to open upon the place, it was evacuated during the 
 night by its Mahratta garrison. Futteh Singh, the acknowledged 
 head of the Guikowar state, with whom negotiations had been 
 already commenced, signed, a few days afterwards, a treaty of 
 offensive and defensive alliance, in virtue of which he was hence¬ 
 forth to possess the Peshwah’s territory north of the Myhee, 
 ceding at the same time to the British government his own 
 lands in the districts of Surat and Broach. General Goddard 
 accordingly pursued his march to the north, and on the 10th of 
 February displayed, for the first time, the British colours before 
 the Moslem capital of Goozerat. The Mahratta governor declining 
 to surrender, a battery was opened on the 12th, and a breach was 
 on the following evening declared practicable. From motives of 
 humanity, and the fear of excesses in the city, the assault was during 
 next day delayed, in hopes that the garrison might be induced to 
 surrender. The endeavour was, however, unavailing, and on the 
 : morning of the 15th a forlorn hope, followed by the grenadiers of the 
 Bombay division, rushed up the breach, which the garrison, after a 
 determined stand, and when three hundred of their number had 
 fallen, at length relinquished. The capital of Goozerat was scarcely 
 reduced, when Goddard heard of the approach of Sindia and 
 Holkar, who crossed the Nerbudda on the 29th with large bodies of 
 horse, and advanced into the neighbourhood of Baroda. On the 
 British general’s marching against them they retired, however, towards 
 Powangurh. 
 
 B B 
 
37° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Dubhoee, which had been entrusted to the care of Mr. James 
 Forbes, of the Civil Service, since known as the author of the 
 “ Oriental Memoirs,” was meanwhile surrounded by the Mahratta 
 horse, who encamped within sight of the walls, though not within 
 reach of the cannon of the town. The garrison consisted only of 
 three companies of sepoys, commanded by three European officers, a 
 few European artillerymen and lascars, with five beruks or battalions 
 of Arab and Sindhian irregular infantry. Two English gentlemen, a 
 civil and a military officer, then hostages in the Mahratta camp, con- 5 
 trived to send a secret message to their countrymen within the town, | 
 counselling surrender, and pointing out that all resistance would be 
 vain. Within Dubhoee, however, a different spirit prevailed, and 
 though various articles of capitulation, culled from the Annual 
 Registers and Encyclopaedia, which were the principal treasures of 
 James Forbes’s scanty library, were looked over, that, in case of 
 necessity, honorable terms might at least have been made, the 
 treatises on fortification, gunnery, and similar subjects were more 
 carefully studied, and preparations were made for strengthening the 
 ramparts, repairing the towns at the Diamond-gate, and rendering 
 the old Mahratta guns of service. The approach of General Goddard 
 with his army from Ahmedabad, however, deprived the defenders of 
 Dubhoee of an opportunity of testing the value of their preparations, 
 and the Mahratta army broke up its encampment and retired. 
 
 The war continued with various fortune through a series of events, 
 only indirectly affecting the interests of Goozerat, until the 17th of^ 
 May, 1782, on which day a treaty was concluded at Salbhye, under 
 the mediation of Muhadajee Sindia, between the British and the 
 chiefs of the Mahratta nation. By this treaty, which was hot finally 
 ratified until the 24th of February, 1783, the position of the parties 
 in Goozerat was to revert to that which had existed previous to the 
 war of 1775 ; the territories of the Baroda state were secured from 
 dismemberment, and no claim of tribute was to be preferred by the 
 Peshwah against Futteh Singh for the period during which hostilities 
 had continued. The valuable district of Broach was at the same 
 time bestowed on Muhadajee Sindia, “in testimony,” as was stated 
 at the time by the Governor-General in Council, “ of the sense which 
 “ they entertained of the generous conduct manifested by the said 
 “ Muhadajee Sindia to the government of Bombay, at Wargaum, in 
 “January, 1779, ahd of his humane treatment and release of the 
 “ English gentlemen who had been delivered as hostages on that 
 “ occasion.” Among the pergunnahs of Goozerat thus restored to 
 the Mahrattas were those of Dubhoee and Zinore, and the other; 
 
FIRST BRITISH PERIOD. 
 
 371 
 
 districts under the jurisdiction of Mr. Forbes, who was now directed 
 to surrender them to such officer as might be deputed by the Mahratta 
 state to receive them. At the same time the chief and council of 
 Broach were ordered to deliver up that important citv and its valuable 
 pergunnah to Bhasker Row, the agent of Muhadajee Sindia. The 
 description which the author of the “ Oriental Memoirs ” has left us 
 of the surrender of Dubhoee and Broach, contains so many charac¬ 
 teristic and interesting features that we shall doubtless be excused if 
 we present it in his own words “ When,” says Mr. Forbes, “ it was 
 publicly known that Dubhoee and its dependent pergunnahs were 
 (( ^ U P to the Mahratta government, and the day approached 
 
 “ which was fixed for my departure, a deputation from the Brahmins 
 “ and principal inhabitants visited me at the durbar, and sincerely 
 “ condoled with me on the change of affairs. They offered presents, 
 “ and were so hurt at my refusing anything tendered for my accept- 
 nnce, that I was at length induced to mention a gift which I could 
 “ rec eive without conscientious scruples, if they could bestow it, 
 “ which from delicacy alone I had not before asked. Expressing 
 “ some surprise, and at the same time manifesting the greatest desire 
 (( ^ oblige me, I told them, that as Dubhoee contained many re- 
 (( ma i n s of Hindoo antiquity, in broken columns, mutilated images, 
 u an d remnants of basso-relievo scattered among dilapidated build- 
 it m S s in the city, I requested they would allow me to select a few of 
 “ the smallest specimens from the exterior fragments, which I would 
 “ bring with me to Europe, and erect a temple for their reception in 
 (( m 7 own garden. I heir astonishment increased at this communica- 
 (( tion, and was followed by a solemn silence. They expressed no 
 “ apprehension of my ridiculing their religion, but seemed anxious to 
 ‘ t know why a Christian wished to possess Hindoo idols. I found a 
 “ little difficulty in convincing them of the general curiosity of Euro- 
 (( pcans, the gratification it would be to show them those specimens 
 (( oriental sculpture, and the delightful association of my own ideas, 
 
 ‘‘ when I should behold in my own country the precious relics 
 transported from a distant spot endeared by a thousand tender 
 recollections. 
 
 “ Their tears flowed when they requested to retire for a few hours, 
 
 “ dur ing which they would assemble the recluse religious Brahmins’ 
 a aad m a conclave consider the first request of the kind which 
 they had ever heard of. 1 hey returned the next morning with 
 “ countenances indicating mingled sensations of regret at my ap- 
 “ proaching departure, and of delight at having it in their power to 
 “ grant my request, to which they acceded in the most liberal 
 “ manner, desiring I would send my own people to select such 
 
372 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 “ specimens as I thought proper, and place them in a temple to 
 “ friendship in my own country. I did so ; and deputed some 
 “ Hindoo workmen to collect such small images as I pointed out.in ; 
 “ the dilapidated walls of forsaken dewuls, and from the exterior | 
 “ ornaments at the Gate of Diamonds, which, in eight groups, now 1 
 “ adorn an octagon building at Stanmore-hill, erected for that 1 
 *“ purpose, under a linden-grove, on the margin of a lake profusely I 
 “ adorned by the nymphea lotus, which, when its snowy petals and | 
 “ expanded foliage are gently agitated by the southern breeze, re- 1 
 “ minds me of the sacred tanks in Goozerat.” 
 
 The author, at length, took his departure for Broach, where he was I 
 witness to a similar scene :— 
 
 “ The inhabitants of Broach, accustomed to the lenity of British 
 “ jurisdiction, execrated the approaching change, and dreaded the 
 “ arrival of BMsker Row, which had been delayed in consequence 
 “ of a mistaken renewal of hostilities on the Malabar coast; the 
 “ people of Broach, in the meantime, indulged a vain hope that the 
 “ intended cession would not take place. No prayers, no cere- 
 “ monies, no sacrifices, were left unperformed by the different castes 
 “ and religious professions, to implore the continuance of the British 
 “ government. It is with extreme satisfaction I recollect the un- 
 “ feigned sorrow which pervaded all ranks of society when the fatal 
 “ day was fixed for our departure. Broach, before its conquest by 
 “ the English, had belonged to the Moguls, and was governed by a 
 “ Mohummedan nowaub : the inhabitants well knew the difference t 
 “ that awaited them. Of all oriental despots, the arbitrary power 
 “ of the Mahratta falls, perhaps, with the most oppressive weight; 
 
 “ they extort money by every kind of vexatious cruelty, without sup- 
 “ porting commerce, agriculture, and the usual sources of wealth and 
 “ prosperity in well-governed states. The Mohummedans, although 
 “ equally fond of money, spend it with more liberality, encourage 
 “ useful and ornamental works, and patronize art and science. 
 
 “ On the ninth of July, 1783, the day appointed for the cession of 
 “ Broach to Muhadajee Sindia, the chief and council received his 
 “ agent, Bhasker Row, with proper ceremony, in the durbar, and 
 “ there delivered to him the keys of the city-gates. We immediately 
 “ repaired to the water-side, to cross the Nerbudda in our way to 
 “ Surat, and were silently followed by the principal inhabitants of the 
 “ city. While embarking on the Company’s yacht, a dark cloud 
 “ passed over us, and a shower of rain fell; our afflicted friends, no 
 “ longer able to keep silence, and forgetting the impending terrors of 
 “ a Mahratta despot, pathetically exclaimed, ‘ These drops are the 
 “ tears of heaven for the fate of Broach ! ’ ” 
 
FIRST BRITISH PERIOD. 
 
 373 
 
 “ I oppose this fact to a thousand unfounded prejudices, and un- 
 “ supported calumnies, against the English, which were once so easily 
 “ credited in Europe. Among the many who occupy eminent stations 
 “ in India, some, no doubt, deserve censure; the characters of all 
 “ who fill similar situations at home are not immaculate ; the tempta- 
 “ tions of wealth and power sometimes subdue the strongest minds; 
 “ but the hour approaches when they cease to charm, and when a 
 “conscience ‘void of offence’ will be the only comfort. Whether 
 “ the European or Indian peculator is now amenable to human laws 
 “ or not, a secret monitor corrodes every present joy, and an un- 
 “ erring Judge hereafter will avenge the breach of His own laws, esta- 
 “ blished in truth and equity! The general opprobrium was unjust 
 “ on a set of men whose prevailing characteristics were philanthropy, 
 “ generosity, and benevolence.” 
 
 Broach remained in the possession of Sindia from this period until 
 the time when that chieftain engaged in war with the British govern¬ 
 ment. It was taken from him by storm, by a part of the Baroda 
 subsidiary force under the command of Colonel Woodington, on the 
 29th August, 1803. 
 
 Futteh Singh Guikowar died in consequence of a fall from the 
 upper story of his house, on the 21st December, 1789. A contest 
 for the regency now occurred between Manajee, the full brother of 
 Futteh Singh, and Gowind Row, which was only set at rest about four 
 years afterwards by the death of Manajee. Though his title was now 
 undisputed, Gowind Row Guikowar found it, nevertheless, difficult to 
 obtain permission to quit the Peshwah’s capital. Nana Furnuvees 
 sought to impose upon him stipulations to the advantage of the 
 Poonah government, in addition to those exorbitant ones which had 
 been already forced upon his family. The British government, how¬ 
 ever, intervened to prevent a dismemberment of the Guikowar terri¬ 
 tories, contrary to the stipulations of the treaty of Salbhye, and the 
 Furnuvees admitting the validity of their objections, Gowind Row 
 was at last permitted to depart, for the purpose of assuming the 
 regency at Baroda, on the 19th December, 1793. 
 
 Gowind Row Guikowar died in September, 1800. He had been at 
 war for two years with Aba Shelookur, the deputy of Chimnajee 
 Appa, Bajee Row Peshwah’s brother, as Governor of Goozerat. She¬ 
 lookur, during the term of his government, made himself most ob¬ 
 noxious to the people by his tyrannies and exactions. The house now 
 employed as the Session Court at Ahmedabad was built by him on 
 the foundations of royal buildings of the Mohummedan sultans, and 
 at the expense of the population whose materials he seized, or whose 
 
374 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 labour he compelled. Among other cruel deeds, he is accused of 
 having seduced into his power a soldier of fortune, named Monsieur 
 Jean (or, as he is commonly called, Moussa Jan), and of having 
 caused him to be blown from the mouth of a cannon, in order to 
 possess himself of his wealth. In 1800, Mr. Duncan, the Governor 
 of Bombay, having arrived at Surat for the purpose of assuming 
 the government of that city, on the demise of the last nowaub, 
 vukeels were despatched by Gowind Row Guikowar with the os- 
 tensible view of congratulating him on his arrival, but with the real ] 
 object of procuring British assistance for the reduction of Shelookur. 1 
 Mr. Duncan was himself prepared with requests that the Guikowar j 
 government should cede to the British the pergunnah of Chourasee, ; 
 which surrounds the city of Surat, and their share of the Mahratta 
 chouth of the revenues of the port. The application on the part 
 of Gowind Row for assistance against Shelookur was, however, 
 evaded, and no satisfactory result was at the time obtained in 
 regard to the pergunnah of Chourasee, or the chouth. The Guiko¬ 
 war government now resolved upon reducing Shelookur with their 
 independent means, and an army advanced from Baroda against 
 Ahmedabad. Shelookur called in his lieutenants from Dakorjee and 
 Kateewar, and engaged the Guikowar army near the Rozah of Shah 
 Alum, outside the city. He was unsuccessful, and was compelled to 
 take refuge in the citadel, where, being eventually deserted by his 
 mercenaries, he was made prisoner. The Peshwah, who had been 
 hostile to Shelookur on account of his connection with Nana Furnu- 4 
 vees, now granted his share of the revenue of Goozerat in farm to 
 the Baroda government, at an annual rate of five lakhs of rupees for 
 five years, and Rughoonath Myheeput Row (commonly called Kaka- 
 jee), the cousin of Rowjee Appajee, the Guikowar minister, was ap¬ 
 pointed Governor of Ahmedabad. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Anund row guikowar . 1 
 
 The death of the Muharaja Gowind Row Guikowar having occurred 
 
 1 We depend henceforth upon bardic authority, and upon the unpublished papers 
 in the Record Room at the East-India House, in London. 
 
Anund row GUI kowar. 
 
 375 
 
 after midnight, on the 19th of September, 1800, Babajee Appajee and 
 Meer Kumal-ood-deen Khan, the principal military officers present, 
 joined with the two great bankers, Mungul Pareekh and Samul Bechur, 
 who held the Arab mercenaries in dependence, to effect a settlement 
 of affairs. Early in the morning the ladies of the family were all as¬ 
 sembled, and Ghena Baee, the widow of the Muharaja, a Jhala Raj¬ 
 poot lady of the house of Lugtur, declared her intention of burning 
 with the corpse of her husband. From this step she was, however, 
 dissuaded by the officers, who assured her, taking oaths to that effect 
 on the Koran or in Hindoo modes, that they were determined to 
 maintain the honor and influence which she enjoyed during the life¬ 
 time of her husband. The corpse of Gowind Row was now carried 
 to the funeral pyre, and Anund Row, his eldest legitimate son, com¬ 
 menced his reign. Rowjee Appftjee, the late Gowind Row’s minister, 
 soon after arrived from Ahmedabad, and resumed the administration 
 of affairs. The minister’s first endeavour was to prevail upon the 
 bankers and officers to take means for restraining the ambition of 
 Kanhojee Row, an illegitimate son of the late raja, whom he accused 
 of having already raised disturbances in the life-time of his father. 
 This proposition was not, however, assented to ; and soon after, Kan¬ 
 hojee Row, with the aid of some of the officers who adhered to his 
 party, made himself master of the government, and of the person of 
 his brother, Anund Row Guikowar. The tyrannical disposition of 
 Kanhojee now had full opportunity for exhibiting itself. He con- 
 • ducted himself with so much violence towards all the officers of 
 the government, and with so much contempt, if not actual severity, 
 towards the Raja Anund Row, that a general combination, with the 
 apparent consent of his brother, was soon formed against him. On 
 the night of the 27th January, 1801, his house having been sur¬ 
 rounded, he was, after some resistance, seized, and brought before 
 . Anund Row, under colour of whose authority he was disarmed and 
 ; put in irons, and subsequently conveyed as a prisoner to the fortress 
 of Rampoor Roteah, among the hills which divide Goozerat from 
 I Malwa. Rowjee Appajee, from this time, became the real head of the 
 executive government. 
 
 As early as April following, however, Gujra Baee, the daughter of 
 S Futteh Singh Guikowar, for reasons unknown, quarrelled with Rowjee 
 i Appajee, and sought shelter in the city of Surat, and before the end 
 of the year a still more formidable malcontent was arrayed against 
 the government of the minister. Peelajee Guikowar had conferred 
 the government of Kuree upon his younger son, Khundee Row, who 
 was confirmed in that possession by the Senaputee Dhabaree, whose 
 
3 76 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 officer Peelajee then was, and invested also with the title of Heemut 
 Buhadur. His son and successor, Mulhar Row, was, on the rise of 
 his family to sovereign power, confirmed in both his possessions and 
 his rank by Futteh Singh Guikowar, while, at the same time, his 
 future allegiance to the head of his house was provided for by his 
 agreeing to serve the state with four hundred horse. This service was, 
 however, commutablefor a payment of 120,000 rupees, and the Jagheer- 
 dar of Kuree, though admitting a feudal dependence on the sovereign 
 of Baroda, was within his possessions as wholly independent of him, 
 as was the Guikowar himself, within his own territories, of the head 
 of the Mahratta State. Mulhar Row Guikowar urged, as the minister 
 represented, by demands lately made on him for arrears of tribute 
 due to the state, or, as he himself asserted, and as the party of 
 Gujra Baee affirmed, by sympathy for the unmerited situation of 
 Kanhojee Row, now began to assemble troops, and publicly declared 
 his intention of punishing Rowjee Appajee and his brother, Babajee, 
 for their several unwarrantable and despotic acts, and of reinstating 
 Kanhojee Row and the other ill-used members of the Guikowar 
 family in their just rights, which were withheld from them by those 
 tyrannical ministers. Mookund Row, another illegitimate son of the 
 late raja, had shortly before, under pretence of visiting the shrine of 
 Shree Runchorjee, at Dakor, retired from Baroda, carrying with him 
 a large amount of jewels and treasure. The ministerial party en¬ 
 deavoured to procure his return; but as he would not listen to their 
 remonstrances, and began to excite disturbances, they sent an army 4 
 against him, upon which he fled into the Kuree territory, and took 
 shelter with Mulhar Row. Mulhar Row had already taken forcible 
 possession of the fortresses of Veesulnugger and Beejapoor, which he 
 affected to hold for Muharaja Anund Row, and he vaunted that forty 
 thousand troops were in readiness at different points to espouse his 
 cause. Shivram, an old officer in the Guikowar service, disgusted, as 
 it was said, at the conduct of the ministers, had gone over to him, 
 and it was given out that several others, who held considerable com¬ 
 mands, were about to follow this example. The forces of the con¬ 
 tending factions already faced each other. Babajee Appajee was en¬ 
 camped at the Shahee Bagh, near Ahmedabad, with his advanced 
 guard at Kalee-ka-kot. Mulhar Row himself remained at Kuree with 
 a part of his force, but his brother, Hunmunt Row, with another 
 division, was encamped at Kulol, eight coss in advance of Kuree, and 
 about seven from the outposts of Babajee’s army. Three skirmishes 
 had already taken place, in all of which Mulhar Row claimed the ad¬ 
 vantage. Under these circumstances, both parties applied for assist- 
 
ANUND ROW GUIKOWAR. 
 
 377 
 
 ance to the British governor. Gujra Baee and her minister offered, 
 on behalf of Kanhojee, not only the cession of the Chourasee per- 
 gunnah, and the Guikowar share of the chouth of Surat (the previous 
 cession of which, by Gowind Row, had up to the time of his death 
 been rendered ineffectual by the Peshwah’s disapprobation), but also 
 the pergunnah of Cheeklee, which they represented as more valuable 
 than that of Chourasee. Rowjee Appajee, on the other hand, in 
 January, 1802, in the name of Muharaja Anund Row, deputed Meer 
 Kumal-ood-deen Khan, and two vukeels, to Mr. Duncan, who formally 
 delivered a deed of relinquishment of the Chourasee pergunnah and 
 the Surat chouth, in fulfilment of the late Gowind Row’s incomplete 
 engagement. The British governor weighed, for a considerable period, 
 the pretensions of both parties, but eventually determined on lend¬ 
 ing his assistance to the ministers who wielded power in the name of 
 Anund Row. Several reasons concurred to induce Mr. Duncan to 
 adopt that course. There appeared to him to be, on the whole, no 
 more reasons for relying on the veracity of Mulhar Row’s representa¬ 
 tives than on that of their opponents, who were, moreover, in pos¬ 
 session of the whole country, with the exception of the districts which 
 the Jagheerdar of Kuree had overrun, in the vicinity of his own terri¬ 
 tory. The ostensible, and perhaps real sanction of Anund Row 
 Muharaja, the undoubted head of the Guikowar state, was given to 
 the proposals of the ministers; and these officials called upon the 
 British government in the most formal manner to comply with the 
 terms of the treaty of Salbhye, by interfering to prevent the dismem¬ 
 berment of the Guikowar state. Mulhar Row was, as the governor 
 was informed, endeavouring to introduce a foreign force from Sindh, 
 the presence of which might have completely neutralized the influence 
 of the British in Goozerat; and Mr. Duncan was further apprehensive 
 that the ministerial party, should their demand for British assistance 
 meet with an unfavorable reply, might throw themselves into the hands 
 of Sindia. A detachment was therefore formed for the purpose of 
 giving weight to the British arbitration, and of maintaining the in¬ 
 tegrity of the Guikowar dominions. It consisted eventually of about 
 two thousand men, four hundred of whom were Europeans, and the 
 command was conferred upon Major Alexander Walker,— a name 
 afterwards deservedly famous in the annals of Goozerat. This officer 
 it was, however, determined should, as soon as possible, quit the 
 military character, to assume the position of British resident at Baroda, 
 a provision which Mr. Duncan (whose hope it still was to bring 
 matters to a settlement without employing force) considered would 
 render him the more disinclined to urge matters to extremity. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 378 
 
 Major Walker was instructed to proceed in the first place to 
 Baroda with the Guikowar vukeels, his ostensible mission being that 
 of presenting compliments and condolence, on the part of the 
 British government, to the Muharaja Anund Row, on the death of 
 his father, this ceremony having been delayed pending the cession 
 of the Chourasee and chouth. His real object was to ascertain the 
 true state of Anund Row’s mind, and whether Hunmunt Row, the 
 son of that prince, had received his father’s consent to his joining 
 the army under Babajee. The military detachment was in the mean¬ 
 time to proceed by sea to Cambay, and to be joined there by Major 
 Walker on the termination of his mission to Baroda. 
 
 Major Walker left Surat on the 24th of January, 1802, and reached 
 Baroda on tKfe 29th. The mission passed through Broach, where it 
 was received with distinction by Sindia’s officers. A deputation from 
 the minister met them at the distance of a few^miles from Baroda; 
 and at a coss from the town they found Rowjee Appajee, attended by 
 all the civil and military officers, waiting to receive them, in a spot 
 where carpets had been spread, in the open air, for the meeting. 
 Major Walker was presented to every person of consequence, in¬ 
 cluding the Arab Jemadars, the whole displaying the greatest cor-! 
 diality. He proceeded thence to Baroda, where he was conducted to 
 a suite of tents that had been prepared for him, a body of troops 
 receiving him with rested arms, and a salute being fired from some 
 field-pieces on the spot. Next day, the minister repeated his visit to 
 the British envoy, and at once exhibited his great anxiety for the re- 4 
 duction of Kuree and the total expulsion of Mulhar Row. The 
 British envoy, unwilling to discuss the matter at that time, turned 
 the conversation to the subject of the supplies required for the effi¬ 
 ciency of the detachment at Cambay. It was agreed at this inter¬ 
 view, that Major Walker should attend the Muharaja that afternoon. 
 This design was, however, prevented by ruiund Row’s declaring that 
 he felt it incumbent on him to pay the first visit. Major Walker, in 
 return for this courtesy, met the Guikowar prince on the road, and 
 Anund Row, descending from his elephant, embraced him, and pro¬ 
 ceeded with him to the tents. The raja was attended by all the 
 officers of his court, and by an escort of horse and foot, and was re¬ 
 ceived with a salute of artillery. He retired, at Major Walker’s 
 request, into a private apartment, with such of his sirdars and chiefs 
 as he selected to accompany him. The governor’s compliments and 
 message of condolence on the death of the late Gowind Row were 
 now offered. The Muharaja received them without the least attention, 
 and it was soon apparent to the envoy that his mind was in a state 
 
Anund row guikowar. 
 
 379 
 
 which incapacited him for close application of any kind. The fol¬ 
 lowing graphic description of the scene which ensued is given in 
 Major Walker’s own words :— 
 
 “ Anund Row appears about thirty or forty years of age, of a robust 
 “ person, and a body that has no visible signs of feebleness, but an 
 “ unmeaning countenance and heavy eyes betray at once perhaps a 
 “ natural imbecility, and the ruinous effects of intoxicating drugs, to 
 “ which he is said to be addicted. Probably both these means 
 “ operate to depress the mind of this prince, but his incapacity for 
 “ business is here imputed more to the pernicious habit of smoking 
 “ bang, than to constitutional weakness. Notwithstanding these 
 “ marks of mental debility, Anund Row appeared in possession of 
 “ his recollection, he named several of his officers, and was not 
 “ without a general knowledge of the affairs of his state. If at any 
 “ time he appeared embarrassed, Rowjee and Kumal-ood-deen were 
 “ always ready to assist. The ornaments for his person were the only 
 “ part of the presents that engaged any part of his attention. He 
 “ repeatedly adjusted the surpech to his turban,^ and removed the 
 “ dustbund from his wrist to his angrukha. 1 Agha Mohummed’s 
 “ watch attracted his notice, and he examined it childishly. Towards 
 “ the conclusion of the interview, he appeared for a moment to re- 
 “ cover himself, and observed that he had many enemies, who spread 
 “ false reports of his situation and of the state of his mind, but that 
 “ he hoped by my means, the governor would be undeceived, and 
 “ that I would write him the truth. In this request, Rowjee and 
 “ Kumal-ood-deen repeatedly joined, observing it was now easy to 
 “ see how much the raja had been injured by report. Anund Row 
 “ next adverted to the hostility of Mulhar Row, and expressed his ex- 
 “ pectation that the major would hasten to punish his enemies. He 
 “ mentioned several times their expulsion from Kuree, as an object 
 “ which he earnestly desired; this desire was re-echoed by the at- 
 “ tendants. The raja was assured that the Company’s government had 
 “ the advantage of the Guikowar states always in view, and that the 
 “ justice of his cause and the English forces would effectually pro- 
 “ tect him against his enemies. During this interview, the Raja 
 “ Anund Row conducted himself with humility, frequently declaring 
 “ his dependence on the English government, and his respect and 
 “ attachment to the Company, founded on the intimate connection 
 “ formed by his ancestors. a After the customary offering of rose-water 
 “ and betel, the Guikowar Anund Row took his leave and returned.” 
 
 1 The dngrukkd is a body-coat; the meaning is, that he pulled the sleeve of his 
 :oat under the bracelet on his wrist—not an uncommon mode of fidgetting. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 380 
 
 On the 1 st of February the envoy visited the Muharaja in his 
 palace. “ The demeanour of the prince,” says Major Walker, “ was 
 “ much more collected than on the former day3 he was cheerful, and 
 “ the stupidity of his first appearance seemed to give way to a consi- 
 “ derable share of benevolence, and even of intelligence. After the 
 “ public conversation, Anund Row presented the mission with presents, 
 “ and requested our attendance in a private apartment. An indiscri- 
 “ ruinate number of the leading men, with their attendants, forced 
 “ themselves into the apartment. Anund Row pronounced an eulo- 
 “ gium upon Rowjee, and evinced a strong desire to inflict a due 
 “ punishment upon Mulhar Row. He said that the presence of his 
 “ son, Hunmunt Row, with the army was entirely his own act; men- 
 “ tioned that he was twelve years of age, and spoke of him with satis¬ 
 faction. He positively denied that Mulhar Row had in any manner 
 “ obtained his sanction to prosecute war3 but when he was asked 
 “whether Kanhojee was imprisoned with his consent, he made no 
 “ reply—he hung down his head, rolled his eyes, and maintained an 
 “ expressive silence. The officers then attempted to answer for him, 
 “ but he still remained silent. He whispered to me that the Arab 
 “ Jemadars were all his mortal enemies, and that they would not per- 
 “ mit him to converse freely. The mission soon after retired.” Major 
 Walker was afterwards informed by the Muharaja’s confidant, Mungul 
 Pareekh, that it was a religious feeling which made him silent when 
 questioned respecting the confinement of Kanhojee. He had con¬ 
 tinued to consider the imprisonment of his brother as a crime, and an* 
 act of impiety, notwithstanding the public necessity for it, and when 
 the event first happened he had allowed his beard to grow, as a sign 
 of mourning, and had for a long period afflicted himself with mortifi¬ 
 cations. 
 
 The Guikowar government, as it appeared to Major Walker, was 
 in so absolute a state of weakness and disorder, that it must have dis¬ 
 solved, unless strengthened by external support. The confusion of 
 authorities, and the misery thereby entailed upon the people, were 
 hardly to be conceived—nothing but the absence of order everywhere 
 prevailed 3 the pay of all departments was in arrears 3 the country was 
 mortgaged to money-lenders, who collected from it what they pleased 3 
 a single mercenary leader travelled about with more authority than the 
 prince 3 and an armed aristocracy had possessed themselves of the 
 government, holding the Muharaja himself completely under their con¬ 
 trol 3 while, from their own administrative incapability, they were, in 
 their turn, wholly in the hands of the bankers. The expenditure at 
 this time of the Guikowar government exceeded its means by four 01 
 
ANUND ROW GUIKOwAr. 
 
 381 
 
 five lakhs of rupees during the year. The minister, Rowjee Appajee, 
 was a person fitted by his acuteness and prudence for the management 
 of public business, but he had been familiar with revolutions, having 
 witnessed or taken part in the changes that, during forty years, had 
 shaken the numerous branches of the Mahratta empire. His character 
 had thus become tinged with suspicion, his caution degenerated some¬ 
 times into timidity, he was not at liberty to pursue his own plans, and 
 wanted firmness to wrest their usurped power from the Arab officers. 
 He appeared sometimes to distrust the intentions of the British, while 
 at others he exhibited a degree of candour and openness in his con¬ 
 versation which had all the appearance of security. The Deewan was 
 said to be frequently too communicative, and to prejudice, by this 
 disposition, both his own affairs and those of the state. 
 
 The Arabs were, in Major Walker’s opinion, the only material 
 obstacle to the complete establishment of the British influence in Goo- 
 zerat, but he did not consider them to be in reality formidable. 
 Though they were brave, their ferocity rendered them incapable of 
 subordination ; though they were attached to individual chiefs, that 
 very attachment prevented their union under any common system. 
 Their real number was less than seven thousand, of whom no more 
 than one thousand were concentrated in any single position. About 
 a fourth part only of these were natives of Arabia, the remainder were 
 men of Arabian extraction, but born themselves in Goozerat. Their 
 arms, which were chiefly match-locks, were bad, and their knowledge 
 of war was contemptible; of the forts which were in their possession, 
 Baroda, considered to be the best, was in no state to resist a regular 
 i attack. Two battalions of British troops stationed at Baroda were 
 sufficient, Major Walker thought, effectually to counterpoise the power 
 of these mercenaries, and he was sanguine that, when their influence was 
 thus reduced, their situation would appear to themselves to be less 
 desirable, and their numbers would decline. The Arabs were divided 
 into two parties, at the head of which were the bankers, Mungul 
 Pareekh and Samul Bechur. The latter was reputed to possess a cun¬ 
 ning, avaricious, and intriguing disposition. He was not well affected 
 towards the British, and the party of Arabs which was under his 
 control was the more numerous. 
 
 Rowjee was at first very much dissatisfied when he learnt that the 
 British government had it in view to accommodate matters with Mul- 
 har Row, instead of punishing him by military force. He contended 
 : that nothing was to be done without taking Kuree. Major Walker 
 urged, in reply, that this mode of proceeding might be the means of 
 perpetuating the disorder of the country, for, although it would be an 
 
3 s 2 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 easy matter to take Kuree, Mulhar Row would probably escape, and 
 for a length of time harass the borders by a predatory warfare. Row- 
 jee said that it was his intention to request that two of the British bat¬ 
 talions should remain to prevent the enemy’s return, and added, that 
 he proposed to repay this assistance by the cession of a convenient 
 tract of country on the sea-coast. Kuree should, he said, be taken, 
 with all Mulhar Row’s country, elephants, and horses ; and a jagheer, 
 worth a lakh of rupees annually, might then be assigned to that chief 
 in a different part of the country. The British envoy was, however, 
 instructed to demand that the fullest authority should be given to him 
 to settle disputes in an equitable manner, and it was intimated that if 
 Rowjee were determined, at all events, on the extirpation of Mulhar 
 Row, it would be better, perhaps, that British intervention should pro¬ 
 ceed no further, and that the troops should be recalled. Rowjee, at 
 length, professed that he would be satisfied if the English force would 
 only encamp for a day or two within the limits of the Kuree Jagheer- 
 dar, in return for that chieftain’s invasion of the territories of the 
 Baroda state ; he further offered to resign a large portion of the tribute 
 payable by Mulhar Row, provided that concession would ensure a 
 peaceable demeanour on his part. 
 
 The opinions of Major Walker, as reported to his government, were, 
 that justice and policy alike warranted the punishment of Mulhar Row 
 should he decline to make submission to his sovereign. Holding his 
 jagheer as a vassal of the Muharaja, that chief had withheld the pay¬ 
 ment of his tribute • and when called to account, had taken up arms, 
 under pretence of defending himself against a foreign enemy, and not¬ 
 withstanding a declaration to the contrary, had been guilty of aggres¬ 
 sions against his sovereign, with the ultimate view of dethroning him. 
 Little weight could be allowed to Mulhar Row’s pretext that he was 
 in arms in behalf of Kanhojee, as that prince had no real claim to the 
 throne, and as Mulhar Row himself had acquiesced in his deposition, 
 and even celebrated it by a discharge of artillery. His invasion of 
 the Guikowar territory was also long posterior to that event, and it 
 was accompanied neither by any declaration of hostility, nor even by 
 any previous complaint. If Mulhar Row remained obstinate the task 
 of reducing him would be a popular one, and its successful accom¬ 
 plishment must necessarily be followed by the acceptance of a subsi¬ 
 diary force. It was, perhaps, even necessary to this object that the 
 British should perform a service which would be at once apparent; 
 and after a successful expedition to Kuree, the detachment, or a simi¬ 
 lar body of troops, might, by an easy arrangement, be moved to 
 Baroda, and firmly established there. 
 
MULHAR ROW GUIKOWAR. 
 
 383 
 
 The envoy quitted Baroda on the afternoon of the 8th of February, 
 having been completely successful in his mission. Babajee, with the 
 Guikowar forces, were put under his command, and he was fully 
 authorised, in case of Mulhar Row’s applying for peace, to act in such 
 a manner as he might deem suitable to the interests and safety of the 
 government of the Muharaja. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MULHAR ROW GUIKOWAR. 
 
 If we have given a more detailed account of these negotiations than 
 may seem to be consistent with the character of our work, our excuse 
 will be found in the fact, that upon them really hinged the future fate 
 of Goozerat. Had the aid of the British been rejected, and had the 
 troops advanced no further than Cambay, the territories of the Baroda 
 government must inevitably have fast relapsed into a state of miserable 
 anarchy and confusion, similar to that in which the dominions of 
 Holkar and Sindia were subsequently involved. As it was, affairs 
 progressed rapidly towards that settlement which formed the ground¬ 
 work of all future political relations in Goozerat. 
 
 The British detachment disembarked at Cambay, from Surat, on 
 the morning of the 2nd of February, and encamped in an open spot, 
 which, in 1775, had been occupied by the troops of Colonel Keating, 
 contiguous to the feservoir called Narayun Sur, a garden-house being 
 assigned for the accommodation of the head-quarters. The forces of 
 Babajee and Mulhar Row were meanwhile engaged in desultory and 
 indecisive skirmishes, while negotiations, as profitless as the hostilities, 
 still continued. Mulhar Row’s troops numbered altogether, it was 
 said, about fifteen thousand men. 1 Shivram, who was the only 
 officer of consequence, commanded about seven hundred Hindoo- 
 stanees, who affected the semblance of regular discipline; he led also 
 three hundred or four hundred Mahratta horse. An Englishman, 
 named Parker, commanded a corps called the “Gosaeen’s wife’s 
 troops,” and one Joaquim, a Portuguese, led about two hundred 
 men, among whom he had attempted to introduce some order, so 
 
 1 This was Parker’s account, though he himself varied in his statement. Major 
 Walker estimated them at from ten to twelve thousand horse and foot, with ten or 
 fifteen pieces of artillery, mostly of small calibre, 
 
3 8 4 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 that “ a few were in red jackets, but the greater part went agreeable 
 “ to their own fancy,” as Parker writes, “ both in dress and fighting.” 
 Sindhis and Puthans, Katees and Koolees, made up the rest of this 
 heterogeneous army. The latter, who were “ armed horse,” wearing 
 the antique tunic of chain armor, were under the command of “ a 
 “ famous leader, called Boobat Singh, who had lately distinguished 
 “ himself in two or three skirmishes with Babajee’s troops,” and whom 
 we shall hereafter introduce to our readers as the notorious Thakura | 
 of Bhunkora. Bhooput Singh, though now the most distinguished 
 of his partisans, had formerly 'been the constant enemy of Mulhar 
 Row. During the administration of Kanhojee he had been sent for 
 to Baroda to be employed, as it was said, against the Jagheerdar of 
 Kuree, but happening to be taken into custody at the same time that 
 Kanhojee was seized, he had been released by Rowjee, lest he should, 
 from future resentment, proceed to attack the territories of Mulhar 
 Row. 
 
 The 22nd of February had arrived without any step in advance 
 having been made by the British troops. Meanwhile, Mulhar Row 
 had been carrying on with the Arab officers intrigues which had for 
 their object the release of Kanhojee, while the adherents of the 
 opposite party were dispirited by the delay made by the English, and 
 by the fact that the resident at Cambay had despatched an agent to 
 Kuree. Mulhar Row refused to disarm his troops, or to give up 
 Yeesulnugger and the other places seized by him, which concessions, 
 on his part, were deemed to be indispensable preliminaries to an^ 
 arrangement. Mr. Duncan, who was now at Cambay, determined at 
 length to direct the detachment to march at once, with a view of 
 forming a junction with the army of Babajee. Mulhar Row was in¬ 
 formed that the troops advanced to release from his grasp those parts 
 of the Muharaja’s country which he had unjustly taken possession of; 
 he was to be allowed, however, in case of his surrendering them, to 
 come in to Mr. Duncan with an escort of not more than one hundred 
 men, and was informed that he must expect no other terms. Major 
 Walker marched, accordingly, on the 23rd ; reached Ahmedabad on 
 the 4th of March ; and next day he was at Udalej, where he left his 
 heavy baggage and sick under a guard. Mulhar Row still continuing 
 to negociate, without affording any satisfactory proof of his sincerity, 
 the British detachment entered the Kuree territory on the 10th, 
 leaving behind them the Guikowar troops, whose irregularities might 
 have afforded ground of complaint. They encamped at Seretah, at 
 which place Mulhar Row, of his own accord, proposed to have an 
 interview with Major Walker. The meeting took place accordingly, 
 
mulhar row guikowar. 
 
 385 
 
 but was attended by circumstances such as, to the mind of the British 
 commander, precluded every hope of a peaceable adjustment. The 
 insincerity and distrust of Mulhar Row were established by the extra 
 ordinary number of armed attendants with which he appeared at the 
 interview, amounting to more than two thousand horse and foot 
 with three pieces of artillery. He also evaded his proposed visit to 
 the British camp, and would proceed no further than a place two 
 miles from the camp, where an awning had been spread for the pre- 
 lminary interchange of compliments. Next evening, however Mul¬ 
 har Row, after many excuses, visited Major Walker, when he pro¬ 
 mised immediately to disband his new levies, and to complv in 
 every point with the wishes of the British government. He urged 
 however, that to save his dignity, the terms should be arranged 
 pnvately through confidential agents, a request with which Major 
 Walker complied. The terms demanded were, that MuMr Row 
 should make full satisfaction to the Muharaja, by an entire restitution 
 of ali his conquests, by restoring to freedom all Guikowar subjects 
 who had been seized by him, and repaying all sums levied from them 
 by arranging for the payment of his arrears of tribute, and of the ex¬ 
 penses of the war, and by giving security for the future good conduct 
 His new ievies were to be disbanded and his ordinary forces drawn 
 within the walls of Kuree, in the vicinity of which town the British 
 army was to encamp, until such time as Major Walker should be 
 satisfied of his sincerity. The British troops, it was settled, were to 
 move at once to Kulol, the Guikowar forces following at an interval 
 and the commanding officer was at that place to have a final inter- 
 view with Mulhar Row. Major Walker having arrived on the i?th 
 
 at f at 1 n the , place deserted > and meeting with no intelligence 
 of Mulhar Row advanced on the 16th to Boodasun, a village about 
 three miles distant from Kuree. On the approach of the British 
 troops, a few of Mulhar Row’s horse were observed, who retired 
 immediately, without committing any act of hostility. An adjoining 
 leight was soon taken possession of, and a picket, with a field piece 5 
 was placed in the most commanding position. From the heights thus 
 occupied Major Walker had a full ?£w of Kuree. with ,he fam^of 
 Mulhar Row and the whole of his army, which appeared in motion 
 I ?P readin g itself over the plains. The fort of Kuree was small and 
 irregular; it possessed four gates, of which one only, the Futteh gate 
 was protected by defences newly raised, and mounted with cannon’ 
 ihe residence of Mulhar Row, inclosed in a sort of citadel was 
 conspicuous from a distance, especially its large minaret-like tower, 
 
 cc 
 
3 86 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 the open pavilion on the summit of which commanded a good view 
 of the surrounding country. About noon, messengers arrived from 
 Mulhar Row, who presented letters expressing sentiments of so much 
 moderation, if not submission, that Major Walker was far from 
 suspecting that they were to be made the cloak of an act of treachery. 
 An answer was despatched by the hands of a native agent, named 
 Soondurjee, and of Captain Williams, an officer of the detachment. 
 They had not been gone twenty minutes, and had hardly time to 
 reach the outposts of Mulhar Row’s army, when they were made 
 prisoners, and two guns belonging to that chieftain immediately opened 
 fire upon the British camp. Major Walker held a short consultation 
 with the chiefs of the allies, assigned them their places, and arranged 
 with them that the whole force should advance and assault the 
 enemy’s camp. Kumal-ood-deen Khan, reinforced to nearly a 
 thousand horse, formed accordingly on the right flank of the British 
 detachment; while Babajee himself, with the infantry, the rest of the 
 cavalry, and some artillery, was appointed to move on the left. The 
 British detachment, on the allies giving notice of their readiness, 
 began, between two and three o’clock, to advance in line with its 
 field-pieces, two howitzers, and two eighteen-pounders. It moved 
 forward slowly, but in excellent order, inclining to the right, in order 
 to gain some heights, and to reach the front of the main body of the 
 enemy. The fire of Mulhar Row’s artillery increased as the British 
 advanced, and the ground was unfortunately favorable to its effect. 
 About five o’clock, however, Major Walker found himself opposite t 
 to the enemy’s encampment, in full view of it, and about half a mile 
 distant. He was now anxious to have carried out the assault which 
 he had meditated, but a report was at this time brought to him, that 
 Babajee’s division had advanced little beyond their encampment, and 
 that his Arabs refused to move in the direction of the British troops; 
 while it became at the same time evident that Kumal-ood-deen, who 
 had for a time continued to maintain pretty well the station allotted 
 to him, had now fallen behind, and was unable to keep that flank 
 clear against the superior bodies of the enemy’s cavalry. Major Walker 
 was now compelled to relinquish his meditated enterprise, which, 
 without the effectual support of the allies, was of too hazardous 
 a nature, he therefore inclined still further to the right, a step which, 
 while it removed the detachment gradually to a greater distance from 
 the enemy’s fire, enabled it also to occupy some rising ground which 
 was possessed by bodies of their horse. In this position the detach¬ 
 ment halted until dusk, when it returned, without any interruption i 
 
MULHAR ROW GUIKOWAR. 
 
 387 
 
 from the enemy, to its former encampment. The loss of the enemy 
 was reported to have been considerable, but the casualties on the 
 British side were also heavy. Lieutenant Creagh, of His Majesty’s 
 80th Regiment, and Captains MacDonald and Lovell, of the Ho¬ 
 norable Company’s service, were killed. The total loss in killed 
 and wounded was one hundred and forty-six, twenty-five of whom 
 were Europeans ; and a six-pounder, the carriage of which had fallen 
 to pieces, was left upon the field. 
 
 Major Walker was now satisfied that the war could not, with the 
 forces at his disposal, be terminated by a coup-de-main. He resolved, 
 therefore, to adopt the system of the Mahrattas themselves, and 
 agreed, after consulting with Babajee, to erect batteries, and to pro¬ 
 ceed against the enemy’s camp as if it were a fortified town. Mean¬ 
 while Mr. Duncan, at Cambay, and his colleagues at the presidency, 
 exerted themselves to push forwards the largest reinforcements which 
 could be assembled. The whole of the disposable force at Bombay 
 was immediately embarked, and a pressing requisition made to 
 Colonel Sir William Clarke, the British commanding officer at Goa, 
 to join the army before Kuree with the European brigade under his 
 orders, and a battalion of native infantry. His Majesty’s ships 
 
 Intrepid ” and “ Terpsichore,” the Honorable Company’s ship 
 “ Cornwallis,” and the “ Upton Castle,” were employed to convey the 
 additional troops to the northwards. 
 
 For some time a desultory warfare continued before Kuree, the 
 enemy for the most part respecting Major Walker’s force, and direct- 
 ing their hostility chiefly against the army of the Guikowar com¬ 
 manders. Major Walker, on the other hand, finding that his own 
 ammunition was insufficient, that the artillery of Babajee’s army was 
 unserviceable, and that that leader’s troops, if not actually wanting in 
 courage, nor destitute of fidelity, were still lukewarm, and far less dis¬ 
 posed to the cause they had espoused than the brave, though undis¬ 
 ciplined Puthans, Gosaeens, and Koolees, who composed the 
 force of Mulhar Row, deemed it his duty to confine himself to 
 defensive measures, or at least to undertake no enterprise which 
 his detachment could not execute without the support of the allies. 
 Negotiations were at the same time going on between Major 
 Walker and Mulhar Row. The former, who was anxious to re¬ 
 lieve Captain Williams from the ill-treatment to which as a cap¬ 
 tive he was exposed, even made concessions, but Mulhar Row 
 only rose in his terms, and the whole conference was productive of 
 no effect. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 388 
 
 Sir William Clarke arrived and took command at Cambay on the 
 12th April. It had at first been intended that the detachments as 
 they landed should have been sent on at once, but it was ascertained 
 that a thousand of the enemy’s horse, under Bhooput Singh of Bhun- 
 kora, lay in wait to intercept them, and it was judged prudent to 
 avoid the risk. Sir William Clarke, therefore, marched with the 
 whole force, and joined Major Walker at Boodasun, on the 24th of 
 April, when he found himself at the head of a body of troops which, 
 independently of the allies, amounted to between five and six thousand 
 men, more than two thousand of whom were Europeans. The first 
 task of the British commander was to despatch a message to Mulhar 
 Row, offering him, for the last time, an opportunity of peaceably sub¬ 
 mitting to the terms which had been demanded of him. During the 
 consultation which was held at Mulhar Row’s, when the news of Sir 
 William Clarke’s arrival was announced, Mookund Row Guikowar 
 upbraided Shivram, Bhooput Singh, and the chief of the Puthans, 
 with having prevented the peaceable settlement of affairs, and stig¬ 
 matized them as the authors of the approaching calamity. The other 
 leaders of the party “looked at each other with much concern; 
 Mulhar Row himself was fearful and agitated, but, for whatever reason, 
 no answer was returned to the summons, and affairs were allowed to 
 take their course. Preparatory to an attack on the town of Kuree, 
 Sir William Clarke found it necessary to disperse the army of the 
 enemy, which was strongly entrenched in its front. The strongest of 
 these works was a battery with a cavalier, forming the right of the 
 enemy’s position, defended, as it was said, by twelve hundred or fourteen 
 hundred Puthans, commanded by an European officer. On the 30th 
 April, a force consisting of His Majesty’s 75th Regiment, with the 
 flank companies of the 84th, and the Honorable Company s gienadiei 
 battalion, supported by the remainder of the 84th Regiment and four 
 guns, the whole under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Woodmgton, 
 prepared to attack this post: they arrived unperceived in the rear of 
 the battery just as the day broke, and immediately carried it at the 
 point of the bayonet. Some of the captured guns were instantly 
 directed against the enemy. The British troops vigorously pursued 
 their advantage, and the whole of the entrenchments in front of Ruree 
 were, before eleven o’clock, in their possession, while the army which 
 had attempted the defence was completely routed and dispersed. 
 This success would have been effected, in so far as the resistance o 
 the enemy had been concerned, with inconsiderable loss, but a tum¬ 
 bril loaded with ammunition, which had been taken from Mulhar 
 
MULHAR ROW GUIKOWAR. 
 
 3 S 9 
 
 Row’s troops, unfortunately exploded, and was the cause of nearly 
 the whole of the casualties which occurred. 1 Mulhar Row’s camp and 
 the neighbouring village of Cudale were plundered and set on fire, 
 and his troops flying to the gates of the town, found them barricaded 
 against their entrance, and received orders to disperse. They re¬ 
 formed for a moment on the opposite side of Kuree, but were soon 
 again in the greatest confusion. In the moment of alarm Mulhar Row 
 released Captain Williams, whom he had treacherously seized and 
 detained, and that officer, accompanied by Soondurjee, arrived in 
 the evening at the British camp. 
 
 Babajee, who immediately despatched an account of this success 
 to his brother, was in raptures with the valour of his allies, and the 
 happy prospect thereby opened to himself and his friends. “ I was 
 “ quite astonished, Baba Sahib ! ” he says, “ to see the manner in 
 “ which the English fought. I do not suppose anybody in the 
 “ world can fight like them. They completed their intention in six 
 “ hours, and Kuree, by the good fortune of Shreemunt, must fall in 
 “ two days. From Cudale to Kuree is about half a coss. The 
 “ English line is close to the ditch. The effect of bringing the 
 “ English here will diffuse a proper and just sense of your wisdom, 
 “ and will make them respected and feared, not only by your enemies, 
 “ but by all the world, for their great bravery, by which means all our 
 “ care is over, for now we shall have it in our power to do all we 
 “ like.” 
 
 The release of Captain Williams and Soondurjee, by Mulhar Row, 
 led to a further intimation to him from Sir William Clarke ; and the 
 day after the action that chief, having sent word that he would 
 surrender, a small party was, by his own desire, sent to one of the 
 gates of the town to escort him into the British camp. He had even 
 taken his place in the palanquin at the gateway, when he was pre¬ 
 vented from proceeding by the remonstrances and apparent resistance 
 
 1 The following is the 
 
 Return of Killed and Wounded ,— 
 
 Europeans.killed, 22 ... . wounded, 82 = 104] _ , 
 
 Natives. ,, 6 . . . . „ 52= 58 | “ 
 
 including 
 
 Officers Killed ,— 
 
 Lieutenant Francis Ivie, Her Majesty’s 84th Regiment 
 ,, David Price, ,, 86th ,, 
 Officers Wounded ,— 
 
 Lieutenant Henry Polcher, 1st (or Grenadier) Battalion 
 ,, Henry Roome, xst Battalion 6th Regiment, 
 
390 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 of his own people. A breaching battery was therefore commenced, 
 and made rapid progress, and on the 3rd of May, Mulhar Row actually 
 surrendered himself on no other terms than those of safety to himself 
 and family. Two days afterwards the fort of Kuree was completely 
 evacuated by the enemy, and taken possession of by the allied forces, 
 the British and Guikowar flags being displayed together thereon. It 
 was found to contain thirty-seven pieces of ordnance of various 
 calibre, besides elephants, camels, and a great quantity of ammunition 
 and stores. 
 
 The fall of Kuree was immediately followed by the establishment 
 of British influence at Baroda. As early as the month of March a 
 convention had been concluded between Mr. Duncan and Rowjee 
 Appajee, by which the Guikowar state confirmed for ever its cession 
 of the Chourasee pergunnah and the chouth, and assigned, in 
 security for the payment of the expenses of the British troops, its share 
 of the Uttaveesee district, near Surat. By a secret article, which was 
 not to be carried into effect until the end of the war, the Baroda 
 government also agreed to permanently subsidize about two thousand 
 native infantry, one company of European artillery, and its proportion 
 of Lascars, the expenses of which force were also to be made good by 
 an assignment of territory in such part of the Guikowar dominions 
 as might best suit the convenience of the contracting parties. The 
 Arab force was also to be reduced. On the 4th of June, the govern¬ 
 ment of Anund Row Guikowar, in testimony of their sense of the 
 assistance offered to them by the British, made a free present to the 
 Company of the district of Cheeklee, in the Surat Uttaveesee; and 
 two days afterwards a further agreement was entered into, by which 
 the convention of March, and the cession of Cheeklee, were formally 
 confirmed, and it was provided that the British government should 
 advance money for the payment of the Arabs who were to be reduced, 
 —the loan being secured on the pergunnahs of Baroda, Korul, Zinore, 
 Pitlad, and Ahmedabad. On the same day, a deed was executed by 
 Muharaja Anund Row, in which he agreed to assign the pergunnah 
 of Dholka towards defraying the charges of the subsidiary force for 
 future services, and to place it in possession of the British from the 
 commencement of the Hindoo year i860 (a.d. 1804). A further 
 bond was at the same time passed for the expenses of the troops 
 during the first year, being 780,000 rupees. It stipulated a “jaydad,” 
 or assignment of land, for 50,000 rupees, in the villages of Nerriad, 
 and pledged for the discharge of the balance the revenue of Kuree, 
 with the Moolukgeeree collections from Kateewar, for the years 
 1857-8 (a.d. 1801-2). On the 7th of June, Major Walker was directed 
 
MULHAR ROW GUIKOWAR. 
 
 39 1 
 
 to enter upon his duties as resident at Baroda. He arrived accord¬ 
 ingly at that place on the nth July, and was received with great 
 attention by the Guikowar government. His tents were pitched, at 
 Rowjee’s suggestion, in a suburban garden, within sight of the 
 minister’s own residence, and in that situation he hoisted the British 
 flag. 
 
 A few days before, news had arrived of the successful termination 
 of a second revolt against the government of Anund Row. Gunput 
 Row, a relative of the Guikowar family, had long ago endeavoured to 
 possess himself of the supreme power, in preference to the late Muha- 
 raja Gowind Row, notwithstanding which the good nature and easy 
 temper of that prince had assigned to him the small district and 
 stronghold of Sunkheira, at a moderate revenue, which he had of late 
 withheld, intending, in co-operation with Mulhar Row, to establish 
 his independence. Since the fall of Kuree he had, however, been 
 compelled to shut himself up in his castle, which, though mounting 
 only a couple of guns, and otherwise contemptible in point of means of 
 defence, had sustained an attack by the Guikowar troops. Gunput 
 Row had also been joined by Morar Row, one of the illegitimate 
 brothers of the Muharaja. A detachment of British troops under 
 Captain Bethune soon joined the Guikowar force, and on the 7th 
 July the fort of Sunkheira surrendered under a capitulation, which 
 secured the lives and private property of the garrison. Gunput Row 
 and Morar Row had, however, escaped on foot, with a few attend¬ 
 ants, the night preceding the capitulation, and now took refuge at 
 Dhar, with Bappoo Powar, a son-in-law of the late Gowind Row, and 
 a considerable Jagheerdar in Malwa, 
 
 The attention of both the Guikowar ministry and the British 
 resident was now for some months occupied in the difficult task of 
 dispersing the Arab militia, who had for so many years controlled 
 every movement of the state. Into the details of these transactions 
 it is unnecessary for us to enter,—sufficient to observe that the aid of 
 British troops was found indispensable, and that the Arab chiefs, 
 besieged in the town of Baroda, were at length compelled to capitu¬ 
 late to a force under the command of Colonel Woodington, on the 
 26th December, 1802. 
 
 The steps by which British influence was introduced into Goozerat 
 have thus been sketched. We may take the present opportunity of 
 briefly noticing its future progress. 
 
 A definitive treaty of general defensive alliance was concluded with 
 the Guikowar on the 21st April, 1805, for the purpose of con- 
 
392 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 solidating the stipulations contained in preceding agreements, and 
 making some additions and alterations which were deemed expedient. 
 I he Guikowar had previously received a subsidiary force of two 
 thousand men, and he now engaged to maintain three thousand, who 
 were to be stationed within his territory, but employed only on oc¬ 
 casions of importance. Districts yielding 11,70,000 rupees were 
 assigned for their support. The districts of Chourasee, Cheeklee, 
 and Kaira, together with the chouth of Surat, were ceded to the 
 British, and the revenue of other districts was appropriated for liqui¬ 
 dating the debt due to them by the Guikowar’s government. 1 
 
 No settlement between the governments of Baroda and Poonah 
 had taken place since the accession of Gowind Row. On the sup¬ 
 pression of the rebellion of Aba Shelookur, the Guikowar agreed to 
 hold Ahmedabad in farm from the Peshwah, including the tribute of 
 Kateewar, with the districts of Pitlad, Napar, Choora-Ranpoor, 
 Dhundhooka, and Gogo, and some rights in Cambay. By the treaty 
 of Bassein, however, the districts of Ranpoor, Gogo, and Dhun¬ 
 dhooka, and the Peshwah’s rights in Cambay, were ceded to the 
 British government. A lease of the remainder was granted by the 
 Poonah government to the Guikowar for ten years, from June, 1804. 
 But on the expiration of this term, the proposed renewal of the lease 
 was positively rejected by the Peshwah, who had now become anxious 
 to increase his political influence in Goozerat and Trimbukjee Dain- 
 glia, in 1815, having obtained the appointment of Sur-Soubahdar, 
 
 1 The following is a “ Statement of the cessions from the government of Anund 
 Row Guikowar, and Jaydad, to the Hon. East-India Company,” being one of the 
 papers by Gungadhur Shastree, appended to Colonel Walker’s Report of 1st 
 January, 1806. 
 
 Enams. 
 
 Killahdary of Kaira . rupees 42,000 
 
 Pergunnah of Cheeklee. 76,000 
 
 Chouth of Surat Bunder . 50,000 
 
 Pergunnah of Chourasee . 90,000 
 
 Jaydad. 
 
 Pergunnah of Nerriad . 1,75,000 
 
 Dholka . 4,50,000 
 
 Beejapoor . 1,30,000 
 
 Matur . 1,30,000 
 
 Moondeh. 1,10,000 
 
 Tuppa of Kuree Pergunnah. 25,000 
 
 Customs of Kimcatodrah . 50,000 
 
 Annual Wurats on Kateewar ... . 1,00,000 
 
 11,70,000 
 
 ■-14,28,000 
 
MULHAR ROW GUIKOWAR. 
 
 393 
 
 took possession of the districts in that province in the Pesh wall's 
 name, and began to use the influence thus obtained in intriguing 
 ; against the British power. By the treaty of Poonah, in 1817, the 
 i Peshvyah, however, bound himself to disavow this turbulent chieftain • 
 he relinquished at the same time all future demands on the Guikowar, 
 ; and compromised all past claims, and he ceded his revenue in Goo- 
 zerat, with the exception of Oolpar, to the British Government. 
 
 On the 6th November, in the same year, a further treaty was con¬ 
 cluded at Baroda, by which the Guikow y ar, who had secured important 
 advantages by the treaty of Poonah, acceded to a plan for the con¬ 
 solidation of the territories of the respective governments in Goozerat, 
 engaged to increase his subsidiary force by an addition of one 
 thousand regular infantry and two regiments of cavalry, and assigned 
 i to the British government, for defraying the increased expense, dis¬ 
 tricts lying conveniently for the meditated consolidation. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 MOOLUKGEEREE IN KATEEWAR. 
 
 We have already seen that the Kings of Unhilpoor and the Sultans 
 of Ahmedabad pursued in the main a very similar policy in regard to 
 their neighbours. When they found themselves strong enough to do 
 so, they effected a complete conquest, but, in the more numerous 
 cases, where subjugation was impracticable, they contented themselves 
 with the exaction of a tribute, rather than prosecute a doubtful con¬ 
 test to extremity. During the government of Goozerat by the Sultans, 
 and afterwards by the Imperial Soubahdars stationed at Ahmedabad, 
 the Mohummedan authority was supported by garrisons, placed in 
 fortified positions throughout the country, which ensured to some ex¬ 
 tent the regular collection of the tributary revenue, and rendered 
 expeditions for its enforcement, except in special cases, unnecessary. 
 1 hese posts were, however, gradually withdrawn or driven out, and 
 amid the frequent scenes of anarchy which were witnessed during the 
 last days of the Mogul government, not a few were the result of 
 endeavours to collect the revenue due from the tributaries by annual 
 military expeditions. This course, which with the Mohummedans 
 
394 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 was compulsory and exceptional, was with their successors congenial 
 and regular. It was a prominent feature in the policy of the Mah- 
 rattas that their sole object, in almost every country to which their 
 arms extended, was the enforcement of a payment. It was not until 
 some time after experience had taught them the advantages, towards 
 the creation of a revenue, which a permanent settlement would yield, 
 that their thoughts were even directed to a regular administration of 
 the countries which they had subdued. “ When the Mahrattas,” says 
 their historian, “ proceeded beyond their boundary, to collect revenue 
 “ and to make war were synonymous; whenever a village resisted, its i 
 “ officers were seized, and compelled by threats, and sometimes by 
 “ torture more or less severe, to come to a settlement; ready money 
 “ was seldom obtained, but securities from bankers, with whom all 
 ^the villages had dealing, were preferable, as they were exchanged for 
 “ bills payable in any part of India. When the garrisons of fortified 
 “ places made an unsuccessful resistance they were put to the sword.” 
 These expeditions, so peculiarly suited to the mercenary temper of 
 the Mahrattas, were called “Moolukgeeree,” or circuits of the country. 
 On their first appearance in Goozerat, the example of their Mohum- 
 medan predecessors and the circumstances of the country, as well as 
 their own predilections, led them to the adoption of these tributary 
 expeditions. Bodies of three thousand or four thousand predatory 
 horse, without guns or camp equipage, pursued their plundering march 
 through those parts of the country which were still possessed by 
 Rajpoot chiefs, and adjusted the amount of their demands to the* 
 ability of the Bhoomeea to comply, or their own power to enforce. 
 As the government of the country became more settled, the Moluk- 
 geeree expeditions were undertaken with a certain number of irre¬ 
 gular infantry, and began to assume more permanent features. It was 
 a principle of the Mahratta commanders to increase the amount of 
 their exactions, if possible, or at least not to recede from the demands 
 of their predecessors, and so tenacious were they of this latter rule, 
 that, in cases of arrears of tribute, a payment for two years at the 
 former rate was preferred by them to a complete settlement on more 
 moderate terms. With the Rajpopt chieftains, on the other hand, it 
 was equally a point of honor to resist as long as possible the levy of 
 any tribute whatever, and, in the last resort, to secure the most favor¬ 
 able terms in their power. A Moolukgeeree army seldom possessed 
 power sufficient to subjugate a country, or to reduce its fortresses, 
 which were sure to be defended with obstinacy; it carried on its 
 operations therefore against the open towns and villages, selecting the 
 season of harvest for its period of action, with the view not only of 
 
MOOLUKGEEREE. 
 
 395 
 
 compelling the more speedy acquiescence of the chieftain, but also 
 of securing the more ready means of subsistence for the troops. As 
 the Mahratta army approached the territory of the chief from whom 
 the tribute was demanded, it was his duty, if he meditated no opposi¬ 
 tion, to despatch an accredited agent to the boundary line, furnished 
 with the means of affording security for his compliance with all 
 reasonable demands. His estate was thereupon secured from preda¬ 
 tory acts on the part of the invading army, by the presence, in each 
 village, of one or more horsemen of the advanced guard, called 
 “ Bandhurs.” When, however, the chieftain evinced a determination 
 to resist, or even exhibited no indication of an early settlement, the 
 Pindarees were thrown out on all sides, and the march of the army 
 was thenceforth marked by every species of plunder and desolation; 
 the ripe crops were swept from the fields, the villages were wantonly 
 fired and destroyed, nothing was allowed to remain but the bare walls 
 of the houses, and it frequently happened that every acre of his lands 
 was left bare, and every hamlet in his territory reduced to a heap of 
 smouldering ruins, before the Rajpoot chieftain condescended to the 
 payment of the tribute demanded. 
 
 The Moolukgeeree tribute was in process of time (principally 
 under the direction of Shivram Gardee, the officer of regular troops 
 already mentioned)raised very considerably above its original standard. 
 In addition, also, to the tribute, properly so called, and which had 
 been realized by the former paramount powers, the Mahrattas exacted 
 payments under a variety of other heads, as for instance, that of grass 
 and grain for the horses of their cavalry, and that more comprehen¬ 
 sive item still of “ extra expenses.” The tributary country was 
 subsequently divided into two districts— Kateewar, which included the 
 Peninsula of Soreth, with the lands of the Jhalas and other con¬ 
 tiguous territory, and the Myhee Kanta , which extended from the 
 banks of that river to Umba Bhuwanee and the Runn of Kutch. 1 
 
 Several causes, arising from the usurpation of the Arab mercenaries, 
 the death of the Muharaja Gowind Row, and the insurrections of 
 
 1 An estimate of the Moolukgeeree revenue from these two provinces, furnished 
 to Colonel Walker by the Guikowar authorities, in a.d. 1802, showed the following 
 amounts :— 
 
 Province. 
 
 Guikowar Share. 
 
 Peshwah Share. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Kateewar. 
 
 4,09,521 
 
 5,38,019 
 
 9,47,540 
 
 Myhee Kanta . . 
 
 3,00,622 
 
 15,000 
 
 3,15,622 
 
rAs mAlA. 
 
 396 
 
 Kanhojee and Mulhar Row, had contributed to prevent the dis¬ 
 patch of the usual army into Kateewar, and the tributary revenue in 
 that province had accordingly fallen into arrears since the year a.d.1 
 1798-9. It fell to the lot of Babajee Appajee to collect these arrears “ 
 of tribute, and he accordingly proceeded on that service shortly after 
 the fall of Kuree, in a.d. 1802. During the intervening period, the > 
 chieftains of Kateewar had fortified themselves and prepared for re- 
 sistance, and the treasure which might have been appropriated in 
 payment of the tribute was dissipated in various pursuits, particularly 
 in the prosecution of their own dissensions. Their apprehensions 
 were also further excited by the report that it was Babajee’s deter-' 
 mination to enforce the whole of his demands at once. Having sub¬ 
 jugated the Desaee of Patree, who was a partisan of Mulhar Row, 
 Babajee entered Kateewar, and after a series of successful operations 
 in which he was engaged with Maleea, Moorbee, Joonagurh, Bhow- 
 nugger, and Wudwan, and suppressing a dangerous insurrection of the 
 Jagheerdar of Kuree, by taking that person and his son prisoners, he 
 finally liquidated the whole arrears of tribute due from the country, 
 and established in it a state of subordination and order superior to 
 any that had been witnessed for centuries. In the course of this 
 circuit of the Guikowar general, however, successful as it was to an 
 extent far beyond expectation or the real strength of his government, 
 there were not wanting sufficient indications that the chieftains of the 
 peninsula submitted the more readily to Babajee’s terms, from their 
 knowledge of the dependence of himself and of his sovereign on tho 
 far greater resources of the British power. They feared, in fact, to 
 use their own words, “ that the army of the Feringees might be spread 
 abroad.” Under these circumstances, motives of sound policy, as 
 well as those of humanity, and a due regard to British reputation, 
 rendered it necessary that an influence already powerful, though 
 unseen, should be openly acknowledged and fully defined. 
 
 At an early stage of the British connection with the Guikowar 
 government, it had been discovered that a considerable portion of 
 the resources of the Baroda state depended on a punctual realization 
 of its tributary revenue in Kateewar, while the large arrears due at 
 that period rendered their recovery an object of no common impor¬ 
 tance. The Guikowar ministry were extremely diffident of their 
 ability to recover this revenue, unless with the aid of the British : 
 and the increase of the subsidiary force to three battalions of native 
 infantry, as well as the stipulation in the definitive treaty that one ol 
 the battalions should proceed to Kateewar whenever real necessity 
 required it, principally arose from this impression of their weakness 
 
MOOLU KGEF.REE. 
 
 397 
 
 The British government thus found itself indirectly pledged to the 
 realization of an object which, if pursued in the mode expected by its 
 allies, would have to be effected at the price of a departure from its 
 usual principles and policy. As early as 15th December, 1802, the 
 supreme government, of which the Marquis of Wellesley was then the 
 head, was therefore induced to express its opinion, that if an amicable 
 arrangement could be made with the several chieftains of the penin¬ 
 sula for the regular payment of their tribute, without the necessity for 
 the periodical advance of a military force, an acceptable service 
 would thereby be rendered alike to the Guikowar state and to the 
 British interests in Goozerat. There were thus, in truth, concurring 
 circumstances, which operated to render necessary such an inter¬ 
 ference on the part of the British in the affairs of Kateewar. To the 
 voluntary payment of their tribute by the chieftains, the Guikowar 
 government looked forward for the means of effecting a large reduc¬ 
 tion in its overgrown military establishments ; it anticipated also a 
 valuable addition to its resources from funds which hitherto had been 
 swallowed up in the enormous expenses of collection; but it looked 
 to its allies for the means of effecting these desirable objects. The 
 British authorities, on the other hand, while formally engaged and 
 sincerely desirous to assist the Guikowar state, felt repugnance to 
 lending their aid for so questionable an object as the carrying out a 
 Moolukgeeree expedition, though they could contemplate, with honest 
 satisfaction, the advantages which the principalities of Kateewar 
 would derive from an arrangement that ameliorated a custom so 
 oppressive ; though they had reason to believe that their mediation 
 would be readily accepted by the chieftains, and though they were 
 I well aware that, as matters then stood, the Baroda state must, in 
 default of their active interference, continue to carry out its objects 
 in the peninsula of Goozerat by means which, however opposed to 
 the principles of the British government, still derived the greater part 
 of their efficacy from its presumed support. 
 
 Though these principles had been for some time admitted, it was 
 not until the 3rd April, 1807, that the government of Bombay found 
 | themselves in a position to enter upon a task of carrying them into 
 effect. Colonel Walker, having been selected as the officer uniting 
 the essential qualifications of requisite information and local influence, 
 was on that day instructed to assume the command of a detachment 
 destined, in co-operation with a sufficient contingent of the Guikowar 
 troops, to proceed with those special objects into the peninsula of 
 Soreth. 
 
 Means had previously been adopted, as has been noticed, for the 
 
39 § 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 purpose ot sounding the chieftains of Kateewar in regard to their 
 willingness to accept of British mediation for the permanent arrange¬ 
 ment of their tribute, and the discontinuance of military expeditions 
 for its realization. Though the result had been favourable, it was 
 not long after the appearance of the detachment in Kateewar, before 
 Colonel Walker discovered how little the chiefs contemplated a really 
 disinterested course of action on the part of the British government. 
 “ The circular addresses to the chieftains,” says that officer, “ were 
 “ hardly believed to be sincere, and some extraordinary and curious 
 “ communications were the result of the advance of the troops, and 
 “ discovered the sentiments of the country. It was most natural to 
 “ suppose that our object was a Moolukgeeree circuit on our own 
 “ account, and I accordingly received some proposals extolling the 
 “ acquaintance of the parties with the arts of exaction and the bravery 
 “ of their troops, which would be exerted, without exposing those of 
 “ the Company, for a participation in the spoils. The Maleea Raja 
 “ wished to turn the command of a passage over the Runn to account, 
 “ and proposed a joint plundering excursion into Chor Wagur, 
 “ Kutch, and Sindh. Others, again, conceived our object was to 
 “ supplant the rights of the Guikowar government, and these were 
 “ prepared to offer the most lavish assurances of dependence upon 
 “ the Company, and exhibited some attempts to neglect the Gui- 
 “ kowar. Some insidious attempts were even made to raise our 
 “ suspicions of the fidelity of the Guikowar government. It was 
 “ necessary to be prepared against these attempts, and discourage 
 “ them on their first appearance. Their intention was insidious, and 
 “ would have been productive of every serious consequence that 
 “ could flow from disunion of conduct and want of cordiality in the 
 “ pursuit of an object of joint interest. My endeavours were there- 
 “ fore directed to convince the Bhoomeeas that the Company’s troops 
 “ appeared in Kateewar as the allies of the Guikowar, and that their 
 “ object was to promote an ultimate arrangement of the country, 
 “ under the Company’s mediation, having in view the advantage of the 
 it Guikowar state, and the permanent interests of the Bhoomeeas 
 “ themselves.” 
 
 The efforts of Colonel Walker, which were ably seconded by 
 Wittul Row Deewan, the commander of the Guikowar troops, soon 
 revived the confidence of the Bhoomeeas ; and an opportunity was 
 found for establishing incontestably the disinterested intentions of 
 the British, in the restoration to its owner of the fort of Kundorna, 
 which, having been seized by the chief of Nowanugger, was rescued 
 by the detachment from his hands. The feeling of the Bhoomeeas 
 
MOOLUKGEEREE. 
 
 399 
 
 now sustained a complete revulsion ; and some of the weaker chief¬ 
 tains began to entertain chimerical expectations, and to look forward 
 to an indefinite redress of injuries from the justice of the British 
 government. Though anxiously embracing every opportunity of 
 affording protection to those to whom it could be extended to advan¬ 
 tage, and though actually successful in restoring many outlaws to 
 their homes, and in preventing many acts of oppression, the British 
 envoy found it necessary to confine his attempts, as a general rule, 
 to the one object of providing for the Bhoomeeas security in time to 
 come, without entering into the discussion of cases of doubtful or 
 irremediable misfortune. His chief difficulty lay in assuming a just 
 standard for a revenue, which had hitherto been so fluctuating and 
 undetermined. It was evident, on the one hand, that the Baroda 
 government had reason to expect, if not an increase to their revenue, 
 at least its maintenance on an undiminished footing—the rather 
 under the intimate knowledge which the British possessed of their 
 necessities. The Bhoomeea chieftains, on the other hand, were in¬ 
 duced to rely upon British influence for their protection from exces¬ 
 sive exactions, and from the permanent establishment of a tribute 
 beyond their means to defray. 
 
 The existing rate of tribute had been increased under the adminis¬ 
 tration of Babajee and others, principally under the item of “ extra 
 expenses,” to an amount to which the Bhoomeeas had submitted with 
 reluctance, which had been calculated upon the utmost revenues of 
 their territories, and which was unfit for the basis of a permanent 
 settlement, both because it had not been in existence for a sufficient 
 length of time to constitute a precedent, and still more, because, as 
 was evident, it could not have been realized in successive years with¬ 
 out recourse to coercion. A small reduction was therefore granted to 
 almost every chieftain, principally under the item above mentioned. 
 Engagements were then entered into, under the guarantee of the British 
 government, which assured to the Baroda state the punctual payment 
 of the tribute upon the rate determined, while they bound the chief- 
 ; tains of the country to refrain from those mutual aggressions and acts 
 : of depredation and violence which had formerly kept the country in 
 a state of continual suffering; the petty states on the sea-coast cove¬ 
 nanted to relinguish piracy, and resigned the right to property in 
 wrecks that might happen within their territories ; the Jhareja and 
 Jetwa Rajpoots at the same time, by a solemn act, proclaimed the 
 abrogation of their inhuman practice of female infanticide ; while the 
 mediating power pledged itself to protect the country from oppression, 
 and to relieve it from the injuries which it had hitherto annually sus- 
 
400 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 tained from the circuit of a Moolukgeeree army. In order, however, 
 to ensure permanency to these engagements, and to confirm to the 
 Guikowar government that ascendency on which so many advantages 
 depended, it was determined to station within the peninsula a military 
 force, composed of a contingent of Mahratta horse and one battalion 
 of the British subsidiary troops. 
 
 As the result of the arrangements thus ably concluded, through the 
 influence of the British envoy, the chieftains of Kateewar were grati -1 
 fied by seeing one of the most oppressive sources of exaction consi- - 
 derably ameliorated, and its future amount finally determined, while, 
 on the other hand, the rights of the Guikowar government (no longer, 
 as formerly, based upon the mere superiority arising from more power¬ 
 ful resources) were now solemnly and formally recognised by the 
 voluntary acts of the chieftains of the country themselves, and esta¬ 
 blished, for the future, upon the same foundations as those engage¬ 
 ments which connect more civilized states with each other,—“an 
 advantage,” says Colonel Walker, “ in the most complete sense of the 
 “ term, which no government preceding that of the Guikowar had yet 
 “ been able to obtain.” 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE WAGHELAS—THE KUSBATEES OF DHOLKA—THE JHALAS. 
 
 We may now pass in review such of the Rajpoot houses as were 
 found in existence by Colonel Walker, when the various districts of 
 Goozerat which have been mentioned passed into British hands, and 
 when the influence of the British government was, through the 
 engagements lately concluded, extended over other parts of the 
 country. 
 
 Of the younger branch of the royal Waghelas, we have had nothing 
 to record from the time of Ahmed Shah to the present period. 1 The 
 chief of Sanund, or of Kot, was now discovered by Colonel Walker, 
 holding the first position among the independent “ grassias ” of the 
 r district of Dholka, and though possessor of but twenty-four villages, 
 
 1 Vide p. 267. 
 
KUSBATEES OF DHOLKA. 
 
 401 
 
 still assuming the title of raja, and boasting of his high descent from 
 the forgotten kings of Unhilpoor. His principal town of Kot, though 
 undefended by fortifications, was encircled by an impenetrable belt of 
 jungle, and he retained in his service a force of two thousand irregular 
 infantry, and one hundred and fifty horse, who mounted guard at his 
 residence, and were engaged to defend his person or to wage hpsti- 
 lities, “ like the troops of a sovereign prince.” His relation, the chief 
 of Gangur, possessed villages, which though only eight in number, 
 constituted a very valuable estate, and maintained an armed force of 
 one thousand men. 
 
 Each of these chiefs paid to the paramount power a yearly tribute, 
 the amount of which, however, varied according to circumstances. 
 T. he general government, as was stated by Colonel Walker, possessed 
 no right of interference with their internal administration beyond that 
 of enforcing the payment of their tribute, and preventing any disturb¬ 
 ance on their part of the peace of the country. 
 
 In the immediate vicinity of the Waghelas were the Kusbatees of 
 ! Dholka, a numerous and warlike body of Mohummedans, inhabiting 
 | the chief town of the district, and who were regarded by the Mah- 
 ratta governments as an useful counterpoise to the power of the 
 Rajpoot grassias. The Kusbatees were of three classes—Menas, 
 Rehens, and Purmars ; the two former were 1 reputed to have come 
 from Delhi at the close of the sixteenth century; the last were, as 
 their name implies, of Rajpoot blood, and were in fact the de- 
 | scendants of that branch of the Purmars of Moolee, which, we have 
 already beheld, settled at Botad, as converts to the Mohummedan 
 religion. 1 
 
 In a.d. 1654, say the bards, a quarrel having arisen between the 
 brothers who then held Botad, one of them, named Mullik Mo- 
 hummed, went off in anger to Dholka. His grandson, Kumal Mo- 
 hummed, left seven sons, who, with two hundred horse, which they 
 commanded, served Ubhye Singh Rathor during the time of his 
 government of Ahmedabad, and afterwards followed the Nowaub 
 Kumal-ood-deen (or Juwan-Murd Khan) Babee. When the latter 
 was compelled to surrender Ahmedabad, the Purmars retired to 
 J oonagurh, where they served for many years. At length, as they 
 were in arrears of pay, the Nowaub of Joonagurh assigned to them 
 his rights of tribute upon Gareeadhar, which he found himself unable 
 to realise. ^ The brothers had been previously on very intimate terms 
 with the Gareeadhar people, and therefore they set off thither joy- 
 
 1 Vide p. 281. 
 
 I) D 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 40 2 
 
 fully, taking with them their families as well as their military retainers. 
 The villagers were very much distressed, and determined to rid them¬ 
 selves of their burden; but in the meantime, in order to prevent any 
 suspicion, they each of them received a horseman, and entertained 
 him hospitably. At length, one night when the horsemen had retired 
 to rest a signal was given by beat of drum, and each householder put 
 to death his guest. Mullik Futteh Mohummed and Mullik Ucha, 
 two of the Purmar brothers, were the only survivors; the remaining 
 brothers, and the whole of their retainers, perished. 
 
 When the news reached Dholka the cry was that great oppression 
 had been committed. The two Talookdars also said, “If they 
 “ had been slain in fight we should not have grieved, but they have 
 “ been oppressed fraudulently. We will become Fukeers.” Their 
 friends persuaded them not to become Fukeers, but to take revenge. 
 They agreed, and when they had purchased new horses, they returned 
 to Joonagurh to serve the Nowaub with new men. For a few years 
 they found no opportunity for revenge, but at length the Guikowar 
 army going its rounds in Kateewar, Neewaz Khan Rehen, the 
 Dholka Kusbatee, went with the Mahrattas, and as the Rehens and 
 the Purmars were on good terms, Mullik Futteh Mohummed and 
 Mullik Ucha accompanied him. Neewaz Khan paid the tribute 
 due to the Guikowar from Gareeadhar, and then attacked and de¬ 
 stroyed the village in revenge for the Talookdars, ploughing it up with 
 donkeys, and sowing it with salt. The Purmars seized the village 
 head-man, and his two daughters, whom they made their concubines. 
 
 Kumal Mohummed had acquired wealth; but his eldest son, 
 Mullik Namunt, had used his sword so well as to add to the family 
 riches, and he had obtained several villages also. He was called the 
 Talookdar of Keshree, an estate of sixteen villages. After his death 
 at Gareeadhar, his brother, Futteh Mohummed, became his heir; but 
 he, too, died in a.d. 1746, and was succeeded by his son, Sher Meea, 
 who ruled his Talook well, made good use of his sword, and increased 
 
 his possessions. A j 
 
 Sher Meea died in a.d. 1799, and was succeeded by his son, Bhawa 
 
 Meea. 
 
 Mullik Ucha, the brother of Futteh Mohummed, received no part 
 of his father’s property, but by his good fortune he acquired villages 
 of his own, and having founded a new house, was styled Talookdar 
 of Dhunwara, which estate is also in the Dholka district. He died 
 in a.d. 1765, and left three sons. The eldest son, Nana Meea, suc¬ 
 ceeded his father, and died in a.d. 1799, without a successor. His 
 brothers received no share of their father’s property, but acquired 
 
KUSBATEES OF DHOLKA. 
 
 403 
 
 villages by their own strength. Their sister, Mool Beebee, had been 
 married to Sher Meea, and though Bhawa Meea was the son of an¬ 
 other wife, yet as he was thus in a manner the nephew of Nana Meea, 
 he became his heir, and inherited five villages, an elephant, two 
 hundred horses, and other property. 
 
 Soon after Bhawa Meea’s succession, a body of plundering Jutt 
 horsemen, four hundred in number, attacked one of his villages, sup¬ 
 posing that as Sher Meea was dead they could do so with impunity. 
 Though they had often been beaten off by Sher Meea, yet this time 
 they carried off the cattle, and brought them to Keshree, where they 
 drew rein. Here they oppressed the people much, and though the 
 villagers said, “ This is Sher Meea’s village, if his horsemen arrive 
 “ you wall suffer for it,” the Jutts paid no attention, but only said, 
 “ Sher Meea is gone, and his son is in the cradle.” Bhawa Meea 
 heard, at Dholka, what had happened; he immediately mounted his 
 horse and set out, followed by about sixty horsemen. At this time 
 he was twenty-two years old. When he came up with the plunder¬ 
 ing horsemen he went in among them without any consideration, and 
 used his sword in a manner beyond his years. The forayers soon 
 took to flight, leaving five of their number dead and many wounded. 
 When the people at Dholka knew that the Talookdar had set off to 
 attack the Jutts, a large body of horsemen mounted and hastened 
 to his assistance ; but they were not in time for the battle, and 
 before they even reached the ground, they met Bhawa Meea and his 
 party returning with the horses they had captured, and the heads of 
 the five Jutts that had been slain. 
 
 At this time the Jutts and Katees roamed about the country in 
 large bodies, as freely as if they had been government troops. The 
 ancestors of Bhawa Meea had often defeated them, and there was a 
 deadly feud between them on that account, but as he had shown so 
 much valor at so early an age, and his reputation went on increasing 
 day by day, the Jutts feared to encounter him. 
 
 . Sher Meea had served the Peshwah, but Bhawa Meea had attached 
 himself to the Guikowar, and gained great distinction. When the 
 Baroda army advanced against Ahmedabad, in a.d. 1800, to drive out 
 Shelookur, Bhawa Meea was with them, followed by two hundred 
 horse ; and when, in a.d. 1802, the Guikowar called in the British to 
 aid him against Mulhar Row, and the British force which had disem¬ 
 barked at Cambay, found difficulty in advancing from thence to 
 Kuree, the Guikowar wrote to Bhawa Meea, who attended the troops 
 to Kuree with two hundred horse, and was on very good terms with 
 the British. 
 
404 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Bhawa Meea, after having attained great reputation, died in a.d. 1812, 
 leaving two sons, Bapoo Meea and Mullik Meea, of whom the elder 
 succeeded him. The Talooka consisted at this time of thirty villages. 
 
 Such was the leading family of the Kusbatees of Dholka, alluded 
 to by Colonel Walker. He mentions that they were a bold and tur¬ 
 bulent people, some of whom commanded the services of a consider¬ 
 able number of horsemen, whom they hired out to such of the 
 neighbouring powers as required them. They held almost all of the 
 peaceable part of the Dholka district in mortgage for payments of 
 revenue in advance, and had thereby much extended their influence. 
 
 We have little to record of the fortunes of the Jhalas for many 
 years after their establishment at Patree. 1 In the time of MuMrana 
 Chundrasunghjee, who is said to have been the fifteenth in descent 
 from Hurpal, through his eldest son, Shedo, or Shodojee, the chief 
 seat of the Jhalas had already been removed from Patree to Hul- 
 wud, another town on the banks of the lesser Runn of Kutch; and 
 during his reign, or immediately afterwards, this branch of the house 
 of Hurpal was again subdivided into chieftainships, which still 
 retain their independence. Prutheeraj, the elder son of Chundra¬ 
 sunghjee, lost his inheritance, but became the founder of the houses 
 of Wankaner and Wudwan ; Umur Singh, the second son, succeeded 
 his father at Hulwud, and is represented by the present chief of 
 Dhrangudra; the third son, Ubherajjee, founded the house of Lug- 
 tur. The family of Syela is a branch from that of Umur Singh, of 
 Hulwud ; and that of Choora descends from a cadet of Wudwan. 
 The Muharana Chundrasunghjee, here alluded to, is mentioned, by 
 name, in the Meerat Ahmudee, as having, in the year a.d. 1590, had 
 a meeting, at Veerumgam, with Khan Uzeez Koka, the imperial vice¬ 
 roy in Goozerat. Shekhurojee, the second son of Hurpal, established 
 himself at Shunchana (or Susana), in the Veerumgam district, and 
 held an estate composed of eighty-four villages, which were subse¬ 
 quently re-annexed to the crown-lands, but in which his descendants 
 still hold “ wantas.” Mangojee, the youngest son of Hurpal, founded 
 the family of Limree, which was seated first at Sheeanee and next at 
 Jamboo. 
 
 The following is the story of Prutheeraj, the son of Chundrasunghjee, 
 as given by the bards :— 
 
 Raj Shree Chundrasunghjee, who reigned at Hulwud, had three 
 1 Vide p. 231. 
 
KUSBATEES OF DHOLKA. 
 
 4°5 
 
 sons, of whom Prutheeraj was the eldest. Udajee, the Rajpoot of 
 Sheeanee, having quarrelled with the Governor of Ahmedabad, de¬ 
 termined to quit his territories, and in that view removed towards 
 Hulwud. Prutheeraj had been out riding, and happened to bring 
 his horse to the tank to drink water at the same time that TJdajee 
 came thither for a similar purpose. Some persons who were at the 
 tank cautioned Udajee not to approach Prutheeraj, because he was 
 in the habit of striking horses with his whip if they came near him. 
 Udajee went, notwithstanding, close to the Koonwur, and when the 
 latter raised the whip to strike his horse, Udajee brought his spear 
 to the rest, and said, that if Prutheeraj struck the horse he would 
 spear him. Prutheeraj was unarmed, and so he went back to the 
 | town, and there began to prepare a party to plunder Udajee’s camp. 
 Chundrasunghjee, hearing of this, sent immediately to the Koonwur, 
 to forbid his plundering people who had taken refuge in the territory 
 of Hulwud. Prutheeraj, however, paid no attention to these remon¬ 
 strances, but when he had completed his preparations set forth to 
 attack, the camp. Chundrasunghjee upon this mounted his horse, 
 and riding to the camp of Udajee, dismounted there. On being in¬ 
 formed of the step taken by his father, the Koonwur forbore from his 
 intended attack, and angrily went away to Wudwan, from which place 
 he plundered the surrounding country. After a time, he had col¬ 
 lected about two thousand followers, and having been informed that 
 camels laden with treasure were on their way from Joonagurh to 
 Ahmedabad, he prepared an ambuscade, and carried off the treasure. 
 The persons in charge having made a complaint, the Mohummedan 
 government set a reward upon Prutheeraj’s head, and sent after him 
 a Jemadar with two thousand horse. This officer, when he found 
 what the strength of Prutheeraj's force was, determined to employ 
 stratagem against him. He sent a man to Wudwan to say that he had 
 been detached for the purpose of levying tribute, and requested 
 Prutheeraj to accompany him. The Jemadar took an oath upon the 
 Koran that he would commit no act of treachery unless Prutheeraj 
 should first deceive him; and Prutheeraj upon this joining him, they 
 planned, an attack upon Sheeanee, which they successfully carried 
 out, slaying Udajee. Then “ sut” came upon the wife of Udajee, and 
 she despatched her servants to Prutheeraj to beg for the head of 
 her husband. The Koonwur, however, had cut off Udajee’s head, 
 and caused it to be hung from a tree, and he sent word to the lady, in 
 reply, that he would not give it to her unless she came herself and 
 took it down. The wife of Udajee came, and, girding up her 
 clothes, climbed the tree, Prutheeraj meanwhile abusing Udajee, 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 406 
 
 and saying, “ Son ! you raised your spear against me, true; but see 
 “ now, how nimble I’ve caused your wife to be at climbing trees.” 
 The sutee, when she heard these words, cursed Prutheeraj in her 
 fury, and said, “Yes ! I have been compelled by you to mount a 
 “ tree, but no wife of yours shall ever wash her body in mourning for 
 “ you.” 1 Other people, as well as the sutee, blamed Prutheeraj for 
 what he had done, and it was not long before he was himself repentant. 
 However, he went on with the Jemadar, collecting tribute. On one 
 occasion, some of his people, being in the van, arrived first at a 
 halting ground, and, as water was scarce, they pitched a tent over the 
 well, and declared there was none in the place, so that though they 
 got water from the well, the Jemadar’s men had to travel six miles to 
 get any. The Jemadar was infonned of this; he said, “Prutheeraj 
 “has been deceitful first, now I am absolved of my oath.” He 
 seized Prutheeraj treacherously, and carried him off, and no one in 
 this country knows what became of him. 
 
 Prutheeraj being thus absent at the time of his father’s death, his 
 younger brother, Umur Singh, seized upon Hulwud. Prutheeraj, 
 however, left two sons, Sultanjee, from whom descends Wukhutsungh- 
 jee, the present Raj of Wankaner, and Rajajee, who was the first of 
 the house of Wudwan. Rajajee married Som Koonwur Baee, daugh¬ 
 ter of Rathor Shree Eesubdasjee, the son of Row Narondas, and 
 brother of Veerum Dev—the same lady, probably, who is alluded to 
 in the Churittra of the prince of Eedur. The Rathoranee departed 
 with her beloved through the flames of the pyre in a.d. 1643, as we 
 are informed by the inscription on her funeral monument, and her 
 image, under the respectful title of “ the Sutee Rathor Mother’s,” is 
 placed in a shrine at no great distance from that of the unhappy 
 Ranik Devee, and on days of holiday, dressed in queenly marriage 
 attire and jewels, receives the salutation of her descendants. 
 
 Among the Sutees’ temples at Wudwan is one called “ the Haree 
 “ Mother’s.” This lady, whose name was Baee Shree Dev Koonwur, 
 was the daughter of a Hara chief named Umur Singh, and the wife 
 of Muharana Shree Urjoon Singh, whom she followed through the 
 flames in a.d. 1741. The temple was erected by Urjoon Singh’s son 
 and successor, Muharana Shree Subul Singh, who was not, however, 
 descended of the Haree Ranee, his mother being a lady of the 
 Purmar clan, by name Shree Uchooba. In a line with the Haree 
 
 1 She meant that his wife should never receive information as to when or where 
 he died, so as to mourn for him; 
 
THE JHALAS. 
 
 40 7 
 
 Mother’s shrine is the funeral temple of Muharana Shree Chundra 
 Singh, erected in a.d. 1779, by his son and successor, the Muharana 
 Shree Prutheeraj, whose mother was Baee Shree Kooshul Koonwur, 
 the daughter of Shree Jorajee, a Waghela chief of Pethapoor. These 
 scanty memorials supply the only information which we possess of the 
 fortunes of the Jhala house for many years. 
 
 Regarding the last mentioned prince, Muharana Chundra Singh, of 
 Wudwan, the bardic chroniclers, however, furnish us with the follow¬ 
 ing narrative :— 
 
 A Lohana of the village of Memka, near Wudwan, took a bullock 
 load of pulse, which in Kateewar they call “ Jhalur,” to Rozkoo, in 
 the Bhal country, near Dhundhooka, to sell it. The Choorasuma 
 grassia of Rozkoo, whose name was Mepjee, had married one of his 
 daughters to a Jhala bridegroom, but was nevertheless at feud with 
 that house. He said jeeringly to the Lohana, “ What’s the worth of 
 “that Jhala of your’s ? ” The Lohana answered, “A hundred 
 “ Bhaleeas 1 go to one Jhala.” When the Choorasuma heard that, he 
 was very angry; he beat the Lohana, took his bullock from him, and 
 turned him out of the village. The Lohana went to complain to his 
 prince, Chundrasunghjee Raja, of Wudwan. The raja enquired what 
 the value of the bullock and its load was, and paid the Lohana the 
 sum he named, but determined in his own mind that he would some 
 day or other be quits with the chief of Rozkoo. 
 
 Now the Choorasuma had a village called Morseeoo. Thither went 
 Chundrasunghjee soon after with two thousand horsemen. He 
 plundered the village, piled the wood of the houses upon carts, and 
 set off homewards. Mepjee’s sons, Lakhabhaee and Ramabhaee, 
 went to their brother-in-law, Hurbhumjee Raja, of Limree, and told 
 him of their feud with Wudwan, and of what they had suffered on 
 account of it Hurbhumjee set out to their aid with seven hundred 
 horse and eight hundred foot, and took with him Bhugwanbhaee, the 
 Guikowar’s lieutenant, who was at Limree at the time, at the head of 
 a body of twelve thousand horse, which he had brought into the 
 province. The allies halted for the evening on the banks of the 
 river Bhadur, and as they had a number of guns with them, they de¬ 
 termined to defend the passage against Chundrasunghjee. The raja 
 of Wudwan meanwhile came up, and pitched his camp near them. 
 He thought that it would now be impossible for him to carry off his 
 booty, and that his honor would be lost if even a single cart were left 
 behind; so he set the whole on fire. At three o’clock in the morning, 
 
 1 Bhaleeas are large earthen jars, or inhabitants of the Bhal. 
 
408 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Chundrasunghjee rose and took “the red cup.” He felt sure that 
 he should be slain in the fight that was about to ensue, so he drank 
 Ganges water, put a leaf of the sacred basil-tree in his mouth, and 
 assumed some coral ornaments. 1 When he was ready, an Arab 
 Jemadar in his service, whose name was Gorimbho, came to him, 
 and said, “ Thakor ! if it seem good to you, I will attack their guns 
 “ with my five hundred Mukranees, while you charge the main body. 
 “ Or, if you please, I will charge them in the centre while you take 
 “ their guns.” Chundrasunghjee thought the first plan the best. He 
 dismounted from his horse, and took a sword and shield. One of his 
 chiefs came to him and dissuaded him from fighting on foot, but the 
 Durbar replied, “ Is there any hope of surviving now?” The chief 
 “ answered, “ Sire! that is in the hands of the Supreme Being. May 
 “ Baburo Kool Dev and Shuktee Devee protect you ! But while you 
 “ have yet a horse, what need is there for your fighting on foot ?” In this 
 way he persuaded him to remount, and the rest of the horsemen having 
 also mounted, they moved off to attack the enemy. Meanwhile 
 Gorimbho Jemadar was advancing against the guns with his five 
 hundred infantry. The guns were charged with round shot, and 
 placed at the edge of the opposite bank over the river. The artillery 
 men fired as quick as they could, but the Jemadar’s men had already 
 got down the bank into the bed of the river, and the balls went over 
 their heads. The Jemadar immediately attacked the gunners, who 
 fled, leaving their pieces in his possession. Meanwhile Chundra¬ 
 sunghjee charged the main body of Hurbhumjee’s troops, and they, 
 discouraged by the flight of the gunners, turned and fled also. 
 Hurbhumjee escaped to Limree, pursued all the way by Chund¬ 
 rasunghjee, who killed about fifty of his horsemen. 
 
 When the battle was over, the Guikowar’s lieutenant, Bhugwanbhaee, 
 sent an officer with a silver rod, to claim the guns as his master’s 
 property. Chundrasunghjee said that he had not been aware that that 
 was the case, and that the lieutenant might come for the guns, or that 
 he would himself send them. The Mahratta horsemen came for the 
 guns and took them away, and Bhugwanbhaee went back to Baroda, 
 while Chundrasunghjee returned home to Wudwan. 
 
 After the deaths of Chundrasunghjee and Hurbhumjee, the Limree 
 Raja Hureesunghjee, the son of Hurbhumjee, attacked Pathabhaee 
 (Prutheraj), son of Chundrasunghjee, in revenge. He came against 
 Wudwan, with five hundred horse and two hundred foot. The horse 
 were divided into three bodies, one of which encamped on the banks 
 
 1 These are ceremonies of interment.—See account of funerals in the Conclusion. 
 
THE JHALAS. 
 
 409 
 
 of the Karee river, six miles from Wudwan, and the other two beside 
 reservoirs at Kheraloo and Paleeawullee. It happened that five and 
 twenty of the Limree horsemen had skirmished up to the gate of 
 Wudwan, and had killed a cultivator, and done some further mis¬ 
 chief, when they were suddenly attacked by fifteen of Pathabhaee’s 
 horse, who were going their rounds. The Limree men took to flight, 
 and the others pursued them to the place on the banks of the river 
 where the foremost division was. The Wudwan horse fired into the 
 encampment and killed five men, and the rest taking to flight they 
 pursued them as far as Kheraloo. Raja Pathabhaee, receiving in¬ 
 formation of what had happened, set out immediately with two 
 hundred foot and three hundred horse, and attacked the enemy posted 
 at Kheraloo, whom he defeated and put to flight. In this action, 
 Ramabhaee, of Parburee, and Lakhabbaee, Hureesunghjee’s mother’s 
 brothers, were killed. Their funeral temples may still be seen in that 
 place. 
 
 There was another fight, also, at the Karee river, in which Huree- 
 sunghjee was present in person. On this occasion, Pathabhaee’s 
 mother’s brother, Sherbhaee Waghela, of Pethapoor, was carried by 
 his horse through the midst of Hureesunghjee’s troops. Hureesungh- 
 jee pursued him, and slew him. The armies afterwards separated 
 and returned to their homes. 1 
 
 A few years afterwards, in Sumwut, 1863 (a.d. 1807), the Jhalas 
 were again at war among themselves. On the borders of the Wud¬ 
 wan territory there is a village named Khora, containing a very old 
 
 1 The two following documents will throw light upon the text. The first is 
 “ a Runwutee deed,” or grant, in compensation, to the successor of a murdered 
 person ; the second is an engagement entered into by outlaws, on obtaining per¬ 
 mission to return to their homes. 
 
 I. 
 
 To Muharana Shree Hurbhumjee, salutation from Jhala Gopaljee, and Jhala 
 Veesojee, and Jhala Bhawajee, and Jhala Bhaeejee, and Jhala Ujabhaee, and 
 Jhala Moolojee, and Jhala Ramsunghjee, and Jhala Rutunjee, and Jhala Sungram- 
 jee, and Jhala Rutunjee Lakhajee, and all the brothers. 
 
 A quarrel occurred among the brothers at the village of Barejura, and Jhala 
 Maljee and Jhala Humeerjee cut off Jhala Ramsunghjee’s head. Therefore, Jhala 
 Maljee and Jhala Humeerjee are expelled from the eighty-four townships (of 
 Limree), and Jhala Maljee’s and Jhala Humeerjee’s gras (hereditary lands), con¬ 
 sisting of a share in the villages of Barejura and Jhaleea, are given ughat (without 
 opportunity of revocation) to Jhala Kusheeajee, as the price of Jhala Ramsungh¬ 
 jee’s head, the grant to last as long as the sun and the moon last. Jhala Kusheea¬ 
 jee is to receive the revenues of these two villages, and enjoy the “gras.” 
 Further, no descendant of Jhala Maljee or Jhala Humeerjee is to be permitted to 
 reside in the eighty-four villages. Whoever entertains such a person is an offender 
 
4ro 
 
 rAs malA. 
 
 castle, the erection of which is attributed to Sidh Raj. Six miles 
 from thence is Goojurvedee, a village belonging to the Raja of 
 Dhrangudra. At these two frontier points the chiefs of Wudwan and 
 Hulwud had their outposts. On the day of the festival of the goat, 
 the Mohummedan soldiers belonging to the post at Goojurvedee went 
 round their own village to procure a goat, and being unsuccessful 
 then repaired to Khora. At this latter place they agreed with a 
 shepherd to purchase a goat from him for three shillings, but having 
 got possession of the animal they carried it off without paying the 
 price. The shepherd went immediately to the Limree post in the 
 village and complained of what had happened, and the Limree men 
 turned out and went to Goojurvedee to demand the goat. The 
 Dhrangudra soldiers now agreed to pay for the animal, but the others 
 
 against the Durbar (the court, literally, meaning the chief, the Muharana, of 
 Limree), and if the Durbar punish him no one shall complain. We will, all of us, 
 act up to this agreement, and for us so doing the undersigned are security—Raba 
 Wasung, of Bodana, and Raba Bhuga, and Raba Naron, and Raba Dhunna, and 
 Guduwee Unda. We will act according to what has been here written. Surnwut, 
 1833 (A.D. 1777), Magsheer shood 6, Monday. 
 
 Signatures. 
 Gopaljee, &c. 
 
 Wit?iesses. 
 
 Shree Jugdeesh (i. e. the sun). 
 Jhala Maljee. 
 
 Jhala Meghabhaee. 
 
 Jhala Chandabhaee. 
 
 Rathor Kanda. 
 
 Goletur Rajajee. 
 
 Desaee Luloobhaee. 
 
 Written by Bhowaneedas, in the presence of the parties. 
 
 Written by Jhala Sun- 
 gramjee. 
 
 II. 
 
 Shree Bheemnathjee is security for the performance of the under-written agree* 
 ment. We will perform it. 
 
 To Muharana Shree Hureesunghjee, salutation from Jhala Kusheeajee Ram- 
 singh, and Keshabhaee, of the village of Barejura. In payment of debts due by 
 us we mortgaged the village of Barejura, to Sha Nanjee Doongurshee. After¬ 
 wards, we had a quarrel with Sha Nanjee, and leaving the village, went to Oolch- 
 rala, from whence we annoyed the Durbar. In atonement for these acts we hereby 
 pass the village of Barejura to the Durbar, for seventy years, up to the end of 
 which time the Durbar is to enjoy it; and after that, we will arrange in regard to 
 the debt due to Sha Nanjee, as any two men may decide. On the above terms, 
 the Durbar has called us in and given us jeewaee lands in the village (lands for their 
 subsistence), which we will enjoy, and create no disturbance for the future. For 
 our keeping the above agreement, we give the following as security :—The 
 Chundhooka Kusbatees, Syud Boolakee Azumbhaee, and Shekh Sahib, and the 
 Choorasuma of Parburee, Ramsunghjee ; they are to be responsible in their 
 property. Surnwut, 1853 (a.d. 1797). Bhadrapud shood 2, Saturday. 
 
THE JHALAS. 
 
 411 
 
 refused the money, and taking away the goat returned with it home. 
 When the Dhrangudra men went to their master, the Raj, at Hulwud. 
 and informed him of what had happened he was angry, and said, 
 “ Why did you allow them to take away what you had purchased on 
 “ your holiday ?” He determined to attack Wudwan, and sent for 
 assistance to the Raj of Wankaner, the chiefs of Syela and Choora, 
 and to Huree Singh of Limree. The former declined joining him, 
 but the latter assembled their forces and attended him. Huree 
 Singh is said to have endeavoured to induce the chief of Wudwan to 
 make submission :—“ Do you suppose,” was the message, “ that there 
 “ is any difference between Hulwud and Limree ? If you fight with 
 “ Hunooman you will certainly be defeated. Does a wise man invite 
 “ Yuma to his gate ? What has happened has happened, but if you 
 “ now persist, your fort will be destroyed and the army of the 
 “ Feringees will be spread over the country.” Prutheeraj of Wudwan, 
 however, determined to resist, and he collected a force which he 
 maintained by plundering alternately the villages of Dhrangudra and 
 Limree. When the allies were assembled, the Raj of Dhrangudra at 
 first paid the expenses of the whole, but this was subsequently discon¬ 
 tinued, and each chief supported his own troops. After some en- 
 
 Further, Mehta Bhugwandas is security, the above-mentioned securities having 
 declined; also Guduwee Dula Jeewun, of the Tapureea branch, and Guduwee 
 Jeewun Sahoo, of Khumbhulav, and Guduwee Uja Uda, of the Detha branch, of 
 the village of Puchum, and Rawul Devkurshun Wala, of the village of Pansheena. 
 They are to be responsible in their property. 
 
 Witnesses. 
 
 Shree Jugdeesh (the sun). 
 
 Rathor Kanda. 
 
 Jhala Bajeebhaee, of the village of 
 Gedee. 
 
 Waghela Hutheebha.ee Bhowanjee, of 
 the village of Loleeyanah. 
 
 Sha Peetambur Bhowanee. 
 
 Sholunkee Kaka Jetarah. 
 
 Putel Mooloo Asha. 
 
 Gohil Hujoojee Jethajee, of Dokurla. 
 
 Written by Myaram, in the presence of the parties. 
 
 Guduwee.Dula, 
 agrees to the above. 
 
 Guduwee Uja Detha, 
 agrees to the above. 
 Guduwee Jeewun Sahoo, 
 agrees to the above. 
 
 Rawul Devkurun Vela, 
 agrees to the above. 
 
412 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 gagements in the field Prutheeraj was compelled to retire within the 
 walls of Wudwan, and the allies then besieged him and effected a 
 breach with their artillery. At this period, however, the Bhats and 
 Charuns came between the combatants, and an arrangement of the 
 dispute was by their means effected. 
 
 Thus far on bardic authority. Colonel Walker, who was in Jhala- 
 war shortly after these occurrences, gives the following account of 
 them :— 
 
 “ Another cause ” (of the wretched state of the country) “ is the war 
 “ which lately existed between the Rajas of Limree, Wudwan, and 
 “ Dhrangudra. This war arose from the ridiculous circumstance of a 
 “ party of Dhrangudra horse having taken a goat from a shepherd, 
 “ for which they offered to pay, but the shepherd went and com- 
 “ plained, and a party of Wudwan people took the flesh of the goat 
 “ from the horsemen while they were preparing to cook it. This pro- 
 “ duced retaliation from Dhrangudra; one outrage provoked another; 
 “ the Limree Raja was implicated in the quarrel; nor was it settled 
 “ until every village of the Wudwan Talook, consisting of upwards of 
 “sixty, was laid waste save four, and the walls of Wudwan itself 
 “breached. The other Talooks suffered in proportion.” 
 
 According to the bards, the feud cost the Raj of Hulwud a lakh of 
 rupees, or ten thousand pounds, the chief of Limree two thousand 
 five hundred pounds, and the chiefs of Choora and Syela one thou¬ 
 sand each. 
 
 The country of the Jhalas was at the time of Colonel Walker’s set¬ 
 tlement of the Mahratta Moolukgeeree district of Kateewar, in which 
 it was included, involved in a state of great depression, produced by 
 several causes. A fruitful source of dissension, not, however, confined 
 to this part of Goozerat, was the system under which the property of 
 a chieftain was divided and subdivided among his descendants. A 
 constant state of enmity among the Rajpoot families themselves had 
 resulted from the endeavours of the superior chieftains to preserve 
 their territories from dismemberment, by force or fraud employed 
 against the junior branches of their families. Nor were the external 
 difficulties of the country less serious. Katees, Jutts, Meeyanas, 1 and 
 
 1 The Meeyanas, who were men of Sindhi extraction, and much renowned as war¬ 
 riors, were numerous at Maleea. Their character, as popularly estimated, may be 
 gathered from the following story :— 
 
 One day, while an Arab soldier of the Guikowar’s was at his prayers, a Meeyana 
 passed by, and enquired of him who he was afraid of that he bent his head that 
 way. The Arab replied, with some indignation, that he feared no one but Ullah 
 (God). “O ! then,” said the Meeyana, “come along with me to Mdleea ; we 
 don’t fear even Ullah there.” 
 
 
THE JHALAS. 
 
 413 
 
 other predatory tribes, kept the inhabitants of its few and miserable 
 villages in continual alarm. The deficiency of cultivation was ren¬ 
 dered still more strikingly visible by the nearly total absence of wood, 
 or even of foliage. In most parts of Jhalawar the cultivator went 
 armed to the scene of his labours, and in every village a tall tree, or other 
 elevated station was employed as a watch-tower, from which a sentinel 
 gave instant notice of the approach of the much dreaded predatory horse. 
 The cattle, which, with their domestic utensils and ploughs, consti¬ 
 tuted the sole property of the villagers, were now hastily driven off from 
 the fields to such shelter as could be afforded by the scanty defences 
 of the village, or if overtaken by the freebooters in the open country 
 were soon wending their way across the Runn to a ready market in 
 Kutch or Chor Wagur. The annual Moolukgeeree expeditions of the 
 Peshwah, the Guikowar, and the Nowaub of Joonagurh had further 
 contributed to render waste and depopulate a country which had 
 received from nature almost every requisite of fertility. Its state of 
 desolation may be vividly perceived in the fact, that when the Mah- 
 ratta Soubahdars were passing through it the want of firewood was 
 sometimes so great as to render it necessary for the Bhoomeea chief¬ 
 tain of a place to cause one of his own villages to be deserted in order 
 that its materials might supply the invading army with fuel. More 
 special causes of suffering were found at this particular period in the 
 late exaction of arrears by Babajee, in the state of war which had 
 been produced by Mulhar Row’s presence in the country after his 
 escape from Nerriad, and in the exhausting feud among the Jhala 
 chieftains themselves, which we have just described. 
 
 Jhalawar was divided into a number of independent chieftainships, 
 the principal of which were those of Hulwud or Dhrangudra, Limree, 
 Wudwan, Wankaner, Choora, Lugtur, and Syela, whose formation we 
 have already noticed. A family respect was still paid to the Raj of 
 Dhrangudra, who on state occasions received the first act of civility, 
 and was seated on an elevated cushion above the other chieftains 
 of the race of Hurpal. The affairs of this chieftain had been very 
 ill managed, and his district plundered by an unworthy minister, 
 who had lately absconded. Nor had the other estates of the 
 Jhalas experienced a happier fate, and those of Choora and Lugtur in 
 particular had temporarily fallen under the direct control of the Mah- 
 rattas. Heerjee Khuwas, the minister of the chief of Lugtur, had 
 advanced m oney to his master, and having obtained the entire con¬ 
 trol of the estate, proceeded to erect fortifications, and showed a 
 disposition to establish his own authority. The Jhala chief, in alarm, 
 sought the aid of his daughter Ghena Baee, the widow of the Muha- 
 
4M 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 raja Gowind Row Guikowar. The Baroda state was induced to inter¬ 
 fere, and discharge the demands of Heerjee Khuwas, but it became 
 necessary for the Guikowar officers to assume the management of 
 the Lugtur estate, in order to defray the debt thus incurred, which 
 step they had accordingly taken, reserving a portion of the produce 
 for the subsistence of the chieftain. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE CHOORASUMAS OF DHOLLERA—THE GOHILS. 
 
 The first settlement of the British in the peninsula of Soreth 
 was made, as we have already hinted, under the auspices of presumed 
 descendants of the ancient and princely line of Girnar. A younger 
 son of one of the Ras of Soreth, named Banjee, is said to have 
 received, as his patrimony, four “ chorashees,” or districts, each con¬ 
 taining eighty-four villages; one of which, the district of Dhun- 
 dhooka, was inherited by his son, Raeesuljee. From Merjee, the 
 fourth son of Raeesuljee, descended the Choorasuma grassia Syesul- 
 jee, who, at the time of Anund Row Guikowar, possessed, or laid 
 claim to, the villages of Dhollera, Rah Tulow Bunder, Bhangur, 
 Bheem Tulow, Goomah, and Saibellow, comprising in all an area of 
 about a hundred thousand beeghas. Three of these villages were, 
 however, uninhabited. 
 
 The district of Dhundhooka had fallen, after the division of the 
 country between the Viceroy of Ahmedabad and the Mahrattas, to 
 Kuntajee Bhanday, who held it as a separate estate. It was taken 
 from Kuntajee by Damajee Guikowar, and, on that chiefs compelled 
 submission to the Peshwah, passed into the hands of the court of 
 Poonah. Under the Mahratta government the unsettled state of the 
 country, and the continually recurring pecuniary embarrassments of its 
 rulers, compelled the komavishdars, or farmers of districts, to contract 
 upon terms which could be fulfilled only by the most oppressive exac¬ 
 tions. The territory entrusted to them was also exposed to the 
 depredations, not only of the surrounding states, but of every preda¬ 
 tory leader who could attract to his standard fifty or a hundred men. 
 The villages therefore fell to ruin, and a large part of them became 
 wholly deserted. Many of the smaller landholders had at this time 
 
THE CHOORASUMAS. 
 
 415 
 
 become anxious to place themselves and their possessions under the 
 protection of any government sufficiently powerful to prevent the 
 neighbouring chiefs from encroaching on their estates, and the powers 
 to which they were tributary, from exacting a larger revenue than that 
 which had been stipulated for by the Mogul rulers, at a time when 
 the country was in a far more flourishing condition. The British 
 government, which now appeared upon the stage, presented to the 
 view of the grassias a power such as they desired, and to it therefore 
 were addressed their applications for aid. 
 
 “ In the view of improving our commercial, and, eventually, our 
 “ political, intercourse with the peninsula of Goozerat,” says Mr. Dun¬ 
 can, in a letter addressed to the Governor-General, from Cambay, on 
 the nth June, 1802, “ I have accepted the offer of the port of Rah 
 “ Tulow, or Dhollera, situated about twenty miles to the south of this 
 “place, the grassia proprietors of which, viz., Manabhaee Gorbhaee 
 “ and Syesuljee Suttajee, and their brethren, have been pressing me 
 “ for the last four years to accept of this spot, on condition of their 
 “ continuing to receive one-half of the net future income ; their object 
 “ in which has been the procuring protection for themselves against 
 “ the depredations of their neighbours, and particularly from the 
 “ encroachments of the Raja of Bhownugger, who wishes to possess 
 “ himself of this excellent sea-port, to prevent its becoming a rival to 
 “ his own less convenient one of Bhownugger ; and he has, for that 
 “ purpose, been tampering with some of the brethren of these grassias, 
 “to make over their shares to him, which he has accordingly obtained 
 “ from one of the inferior among the brethren, named Hallojee, in a 
 “ proportion too insignificant (not exceeding eleven parts in a hundred 
 “ in the village of Dhollera) to affect their general engagements with 
 “ us for their whole interest; besides that, one brother cannot make a 
 “ valid grant of the joint property, and that even this trifling attempt 
 “ to supersede our claims is of a date posterior to, and may no doubt 
 “ be justly considered as the immediate consequence of the previous 
 “tender made to us by the united body of the grassias in ques- 
 “ tion, whose territory, situated under the pergunnah of Dhundhooka, 
 “ is subject to a fixed khundunee (tribute) to the Peshwah, who does 
 “not, however, appear to exert any interference in the internal 
 “ management, as seems, indeed, sufficiently implied in the recent 
 “ attempts of the Bhownugger chieftain to acquire this possession, and 
 “ the terms on which a small proportion thereof had been actually 
 “madeover to him.” 
 
 The example set by Syesuljee and Manabhaee was not long after 
 followed by numerous other holders or claimants of villages in the 
 
416 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Dholka and Dhundhooka Pergunnahs, whose applications were strenu- 
 ously supported by Sir Miguel de Souza, through whom they were 
 made. As, however, most of the villages, which were thus proposed 
 to be ceded to the British government, had been held for periods of 
 twenty years or more by the Rawul of Bhownugger, the Thakor of 
 Limree, or some other chieftain, and as the claims thus revived were, | 
 in his opinion, far better consigned to oblivion, the Resident opposed, 
 with success, the acceptance of the proffered cessions. “ Vague, un- 
 “ certain, and disputed claims,” said Colonel Walker, “ to the sites of 
 “ villages, of which the recollection scarcely exists, are generously 
 “ ceded to the Honorable Company, upon condition of displacing 
 “ the immediate possessors from the waste lands they have brought 
 “ into cultivation, and relinquishing one-half of the advantages to be 
 “ gained solely by the Company’s means to the grassia claimant, and 
 “ undertaking to rebuild and repeople villages for their benefit. * * * 
 
 “ In the prosecution of our views in Kateewar, humanity is a principal 
 “ consideration, and the Honorable Company’s advantage, honor, and 
 “ reputation will consist in reconciling the animosities of the rival 
 “ chieftains, instead of availing ourselves of the precarious benefits 
 “ to be derived from their dissensions.” 
 
 We return now to the affairs of the Gohil clan, who were the 
 nearest neighbours to the newly-acquired British possessions on the 
 coast of the peninsula of Soorashtra. 
 
 When the seal of the padishah, says the bard of the Gohils, was 
 exchanged for that of the Sahoo Raja, bands of Arabs consorted with 
 that king ; his rule extended as far as Mecca, and, on the east, to 
 Bhudreeka ; his soubahdars were so powerful that they exacted double 
 rates of tribute. They returned to his presence from subduing the 
 country. When the roll was called and the royal assembly held, the 
 Gundhurvs sang songs and related tales; dances were exhibited; the 
 king sat on his throne. Said the Sahoo to Seevajee, “ We have broken 
 “ Delhi, and taken possession of much territory. What countries 
 “have been conquered by us, and what remain?” Seevajee said, 
 
 “ Eating your salt, I have taken several countries, and have subdued 
 “ the Bhatee Raja, but Sorethland is a country where there are many 
 “ men and many forts armed with guns. This country has not been 
 “ subdued.” The Sahoo beheld there, like peers, two soubahdars 
 seated, Kuntajee and Peelajee; he granted them a putta for a lakh of 
 years. “If you can conquer Soreth I give it to you—wherever there 
 “ are cities I will assign you jagheers.” He gave them crowns and 
 
THE GOHILS. 
 
 417 
 
 dresses of honor; the army set off immediately; it went onwards 
 laying waste the habitable places; it came to Goozerat, and took 
 possession. The officers of Delhi, taking with them a park of artillery 
 advanced; they drew the Mogulaee sword. In that battle Roostum 
 U lee was slam, he who was the leader of eighty thousand men Then 
 the zumeendars, bending the head, began to say, “ You are our lords, 
 to you every village will pay ‘sulamee we are humble, who will 
 (( conte ^ Wlt h y° u ? But, if you subdue Bhawo, you will obtain a 
 reward at Sattara. Bhawo caused us much annoyance ; then we 
 bowed the head to him, and said, ‘You are our lord.’ In many 
 places he has seized forts.” When Kuntajee heard these words he 
 was distressed; he came and pitched his tents within two coss of 
 Seehore. Calling for a Brahmin, he sent him with a letter to Bhawo : 
 ^ lve U P the fort °f Seehore, or Shumbhoo’s 1 oath to you. In the 
 morning coming I will plant my flags on all sides of your city I 
 will give you four watches of the night.” Bhow Singh beheld the 
 note he had written. He was angry ; he said to the Brahmin, “ Show 
 n me your back, that I may not incur the sin of slaying you ” The 
 Brahmin went away, and said to Kuntajee, “ Go forth in the morning, 
 and fight with him.” 6 ’ 
 
 The great drums sounded, the army set forth, Kuntajee approached 
 to where that Indra among men was seated in Seehore. The fire- 
 arrows 2 began to fly, the balls of the swivels to travel, the hills began 
 to re-echo. The balls flew on both sides. They did not injure those 
 who dwelt in the fort, though they scattered its assailants like pigeons. 
 Many of those who were outside fell, and eat the dust. The dwellers 
 m the fort remained immoveable. Rutun Singh’s son, Bhow Singh, 
 f“ n not fear a whlt > the Mahrattas were tired. The Deewan said, 
 „ V ; hy are y° u vexin g yourselves ? little is left of our ammunition or 
 „ °f °*? r arm y- Llsten t0 m y advice. Muroo, who is as lofty as the 
 sky, has not come into our hands.” Thus speaking, they struck 
 their tents and retreated. Kuntajee did not return home. On the 
 
 journey he died. He did not go to his raja. He went to the house 
 of Yuma. 
 
 Another year came round. The Sahoo again summoned his Ra- 
 wuts Have all come home, subduing territory? Have Peelajee 
 l( ai !. d Kuntajee been defeated anywhere, that they have not returned? 
 <{ iat ^ as become of them?” The Rawuts answered, “He who 
 goes to java perhaps may return, and bring back as much wealth 
 
 1 A name of Shiva. 
 
 2 Kokbdn, rockets. 
 
418 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ as may support his children’s children; but he who goes to fight 
 “ with Bhawo never returns.” 1 * 3 
 
 Bhow Singh Gohil, as we have seen, founded the new capital of 
 Bhownugger, in a.d. 1723d He was a chief of enterprise and 
 sagacity, and before his death had the satisfaction of seeing his city 
 established as a commercial emporium. At that period the disturb¬ 
 ances consequent on the decline of the Mogul empire had rendered 
 navigation dangerous, and subjected commerce to oppressive exac- a 
 tions. The trade of Gogo and Cambay had proportionably decayed | 
 as those ports were deprived of protection and unsupported any | 
 longer by the lucrative communication with Ahmedabad. A number j 
 of small communities had been established; the coast from the mouth 
 of the Myhee to the Indus had fallen into the possession of robbers, 
 who subjected the property of the merchant to their lawless rapine; 
 and the sea had become infested by pirates. There were, therefore, 
 great advantages to be derived from the establishment of a compara¬ 
 tively powerful ruler at Bhownugger, who was both able and desirous 
 to extend protection to commerce. From this period we are to date 
 the intercourse of the Gohil Rawuls with the government of Bombay, 
 
 “ and at a time,” says Colonel Walker, “ when the resources and 
 “ commerce of the presidency were more limited than at present 
 (a.d. 1807) the friendship of the chieftain of Bhownugger seems to 
 have been cultivated with assiduity and attention.” 
 
 Bhow Singh was succeeded, in a.d. 1764-5, by his son Rawul Ukhe- 
 rajjee, commonly styled Bhawajee, who was of an unambitious temper 
 and averse to war. From the necessity of affording the trade of his 
 port encouragement and protection, the Rawul, however, joined with 
 a body of his troops an armament from Bombay, and assisted in the 
 reduction of Tulaja and Mhowa, then possessed by Koolees, who 
 supported themselves by piratical attacks upon the merchants and 
 vessels of every nation. The moderate policy of Rawul Ukherajjee 
 made him reject the possession of Tulaja, which, after its conquest, 
 the British would have conferred upon him. In consequence of his 
 refusal, Tulaja was delivered to the Nowaub of Cambay, a.d. 1771 
 
 1 It is a saying in Goozerat,— 
 
 “ Who goes to Java 
 “ Never returns. 
 
 “ If, by chance, he return, 
 
 “ Then, for two generations to live upon, 
 
 “ Money enough he brings back.” 
 
 3 This is the statement of the accredited bards of the Gohil clan. Colonel 
 Walker says the town was founded in a.d. 1742-3. 
 
THE GOHILS. 
 
 419 
 
 or 17 7 2 > and, about a year after this event, Rawul Ukherajjee died, 
 and was succeeded by his son, Wukhut Singh. 
 
 Rawul Wukhut Singh, better known by the familiar title of Atab- 
 haee, was far more ambitious and enterprising than his father. He 
 increased his territories by various acquisitions, while at the same 
 time he encouraged and protected commerce. “ In Sumwut, 1836 ” 
 (a.d. 1780), say the bards, “ Shree Wukhut Singh drove Noor Mo- 
 hummed out of Tulaja, and took possession of it; he also seized 
 “ Janjmer. In the same year he drove Jusso Khusheeo Koolee out 
 “ of the port of Shree Mhowa, and took possession.” Colonel 
 Walker mentions that both force and artifice were employed by 
 Wukhut Singh in dispossessing the Nowaub of Cambay of Tulaja ; 
 he states also that the Rawul soon afterwards established his authority 
 over the district of Walak (so called from its having been of old the 
 property of the Wala Rajpoots), with the exception of a few villages, 
 the property of the Survaiya clan, and re-settled and fortified Mhowa, 
 which had been destroyed by the expedition in which the British 
 troops were engaged, and rendered it a flourishing port. “ It is to 
 “ be observed,” continues the resident, “ that this acquisition of a 
 “ valuable country and of an extensive coast was made from tribes 
 “ who . exercised piracy, and that whatever share of violence and 
 “ ambition may have been united in the measures of the Bhownugger 
 “ chiefs, their ultimate object was the protection of commerce. The 
 “ g° od effects of this policy were extensively felt, and the coasting 
 trade of the honorable Company’s subjects derived every advantage 
 “ from this regular plan for the security of commerce. The Rawuls 
 “ of Bhownugger were the first chiefs who had the discernment to 
 discover the advantages of this policy, and they have the singular 
 “ merit of reforming the predatory habits of their subjects, of direct- 
 “ mg their attention to industrious pursuits, and of affording security 
 “ t0 the persons and property of merchants, which have reclaimed 
 an extensive line of coast from the practice of piracy, and been 
 “ productive of many permanent benefits. It must at the same time 
 “ he admitted, that in other instances the ambitious policy of Wuk- 
 “ hut Singh has been but little restrained by any of the considerations 
 of honor and justice. His measures have been executed with 
 “ vl g°ur, and generally with judgment; but they have been influenced 
 “ alone by his interest, and pursued with perseverance and spirit, em- 
 ' ploying indifferently force, intrigues, and artifice to increase his 
 “ power and ensure success to his schemes.” 
 
 Under these auspices Bhownugger became the channel of the im¬ 
 port and export trade of Goozerat, Soreth, and Marwar, and the 
 
420 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 encouragement which merchants received induced many opulent 
 people to settle there, while the neighbouring port of Gogo, with the 
 advantage of a much more convenient harbour, soon fell into decay. 
 
 As an example of the superior judgment and policy of the Gohil 
 chiefs, Colonel Walker mentions the remarkable fact, that while at 
 the port of Gogo, at that time under the Peshwah’s government, 
 shipwrecks and stranded vessels were annually farmed as a source of -| 
 revenue, everywhere on the coast subject to the Gohils they were pro- 
 tected, and restored to the merchants. 
 
 In a.d. 1792, according to the bards, “ Wukhut Singh became at j 
 “ feud with the Katees, and led an army to Cheetul, from which the 
 “ Katees retreated. He plundered the fort of many horses, camels, 
 
 “ carts, and other property. He raised his standard at Koondula. 
 
 “ The Katees went to Ahmed Khan, Nowaub of Joonagurh, and 
 “ complained that the Rawul Wukhutsunghjee had seized their gras., 
 
 “ The Nowaub advanced therefore with an army, but the Rawul met 
 “ him with forty thousand men. Arriving at Patuna he drove away 
 “ the Nowaub with his cannon, and took the village of Rajoola from 
 “ him. The Jetwa Rajpoot, Jeeajee, effected a reconciliation between 
 “ the Nowaub and the Rawul, and they drank the red cup together, 
 
 “ but the Rawul was at feud with the Katees for twelve years.’ 
 
 Joonagurh was at this time, we may mention, in the hands of the 
 family of Kumal-ood-deen, or Juwan-Murd Khan Babee, the latest 
 Mohummedan ruler of the capital of Shah Ahmed. 
 
 These events are commemorated also by the following ballad : 
 “Quickly advanced the Nowaub, bringing with him an army of 
 “ Katees; not a man was left in fort, or castle, or village. As he 
 “ came on angrily, Wukhutesh, like another Indra, mounted to 
 “ oppose the Yuwun. The kettle-drums sounded, and the great 
 “ drums too, the peaks of the mountains re-echoed, the earth-sup- 
 “ porting snake began to writhe, the ocean to dash its spray up to the 
 “ sky. The spear in his hand was glancing like a ray of the sun ; 
 
 “ against the Nowaub none but the son of Ukheraj could go. 
 
 “ Countless Rohillas, Sindhis, and Puthans came on, many Arabs 
 “ sounding the drum : Atabhaee, with his brothers, a,dvanced to 
 “ meet them—‘ You have come with a good object, Babee ! mount 
 “ 1 and come on to the fight.’ He gave him a sulamee of cannon , 
 
 “ erecting batteries, he threw him into sorrow. Hernud considered 
 “ that he should get more blows than money. Without sounding the 
 “ kingly drum, off he fled in the middle of the night, dhe Katees, too, 
 
 1 This state of affairs has since been reversed : the trade of Gogo has revived, 
 while that of Bhownugger has fallen away. 
 
THE GOHILS. 
 
 421 
 
 “ began to fly, hither and thither, like crows. The son of Mohobut 
 “ Khan Jled ; he heeded not what road he took. After the Yuwun 
 “ went Ato, following him by his track. The lord of Seehore cried 
 “ as he advanced, ‘ Slay ! slay ! take care of the honor of Sulabut 
 “ Khan.’ 1 Expelling friendship from his heart, he angrily encamped 
 “ at Patuna, within a coss of the enemy’s frontier. ‘ Huree ! Huree !’ 
 “ exclaiming, he pitched his camp. 
 
 “ As Devs and Dytes prepared for encounter, so stood the black 
 “ elephants and long-maned horses. Five kinds of music sounded ; 
 “ sword, lightning-like, flashed ready for the fight ; it seemed as if 
 “ the last day had arrived; tubes began to be discharged; in double 
 “ lines the Arab beruks advanced, shouting 4 Deen ! deen !’ 2 the 
 “ valiant followers of Wukhut Singh irregularly were fighting. With- 
 “ in an hour Meea cried out for quarter; he began to be himself 
 “ the suitor. 1 1 swear to you by the Koran I will not attack you 
 “ again. I give you Rajoola, Koondula, and Cheetul; the Almighty 
 “ h as given you all the country.’ He caused a grant to be written, 
 “ and above it he placed his seal. The chief of Porbunder, Jeewojee 
 “ the Jetwa, tried to give him courage ; all that were with him were 
 “ dismayed ; the Soubahdar of Soreth was left without honor. With 
 “ him were the Koompawut of Jetpoor, Wujsoor the Katee, of 
 “ Jusdun, the Daha also: what strength had they to contend against 
 “ the King of Perumbh, over whose palace floated the flag of victory. 
 
 “ 1 he strength of the Babee was broken, what of the Katees’ 
 “ strength ! Bhow Singh’s descendant and his Koonwur—performers 
 “ of deeds of wonder—re-burnished the water of,, the sword of 
 “ Rutunesh, Bhawo, and Ukheraj. Songs were sung throughout the 
 “ land. The princes rained on all around a shower of gold. Wuk- 
 “ hutesh, having obtained the victory, came joyful home.” 
 
 In the early part of the month of October, 1803, Mulhar Row 
 Guikowar, then for a second time in insurrection, came into 
 collision at Sabur Koondla, near the frontier of Gohilwar, with a body 
 of horse belonging to the army of Babajee Appajee, who was 
 employed at the time in his Moolukgeeree expedition in Kateewar. 
 Mulhar Row’s followers were defeated and his baggage was plun¬ 
 dered ; he fled himself to Bhownugger, and solicited protection from 
 Wukhut Singh Gohil. The Rawul was by no means disposed to 
 espouse his cause, and contented himself therefore with permitting 
 his embarkation on board a boat in which he purposed to make his 
 
 1 An ancestor of the Nowaub’s. 
 
 3 Deen means “ religion,” and is a usual Mohummedan party-word. 
 
42 2 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 escape to Dwarka or Bhooj. Two English boats however hove in 
 sight before Mulhar Row had proceeded far on his voyage, and fired 
 two shots at his vessel. Mulhar Row therefore again sought the 
 shore, and re landed at Rhownugger, but the Rawul continuing to 
 refuse him an asylum, he and his son, apprehensive of the conse- :: 
 quences, abandoned their banner and. drums, their horses and 
 elephants, and betook themselves to flight, nor halted until they had 
 reached the sacred hill of Shutroonjye or Paleetana. There they 
 remained with a single attendant for several days, and were almost 
 starved, when some of the inhabitants of the adjacent country dis¬ 
 covering their retreat, disclosed it to Babajee. The Guikowar 
 general sent a party of one hundred horsemen, with led chargers, to 
 bring them in. The three fugitives, on the approach of the horse¬ 
 men, made no resistance, having abandoned all hope, and endured 
 the pains of hunger almost to the death. They were supported to 
 within a short distance of the Guikowar camp, where they met the 
 litters which had been sent out by Babajee to receive them. Such 
 were the circumstances which attended the last appearance in 
 Goozerat of the talented, ambitious, headstrong, and unfortunate 
 Jagheerdar of Kuree. With his son, Khundee Row, he was trans¬ 
 ferred, in the month of May following, to the charge of the British 
 government, and by their orders conveyed to the fort of Bombay* 
 where he was detained as a prisoner at large until he ended his days. 
 
 Early in a.d. 1804, a British agent was deputed to the Rawul of 
 Bhownugger to induce him to agree to an amicable settlement in 
 regard to his Moolukgeeree tribute to the Court of Baroda,—a 
 measure which the Guikowar government had adopted at Colonel 
 Walker’s recommendation, and to which Wukhut Singh also had 
 for some time listened favourably. Influenced, however, prin¬ 
 cipally by his ministers, the Rawul for some time evaded, and at 
 length wholly rejected, the proposal. This' conduct compelled 
 Babajee, who had waited for some time on the frontier in hopes of 
 an accommodation, to enter the Rawul’s territories, in the month of 
 August, and hostilities in consequence ensued. The Guikowar 
 general advanced to Seehore, and his Pindarees harassed the country 
 around, and carried off the cattle of the villagers. As the lands of 
 the Gogo pergunnah were principally divided between the British 
 and the Rawul, and were so intermixed that one share could hardly 
 be injured without the other being affected, Wukhut Singh seemed 
 to Colonel Walker to have formed some expectation from these 
 circumstances that Babajee would not venture to molest him. “I 
 “ have found it necessary,” says the resident, “ to undeceive him on 
 
THE GOHILS. 
 
 423 
 
 “ that head, and to apprise him that he shall be answerable for the 
 “ damage which may befal the Company’s division of the pergunnah 
 “ from his resistance to the customary demands of the Guikowar 
 “ government. I have not received an answer to this communi- 
 “ cation, and it may perhaps produce some good effect, as I under- 
 “ stand that the raja is displeased with his present advisers, and has 
 “ threatened to dismiss them for the injudicious course they have led 
 “ him to pursue.” It was not, however, until the month of October 
 that the Gohil Rawul, succumbing rather to British threats than to 
 Mahratta valour, intimated his consent to settling with Babajee for 
 three years’ tribute at the customary rate. The successful defence 
 of Seehore against the Guikowar army is thus celebrated by the 
 bards:— 
 
 “ The whole earth began to resound, such was the noise of the 
 “ royal drums of the strong and renowned Anaba of Baroda. Fight- 
 “ ing with his enemies he broke down their boundaries. An unshaken 
 “ pillar was Mulhar Raee in Kuree. An enmity arose between the 
 “ lords of Kuree and Baroda. Baba’s army set forth against Kuree 
 “ with fluttering banners, dust rising in clouds into the air. The 
 “ Baba brought against Kuree an English army. An innumerable 
 “ array of warriors shouted. For two or four months they fired at 
 “ Kuree with their guns ; at length Mulhar Row, abandoning Kuree, 
 “ fled. Baba conquered the impregnable Kuree. No one could 
 “ fight against him; all came to make their sulams, seeing that he had 
 “ quickly captured such a fort as Kuree. 
 
 “ The army advanced to Patree, which was held by Desaees, who 
 “ bowed to none. Fighting, they took from them lakhs of treasure ; 
 “ things left lying on the road could be lifted by none; such was the 
 “ fear of Baba. As he served Kuree, so he served Patree; he de- 
 “ stroyed many forts of the Mewasees; he laid Juttwar under contri- 
 “ bution, also Lutad. When the Soubah arrived at a place, it was as 
 “ if a gang of plunderers had fallen upon it. Preparing his army, he 
 “ came to Jhalawar to fight. First, he levied a contribution upon 
 “ Dhrangudra, the lord of eighteen hundred villages. Wudwan he 
 “ fined most certainly ; he fined, too, Wankaner; Limree and Syela 
 “ he fined; he collected whatever he demanded with his mouth. 
 “ The Soubah fined all Jhalawar, defeating them; he fined the lord 
 “ of Moorbee ; he fined M&leea. The unbending Jam he fined ; 
 “ four thousand chiefs were fined by the Soubah. Halar he took 
 “ possession of; firing cannon balls, he fined the Joonagurh Nowaub. 
 “ Fining the Katees, he reduced their land to weakness. The lord 
 “ of Por he fined, the Mana, the Jetwa; he fined the Choorasuma ; 
 
424 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ none could contend against him. All Soreth fining, he advanced 
 “against Seehore; the earth began to shake, so mighty an army 
 “ advanced. Five coss distant he encamped at Ambuld. ‘ Ato has 
 “ conquered much territory. I must have money in proportion.’ 
 “ Then, on each side, the guns were fired—wall-pieces and swivels. 
 “ Bullets flew like rain ; the Mahrattas grew weary; streams of blood 
 “ flowed from their bodies; they lost courage. Many were slain, 
 “ many had their heads cleft asunder, the eyes of many were 
 “ darkened. Wukta’s warriors plundered the Baba’s army like lions 
 “ unchained ; the ground was covered with corpses and heads ; they 
 “ sought to escape in all directions. 
 
 “ This misfortune befel Baba in Sumwut, i860 (a.d. 1804). For 
 “ five months he could find no means of escape; the Soubah was 
 “ very much distressed. Of collecting tribute he lost the recollection ; 
 “ all he thought of was escaping. In his tent he sat, and hid his 
 “ head. When he passed an acquittance, then he obtained permission 
 “ to retire. To what Bhawo’s grandson proposed he was forced to 
 “ agree; he came to exact a fine, but discovered he had one to pay, 
 “ for the two-and-a-half lakhs which he carried away had cost him 
 “ full five.” 
 
 At the time of Colonel Walker’s appearance in Kateewar, the 
 Rawul of Bhownugger, in addition to the ports of Mhowa and Tulaja, 
 and the districts already mentioned, had established his authority in 
 nearly the whole of Walak and in the district of Sabur Koondla, and 
 other places of less note. The disturbed state of society rendered 
 the realization of his revenue very precarious, and he was supposed 
 to be deeply involved in debt, from the necessity which he had ex¬ 
 perienced of increasing his forces to support himself against the 
 Katees. His military establishment consisted of five hundred Arab, 
 and two thousand five hundred Sindhian infantry, with about five 
 hundred regularly maintained horse. He could also collect from the 
 villages of the Bhyud, or cadets of the Gohil clan, three thousand 
 Rajpoot horse; and to assist in predatory expeditions, though in¬ 
 capable of military operations, he could muster, also, two thousand 
 five hundred “weavers.” He had also of late entertained a body of 
 a hundred horse belonging to Bhawa Meea, the Purmar Kusbatee of 
 Dholka, for whose payment he had assigned the ancient possession 
 of that family—the village of Botad, in the pergunnah of Ranpoor, 
 which stood opposed to Jusdun, a principal seat of the Katees, across 
 the border. The town of Gogo, as a port of the Moguls, had been 
 subject to the governor of Cambay. It had assumed the name of 
 
THE GOHILS. 
 
 425 
 
 barah—a title nearly synonymous with “ harbour,” but usually imply¬ 
 ing the possession of some portion of landed territory. On the 
 division of Goozerat between the Guikowar and the Peshwah, Gogo 
 barah fell to the latter authority, while the Moolukgeeree revenue of 
 the remainder of Gohilwar was assigned to the former. The whole 
 was, however, eventually transferred to the British. 
 
 The Gohil clan possessed in the whole about eight hundred villages, 
 of which about six hundred and fifty belonged to the Rawul Wukhut 
 Singh. The chieftains generally resided in places of difficult access, 
 and some of them had built extensive stone fortifications, which were, 
 however, but indifferently provided with cannon, as well as deficient 
 in other means of defence. Of the junior branches of the clan, the 
 principal were those of Wulleh, Latee, and Paleetana. The first of the 
 Wulleh family, who were seated amidst the ruins of the ancient city 
 of Sheeladitya, was Veesobhaee, the second son of Bhow Singh 
 Rawul, the founder of Bhownugger. His grandson, Megh Raj or 
 Mugobhaee, now held thirty-two villages. The chief of Paleetana 
 was descended from Sahajee, one of the younger sons of Sejukjee 
 Gohil, to whom had been assigned the estate of Gareeadhar; he 
 possessed forty-two villages, of which, however, nearly the half were 
 uninhabited. Oomurjee, of Paleetana, had been obliged a few years 
 before to solicit the support of the Guikowar government, and his 
 territories were at the time in a state of complete subjection, many of 
 | his villages had been mortgaged, and the enemies he had provoked 
 had deprived him of others. The tranquillity of his district was now 
 maintained by the presence of a Mahratta garrison in his ancient 
 capital of Gareeadhar. Soor Singh, the chief of Latee, and represen¬ 
 tative of Sarungjee, another of the younger sons of the first Gohil 
 chieftain, retained but five villages of his original estate. The total 
 destruction of this branch of the family had, indeed, been prevented 
 only by the marriage of Damajee Guikowar with the daughter of 
 Lakhajee, the then chieftain. By this connexion the Gohils of Latee 
 secured the support and protection of the Baroda government, and 
 an exemption from the payment of their Moolukgeeree tribute, which 
 was commuted for the yearly offering of a horse in acknowledgment 
 of supremacy. The dowry of the Gohil lady was, however, the 
 district of Chuburra, since called after the name of her Mahratta 
 bridegroom, Damnugger. 
 
 Numerous other Rajpoot estates, principally belonging to scions 1 
 ot the Jhareja house of Kutch, were included in Colonel Walker’s 
 settlement of Kateewar, in addition to the chieftainships to which we 
 
426 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 have alluded, but to these we do not propose to refer, as we possess 
 no original information in regard to them, and as their affairs have 
 been as yet unconnected with the events of our story. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 BOUCHERAJEE—THE CHOONWAL. 
 
 As the Purmars of Danta, with the Arasooree Mother, so the tribes 
 of the Choonwal are indissolubly connected with a more modern, but 
 scarcely less famous Devee, Shree Boucherajee. Some Charun 
 women, says the tradition, were travelling from Sulkhunpoor to a 
 neighbouring village, when the Koolees attacked and plundered them. 
 One of the women, whose name was Bouchera, snatched a sword 
 from a boy who attended her, and with it cut off both her breasts. 
 She immediately perished. Her sisters, Boot and Bulal, also 
 committed suicide, and they, as well as Bouchera, became Devees. 
 Shree Boucherajee is worshipped in the Choonwal ; Boot Mother, at 
 Urnej, near Kot; and Bulal Devee, at Bakulkoo, about fifteen miles 
 south of Seehore. 
 
 Upon the spot where Bouchera perished, one of those rugged, 
 cairn-like memorials, called “ Khambees,” was erected. This was 
 afterwards supplanted by a temple of the smallest size, which is still 
 in existence. A second temple, of somewhat larger dimensions, was 
 erected in front of the first building, and so near to it as almost to 
 close the entrance. The first of these erections is attributed to an 
 apparently fabulous personage, Sulukh Raja; the second, to a 
 Mahratta Furnuvees. Beside them, but turned in a different 
 direction, is a large temple, possessing a spire and two domes, which 
 was erected in a.d. 1783, by Manajee Row Guikowar, the brother of 
 Futteh Singh, and younger son of the great Damajee. In front of 
 this building is the pit used for fire-sacrifice, and beyond the fire-pit 
 stands a pyramidal altar, called “ chachur,” or “ the cross-roads,” 
 upon which animals are offered. Several houses of accommodation 
 for pilgrims surround the temple, with lines of pedlar-like stalls, 
 where the necessaries for worship, and various little knick-knacks for 
 private use, are exhibited for sale. In one corner is an octagonal 
 tower, of two stages, surmounted by an open, domed pavillion, 
 called “ Deep-mala,” or “ the Lamp-garland.” The two solid stages 
 
KOUCHERAJEE. 
 
 427 
 
 are chequered with niches for lamps, which, on days of festival, make 
 a brilliant display of light. A battlemented wall, loop-holed for 
 musketry, and protected by circular towers at the four corners, 
 surrounds the temples and their subordinate buildings. The gate¬ 
 ways are three in number. The principal one is contained in 
 a rectangular tower, of which the upper portion forms a room, 
 containing the royal drums and other instruments of music. From 
 the terraced roof of the tower, the view extends on all sides over a 
 flat, open country, studded with villages, each nestling in its clump 
 of trees. Among them may be discerned Chundoor, Punchasur, and 
 Wunod, recalling the story of the first of the Unhilwara princes, 
 Waghel, the cradle of the latest scions of the race, and Kunsagur, 
 with its princely remains of their mid-day splendour. Sulkhunpoor 
 stands hard by, and, nearer still, a hamlet bearing the goddess’s 
 name of “ Bechur.” A grove of babul and other trees of scanty 
 foliage hedges the fort itself. Outside the walls is a small square 
 tank, called the “ Man Surowur,” celebrated for the miraculous cures 
 which have been effected by its waters, and at no great distance from 
 it are other larger, but less celebrated, reservoirs. 
 
 The fame of Boucherajee is said to be principally, if not entirely, 
 owing to Wullubh Bhut, a Mewara Brahmin, of Ahmedabad, who, 
 about the year a.d. 1744, composed many ballad poems in her 
 praise, which, in a collected form, constitute the Boucherajee 
 Pooran. He celebrates her under the style of Doorga, a goddess to 
 j whom, however, the name of Boucherajee is not otherwise attributed. 
 No image is used in any of the numerous temples which have been, 
 at different places in Goozerat, erected to the honor of Shree 
 | Boucherajee. The object of worship is a square panel covered with 
 pieces of tinsel, and placed in a niche which fronts the rising 
 sun. At the Nowrattra, and similar festivals, Koolees and others, 
 when their children or friends are threatened with death, present to 
 Boucherajee, in addition to the usual fire-sacrifice, vicarious offerings 
 of animals, usually the goat or the calf of the buffalo. The sacrifice 
 is performed in the open air, at the altar called “ Chachur,” in front 
 of the great temple. At other times sacrifice of liquor and flesh is 
 offered to Boucherajee publicly by Rajpoots, Koolees, and others, 
 and secretly, at night-time, by Brahmins and Waneeas, who practise 
 a species of Shuktee-worship, and call themselves of the sect of 
 the Mata. These offerings are consumed by the worshippers after 
 presentation. Brahmins and Waneeas also offer live cocks to the 
 Mata, placing them in the niche where she is worshipped. These 
 accumulate, and are usually very numerous about the temple. A 
 
428 
 
 RAS MAI,A. 
 
 story is told of one of these cocks, which, having been cooked and 
 eaten by an audacious Mohummedan, burst through his belly, and 
 came forth alive :— 
 
 “ He eat a cock, 
 
 “ In oil having cooked it; 
 
 “ From the M lech’s body, 
 
 “You called it, Bechura ! ” 
 
 Whence the people of Goozerat say to a person who keeps back 
 from another what is due to him, “ Take care, lest it prove a 
 “ Boucherajee’s cock to you.” Lame, blind, and other impotent 
 persons, persons desiring a son, or other blessing, make vows to 
 Boucherajee; they approach her temple, and there remain seated 
 beside the Man Surowur, abstaining from all food, until they fancy 
 that they have heard the Mata promising to them the accomplishment 
 of their desires, when they arise and return home. Those who are 
 indebted to Boucherajee for the gift of a son, gratefully call him 
 after her name, “ Bechur.” Vows to Boucherajee are made even by 
 persons professing the Jain religion. 
 
 The officiating priests of this goddess are Brahmins, but the 
 musicians and some of the other servants are Mohummedans. 
 The owners of the temple’s revenues are persons called Kumaleeas, 
 said to be about one hundred in number, of both sexes, and of all 
 ages, and who assert themselves to have been created by the goddess. 
 Though they worship Boucherajee, and bear about her trident, they 
 nevertheless profess the Mohummedan religion, a fact which they 
 account for by pretending to have been forcibly converted by Allah- 
 ood-deen. Only the less valuable offerings, however, are the property 
 of the Kumaleeas; those which are more costly being reserved 
 under the care of the Guikowar’s officers, for the expenses of the 
 temple. The right of the Kumaleeas to even the share which they 
 enjoy is, moreover, disputed by the Rajpoot landholders of the 
 neighbouring village of Kalree. A few years ago, these, to the 
 number of about forty, simultaneously entered the precincts of 
 Boucherajee by the three doors, and put to death as many of the 
 Kumaleeas as they could find. Their victims, about ten in number, 
 were buried outside the gate of Boucherajee, the murderers having 
 for the time effected their escape. A class still more degraded than 
 the Kumaleeas is also to be found in the service of Shree 
 Boucherajee—the Paweeas, who are eunuchs, and who, if universal 
 belief be true, prostitute themselves to unnatural practices. They 
 wear the dress of females, with the male turban. They are about 
 
THE CHOONWAL.. 
 
 429 
 
 four hundred in number, of whom the half reside at Teekur, near 
 Hulwud, while others rove about the country extorting alms, by the 
 usual means of intimidation and annoyance employed by other 
 classes of wandering ascetics, both Hindoo and Mohummedan. 
 Some of the Paweeas, it is commonly asserted, have amassed con¬ 
 siderable wealth. 
 
 A few miles from the temple of Boucherajee is the town of 
 Detroj—“ the Heart of the Choonwal.” The Devee has another 
 temple there, which some consider to be her original shrine. She is 
 the family goddess of the Kolee chiefs, called Thakurras, of that 
 neighbourhood, and, until lately, a festival was held annually at 
 Detroj, on the day before the Nowrattra, when the assembled 
 Thakurras sacrificed thirteen buffalo calves upon her altar. The 
 wild chieftains used, however, on these occasions to inflame them¬ 
 selves with drink, and quarrels, frequently terminating in bloodshed, 
 invariably ensued. The fair of the Mata, at Detroj, has therefore of 
 late years been suppressed, but the Thakurras still, on the appointed 
 day, repair separately to the borders of Detroj, and sacrifice, each of 
 them, a buffalo calf in Boucherajee’s honour. 
 
 The head of a branch of the royal Solunkhee house became 
 connected, say the bards of the Choonwal, with a Kooleen of Detroj, 
 but at what time this took place is not known. His descendants 
 intermingled with the Koolees, and one of them, Kanjee, surnamed 
 the Rat, 1 or barber, held forty-four villages, from whence was derived 
 the name of “ Choonwal.” 3 
 
 1 A corruption, probably, of the word “ Rawut,” meaning a war-like chief. 
 
 * Choonw&lees-g&m, meaning forty-four villages. These Rajpoot chiefs, heading 
 j tribes of aboriginal descent, afford an exact parallel to the foreign leaders of 
 Highland clans in Scotland. “ It is a circumstance worthy of notice, that when-' 
 41 the great families at the head of the Highland tribes have been traced far back, 
 
 44 they have generally been found to be of Teutonic lace. The chiefs of the 
 44 Macdonalds, Macleods, and Mackintoshes were of Norwegian blood. Those 
 “ of the Frasers, Gordons, Campbells, Cumins, and many others, were Norman. 
 
 44 It seems as if the Celtic people—energetic, brave, and enduring as they were, 
 
 44 as followers— required , like some oriental races, the leadership of captains 
 44 issuing from races better fitted for organizing and commanding. In some 
 “instances, the foreign family adopted a purely Celtic patronymic, fiom the! 
 
 44 name of the sept of which they were the leaders. In other cases, such as the 
 “ Gordons and Frasers, the sept, probably absorbing various small tribes, and 
 44 admitting to its bosom many stray members, owning strange varieties of uncouth 
 46 Celtic denominations, took the name of the leader ; hence we find the purest 
 44 Erse spoken by people enjoying the Norman names of a Gordon or a Cumin. 
 
 44 But, whether the chief adopted the name of the tribe, or the tribe that of the 
 44 chief, the unyielding influence of old national customs and peculiarities prevailed 
 • over’the higher civilization of the leaders, and their families gradually adapted 
 
43 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Once on a time, it is said, a bard from Jamnugger, named Jhar 
 Guduwee, came to Detroj, on his return from a pilgrimage to Benares, 
 and put up at Kanjee Rat’s house, where he was very well received, 
 and presented with a horse. The Charun going home praised Kan¬ 
 jee Rat very much in the Jam’s presence, mentioning that it was 
 because he was the Jam’s family bard that he had been so well re¬ 
 ceived. The Jam upon this sent a dress of honor to Kanjee Rat. 
 The Putel of Detroj, whose name was Gopee, was all-powerful in the 
 town at this time. He was envious of the honor paid to Kanjee Rat, 
 and sent him orders to quit the town. Kanjee retired accordingly 
 from Detroj, and took up his residence at Jangura-pura, four miles 
 off. When the day devoted to the obsequies of deceased progenitors 
 came round, Kanjee Rat sent a torch-bearer into Detroj to ask for 
 milk, as he was preparing for the performance of his father’s anniver¬ 
 sary ceremonies. The torch-bearer procured milk from house to 
 house, and at last went to Gopee putel’s, and told him that he too 
 must give milk. The putel flew into a passion, and caused his ser¬ 
 vants to break the vessel in which the torch-bearer carried the milk 
 he had collected. Kanjee Rat’s servant, therefore, was obliged to 
 return to his master, weeping for the failure of his mission. The Rat 
 was very much hurt at the putel’s conduct, but thought it better to 
 dissemble for the present. At this time a Charun came to Kanjee’s 
 lodging, and when he had sung a song, he begged the Rat for a silk 
 scarf. This Kanjee had it not in his power to give: he sorrowfully 
 repeated a verse— 
 
 In recompense of what sin was I born, 
 
 The son of a great father ? 
 
 A mendicant asks me for silk ; 
 
 At home I have not even cotton. 
 
 “ themselves in speech and method of life to the people over whom they held 
 “ sway. The same phenomenon was exhibited in Ireland, where the ‘ degenerate 
 “ English,’ who, living from generation to generation among the native Celtic 
 “ Irish, had adopted the customs and costume of those they w'ere expected to 
 “ civilize, elicited the ceaseless denunciations of the English government, and the 
 “ penal wrath of Parliament.”-— Vide Burton’s Life of Simon, Lord Lovat. 
 
 The following is a list of the Rajpoot-Koolee Thakurras of Goozerat :— The 
 Solunkhees, of Kookwav, Bhunkora, Chuneear, and Dekhawara, in the Choonwal ; 
 the Mukwdnds, of Kutosun, Junjoowara, and Punar ; the Rathors, of Ghantee and 
 Waghpoor, on the banks of the Sabhermutee ; the Dabhees, of Ghorasur, in the 
 Churotur ; the Chohdns, of Umleeara, in the Myhee Kanta ; and the Wdghelas , of 
 Kakurej. In the case of each of these families, their first connection with the 
 Koolees separated them at once from the Rajpoot clans to which they belonged, 
 and reduced them of necessity ever after to the adoption of the manners and 
 customs of the Koolees, though, in most cases, modified so as to approach more 
 nearly to those of the pure Hindoo tribes. 
 
THE CHOONWAL. 
 
 431 
 
 Kanjee resolved within himself that he would go and sacrifice his 
 life before the Mata at Detroj. Meanwhile he lay down to rest. In 
 the night the Mata appeared to him in a dream, and said, “ Be not 
 “ afraid. Come to Detroj the day before the Nowrattra. A buffalo 
 “ calf will meet you outside the village : this you must sacrifice to 
 “ me, and then you may plunder the putel's house victoriously. As 
 “ a proof of the reality of this dream, I give you a silk scarf, which 
 “ you may present to the mendicant.” Having thus spoken, the 
 Mata became invisible. Kanjee awoke, and found a silk scarf lying 
 beside him. In the morning he gave it to the Charun. When the 
 day before the Nowrattra arrived, he assembled his friends, two hun- 
 | dred in number, well mounted and armed, and with them advanced 
 to Detroj. At the gate of the town he found a very fine buffalo calf 
 belonging to the putel. He killed it before the Mata, and sprinkled 
 her with its blood. At this time the padishah had a garrison in a fort 
 outside the gate of Detroj. Kanjee Rat posted a hundred horsemen 
 to observe the garrison, and taking the remaining hundred with him, 
 went to the putel’s house, and ordered him to pay him obeisance.’ 
 This Gopee putel refused to do, whereupon Kanjee slew him, with 
 i six of his sons. The seventh son he saved alive, and Kaleedas, the 
 present Putel of Detroj, is that son’s descendant. 
 
 A complaint was made at Delhi that the putel had been put to 
 death, and the padishah sent Azim Khan to reduce Kanjee to sub- 
 ! mission. There was at that time a very extensive forest about De¬ 
 troj, called the “Janguro Poorest,” of which the following story is 
 related When Dhara Shah fled before his brother, he came to 
 Detroj, and Kanjee Rat offered to protect him there. Dhara asked 
 where the fort was in which he was to be sheltered. To which Kan¬ 
 jee replied that the forest was stronger than any fort. Dhara 
 i answered, “ The padishah’s camels would eat this forest, and the tim- 
 “ ber of it would make stakes for fastening his horses. However, it 
 “ ^ well in you that you have so much courage.” Thus speaking, 
 Dhara Shah pursued his journey to Sindh. Now Azim Khan, when 
 he arrived, lost no time in clearing the forest, upon which Kanjee 
 fled to Kutosun, where a connection of his, named Jeswunt Singh, was 
 living. They jointly opposed Azim Khan, but were at last obliged to 
 fly to Junjoowara, where they were received by Jehojee Mukwana. 
 The whole of the allies were, however, at length compelled to fly to 
 Thurra, in the Kakurej country, where a Koolee Thakor, named 
 Koompojee, then ruled. Koompojee joined them, and they con¬ 
 tinued their retreat to the hill called “ Kurja,” where they held out 
 for twelve years, living the life of outlaws, until at length a waneea of 
 
 
43 2 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Chundoor, named Kurum Shee, who was employed by Azim Khan as 
 his revenue minister, effected a reconciliation between them and the 
 padishah, and procured the restoration of their pergunnahs. The 
 Thakurras bound themselves therefore to Kurum Shee, that none 
 of their race should gallop a horse near Chundoor, nor injure any of 
 its inhabitants. 
 
 The Shah’s court listened to the complaint about Gopee. 
 
 They said, “ Will no one seize Kan ? 
 
 “ Let us send a stout Umeer to Goozerat 
 
 “To crush this Janguro Kanuro.” 
 
 With honor Azim Khan was sent 
 
 To set crooked things straight. 
 
 Kan and Jeswunt, fighting, he drove out; 
 
 With them fled Raja Jesheeo. 
 
 Kumo 1 was made Deewan by Azim. 
 
 Several rajas submitted to him. 
 
 From fear of Azim, Thurra’s lord fled ; 
 
 The rajas, all of them, fled to Kurjureea. 
 
 At Kurja they held out—praised be their valour ! 
 
 Why should I make the story long ? 
 
 Jeswunt, Kan, Koompraj, and Jesheeo, 
 
 The Rathwee 2 protected like a hedge. 
 
 From this time Kanjee Rat held Detroj without interruption, and 
 attained to great power and fame. It is even said that the padishah 
 conferred upon him royal insignia, a drum, bearers of silver rods, and 
 a state umbrella. 
 
 Kanjee was succeeded by Ramsunghjee, Udebhanjee, and Nai 
 ronjee. The plinth of the funeral temple of this latter chief still 
 exists at Bhunkora, in the Choonwal, and an inscription thereon 
 states, that “Rat Shree Naronjee’s chutree ” was erected by his 
 brother, Shree Hureesunghjee, and his Koonwur, Shree Kanajee, 
 in a.d. 1720. 
 
 Kanajee, the younger, appears to have emulated the fame of his 
 predecessor of the same name :— 
 
 O ! Kanajee, Kana’s quiver, 
 
 Thou didst bind on thee in thine youth. 
 
 Another could not support its weight. 
 
 O ! Dev-descended chief of Detroj ! 
 
 1 Kurumshee of Chundoor. 
 
 * A title of Kurumshee’s. 
 
THE CHOONWAL. 
 
 433 
 
 Like Kanjee Rat, he was at war with the Mohummedans. 
 
 The world with outcries went before the Shah, 
 
 The padishah heard the true word they said, 
 
 “ As before in Agra, Janguro Kanuro was famed, 
 
 “ A Kanuro Janguro has arisen again.” 
 
 He has wall-pieces and warriors, his kettle-drums resound ; 
 
 Black elephants he keeps with him, does Nundo’s son ; 
 
 His subjects cry, “ What great matter is it to slay footmen? 
 
 “ He slew a nowaub with his banner and flag.” 
 
 He is a striker of many blows, he is of great strength, 
 
 Three kinds of army he leads to crush his enemies, 
 
 He makes war-music sound, he destroys difficult forts, 
 
 He adorns his father’s seat, does the grandson of Udebhan. 
 
 Against the padishah continually he carries on war; 
 
 The padishah’s subjects suffer fear not to be allayed. 
 
 “ Wah ! wah ! ” cried out the courtiers of the Jam ; 
 
 “ Kano padishah destroys the troopers of the Shah.” 
 
 Another verse thus celebrates his generosity—a virtue as necessary 
 to the bardic hero as valour itself:— 
 
 Indra rains but four months, 
 
 You rain the whole twelve ; 
 
 He sends prosperity sometimes, 
 
 You are ever relieving the poverty of poets ; 
 
 He thunders in the sky. 
 
 You thunder upon earth ; 
 
 He rains money and grain, 
 
 You rain horses ; 
 
 Detroj Ran ! giver of gifts, 
 
 I behold you increasing like the moon ; 
 
 O Kana, son of Nundo, 
 
 I pronounce you to be equal to Indra ! 
 
 Kanajee appears to have held only a fourth share of the Choonwal, 
 which had been already divided—at what time is unknown—into the 
 estates of Kookwav, Bhunkora, Chuneear, and Dekhawara. He 
 divided his own share among his sons during his life-time. Nuthoo- 
 bhaee, the eldest, received the villages of Rampoora, Kanpoora, and 
 Kanj; Dado, the second son, had Duslanoo and Naronpoor; Bhoo- 
 put Singh, the youngest, Koeenteeoo and Ghuteshanoo. Kanajee 
 retained the rest of the estate for himself, consisting of the villages 
 of Bhunkora, Kantrodee, Chooneenoo-puroo, Dangurwoo, Balsha- 
 shun, Endura, and Kudwahun. 
 
 On the death of Kanajee, Bhooput Singh, who was then twelve 
 years old was driven from the estate by his elder brothers, and retired 
 
 F F 
 
434 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 to the house of the Thakurra of Chuneear, who was his distant kins* 
 man. He had a favorite goat, which on one occasion fought with a 
 goat belonging to the Thakurra of Chuneear, and, being beaten, ran 
 away. Bhooput Singh was much enraged with his goat, and said to 
 it, “ Shame on you, that you have taken away my character.” He 
 cut off the goat’s head. The Chuneear chief was afraid that Bhoo¬ 
 put Singh might some day be angry in a similar way with his children, 
 and might do them injury. He therefore determined upon sending 
 him away. Bhooput Singh retired to Koeenteeoo, one of the villages 
 which had been assigned to him by his father, and took up his re¬ 
 sidence there. Now Koompojee Mukwana of Punar was advised 
 by his minister, Puthoo, to give his daughter in marriage to Bhooput 
 Singh. Koompojee, who was a chief very famous throughout the 
 country, asked how such a thing could be thought of while Bhooput 
 Singh had no lands. The minister replied, that if Koompojee were 
 to assist him, Bhooput Singh would soon recover his estate. So the 
 lady was married to the young Thakurra, and his father-in-law, Koom¬ 
 pojee, collecting two thousand Koolees, put to death his brother, 
 Dado, and Dado’s son, Bunesung, at Duslanoo, upon which Nuthoo- 
 bhaee, the other brother, fled away for fear, and took shelter first at 
 Kutosun and then at Ghantee. Bhooput Singh upon this seized his 
 father’s and brothers’ estates, and seated himself at Bhunkora. 
 
 An Uteet of the Gosaee monastery at Bhunkora used to come and 
 go to the apartments of the mother of Bhooput Singh. The Wa¬ 
 ned ministers took advantage of this to tell tales to Bhooput Singh, 
 and say that, from the Waneea’s coming to the durbar, the Thakor’s 
 name was spoken ill of. Bhooput Singh was enraged at the 
 thought, and slew his mother with his sword. The Uteet thereupon 
 fled, and never returned, but his disciple took possession of the 
 monastery. 
 
 At this time the “ Meleekurs,” or forayers, of Koompojee Muk¬ 
 wana of Punar ranged the whole country from Wudwan and Limree 
 on one side, to Ahmedabad on the other. The Raja of Sanund gave 
 Koompojee a horse every year at the Deewalee, and arranged that 
 his territories should be exempted from forays. Koompojee levied 
 black-mail on many other villages also. Now Jetha Putel, of Mandul, 
 was in great favor with the Mahrattas, and used to precede the Pesh- 
 wah’s army when it came into the country to levy tribute from the 
 Bhoomeea chiefs. At one time two lakhs of rupees of tribute were 
 due to the Peshwah by the Raj of Hulwud. Jetha Putel went there 
 to arrange for the payment of these arrears. At that time the Baee 
 was managing the estate in the minority of the Koonwur. She told 
 
THE CHOONWAL. 
 
 435 
 
 Jetha Putel that she had not the means of paying the arrears at that 
 time, her country having been but lately wasted by the chief of Wud- 
 wan, who allowed her not a moment’s respite. Jetha Putel threatened 
 that if his demand were not complied with he would enforce it by 
 firing the town. So saying he went away. Now Koompojee was the 
 adopted brother of the Baee, and she sent for him, and told him that 
 she should never be at rest until Jetha Putel was dead. Jetha came 
 about the same time to a Punar village, called Chureealoo, to fasten 
 a garland on behalf of the Peshwah. Koompojee took the oppor¬ 
 tunity to quarrel with him, and slew him with his sword—a deed 
 which gave great satisfaction to all the Bhoomeeas. 
 
 After this Koompojee made a foray upon Od-Kumod, near Ah- 
 medabad, with a hundred and fifty horsemen in chain armor. He 
 drove off the cattle. There was, however, in the village a post of 
 sixty Mahratta horse. These horsemen came upon the “war,” but 
 Koompojee engaged them, and repulsed them with the loss of twenty 
 of their number, he himself losing only four of his followers. There 
 was, however, another post at Sirkhej, and a Waneea minister, with 
 only six horsemen and a pair of kettle-drums, came suddenly upon 
 the Koolees, during one of their halts. The Meleekurs, when they 
 heard the drums, supposed themselves to be attacked by an officer at 
 the head of a large force, and so took to flight. Koompojee Tha- 
 kurra, as he galloped off, was struck through from behind with a 
 spear, and fell dead. The Mahrattas carried off the corpse, and 
 refused to give it up until Shamtajee, Koompojee’s son, promised that 
 he would never make a foray upon their village again. Having ob- 
 | tained the body, Shamtajee committed it to the flames at Punar, and 
 erected a paleeyo at Od-Kumod. 
 
 To return to Bhooput Singh. Mulhar Row Guikowar sent from 
 Kuree to claim the villages of Kantrodee, Koeenteeoo, and Ghute- 
 shanoo as Guikowar property, but Bhooput Singh refused to surrender 
 them, and the dispute lasted for a number of years. At one time 
 several cart loads of silk goods, the property of a Puttun merchant, 
 passing along under the protection of the Chuneear Thakurra’s people, 
 were seized by Bhooput Singh between Duslanoo and Bhunkora. 
 Bhooput Singh allowed the merchant to ransom his property for four¬ 
 teen thousand rupees. This conduct produced a great feud between 
 him and Chuneear, in the course of which many men on both sides 
 were slain, and Bhooput Singh himself was, on one occasion, wounded 
 with a matchlock ball. Hunmunt Row, the brother of Mulhar Row, 
 advanced towards Bhunkora at this time with a Mahratta force from 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 43 6 
 
 Kuree, and sent to Bhooput Singh to say, that as the Thakurra was 
 about to throw water on his head, 1 he had come to bind a turban 
 for him. Bhooput Singh replied that he did not want the turban, 
 and had no intention of allowing the Mahrattas to enter his town. 
 Hunmunt Row, therefore, quartered his troops in the neighbouring 
 villages, and sent to Kuree to say that Bhooput Singh was not to be 
 caught by stratagem. Upon, this, Mulhar Row forwarded Bhooput 
 Singh a safe conduct, and invited him to Kuree. On his arrival he 
 repeated his demand for the three villages, which was again rejected 
 by Bhooput Singh. It was near harvest time, and the grain was 
 ripening in the fields. Bhooput Singh laid them all waste, and, leav¬ 
 ing his village, placed his wife and children at Veerumgam, and 
 “ went out.” He had three hundred horse of his own, and his allies 
 swelled his force to the number of two thousand. He plundered the 
 Guikowar’s villages. 
 
 Bhooput Singh used the royal drums and umbrella which had been 
 granted by the padishah to his ancestor, Kanjee Rat. While he was 
 “ out,” Mulhar Row began to destroy his house with his cannon. A 
 Charun sneeringly said, “ What wonder is there that Bhooput Singh 
 “ should fight; but now the very bricks of his house are turned war- 
 “ riors ! ” Mulhar Row was ashamed of his proceeding when he 
 heard this, and retired. Bhooput Singh continued for a long time 
 to be a terror to the Mahrattas :— 
 
 ‘ ‘ Kuree and Bhunkora fought, 
 
 “ Sattara and the Jam heard it, 
 
 “ Bhooput went to the battle 
 “ As Ram against Rawun. 
 
 “ Descendant of Kana! the enemies’ 
 
 “ Flesh-devourer, 
 
 “ Your sword 
 
 “Has become a terrible Dakin. 
 
 “ Women of the Mahrattas, 
 
 “ How can ye wear ornaments? 
 
 “ Over your heads hangs a great terror, 
 
 “ For ready to engage stands Bhooputo. 
 
 “ Mulhar Row did not perceive the snake’s house, 
 
 “ Unwittingly he set his foot thereon : 
 
 “ The mighty serpent awoke, 
 
 “ Bhooputo, the invincible warrior. 
 
 That is, to bathe for the first time after recovering from his wound. 
 
THE CHOONWAL. 
 
 437 
 
 “ Kuree he will dig up by the roots, 
 
 “ He will force them to sue for peace ; 
 
 “ Bhooputo will enjoy the land, 
 
 “ He will strike Row Mulhar. 
 
 * ‘ Senselessly many swaggered, 
 
 “ Mahrattas and Toorkoras , 1 
 ‘ ‘ On all four sides your servants— 
 
 “ You made them, O! Bhooputo.” 
 
 When a son was born to Mulhar Row, at Kuree, a servant of his 
 went into the market to purchase ginger for the use of the Ranee, 
 that root being much used by Hindoo women as a tonic after child¬ 
 birth. The servant kept on saying, “ We must have the very best 
 “ ginger in your shop.” The grocer said, “ Bhooput Singh’s mother 
 “ has eaten all the best ginger, there’s none left now but what’s dry.” 
 The damsel went home, and mentioned what the grocer had said to 
 Mulhar Row. He was enraged, and plundered the grocer’s house. 
 When Bhooput Singh heard this, he made up to the grocer his loss. 
 In this way, Mulhar Row and Bhooput Singh were opposed for many 
 years. At length, when Mulhar Row went to war with the English 
 and the Baroda state, he called in Bhooput Singh from Junjoowara 
 to his aid ; and when Mulhar Row was made prisoner, it was to Bhoo¬ 
 put Singh’s care that he confided his family. 
 
 The following anecdotes are related of this chief:— 
 
 The Katee ot Dhandulpoor, named Godud, was attacked by the 
 Nowaub of Joonagurh. He sought aid from the Raj of Hulwud, but 
 that chief was afraid of the nowaub, and refused to assist him. Go¬ 
 dud Katee then sent for Bhooput Singh, who went to Dhandulpoor, 
 and defended it successfully. 
 
 The chief of Hulwud had encroached upon the lands of the grassia 
 of Methan, who is the head of a younger branch of his family. Upon 
 this the Methan Jhala gave his daughter to Bhooput Singh, as other 
 chiefs had given daughters, on like occasions, to Mohummedans; and 
 the Raj of Hulwud, from fear of Bhooput Singh, withdrew imme¬ 
 diately from the lands which he had seized. 
 
 Bhooput Singh used to give feasts to Brahmins on the twelfth days 
 of both divisions of the month. He maintained also a charitable 
 establishment in his village for the poor, and forbore from plundering 
 the poor, though he made war upon rajas. He died in a.d. 1814. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of the Solunkhee-Koolees of the Choonwal 
 
 A name of contempt for Toorks or Mohummedans. 
 
rAs mAlA. 
 
 43 8 
 
 are the Mukwana-Koolees, who possess the estates of Junjoowarfi, 
 Kutosun, and Punar. Kesur, the Mukwano, 1 had, in addition to his 
 son Hurpal, the ancestor of the Jhala clan, two other sons, Wujepal and 
 Shamtajee. Wujepal was wounded and taken prisoner in a battle 
 against the Mohummedans, and became a Molesulam. His descen¬ 
 dants are the Mohummedan chiefs of Mandoowa in the Myhee Kanta, 
 who bore the family title of Lai Meea, and have been alluded to in 
 the story of Row Veerum Dev of Eedur.* Shamtajee took forcible 
 possession of the town of Santhul, at which his descendant, Kanojee, 
 resided in the days of Mahmood Begurra. Kanojee married the 
 daughter of a Bheel chieftain, and thus lost caste 3 he served, however, 
 with distinction under the sultan, and Mahmood therefore made him 
 a grant of the estate of Kutosun, which consisted of eighty-four town¬ 
 ships. Thirteenth in descent from Kanojee was Naronjee, Thakorof 
 Kutosun, from whose time the fortunes of the family may be very 
 minutely traced, exhibiting, perhaps, the best example which Goo- 
 zerat can furnish of the effects of the Hindoo custom of subdividing 
 landed property. It is not, however, our intention to enter upon this 
 task, as the subject, though interesting to the student of land-tenures, 
 is unattractive to the general reader. The exploits of the Kutosun 
 Mukwanas do not furnish so good a field for bardic tale as those of 
 their neighbours of Bhunkora, but the names of Ujbojee and Ugro- 
 jee, grandsons of Naronjee, are not without fame in their way, and are 
 celebrated in a ballad, from which we select, in conclusion, a few 
 passages. The following is a picture of Ujbojee’s court at Kutosun :— 
 “ Drums sounded in the durbar; water was sprinkled on the 
 “ ground ; many chiefs came thither to seek sanctuary, standing with 
 “ their palms joined, they made their petitions. Before the descendant 
 “ of Kanojee, as before Indra, sounded the thirty-six kinds of music; 
 “ before him learned men read the Veds; sugar was supplied to the 
 “ guests, goats flesh, and flesh of hog ; opium and saffron were daily 
 “ distributed ; dancers performed before Ujbo ; always in ‘ color and 
 “‘music’ 3 he sported; a pair of bugles sounded before him; the 
 “ singers, swinging, elephant-like, from side to side, sang songs; in 
 “ spending money, the chief was as free as Bulee Raja; at his cook- 
 “ room, daily, rice and milk, and all kinds of ambrosia-like food 
 “ were prepared; over his house always floated the flag of Dhurum ; * 
 “ such was the lord of the Choonwal, who issued his commands even 
 
 1 Vide p. 229. * p. 320, &c. 
 
 3 “ Rung-rag,” festivity. 
 
 4 That is, to invite comers, to receive charity or religious gifts. 
 
THE CHOONWAl. 
 
 439 
 
 “ to the padishah. Well didst thou rise Sun-like Mukwano ! son of 
 “ Jusa! the father of Hindoos, and the boundary ! Nor less famous 
 “ was his brother, Uguresh; the brothers recalled to men’s minds the 
 “ sons of Dusruth.” 
 
 Ujbojee was, according to the bard, an universal conqueror, he 
 defeated alike “ the Show Raja’s army, the army of the Dekkanees,” 
 and “ the army of Delhibut he did not neglect still more con¬ 
 genial achievements; “ from village to village he fixed his gras,” or 
 imposed his black-mail; “ every day he gained great fame in plun- 
 “ dering. His Umeers were the Vishrodeea, the Punara, the Murto- 
 “ leea,” and a vast number of other half-clad lords of hamlets ; he 
 was not, however, deficient in wardrobe himself, for the bard par¬ 
 ticularly specifies that “ he dressed in silk and jewels.” 
 
 Ujbojee established his claim to a more honorable reputation, by 
 throwing open his granaries to the poor, on the occasion of that ter¬ 
 rible famine of a.d. 1813, the recollection of which, like the echo of 
 some mournful strain that will not pass away, is sure to darken the 
 most joyous verse of the bard:— 
 
 “ The earth was distressed, rajas were without food, Rows and 
 “ Ranas had not a grain to bestow, husband and wife deserted each 
 “ other, parents abandoned their children, the practice of religious- 
 “ giving was forgotten; charitable establishments were broken up; the 
 “ places of water were dry, not a drop fell from the heavens. At the 
 “ time when daily from each village came such news as this, when all 
 “ the country was a beggar, at that time did the descendant of Kano 
 “unfurl his flag; open he threw his stores; though other rajas 
 “ would not admit strangers to their villages, Ujubesh received them 
 “all. If Indra remained angry in Swerga, this Indra upon earth, at 
 “ least, was propitious; he strove to drive the famine from the land.” 
 
 The following is an account of a war with the Mohummedans :— 
 
 “ At this time two Toorks ruled at Kuree, Ambo Khan and 
 “ Lembo : they oppressed the country. When they heard of the 
 “ fame of Ujbo and Uguro, they wrote to Kutosun to demand 
 “ tribute and submission. Ujbo was furious when he heard the 
 “ message. Uguro restrained him from slaying the messenger. 
 “ They sent for the minister, Deepchund, the son of Mudunsha; an 
 “ irritating answer they made him write to the Toorkuras, reminding 
 “ them of the exploits of Kesur, and of the lords of Keruntee-gurh. 
 “ The big-bearded Moslem assembled full of pride, they pitched 
 “ their camp at Dangurwoo. When the news reached Kutosun, 
 “ Ujbo called in his brothers, Tejul, whose sword had never broken, 
 “ Meghraj, Jugto, and Sooruj Singh. Uguro, stroking his moustache, 
 
440 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 i( addressed them ; the brothers swore they would do the duties of 
 “brotherhood. Vikumshee, the poet, cried, ‘Wah! wah !* He was 
 “ pleased when he saw their courage ; he incited them by singing the 
 “ songs of their fathers ; he sang of Shamtajee of Santhul, of 
 “ Hurkha Showaee, of Kano. Many Koolees came together; the 
 “ twanging of bows sounded, each bore his quiver at his back; 
 “ some were horsemen, some footmen, some soldiers of the night. 
 “ Jhora and Jussa came with the men of Jukana; Hemo came, of 
 “Ugurja; Mano, of Murtolee,” and many others. We need not, 
 however, enter upon the description of the battle, which is put 
 together after the established bardic receipt; the Shesh Nag 
 trembled; Hindoo met Mohummedan as mountain meets mountain ; 
 the stream of blood flowed like a river; Shiva appeared, as usual on 
 such occasions, with his staff of Veers, goblins, flesh-eaters, &c. 
 Sooruj held in his horses, the chariot of the sun was stayed. 
 “ Upsuras and Howris came to carry to their celestial homes 
 “ Hindoos and Moslem. Ambo and Lembo, who turned not to 
 “ flight, strove with the sword-armed Kshutree.” 
 
 All this is usual, the following, however, is peculiar :— 
 
 “ When Uguresh excited him, Ujbo determined upon falling on 
 “ the enemy by night, tiger-like, as well as fighting them by day. 
 “ From tent to tent he dug mines; money and jewels, arms and 
 “ clothes he carried away. In both ways the enemy received blows; 
 “ having nothing to eat, away they scampered ; of men and horses 
 “ were left but a few.” Reduced to such straits as these, the 
 Mohummedans were glad to avail themselves of the offers of the 
 Thakor of Wursora, who now came forward, and, effecting a 
 settlement of the matter in dispute, “ caused the strife to cease.” 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 The fiscal and military division of Goozerat, known to the Mahrattas 
 by the name of the Myhee Kanta, was not, as the name implied, 
 confined to the banks of the Myhee, but extended northwards from 
 that river to Poseena, Umbajee, and the Bunas, and included, in fact, 
 all that portion of Goozerat proper which required the presence of a 
 military force for the realization of the Guikowar’s tribute. The 
 
THE MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 441 
 
 natural features, which we have described in the opening of this 
 work, were, in a great degree, the causes of the very different state of 
 subjection into which the various parts of the province had fallen. 
 The level country was almost entirely reduced under the direct 
 government of the Mahrattas, though the jungles of the Choonwal, 
 and the banks of the Myhee, as far south as Baroda, still furnished 
 shelter to independent tribes, and many villages in Mondeh, Napar, 
 Dholka, and others of the richest districts, including those which 
 belonged to the Rajpoot landholders, and in particular to the 
 Waghelas, required an annual armament to enforce payment of their 
 tribute. As the smaller streams branched off, many independent 
 i communities appeared among the ravines and jungle on their banks; 
 i as these rivulets increased in number, and the forest grew thicker and 
 more continuous, the independent territories also became more 
 frequent, and were found in more solid masses, until at length the 
 still-untamed principalities of Eedur and Loonawara were reached 
 amidst the mountains of the north-east. 
 
 Many Koonbees, waneeas, and others of the peaceable classes, 
 were included among the population of the Myhee Kanta, but the 
 castes which bore arms, and in whom the whole authority of the 
 country was vested, were Rajpoots, Koolees, or Mohummedans. Of 
 these, the Koolees were by far the most numerous, though they 
 were, for the most part, found under Rajpoot rule. The Rajpoots 
 themselves were of two descriptions—the Marwarees, who had 
 accompanied the reigning family of Eedur in its emigration from 
 Jodhpoor; and the adherents of the ancient Rows, whom we have 
 | already beheld driven to a last retreat at Pol. The former resembled 
 the clans of Marwar in their costume and manners, but, in their 
 present sequestered situation, had contracted an additional rugged¬ 
 ness. They were said to be very brave, but stupid, slothful, un¬ 
 principled, and devoted to the use of opium and intoxicating 
 liquors. The Rehwurs, and other clans who still professed allegiance 
 to the descendants of Row Sonungjee, were considered to be more 
 civilized than the Marwarees, more honest, more submissive, but less 
 active and warlike. All the Rajpoots used swords and shields, 
 matchlocks and spears. They often wore defensive armor, either of 
 leather or of chain, and placed it upon their horses; they sometimes, 
 but rarely, carried also bows. Their plan of war was to defend their 
 villages; they seldom, except after an ineffectual defence, took to the 
 woods like the Koolees, and were quite incapable of the desultory 
 warfare so congenial to the temper of the latter tribe. The Koolees, 
 or Bheels (for, though the former would resent the classification, the 
 
 
442 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 distinctions between them need not here be noticed), were, as has 
 been observed, by far the most numerous of the inhabitants of the 
 Myhee Kanta. They were more diminutive in stature than the other 
 inhabitants, and their eyes wore an expression of liveliness and 
 cunning. Their turbans, if they used any, were small ; their common 
 head-dress was a cloth carelessly wrapped round the temples; their 
 clothes were usually few and coarse; they were seldom seen without 
 a quiver of arrows, and a long bamboo bow, which was instantly bent 
 on any alarm, or even on the sudden approach of a stranger. The 
 natives described them as wonderfully swift, active and hardy; 
 incredibly patient of hunger, thirst, fatigue, and want of sleep; 
 vigilant, enterprising, secret, fertile in expedients, and admirably 
 calculated for night attacks, surprises and ambuscades. Their arms 
 and habits rendered them unfit to stand in the open field, 1 and they ! 
 were timid when attacked, but had, on several occasions, shown 
 extraordinary boldness in assaults, even upon stations occupied by 
 regular British troops. They were independent in spirit, and although 
 all professed robbers, were said to be remarkably faithful when 
 trusted, and were certainly never sanguinary. They were averse to 
 regular industry, exceedingly addicted to drunkenness, and very 
 quarrelsome when intoxicated. Their delight was plunder, and 
 nothing was so welcome to them as a general disturbance in the 
 country. The numbers of the Koolees would have rendered them 
 formidable had they been capable of union, but though they had a 
 strong fellow-feeling for each other, they never regarded themselves as 
 a nation, nor ever made common cause against an external enemy. 
 
 The revenue of the state of Eedur amounted to four lakhs of 
 
 1 The Scottish Lowlanders entertained a similar opinion of the Highland clans. 
 
 A ballad, entitled “ Bonny John Seton,” has the following verses :— 
 
 “ The Highland men they’re clever men, 
 
 “ At handling sword and shield; 
 
 “ But yet they are too naked men 
 “To stay in battle-field. 
 
 “ The Highland men are clever men, 
 
 “ At handling sword or gun ; 
 
 “ But yet they are too naked men 
 “To bear the cannon’s rung. 
 
 “ For a cannon’s roar in a summer night, 
 
 “ Is like thunder in the air— 
 
 “ There’s not a man in Highland dress 
 “ Can face the cannon’s rair.” 
 
THE MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 443 
 
 rupees, without including its dependencies of Ahmednugger and 
 Morasa. In the time of the Rows, the Eedur territory had been 
 much more extensive, but the pergunnahs of Kheraloo and Poorantej 
 bad been conquered by the Sultans of Ahmedabad, while other 
 districts had been absorbed by the Ranas of Mewar, or the Rawuls of 
 Doongurpoor. The Muharaja of Eedur possessed himself no more 
 than a revenue of one lakh, or one lakh and a half, the remainder was 
 assigned to eight Rajpoot chiefs, who held of him, under the 
 designation of “ puttawuts,” on condition of military service, and a 
 jsmall pecuniary payment. There were, besides, between twenty and 
 thirty Rajpoot and Koolee chiefs, many of whom had held lands of 
 the old Rows for military service, but who now paid, instead, an 
 annual tribute to the Muharaja. The whole Eedur country was 
 tributary to the Guikowar, the levy being made in the first place upon 
 the Muharaja and his puttawuts, but falling ultimately on the people 
 of the country, upon whom an extra cess was imposed to meet it. 
 The Muharaja’s personal force consisted of only fifty horse and one 
 hundred and fifty foot; but as occasion required, it was increased to a 
 much larger number, by the employment of mercenaries, of whom 
 bands were never wanting. The puttawuts’ contingent was about one 
 thousand strong, horse and foot, and there existed a further force of 
 six hundred military vassals. 
 
 The chiefs of Ahmednugger, Morasa, and Bayur were relations of 
 the Muharaja of Eedur, and held territory which was included in that 
 principality, though they were in reality almost entirely independent. 
 The chief of Ahmednugger, in particular, was the mortal foe of his 
 kinsman of Eedur, and their enmity had of late been raised to the 
 highest pitch by a dispute regarding Morasa, which the Muharaja 
 claimed as a fief that had reverted to him on the death of the last 
 chief, while the Ahmednugger prince continued to hold it for his 
 son, who was, as he contended, the rightful heir by adoption. 
 
 The eight “ puttawuts ” of Eedur were (with the exception of one, 
 who was a Chohan) of Rathor blood, distinguished by the family 
 names of Jodha, Champawut, Koompawut, and others, which marked 
 their respective descent from Jodha, the founder of Jodhpoor, his 
 brother, Champa, his nephew, Koompo, or other members of the 
 reigning family of Marwar. Their respective rank was strictly settled, 
 and the honors assigned to each were carefully defined. The Koom¬ 
 pawut of Oondunee, the highest in rank, was preceded by a silver rod, 
 and was allowed to sound the kettle-drums at the head of his train; 
 he was entitled to recline in a litter, and to use the royal “ chamur,” 
 or fan of horse-hair. His lands were free of all revenue payable to 
 
 
 
444 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the head of the state; when he appeared in the presence, or retired 
 from it, the Muharaja rose from his cushion and embraced him, 
 and his place in the court was the first on the right hand of the 
 sovereign. Perhaps the most highly valued of his privileges, however, 
 were two, which will doubtless appear strange ones to the European 
 reader—he was entitled to wear a heavy anklet of gold, and to smoke 
 a golden hookah in the royal presence. The noble of lowest rank, 
 who possessed, however, the most ample estates, was the Chohan of 
 Mondeytee. He enjoyed the fewest privileges granted to any of his 
 order—the kettle-drums, and the state-embrace of the Muharaja. 
 
 Next in rank to the nobles of the first class was the Barutjee, or 
 royal bard, whose seat was in front of the Muharaja’s cushion, and who 
 received the prince’s salutation, both on entering and on retiring from J 
 the court. 
 
 There were other military vassals, who, holding lands in the districts 
 (or zillahs) of the great nobles, were called “ Zillayuts.” Some of these; 
 were received by the Muharaja on entering the presence, but no notice; 
 was taken by him of their departure. They maintained each of them 
 a small number of horsemen, which never exceeded ten, and followed 
 the noble of the zillah. 
 
 The revenue affairs of the state were conducted by a minister 
 called Karbharee or Deewan, usually a member of the commercial 
 classes. Other relations, however, were entrusted to one of the 
 Sirdars, who bore the title of Prudhan, and whose constant presence 
 with the Muharaja was indispensable. No step could be taken by 
 the prince, which affected one of the nobles, without the concur¬ 
 rence of the Prudhan, and a summons for attendance signed by 
 the Muharaja, but wanting the counter signature of this minister, 
 would have been disregarded by the puttawut, or even considered 
 as evidence of a treacherous intention. 
 
 The Eedur territory, though open towards the west, was generally 
 very capable of defence. It abounded in rivers, hills, and forests. 
 The soil was fertile, and innumerable mango trees evinced that it had 
 once been cultivated; the greater portion was now, however, over¬ 
 grown with jungle. 
 
 The Myhee Kanta district contained also the Rajpoot principality 
 of Loonawara, of whose fortunes we possess unfortunately no record. 
 It included, in addition, the territory of Danta and the possessions 
 of numerous small chiefs, (each of them leading from fifteen hun¬ 
 dred to three thousand fighting men, and seated in the neighbour¬ 
 hood of fastnesses of very great strength), of whom the most consider-!; 
 able may be divided into four or five clusters. The Koolee chiefs of 
 
THE MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 445 
 
 Umleeara, Lohar, and Neermalee, with the Mukwana landholders 
 of Mandoowa, Poonadura, and Kural, occupied an area of about 
 fifteen miles in the neighbourhood of the river Watruk : a second 
 cluster, of nine Koolee villages, lay on the Sabhermutee, in the pergun- 
 nah of Beejapoor; immediately to the south of these were the Raj¬ 
 poot estates of Wursora, Mansa, and Pethapoor. The Koolees of the 
 Kakurej, near the Bunas, and those of the Choonwal, were estimated 
 at the respective strength of eight thousand, and five thousand bow¬ 
 men ; but their country was not strong, and they had ceased to be 
 troublesome to their neighbours. 
 
 The ruins of numerous and extensive castles, built by the Mohum- 
 medan monarchs with the view of checking the “ Mewasees,” or 
 refractory tribes, are still to be seen in unfrequented parts of the coun- 
 i try. Such measures were probably not very effectual, even when the 
 Moslem power was in full vigour, and in the decline of the Mogul 
 empire the garrisons were withdrawn, and the country was abandoned 
 to its turbulent inhabitants. The state of affairs was altered on 
 the appearance of the Mahrattas, who, without building forts or 
 attempting to assume the direct government, carried on their usual 
 harassing inroads until they extorted a tribute, which they continued 
 to increase as opportunity offered. 
 
 The Mahratta Moolukgeeree force, in the Myhee Kanta, used to 
 canton during the rains wherever its presence seemed most required, 
 and for the whole of the remaining eight months of the year it was 
 constantly in motion. When the tribute was not paid on demand a 
 horseman, entitled to levy a fixed sum every day, called a Mohul, 
 was despatched to the chief. In case this measure proved ineffec¬ 
 tual the force moved to the chiefs lands, when, if the presence of 
 such undisciplined visitors, by its own inconvenience, failed to bring 
 him to terms, they proceeded to cut down his crop, spoil his trees, 
 and waste his lands. These measures were generally rendered neces¬ 
 sary by the imposition of some addition to the tribute; but many 
 villages also made it a point of honor not to pay unless a force came 
 I against them. In cases of extreme obstinacy in refusing tribute, or 
 in committing or encouraging depredations, the Guikowar officer 
 entered on open hostilities. He generally endeavoured, by a forced 
 march, to surprise the Mewasees in their villages, and seize their chief 
 or their women. If he succeeded, the Mewasees submitted ; but if 
 he failed, he “ struck ” (that is to say, burned) the village, and the 
 people, especially if they were Koolees, retired to the jungle, and set 
 his attacks at defiance. The strongest Koolee villages were open on 
 the side furthest from the river, and the only object of such defences 
 
44-6 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 as they erected on other points appeared to be to secure a retreat to 
 the ravines. The facilities afforded by these recesses, whether for 
 flight or concealment, inspired the Koolees with the greatest confi¬ 
 dence, while the roads leading along the supposed ridges were by no 
 means equally encouraging to the assailants. In such cases the Koo¬ 
 lees, with their bows and matchlocks, would often keep the Guikowar 
 troops for a long time at bay. But if they were dislodged they scat¬ 
 tered, and, by long and rapid marches, united again at a concerted 
 point beyond the reach of their enemies. In the meantime they 
 sometimes attempted night attacks on the camp, in which the sudden¬ 
 ness of their onset often struck a panic into the undisciplined troops 
 opposed to them; but they more frequently avoided the enemy, and 
 annoyed him indirectly by the depredations they committed on the vil¬ 
 lages in which he was interested. In the meantime the Guikowar 
 chiefs endeavoured to obtain intelligence, and to cut up the Koolees j 
 or seize their families. They also tried by all means to prevent their 
 receiving provisions, and otherwise punished all who supported them. 
 If this plan were successful, the Koolees would subsist for a long 
 time on the flowers of the Mowra tree, and on other esculent plants ; j 
 but in time the bulk of their followers would fall off and return to 
 their villages, while the chief, with the most determined of his adhe¬ 
 rents, remained in the jungle, and either was neglected or easily! 
 eluded the pursuit of the Mahrattas, until he could, by some compro¬ 
 mise, or even by submission, effect his restoration to his village. 
 There were many instances in which quarrels with the Koolees had 
 terminated still less favorably to the Guikowar. The village of Um- 
 leeara, though defended on one side only by a narrow strip of jungle 
 and a hedge of dry thorns, stood a siege of six months against a 
 body of seven thousand men. The village was carried by assault; but 
 a part of the Koolees rallied, and the besiegers fled with the greatest 
 precipitation, leaving their guns and four of their principal leaders on 
 the field. On another occasion the inhabitants of Lohar, about one; 
 thousand strong, enticed a Guikowar force of ten thousand men 
 through a long defile into the bed of the Watruk, and while a small 
 party made a show of resistance on the opposite bank an ambuscade 
 started up and opened fire on the rear in the defile. The whole 
 army immediately took to flight, and Babajee Appajee, who commanded 
 it, with difficulty escaped by the swiftness of his horse. 
 
 When the affair was with Rajpoots these almost always defendedj 
 their village; and that of Kurrora, situated among strong ravines, on! 
 the banks of the Sabhermutee, once beat off several assaults of the] 
 Guikowar troops, and compelled them to raise the siege. The Raj- 
 
THE MYHEE kAntA. 
 
 447 
 
 poots sometimes, though rarely, hired foreign mercenaries, and often 
 called in Koolees, but the Koolees never had recourse to the assist¬ 
 ance of any other tribe. 
 
 The Mahratta power was at its highest in the Myhee Kanta about 
 the end of the eighteenth century, at the time when Shivram Gardee, 
 the commandant of regular infantry, whose name has been already 
 ; mentioned, was employed in the settlement of the province. The dis¬ 
 orders of the Guikowar government, subsequent to the death of Futteh 
 Singh, did away with the effects of Shivram’s successes ; but about the 
 year a.d. 1804, order was very effectually restored by Rughoonath My- 
 heeput Row (or Kakajee), the cousin of Rowjee Appajee, and although 
 the Guikowar troops had since then met with some reverses, they had 
 never encountered any general spirit of resistance. The first inter¬ 
 ference of the British government in the affairs of the Myhee KantA 
 took place in a.d. 1813, when Major Ballantine, following up the 
 system which had been so ably introduced by Colonel Walker, 
 entered into engagements, on the part of the Guikowar, with all the 
 tributary chiefs of the province. By some unaccountable mistake, 
 however, those terms were never either conformed to or formally 
 .annulled. The Myhee Kanta was, during the period that ensued, 
 entrusted to Bucha Jemadar, an officer of the Guikowar government, 
 who kept up a considerable force, and maintained the authority of 
 the Mahrattas with some energy. He greatly increased the pecuniary 
 payments of the chiefs, and he chastised such of them as went into 
 open rebellion, but he was unsuccessful in preventing depredation, 
 and loud and frequent complaints of the outrages of the Koolees were 
 heard in the British districts. In a.d. 1818, the larger part of the 
 | Jemadar’s force was called off on foreign service, and afterwards, the 
 whole of the Mahratta troops having been withdrawn, the province 
 | relapsed into nearly its former state of disorder. Three years after¬ 
 wards the Myhee Kanta was visited by Mr. Elphinstone, who then 
 held the reins of government at Bombay, and under his direction a 
 British agency was established in the province, with the general views 
 of securing its tranquillity and of providing for the peaceful realization 
 of the tribute possessed by the government of Baroda. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE MUHARAJAS OF EEDUR—AnUND SINGH —SHIV SINGH— BHUWA- 
 NEE SINGH—GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 Ujeet Singh, say the Eedur bards, speaking of the Jodhpoor Raja of 
 that name, was very famous. He placed seven shahzadas on the 
 throne, and unseated them again. In the end he placed Momud 
 Shah on the throne. For seven days Ujeet Singh’s order was 
 obeyed at Delhi, and five great rajas came to him for protection— 
 those of Jeipoor, Jesulmer, Buhawulpoor, Seerohee, and Sheekur. j 
 After placing the padishah on the throne,Ujeet Singh remained three 
 years at Delhi, and then returned to Jodhpoor, leaving Koonwur ; 
 Ubhye Singh, with five thousand horse, to serve the padishah. One. 
 day the padishah took Ubhye Singh with him for a sail upon the 
 Jumna. When they reached the middle of the stream, the padishah; 
 ordered the Koonwur to be thrown into the water. Ubhye Singh 
 asked what was the reason. The padishah told him he must write 
 to his brother, Wukhut Singh, to put his father to death. Ubhye 
 Singh upon this caused Bhundaree Rughoonath to write to Wukhut 
 Singh, and tell him that he would give him Nagor on condition of his 
 at once putting Ujeet Singh to death. When the letter reached 
 Wukhut Singh, he went in the middle of the night, and put his father 
 to death. 1 The Ranees prepared to become sutees; they took with 
 them Ubhye Singh’s younger brothers—Anund Singh, Raee Singh, 
 and Kishor Singh,—in order that their eyes might not be put out, 
 according to the Jodhpoor custom. The Jodhpoor Raja’s place of 
 cremation was at Mundowur. When the Ranees arrived at that 
 place they made the Koonwurs over to the Sirdars. Now Raee 
 Singh and Anund Singh were the sons of a Chohan Ranee, and 
 Kishor Singh of a Bhateeanee. They were entrusted to the care of 
 the Chohan Sirdars, Man Singh and Deveedas, and of Man Singh’s 
 Koonwur, Jorawur Singh. These Chohans held the Roeecha putta, 
 the produce of which was one lakh ; they abandoned it and went 
 away with the Koonwurs, and halted at Chandela, fifteen coss east 
 of Jodhpoor. Thakor Mokum Singh, the puttawut of Baroda in 
 Marwar,—a putta of ten thousand rupees,—was ordered by Wukhut 
 
 » See this story in detail in Tod’s Rajasthan, vol. i. pp. 744 , 745- 
 
ANUND SINGH. 
 
 449 
 
 Singh to pursue them and slay them, or bring them back. He 
 mounted, therefore, and proceeded with eight hundred horse to 
 Chandela. The three chiefs, beholding his approach, girded up 
 their loins, and seated themselves in council, their twelve hundred 
 horse being encamped around them. Mokum Singh dismounted at 
 their tent, and asked for the Koonwurs. Man Singh said that they 
 had been entrusted to him by the sutees, and that he now made 
 them over in the same way to Mokum Singh. As he spoke these 
 ; words he presented also a dagger, and said, “ If you intend to slay 
 “ them, do so now.” Mokum Singh said, “ Thakor ! you have done 
 “ much, that you have drawn me in along with you. Now, what 
 I “ befalls you must befall me.” The four chiefs retired together to 
 , a hill called Adowalo, in Marwar, and became outlaws. Their fami¬ 
 lies were left at Kurneejee Mata’s, at a Charun village called Desanot 
 in Bikaner,—this Mata being very powerful to protect those who fly 
 to her for refuge. 
 
 Now before this time the Champawut puttawuts of Sunula, viz., 
 
 ! Showaee Singh, Man Singh, Pertap Singh, and Jeewundas, who held 
 s a putta of seventy thousand rupees, had had a quarrel with Raja Ujeet 
 Singh, and their putta had been placed under attachment. They also 
 had become outlaws, and were at this time at Adowalo, their families 
 having been left at Kurneejee Mata’s. They had lately plundered a 
 caravan of treasure passing from Ujmeer to the padishah at Delhi. 
 When the Raj Koonwurs arrived at Adowalo, the Champawuts made 
 an offering of this treasure, and volunteered their services. Koonwur 
 Anund Singh accepted the offer, and at this time he made a promise 
 to Mokum Singh Jodha, Man Singh Chohan, and Pertap Singh 
 Champawut, to the effect that if he obtained a kingdom he would 
 confer a putta upon each of them, as they were faithful to their lord. 
 From Adowalo the Koonwurs and their partisans began to make 
 forays upon Marwar, and it is still said of Man Singh Chohan, in 
 songs, that he churned Muroo-land as the Devs churned the ocean. 
 
 _ When Ubhye Singh, from fear of the padishah, wrote to Wukhut 
 Singh to put his father to death, the padishah gave him the Eedur 
 pergunnah as a present, and a deed with nine seals. A Brahmin 
 j named Jugoojee, the Pooroheet or family priest of Ubhye Singh, 
 j while on his way from Delhi to Jodhpoor, was seized by the outlaws, 
 and carried to Adowalo. He informed them of the grant of Eedur 
 to Ubhye Singh, and swore to them that if they would permit him to 
 go to Delhi he would bring the grant back with him. They agreed 
 to the Brahmin’s proposal, and he went to Ubhye Singh, and informed 
 him that his brothers were plundering and distressing Marwar, suggest- 
 
 G G 
 
45 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 ing that the grant of Eedur should be given to them, instead of one j 
 of the twenty-two pergunnahs of Jodhpoor. Ubhye Singh gave him I 
 the grant, and he carried it to Adowalo. 
 
 At this time, Sumwut, 1785 (a.d. 1729)/ Oodawut Lai Singh, who j 
 served the Nowaub of Borsud with three hundred horse, was on his I 
 way to Marwar on leave, and, arriving at Eedur, pitched his tents by I 
 the Rumulesur tank. It was then that' the Desaees came to visit j 
 him, and offered to make him master of Eedur. Lai Singh said that J 
 the padishah had granted Eedur to Muharaja Ubhye Singh, and that I 
 he could not himself take it, but that he would bring Anund Singh I 
 and the other brothers of the Muharaja who were in outlawry. This I 
 beino- agreed to by the Desaees, Lai Singh went to Adowalo and j 
 related what had passed. The Raj Koonwurs had in the meantime 
 been joined by Jethawut Uderamjee and Koompawut Umur Singh : 
 they now set out at the head of about five thousand horse, and pro¬ 
 ceeded to the pass of Rohera, leading from the Seerohee country 
 into the province of Eedur. The Waghela Thakor of Poseena, a 
 puttawut of the Row’s, however, blocked up the pass, and would not 
 permit the Raj Koonwurs to advance, for the Rowjee had by no 
 means abandoned his claim to the possession of Eedur. At length 
 it was arranged that Anund Singh should marry the Thakor’s daughter, 
 
 1 The following is an extract from a report by Major Miles, then in political 
 charge of the Myhee Kanta, dated 21st September, 1821 
 
 “ In Sumwut, 1785, Anund Singh and Raee Singh, two brothers of the Rajah 
 “ of Jodhpoor, accompanied by a few horse from Vanoo and Pahlunpoor, and the 
 “ Koolees of Gudwara, took possession of Eedur without much difficulty. They 
 “ are said to have had an order from Delhi, but the truth seems to be that they 
 “ were invited by the state of the country, and most likely assisted by the Marwar 
 “ princes, who at that period held the Soubahdaree of Ahmedabad. Some years 
 “ a ft er> a t the instigation of the Dessye above-mentioned (who had been placed in 
 “ charge of Eedur after its capture by Morad Buksh), who appears to have been 
 “ displaced by the Marwarees, an officer in the service of Damajee Guikowarj 
 “ named Buchajee Dewajee, was dispatched, on the part of the Peshwah, to take 
 J “ possession of Eedur, which, assisted by the Rehwur Rajpoots, the servants of 
 “ [he late Row of Eedur, he did. Anund Singh was killed in an engagement, 
 “ fought for the recovery of Eedur, about Sumwut, 1809 (a.d. 1753), and Bucha- 
 “ jee, after leaving a detachment there, returned to Ahmedaba'd. Raee Singh, 
 “ however, collected a force, and again obtained possession of Eedur. He died 
 “ i n Sumwut, 1822 (a.d. 1766). Shiv Singh succeeded his father Anund Singh, 
 “ and is said to have governed about forty years. Shiv Singh had five sons— 
 “ Bhowanee Singh (or Laljee), who succeeded him ; Sungram Singh, who received 
 “the puttah of Ahmednugger; Jalum Singh, of Morassa ; Indur Singh (no 
 “ puttah); and Umur Singh, of Gorewara. Bhowanee Singh governed only one 
 “ month after the death of his father, and was succeeded by his son, Gumbheei 
 “ Singh, the present raja, in Sumwut, 1849 (a.d. 1793); Gumbheer Singh has one 
 ,“ son, named Oomed Singh, or Laljee, who is about twenty years of age.” 
 
ANUND SINGH. 
 
 451 
 
 and that that chief should have twelve villages in addition to those 
 which he held of the Row of Pol. The villages of the Dhunal estate 
 were accordingly made over to the Thakor, and his daughter was 
 married to Anund Singh, and the army thereupon advanced to 
 Poseena. To this place the Raj Koonwurs invited the Desaees, and 
 on their arrival an arrangement was concluded, and the force 
 advanced to Eedur, which place they entered on the seventh of the 
 light half of Phalgoon, Sumwut, 1787 ( a . d . 1731), the same year in 
 which Muharaja Ubhye Singh came to Ahmedabad. Ubhye Singh 
 was afterwards on good terms with the Eedur Muharajas, and not 
 only procured for them the grant from Delhi, but also put them in 
 possession of the pergunnahs of Beejapoor and Poorantej. As long 
 as Ubhye Singh remained, Eedur had no jumma (tribute) to pay to 
 Ahmedabad. 1 
 
 Two years after Muharaja Anund Singh’s arrival at Eedur the 
 
 1 We do not know how this statement is to be reconciled with the following 
 letter, quoted by Colonel Tod (Rajasthan, vol. ii., p. 769):— 
 
 “ Letter from Raja Jey Sing, of Amber, to Rana Singram Sing, of Mewar, 
 
 ‘ ‘ regarding Edur. 
 
 “ SRI RAMJI. 
 
 “SRI SEETA RAMJI. 
 
 “ When I was in the presence, at Oodipoor, you commanded that Mewar was 
 “ my home, and that Edur was the portico of Mewar, and to watch the occasion 
 “ for obtaining it. From that time I have been on the look out. Your agent, 
 “ Myaram, has again written regarding it, and Dilput Raee read the letter to me 
 “ verbatim, on which I talked over the matter with Muharaja Abhe Sing, who, 
 “ acquiescing in all your views, has made a nuzzur of the pergunnah to you—and 
 “ his writing to this effect accompanies this letter. 
 
 “ The Muharaja Abhe Sing petitions that you will so manage, that the occupant, 
 “ Anund Sing, does not escape alive, as, without his death, your possession will be 
 “ unstable —this is in your hands. It is my wish, also, that you would go in 
 “ person, or, if you deem this inexpedient, command the Dhabhaee Nuggo, placing 
 ‘ ‘ a respectable force under his orders, and, having blocked up all the passes, you 
 “ may then slay him. Above all things, let him not escape,—let this be guarded 
 “ against. 
 
 “ Asar badi, 7th S., 1784 (a.d. 1728). 
 
 c ‘ Envelope. 
 
 “ The Pergunnah of Edur is in Muharaja Abhe Sing’s jagheer, who makes a 
 “ nuzzur of it to the Pluzoor; should it be granted to any other, take care the 
 “ Munsubdar never gains possession. 8th S., 1784. 
 
 “On the margin is written, according to custom, in the raja’s own hand— 
 
 “ Let my respects be known. When, in the Dewan’s presence, he ordered that 
 ‘ ‘ Edur was the portico, and Chuppun the vestibule to Mewar, and that it was 
 “ necessary to obtain it. I have kept this in mind, and, by the Sri Dewanjee’s 
 “ fortune, it is accomplished.” 
 
45 2 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Nowaub of Borsud fled to him for shelter, in consequence of a 
 rebellion of his brothers. The Muharaja, having asked advice of his 
 Sirdars, sent his two brothers, accompanied by Champawuts Showaee 
 Singh, and Pertap Singh, Jodha Mokum Singh, Jethawut Uderamjee, 
 Champawut Jeewundas, and Koonwur Jorawur Singh, with a force 
 about two thousand strong, against Borsud. There Avas a great fight 
 there, and cannon were fired from the fort, so that for ten days it 
 could not be taken. At length the Borsud Karbaree came over, and 
 opened the gates of the fort. Koonwur Jorawur Singh received two 
 or three sword wounds during the siege, and fifty of the Marwarees 
 fell, with about as many on the other side. The Nowaub, when he 
 Avas replaced on the royal cushion, said to Muharaja Raee Singh, 
 “ Stay with me until I am firmly settled.” Raee Singh therefore 
 remained for eight months. 
 
 At this time the Rowjee assembled his Sirdars, the Rehrvurs, the 
 Thakor Udesingh, of Runasun, the Thakors of Monpoor, Surdohee, 
 Roopal, and Ghorewara, and all the Bhoomeeas around, with the 
 exception of the Waghela of Poseena. The Sirdars said they would 
 go and fight for the Row, and take Eedur if they could. They 
 advanced to Deshotur, where there were five hundred houses of 
 Dabhee Rajpoots, and from thence to Eedur. At this time the 
 Mohummedan Kusbatees were very strong in Eedur; they Avere 
 divided into tAvo branches, called Naiqs and Bhatees (in all about 
 fifteen hundred houses), and to them the gates and batteries of 
 Eedur were entrusted. The Rowjee’s puttawuts gained over the 
 Kusbatees, and took the town of Eedur. Muharaja Anund Singh 
 had been left with only two Sirdars, Koompawut Umur Singh and 
 Chohan Devee Singh ; he retired with these Sirdars and his zenana 
 into the fortress on the hill, but being in danger even here he sent 
 out the ladies under the Sirdars’ protection by a postern gate, and 
 himself left the fort by the main gate which overlooks the town, and 
 Avent on in the hope of joining the zenana. The Muharaja had but 
 few horsemen with him, and even these were scattered. At this time 
 he perceived a body of Rehwur horse approaching, and immediately 
 gave orders that his royal drum should be sounded to call together 
 his followers. The nobut-beater 1 remonstrated, saying that the 
 Rehwurs Avould come up if the drum were sounded, but that the 
 Muharaja’s horsemen Avere too far off. Anund Singh repeated his 
 order, in an angry tone, and the drum was immediately sounded. 
 The RehAvur horse galloped up, and overtook his scanty following, 
 
 1 The “ nobut ” is the royal drum. 
 
ANUND SINGH. 
 
 453 
 
 and a fight ensued. On the Muharaja’s side, Chohan Devee Singh 
 first went down; then Koompawut Umur Singh was wounded. 
 Ramdan, the nobut-beater, was slain. The Muharaja’s horse was 
 killed under him, and at length he himself was slain. A few 
 only of his followers escaped, and the Rehwurs took the fort of 
 Eedur. 
 
 I Many arrows flew, many swords moved, 
 
 Great companies of elephants met each other 
 
 When Anund Muhardj, at Eedur-gurh, wedded the Upsura. 
 
 Of the bridegroom’s party, the leader was Deveedan Mamo. 
 
 The claims of all, he paid with blows redoubled. 
 
 Indra-like was Ujmal, the bridegroom. 
 
 His best-man was the son of Phut Mai. 
 
 Instead of a marriage sohg, they had the roar of battle. 
 
 Valiantly advancing, they pushed back their enemies, 
 
 Like elephants in rut, swaying from side to side, 
 
 Lid the Kumud and the Muchureek strike down their foes. 
 
 1 he fort lords, Mamo and Bhaneej, passed to Paradise, 
 
 For them had ceased the toil of being born in the womb. 
 
 Him who, in front advancing, fell, I praise—the Chohan ! 1 
 
 I he Sonuggeree and the Waghelee, Ranees of Muharaja Anund 
 Singh, retired to the Seerohee village of Rohera, and there became 
 sutees. A slave-girl also burned herself with them. Their chutrees 
 may still be seen at Rohera. 
 
 When the matter was made known to Muharaja Raee Singh, at 
 Borsud, he prepared to advance upon Eedur. He took up his ground 
 first at Mooneyoo, where he remained four months, plundering the 
 Eedur country, without finding any opportunity of attacking Eedur- 
 gurh. At length he sent Keshree Singh, of Beejapoor, and Unop 
 Singh, of Dawud, two Bharots, and planned with them to seduce the 
 Sabher Kanta chiefs who were on the Row’s side. The Bharots ac¬ 
 cordingly made an arrangement with these chiefs that when the fight 
 began they should fire in the air. Raee Singh now advanced from 
 Mooneyoo to Barolee, where he found himself at the head of ten 
 thousand men. The Naiq and Bhatee Kusbatees were also seduced 
 by promises of puttas and jagheers to desert the Row, though they 
 still protested to him that they would defend the town. Raee Singh 
 now advanced against Eedur, and surrounded the town with his 
 troops. He himself, with Man Sing Chohan, Koonwur Jorawur 
 
 . 1 Mamo and Bhaneej , mean mother's brother and sister's son. Ujmdl, is Anund 
 The sdn of Phut Mai, is Devee Singh. Kumdhuj or Kumud is a title of 
 the Rathor clan, as is Muchureek of the Chohan. 
 
454 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Singh, Jodha Mokum Singh, and the Champawuts Pertap Singh, 
 Showaee Singh, Man Singh, and Jeewundas, ascended the hill called 
 “ Mudar Sha’s toonk,” which overlooks Eedur, and from thence 
 descended into the town, which the Kusbatees rendered without re¬ 
 sistance. The Sirdars asked the Muharaja what was to be done next; 
 he said, “ Ask Mama Man Singh, who is the leader of the army.” 
 Man Singh advised that they should kill the Kusbatees, and enjoy a 
 thornless raj. The Marwarees therefore attacked them, and killed 
 about a thousand ; they next attacked the fort, which they took, 
 killing some of the Rehwurs. The Rowjee now escaped to Pol, and 
 the Rehwurs went home to their own estates, having held possession 
 of Eedur for about eight months in all. 
 
 Anund Singh Muharaja had left a son, Shiv Singh, who was six 
 years of age. Raee Singh placed him on the throne, and began to 
 act as his minister. 
 
 After this, Muharaja Raee Singh attacked Ude Singh Rehwur, the 
 Thakor of Runasun. As he advanced, a Bheel, who met his 
 cavalcade, mentioned that the Thakor had died, and that, his son had 
 taken his seat on the cushion. The Muharaja, when he heard this, 
 was so much enraged at his enemy’s having died a natural death, 
 instead of having been slain by him, that he shot the bearer of the 
 tidings dead with an arrow. He proceeded, however, to Runasun, 
 and surrounded the town. The young Thakor fled to Loonawara, 
 the Solunkhee of which place had married his sister. The Muharaja 
 remained a month and a half at Runasun, and then retired, having 
 made the twenty-four villages of the estate “ khalsa,” or crown-land, 
 and placed a garrison there, under Koombho Bhatee. Runasun re¬ 
 mained subject to Eedur for five years, and then, in consequence of 
 the continual incursions of the Rehwurs, it was given back to them, 
 twelve villages, of which Deshotur was the principal, being, however, 
 retained as khalsa lands. 
 
 The following song relates to the contest which took place at this 
 time between the Rehwurs and Rathors : — 
 
 “ Night or day, the sound of the war-drum ceases not, 
 
 “ But the Jodhas are not lessened in number ; 
 
 “ Daily, with its elephants, an army advances, 
 
 ‘ ‘ The feud with the Marwarees has no termination ; 
 
 “ All day long they seek the field, 
 
 “ They fight, they charge, they mount, they fall; 
 
 “ Without a warrior’s death no evening comes ; 
 
 ‘ ‘ When many fall, then fall the shades of evening. 
 
 “ On both sides, like roaring floods, rush on the armies; 
 
 “ Great is the noise of broken trees, of armor broken. 
 
SHIV SINGH. 
 
 455 
 
 “ Ah ! when will Kalo 1 cause this calamity to cease, 
 
 “ This dust-storm in the land of Eedur? 
 
 “ Shall I praise the arms, or praise the wearers ? 
 
 “ Shall I praise the Sirdars, or praise the followers ? 
 
 “ Is Rehwur good, or is Rathor good ? 
 
 “ Awe strikes the beholder as each chief charges on, 
 
 “ And though the Sirdar fall, the followers continue the battle, 
 
 “Yet falls not Eedur-land into the power of either.” 
 
 Raee Singh now placed Shiv Singh at Eedur, and took up his own 
 residence at Morasa, where he built a mansion and accommodation 
 for his zenana. Five years afterwards a Mahratta army, led by the 
 wife of Junkojee, came from Poonah to Morasa, and demanded 
 tribute. The Mahrattas were about fifteen thousand in number, yet 
 tribute was refused by Raee Singh. The lady who led the army sent, 
 it is said, to Muharaja Raee Singh, and requested that he would visit 
 her, as she had heard that he was very handsome, and was disposed 
 to remit the tribute. Raee Singh said, that if he was not handsome, 
 he was a good archer, and asked the messenger, in sport, whether he 
 thought an arrow would go through the buffalo and water-bags of a 
 Mahratta water-carrier who was passing at the time under the walls of 
 the fort He drew his bow, and the arrow passed through both the 
 animal and the bags. The water-carrier went off immediately to His 
 friends, and complained bitterly, and the Mahrattas immediately 
 attacked with their whole force. The garrison, which consisted of 
 only one hundred and fifty Marwarees, fought till they were all slain, 
 but Raee Singh, placing his wife on his horse behind him, and wind¬ 
 ing a scarf round her so as to fasten her to himself, galloped off to 
 Raeegurh, a fort which he had constructed upon a hill near khalsa 
 village of Unghar, and which contained a garrison of two hundred 
 horse and foot. He remained there two or three days, and then 
 went on to Eedur. 
 
 When the Mahrattas took Morasa, the Champawut Jeewundas fell, 
 and his brother, Pertap Singh, was left on the field wounded. The 
 Mahrattas, supposing that the latter was the Muharaja Raee Singh 
 himself, put him into a litter, and carried him off to Ahmedabad, 
 where they placed him in confinement. Shortly afterwards they pro¬ 
 posed to ransom him for eighty thousand rupees, and this sum was 
 taken out of the Eedur treasury, and dispatched upon camels towards 
 Ahmedabad, but when the escort reached Pethapoor on its way, the 
 Thakor himself, who had managed to effect his escape, met them, and 
 the money was brought back to Eedur. Raee Singh then said that the 
 
 J Krishn. 
 
45 6 
 
 rAs mAla. 
 
 treasure had been taken out for the use of Pertap Singh, and that the 
 Thakor should keep it. Pertap Singh declined, urging that he had 
 no need of money when the Muharaja provided so well for him. 
 The Sirdars, at length, arranged that half that sum should be given 
 to Pertap Singh, and half replaced in the treasury. 
 
 In the year 1797 (a.d. 1741), says the bard, the Muharaja granted 
 “ puttas ” to his followers. Mondeytee was given to Man Singh 
 Chohan, Chandunee to Champawut Showaee Singh, Mhow to Cham- 
 pawut Pertap Singh, Gantheeol to Jethawut Uderamjee, Teentoee to 
 Koompawut Umur Singh, YVudeeavee to Koompawut Badur Singh, 
 Merasun to Jodha Indra Singh, and Bhanpoor to Oodawut Lai Singh. 
 At this time Raee Singh and Shiv Singh were seated together upon 
 the cushion of Eedur. The Sirdars, however, considered that two 
 swords could not be contained in one scabbard, and that some day 
 treachery would be perpetrated. They assembled at the Chohan’s 
 mansion to deliberate as to how the Muharajas could be separated, 
 Shiv Singh having now attained the age of about eleven years. 
 Koompawut Umur Singh was at length deputed by them to Muha* 
 raja Raee Singh. He said, “ Muharaj ! if you will pardon me, I will 
 speak.” Raee Singh replied, “ Say on.” “ All say,” continued the 
 Thakor, “ that one scabbard cannot contain two swords, nor one 
 “ throne afford room for two rajas. 1 Your highness should therefore 
 “ proceed to some other place.” Raee Singh said, “No one but 
 “ yourself has mentioned anything of this kind to me, therefore both 
 “ of us must leave the Eedur territory.” Raee Singh accordingly 
 
 1 “You must not,” say the Dutch, “have two mainmasts in one vessel:”— 
 Une nation se peint dans son langage, principalement dans ses expressions 
 proverbiales; celles de la langue framjaise, en partie prises de la chevalerie, 
 indiquent l’epoque qui contribua en France a former cette politesse exquise, 
 ‘‘ cette urbanite delicate, cette emulation de grandeur et de generosite, dont il 
 est reste quelque chose dans nos romans; cedes de la langue hollandaise 
 montrent visiblement que le commerce et la navigation ont toujours ete les 
 occupations principales des Bataves, et que l’economie, chez ce peuple industrieux, 
 a ete de tout temps la premiere des vertus. 
 
 “ Le Hollandais veut-il faire entendie qu’il ne faut qu’un seul maitre dans une 
 “ maison, il a recours a cette figure : ‘ 11 ne faut pas qu’il y ait deux grands mats 
 “ dans un vaisseau.” 
 
 “ S’il veut faire connaitre que ceux qui n’ont pas la charge ou la conduite, de 
 “ quelque affaire, pretendent souvent en raisonner mieux que les personnes a 
 “ qui on l’a confiee, il fait encore usage d’une figure prise dans ses habitudes, 
 “ en disant: ‘Les meilleurs pilotes sont ordinairement a terre.’”— Description 
 of the United States of the Netherlands. 
 
SHIV SINGH. 457 
 
 ■etired to Raee-gurh, and Umur Singh went off to Marwar, his puttH 
 of Teentoee being assigned to Champawut Man Singh. 
 
 Raee Singh Muharaja left no son, but he had a daughter, Baee 
 Eejun Koonwuree, who was married to Madhuv Singh, Raja of Jeipoor. 
 
 Umur Singh was not successful in his attempt at obtaining a 
 putta in Marwar, and he therefore returned, six years afterwards, to 
 Eedur, and was presented with the estate of Muneeol. He had two 
 sons, Sher Singh, and Dheerut Singh, who served the Muharaja Shiv 
 Singh so well that he assigned to them the puttas of Kookreeoo and 
 Oondunee. Muharaja Shiv Singh made also other grants. To 
 Futteh Singh and Khoman Singh, the grandsons of Champawut Pertap 
 Singh, he gave the estates of Mhow and Wankaner, and he gave land 
 to several other Rajpoots, who became zillayuts of one or other of the 
 Sirdars. 
 
 When the Guikowar army, under Appa Sahib, with the Rowjee, 
 the Rehwurs, and others, in St. 1844-5 ( A - D - 1 788-9), or thereabouts, 
 came into the Eedur country, and began to kill and plunder, the 
 Sirdars retreated with their families to the hills. They all assembled 
 at length at the “ Ghoonwa ” hill, which lies between Danta and 
 Poseena, and is accessible only by a narrow pass, from whence they 
 made night attacks upon the Guikowar army, slaying and plundering. 
 The army then came against the “ Ghoonwa,” upon which the Sirdars 
 fled to Panowra, in Mewar, to the north of Eedur. The Mahrattas 
 advanced upon Mondeytee, and plundered and burnt all the villages 
 of that district, as well as many villages of Poseena, Mhow, Chan- 
 dunee, and other districts. At length they advanced upon Eedur, 
 against Muharaja Shiv Singh, and encamped at the Rumulesur tank. 
 They sent to the Muharaja to say that if he did not come in to a 
 conference, without loss of time, they would destroy Eedur. Upon 
 this, Shiv Singh, with his five Koonwurs, went into their camp. The 
 commander of the Mahrattas now demanded that the Muharaja 
 should sign a deed, passing half his country to them, on pain of the 
 territory being laid waste. The pretence which they made for this 
 |claim was, that Shiv Singh represented Anund Singh Muharaja only, 
 and that the share of Muharaja Raee Singh, who had died without 
 offspring, was theirs, the territory of Eedur having been taken posses¬ 
 sion of by these two princes jointly. The Muharaja when he heard 
 these demands made humble submission, but without effect. The 
 Mahratta leader threatened to seize him and place a garrison of his 
 own in Eedur. Then the Muharaja, in his trepidation, said, “To 
 “ pass a deed for the territory is not in my hands, it is in 
 “ the hands of the Sirdars. It is a kingdom acquired by 
 
 m 
 
45 8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ their means that I rule over.” The Pundit demanded that 
 the Muharaja should summon his Sirdars. Shiv Singh answered, - 
 “ They will not come at my summons; besides, you have laid waste » 
 “ their villages, and they, too, have done some harm to you—how, 
 
 “ then, can they come in ?” The Mahratta officer then gave security, 
 and the Muharaja also wrote private letters to the Sirdars, saying, 
 
 “ If you do not come in I shall be made prisoner.” Upon this all 
 the Sirdars came in, with the exception of Soorujmul, the Thakor of 
 Chandunee, who went off to his own village, with his followers, num- 
 bering a hundred horse and two hundred foot. When they arrived 
 the Pundit threatened them very much, and compelled them to pass 
 a deed for Raee’s Singh’s share. The Muharaja signed first, and 
 then seven Sirdars subscribed the deed. 
 
 This affair completed, the seven Sirdars said, “When Soorujmul 
 “ signs then our signatures are to hold good, but not till then.” The 
 Pundit said, “ Send for him.” A horseman of the Muharaja’s and 
 one of the Mahratta leaders were then sent to offer the security of 
 Jan Mohummed, an Arab Jemadar, and Soorujmul soon after came 
 in with a hundred and twenty horse. The Pundit received him cour¬ 
 teously in his own tent, seated him beside himself, and then gave him 
 the document that he might affix his signature, as the other Sirdars 
 had done. Soorujmul had no sooner read it, however, than he tore 
 it up, saying, “ The Muharaja is lord of the pat (throne), but I am 
 lord of the thath” (district, lit. building). He said to the Jemadar, 
 
 “ You must conduct me back to Chandunee,” and, immediately 
 rising, went off home. The Mahratta leader was very much enraged, 
 and threatened the Muharaja and the Sirdars, but they protested that 
 there was no fault of their’s, they had signed the deed. The Pundit 
 then demanded that they should accompany him to attack Chandunee, 
 to which all assented. Batteries w r ere thrown up before Chandunee, 
 and the attack w r as continued for the whole of one day, the Muharaja 
 and Sirdars apparently taking part with the Mahrattas, though in 
 heart they were with Soorujmul. In the night Soorujmul fled to the 
 hills, and the Mahrattas plundered and burnt the town. They re¬ 
 mained in that place for four days, during which time Soorujmul fell 
 upon them when occasion offered, slew ten or twelve men, and carried 
 off fourteen horses. The army struck its camp before Chandunee, 
 and moved to Sambulee. There, too, Soorujmul fell upon them in 
 the night time, and slew, among others, the Arab officer who com¬ 
 manded the artillery while he was making his bread and singing, 
 
 “ tan-a, tan-a, tan-a.” The Muharaja then said to the leader of the 
 Mahrattas that this Rajpoot was a dangerous fellow, and there was no 
 saying whom he might slay, and that if the army retired he would 
 
SHIV SINGH. 
 
 459 
 
 send the sum of money which had been agreed upon. A bond for 
 twenty thousand rupees was then drawn up and signed, the Mahrattas 
 retired, and the Muharaja returned to Eedur. He sent immediately 
 for Soorujmul and begged him to restore his village, and presented 
 him with four thousand rupees to rebuild his mansion. Soorujmul 
 did so, but after this he became full of pride on account of his valor, 
 and used to say, “There is no strength in either Muharaja or Sirdars. 
 “ It was I alone that preserved the throne of Eedur.” 
 
 When the Mahrattas retired, they left garrisons at Ahmednugger, 
 Morasa, and other places. The Sirdars drove out most of these posts, 
 but in some places they held their ground, and in these the Peshwah 
 acquired a half-share. 
 
 Now when Champawut Soorujmul came to Eedur, the people had 
 to make the roads clear for him, otherwise he threatened them, A 
 nobut-beater of the durbar’s on one of these occasionshaving offended 
 him by committing a nuisance on the public road, Soorujmul seized 
 him, and, tying a rope round his ancle, ducked him in a pond, lower¬ 
 ing him and pulling him out until he died. At this time Muharaja 
 Shiv Singh was old and infirm, and a great friendship existed between 
 the prince Bhuwanee Singh and Soorujmul. On one occasion Soo¬ 
 rujmul made a feast at Chandunee, and invited the prince; they 
 were seated together in the durbar, when one of the prince’s attend¬ 
 ants, a Bhojuk Brahmin, happened to spit on the floor. Soorujmul 
 was in a fury, and ordered the Bhojuk to lick up the spittle with bis 
 tongue. The Bhojuk said, “ I have done wrong, but now I will wipe 
 I “ it up with my clothes.” Soorujmul, notwithstanding, insisted upon 
 being obeyed. Then the Muharaj-Koomar said, “ He has done 
 “ wrong, therefore, if you please, I will wipe it up with my own shawl.” 
 Still Soorujmul insisted, “He shall lick it up with that very tongue.” 
 Then the prince was angry, and getting up he went away. Returning 
 to Eedur, he related the whole story to the Muharaja, and said, 
 “ There is such pride in this Sirdar that he defies all authority.” 
 The Muharaja heard, but made no answer. The prince, however, 
 kept his anger in his heart. 
 
 The affair appeared to have been forgotten, and the Muharaj- 
 Koomar sent to invite Soorujmul to a feast. He took him up to 
 Eedur-gurh to inspect the fort, and brought him at length to the 
 “ palace of the mourning queen,” where he slew him with the sword. 
 The Thakor, however, was a great loss to the Eedur state, as the 
 verse says:— 
 
 “ The Champawut, with treachery, 
 
 “ Had not the Nurend slain, 
 
 “ Goojur-land, his property, 
 
 “ Soojo Kumdhuj had made.” 
 
460 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 After his death, Soorujmul became a Bhoot, and occasioned great 
 trouble for a long time. 
 
 Soorujmul’s Koonwur, Subul Singh, hearing the news, fled away in 
 alarm, and “went out.” However, he was brought round, and in¬ 
 duced to return, but the twelve villages of Hursol were taken from 
 him. Man Singh, of Mondeytee, was succeeded by his son, Koonwur 
 Jorawur Singh. He left also a younger son, Rughoonath, to whom 
 was given the estate of Gota, which he left to his son, Soorut Singh. 
 
 The Muharaj-Koomar, Bhuwanee Singh, made an attempt to take 
 the Gota estate from Soorut Singh, because, as he declared, too many 
 villages had been given to puttawuts, and few remained khalsa. He 
 sent to Soorut Singh, demanding that he should give up one or two 
 of his villages. This demand, however, did not please Muharaja 
 Shiv Singh, but he was afraid of the prince, and did not say much to 
 him. Soorut Singh replied to the demand by “going out.” He 
 carried his family to Jowas and Puhadun, villages of Mewar to the 
 north-east of Pal, and made incursions upon the Eedur country, 
 seizing cultivators and village traders, from whom he exacted ransom, 
 and carrying off cattle. On one occasion he attacked Brumh Kheir, 
 which contained a garrison of Eedur troops, one hundred in number, 
 horse and foot. There was a great fight there. Afterwards a body 
 of the merchants of Eedur, proceeding on pilgrimage to the temple of 
 Rishub Dev, in the Sadree Pass, with an escort of twenty-five Koo- 
 lees, halted at the village of Thana. Soorut Singh visited them, and 
 asked what need they had of so large an escort. They answered that 
 his being “ out ” was the reason. Soorut Singh said they need not be 
 apprehensive of him, for Eedur was his mother, and he would not 
 snatch at her scarf. He then accompanied them to the place of pil¬ 
 grimage, and guarded them on the way home again. The merchants, 
 when they reached Eedur, told the Muharaja and the prince that 
 Soorut Singh protected the people of the town of Eedur, and should 
 therefore be called in. However, the prince did not receive this 
 advice. The Muharaja then, without the prince's knowledge, wrote 
 to Soorut Singh, and said that Chooreewar was his cook-room village, 
 and that if the Thakor struck it he would fast, and thus compel the 
 prince to call Soorut Singh in. The Thakor upon this assembled his 
 men, and plundered Chooreewar, which he burned, carrying off the 
 prisoners and cattle. When the report of this event reached Eedur, 
 the Muharaja began to abstain from food. The prince immediately 
 called in Soorut Singh, giving him an Uteet of Eedur for his security. 
 When the Thakor arrived the prince was very much enraged with 
 him, and de manded his reason for doing so much mischief. Soorut 
 Singh showed him the Muharaja’s letter. When the prince spoke to 
 
SHIV SINGH. 
 
 461 
 
 the Muharaja about the matter, Shiv Singh was ashamed, and the 
 enmity which already existed between father and son was augmented. 
 The durbar said to Soorut Singh, “ Why should you have exhibited a 
 “ letter that I wrote to you for your own good ? I think your death 
 “ must be near at hand, as your intellect is thus turned.” Soorut 
 Singh now got back his estate, but he died six months afterwards, in 
 1841 (a.d. 1785). He was succeeded by his son, Ude Singh. 
 
 On the death of Dolut Singh, the grandson of Jorawur Singh, of 
 Mondeytee, without offspring, Ude Singh succeeded also to the 
 larger putta of Mondeytee. 
 
 In the year 1848 (a.d. 1792), Muharaja Shiv Singh became a Dev. 1 
 Twelve days afterwards his son, Bhuwanee Singh, also died, in 
 the thirty-sixth year of his age. Bhuwanee Singh Muharaja was 
 j succeeded by his son, Gumbheer Singh, who was born in 1835 (a.d. 
 1779). The younger brothers of Bhuwanee Singh were Jhalum 
 Singh, Sugram Singh, Umur Singh, and Indra Singh. Jhalum Singh 
 had the management of affairs during the minority of Gumbheer 
 Singh. After a time, however, the Sirdars assembled at the mansion 
 of the Champawuts, with Bharot Mohobut, of Veejapoor, who was 
 then the Deewan, and came to the resolution that, as two swords could 
 not be contained in one scabbard, it was right that Jhalum Singh 
 should not sit upon the cushion, but beside it. Jhalum Singh asked 
 what course was left open for him to take. The Sirdars said that he 
 was a prince, and knew the customs. Upon this, Jhalum Singh and 
 his brothers, Sugram Singh and Umur Singh, retired with their fol¬ 
 lowers, and took possession of Morasa, Ahmednugger, and Bayur, 
 
 | without receiving any grants from the Muharaja. Indra Singh, who 
 was blind, remained at home, and to him was assigned the estate of 
 Soor. 
 
 Sugram Singh was succeeded by Kurun Singh, and he by Tukhut 
 Singh, the present Muharaja of Jodhpoor. 
 
 1 The following inscriptions supply authentic dates of the Muharaias of 
 Eedur:—■ 
 
 1. On a Jain funeral monument near Eedur, “ Sumwut, 1840 (a.d. 1784), Shree 
 Muharaj Adheeraj, Muharaj Shree Shiv Singhjee, &c.” 
 
 2. On the well of Wujur Mata, in Eedur-gurh, “Praise to Shree Gunesh ! 
 “ Shree Ramjee ! In Sumwut, 1847 (a.d. 1791), Phalgoon shood 5, Wednes- 
 “ day, Shree Shree Shree 108. Shree Muharaj Adheeraj Shree Shree Shree Shiv 
 “ Singhjee, Shree Muharaj Koonwur, Shree Bhuwanee Singhjee caused this well 
 “ to be constructed, &c.” 
 
 3. On another Jain monument, near Eedur, “ Sumwut, 1859 (a.d. 1803), Shree 
 “ Muharaj Adheeraj, Muharaj Shree Gumbheer Singhjee, &c.” 
 
462 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Indra Singh left four sons, who are still living. Jhalum Singh and 
 Umar Singh died without offspring. 
 
 When Gumbheer Singh Muharaja was eighteen years old, he said 
 that the three brothers should take two pergunnahs between them, 
 and to enforce this determination he prepared an army, and advanced 
 to Hinglaz, on the road to Ahmednugger. Jhalum Singh and Sugram 
 Singh joined in opposing the Muharaja, and a battle was fought, in 
 which, as both sides were provided with cannon, many fell on either 
 part. They were separated by the evening. The next day, the Cham- 
 pawut, Jodha, and Chohan Sirdars came up and joined the Muharaja, 
 and'a demand was sent to the enemy for the surrender of Ahmednugger. 
 At this time, Bhowan Singh, of Teentoee, in discharging a pistol,' 
 which had been kept loaded for a long time, and would not go off 
 without more powder, blew off his hand. The Muharaja received 
 this as a bad omen, and, giving up his expedition, returned to Eedur. 
 Bhowan Singh was carried away in the direction of Teentoee, but 
 died on the road, at Bhuvnath Muha Dev, near Mhow. 
 
 After this, Jhalum Singh, of Morasa, began to encroach upon the 
 villages around him, belonging to the Thakor of Umleeara, the Rathor 
 of Malpoor, and the Rehwurs of Monpoor and Surdohee. His army 
 consisted of Marwarees and others. In an attack upon Malpoor, 
 about a.d. 1799, Jhalum Singh Muharaja had five thousand men to 
 oppose to eight hundred of the Rathor’s. The struggle continued for 
 three days, and at last Malpoor was taken, and the Rawul slain. The 
 Muharaja garrisoned Malpoor, but the young Rawul Tukhut Singh, 
 having gone out, and created much distress by burning the villages 
 of the Morasa estate, it was at length agreed that Malpoor should pay 
 the Muharaja a sulamee of six hundred rupees yearly, and Mugoree 
 one of five hundred rupees, and the Rawul Tukhut Singh recovered 
 his villages. 
 
 About the year 1864 (a.d. 1808), Shumsher Khan, of Pahlunpoor, 
 having had a quarrel with his brother, the Deewan, left home in anger, 
 and came to Eedur. The Muharaja pointed out to him, for his 
 residence, his village of Champulpoor, in the Poseena district, and 
 Shumsher Khan went thither to reside. Peer Khanjee, of Pahlunpoor, 
 upon this, wrote to the Muharaja, and said, “ You must not entertain 
 “ my brother.” No attention having been paid to this demand, the 
 Pahlunpoor army advanced into Gudwara, and took possession of that 
 district, placing in it a force of occupation. The Muharaja thereupon 
 assembled his troops, and driving out the Pahlunpoor force, sat down 
 in the Deewan’s village of Sheeshranoo, and sent thence to Peer 
 Khanjee to say, “ If it be your intention to fight, I will wait here for 
 
DANTA. 
 
 463 
 
 “ you.” As Peer Khanjee showed no signs of advancing, the 
 Muharaja began to talk about striking one or two of the Pahlunpoor 
 villages, in return for the occupation of Gudwara; but Koompawut 
 Nar Singh, who was the Prudhan at that time, said, “ Muharaja ! we 
 “ have come beyond the frontier of Pahlunpoor, and the victory 
 “ therefore is our’s. Striking these villages, as you propose, would 
 “ only extend the feud.” The Muharaja assented to this advice, and, 
 turning back, advanced upon Danta, from which Rana Jugut Singh 
 fled to the hills. The Eedur force plundered the villages of Nowa Was 
 and Bhemal (from which the inhabitants fled), and, finding crops of 
 sugar-cane on the ground, they cut the cane, and made huts for them- 
 I selves of it, and remained there a month,, living upon the neighbouring 
 (villages. At length it was agreed that the Rana of Danta should pay 
 to the Muharaja a tribute of five hundred rupees a-year, and the latter 
 returned to Eedur. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 DANTA. 
 
 RanA Jetmal , 1 of Danta, left two sons. The elder was Jesingh; 
 the younger, Poonja, whose mother was the daughter of the Waghela 
 of Dhunalee, one of the Sirdars of Danta. Poonja lived for a time 
 with his mother’s family, because the brothers did not agree. But 
 when his father died, this being no longer a secure refuge, he was 
 conveyed by his mother’s brother to Chitrasunee, in the lands of 
 Seerohee. After Jetmal’s death, all the Sirdars and relations slept in 
 the durbar for the twelve nights of the mourning, on coverlets laid on 
 the ground, and Koonwur J esingh Dev himself slept in a cot. When 
 the servant came to prepare the cot for him, he threw out of its place 
 the coverlet of Sudhoojee Badoowa’s son, Umurajee, and began to 
 make ready the cot there. Then all asked, “ Whose cot are you 
 “ making ready here?” The servant said it was the durbar’s. The 
 Sirdars said, “Why, the durbar died two days ago, and how is it that 
 “there is another in so short a time?” The servant said, “The 
 “ Supreme Being has so arranged it, and it is not now to be set aside 
 
464 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ by you.” When the Sirdars heard this, it seemed very ill to them, 
 and they considered that “ he will not suit our purpose.” Afterwards 
 all the Sirdars assembled, and, holding a consultation, said to Badoowa 
 Umurajee, “ Employ some means that appear to you good.” He 
 said, “ I will go and take the weight of another master, but you must. 
 “ all of you stand to my aid courageously.” Then Umurajee took two 
 horsemen with him, and set off. When the three were setting out, | 
 Koonwur Jesingh Dev said, “Whither are you going?” They said, 
 
 “ We are upon the durbar’s business.” Then he thought, “ It may be 
 “ so; the Karbharee may have sent them on some business.” The 
 three went to Dhunalee, and asked the Thakor, Waghela Mokum 
 Singh, where Poonja was. He said he was at Chitrasunee, They 
 went thither, and staid the night. The next morning they called the 
 Sindhee, to whom the village belonged, and said to him, “ Poonja 
 “ has been living with you; will you, therefore, do him service ? ” 
 He said, “ I have three hundred or four hundred men; whatever service 
 “ you may point out I am ready for.” He then got his men ready. 
 Guduwee Umurajee now said to Poonja, “ Be pleased to accompany 
 “ us to Danta.” He said, “ I will not come, because he will put me 
 “ to death.” The Guduwee said, “ I am security that no one shall 
 “ put you to death.” They turned back, therefore, taking Poonja 
 with them, and came to Surra. The next day was the auspicious day 
 for Jesingh Dev’s taking possession of the cushion, and much 
 splendid preparation was made. Jesingh Dev was putting on his 
 clothes in the durbar. Meanwhile Poonja made his appearance, and 
 the Karbharee and Sirdars placed him on the cushion. All said to 
 the chief of the merchants of Danta, named Nanabhaee, “ Do you 
 “ make the teeluk;” upon which the merchant made the teeluk, and 
 presented fifty-five rupees as an offering; after which all the others 
 presented suitable offerings. At this time the soldiers from 
 Chitrasunee came, and said, “ What service have you for us to per- 
 “ form ? ” They told them to put sentries on all four sides of the. 
 durbar, that no one might come or go. This was effected in a perfect 
 manner. Afterwards the royal drum was sounded, and cannon fired. 
 Jesingh, hearing this, said, “Who caused that drum to sound?” 
 Some one told him, “ Poonja has assumed the cushion.” Meanwhile 
 the order arrived, “ Whatever jewels belonging to the durbar you may 
 “ have in your possession must be sent, and you must leave the place.” 
 Jesingh Dev asked, “Where am I to go to?” The answer was, “You 
 “ should go to the village of Gungwa, which was assigned to your 
 “ mother for a subsistence.” Jesingh Dev said, “ Gungwa is a single 
 “ village; that will not supply my necessaries.” The village of Man- 
 
DANTA. 465 
 
 kuree was then assigned to him in addition. He took his family with 
 him, and retired to Gungwa. 
 
 The same day that Poonja assumed the cushion he was attacked 
 with vomiting. The Sirdars considered what this omen might 
 mean. Some omen-reader suggested, “ The Raja suffers from 
 “ repletion—the meaning is that he will make many districts his own.” 
 Afterwards, when he reached mature age, he won back several rights 
 of “ wol,” in Dhandhar, which had been encroached upon. He won 
 back also his wanta lands in the Kheraloo putta, which had been 
 seized. He also revolved in his mind the restoration of Tursunghmo, 
 but found no leisure to restore it. At this time he gave the village 
 of Rora, which has since become desolate, to Umurajee Badoowa ; 
 he gave him also the “ Kereeo wanta,” in the village of Koondul, with 
 five-and-twenty mango trees. At an after-time the Rana gave also 
 certain fields in the village of Thana, which the Guduwee resigned to 
 his half-brothers, Samojee and Sukhojee. Rana Poonja afterwards 
 married, at the house of the chief of Lembuj, a brother of Seerohee. 
 This Lembuj chief, whose name was Chandojee, was “ out ” against 
 Ukheraj, the lord of Seerohee, on which account he came to Danta, 
 and received from Poonja Rana the village of Wusaee to reside in, 
 which is on the road to Umbajee. Chandojee lived there, and 
 prosecuted his feud with Seerohee, which was not arranged until after 
 a five years’ struggle. Chandojee then gave his sister in marriage to 
 Rana Poonja, and assigned the lands in the village of Wusaee, which 
 had been reclaimed by him as her dower. Thus did Poonja reign in 
 a good manner. He left three sons—Man Singh, Umur Singh, and 
 Dhengojee, which last got the village of Guncheroo. 
 
 Man Singh succeeded on the death of Rana Poonja. Umur Singh 
 obtained the village of Soodasuna; but it happened that he once on 
 a time went to pay a friendly visit to the Thakor of Chitrasunee, and 
 was on his return thence, when the army of the Babee, of Rhadunpoor, 
 which was on an expedition, made its appearance. Umur Singh was 
 slain by them at the forest near the village of Pulkhuree, in Dhandhar. 
 He left two sons, Hutheeojee and Jugtojee, who were slain by Man 
 Singh’s Koonwur, Guj Singh, after he assumed the cushion. The 
 story is as follows :— 
 
 Once on a time Guj Singh was seated in the palace at Danta, and 
 said to those around him, “ Is there any one who would leap down 
 “ from that limb tree into the court?” Hutheeojee climbed the tree 
 immediately, and jumped down. Rana Guj Singh thought within 
 himself, “This man will some day play me false.” Some time after 
 wards he said to a Chowra Rajpoot, who was in his service, “ If you 
 
 H H 
 
 i'ju 
 
4 66 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 “ will kill these two brothers I will give you a field in free grant.” 1, 
 Then that Rajpoot killed the elder brother with a blow of a sword in 
 the very hall of Danta, and the other he slew on the hill, opposite the 
 window of the durbar. There is a shrine of this younger brother, 
 Jugtohee, at the same place, where prayers are made to him. He 
 sometimes appears to people, and sometimes possesses them, in which 
 case offerings must be placed there for him. Hutheeojee left a son, 
 Khoman Singh, who received the village of Udeyrun, in place of 
 Soodasuna, which was taken from him ; for his mother, after her 
 husband’s murder, brought Khoman Singh, then a child, to Rana Guj 
 Singh, and placed him in his lap, saying, “ Do to this boy also as it 
 “ may please you.” The Rana said to himself, “ I have killed his 
 “ father, but if I give him something I shall be freed from the sin of 
 “murdering a relation; so he gave him Udeyrun.” Jugtojee left 
 no son. 
 
 To return, however, to Man Singh :—he reigned four or five years, 
 and died, leaving two Koonwurs, Guj Singh and Juswojee. The 
 village of Ranpoor was first assigned to Juswojee, but after the death 
 of Hutheeojee and Jugtojee, he received also the estate of Soodasuna, 
 retaining Ranpoor as well. Juswojee afterwards obtained Wusaee, in 
 the Danta putta, and Juspur-Chelanoo. 1 
 
 Guj Singh ruled in a good manner, and left two sons, 2 Pruthee 
 Singh and Veerum Dev, who obtained the village of Nagel. In Pru¬ 
 thee Singh’s time, the army of Damajee (Guikowar) came to Danta. 
 Pruthee Singh opposed him in arms for some time, and at last took 
 to the hills. Afterwards he repaired to the Mahratta camp on receiv¬ 
 ing safe conduct, and agreed to pay something in the way of tribute, 
 which, when the Mahrattas had received, they withdrew. Afterwards 
 Hyder Koolee, the Nowaub, on the part ofDelhi, came with an army. 
 The Rana fought with him, too, and slew thirty of his followers. In 
 the end the army retreated, and victory remained with the Rana. 
 After this the Pahlunpoor chief ceased to pay a claim, which the 
 
 1 For Juswojee’s descendants, see note “on Soodasuna,” at the end of this 
 chapter. 
 
 ? The following is the inscription on the monument of Rana Guj Singh, at 
 Danta :— 
 
 “In the year 1743 (a.d. 1687), on Magsheer shood 9, Sunday, when Rana 
 “ Shree Gujsunghjee went to Vyekoo'nth, three sutees burned ; their names— 
 
 “ Vowjee Shree * *, Unund Koonwur ; Vowjee Shree Waghelee Roopalee, 
 
 “ Unund Koonwur ; Vowjee Shree Bhuteeanee Jesulmeree, Unop Koonwur— 
 “these three became sutees. In commemoration of them this chutree of Rana 
 “ Shree Gujsunghjee was caused to be made. In the year 1748 (A.D. 1692), on 
 “ Muha wud 7, on Friday the chutree was caused to be made.’ 
 
DANTA. 
 
 467 
 
 Rana held upon the Pahlunpoor village of Ghoreealya. The Rana- 
 jee now considered how to strike the village. When the Pahlunpoor 
 chief knew of this, he sent for the Bhats of Mehmudpoor (one of his 
 villages), and said, “Do you keep guard in the village of Ghoreealya.” 
 They did so, and the news was carried to Danta. At this time a 
 Waneea, named Ruheeo, was the minister of Danta. This Ruheeo 
 sent for the Bhats to Danta, and asked them to take charge of the 
 villages of Dhunalee and Sheeshranoo, on which the Pahlunpoor chief 
 asserted a claim, saying, “ You are guarding one of the Pahlunpoor 
 “ villages, so guard one of our’s too, and we will give you as much 
 “ as they give.” The Bhats answered, “We cannot ride upon two 
 “ horses.” Ruheeo said, “ Well, then, go and keep the best watch 
 “ you may, we will mount and come.” The Bhat thought he would 
 go to Mehmudpoor for his own men, and then to Pahlunpoor for 
 men from thence, and thus garrison Ghoreealya. Meanwhile the 
 Ranajee mounted at once, and struck Ghoreealya, which he plun¬ 
 dered, carrying off hostages and cattle, with which he returned to 
 Danta. When the Pahlunpoor chief heard the news he sent for the 
 Bhats, and reprimanded them, and said, “ Now do whatever remains 
 “ in your power, and bring back my hostages which the Ranajee has 
 “ seized.” Then the Bhats collected to the number of a hundred, 
 and began to perform “dhurna.” They set out from their own 
 village, and at every coss, as they advanced, they burned a man, so 
 that by the time they had arrived at Poonjpoor seven or eight men had 
 perished. Then the Danta men, going out of Poonjpoor to meet them, 
 brought the Bhats round, and prevailed on them to turn back. But 
 when the Ranajee sent to offer gifts to the Bhats, they said, “ If we 
 “ receive anything, the Ranajee will be washed from this sin, there- 
 “ fore we will receive nothing; ” so saying, they went home. On 
 account of this sin, though Pruthee Singh Rana had seven sons born 
 to him, he died childless. At his death three of his wives became 
 sutees, of whom one was the daughter of Sukhut Singh, the Deora of 
 Lembuj; another was the daughter of the Waghela of Pethapoor. 1 
 
 Pruthee Singh’s line having failed, the minister and Sirdars united 
 
 1 There is an open funeral pavilion at Danta, which contains three paleeyos. 
 The centre one bears the figure of a horseman, beneath the usual sun and moon ; 
 the two side stones have figures of sutees sculptured upon them. Rana Shree 
 “ Kurunjee,” as an inscription records, “caused to be made the chutree of Rana 
 “Shree Prutheesunghjee.” Another inscription runs as follows:—“Praise to 
 “ Shree Gunesh ! When Rana Shree Prutheesunghjee departed to Shree Vyekoonth 
 “ two sutees burned, their names—Vowjee Shree Deoree, Phool Koonwur, and 
 “ Vowjee Shree Waghelee Pethapooree, Sirdar Koonwur, in Sumwut, 1799) a. i>. 
 “ 1743, on Shrawun, Shood 2, on Wednesday.” 
 
4 68 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 to place upon the cushion Kurunjee, the son of Veerum Dev. This 
 Kurunjee quarrelled with his own Sirdar, Megh Raj, who held a putta, 
 including the villages of Deewuree and Bhudder-mala. At this time 
 there was at Danta a Rajpoot named Kotheeo VVukto, who every day at 
 opium time used to be the butt of the Rana’s abuse. One day this 
 Rajpoot, becoming enraged, wounded the Rana with his sword, and 
 escaping, took shelter with Megh Raj. Then the Rana sent to Megh 
 Raj to say, “ Give up this offender to me.” Megh Raj answered, 
 “ When one has taken shelter, it is not the Rajpoot practice to give 
 “ him up ; therefore I keep him with my head.” Afterwards, when 
 the Rana importuned him very much, Megh Raj sent the Rajpoot 
 away into the hills, and himself, going out in anger, went to Gun- 
 cheroo, where he remained six months. However, the Rana took no 
 steps to content him and bring him in. Megh Raj then thought with 
 himself, “What shall I do remaining here ?” so he went to Soodasuna. 
 The Thakor of that place, whose name was Umur Singh, received 
 him, and he staid there a year, but the Rana still gave him no satis¬ 
 faction. At length Megh Raj said to Umur Singh, “ Come! I will 
 “ cause the cushion of Danta to be given to you.” They collected a 
 force of one thousand men and munitions of war, and advanced upon 
 Danta, which they entered, and drove out Kurunjee, who, mounting 
 his horse, fled, and went to Pempulodura, five coss from Danta, the 
 village which is usually assigned to the heir-apparent for his subsist¬ 
 ence. Umur Singh now assumed the cushion at Danta, and brought 
 the whole country into subjection to himself. Things remained in 
 this state for two or three years. At length Badoowa Gorukdas, of 
 Paneealee, and his brothers took counsel together, and agreed that it 
 was not for their honor that their master, while they stood by, should 
 be kept out of his throne. Afterwards they went together to Rana 
 Kurunjee, and said, “Why have you become cold, and why sit you 
 “ here ?—if you exert yourself you will win back the throne of Danta.” 
 The Rana said, “ No way occurs to me, if any occur to you pursue 
 it.” The Guduwees said, “ Summon your Sirdars.” He summoned 
 them. Saheb Singh Bhatee came, the Thakor of Ghorad; Unop 
 Singh Rathor, also, the Thakor of Hurad ; and the Thakor of God- 
 hunee, Deveedas Waghela. These three Sirdars met, and came to 
 the conclusion that, “ Without we procure the aid of Buhadur Khan, 
 “ the Deewan of Pahlunpoor, our object cannot be effected.” How¬ 
 ever, they considered that the Deewanjee’s assistance was not to be 
 obtained without a great deal of money, which, under present circum¬ 
 stances, they could not procure, Afterwards Kurun Singh sent for 
 his younger brother Oomed Singh, who was at Nagel, and said to 
 
DANTA. 
 
 469 
 
 him, “You have a daughter who is a virgin; if you will marry her 
 “ to Bahadur Khan we shall get back our place.” Oomed Singh 
 said, “If the place be got back, you will be the master of the cushion ; 
 “ what gain will accrue to me that I should give my daughter to the 
 “ Toorka ?” Then Kurunjee gave him a written deed for five villages, 
 to be placed in his possession on the recovery of Danta. The gift 
 consisted of half the village of Nagel, the villages of Thana, Koondol, 
 Panoondura, and Wuroosun, and the present village of Gudh, which 
 was afterwards founded in the lands of Koondol. Oomed Singh 
 then agreed to do as they wished. Afterwards the three Guduwees 
 went to Pahlunpoor, and had an interview with Buhadur Khan, 
 and settled that he should help them to recover the place, and 
 that, for his so doing, Oomed Singh’s daughter should be betrothed 
 to him. The Deewanjee was very much pleased, and said, “ I 
 “ will recover your place for you, and the marriage shall be performed 
 “ afterwards.” The cocoa-nut and a rupee were then presented, and 
 the betrothal concluded. They took the Deewanjee’s force with 
 I them, and went against Danta, and encamped among the mowra trees of 
 Poonjpoor, from whence they sent a message to Uniur Singh, demand- 
 I ing that he should quit Danta. Then Umur Singh considered, “ The 
 “ Pahlunpoor force has come, so that now I shall not be able to keep 
 “ Danta.” So he sent to say, “ I will give up your Danta to you, 
 “ but what do you assign to me for my subsistence?” It was then 
 arranged that he should have five villages in addition to the fifteen 
 | he held already, namely, Jetpoor, Nana Surra, Tora, Kharee, and 
 I Bamuneeoo, and, besides these, a fourth share of the Matajee’s transit 
 j dues. At that time the Mata received a rupee from each passenger, 
 j For some years four annas were paid to the chief of Soodasuna, but 
 afterwards confusion began to occur in the accounts, whereupon the 
 Rana commenced to levy only twelve annas from each person, leaving 
 the Soodasuna share out of the question, and said, “ Do you take 
 “ your four annas from whoever passes the gate of your village.” 
 From this time they began to levy the four annas at Soodasuna. 
 
 Rana Kurunjee now came to Danta, and took his seat upon the 
 cushion. When the force was ready to return home the lady was 
 sent for from Nagel to a spot in the lands of Thana, where four 
 mango trees grow beside a hillock, and there she was married to the 
 Deewanjee. The whole were escorted to Pahlunpoor. 
 
 This Kurun Singh had two sons, Rutun Singh and Ubhe Singh. 
 Rutun Singh ascended the throne. He had previously put to death 
 the two Waghela Thakors of Dhunalee, whose names were Larkhan 
 and Parkhan, two brothers. The story is as follows :—This Larkhanjee 
 
47° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 once on a time had come to Danta to pay his respects to Rana 
 Kurunjee, because he too was one of the Danta Sirdars. At that 
 time Koonwur Rutun Singh was playing like a boy, though he was 
 thirty years old. Larkhanjee said, “ How long are you to continue 
 “a child?” and ridiculed him. The Koonwur went and repeated 
 what the Thakor had said to the Rana. Kurunjee said, “ It is well! 
 “ then kill me, and be called Rana.” The Koonwur said, “ Sire ! 
 “ may you be preserved, but him I will certainly kill.” Then the 
 Rana said, “ You must get the strength first.” As soon as the 
 matter came to Larkhanjee’s ears he started off home. Two years 
 after this, Rana Kurunjee went by chance to Nagel. Thither the 
 afore-mentioned two Waghela brothers came to meet him. Then the 
 Koonwur thought, “ To-day I will put them to death.” He arranged 
 with some followers of his that they should take Larkhanjee with 
 them to the Suruswutee river to bathe, keeping Parkhanjee with the 
 Rana, and that the former should be killed there, and a gun then 
 fired as a signal for the other brother also to be put to death. 
 Accordingly the Koonwur set off to bathe, taking a javelin with him. 
 He thrust Larkhan through with his javelin, and his followers 
 finished him; a gun was then fired, and the men who were about the 
 Rana, as soon as they heard the report, put Parkhan to death. 
 When Buhadur Khan, the Deewan of Pahlunpoor, became aware 
 of this matter, he said, “ These two Thakors had my safe conduct, I 
 “ must therefore take precautions lest the Rana should ill-treat their 
 “ families.” He therefore placed two hundred horse in Dhunalee 
 and Sheshranoo, and the possession thus acquired has been 
 retained, so that the villages have fallen under Pahlunpoor. The 
 deceased left each a son, one of which sons went to live at a village 
 of his own, named Godhunee, where his descendants still remain ; 
 the other went to the house of his father’s sister at Soodasuna, and 
 obtained “ wanta ” from the chief of that estate. 
 
 Rutun Singh reigned about five years after the death of his father, 
 and died, leaving no son. He was succeeded by his younger 
 brother, Ubhe Singh. This Rana brought to Danta a Mahratta 
 named Urjoon Row Chopuro, to whom he promised the “ chouth ” 
 of the Danta possessions. The reason was that his Sirdars and 
 puttawuts, and his brothers, too, were giving trouble, as were also 
 the neighbouring Rajas. Urjoon Row brought a hundred Guikowar 
 horse with him : he lived at Danta, and at first was satisfied with a 
 trifling exercise of authority, but when two or three years had passed 
 over he began to rule as if in his own right, and to build a small fort 
 at Danta for his residence, and to annoy the inhabitants. Then the 
 
dAnta. 
 
 47 1 
 
 Rana began to be afraid lest his very throne should be encroached 
 upon. Meanwhile this Soubah, while he was building his house, 
 took by force for that purpose bamboo rafters that were lying at the 
 doors of some Rajpoots’ houses in the village. Then the eyes of 
 the Rajpoots were split, and when the Mahratta soldiers began 
 to jabber their “ikarum tikarum,” 1 ordering people here and there, 
 a fight would have been the result had not the Rajpoots reflected 
 that it would be hard upon the Rana if a struggle were to take place. 
 [They went to the durbar, and complained that the strangers had 
 1 begun to give them much annoyance. Then said the Rana, “ What 
 “is an annoyance to you, is first an annoyance to me.” He 
 | summoned all his Sirdars. The Koonwur Shree Man Singh was at 
 ! this time about five and thirty years of age ; he said to the Ranajee, 
 
 “ If it be your order, I will drive these people out.” The Rana said, 
 
 “ Do so, as you are a good son.” Then the Koonwur sent to the 
 Chopuro to say, “ Do you now quit this place.” The Mahrattas 
 paying no attention to the summons, the Koonwur blockaded them, 
 and cut off their supply of water, grain, and grass, and threatened 
 also to slay them unless they retired. At length they retired, but the 
 Danta people moved with them, encircling them at a short distance 
 off, until they reached Gudwara, where they left them, and returned 
 home. The Thakor Soojajee of Bhaloosuna then entertained them, 
 and began to quarrel with the Soodasuna people,, saying that they 
 must give him possession of his wanta lands in their limits. Then 
 I Futteh Singh, Thakor of Soodasuna, came to Danta to seek aid 
 from Koonwur Man Singh, who, taking a force with him, went to the 
 assistance of Soodasuna, and drove out the invaders. Then the 
 Bhaloosuna chief became alarmed lest, if a feud arose between him 
 and Danta, he should be destroyed; he therefore dismissed the 
 Guikowar force, which moved off towards Ahmedabad. The 
 Koonwur, having effected a settlement, returned to Danta, soon after 
 which, in the year 1815 (a.d. 1795), the Rana Ubhe Singh died. 
 
 Ubhe Singh had three sons—Man Singh, who succeeded him, and 
 whose mother was a Chowree lady of Wusaee, and Jugut Singh, and 
 Nar Singh, whose mother was a Bhuteeanee, the daughter of Saheb 
 Singh, Thakor of Ghorad, near Tursunghmo. 
 
 Man Singh’s first exploit was to make a raid upon Dhunal, a village 
 I of Poseena, from whence he carried off the cattle, but the “ war,” 
 I pursuing him, recovered the spoil. Six months after that he struck 
 
 1 The words “ikare,” “tikare,” mean in the Mahratta language “here” and 
 I “there.” 
 
472 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the Poseena village of Changod, which he plundered. The village 
 became uninhabited, and has up to this moment so remained. When 
 the Muharaja Gumbheer Singh, of Eedur, went with an army on an 
 expedition against the Mewasees, he sent for Rana Man Singh, who 
 joined him with forty horse. After this Moolukgeeree was completed, 
 and the Rana was returning home, the Muharaja presented him with 
 a horse worth a thousand rupees. After a reign of five years, Man 
 Singh died, in Sumwut, 1856 (a.d. 1800), and, as there were dis¬ 
 agreements among the brothers at that time, people said he had 
 been poisoned. 
 
 .His brother, Jugut Singh, on mounting the throne, made his 
 inaugural foray (teela-dhar) on the village of Nendurdee, in Gudwara, 
 which he plundered and burnt, carrying off hostages, because the 
 Bheels of that village had harried the buffaloes of Nowa-was, and the 
 putel had come to Danta, saying, “ Give me a spade, that if anywhere 
 “ there is a bone left of my lord Man Singh, I may dig it up. Had 
 “ that lord been alive, the Nendurdee Bheels had not carried off my 
 “ buffaloes.” On another occasion he collected a force, and went 
 against Poseena, when Keshree Singh, Thakor of Poseena, came to 
 meet him between Hurad and his own village, and, presenting a 
 horse to the Rana as an offering, gave security. The force, turning 
 back, went to Gudwara, and advanced upon Muhawud; upon which 
 Thakor Wukhtojee came, and presented a horse, and, making an 
 agreement, gave security. After this the Ranajee exacted a horse 
 from Hatheejee Gudhea, of Nana Kotharun, against whom a claim 
 existed on account of a robbery. The force returned home from 
 thence. 
 
 Again, in the year 1170 (a.d. 1814), the Ranajee collected a force, 
 and carried off all the buffaloes of Dhunal. He next struck the 
 village of Bawul Kotheeoo, belonging to the Raja of Derol, and 
 plundered it. Next year he struck and plundered Kheroj, which 
 belonged to a brother of the Thakor of Poseena, on which occasion 
 two of his men were killed. His brother, Nar Singh, who was 
 married to a lady of that place, came to him, and said, “ I shall be 
 “ blamed at this time ; people will say, ‘ Nar Singh came with them, 
 “ and caused his father-in-law’s village to be plundered.’ ” On that 
 account they turned back, and went to strike the village of Dhuroee. 
 At this place the enemy gained over a Barud, named Keertajee, who 
 was with the force; upon which this Keertajee, going to the gate of 
 the village, said to the Rana that the omens were not good. On this 
 account they turned back, and came to Thana, where they encamped. 
 At this halting-place the Rana called together the Sirdars and the 
 
DANT.A. 
 
 473 
 
 minister, and asked from what source he was to pay the arrears due 
 to the mercenaries. They answered, that Thakor Rutun Singh of 
 Pawudee, and Thakor Undojee of Undhareea, incited the Mewasees 
 to enter the Danta country, and caused them to plunder, and that 
 therefore their two villages should be plundered, and the means of 
 paying the mercenaries procured. The Rana then prepared to 
 advance upon Undhareea, upon which the Thakor of that village 
 fled to Pawudee, and he and the others who were threatened got 
 ready for the fight. Now, in the end of the night the Rana’s army 
 broke up from Thana, and advanced to Undhareea, when they found 
 the village deserted. They went to Momun-was, where they received 
 a fire of musketry from the defences. Upon this the mercenaries 
 j forming the advance of the Rana’s force fired, and one of their balls 
 j killed Thakor Undojee of Undhareea; the rest of the people who 
 were assembled at Momun-was then fled, and took to the hills, and 
 the village was struck and plundered. The Rana immediately 
 advanced, and halted at Pawudee, which village also he plundered, 
 
 ; and, carrying off the property, turned back, and encamped at Mota 
 Surra. At this place the Thakor of Pawudee came to the Ranajee, 
 bringing security, and it was arranged that a third share of Undhareea 
 should be the Ranajee’s property, to which effect bonds were inter¬ 
 changed. After this, security was taken from the surrounding 
 Mewasees, and in 1872 (a.d. 1816) the Rana broke up the army, 
 and returned home to Danta. 
 
 Thakor Wukhtojee Jeetojee said once to Rana Jugut Singh, “ My 
 “ expenses are not supplied by the villages of Khabhee-was and 
 “ Kunbee-was, therefore give me something in addition.” The Rana 
 said, “ You will not get anything more than that which was assigned 
 “ to your father.” Wukhtojee upon this went off in anger to Deesa, 
 to Deewan Shumsher Khan, and said to him, “ If you will give me a 
 “ force, I will go and do some injury to the Danta country, that I 
 “ may procure satisfaction of my demands.” At that time, however, 
 there was friendship between the Deewan and the Rana ; therefore 
 the former wrote to the latter to say, “Come to terms with Wukhtojee, 
 i “ or he will do some mischief.” The Rana then sent for Wukhtojee, 
 and offered to give him a grant of the villages of Oonturee and Bhoot- 
 asur, if he would release them from an Uteet to whom they had been 
 mortgaged. Wukhtojee assented to this proposal, and released the 
 two villages, which were uninhabited, and founded there a single 
 village, called Ubhapuroo, where he placed his family, living himself 
 at Danta, and performed service there as Prudhan. Two years 
 
474 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 afterwards he died, and Ubhapuroo then fell to his sons and to his 
 brother Bhuvjee. 
 
 At this time Sirdar Singh, Thakor of Koondol, died, leaving no 
 son, upon which Rana Jugut Singh and his brother, Nar Singh, 
 attached the five villages of the Koondol estate, and brought all the 
 moveable property of the late Thakor to Danta, The funeral cere¬ 
 monies of Sirdar Singh were performed at Koondol, and his Thakorine 
 received three wells for her maintenance. However, Bhuvjee Jeetojee 
 made a claim on the estate, and said, “ Something, at any rate, must 
 “ be given me from Koondol.” Rana Jugut Singh said, “ Do you 
 “ enjoy what was given to your father, Jeetojee—Khabhee-was and 
 “ Kunbee-was; you will not get any of this property.” Then Bhuvjee 
 went off in anger to Pahlunpoor, accompanied by Meheroo Sindhee, 
 an old Jemadar of the Rana’s, who was also on ill terms with the 
 Rana. Now Bhuvjee having gone to Pahlunpoor,. made a petition 
 to Miles Sahib about the right of succession to Koondol, which he 
 contended was vested equally in the Ranajee and himself, while the 
 Ranajee had taken possession of the whole. “Therefore,” said 
 Bhuvjee, “ I will pass a deed assigning the whole village to the 
 “ English government, and whatever it may come into the mind of 
 “ that government to give me I will receive.” Some adherent of 
 the Ranajee’s wrote this intelligence to his master, who thereupon 
 sent his brother, Nar Singh, and Jeewa Kulal, a minister of his, to 
 Pahlunpoor, offering to make over a seven-anna share of the whole 
 territory of Danta to the English government, and to permit the 
 attachment of the state by that government. Upon this Bhuvjee’s 
 hand became powerless. After this Bhuvjee took service with 
 Futteh Khan, the Dewan of Pahlunpor, who gave him his fourth 
 share of the village of Nagel. The Rana subsequently gave Bhuvjee 
 the village of Kurunpoor, and they drank the red cup together. The 
 English government placed a garrison in the Danta country in the 
 year 1876 (a.d. 1820). 
 
 In the time of this Jugut Singh, two hundred horse and. five 
 hundred foot of the Mewasee Koolees, of the Kakurej, made an 
 inroad upon the Danta villages of Ruttunpoor and Poonjpoor, and 
 carried off the buffaloes. Jugut Singh mounted on the “ war,’ 7 with 
 fifty horse and two hundred foot. They met in the lands of Mota 
 Surra, and a battle was fought, in which twenty-five of the freebooters 
 were slain, and Bheekho Jemadar, a Bhattee Rajpoot, on the Rana’s 
 side, was wounded, and had his horse killed. The cattle were 
 recovered, and when the Rana returned to Danta, he presented 
 
DANTA. 475 
 
 Bheekho Jemadar with a gold anklet, a horse, and other 
 gifts.' 
 
 Now as Jugut Singh had no son, he proposed to Nar Singh to 
 adopt one of his two sons, Jhalum Singh and Huree Singh. Nar 
 Singh thought, “If the son obtain the cushion, the father will have 
 “ to sit at his feet, and make obeisance to him.” Some people, 
 however, persuaded Jugut Singh that Nar Singh meditated to take 
 him off by poison, or to slay him with the sword; and as he believed 
 the story, he began to keep within his house, which he fortified, and 
 never came near the council-room : the consequence of which was 
 that the Bheels and Koolees of the surrounding villages commenced 
 a system of plundering. At length the people came to him, and 
 petitioned, “ If your highness neglect in this manner to keep up any 
 “ order, and remain within your palace, how can the affairs of the 
 “ country be carried on ? ” Now Rana Jugut Singh had no confidence 
 in any Karbharee, but only in Kulal Jeewa, by whose advice he 
 acted ; and the people blamed him because he employed a liquor- 
 seller as his minister. At this time there was a Seesodeea Rajpoot, 
 named Guman, at Danta, a slave-girl of whose establishment this 
 Jeewa carried off by force. On the other hand, this Rajpoot, Guman, 
 carried on an intrigue with one of Jeewa’s two wives. For these 
 reasons there was a bitter enmity between these two. But Guman 
 could say nothing to Jeewa, for fear of the Ranajee. However, there 
 were many other ministers, as well as people, who were very inimical 
 to Jeewa. 
 
 Once on a time the Kulal set out to make the assessment of the 
 year’s crops, and he assessed a piece of rent-free garden land that 
 belonged to Guman ; and when the Rajpoot protested against this, 
 he paid him no attention, but, on the contrary, abused him. Guman 
 then became very angry, and began to consider how he could put the 
 Kulal to death. His first step was to carry his mother arid brother 
 to the Poseena village of Hurad. The next morning, at dawn, he 
 got up, and took his station opposite the Kulal’s door. Jeewa soon 
 came out of his house, and seeing the Rajpoot sitting there, asked 
 where he was going to. Guman said that he was going to a certain 
 village, but that he waited to see what the omens were. The Kulal 
 was, in truth, a little alarmed, but he went on, and finished his 
 business with all haste, and began to return quickly home. The 
 Rajpoot followed him, and struck him from behind. A struggle 
 ensued; the Kulal struck Guman on the head with a brass vessel he 
 carried in his hand, but received from him two stabs of a dagger. 
 He escaped, however, from his grasp, and ran off for shelter to the 
 
476 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 house of a Dher, which he was entering, when the Rajpoot, who had 
 picked up his sword and shield, ran quickly upon him and slew him. 
 Guman took the ornaments off the corpse and ran away, threatening 
 some people who raised an alarm that he would kill them too, unless 
 they remained quiet. He got clear off into the hills. A servant 
 went to wake the Ranajee, who was still lying down, and told him 
 what had happened. The Rana was very much distressed, and 
 ordered that the slayer of Jeewa should be put to death. On all 
 sides horsemen then galloped off, but as they were all glad that 
 Jeewa had been killed, they merely went up and down for a time, 
 and then returned and said that the murderer had not come into their 
 hands. Upon this Jugut Singh felt satisfied that it was Nar Singh 
 who had caused his Karbharee to be put to death, intending to slay 
 him also, and he began to say so before people. Nar Singh then 
 sent to the Ranajee, to say, “ Why do you give me a bad name in 
 “this way? I will leave your town.” He prepared to go off to 
 Ahmednugger. The people, however, went to the Rana, and said, 
 “ Nar Singh is going off in anger. You must bring him round and 
 “ get him to stay ; for it will not be to your credit if he goes.” Then 
 the Rana sent men, and persuaded Nar Singh to return, and the 
 people made the two brothers drink opium together. A month 
 afterwards, however, some one again excited the Rana’s suspicion 
 that Nar Singh sought to kill him; so he went to Soodfisuna, and 
 stayed there two months with Thakor Mohobut Singh. Nar Singh 
 and the ministers, all of them, went to give him satisfaction, and 
 succeeded in bringing him back to Danta. He stayed, however, 
 only ten or twelve days, and again flying, took refuge in the monastery 
 of an Uteet, at Pethapoor, whom he informed that Nar Singh 
 purposed to kill him. He stayed there a month, and was again 
 persuaded to return home; and soon after he was attacked with 
 fever and other disease, which, after a month’s illness, carried him off, 
 on the 7th Phalgoon wud, in the year 1879 (a.d. 1823). 
 
 Nar Singh assumed the cushion after the death of Jugut Singh 
 Rana. 
 
 In the year 1892 (a.d. 1836), Rana Juwan Singh, of Oodeipoor, 
 came on pilgrimage to Shree Umbajee, on which occasion he invited 
 Rana Nar Singh to visit him. Nar Singh accordingly went to the 
 Matajee’s, and took up his lodging there. The Rana of Oodeipoor 
 now sent to inquire, “In what manner will your visit be made? 
 “Have you any record on the subject in your durbar?” Nar 
 Singh then inquired of all the Sirdars and Karbharees, but no 
 record ivas found. Then all the old men were enquired of, and 
 
DANTA. 
 
 477 
 
 among them, I, too (the narrator of this account), was questioned. 
 I said that Rana Kanur Dev had married at Oodeipoor, and that the 
 Seesodunee lady had become a sutee at the gate of Kotura, where 
 her monument might be seen to this day. 1 Upon this, Rana Juwan 
 Singh sent for Nar Singh to visit him, and rose to receive him. Nar 
 Singh presented a horse and a gun, worth a hundred rupees; and Ju¬ 
 wan Singh gave him in return, a horse and a pearl necklace. He pre¬ 
 sented the family priest, also, with a pair of gold armlets. Juwan Singh, 
 after remaining two days, set off homewards, on which occasion 
 Koonwur Jhalum Singh, with his horsemen, escorted him as far as 
 Seerohee. 
 
 Nar Singh and Jhalum Singh went, in the year 189—, on the 
 occasion of an eclipse of the moon, to Aboo, on a pilgrimage. On 
 that occasion there were great sunghs assembled at Aboo, from 
 Goozerat, Marwar, and Mewar. At the time of the eclipse people 
 began to bathe in the Nukhee tulav, when an ascetic came, and said, 
 “ Let not any one bathe in the tank at this time; whoever does so 
 “ will die.” Some of the pilgrims believed this, and did not bathe ; 
 but the greater part disbelieved, and bathed. At the time, sixty- 
 four Yogeenees’ chariots descended from the sky, and the Yogeenees 
 commenced bathing. In the morning the cholera broke out, and as 
 many as had bathed died, with few exceptions. The Rana and the 
 Koonwur had bathed after the eclipse was over, therefore they did 
 not suffer, nor did any of the sungh that was with them die. They 
 remained four days, and then went to Umbajee. 
 
 After this the Governor Sahib came from Bombay to Sidra, and 
 invited all the Bhoomeas of the Myhee Kanta to visit him. Rana 
 Nar Singh and Koonwur Jhalum Singh went with the rest to Sidra, 
 and presented to the Sahib a horse and a piece of gold tissue ; in 
 return for which the Sahib gave both father and son a pair of shawls 
 and a turban. All the other Bhoomeas gave and received dresses of 
 honor. At length the Sahib returned to Bombay, and all the Bhoo- 
 meeas went home. The principal Hindoo Rajas were Muharaja 
 Gumbheer Singh, of Eedur, Muharaja Kurun Singh, of Ahmednugger, 
 and Rana Nar Singh; the principal Mohummedan Sirdars were Futteh 
 Khan, the Deewan of Pahlunpoor, the Nowaub of Rhadunpoor, and 
 Shumsher Khan, the Deewan of Wurgaum. 
 
 After this, Rana Nar Singh went to Major Miles, at Pahlunpoor, 
 about an arrangement for his country, and represented that he had 
 given a share in it to the English government to keep order; but 
 
 1 Vide p. 330. 
 
478 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 that instead of agents of the English government, there were sent 
 employes of the Deewan of Pahlunpoor, with whom he had made 
 no agreement whatever. However, the Major gave Nar Singh no ; 
 satisfaction ; and as the Nowrattra was near, he was obliged to take 1 
 leave to attend at the Matajee’s. At length, when Lang Sahib 1 came 
 to Sadra, the Deewan’s attachment was removed, after it had been 
 maintained for about twenty-seven years. 
 
 Nar Singh died in Sumwut, 190—, and his corpse was committed 
 to the flames by Jhalum Singh, at Gungwa. The young Rana also 
 built a chutree at that place. 
 
 ' NOTE ON THE SOODASUNA BRANCH OF THE FAMILY OF DANTA. 
 
 When Guj Singh, the son of Rana Man Singh, was the occupant 
 of the cushion of Danta, and his brother, Juswojee, held the estate 
 of Ranpoor, Umur Singh, the son of Poonja Rana, Man Singh’s 
 brother, was at Soodasuna. At this time, the Soodasuna estate con¬ 
 sisted of the single village of that name. Umur Singh, who was a 
 valiant warrior, sought to bring into subjection to himself Juswojee’s 
 estate of Ranpoor, on which account he made frequent forays upon 
 Ranpoor, and carried off the cattle. Once on a time, when he had 
 made an inroad, and was driving off the buffaloes, Juswojee sent to 
 him to say, “ Uncle ! it was not suitable that you should have driven 
 “ away the buffalo cow which supplies me with milk.” Umur Singh 
 answered, “ There’s many a male buffalo in the lands of Ranpoor, 
 “ if you want milk, drink from one of them.” Then Juswojee came 
 to Danta, and told this story to Man Singh in great sorrow. Man 
 Singh said, “We cannot come round Umur Singh at the present 
 “ time, some day I will look after him.” After this, Man Singh, re¬ 
 taining enmity in his heart, incited the Mewasees and freebooters to 
 put Umur Singh to death, promising a reward, upon which their 
 people began to annoy Soodasuna. On one occasion the Gudheeas 
 drove off the Soodasuna cattle, and Umur Singh going on the “war,” 
 overtook them at Bhaloosuna, and recovered the spoil. One of his 
 cultivators, however, came to him, and said, “You have recovered all 
 “ the cattle, but there was a bullock belonging to me, worth a hum 
 “ dred rupees, which is not among them, so you have made no 
 “ ‘ war ’ for me.” On this Umur Singh turned back after the forayers 
 
 1 Colonel Lang, an officer who for several years held the appointment of poli¬ 
 tical agent in the Myhee Kanta, and whose name is there widely and deservedly 
 respected. 
 
dAnta. 
 
 479 
 
 and recovering the bullock, began to drive it home, but the animal 
 was restive, and would not be driven, but ran off continually. At 
 last Umur Singh thought that if the bullock -were carried off by the 
 forayers he would lose his honor; so he killed it with his spear, 
 and returned. On account of this murder, he met his death within 
 four months of that time. It happened thus :—He had gone to 
 Chitrasunee to pay a visit of friendship to the Thakor. As he re¬ 
 turned, a meer (minstrel) joined his company. Umur Singh said to 
 him, “ There are many outlaws about at this time, and you cannot 
 “ keep up with us, so you must not come.” The meer said. “ Sire! 
 “ I must needs come with you.” So saying, he went on as before. 
 Meanwhile, at the village of Pulkhuree, Umur Singh fell in with a 
 party of the Babee of Rhadunpoor’s horse, who were out on a plun¬ 
 dering expedition. As the Rajpoot party retreated before them, the 
 mare which the meer rode broke down. Then Umur Singh called to 
 him to get off and kill the mare, and mount behind on his own 
 horse, but before the meer could get down the pursuers overtook him. 
 He cried out, “Sire ! do not go away and leave me.” Umur Singh 
 turned back to help him, and at that moment received a ball in his 
 chest and fell dead. 
 
 After the death of Hutheeojee, 1 the son of Umur Singh, his Koon- 
 wur, Khoman Singh, being only eighteen months old, Juswojee took 
 possession of Soodasuna. Hutheeojee’s Thakorine came thereupon 
 to the Rana, and said, “ How shall I subsist now ? ” upon which the 
 Rana gave her the village of Udeyrun, where her descendants still 
 remain. 
 
 Juswojee continued to hold Soodasuna, and had five Koonwurs. 
 Sirdar Singh, the eldest, succeeded him ; Ujbojee and Dhunrajjee re¬ 
 ceived from the Rana the village of Solanoo; Nathjee and Jorjee 
 received Juspoor, which was founded by Juswojee. In Juswojee’s 
 time, a Guikowar army came, under the leading of a Soubah, named 
 Vitooba, and caused annoyance to Soodasuna, at which time Bhoj 
 Raj Rawul, Togo Wunol, and Ghelojee Badoowa, the Guduwee of 
 Paneealee, came to use. The army struck the village and retired, and 
 the people then returned from among the hills and rebuilt it. At this 
 time the Guikowar army used to come every three or four years, and 
 when the people of the village heard of their approaching, which they 
 did generally when they were about ten coss off, they caused the 
 Trughayas to beat their drums, and raise a cry of “ Fly, fly, the 
 army is coming ! ” upon which the people fled, and, taking shelter 
 
 See p. 465. 
 
4S0 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 among the hills, concealed themselves there. When the force came 
 up the village was plundered and set on fire; and then, if the Mah- j 
 rattas maintained themselves there for any length of time, an ar¬ 
 rangement was come to, and a certain sum of money, for which the 
 villagers assessed themselves, was paid as tribute, or the jumabundee,' 
 and the people returned and re-inhabited the village. 1 
 
 When Juswojee died, Sirdar Singh assumed the cushion. Now 
 Ranajee Guj Singh, having attained to old age, and having no son, 
 took Sirdah Singh into his lap, but after that a son, named Prutheeraj, 
 was born to him. After Guj Singh’s death, Sirdar Singh founded 
 upon this a claim to the cushion of Danta ; and, in compensation for 
 his abandonment of it, received Wusaee, Dawol, Dalesanoo, and 
 several other villages. Sirdar Singh’s brothers “ went out ” for a sub¬ 
 sistence, and obtained certain lands and fields. 
 
 Sirdar Singh’s eldest son was Oomed Singh. His four younger 
 sons, Chundra Singh, Wukhut Singh, Surtan Singh, and Pertap Singh, 
 received the village of Wusaee, to be held jointly. Sirdar Singh having 
 made a foray upon Temba, and carried off cattle and hostages, the 
 “ war ” came from Temba, and a conflict ensued, in which Koonwur 
 Oomed Singh was slain. He left three sons, Umur Singh, the Pathu- 
 wee Koonwur, Jugoojee, and Ugur Singh, who received five villages, 
 to be held jointly. 
 
 On the death of Sirdar Singh, he was succeeded by his grandson, 
 Umur Singh. The Kheelor district, which lies between Soodasuna 
 and Taringa, was held by Hureeol Rajpoots, who were puttawuts of 
 Danta, but these, being much annoyed by the Mewasees, left the 
 district, and retired to the village of Kurbuthee, in the Wurnugger 
 Talooka, upon which the chief of Soodasuna took possession of the 
 district, with the consent of the Ranajee. In Umur Singh’s time, a 
 Guikowar army was repulsed with loss to them, but without a single 
 man being killed on the part of Soodasuna. It was this Umur Singh 
 who took possession of Danta. 2 
 
 Umur Singh left a son, Futteh Singh, whose sons were Mohobut 
 Singh and Punjee. In the time of Mohobut Singh, in Sumwut, i860 
 (a.d. 1804), Kakajee brought a Guikowar army, and a conflict ensued. 
 The Mahrattas lost sixty men ; but the Thakor was assisted by the 
 spirit of Maniknath Bhawo, and did not lose a man, but gained the 
 victory. This Maniknath is the same Bhawo who permitted the erec¬ 
 tion of Ahmedabad, and who has two shrines on the hills at Tur- 
 
 1 “Many times,” says the narrator of this story, “ do I recollect having to take 
 “ flight on such occasions as these.” 
 
 2 See p. 468. 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 481 
 
 sunghmo and Soodasuna, where he used to dwell. Mohobut Singh 
 made a foray upon Runsheepoor, and carried off cattle and hostages, 
 because the Bheels of that place had harried the buffaloes of his village 
 of Dawol. 
 
 Mohobut Singh left four sons, Huree Singh, Rutun Singh, Purbut 
 Singh, and Mokum Singh. Huree Singh enjoyed the cushion four 
 years, and was succeeded by Rutun Singh, who held it for two years 
 and died. His son, Bhooput Singh, succeeded him, and lived a year 
 afterwards. Then Purbut Singh, the present Thakor, succeeded. 
 Mokum Singh died in infancy. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 MUHARAJA GUMBHEER SINGH OF EEDUR. 
 
 Now Khoman Singh, a Champawut, had done good service to the 
 raja, who therefore said to him, “ I have a great desire to promote 
 “ you, but I am doubtful whether, if you are promoted, you will not 
 “ turn against me.” Then the chief took an oath that he would never 
 draw sword against his prince; upon which the raja granted to him 
 the estate of Wankaner, 1 with the right of receiving the royal embrace 
 on entering the Court. 
 
 The village of Panol belonged to a bard, who died without a male 
 heir. The mother and wife of the deceased maintained in his house 
 relations of their own, a father and two sons, and procured wives for 
 the youths. They also assigned a sixth share of the village to them, 
 and gave them a separate establishment. However, the two brothers, 
 in the hope of gaining possession of the whole village, formed the 
 design of putting the ladies to death. They slew the elder lady with 
 a dagger, but the bard’s widow escaped, and making her way with 
 great difficulty to Eedur, laid her complaint before the raja. Gum- 
 bheer Singh, upon this, sent for the principal bards of the neighbour¬ 
 hood, and commanded them to go to Panol, and tell the two mur¬ 
 derers that it was his order they should quit the place. This order 
 was, however, disobeyed. The raja then sent for his chiefs one by 
 one, and said, “ Do you go and slay these two bards, and make Panol 
 
 1 This is Wankaner in the Eedur country —not to be confounded with Wankaner 
 of Soreth. 
 
482 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “crown-land.” Each chief separately replied, “If you please to take 
 “ one of my villages do so, but it is not fit to put a bard to death ; 
 
 “ you should therefore pardon this offence.” Upon this the raja sent 
 money to Hyderabad, in Sindh, and hired there fifty Abyssinians. | 
 When these made their appearance, all the chiefs, and others who 
 knew what was intended, strove to change the raja’s resolution. He 
 did not, however, attend to their remonstrances. Then all repaired 
 to Khoman Singh, and said, “ The raja bestows his complete favor 
 “ upon you, so if you will exert yourself to persuade him, the bards 
 “will certainly be saved.” Khoman Singh went to the raja, and said, 
 
 “ Have the kindness to pardon the offence of these bards.” The raja 
 refused the request, upon which the chief of Wankaner replied, 
 
 “ Henceforth I will never make a petition to you any more.” The 
 raja said, “Do as you please.” Khoman Singh was pained at this 
 reply, and immediately rising, departed to his home. 
 
 Now the raja sent the Abyssinians to put the bards to death; and 
 these last getting intelligence of the matter, one of the young men 
 .cut off the heads of his two children. He slew also two of the 
 Abyssinians, and maimed himself so frightfully that he died. His 
 father also killed himself; but his brother, who was absent from home, 
 escaped. The Abyssinians returned to Eedur. After these events 
 the bard who survived, having collected from distant places five hud- 
 dred of his caste-fellows, came to Eedur to compel Gumbheer Singh 
 to make reparation; but the raja, with the aid of other bards, got rid 
 of them. Khoman Singh took the death of the bards so much to 
 heart, that he determined on retiring to the Himalaya mountains to 
 die. The raja, with the chiefs of the state, proceeded to Wankaner 
 for the purpose of inducing him to change his resolution, and Gum¬ 
 bheer Singh said, “ If it is because of this bard that you are departing, 
 
 “ you shall have a larger village instead of Panol.” The chief, how¬ 
 ever, made answer, “ If you had listened to me when I came to entreat 
 “ you, I would have remained, but I will not now remain though you 
 “ adopt a million expedients.” Khoman Singh left home, accompanied 
 by eleven attendants—his relations, friends, or followers. In his train 
 was a dweller among the hills, who had suffered so much annoyance 
 from the Bheels of his village, that he went to lay down his life among 
 the snows of the Himalayas, in order that he might become the chief 
 of the district in another birth and take revenge upon the Bheels. 
 The desire of all the rest, however, was to pass to the heaven of 
 Vishnoo. They had adopted the saffron robe; they had laid aside 
 their arms for staves twisted round with silver wire; the horses they 
 rode were stripped of all warlike ornaments. The chieftain’s wives 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 483 
 
 and the inhabitants of his village were very much distressed at such a 
 sight. Raja Gumbheer Singh, throwing himself in the way as the sad 
 procession swept along the road, entreated Khoman Singh for the last 
 time, and said, “ I will lay my turban in the dust at your feet.” The 
 Champawut answered, “ Should you do so, I would slay myself on 
 “ the spot.” The raja was unable to urge anything more. 
 
 Khoman Singh’s son and heir, Dheerjee, who was at this time 
 twenty years old, obtained the estate of Wankaner, and served the 
 heir-apparent, Prince Oomed Singh, from whose kindness he received 
 an addition to his lands and the privilege of sounding kettle-drums at 
 the head of his cavalcade. 
 
 Now, Raja Gumbheer Singh was very partial to Dheerjee of Wan¬ 
 kaner, for reasons which will appear from the following narrative. 
 During the time that the Rows of Pol had made forays upon Eedur, 
 in assertion of their claim to the cushion, they had plundered and 
 burnt many villages. The raja therefore conceived the desire of reta¬ 
 liating by striking Pol. In a.d 1808, he entered six thousand match¬ 
 lock men, and summoned all his vassals at Eedur, with whom he 
 advanced as far as Wuralee, without letting any of them know that 
 the expedition was destined against Pol. Their next encampment, 
 however, was at a pass four miles from that place. 
 
 When the raja’s army left Eedur, the Row of Pol and the Rehwur 
 and Waghela chiefs, who had of old been vassals of his house, were 
 all on the alert, and sent out scouts to bring intelligence. The only 
 approach to Pol is by a pass almost in the bed of a river, which flows 
 between lofty cliffs from east to west. The pass is defended, also, 
 by two gates. The Row caused both of these gates to be built up, 
 and at each of them he placed some of his “ brothers” and mercenaries, 
 armed with matchlocks, who picked off the raja’s men whenever they 
 showed themselves. Gumbheer Singh lost forty men in this defile, 
 and alter encamping near it four months, was still unsuccessful in 
 discovering any means of overcoming the difficulties opposed to him. 
 He was therefore in the greatest despondency. At this time he caused 
 four hundred gold armlets to be made, which he distributed among the 
 Bheels of the neighbourhood, and said to them, “ Show me a way by 
 ‘‘which I can get into Pol.” The Bheels said, “There is no other 
 ( roa d than this one, but a party with scaling ladders might ascend one 
 ^ by one a mountain path on the south side, though it would be a 
 “ very difficult task for them to carry even their arms.” The raja sent 
 at once for ladders, and, superintending the operation in person, 
 caused his followers one by one to ascend. At this time the Eedur 
 
 
4S4 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 chiefs agreed that as the Koompawuts were the raja’s great favourites, 1 
 they should lead the way on the occasion. Dheerjee, of Wankaner, | 
 and other Champawuts, however, privately agreed that their time was | 
 come for taking revenge against one of the chiefs, now with the Row, j 
 who had killed their relation. When the Koompawuts mounted, j 
 therefore, Dheerjee and his friends mounted with them, and pushed 1 
 on to Pol itself. They then called to the Arabs to wind their horns, I 
 and fired a volley of musketry. Upon this the Row and his family 
 fled over the hills, and Gumbheer Singh, entering Pol with the horse¬ 
 hair fans waving before him, caused a cushion to be placed in the 
 mansion of the Row, and took his sent thereon. The raja, after 
 remaining there a month, was disposed to send for his family, and 
 make Pol his residence; but the Row began to make daily inroads 
 upon the Eedur villages, and the chiefs said, “Your Highness has 
 “ taken Pol and increased your fame, let all the dwellings, with the 
 “ exception of this mansion, be given to the flames, and let us return 
 “ to Eedur lest the Row enter therein.” Then the raja, following 
 their advice, struck his camp, and came to Bheelora. At this time 
 the mercenaries became urgent for their pay, which was two or 
 three months in arrears ; they surrounded the raja, and for two days pre¬ 
 vented his smoking his hookah or taking any food. At last he sent 
 for the head-men of all the crown-villages, and said to them, “You 
 “ swallow up the whole produce of my villages, and give me hardly 
 “anything. Now, therefore, what remedy have you to propose, as 
 “the troops have set a watch over me ? ” Then the head-men wil¬ 
 lingly paid fines, according to their ability. The raja returned to 
 Eedur, and because the Champawuts had done good service in the 
 matter, he extended much favor to them. 
 
 At this time, a force of Sindhis, five thousand strong, had attacked 
 Doongurpoor and taken it, and having seized the Rawul, and placed 
 him in a litter, they carried him about with their army. They now 
 advanced into Wanswara, and a severe engagement was fought there, 
 in which many on both sides were slain. A number of the villages 
 of Wanswara were subdued. Then Urjoon Singh, one of the feudal 
 chiefs of Wanswara, assembled a force, with which he defeated the 
 Sindhis and drove them out. These disturbances continued for five 
 years, and the pay of Urjoon Singh’s mercenaries having fallen into 
 arrears, and no means existing for satisfying their demands, that chief 
 moved his troops into Loonawara and Balasinor, where he exacted 
 tribute, and at length, advancing into the Eedur country, came to 
 Palya. Now Dheerjee, of Wankaner, was at feud with the chief of 
 Palya, but upon good terms with Urjoon Singh. He went, therefore, 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 485 
 
 and had an interview with the latter. When the chief of Palya heard 
 of this, he also went to meet Urjoon Singh, and said, “ I am at feud 
 “ with Puharjee, of Thodura ; I will give you a sum of money if you 
 “will put him to death.” Urjoon Singh accepted this office. Now 
 Dheerjee, who was a friend of the chief of Thodura, endeavoured, 
 without success, to dissuade Urjoon Singh, and at last went away in 
 a rage, saying, “ I go to Thodura, to wait there for you. Come and 
 “ fight with me as soon as you can.” He went to Thodura, and the 
 chief of that place also began to collect mercenaries, but could secure 
 the services of a few only. He therefore went to Eedur, and said to 
 the Prince Oomed Singh, “ If you do not support me at this time I 
 “ shall die fighting against the enemy, and then Thodura will pass 
 “ into their hands.” Upon this the prince, too, advanced to Thodura 
 with his forces. The assailants, now finding that they were over¬ 
 matched, gave up their attempt, and all parties returned to their 
 homes. On this occasion, also, the raja was much pleased with the 
 conduct of Dheerjee. 
 
 When Subul Singh, the son of Soorujmul of Chandunee, became a 
 Dev, his two sons, Sam Singh and Malum Singh, struggled for the 
 possession of the estate. The elder son, Sam Singh, who had little 
 ability, went off in anger to Wankaner. Malum Singh, on the other 
 hand, went to Teentoee, and said to Kunukajee, the chief of that 
 place, “If you will place me on the cushion at Chandunee, I will 
 “take your Koonwur in my lap.” 1 Kunukajee thereupon went to 
 Chandunee, and began to say, “ Malum Singh shall sit upon the 
 “ cushion.” However, Dheerjee, of Wankaner, came and said, “ Sam 
 “ Singh is the rightful heir, he shall sit upon the cushion.” The 
 chiefs quarrelled for some time, and then went home. Soon after, 
 Kunukajee raised four hundred mercenaries, with whom he attacked 
 Wankaner. Dheerjee engaged him, and killed ten or twelve of his 
 men ; meanwhile the neighbouring chiefs came, and said, “ Why do 
 “ you fight to the death about other people’s quarrels ? ” They thus 
 induced Kunukajee to retire, but a feud, not easily to be extinguished, 
 had arisen between the two opponents. Now, the Chandunee 
 minister came to Raja Gumbheer Singh, and said, “ Muharaj ! may it 
 “ please you to come in person to place the young heir of Chandunee 
 “ on the cushion.” The raja said, “ Did not Dheerjee and Kunu- 
 “ kajee go to place him on the cushion?” The minister replied, 
 “ Muharaj ! he whom they seat on the cushion cannot sit there, but 
 “ the young chief whom you may be pleased to seat there.” Then 
 
 1 Meaning that he would adopt the Koonwur as his own son. 
 
486 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the raja said, “ If the village of Kothura be given to me I will come, 
 “ and, in exchange, I will give you that of Seeyolee.” The minister 
 obtained Sam Singh’s consent, and passed a deed assigning Kothura 
 to the raja, who thereupon went and seated the rightful heir on the 
 cushion, and girt him with the sword; but as to the village about 
 which he had spoken to the minister, that he never gave. To the 
 younger brother of Chandunee, he caused a single village to be assigned 
 for his subsistence. 1 
 
 A month after the first affair at Thodura, Dheerjee collected a 
 force and commenced an advance against Teentoee, on account of 
 the feud about Chandunee; but the other chiefs interfered, and went 
 to induce him to return. Kunukajee upon this made an attack upon 
 Dheerjee’s ally of Thodura, and Dheerjee, hearing the news, hastened 
 
 1 Major Miles, in his report on the Myhee Kanta, of the 21st of September, 1821, 
 has the following :— 
 
 “ Soorujmul, father of Subul Singh, of Chandunee, died about forty years ago. 
 “ Subul Singh is said to possess a very moderate share of understanding, and, from 
 “ his bad management, Futteh Singh, Thakor of Mhow, subsequently assumed the 
 “ chief control among the Champawuts, Futteh Singh died in A. D. 1805, and 
 “ Anur Singh succeeded him, and also died in a.d. 1819. Gopal Singh, his son, 
 “ is an infant, and the affairs of this quarter have since fallen into great confusion. 
 “ Gopal Singh is about fifteen years of age. The putta of the Champawuts has 
 “ lately been partitioned, from some quarrel between the two eldest sons of Subul 
 “ Singh, Maljee and Samjee. The partisan of the first is Kunukajee, Thakor of 
 “ Teentoee. The Raja of Eedur and Dheerjee have taken part with Samjee. 
 “ The result, after much disturbance and bloodshed, has been the assumption of the 
 “ town of Kher, and half the pergunnah of Hursole by the Raja of Eedur, with the 
 “ consent of Kunukajee, who has taken charge of the remainder of the putta. The 
 ‘ ‘ proprietors, nearly destitute of support, complain of the conduct of all parties. ” 
 
 The following occurs in a report by Lieutenant-Colonel Ballantine, dated Sadra, 
 15th October, 1822 :— 
 
 “ Chandunee. —The relinquishment of this puttah was first sought by the owners, 
 “ who had quarrelled, and its partition was the basis of the whole of the disturbances 
 “ excited by Kunukajee and Dheerjee, which, with Gumbheer Singh’s after- 
 “ measures to check their usurpation, led to the Champawut rebellion. Maljee 
 “ and Samjee are the sons of Subul Singh, and it appears that they are in every 
 “ respect incompetent to the charge of their puttah. The measure has since been 
 “ referred to a commission of the Sirdars, and the following is the substance of the 
 “ decision given by them :— 
 
 “ ‘ The case of Maljee and Samjee being referred to our decision, we find it 
 “ impossible to become their security, or to associate them in our arrangements and 
 “ obligations. Both brothers labour under the effects of excessive inebriety, even 
 “ to insanity; and both, under these failings, have committed the most atrocious 
 “ acts ; nor are they, in our judgment, capable of improvement. Flence we give it 
 “ as our opinion, that under these disqualifications, the following provision seems 
 “ the most rational and equitable in their behalf, viz., &c., &c., &c.’ ” 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 487 
 
 to his assistance. A battle was fought, in which the chief of Teen- 
 toee was repulsed, with the loss of ten of his followers. 
 
 Kunukajee, however, returning home, began again to collect a 
 number of mercenaries, that he might attack Thodura a second 
 time. Dheerjee, when he heard of this, called in Prince Oomed 
 Singh to defend Thodura, who went thither, though the raja and 
 others dissuaded him from doing so. Kunukajee advanced with 
 his force into the lands of Thodura, and then heard this intelligence. 
 He reflected, “ The heir-apparent is within, and if anything were to hap- 
 “ pen to him it would not be right.” He therefore passed by the lands of 
 Thodura and went to Palya, and took hostages therefrom. There 
 was no reason for his going to Palya, except that he wanted to raise 
 money. He went afterwards to other villages and took hostages, and 
 from thence he wrote to the prince, saying, “ Your highness is my 
 “ lord, therefore it is not fit that you should remain in Thodura. 
 “ When you oppose me in fight, I have neither eye, nor spear, nor 
 “ bullet, therefore you make me appear low in the world’s sight.” 
 The prince was enraged at this letter also, so he gave Dheerjee some 
 of his troops, and sent him against Kunukajee. Now, an Arab officer 
 of the chief of Teentoee’s force was exercising his horse, when 
 Dheerjee’s men fired upon him, and killed the horse. The Arab went 
 to Kunukajee, and said, “They have killed my horse, so I will now 
 “ attack them.” That chief said, “ Do not you go there to fight with 
 “ them ; but set matchlock men secretly beside the road in this ravine, 
 “ and let us draw up in front, so that they may be shot down as they 
 “ come against us.” They did so, and the result was, that Dheerjee 
 lost seventeen horsemen, and was obliged to turn back to Thodura. 
 
 Dheerjee on this occasion had dressed one of the troopers in his 
 own clothes, which trooper happened to be slain. Now, when Kunu- 
 kajee’s men stripped the dead of their clothes, they found Dheerjee’s 
 clothes among the rest, and therefore thought that he was killed. 
 Upon this the Teentoee chief mourned greatly, and taking the red 
 turban off his head, put on a white one. His son, Laljee, then said 
 to him, “ How is it that you did not think of the matter before, since 
 “you mourn in this way now?” He answered, “You, all of you, 
 “ turned my head, therefore it has happened thus.” Afterwards, 
 when they made inquiry, they found that Dheerjee was safe, upon 
 which Kunukajee was very glad, and went home. 
 
 Now the prince, when he saw how sorrowful Dheerjee was, said to 
 him, “ Do not you entertain the least sorrow, those that have died 
 “ will not return again, but I will not allow you to be a loser in any 
 “ respect. I will give you back your horses and servants.” Dheerjee 
 
488 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 said, “ He has taken away my honor, I must strike Teentoee.” The 
 prince then took an oath, “I will not return to Eedur until Teentoee 
 “ shall have been struck.” Then Dheerjee, taking the prince with 
 him, went to Teentoee.” Oomed Singh wrote to his father to say, 
 “ If you please to bring a force to my assistance do so, otherwise I 
 “ will die fighting against Teentoee.” The raja was not pleased at 
 the matter, but in order to protect his son he joined him with his 
 forces. At this time a respectable bard of the Seerohee country, 
 named Khoree Danjee, was with the Thakor of Teentoee, having 
 been banished from Seerohee, because he had importuned the Row 
 to fulfil an engagement which had been contracted on his security. 
 When the raja’s army came up, Kunukajee took post in a fort he had 
 caused to be made on a hill, and prepared to defend himself. How¬ 
 ever, Khoree Danjee went to the raja, and said, “ Sire ! it is not 
 “ becoming that you should bring cannon hither to carry on war 
 “ against one of your own chieftains.” He managed to satisfy the 
 raja and Kunukajee with his arguments, but the prince and Dheerjee 
 continued inflexible. At last the Teentoee chief paid a sum of money, 
 and, peace being concluded, the raja took his son with him and 
 returned to Eedur. 
 
 Notwithstanding this apparent settlement, Dheeijee’s mind was not 
 satisfied, but his anger was transferred to the prince. He returned 
 home, and soon after carried off the cattle from the village of Bheelora, 
 which had been given to Oomed Singh for his private purse. The 
 prince upon this wrote a letter to Dheerjee, upbraiding him, to which 
 that chief answered, “ Why did you cause my servants and horses to 
 “ be killed ?” Afterwards Dheerjee carried off cattle and hostages from 
 the crown village of Bhootawud. He struck also Wusaee, another of 
 the prince’s personal villages, and wounded three or four of its 
 defenders. He plundered Sheelasun, Rentora, and other villages. 
 At length the prince raised two thousand men, and taking the chiefs 
 with him, and two guns, went to Wankaner. Dheerjee, too, prepared 
 for engaging. He entertained two hundred mercenaries. The prince 
 came up, and halted fifteen days at Wusaee. Dheerjee made a night 
 attack upon the camp at that place, and, after killing the Arab who 
 had charge of the artillery, got off in safety. The next day Oomed 
 Singh moved from thence, and encamped at Bheelora, from whence 
 he went on to Wankaner. At that place there was fighting for three 
 days, in the course of which ten men were killed of the prince’s party 
 and three of Dheerjee’s. Then the prince wrote to his father, saying, 
 that after three days’ time all attempts to take Wankaner had been 
 unsuccessful, and demanding that more men should be sent to him. 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 489 
 
 The raja upon this sent a reinforcement of two hundred foot and 
 hfty horse. At this time many persons said to Dheerjee, “ The raja’s 
 ‘ heir has come here as a point of honour. Without striking Wan- 
 “ kaner he will not go away. In the end you, a chief of three villages, 
 r will not be strong enough to continue the contest; and you have 
 |“ deserved great applause that you have for three days resisted all 
 “ attacks. Now, therefore, you should retire.” Upon this Dheerjee 
 'made preparations for a feast in his mansion. He set swinging beds 
 in order, placed bottles of liquor and sweatmeats for the guests, with 
 a sum of money as an offering, and all these arrangements completed, 
 he retired. Then the prince plundered and burned the village, cut 
 down the mowra and mango trees, and filled up the wells. He 
 remained there three days, and returned to Eedur. Meanwhile 
 Dheerjee, with his family, went to Doongurpoor. The Rawul of that 
 place gave him a village, which he made his residence, and began to 
 plunder and harass the Eedur country, doing a great deal of mischief. 
 Atlength the raja, giving hostages for his safety, sent for him to Eedur, 
 and came to terms with him. He restored his village to him, and 
 the prince took him again into his personal service. 1 
 
 1 Dheerjee makes the following statement in a letter to Major Miles, dated 29th 
 May, 1821 :— 
 
 “ I received your letter, and understood its contents. You write that you have 
 “ heard of some irregular conduct on my part. This report is very true, but no 
 “ depredations have been committed by me in the territory of the English govern- 
 “ ment, and no one has been molested without cause. I have a note written by the 
 “ Raja of Eedur, which, after having given me, he has altered his mind. He has 
 j “ seized one of my villages, and has been the cause of the death of my brethren, 
 “ without making me any recompense. He has also caused me the loss of ten 
 “ horses, for which he has not paid me. Whatever the Muharaj promised has 
 “ proved wholly false. He has resumed my village, notwithstanding I have bor* 
 “ rowed and expended fourteen thousand rupees for his service, of which sum he 
 “ has not repaid me a farthing ; and he has instigated my enemies to murder me. 
 “ If you wish to see the note written by the raja, I will send it, and you can read 
 “ and return it; and if any blame be imputable to me, I will conform to your 
 “ directions. I molest none but my enemies and those upon whom I have claims. 
 “ The British government is great, but my claims on the Muharaj should be 
 “ allowed, and all the villages of the Champawut puttahs seized by him should be 
 “ restored ; after which I have no demands, and shall then be ready to perform 
 “ the service of the British government. I have many enemies in the Eedur 
 ‘ ‘ district. Send a man to me, and I will give him the paper before mentioned. 
 “ I shall wait four days for him. Do not give credit to my enemies : my quarrel 
 “ is with the Eedur durbar,” &c. &c. 
 
 Bharot Damodhur Mohobut Singh having been despatched by Colonel Ballantine 
 to Dheerjee, returned to camp on the 30th September, 1821, and furnished the 
 following information :— 
 
 “ Soon after my quitting this camp, I was visited by Thakor Dheerjee, who, 
 
49 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 A year afterwards the prince gave Dheerjee a sum of money, and 
 sent him into Kateewar, telling him to purchase as many good horses 
 
 “ though he at first appeared satisfied in his own mind of the justice of his cause, 1 
 “ eventually admitted his error, which was a first aggression against Eedur; but j 
 now expressed a sense of contrition, and solicited my agency in effecting a com- 
 “ promise with Laljee Muharaja (Prince Oomed Singh), who had by this time 1 
 “ advanced into the neighbourhood of Wankaner with a large force. On a 
 repetition of the Thakor s solicitation, I was induced to comply with his request, 
 
 ‘ ‘ and he authorised me to make the following terms :— 
 
 “ 1st. To restore all plundered property up to the present time. 
 
 2nd. 1 o pay a portion of the expense incurred in entertaining troops against 
 “ Wankaner. 
 
 “ 3rd. That he would compromise, by a gift of money or land, the death of a 
 “ Brahmin that had taken place in one of his enterprises. And, 
 
 “ Lastly. That he would attend the Muharaja’s service. 
 
 “On this I lost no time in repairing to Laljee Muharaj, and fully represented 
 “ th ese circumstances, soliciting at the same time his admission of the prayer, at 
 “all events until the matter could be brought to the knowledge of the British 
 “ government. Laljee Muharaj at once declared that he would not, as Dheerjee 
 “ had attacked his private village ; and only allowed me time to return, and inform 
 “ Dheerjee of his intention. The village (Wankaner) was in due course attacked, 
 
 “ and as Dheerjee on this occasion made no determined resistance, it was 
 “ completely ransacked, and burnt to the ground.” 
 
 “ Laljee Muhdrdjd to Colonel Ballantine, gth September , 1821. 
 
 ( Dheerjee for the last twelve months has committed the most serious excesses 
 ( iu our pergunnahs, from Wankaner, whence he has continued to send forth 
 “ banditti, having entertained a numerous body of mercenaries. Besides, he 
 canied off a Banian hostage from the walls of Eedur. Dheerjee, however, 
 
 “ disregarded our remonstrances for four months, when it became necessary for us 
 ( entertain troops, with whom we attacked Wankaner, and Champawut Dheerjee 
 “ has been dispossessed, flying for refuge to the Doongurpoor territories.” 
 
 ‘ ‘ Dheerjee to Colonel Ballantine , 8 th September, 1821. 
 
 “I duly received your letter, which contains the misrepresentations of my 
 “ enemies ; but, if it is your pleasure, I will send to you the writing of the Muha- 
 “ raja to peruse, to show that my acts were at his instigation. In one instance I 
 “ served him, and had eight or ten men and eight or ten horses killed and wounded. 
 
 “ These circumstances I previously represented to Major Miles. The Muharaja, 
 having deviated from the purport of the writing, led me to commit excesses in 
 “ his pergunnahs. The Muharaja has since attacked and destroyed my village, to 
 which I made no opposition, and he has plundered it of property to the amount 
 of fifty thousand rupees. For the truth of these assertions, you may apply to 
 the Muharaja- of Ahmednugger, and Major Miles can also acquaint you with 
 “ many particulars. If you find me in fault you can hold me responsible in any 
 “ way you please. In the first instance the Muharaja instigated me, and then 
 “ left me to abide the consequences. I am now in the jungles. I have eight 
 “ hundred men and one hundred horse, who are starving, and if nothing is done 
 “ for me in the case of my village, I must commit depredations on Eedur. 
 
 “ kurther, I am desirous of serving you with my men and horses, as I will not 
 “ again serve the Muharaja.” 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 491 
 
 is he could for the money. Dheerjee went to Wursora, near Mansa, 
 where he spent the money in marrying a wife. He had one wife be¬ 
 fore this. After purchasing jewels and clothes for his bride, he had 
 a small sum left, with which he purchased two horses, and, coming to 
 Eedur, presented them to the prince. Oomed Singh asked where the 
 rest of the money was gone to. Dheerjee answered, “ It was my 
 “ master’s money, and I spent it in my affairs 3 I did not go to steal 
 “ from any other person’s house.” The prince said nothing to this, 
 but the raja pressed him, saying, “ Give up my money.” Dheerjee 
 said, “ As to money, I have none in my house : you may do what you 
 i “ please.” The raja then quartered horsemen upon him, upon which 
 Dheerjee passed a deed assigning the village of Ghantee instead of 
 the money. However, he was very sore at heart upon the subject, 
 
 ; and at length went out again in rebellion, taking his family with him. 
 j In the forest districts of the Mewar zillah there is a Bheel village, 
 
 | called Pathea Wulecha. Dheerjee lived a year in that village, mak¬ 
 ing forays into the Eedur country. Once on a time he carried away 
 the cattle from the village of Bamunwa, which belonged to Teentoee. 
 He had only twenty horsemen with him, but in a single day he would 
 plunder as many villages as he had followers. However, when he 
 came upon Bheels who plundered in the Eedur country, he would 
 cut off their heads, and send them in baskets as an offering to the 
 raja. Among the villages which he plundered, burnt, or took hostages 
 from, were Wusaee, Bulolee, Bheelora, and many others; in fact, with 
 the exception of those which had been given to bards, there was 
 Scarcely a crown village which escaped his ravages. 1 
 
 At this time the raja said one day in his court, “ It was I who gave 
 “ this man power and promoted him, in return for which he despoils 
 “ my villages. Why does he not go to some other state of Rajwara 
 I. “ and procure a holding for himself there ? ” This observation was 
 conveyed to Dheerjee, who thereupon went to Rana Shree Bheem Singh 
 of Oodeipoor. Now Dheerjee had gained fame for himself in foreign 
 parts on account of the valor he had displayed in his outlawry, and 
 the Rana was also acquainted with him from the time that that prince 
 had visited Eedur to be married to the sister of Gumbheer Singh. 
 The Rana therefore drew out a deed for a valuable feudal holding, 
 and gave it to Dheerjee. That chief accepted the grant, but would 
 
 1 Colonel Ballantineto Government, 12nd March, 1822. 
 
 “ Dheerjee has gone out again in rebellion, without assigning any cause. He is 
 I “ implicated in the commission of many atrocities of the most serious nature. He 
 “ is reputed to have put to death or maimed fifteen or sixteen Brahmins of Bhee- 
 “ lora, and to have committed other very serious aggressions. ” 
 
492 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 not receive the deed. He said, “ If I remain here it will be said of 
 “ me that I could not recover my father’s rights, and I shall lose my 
 “ honor.” He remained at Oodeipoor four months, and then re¬ 
 turned to the Eedur country, having placed his family at Kooragam,, I 
 in Marwar. 
 
 At this time Colonel Ballantine sent for all the Eedur chiefs to 
 Sadra, in order to arrange for the settlement of the country. There 
 was a very general discontent among the chiefs, and several of them 
 refused to pay the raja’s dues. Some of them offered their horses to 
 be priced, and said that they had no money, but that they were the 
 servants of the state, and their heads were the raja’s. The Koompa- 
 wuts alone made a proper answer. After a month’s consultation, the 
 British agent put the chiefs of Mondeytee, Teentoee, Thodura, and 
 Wankaner in irons, and forced others to give up part of their estates 
 to the raja. Dheerjee, of Wankaner, had been called in on the se¬ 
 curity of a bard. He came, attended by thirty-five armed followers, 
 who were, however, dismissed by the raja ; his nephew, Udjee, who 
 was quite a youth, being alone left to attend upon him. When the 
 government soldiers came to seize Dheerjee, Udjee slew some of 
 them, and wounded others, and was then slain. 
 
 When the load fell on his brother, 
 
 Fell upon Dheero, 
 
 Against their enemies wielding his sword, 
 
 Udo gained an Upsura bride. 
 
 The Arabs he cut to pieces ; 
 
 The enemies beneath his feet he cast ; 
 
 At one blow he cleit them in twain, 
 
 At one blow, did Udo! 
 
 After he had been confined six months, Dheerjee broke his fetters, 
 scaled the wall of the fort, and escaped. The chief of Mondeytee 
 was detained four months, and then released, having given security, 
 and made concessions to the raja. The chiefs of Teentoee and Tho¬ 
 dura were similarly released, about the same time. 1 
 
 1 Colonel Ballantine's Memorandum of Dheerjee's Proceedings, 
 
 Tf>th October, 1823. 
 
 “ Dheerjee’s murder of Brahmins, and other crimes, having been formerly fully 
 “• communicated to government, he was ordered to be fined, and kept in constraint, 
 
 “ and his land to be made over to his nearest relative. Troops were sent to punish 
 4< him, but at this juncture he sent in Bharot Damodhur Mohobut Singh to make 
 “ submission, upon which Colonel Ballantine, when he assembled the other Sirdars 
 “ at Dubhora to make an adjustment of securities for Guikowar tribute, &c., sent 
 “ also for Dheerjee, and informed him that he might make known his complaints 
 “ against Gumbheer Singh. Dheerjee asked for safe conduct, which was, as an 
 “ indulgence, procured for him from Gumbheer Singh. He came in, and re- 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 493 
 
 While Dheerjee remained in confinement at Baroda, he had made a 
 row to Shamlajee that he would offer valuable offerings at that god’s 
 shrine if he should effect his escape. At length he escaped by 
 climbing over the wall, and fled to the shrine, where he performed 
 his vows. Thence he went secretly into Kateewar, where he pur¬ 
 chased horses, and having mounted troopers upon them, again entered 
 the Eedur country, and resumed his system of annoyance. Colonel 
 Ballantine at this time set posts from village to village, but Dheerjee 
 'fell upon them at night time, and slew many of the soldiers. On one 
 occasion, when he had seized hostages at a village, he was pursued 
 by the government troops and the Eedur horse. A deep and broad 
 ravine came in his way, over which Dheerjee, without hesitation, leapt 
 his mare. Then, turning round to his pursuers, he cried, “ Follow 
 “ now, whoever of you dares leap the ravine.” No one followed. 
 
 “ ceived encouragement, and money was advanced to him to live on, and the 
 ‘ ‘ settlement of the whole Champawut district obtained with great difficulty from 
 “ Gumbheer Singh. Security was then demanded from him, but Dheerjee, under 
 i “ pretext of going to Dehgaum, made off, and on the road seized hostages at 
 “ Wussye, murdered a Borah of Ahmednugger, harried the cattle of Bheelora, and 
 |p*‘ committed other outrages. He now seduced Thakor Gopal Singh, then a boy 
 “ residing in the Danta country, to join him, and Puharjee (of Thodura), and, 
 “ soon after, the three combined wrote a letter, saying they would plunder the 
 “ country. Dheerjee took to the mountains, whereupon a strict search was made 
 “after him; and Bhatee Puharjee, Kunukajee, and other villains were taken, 
 “ whereupon Dheerjee became apprehensive, and fled to Oodeipoor. There the 
 “ Rana and his Sirdars, being ignorant of the villanies Dheerjee had committed, 
 “ used their mediation with the resident there (Sir David Ochterlony), and he, to 
 ' “ gratify the Rana, addressed a letter to Colonel Ballantine in Dheerjee’s behalf, 
 i “ requesting him, for the sake of the Rana of Oodeipoor, to overlook Dheerjee’s 
 “ offences, and to make such a settlement for the future in his favor with Gum- 
 “ bheer Singh as should be just and proper. Colonel Ballantine thereupon wrote 
 “to the resident, calling Dheerjee- to Sadra. Dheerjee, in that gentleman’s 
 “ presence (the resident’s), made arrangements to come in company with Gopal 
 “ Singh, and took leave of the resident, bearing his letter, and accompanied by 
 “ his attendants and a respectable servant of the Rana’s, Pooroheet Laljee. Dheer- 
 | “ jee had overawed Gopal Singh, and forced from him the resignation of a 
 “ share of his land. He left Gopal Singh at Oodeipoor, and on the road robbed 
 “ his servant of his jewels ; and wherever Gopal Singh had left money or clothes 
 “ in deposit, Dheerjee seized them by force. When he arrived at Sadra, he said 
 “ he was empowered by Gopal Singh to act for him. He made submission to the 
 i “ political agent in the presence of Pooroheet Laljee, promising to recall Gopal 
 “ Singh, and give security, and passing a bond to that effect, Kunukajee and Pu- 
 “ harjee being securities. Dheerjee now received money for his subsistence, and 
 “ was dismissed to return home. On arriving there, he petitioned for the removal 
 “ of the government post there, which was granted. However, he did not send 
 “ for Gopal Singh, and that chief, accidentally hearing that a settlement was in 
 “ progress, hastened to Sadra, and made submission. Dheerjee was then sum- 
 
 I . 
 
494 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 After this Laljee, the son of the chief of Teentoee, joined Dheer- 
 jee, and the outlaws retired together to the forests of Doongurpoor, 
 where they received shelter, and from that retreat continued to ravage 
 the territories of Eedur. 
 
 Now at this period the Rawul of Doongurpoor was thirty-two years 
 old, but he had taken it into his head that he would have no son, and 
 that it was necessary for him to adopt one. He therefore sent for 
 Dulput Singh, the heir of Dewulya, who was of the same descent 
 with himself, and passed a deed appointing him his own heir. This 
 young chief was not favorable to the outlaws, and they, perceiving the 
 fact, lost confidence in their present situation, and removed their 
 families to the neighbourhood of Shamlajee. However, they con-, 
 tinued themselves to reside in the Doongurpoor country, and to 
 
 “ moned, and sent by his servant an answer, written from Ahmednugger, but dated 
 “ Wankaner ; and the servant, when asked where his master was, said, ‘At Beeja-i 
 “ poor.’ Colonel Ballantine then applied to his securities, and placed Mohsuls 
 “ on them and him. Dheerjee, having arrived at Sadra, was daily called upon by 
 “ Colonel Ballantine for a settlement, but day after day passed without anything 
 “ having been adjusted; and his securities having arrived, and declined further 
 “ responsibility for him, Mohsuls were placed upon him. Dheerjee declared that 
 “ unless these were removed he would commit suicide, and that no one could tell 
 “ what might happen, for his men were not under his control.” 
 
 “ 15 th November, 1823. 
 
 “ Since the Mohsuls were placed upon Dheerjee, now ten days ago, his conduct 
 “ has been insolent and threatening, declaring, that though he wished himself to 
 “ give the securities required, he could not answer for the conduct of his armed 
 “ mercenaries, with whom he has continued to parade camp in direct violation of 
 “ his word. * * * * As might have been expected, Dheerjee contumaciously 
 “ and determinedly opposed my measures for the reduction of his armed followers, 
 
 ‘ ‘ and in the affray that in consequence took place he received a wound in the back 
 “ from one of his own people attempting to cut down an Arab. In the affray, 
 “ also, one Arab was wounded, and two of his people—one severely, who has since 
 “ died. 
 
 Despatch from the Bombay Government to the Court of Directors, 
 
 1 st September, 1826. 
 
 “ The three Thakors (Dheerjee, Kunukajee, and Puharjee) were subsequently 
 “ removed to Baroda, as it was not considered safe that they should remain in the 
 “ Myhee Kanta, it being explained to the raja (of Eedur) that their removal to 
 “ Baroda did not in any way affect the allegiance they owed him. An arrange- 
 “ ment was also made for the management of their estates by their nearest rela- 
 “ tions, and a separate provision for themselves and their families, who were not 
 “ to accompany them to Baroda. On the 24th September, 1824, Dheerjee effected 
 “ his escape from Baroda, assisted by Laljee, the son of the Teentoee chief (who 
 “ remained in confinement), and began committing excesses in the Myhee Kanta, 
 “ which led to the despatch of a light force from Deesa in pursuit of him.” 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 495 
 
 plunder Eedurwara. Upon this the young chief secretly offered to 
 reward any one who would give him a sight of the outlaws. Once on 
 a time Dheerjee and Laljee came to a village in the Rawul’s country, 
 Dheerjee being in distress, and suffering from inflammation of the 
 eyes. They procured a person to get ready dinner for them there. 
 The heir of Doongurpoor, becoming aware of their arrival, set off 
 with a hundred horse, who, when they reached the village, began to 
 beat the royal drum. Dheerjee and Laljee, hearing the sound, 
 mounted their horses and fled ; the Doongurpoor horse pursued 
 jthem, and came in sight of them. They cried to the outlaws, “ What 
 |“ is this, are you Rajpoots, and do you run away?” Dheerjee said, 
 
 ! “ you are many, and we are but two; at this time it is necessary to 
 “ fly; ” his companion, however, began to slacken the speed of his 
 horse, and meanwhile the Doongurpoor men came up with him. 
 Laljee’s horse now pulled up, and would not move a step. An Arab 
 struck the horse a blow on the back with his sword, receiving at the 
 same moment a blow from Laljee’s sword. Another horseman thrust 
 j at Laljee with his lance, but he avoided the blow, and ran the as¬ 
 sailant through, so that he died. As his horse would not move, he 
 | now dismounted, and, after killing two more of his assailants, was 
 j himself slain. Dheerjee, meanwhile, had galloped off, supposing that 
 Laljee was following him. 1 
 
 Afterwards, whenever it was known that Dheerjee had procured re- 
 j freshment at any one’s house, fifty of the government horse would im¬ 
 mediately put up there, and annoy the inhabitants very much. Once 
 Dheerjee came to a village of his own, which was near to a bard’s vil¬ 
 lage, upon which the raja, suspecting the bard, quartered two horsemen 
 j upon him. Dheerjee, when he heard this, went suddenly to the village, 
 j and attacked the horsemen, of whom one was slain by him, but the 
 ! other escaped. The bard immediately began to employ means of 
 intimidation against the outlaw chief; he wounded his own arm and 
 j his thigh, and thrust a dagger through the throat of an old woman of 
 his family. When the raja heard of the attack upon the horsemen he 
 declared that it must have been instigated by the bard, and therefore 
 ordered a force against his village, but on further enquiry the true state 
 [ of the case was discovered. 
 
 Dheerjee now carefully avoided entering even the lands of one of 
 j his friend’s villages—indeed, of avowed friends he possessed not one. 
 
 1 A force under Major Thomas advanced to Doongurpoor in pursuit of the out- 
 ; laws, and carried the fort on the nth of March, 1825. Laljee was killed by the 
 young chief of Doongurpoor in the month of J une following, a deed at which his 
 j adopted father was much incensed .—English Records . 
 
rAs mAlA. 
 
 496 
 
 He fixed his residence in the Mewar hills, but continued his harassing 
 incursions, which he carried as far as Puttun, attacking the government 
 troops, and carrying off cattle and hostages from the villages. After¬ 
 wards he directed his attacks against the country about Raeegurh. 1 
 He continued in outlawry about fourteen years. At length, in the 
 year a.d. 1827, while he was hiding among the Eedur hills, he had j 
 received a supply of gunpowder from his friends, and spread it out 
 upon a cloth to dry, when a spark falling from the matchlock of one 
 of his mercenaries, the powder exploded, and he thus received injuries 
 of which he died. At the time of his death he was about forty-five 
 years of age. Dheerjee was short in stature and spare in person. 
 His deeds of outlawry have won him greater fame than has been 
 gained by any chief of Eedur, and his exploits are celebrated 
 throughout the Myhee Kanta in the songs of the women as well as 
 in the stanzas of the bard. 
 
 At the time of Dheerjee’s death, his family were in the Marwar 
 country. One of his two wives (who was of the Chowra clan), on 
 receiving from his servant the turban which he had worn, burned her¬ 
 self on the funeral pile with that relic of her husband. She left no 
 child. The other widow, with an infant son and daughter, returned to 
 Wankaner. 1 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 MUHARAJA GUMBHEER SINGH OF EEDUR. 
 
 Prince Oomed Singh died of small-pox in a.d. 1824, at the age of 
 twenty-seven. Two of his wives followed him to the pile ; they were 
 
 1 All attempts on the part of the British authorities to apprehend the outlawed 
 chief had proved fruitless, a fact which the government of Bombay mainly attributed 
 to the almost general connivance of the chiefs in the Myhee Kanta in his depreda¬ 
 tions. The resident at Baroda was therefore directed to offer terms to Dheerjee, 
 and to promise that his grievances should be investigated, and those which proved 
 reasonable redressed. Mr. Willoughby, who was then in charge of the residency, 
 opened a communication accordingly with the outlaw, but while it was in progress 
 news arrived of the death of Dheerjee, which was reported by that gentleman on 
 the 6th August, 1827. The chief of Wankaner survived the accident which led to 
 his death six days, and on finding his end approaching, directed one of his Rajpoot 
 followers to communicate the facts to Mr. Willoughby, and request that care might 
 be taken of his family. 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH, 
 
 497 
 
 daughters of the Chohan chief of Dhurol and the Chowra of Mansa. 
 A concubine also became a sutee. The prince had two other Ranees 
 upon whom the desire of accompanying their lord to Paradise did not 
 come. They were daughters of the Rajas of Wanswara and Dewulya, 
 and retired as widows to their fathers’ houses. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The giver of gifts to bards, of lands, of elephants, of horses, 
 
 “Was Gumbheer’s son, whose mind was filled with wisdom. 
 
 “Desiring him, the Chohanee and the Chowree 
 “ Went to obtain the royal seat of the lord of the Devs. 
 
 “ A thorn to his enemies, the conqueror of the Mahrattas, 
 
 “ Who extinguished his flame-like foes by the strength of his arm, 
 
 “ Whose face was resplendent as the day-bringing sun, 
 
 “ Such was Lai, with whom to Paradise went the sutees. 
 
 “ Huree 1 worked an evil work in the world, 
 
 “ The hope of the bards had not been fully satisfied. 
 
 “ The crown among Ranees, the Rathor took with him. 
 
 “They became Gpsuras ! Oorned became Indra ! 
 
 “ The horse-hair fans were waving of the Chohanee’s lord, 
 
 “ He who was the wealth of bards. To attain to fame, 
 
 “ The heir of Jodha’s race passed with his Ranees 
 “ To Indra’s mansion—did the Sun of the Hindoos ! 
 
 “ As long as sun and moon remain, the descendant of Guj Singh 
 “ Shall enjoy the great throne. So is it fit ! 
 
 “ Indra’s seat enjoyed to the full, in bright form, 
 
 “ To Vishnoo’s eternal heaven he shall pass.” 
 
 A Brahmin of Eedur was so deeply distressed when he heard of 
 the prince’s death, from thinking of what would become of the state, 
 that he dashed his head against a grain jar, and dislodged a heavy 
 weight lying on it, which fell upon him and killed him. The raja 
 granted to his son the village of Matasool, which he had taken from 
 the Koompawuts, and which still remains in the Brahmin’s possession. 2 
 
 After this, in a.d. 1829, Gopal Singh, the chief of Mhow, went out 
 in rebellion, because the raja had struck the villages of his estate. He 
 retired with about twenty horsemen he had with him to his 
 village of Cheetror. A trader of that place had died, and one 
 of the merchants of Eedur, with his wife and family, had come 
 thither to his funeral feast. They remained four nights, and then 
 taking leave of the chief, set out home, forming altogether a party of 
 
 1 Vishnoo. 
 
 2 Colonel Ballantine reports, on the 17th May, 1824, “the death of the only son 
 “ of the Raja of Eedur and, on the 27th, writes, in continuation, that “three 
 “ females, the wives of Laljee Saheb, accompanied the body as sutees to the pile 
 “and were burned. Gumbheer Singh is suffering from the deepest affliction.” 
 
 K K 
 
 n i 
 
rAs malA. 
 
 498 
 
 a hundred persons. The Cheetror traders escorted them for a certain 
 distance, and then turned back; but Gopal Singh followed the 
 strangers with his men, and, seizing the whole of them, carried them 
 off to the hills. When the news was brought to Eedur, the merchants 
 of the town set off in a body, with loud cries, to the palace. The raja, 
 peeping out of an upper window, said, “What is it?" The merchants 
 answered, “ Our people went to a feast, and have all been seized 
 “ and carried off from the place by Gopal Singh. What is it that you, 
 “ our master, have done ? If there were any master over our heads 
 “could such a thing happen?” Then the raja said, “Your master 
 “ sleeps beside the Rumulesur tank. 1 What master have you ? I am 
 “ an old man.” However, he collected his forces, and made an expe¬ 
 dition as far as Mhow and Cheetror, from whence he returned without 
 success. The traders now began again to raise a howling, and to 
 complain of the calamities they suffered, for it was suspected that Go¬ 
 pal Singh had violated the honor of the women who were his prisoners. 
 The raja then took the turban from his head, and tied a cloth round 
 it and said, “ When I recover your hostages, I will reassume my 
 “turban.” However, mentally he vowed that it should not be until 
 Gopal Singh was slain. Now, that chief released the traders on receiving 
 ransom for them, and himself living in the Mhow hills with his family 
 made inroads upon the Eedur country. At length the raja, having 
 assembled an army, encamped at Bhuvnath, near Mhow, and sent for 
 Damodhur Mohobut Singh, the bard, whom he offered as security to 
 Gopal Singh. The chief of Mhow came in, and was most warmly 
 received by the raja, who, after they had drunk opium together, said, 
 “ You are my son; who is there of mine equal to you ? when I see 
 “ you I rejoice as if it were Oomed Singh that I beheld.” Having 
 talked to him in this way, he replaced him in Mhow. How r ever, after 
 this the raja continually said, “ I have no relish for my food, unless I 
 “ behold Gopal Singh.” Thus saying, he sent for him to Eedur. 
 
 In a.d. 1830, the raja set out with his retinue to travel through his 
 country, at which time it was that he seized upon Bud Singh, the chief 
 of Kherod, in the Poseena district, and threw him into irons. It 
 happened thus:— 
 
 The chief of Hurad-Poseena died in a.d. 1828, leaving a son, named 
 Purwut Singh, who had attained the age of eighteen, but was an effe¬ 
 minate youth. His two nearest relations were Jamut Singh and Bud 
 Singh. The former wished to place the rightful heir upon the cushion, 
 but the object of the latter was to seat himself there. However, as he 
 
 ’ Alluding to Prince Oomed Singh, whose funeral pyre was erected by the side 
 of that reservoir. 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 499 
 
 found no means of effecting this object, Bud Singh came to Eedur, and 
 said to the raja, “ If you will place me on the cushion of Poseena, I 
 “will pass a deed resigning a fourth of the estate to you.” The raja 
 agreed to this offer. The matter, however, came to the knowledge of 
 the young chief and Jamut Singh, and they also went to the raja and 
 said, “ It is not customary to place a distant relation on the cushion 
 “ when there is a son existing.” The raja said, “ He promises to pass 
 “ a fourth share to me, therefore it is him that I will seat.” They sa\y 
 there was no other remedy, so they also said they would pass a' 
 fourth share. Gumbheer Singh, however, said, “ A fourth share is 
 “ what he offers me. What more than this do you offer, that I should 
 “ seat you on the cushion ? ” At length, after much discussion, the young 
 chief passed a deed resigning a third share of the estate, and Jamut Singh 
 set off to Poseena, at the raja’s order, to place him on the cushion. 
 Bud Singh, however, when he was gone, offered to resign a six- 
 anna share, 1 upon which the order was sent, “ Return hither without 
 “ placing the chiefs son on the cushion.” Jamut Singh returned. 
 Then the raja said, “ Bud Singh offers six annas, therefore Budjee 
 “ has the cushion.” The contest went on in this way for two months, 
 and at last the young chief resigned half the estate. Then the raja 
 sent the Prince of Soor with fifty matchlocks and fifty horse, an ele¬ 
 phant, royal drums, and silver rod, to seat the chiefs son on the cushion, 
 and at the same time to receive charge of the half-share that had been 
 passed to him. The prince went accordingly, and placed Purwut 
 Singh on the cushion. Bud Singh upon this went to his own house 
 at Kherod to live there, and began to injure the villages of the Poseena 
 estate, upon which the new chief complained at Eedur. The raja sent 
 for Bud Singh to Eedur, but he did not obey the summons, being 
 afraid that he would be put to death. Hostages were then given him 
 and he came, but was still distrustful of the raja. At this time a 
 minister of the Seerohee state happened to be at Eedur on some busi- 
 
 1 With Hindoos everything is divided into annas, or sixteenths of a rupee. In 
 Wales a similar custom still prevails. The registrar of the Bristol District Court of 
 Bankruptcy was sitting in November, 1855, at New Quay, Cardiganshire, taking 
 the examination of several witnesses in the matter of the bankruptcy of Thomas 
 Davies, shipbuilder of that port. Most of the witnesses were Welsh people, and the 
 subject of the inquiry being the extent of the bankrupt’s interest in a certain vessel, 
 some surprise was created by the witnesses speaking of their shares in the vessel as 
 a matter of weight. The mystery was solved by the interpreter in this way A 
 vessel about to be built is divided into sixty-four shares, the total being taken by 
 the owners to represent^ pound avoirdupois. Thus, the owner of four sixty-fourths 
 is said to have an ounce ; of two sixty-fourths, half-an-ounce ; of one sixty-fourth a 
 quarter of an ounce ; and so on in proportion. 
 
5 °° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 ness. Bud Singh went and lodged with him. The raja sent for him 
 to the court and reprimanded him on this account, but Bud Singh 
 paid no heed. The raja then determined upon seizing him, but de¬ 
 ferred doing so lest the Seerohee minister might oppose him. Bud 
 Singh was therefore lectured and dismissed, and, going home, set to 
 work exactly as before to do all the harm he could to the Poseena 
 estate. The raja again sent for him, giving him security, but the chief 
 declined visiting Eedur again. However, Gumbheer Singh corrupted 
 the chiefs two ministers (a Brahmin and a bard), by promising to give 
 them each a village, if they would persuade their master to revisit the 
 court. Bud Singh was thus enticed to Eedur, where the raja received 
 him with the greatest respect, and caused him to be brought into the 
 presence, overcoming his first suspicions by continued attentions. 
 Meanwhile, a Sindhi officer, named Meroo, was directed to seize him, 
 which task he accordingly effected while Bud Singh was on the way 
 from his lodgings to the court. Meroo carried the chief to his quarters, 
 and there put him in irons. 
 
 Now when the raja set off on his tour, in a.d. 1830, Bud Singh 
 was carried with him as a prisoner; but two months afterwards, on 
 some change of policy, he was allowed to furnish security, and was 
 then released, his lands of Kherod being restored to him, to be held 
 free of all claims on the part of the crown, and satisfaction being 
 otherwise afforded him. However, Bud Singh, when he reached 
 home, sent for the two ministers, and having put them off their guard 
 by kind usage, he first cut off the Brahmin’s head, which he threw to 
 the dogs, that they might crunch it, and then attempted to destroy 
 the bard also. This latter, however, made his escape. 
 
 The raja left Eedur with his cavalcade, attended by Kurun Singh, 
 the prince of Ahmednugger, Gopal Singh, chief of Mhow, and the 
 whole of the nobles. At this time the two chiefs above mentioned, 
 with Jhalum Singh, of Mondeytee, came to a private decision that 
 the force should move upon Palya, with the chief of which place 
 they were at feud ; the raja and his ministers, Durjun Singh, had, on 
 the other hand, planned an expedition against the Rehwurs. On 
 Gumbheer Singh’s announcing his intentions, the three chiefs pre¬ 
 tended acquiescence, and remained in person with the raja, but sent 
 their cavalry contingents on in advance, and struck Palya before the 
 raja’s arrival, burning all the dwellings in the town. Mohobut Singh, 
 the chief of that place, took to the hills ; and this chief indeed was 
 not the man to take to flight, but it was because he supposed himself 
 to be attacked by his master’s troops that he fled. When the raja 
 came up, and found the town a heap of smouldering ruins, he 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 501 
 
 rebuked the three chiefs very earnestly. The camp was then pitched 
 in the lands of Palya. Mohobut Singh, its chief, however, lost no 
 time, but raising a large force of Bheels, blocked up the road by 
 which the army was to retire. Meanwhile the army remained in its 
 position, subsisting upon the spoils of the town of Palya. Durjun 
 Singh’s troops committed no act of hostility; but the three confe¬ 
 derated chiefs plundered and burnt even the outlying villages, much to 
 the annoyance of Gumbheer Singh. At this time news arrived that 
 a string of camels laden with property, belonging to a banker who 
 was with the army, had been plundered by the Bheels on its way 
 from Eedur, and that the wild robbers had wounded both the camel 
 men and their animals. At the same time came a message from 
 Mohobut Singh, of Palya, who protested that the raja had struck his 
 village without any just pretence, for that his revenue had been 
 regularly paid, and threatened that he would make it a difficult 
 matter for the army to get home again. Upon this the raja sent to 
 say that he had no intention of striking Palya, and that the result had 
 been brought about by the three chiefs. Mohobut Singh rejoined, 
 “ I could have given them an answer; but why was it that your 
 “ highness took the pains to accompany them ?” The raja then sent 
 for him to an interview, but the chief refused to attend, and Gum¬ 
 bheer Singh was at length compelled to agree that when Palya should 
 be rebuilt no revenue should be demanded from the chief for two 
 years. Upon this the raja struck his camp, and the event having dis¬ 
 pleased him, he proceeded no further with his tour, but returned to 
 Eedur, and disbanded his army. 
 
 The raja, however, retained Gopal Singh near him. Now there 
 was a deadly feud between Gopal Singh and Durjun Singh, the 
 Prudhan. The raja said, therefore, to the former, “It is my intention 
 “ to make you minister of Eedur; and, what is more, if you can keep 
 “ a secret, I have one for your ear.” Gopal Singh promised secrecy, 
 and the raja whispered, “ I want Durjun Singh put out of the way.” 
 Gopal Singh said, “ Is it truth that you are speaking, or do you 
 “ merely ridicule me ?” “ It is nothing but truth,” said the raja. 
 
 “ Then give me your oath.” The oath was given. Gopal Singh now 
 asked permission to go home to Mhow, and not only received it, but 
 was also loaded with presents. He went accordingly; and on his 
 return to Eedur, the raja received him affectionately, and made him 
 a present of the sword and shield which had been worn by the late 
 Prince Oomed Singh. Many people, however, who observed all that 
 was going on, warned Gopal Singh that the raja would some day play 
 him false. “Recollect,” said they, “how Bhowanee Singh deceived 
 
5°2 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 “ Soorujmul, of Chandunee, to his death, and how he treacherously 
 “ slew the young chief of Merasun. It is the very rule of their house 
 “ to do such things as these.” Gopal Singh, however, paid no 
 attention to these warnings. Even when his own father-in-law, 
 Puharjee, of Todhura, entreated him to beware, he refused to be¬ 
 lieve, and said, “ It was with such bugbears as these that Kunukajee 
 “ and Dheejee were kept at a distance from the court. You want 
 me to believe them, that you may keep me away too.” 
 
 After this, Gopal Singh’s mother having died, he procured, with 
 much entreaty from the raja, leave to visit Mhow, in order to perform 
 her obsequies. At home, too, many people said to him, “ Do not go 
 “ back to Eedur;” but he paid no attention to the advice of any one. 
 His stepmother and his wife then arranged, so that when he pre¬ 
 pared to go to Eedur he was met outside the village by a string of 
 women carrying black and broken water-vessels, and by other ill 
 omens. Nevertheless, the chief went hi's way to Eedur. 
 
 Many days after this, in the year a.d. 1831, the raja, having first 
 administered a solemn oath of secrecy to the Kusbatees who were in 
 his service, said to them, “ You must put Gopal Singh to death this 
 “ day.” Not one of them would, however, agree to undertake the 
 task. The raja then sent for Meroo, the Sindhi, and having sworn 
 him to secrecy in the same way, procured his consent to the deed. 
 The day before, the raja had said to Gopal Singh, “do-morrow is 
 “ the feast of Shivratree; so you must come early in the morning, 
 “ and then we will manage what we have settled about killing Durjun, 
 “ Singh.” In the morning, therefore, Gopal Singh got up, bathed, 
 took his breakfast, and having made himself ready, went to the foot 
 of the palace stairs, and sent word to the raja that he was arrived. 
 The door-keeper then, according to the usual custom, received from 
 him his arms. Now Meroo and his soldiers, with their matchlocks 
 loaded, were ready to kill Gopal Singh; and whatever men of good 
 character, or whatever friends of the chiefs party were about the 
 court, had been sent away, on one pretence or another, into distant 
 parts of the country. Gopal Singh having arrived at the palace, the 
 raja sent for him into the apartments of the elder Ranee, 1 where he 
 was seated in state, having caused carpets and cushions to be spread. 
 When dinner-time came, and a dish was brought in for the raja, he 
 said to the chief, “ Do you, too, sit down, and dine with me.” 
 Gopal Singh excused himself; but with much urgency was prevailed 
 
 1 Her name was Dolut Koonwerba, and she was the daughter of the Bhatee 
 chief of Oshwa, in Marwar, a cadet of Jesulmer. She perished as a sutee upon the 
 death of her husband. 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 5°3 
 
 upon to sit down. After dinner the raja presented betel-nut to him. 
 At this time his father-in-law drew him on one side, and said to him, 
 
 “ I fear much that it is designed to put you to death this very day. 
 
 “ Remember, I have married to you my daughter, who is now only 
 “ fourteen years old, and for her sake I implore you to take means 
 “ for saving your life.” Gopal Singh only made answer, “You are 
 “ entertaining a groundless suspicion.” Then the father-in-law, pretend¬ 
 ing that he went to smoke a hookah, got away with great difficulty to 
 his lodging, and mounting his horse, gallopped off for his life. The 
 Sindhi officer thereupon increased his precautions, and rendered it 
 impossible for any one else to make his escape. 
 
 At this time the raja gave orders to a servant to bring him a bottle 
 of perfume. When it was brought he said it was not the one he 
 wanted. This was repeated several times, and at last the raja rose, 
 under the pretence of procuring for himself the scent he required, 
 and went out. The door was immediately locked behind him, and 
 he whispered to the Sindhi, “Now if he escape, your head must 
 “ answer for his.” The reply was a volley fired into the room where 
 the chief was from the windows on each of the four sides. Gopal 
 Singh had twelve attendants with him, who threw themselves before 
 their chief; but as the bullets poured in they fell dead one after the 
 other, and he himself received many wounds. The raja then showed 
 himself, and said, “ Ah ! Gopal, tell me was it right of you to carry 
 “ off the Eedur traders ? now show us what strength you can put 
 “ forth ; see, here are two swords for you to wear, take them !” So 
 saying, he threw two swords into the room. Now, Gopal Singh cried 
 out with a loud voice to the Ranee, and said, “ I am in your palace, 
 under your protection.” The Ranee upon this went to the raja and 
 said, “ If you slay Gopal Singh after what has happened, I will die 
 “ along with him.” The raja said, “ If I leave him alive now he will 
 “ slay me.” “ Let precautions be taken,” replied she, “of whatever 
 “ strictness you please, but his life must be spared.” All the night 
 and next day Gopal Singh was allowed to remain where he was. 
 When night came round again he determined he would make an 
 attempt to clamber over the palace wall and escape. With this in¬ 
 tention he went out, and was immediately cut down by the sentinel 
 on guard, and died. After this, outcastes were sent for, and the 
 corpses were by their means dragged into the yard of the palace. 
 The raja ordered the outcastes to cut the bodies into pieces, that the 
 kites might eat them. When the principal merchants of the place 
 heard of this intention, they came to the palace and said, “Muharaj ! 
 “ you have punished those who had offended, you have no longer 
 
5°4 
 
 RAS MALI. 
 
 “ any quarrel with these lumps of earth ; allow them to be burned.” 
 The corpses were upon this placed together in a cart, and removed 
 to the funeral ground, where they were consumed by fire; and after 
 this the inhabitants of the palace broke their fast, for since Gopal 
 Singh had entered it no one had tasted a mouthful of food. The 
 chief of Mhow left two sons, Bharat Singh and Purwut Singh, of 
 whom the elder was, at the time of his father’s death, only seven 
 years old. The followers of the slain chief, with his children and 
 the other members of his family, fled to the mountains on hearing of 
 the catastrophe at Eedur. Then the raja marched towards Mhow, 
 and, having encamped near it, sent to call in the children of Gopal 
 Singh, and replaced them in their inheritance. 
 
 Note. —We have not met with, in the English records, any 
 mention of the fate of Gopal Singh, of Mhow. There had been no 
 resident political agent in the Myhee Kanta since the withdrawal of 
 Lieutenant Colonel Ballantine, and, under these circumstances, a 
 deed of this nature was only too likely to have been concealed from, 
 or misrepresented to, the British authorities. All that is upon the 
 records in relation to Raja Gumbheer Singh tends to strengthen the 
 belief that such a crime, upon his part, was by no means unlikely. 
 The treachery of his disposition is still notorious in the Eedur 
 country, and is indicated by many other actions recorded by the 
 bards. In a.d. 1821, Major Miles thus wrote of Raja Gumbheer 
 Singh :—“The character of the present Raja of Eedur is represented 
 “ by the natives to be a mixture of craft, inconstancy and deceit. 
 “ He is reputed to be quite indifferent to persons’ merits and means, 
 “ provided he can obtain his object. His want of faith is proverbial, 
 “ and there is scarce a man in the Eedur territory, I am told, who 
 “ would take his oath as the most trifling security for the perfonnance 
 “ of his promise or engagement. In the management of his revenue 
 “ he is said to be profuse and improvident; he, however, uses every 
 “ means in his power to cheat his creditors and soldiery. He is 
 “ completely in the hands of the Brahmins and Gosaees, who 
 “ advance money at enormous rates of interest, and absorb his 
 “ revenues by anticipation. This bad character is, doubtless, 
 “ justified in some particulars, but seems exaggerated in others. The 
 “ raja appears a man of abilities, with a peculiar turn for intrigue 
 “ and artifice. His knowledge of mankind has made him superior 
 “ to most of his ministers and connections, and, as they frequently 
 “ find themselves no match for him in the management of politics. 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 5°5 
 
 “ they are more willing to cast the blame on his dissimulation than to 
 “ allow any want of parts or foresight in themselves. Again, his 
 “ character must be considered with reference to his situation and 
 “ the persons by whom he is surrounded, and with whom he has to 
 “ contend.” Making every allowance, however, it must, we fear, be 
 admitted that Raja Gumbheer Singh was a rare and consummate 
 hypocrite, who exhibited in perfection the mixture of craft and 
 cruelty which, among Rajpoots, is attributed as a distinguishing 
 characteristic to the Rathor race. With the Glo’ster of Shakespeare, 
 he, too, might have thus soliloquised— 
 
 “ Why, I can smile, and murther whiles I smile : 
 
 “ And cry content to that which grieves my heart; 
 
 “ And wet my cheeks with artificial tears, 
 
 “ And frame my face to all occasions.” 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 MUHARAjA GUMBHEER SINGH OF EEDUR. 
 
 Jhalum Singh succeeded his father, Ude Singh, in the estate of 
 Mondeytee, about the year a.d. 1804. The chief of Gota, the 
 brother of the late chief of Mondeytee, dying, and leaving no son, 
 Jhalum Singh purposed to assign the estate which thus fell to him 
 to his son, Oomed Singh, whose mother was a daughter of the 
 Chowra chief of Wursora. As, however, the estate was held under 
 a separate grant from the crown, it was necessary that the raja should 
 receive the young chief’s obeisance on his installation. Jhalum 
 Singh sent his minister accordingly to Eedur, and the raja, giving his 
 assent to the scheme, intimated his readiness to proceed to 
 Mondeytee whenever a day should be appointed for the purpose of 
 binding the turban of investiture upon Oomed Singh’s head, and 
 granting to him the right of receiving the royal embrace. On the 
 appointed day Prince Oomed Singh repaired, as his father’s repre¬ 
 sentative, to Mondeytee. However, the prince had been betrothed 
 to the lady Golab Koonwerba, the daughter of Jhalum Singh by his 
 Rathor wife, and sister of the whole blood to Soorujmul and Sher 
 Singh. The mother of his affianced bride, therefore, prevailed upon 
 him to invest his brother-in-law, Sher Singh, instead of the son of 
 the Chowra lady, an act which was the seed of much future calamity, 
 
5q6 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 and produced a bitter enmity between Jhalum Singh and his. Rathor 
 wife and her sons, as well as between that chief and his sovereign. 
 
 Sher Singh took up his residence at Gota. His village of 
 Rutunpoor marched with the Wulasun chief’s village of Khaskee, and 
 both parties had posts of armed men in these places. In the rains j 
 a dispute arose between the cultivators of the two villages in regard 
 to the boundary. They were separated for the time, but both parties 
 went to their masters to complain. Each chief made the same 
 reply—“ If you had been men you would have fought it out.” 
 Next day, therefore, when the cultivators drove their ploughs to the 
 disputed boundary, they took arms in their hands, and a fight 
 ensued. One man was killed on Sher Singh’s side, and others were 
 wounded ; on the other side there were many men wounded. When 
 the^ chief of Gota heard of the result, he went to his father at 
 Mondeytee, and begged for assistance, adding that if he should not 
 receive it he would go to Wulasun, and maintain the fight to the 
 death, though there was a numerous garrison in that place" Jhalum 
 Singh upon this assembled his men, and in person led them to 
 Wulasun, and a contest ensued. The chief of Mondeytee sent to 
 the Raja of Eedur, who offered to supply him with money and 
 mercenaries, and dismissed his messenger with the remark that 
 if the Wulasun chief were victorious, the Marwaree honor would be 
 gone, and he would some day make himself master of Mondeytee as 
 well. 1 he chief of Wulasun sent also to beg for succour because 
 half his estate belonged to the raja, but Gumbheer Singh made him a 
 reply similar to that which he had made to Jhalum Singh; in fact, he 
 would be equally glad whichever way victory should be decided, •’ 
 provided only that one party or the other were a loser. Now there j 
 lived at Wulasun a female ascetic who wore male attire, and assumed 
 the male name of Mandas. She was famous as a negociator, and in 
 that capacity she came to Eedur and stated in a boasting style, in the 
 rajas presence, that the men of Walusan had driven away the 
 Marwarees in a manner much to the disgrace of the latter. Durjun 
 Singh, the Prudhan, who was seated in court at the time, was much 
 stung at this remark, because his own son and his brother were with 
 the chief of Mondeytee. He wrote to Jhalum Singh to say that he 
 had better never show his face at Eedur again than come back 
 without striking Wulasun. He proffered at the same time a supply 
 of money. 1 he day before his letter reached Wulasun a skirmish 
 had taken place, but a neighbouring chief had come between the 
 combatants. When the Prudhan’s letter arrived, Jhalum Singh 
 attacked the place in earnest, and plundered and burnt it, carrying 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 5°7 
 
 off prisoners and cattle, and leaving the chief of Khaskee dead on the 
 field. There was an end of the matter for the time, and the 
 Marwarees returned home. The power of the British has prevented 
 the Wulasun people from balancing the feud since, but they say that 
 whenever that power shall be withdrawn they will have their revenge 
 upon Mondeytee. 
 
 In a.d. 1820 the last of a collateral line of the Chohan clan died, 
 and his villages were claimed by Raja Gumbheer Singh, on the 
 ground that as they had been granted separately from the estate of 
 Mondeytee they should now revert to the crown. Jhalum Singh, 
 however, refused his consent to this arrangement, and threatened to 
 go out in rebellion. It was about this time that Colonel Ballantine 
 was engaged in settling the Eedur country. Jhalum Singh was 
 confined by him, and regained his liberty four months alter on 
 condition of resigning the disputed estate, making other concessions 
 to the raja, and giving security for his good behaviour during the 
 next ten years. 1 
 
 In a.d. 1826, the chief of Gorul died, leaving only a daughter, 
 named Chand, who was married to the Raja Gumbheer Singh. I he 
 raja proclaimed that his father-in-law had given him the village as the 
 dowry of his bride, and that he intended to place a garrison there, and 
 
 1 The following occurs in a general report by Colonel Ballantine, dated Sadra, 
 15th October, 1822:”— 
 
 “ The conduct of this chief (Jhalum Singh, of Mondeytee) was brought to the 
 “ notice of government in my report of 7th April last, and his defection proved. 
 “ The chief has since compromised his differences with Eedur by fine, and has 
 “ been restored, and has received his puttah afresh. * * * Each puttawut has his 
 “ zillayuts, whose footing is the same as his own with the raja. They enjoy lands 
 “ for service, and have, of course, been included in these arrangements. In this 
 “ puttah are four zillayuts, but the lands of the zillayuts are also the gift of Eedur, 
 “ and therefore obtain a similar claim and footing (sic. ong.). It is thus accounted 
 “ for :—On the establishment of the present dynasty the ancestors of the present 
 “ zillayuts were the followers, relations, or partizans, of the raja’s puttawuts, and 
 “ received from Eedur provision lands under virtually similar tenure. The puttawut 
 “ cannot dispossess, but commands the service of his zillayuts, and the only 
 “ distinction is, they render separate securities to their immediate superiors, who 
 “ are thereby distinctly responsible for them. * * * This chief is allied to 
 
 “ Gumbheer Singh. His daughter is married to Ooomed Singh, the heir apparent, 
 “ but the connection seems rather to have produced discord than union. 
 “ Jhalum Singh is himself married to the daughter of the Row of Pol, and has by 
 “ her a son, his heir, Soorujmul. The son and mother have been long at variance 
 “ with him. For some time they took refuge at Eedur, and Gumbheer Singh 
 “ appears to have interested himself to obtain Soorujmul and his mother a subsist- 
 “ ence with no avail. Jhalum Singh resented this, and was actually going into 
 “ rebellion at the time 1 summoned him. The son has since gone into service at 
 “ Seerohee, and the mother has returned to Pol.” 
 
5°8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 either annex the estate to the crown, or give it to the ranee for her 
 pin-money. The chief’s widow was disposed to acquiesce in this 
 arrangement, as the raja promised her an income from the estate. 
 However, Jhalum Singh, of Mondeytee, asserted that he was the 
 adopted son of the deceased, and, so saying, he shaved his moustache, 
 and proceeded to perform the obsequies which the raja had been 
 desirous of performing. Gumbheer Singh was afraid of driving him 
 out into rebellion, and determined therefore to humour him for the 
 present, and wait for an opportunity. Thus the Gorul estate fell to 
 Mondeytee. A year afterwards, Jhalum Singh said to his eldest son, 
 Soorujmul, “It was my original intention to have given the estate of 
 “ Gota to Oomed Singh, but your mother caused that to be given 
 “ to your brother, Sher Singh. I will, therefore, give this estate of 
 “ Gorul to Oomed Singh.” Soorujmul did not agree to this, and 
 Jhamul Singh, on his refusal, flew into a passion, and went off imme¬ 
 diately to the court of Man Singh, Raja of Jodhpoor, where he 
 remained six months. 1 However, he was not successful in obtaining 
 service there, and he found his own expenses, and those of Oomed 
 Singh, who was with him, growing heavy, so he went from Judhpoor 
 to Kotah. At this latter place he obtained service, and there he 
 remained for a year. Jhalum Singh had hoped that when he went 
 away Soorujmul would have followed him, and acquiesced in his 
 wishes, but such was not the case. His son remained at Mondeytee, 
 and administered the affairs of the larger portion of the estate, three 
 villages only being in the hands of Jhalum Singh’s servants. At the 
 end of the year, therefore, the chief returned to the Eedur country, 
 and sent to tell Soorujmul that unless Gorul were given to Oomed 
 Singh, he was determined to resign the whole estate into the hands 
 of the raja. Soorujmul paid no attention to this threat, and his 
 
 1 On the 24th of December, 1826, Colonel Ballantine thus writes to the resident 
 at Baroda :— 
 
 “ I have, also, on this occasion, been requested by Gumbheer Singh and Koon- 
 “ wer Soorujmul, of Mondeytee, to bring to the notice of government, that Thakor 
 “ Jhalum Singh has for some time past quitted Mondeytee, and is reported to have 
 “ taken refuge with Raja Man Singh, of Jodhpoor. The Thakor was also last 
 “ year, for the most part, at Kotah, and has there taken service for his second son. 
 “ The reason assigned for this is family disputes, and a wish on the part of the 
 “ chief to disinherit Soorujmul, his eldest son and heir.” Colonel. Ballantine 
 accordingly recommended that Soorujmul should be installed “in the vacant 
 “ estate.” The resident, however, thought that it would be sufficient if the 
 management were entrusted to Soorujmul on his father’s behalf. This latter pro¬ 
 position was approved by the government of Bombay, and the arrangement was 
 carried into effect in April, 1827, but annulled in the following June. 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 S°9 
 
 father at last began to entertain mercenaries. When Soorujmul 
 received intelligence of this step, he wrote to his father, to ask why 
 he was assembling men, and to say that the estate of Mondeytee 
 might be given to any one he pleased, for that he himself had deter¬ 
 mined on retiring to Bhownugger, or elsewhere, to procure service. 
 The chief wrote in reply, offering to give his son two villages for the 
 present, and assuring him of the succession to the whole estate on 
 his own death, but demanding that he should in the meantime retire 
 from Mondeytee. Soorujmul refused his consent, and went off in 
 anger to Ahmednugger, where he assembled three hundred matchlock 
 1 men, and such of his father’s vassals as were on his side. In March, 
 
 | 1829, he came at midnight with his troops to the neighbourhood of 
 ; Nadree, where his father was, and having given strict orders that 
 I not a gun should be fired, prepared to surprise the village. However, 
 the troops as soon as they approached the place fired a volley, and 
 the arrival of Soorujmul thus becoming known, he was opposed by his 
 father’s followers, while Jhalum Singh himself, conceiving the attack¬ 
 ing party to be stronger than his own could engage with safety, 
 retreated with his Chowra lady, and having placed her in security at 
 a village in the Danta territory, fled himself to the hills. Soorujmul 
 now took possession of Nadree, and placed a garrison there. He 
 then returned to Mondeytee, and made it again his residence. 
 
 It being now five years since the death of Prince Oomed Singh, 
 j the raja himself demanded in marriage the lady Goolab, Soorujmul’s 
 sister, who had been betrothed to his son. The chief of Mondeytee 
 and his Rathor wife were neither of them pleased at this proposal, as 
 the raja was now an old man, but Soorujmul agreed to give his sister 
 to Gumbheer Singh, on condition of receiving his support against his 
 father. When Jhalum Singh was driven to the hills, it occurred to 
 him that Soorujmul would seize the opportunity for marrying his 
 sister to the raja. He wrote privately, therefore, to the lady’s 
 mother, to send her to him, that he might arrange her marriage with a 
 suitable husband. The young lady was sent accordingly, and hef 
 father caused her to be married to the chief of Sulana, a cadet of 
 Rutlam. 
 
 Jhalum Singh had by this time collected six hundred Arab and 
 Mukranee matchlock men, with whom he soon after made a night 
 attack upon Nadree. Kanjee, the captain of Soorujmul’s garrison, 
 however, fought with great bravery, and repulsed the assailants. 
 
 “ Like an angry tiger came on the son of Udmal; 
 
 “ But Kaneeo, like a black snake, kept hold of Nadree.” 
 
Jhalum Singh retired to a position among the hills, where a thick 
 forest sheltered his men, having in his retreat set fire to one of 
 Soorujmul’s villages. A few days afterwards he prepared to attack 
 Mondeytee, where his son himself lay with a small garrison. The 
 young chief’s spies, however, informed him of his father’s advance, 
 and he wrote immediately to his agent at Eedur to call upon the raja 
 for his promised assistance. Gumbheer Singh agreed to comply with 
 the call, and assembled troops. All that day, however, wore away, 
 and next day the raja moved with his troops in a northerly direction, 
 intimating to the agent that it was his intention to interpose between 
 Jhalum Singh and Mondeytee. That chief had, however, attacked 
 the place on the preceding night. Soorujmul’s men were protected 
 by the buildings, and under their fire thirty-five of the assailants fell, 
 but six of his small garrison, who defended a round tower, which con¬ 
 tained the ammunition, were destroyed by its explosion. The young 
 chief himself was wounded in the hand with a matchlock ball, but 
 he retained possession of the town. Next day one of the neighbour¬ 
 ing chiefs came up, and some of the inhabitants of Mondeytee went out 
 to Jhalum Singh, and persuaded him to come to an agreement with his 
 son, for that his face would be blackened in case Soorujmul were 
 killed, and it was thus at length arranged that Soorujmul should sur¬ 
 render Mondeytee, on condition that two villages were assigned to 
 him during his father’s lifetime, and that the succession was secured 
 to him. The young chief, upon this, taking his mother with him, 
 quitted Mondeytee for the villages which were assigned to him, and 
 Jhalum Singh re-entered his town. 
 
 Soorujmul, however, for fear of his father, began at once to look 
 out for a more secure place of retirement, but none of the chiefs 
 would receive him. He retired to Koowawoo, where there is a 
 mansion, enclosed within a fortified wall. The village belonged to 
 bards, who were not pleased at the presence of such a visitor. 
 Soorujmul pacified them by saying that it was not his intention to 
 remain a longer time than should suffice for his recovery from his 
 wound. However, at this time, the raja happened to come into the 
 neighbourhood, and the bards went to him, and obtained his written 
 permission to their allowing Soorujmul to remain. The chief staid, 
 therefore, at the bards’ village for a considerable period, and at length, 
 leaving his family there, went to Ahmednugger, and took service with 
 Raja Kurun Singh, who gave him a village and a pair of kettle-drums. 
 
 In the year a.d. 1833, Raja Gumbheer Singh became a Dev. 
 Fourteen Ranees became sutees with his corpse, but the mother of 
 the present raja, Jowan Singh, remained alive to rear her infant son. 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 5” 
 
 “ Many stars fell to the earth, 
 
 “ The earth quaked, 
 
 “ Cows lowed in the night time, 
 
 “ Terribly sounded their cry. 
 
 “ Indra poured down little rain, 
 
 “ Hail fell from the sky, 
 
 “ Clouds obscured the face of the sun, 
 
 “ Gusts of wind blew : 
 
 “ From these omens they prophesied 
 “ That a great man would fall : 
 
 “ Then died the raja of the race of the sun ! 1 
 
 1 The earthquakes and the fall of meteors here mentioned were actual occur¬ 
 rences. A. D. 1833, was a year of uncommon scarcity, if not of famine. The 
 Bombay government write thus to the Court of Directors, on the xoth of December, 
 n that year :— 
 
 “ The political superintendent of Pahlunpoor reports the entire destruction of 
 ‘ 1 the monsoon crops, which had caused the price of grain to rise to a height 
 “unknown since the famine of 1812-13. With a view to afford every facility to 
 “ the importation of grain, and to alleviate, as far as possible, the distress caused 
 “ to the poorer classes, the Dewan of Pahlunpoor had, at the suggestion of Lieu- 
 “ tenant Prescott, altogether removed the transit duties upon imported grain, and 
 “ the greater part of this district being, fortunately, favourable to irrigation, every 
 “ encouragement has been given to cultivators to sink wells for that purpose, by 
 “ which means the present scarcity will be partially removed. There is still, how- 
 ‘ ‘ ever, much reason to apprehend that the Koolees and other turbulent characters 
 “ throughout Goozerat, deprived of employment by the failure of their crops, and 
 “ rendered desperate by the present high price of food, will assemble in bands, and 
 “ threaten the public tranquillity, for the preservation of which every practicable 
 “ measure of precaution has been taken. 
 
 “ On the 16th of August, Mr. Willoughby states, that up to that period there 
 “ had been a general failure of rain almost throughout Kateewar, and no prospect 
 “ of a timely supply to save the crops. A great scarcity of grain and forage was 
 “ the consequence, and large remissions of tribute, due to the British and Guikowar 
 “ governments, would become necessary. The price of grain had trebled in 
 “amount, and was still rising; the want of forage was principally felt, great 
 “ numbers of cattle were dying daily. Mr. Willoughby further states, that in his 
 “ opinion, one half of the ordinary amount paid by the tributaries would have to 
 “ be remitted. 
 
 “ The very bad accounts received from the districts to the N.W. and S.W. of 
 “ Bhooj, induced the resident to make a tour through them, to satisfy himself by 
 “ personal observation. These reports appear not to have been exaggerated. In 
 “ many places there had been no rain this year, and a very scanty supply last 
 “ season, owing to which the forage had totally failed, and cattle perished from 
 “ starvation in large numbers. On most other occasions of drought in this pro- 
 “ vince, the people had Guzerat, Kateewar and Sinde to retire to with their 
 “ families and herds, but this resource has failed them this year. The durbar has 
 “ resolved to alleviate the sufferings of the working class by giving them a seer of 
 “ grain daily for deepening the tanks near the city, to which the minister has 
 “ added a quarter of a seer at his own expense. 
 
 “ Subsequent to the date of this report, some rain had fallen, but the hopes thus 
 “ excited were dissipated, and the prospects of the season rendered more gloomy 
 
5 12 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 “ Gumbheer raja fell, 
 
 “ Whose splendour among Hindoos was unbroken. 
 
 “ When the dwellers in the queens’ apartments heard the news, 
 
 “ The sutees, with delight, cried Hur ! Hur ! 1 
 “ ‘ For the salvation of my race, 
 
 “ ‘ To increase the splendour of the three lines of ancestors, * 
 
 “ ‘ I will accompany my lord, 
 
 “ ‘ That my fame may be blazoned in the nine divisions of the world.’ 
 “ Such a determination in their hearts fixing, 
 
 “ They called the ‘ Great Splendour ’ to witness, 
 
 “ ‘If I remain behind my husband, 
 
 “ ‘ Where is my queenly virtue?’ 
 
 “ From love of their husband, the women, 
 
 “ Though many, were delighted in mind. 
 
 “ From love of their husband, the women 
 “ In their hearts allowed hope to expand. 
 
 “ From love of their husband, the women 
 “ Prepared a last procession. 
 
 “ From love of their husband, the women 
 “ Caused drums to be sounded and songs to be sung. 
 
 “ True wives of the son of Bhuwan, then raised they the cry 
 “ ‘ The bright road let us travel, 
 
 “ * With her husband who refuses to burn, 
 
 “ ‘ Where is her love to her lord ? ’ 
 
 “ At this time, so many 
 “ With earnestness spoke the speech, 
 
 “ Making the true wife’s vow 
 “ To bathe in the bath of fire :— 
 
 “ First, Dolut, the princess, 
 
 “ The Bhatee’s daughter, splendid as Doorga ; 
 
 “ Princess Jushoo, the Chohan, 
 
 “ She whom the people called Mother ; 
 
 “ Of great truth, the Seesodea’s daughter, 
 
 “ Princess Ujub, an increasing moon ; 
 
 “ When the sutees joined the mighty raja 
 “ Their fame cast light around them. 
 
 “ Princess Lai, the Uhuree, 
 
 “ A sutee like Junuk’s daughter ; 3 
 
 “ by the appearance of large fights of locusts, which have entirely overspread the 
 “ country, and utterly destroyed the crops of every kind. This scourge has reduced 
 “ the people to despair, they cannot be induced to sow the seed for the after-crops, 
 “ and the durbar, it is believed, will not recover more than one-fourth of its 
 “ accustomed revenue.” 
 
 1 A name of Shiva. 
 
 1 The sutee’s virtues benefit the families of her father, her mother, and her 
 husband’s father. 
 
 3 Junuk’s daughter is Seeta, the wife of Ram. 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 SIS 
 
 “ Wukhut princess, the Chowra, 
 
 “ Like incarnate Gunga ; 
 
 “ Chund, the Chohan lady, 
 
 “ Who resembled Bhuwanee ; 
 
 “ Like a vision of Parwutee, 
 
 “ Princess Wudun, the vow-performer ; 
 
 “ Concubines both, Nathee and Wuna, 
 
 “ With joy and hope prepared for the pile ; 
 
 “ With the fort-lord, Gumbheer, 
 
 “ The women set forth to bum. 
 
 “ Oomeyda went with joy, 
 
 “For sut-performing she presented herself; 
 
 “ Jusoobaee, the nurse’s daughter, 
 
 “To burn her body prepared ; 
 
 ‘ ‘ An auspicious day perceiving it, 
 
 “To prove their virtue they went forth ; 
 
 “ A double line they formed, 
 
 “ Each line touching their lord. 
 
 “ With words of courage they spoke,— 
 
 “ ‘ This age of iron, frail as a creeping shrub, what is its value? 
 
 “ ‘ To the city of sutees going, we will there remain, 
 
 “ ‘ Our husband’s service we will perform there.’ 
 
 “ With words of courage they spoke, 
 
 “ At the time whose good deeds cannot be destroyed. 1 
 “ Each of them went to her chamber, 
 
 “ To bathe in the Ganges water. 
 
 “ Each of them dressed in handsome clothes, 
 
 “ Each of them assumed her jewels, 
 
 “ Necklaces of pearls 
 “ Each with joy put on. 
 
 ‘ ‘ In great splendour at that time, 
 
 “ Knowing it to be a deed of religion ; 
 
 “ With the royal son of Bhuwan, 
 
 “ The sutees set forth to burn. 
 
 ‘ ‘ In the year called ninety, 
 
 “ In the nineteenth century from Vikrum’s time, 
 
 “ In the time of rain, rain not having fallen, 
 
 “ When the sun had finished half his course, 
 
 “ I n the month of Shrawun, when the moon was dark, 
 
 ‘ ‘ O n the moon’s day, on the eleventh of the month, 
 
 “ Five hours after sun-rise, 
 
 “ Departed the soul of Gumbheer. 
 
 “ That whole day and night the corpse lay in the queen’s apartments 
 “ That the sutees might be ready to accompany it. 
 
 “ When the night departed, 
 
 “ In the morning, they set forth to the pile. 
 
 1 At the time of death, that is, when good deeds cannot be cancelled by any 
 future ill-deed. 3 
 
 L L 
 
5*4 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ Sounded many noises : 
 
 “ The copper drums sounded ; 
 
 “ The smaller drums also ; 
 
 “ Though the task was mournful, it was joyfully accomplished ; 
 
 “ It seemed as if a raja with his ranees set forth on a pilgrimage. 
 
 “ Gumbheer Singh and the queens, 
 
 “ With smiles on their faces, 
 
 “ Seemed the moon sinking to its setting 
 “ Midst a company of stars. 
 
 “ At each step they gained fame ; 
 
 “ At each step they performed a ‘ horse sacrifice.’ 
 
 “ Virtuous gifts they gave as they went; 
 
 “ Abandoning the love of home, 
 
 “ Thinking only of their lord, 
 
 “ Regarding their bodies as blades of grass. 
 
 “ What bardic honor shall I give these sutees? 
 
 “ Call other women ‘ tender ,’ if you will; 
 
 “ These are hardy , 1 strong as warriors. 
 
 “ At the last place 
 “ The sutees arrived, 
 
 “ They worshipped the sun, 
 
 “ They uttered these words,— 
 
 “ ‘ O. Day-causer ! O, Dev ! 
 
 “ ‘ That aidest always the sutee, 
 
 “ ‘ In this good Eedur, 
 
 “ ‘ May I be married in another birth, 
 
 “ ‘ May my husband always be the son of Bhuwan,’ 
 
 “ Thus saying, they made obeisance to the sun, 
 
 “ Remembering their husbands in their hearts. 
 
 “ Turning back, they moved haughtily 
 “ Towards the funeral pile. 
 
 - “ Praise to the Bhatee race, 
 
 “ Whose fame is in the earth ! 
 
 “ Praise to the Seesodeea clan ! 
 
 “ Praise to the clan Chohan ! 
 
 “ Praise to the clan Chowra ! 
 
 “ Whose daughters with their husband departing, 
 
 “ In fire consume their bodies. 
 
 “ Praise to the prince who married you ! 
 
 “ Wives such as you are ships that bear your husband across the ocean 
 “ of existence. 
 
 “ The fame of your race you have increased; 
 
 “ Great joy you have caused to spring up ; 
 
 “ As you repeated the name of Vishnoo, 
 
 “ Good men who heard your words 
 “ Took vows to abandon the world ; 
 
 1 The opposition in the original is between Uhula and Subula , two words com¬ 
 pounded of the word but, strength, with the affixes, U and Su, of negation and 
 affirmation. Ubula is, however, commonly used to mean “ a woman.” 
 
GUMBHEER SINGH. 
 
 515 
 
 “ Cowards began to tremble with shame; 
 
 “ Kshutrees felt their courage inflamed ; 
 
 “ The fame of the Rathor was established. 
 
 “ A great deed of virtue you exhibited to the world, 
 “ With your lord abandoning the body.” 1 
 
 1 The following account of the circumstances which attended and followed the 
 death of Raja Gumbheer Singh is derived from a despatch of the Bombay govern¬ 
 ment to the Court of Directors, dated 8th October, 1833 :— 
 
 “ We have the honor to communicate to your honorable Court the death of 
 “ Gumbheer Singh, the Raja of Eedur, which took place on the 12th August last, 
 “ on which occasion the political commissioner for Goozerat deputed his first 
 “ assistant, Mr. Erskine, to Eedur, with a view to prevent any disturbances arising 
 “ in consequence of this event, and at the same time to signify to the several chiefs 
 “ the desire of the British government to continue the succession in the person of 
 “ the only son of the late raja ; and it is now our painful duty to report to your 
 ‘ ‘ honorable Court the deplorable tragedy which occurred in the performance of 
 “ the funeral rites of the deceased. 
 
 “ The death of the raja, who had been for several days in a state of stupor, was 
 “ for some time concealed, and remained unknown to the mother of the young 
 “ raja until after the funeral ceremony ; but the other seven ranees or wives took 
 “ the resolution of burning with their husband, and, accordingly, early on the 
 “ morning of the 13th August, these infatuated women, two concubines of different 
 “ caste from the raja, one principal personal servant, and four domestic slave 
 “ women, were taken down with the corpse, and burnt with it before the whole 
 “ assembled population of Eedur, the ministers and every person of authority 
 “ aiding in the horrid ceremony. Nor was any effort made by a single person con- 
 “ nected with the raja’s family, or having any influence at Eedur, to dissuade any 
 “ of the parties from taking this fatal step. It is stated by Mr. Erskine that one 
 “ of the ranees was several months advanced in pregnancy, and another, who 
 “ throughout showed a disinclination to the sacrifice, had never cohabited with the 
 “ raja. The eldest in years, who was the second in rank, was aged sixty, and the 
 “ youngest, to whom the raja had only been married nineteen months, was only 
 “ twenty years of age. Notwithstanding the religious prejudices of the people, 
 
 ‘ ‘ an universal feeling of horror and disgust is said to prevail against the principal 
 “ actors in this atrocity, and it is the general belief that if proper means had been 
 “ taken, there would not have been more than three lives sacrificed. It is related 
 “ by an eye-witness, that just before the lighting of the pile, the eldest ranee 
 “ addressed the ministers, saying, that she herself had all along resolved upon im- 
 “ molating herself, and that no expostulations would have any effect upon her, but 
 “ that it was strange that she had not heard a word of dissuasion or compassion 
 “ expressed by any one, and she concluded by desiring them to go and live on the 
 “ plunder they were securing to themselves by the destruction of their chief’s 
 “ whole family. The ministers were influenced by personal interest in sparing the 
 “ life of the surviving ranee, she being the mother of the raja’s only son, and her 
 “ loss might have been prejudicial to their views.” 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 SETTLEMENT OF THE MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 In the year a.d. 1828, the Raja Gumbheer Singh had struck the 
 village of Keeree, which belonged to Futteh Singh, the chief of 
 Roopal. Futteh Singh laid a complaint before Major Miles, the 
 British agent at Pahlunpoor, 1 who then temporarily superintended 
 the Myhee Kanta, and that officer, after a time, decreed that the raja 
 should pay a sum of money for having plundered the village. The 
 sum was much too large, and hence it became a proverb in Eedur 
 that “ the ant (Keeree) has become an elephant.” However, the 
 raja never to the day of his death paid the money, and the chief of 
 Roopal began to think of going out in rebellion, or seizing some 
 substantial hostage from Eedur, in order to procure a ransom for him. 
 Now, Ivhemchund, one of the Eedur ministers, had a brother named 
 Ukhechund, who was a merchant, and about this time Ukhechund 
 put up for a night at Roopal, on his way home to Eedur from Pertap- 
 gurh, with a valuable investment of piece goods, opium, and other 
 merchandise, under the protection of ten matchlock men. The chief 
 of Roopal entertained the merchant very attentively, and the next 
 morning sent off the goods with the escort, and pressed Ukhechund 
 to remain to dinner, promising to see him safe home to Eedur. After 
 dinner he set off with the merchant, attended by ten horsemen, under 
 pretence of an escort, but when he reached a place convenient for 
 his purpose, he made his guest a prisoner, and carried him off into, 
 the forest. The merchant offered to pay any sum that might be 
 demanded as the price of his liberty, but Futteh Singh said it was 
 not money he wanted, but a letter to the minister, Khemchund, to 
 ensure the payment of the sum decreed in compensation for Keeree, 
 or at least an arrangement that nothing should be demanded in the 
 way of tribute from Roopal until that sum were absorbed. The 
 merchant wrote, as he was required to do, to Khemchund, but that 
 minister replied that he had no power in the matter, the Eedur state 
 having been attached by the British government. 2 Upon this, the 
 
 1 Lieutenant Prescott, and not Major Miles, appears to have been the Superin¬ 
 tendent of Pahlunpoor at the time of this award. 
 
 * “ After the death of Gumbheer Singh,” say the Bombay government, in their 
 despatch to the Court of Directors of the 16th September, 1834, “ the powers of the 
 
MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 517 
 
 chief of Roopal proceeded to give Ukhechund much annoyance; he 
 kept him without food for days, beat him, put powder into his ear 
 and set it alight. The merchant now offered to pay double the sum 
 in dispute out of his own means, but Futteh Singh said that would 
 be no use, as he should not be allowed to keep the money. At 
 length Khemchund sent for Soorujmul, of Mondeytee, and told him 
 that he would give him a large sum of money, for which he passed a 
 bond, on condition of obtaining his brother’s release. Soorujmul, 
 therefore, set out from Koowawoo, where he then resided, to look 
 after the chief of Roopal. Now, the Bheels of the village of Wavree 
 were at feud with Roopal, because many of them had been killed by 
 the Rehwur clan, to which Futteh Singh belonged. Soorujmul 
 engaged these Bheels to bring him intelligence of the chief. They 
 disguised themselves in the costume of various wandering tribes, and 
 searched until they discovered where Futteh Singh was. Soorujmul 
 having obtained this information, began privately to raise mercenaries, 
 of whom he assembled two hundred at Ahmednugger and Morasa, 
 and two hundred more at Teentoee. He remained himself at Koo¬ 
 wawoo until he was joined by his vassals’ horse, and then taking the 
 mercenary matchlock men with him, he advanced, guided by the 
 
 “ state had been usurped by a person of disreputable character, named Chajooram, 
 “ who was formerly employed under the late raja’s eldest son, Oomed Singh, and 
 “ succeeded in pillaging that young prince of a considerable property. He was 
 “ afterwards employed by Gumbheer Singh, on the death of Laljee Sahib, as his 
 “ Deewan, and was for some time nominally his prime minister. Gumbheer Singh, 
 “ however, who latterly managed his own affairs, had for some time before his 
 ‘ ‘ death entirely withdrawn all confidence in him, and though he nominally bore 
 “ the name of Deewan till the raja’s death, he was never employed or consulted 
 “ by the raja on the affairs of state. Through the means of Peetojee, the ranee’s 
 “ brother, he found means to ingratiate himself with her, and being assisted by 
 “ Jhalum Singh, the chief of Mondeytee, who has long been associated with him 
 “ in his evil practices, he carried on the whole of the business, and continued the 
 ‘ ‘ system of plunder which he commenced on the occasion of the sutees, reported 
 “ in our letter, dated 8th October, 1833. He was the principal agent in that cruel 
 “ sacrifice of human life, and in consequence of his unfeeling conduct on that oc- 
 ‘ ‘ casion, and his oppression of the ryots in numerous instances, he had rendered 
 “ himself almost universally detested throughout the Eedur districts. * * * As 
 “ it was evident that under this management both the property of the young prince, 
 
 ‘ * of which the British government is the guardian, would suffer most considerably, 
 
 ‘ ‘ and the public revenue be so plundered that the government would find it difficult, 
 “ if not impossible, to perform its engagement with H. H. the Guikowar, the 
 “ Political Commissioner recommended, and we accordingly sanctioned, the ap- 
 “ pointment of a regency during the young raja’s minority, consisting of the follow- 
 “ ing persons, viz. : The Ranee, Durjun Singh of Kookreea (the Prudhan), Humeer 
 “ Singh (of Soor), cousin of the late raja, and Meerjee Shettya, Karbharee of 
 “Jhalum Singh, of Mondeytee.” 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 5*8 
 
 Bheels, towards the Roopal chiefs retreat. As the Mondeytee force 
 came up, a Brahmin, who cooked for Ukhechund, and a Bheel were 
 standing together upon an eminence. Soorujmul’s men fired at them, 
 wounded the Brahmin in the foot, and shot the Bheel dead. When 
 the Roopal chief heard the report of the matchlocks he thrust the 
 merchant into a pit, and stood beside him with a drawn dagger, ready 
 to slay him if he uttered a sound. His son, Gokuljee, stood in like 
 manner beside the Brahmin. Thus they were prevented from raising 
 the alarm, and Soorujmul’s men, having hunted everywhere without 
 discovering them, at length gave up the search, and passed on to 
 Roopal and Chandunee, at which latter place they halted fifteen days. 
 Soorujmul wrote from thence to Khemchund, telling him to forward 
 money for the payment of the mercenaries, but the minister refused 
 to make any advance, and said that Soorujmul had done him mischief 
 instead of good. The troops now began to clamour for pay, and 
 Soorujmul having no means of satisfying them, led them back to 
 Roopal, from which place he drove off the cattle, and took hostages. 
 The animals were priced, and distributed among the mercenaries, and 
 the money which was obtained as ransom for the captives was also 
 shared among them, but their demands were still incompletely satisfied. 
 Soorujmul therefore led his men to Bokhar, a Roopal village, and 
 commenced plundering it. Now, the chief of Roopal had shortly 
 before seized a quantity of opium belonging to a merchant, and 
 placed it in the house of a Brahmin of Bokhar. Soorujmul being 
 informed of the fact, demanded the opium from the Brahmin. The 
 priest and his wife, however, immediately resorted to means of 
 intimidation; they wounded themselves, and sprinkled with their 
 blood those who attempted to enter the house. The Rajpoots, there¬ 
 fore, desisted from their attempt, but carried off the cattle and other 
 property of the village, which was distributed among the troops, as 
 before. The Mondeytee chief, after this, plundered two or three of 
 the Eedur villages, because the minister refused to satisfy his demand. 
 He now retired to a forest, called “ Pharkee,” in the neighbourhood 
 of Mondeytee, and from thence levied contributions on the Eedur 
 villages for grass, opium, tobacco, sugar-cane, and other necessaries. 
 Whenever the villages refused submission to his demands, he 
 plundered them : but the mercenaries’ pay was not made up notwith¬ 
 standing. The mercenaries at Pharkee now fasted for two or three 
 days, compelling Soorujmul to fast also, and they threatened him. 
 He made them promises, and induced them to accompany him to 
 Wuralee, where he encamped beside a reservoir, and laid the sur¬ 
 rounding villages under contribution. 
 
MY.HEE KANTA. 
 
 5 T 9 
 
 In the year a.d. 1835, Raja Kurun Singh, of Ahmednugger, died. 
 Mr. Erskine, the British agent, was then at Wuktapoor, a few miles 
 from that capital. When he heard the news he went to Ahmednugger, 
 to prevent the Ranees becoming sutees. The corpse lay for three 
 days, the belly having been opened and filled with spices. On the 
 third day, some Rajpoot chiefs were sent to Mr. Erskine to urge that 
 the women would not be burned by force, but at their own desire, 
 and that it was their custom from the time of their ancestors. Mr. 
 Erskine detained the ambassadors, but sent no reply. The Rajpoots 
 in the town, therefore, called in Bheels from the surrounding country, 
 and sent word to Soorujmul to advance with his troops, determining 
 that they would burn the women secretly if they could, or otherwise 
 resist the British agent if he came to prevent them by force. Sooruj¬ 
 mul, however, did not come up until it was too late. The Bheels 
 secretly erected a funeral pile on the side of the town furthest 
 removed from the British encampment; they placed within it much 
 cotton, clarified butter, cocoa-nut shells, and other inflammable sub¬ 
 stances. Mr. Erskine had set guards at all the gates of the town, 
 and the Rajpoots therefore opened a new one, and, in the middle 
 of the night, armed themselves, and carried the sutees out by it. 
 There were three Ranees upon whom the desire of accompanying 
 their lord came ; they were daughters of a Deora chief of the house 
 of Seerohee, of the Chowra of Wursora, and of the Rehwur of Runa- 
 sun. The Rajpoots had taken the precaution of placing Bheels to 
 watch Mr. Erskine’s camp, and when the sutees were burned the 
 flame of the pile, rising high into the air, attracted the attention of 
 the British agent, who sent to ascertain the cause. The Bheels op¬ 
 posed this advanced party, and let fly arrows at them. The agent 
 then mounted, and moved on with his force, but the affair was over, 
 and the Rajpoots retired; however, one British officer was shot by 
 the Bheels. 1 
 
 1 Mr. Erskine to the Resident at Baroda, qth February, 1835. 
 
 “ The camp was removed about eight o’clock, and all was quiet till an alarm 
 “ was given, about half-past two o’clock in the morning, that the pile was on fire. 
 “ The Guikowar horse were encamped between the ground we formerly occupied 
 “ and the river, on the banks of which the pile had been erected, and I have been 
 ‘ ‘ informed this morning that the cries and supplications of the women were so 
 “ vociferous, that every man who was asleep started from his bed. Enough 
 “ people to perpetrate the violence were taken, but no more, and the women were 
 “ dragged over a broken part of the wall, on the river side, by these ruffians, 
 
 attended by Kurun Singh’s two sons, and, with the utmost haste, hurried into 
 “ the pile, which, saturated with oil and clarified butter, was set fire to, and the 
 
5 2 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Soorujmul arrived in the neighbourhood of Ahmednugger the day 
 after the death of the sutees, and sent forward a party of horse to 
 reconnoitre. They came to Ahmednugger, and seeing what had 
 happened, returned and reported to the chief, who thereupon moved 
 back again to the reservoir at Wuralee. 
 
 Mr. Erskine wrote to Soorujmul to say, that as he had fled like a 
 hare he would follow him like a hound. The chief thereupon sent 
 his family to Panowra, and retired himself to the celebrated hill, 
 named the Ghoonwo, which is surrounded by a thick forest. The 
 British agent, when he had received reinforcements, moved upon 
 Gota, accompanied by eleven officers. There was a sheep fastened 
 at the door of Soorujmul’s house. A trooper of the British detach¬ 
 ment came to carry it off, and was shot dead. Many other men 
 were killed, and among them, one of the British officers, but the village 
 was not taken. During the night Soorujmul’s aunt, the widow of the 
 Row of Pol, made her escape, under the escort of some Bheels, to 
 Panowra. In the morning the attack was resumed, but noon came, 
 and the village was not yet captured. The Koolee chief of Dhuroee, 
 who was with the British, now asked for permission to break into the 
 village, as he was at feud with Soorujmul. He broke into the place 
 where the horses were picketted, and the troops entered the village 
 and burnt it. Several Rajpoots were killed or wounded; among 
 them, Rutno Rathor fell, after killing many of the assailants : the 
 mark of his sword upon a tree is still pointed out by the villagers. 
 
 “ People say that of old 
 “ The headless corpse fought on, 
 
 “O! man-jewel Rutno ! the tradition 
 “You preserved, brave son of Sher Singh ! 
 
 When Soorujmul, who was at the Ghoonwo hill, a few miles off, 
 heard the report of musketry, and saw the flames of the burning 
 village, he sent out scouts, who learnt what had happened from 
 people whom they met flying from the village, and, returning, gave 
 information to their chief. Upon this, Soorujmul proceeded immedi¬ 
 ately to Gota, with his Rajpoot horse, and four hundred matchlock 
 men. The British detachment was then at the village reservoir; 
 many who had been wounded were already placed in litters and 
 some were refreshing themselves beside the tank. Soorujmul sent 
 
 “ abomination completed. Any attempt to prevent the sutee must have been too 
 “ late, as, when I was informed of the fire, I beheld the extensive blaze, and knew 
 “ that all was over.” 
 
 h or further details, supplied by the English Records, see the note at the end of 
 this chapter. 
 
MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 521 
 
 forward his matchlock men to a ravine, through which the road 
 from Gota to Wuralee passes, and, when the British force moved, he 
 followed them with his horsemen until they fell into the ambuscade, 
 where many of them were killed and wounded. People say that 
 another British officer was killed there. 
 
 The detachment reached Wuralee, and from thence retreated by 
 Eedur to Sadra. 1 Soorujmul returned to the Ghoonwo, and, seizing 
 
 1 The following account of the affair at Gota is derived from a letter addressed 
 to Mr. Erskine by Captain Delamain, dated Eedur, 22nd February, 1835 :— 
 
 “ I have the honor to report that I reached the position stated to be occupied 
 “ by Soorujmul at daybreak yesterday morning, and found it deserted. Upon 
 “enquiry, I was given to understand that he had moved off two days previously 
 “ to, or in the direction of, a village named Gota, about two coss distant, which is 
 “ held by his brother, and it was thought probable that he was staying with him 
 “ in the vicinity. I instantly directed the march upon that village, and on the 
 “ advance-guard riding up the principal avenue of the village, a shot was at once 
 “ directed upon them from a high ghurree, and in a few minutes firing commenced 
 “ in several quarters on both sides. The result has been twenty-five prisoners, 
 “ the whole of the men in the village at the time, exclusive of four or five that were 
 “ killed. 
 
 “ I regret to have to state that the loss we have sustained in this affair is most 
 “ severe, and much more than the object would warrant, could it have been 
 “ anticipated. It was wholly caused by about seven men who had taken position 
 “ in a very strong and lofty ghurree, situated in the midst of a courtyard, without 
 “ the means of ascent, except by a small door which was commanded from the 
 “ apertures of the outhouses forming the court, in the intricacies of which some of 
 ‘ ‘ the enemy were posted. Their shots were unerring, and the whole of their 
 “ defence most creditable to them as men. I before lamented the number of 
 “ casualties. I must now acquaint you, with the greatest concern, that Lieutenant 
 “ Pottinger is among the number killed. He fell most gallantly heading an advance, 
 “ and although brought on to this place, expired about ten o’clock last night. 
 “ His body I have this moment dispatched to your camp to prevent delay, and its 
 “ arrival this letter will, I hope, precede. 
 
 “ The village of Gota was for the most part consumed. I must beg here to 
 “ acquaint you that the intelligence received by you, and communicated to me, as 
 “ to the nature of the country, is most incorrect. It consists of rocky eminences 
 “ covered with dense jungle, and is altogether quite impracticable to cavalry, as 
 “ far as their use is concerned, placing, indeed, infantry at a serious disadvantage. 
 “ This was exemplified on our evacuating the village yesterday. Soorujmul 
 “ (who was at hand) came down with his followers, and opened a fire upon 
 “ the rear of the cavalry through the jungle, killing a trooper. To have attacked 
 “ him was impossible, and would only have added to the loss already sustained 
 “ from him. The infantry I had at this time detached a short way in advance in 
 “ charge of the prisoners, and they were not available. 
 
 “ I had intended halting for the night at Wuralee, but a mistake having caused 
 “ us to advance a coss on this side of it in search of a tank and open ground which 
 “ I had observed in the morning, but which would not answer our purpose, as I 
 “ afterwards found, we continued our march to this place and arrived at eight 
 “ o’clock, the men and horses extremely fatigued. 
 
522 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 a trader of Gulora as a hostage for his subsistence, carried him off to 
 Panowra. The British agent came afterwards with two guns to 
 Ahmednugger and Eedur. At the latter place he sent for Jhalum 
 Singh, of Mondeytee, and told him that he must call in his son. 
 Soorujmul was at this time at Pharkee. Jhalum Singh mentioned to 
 the agent where he was, but at the same time sent to Soorujmul tell¬ 
 ing him to make his escape. When the force reached Pharkee, 
 therefore, Soorujmul had escaped, but he fled so hastily that he left 
 his carpet spread on the ground, and dropped the saddle off his 
 camel; he left behind him, too, the trader whom he had seized. 
 There is a lake called Ghoraduroo, between Pharkee and Pol, beside 
 which Soorujmul halted. The British agent continued to threaten 
 Jhalum Singh, and he, thinking that the troops would not venture to 
 follow him there, mentioned that his son was at Ghoraduroo. How¬ 
 ever, the British troops advanced thither, the chief of Mondeytee 
 having hardly time to send word to his son. Soorujmul fired on the 
 troops and then took to flight. In this retreat his brother, Sher 
 Singh, who was with him, became giddy and had nearly been made 
 prisoner; however, his followers carried him up the mountain side. 
 Soorujmul again retired to Panowra. 
 
 Meanwhile Jhalum Singh, who was at feud with the villagers of 
 Koowawoo because they had sheltered his son when he was at en¬ 
 mity with him, persuaded the British agent that the chief of Roopal 
 and the Ahmednugger rajas, Pruthee Singh and Tukhut Singh, who 
 were in outlawry about the matter of the sutees, and Soorujmul him¬ 
 self, were all of them at Koowawoo. The agent moved to that place, 
 therefore, with a body of cavalry. The bards to whom the village 
 belonged (among whom was the narrator of this story) were summoned 
 to the agent’s presence, and questioned as to where Soorujmul was. 
 They said they did not know, upon which the troops began to batter 
 the town ; the fort wall was destroyed by the cannon, and the village was 
 plundered and burnt. Many of the villagers escaped, but many were 
 taken and carried off with the cattle, which were also seized, to the 
 head quarters of the British force at Wuralee. The troops after this 
 
 “ I herewith send a return of the killed and wounded; the men returned missing 
 “ have probably been taken or killed by the enemy. They were, I imagine, led by 
 “ the hope of plunder to continue in the village after the assembly had been sounded, 
 “ not being aware of the proximity of Soorujmul and his followers.” 
 
 “To effect his capture or destruction will not, I imagine, be easy, as of course 
 “ he will retire from strong to stronger country. With two hundred infantry I do 
 “ not think I should be warranted in attacking his force in country of this de- 
 “ scription. I have no doubt I could make him retire, but the loss on our side 
 “ would be tenfold, and without, I think, corresponding benefit.” 
 
MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 523 
 
 advanced to Panowra to seize Soorujmul; a fight took place there, 
 and an officer and. fifty men of the attacking force were killed. 
 Panowra was taken and burnt, and the inhabitants fled from it. The 
 troops next burned Manpoor, in Me war. Soorujmul and his family 
 meanwhile fled to the hills, and his wife, whose name was Jodheejee, 
 travelled in a miserable condition through these wild places, her feet 
 pierced with thorns, and her strength exhausted with the weight of 
 her little daughter (afterwards married to Raja Jowan Singh, of Eedur), 
 whom she was forced to carry with her on her hip. 
 
 When the British force retired to Sadra, the town of Panowra was 
 restored, and Soorujmul leaving his family there, returned to the 
 neighbourhood of Koowawoo, rushing occasionally from the hills to 
 plunder the territory of Eedur. At this time the principal of an Uteet 
 monastery at Sidhpoor having died, the succession to his authority 
 was disputed by two of his disciples. One of them, whose name was 
 Raj Bhartee, changing his attire to that of a Rajpoot, went out in 
 rebellion and joined Soorujmul. He promised to find pay for that 
 chief’s mercenaries, if he would espouse his cause. Soorujmul 
 agreed, and commenced incursions upon the country around Sidhpoor. 
 One day Soorujmul and Raj Bhartee came with eighteen horsemen, 
 and halted on the banks of the Suruswutee, near Sidhpoor, where 
 they cooked their dinner, giving out to the passers-by that they were 
 people of Eedur, on their way to a celebration of obsequies at Pah- 
 lunpoor. In the evening, however, the Rajpoots entered the market¬ 
 place with the intention of seizing the head merchant of the town. 
 They could not discover this person, and, therefore, went to the 
 house of another mercantile man, named Lukhoo Shet, and asked 
 the clerk where his master was, stating that they wished to cash a 
 bill. The clerk said that he would cash the bill for them without 
 disturbing his master, who was at dinner upstairs. The Rajpoots 
 dismounted, and going upstairs, seized the Shet, whom they hustled 
 out of his house into the street, where one of the party put him on 
 his horse, like a bundle of hay, and the whole gallopped off down 
 the street. The alarm was raised in the market-place, and when the 
 horsemen reached the town gate they found the door swinging on its 
 hinges. One of the Rajpoots abused the doorkeeper, and drew his 
 sword upon him, and he opened the door. Soorujmul and his party 
 now took the road to Oduv. The Guikowar commander in Sidhpoor 
 sent his cavalry in pursuit, but as these had no hope of reward, they 
 followed the Rajpoots leisurely for a time, and then returned home. 
 Soorujmul went on from Oduv to the Ghoonwo and Panowra. Lukhoo 
 Shet petitioned that he might be well treated, and released on paying 
 
524 
 
 RAS MAlX 
 
 a ransom, but Soorujmul, though he assented to the first part of the 
 proposal, declined the second, saying that the Uteet’s affairs must 
 first be settled. The merchant gave Soorujmul bills, which his fol¬ 
 lowers cashed, aud supplied themselves and their prisoner. The 
 mercantile body at Sidhpoor now complained to the government of 
 Baroda, declaring that they would leave the town deserted unless 
 Lukhoo Shet were restored to liberty. The Guikowar ministry, 
 thereupon wrote to Captain Outram, who was then the British agent 
 in the Myhee Kanta, to procure the release of the merchant. That 
 officer advanced to Eedur, and called in all the outlaws on security 
 for their good treatment. First of all came in Soorujmul, and threw 
 down his sword, receiving a pardon from the agent. The chief then 
 said that his mercenaries would harass him for their arrears of pay, 
 and that he had not the means of supporting even himself. Two of 
 the Mondeytee villages were therefore assigned to him, and he dis¬ 
 banded his troops, with the exception of twenty horsemen. He was 
 appointed by the Eedur government captain of the garrison of 
 Bheelora, and his troops were taken into pay. His vassals, also, who 
 had. been out in rebellion, were restored to their estates. His com¬ 
 panion, Raj Bhartee, surrendered to the Guikowar government, who, 
 after detaining him in confinement for some months, accepted a sum 
 of money as an offering, and placed him on the cushion of the mo¬ 
 nastery at Sidhpoor, where he still resides, with the reputation of 
 being a very wealthy man. In a similar manner the outlaws of Ah- 
 mednugger, Roopal, and other places were restored to their homes, 
 and peace was established throughout the territory of Eedur. 
 
 In the year a.d. 1838, Jhalum Singh, the chief of Mondeytee, died, 
 and Soorujmul succeeded him in the possession of his hereditary 
 estate, while his brother, Sher Singh, retained the lands of Rutun- 
 poor and Gota. 
 
 Appended Note on the Final Proceedings in the Myhee Kanta, 
 as described in the English Records. 
 
 Bombay Government Despatch of the l*]th of September, 1835. 
 
 7 When Mr - Erskine arrived at Ahmednugger, on the 16th of February last, 
 whither he had proceeded with a force of three hundred men at his disposal, to put 
 down some disturbances quite distinct from this event, he was informed that Kurun 
 Singh, the rqja of that district, was not expected to live out the day. Mr. Erskine 
 upon this endeavoured to ascertain whether a compulsory sutee with the raja’s 
 
MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 525 
 
 wives, who were seven in number, was contemplated, as in the case of the Eedur 
 raja’s death, in August, 1833. He could not procure any satisfactory information. 
 The raja died late in the evening of the 6th of February, which fact was concealed 
 until the following evening, when it became openly a matter of conversation that 
 five out of seven widows would be sacrificed at the funeral pile. Early on the 
 morning of the 7th, Mr. Erskine summoned to his presence Pruthee Singh, the 
 raja’s eldest son, a youth of about seventeen years of age, and Humeer Singh, of 
 Soor, the deceased’s first cousin, stated to them the detestation entertained by the 
 British government of that inhuman practice, and declared his intention to oppose 
 by every means in his power the observance of a revolting rite, which, if formerly 
 tolerated, was now very justly enacted to be a crime, within its territories, by the 
 British government. The whole of the succeeding day was spent on the part of 
 Pruthee Singh and Humeer Singh in representations of the necessity of the cere¬ 
 mony taking place, and on Mr. Erskine’s, in earnestly entreating their co-operation 
 in his views. Mr. Erskine was perfectly unconscious that the sole object of this 
 discussion was to gain time, and that emissaries had been sent to every village in 
 the Ahmednugger zillah, to collect armed Bheels, and matchlock men, with a de¬ 
 sign of carrying the sutee into effect by main force. Towards the evening large 
 bodies of armed men were observed pouring into the town from every direction, 
 within sight of our camp, on which Mr. Erskine requested the officer commanding 
 the detachment to disarm all such people, as it was plain they were congregating 
 for some evil purpose, since there could be no occasion for that sort of force for the pur¬ 
 pose of burning the raja’s body. One or two parties were disarmed and allowed 
 to go, with a promise that they should get their arms next day. In the meanwhile 
 it was reported that a very large body of armed men was assembled in the fort, and a 
 party of about fifty or sixty Koolees, matchlock men and others, headed by a man 
 said to be kotwal to Kurun Singh, with lighted matches and slung bows, passed 
 close to Lieutenant Lewis, who was on parade underneath the walls of the town. 
 That officer addressed the kotwal, who was on horseback, told him the orders, and 
 requested him to cause the men who followed him to surrender their arms, when 
 the kotwal immediately ordered the men behind him to fire on Lieutenant Lewis. 
 The men unhesitatingly obeyed, and Lieutenant Lewis was shot through the side. 
 The party then ran into the town, the gates of which were immediately closed, and 
 a brisk fire was opened from the ramparts upon our troops, who were within two 
 hundred paces of the wall; and as there were pieces of ordnance in the town, 
 which if mounted during the night, in the bastions, might have destroyed a great 
 number of our men, it was judged advisable to fall back a few hundred paces, Mr. 
 Erskine having in the meantime sent off an express to the military authorities at 
 Ahmedabad and Hursole for artillery to storm the gate, and take possession of the 
 town. Everything remained quiet until about half-past two o’clock the 
 following morning (the 9th), when an alarm was raised that the pile was on fire. 
 It was now too late prevent or impede the atrocity, which was in the act of being 
 perpetrated. The measures taken by the cruel authors of the barbarous proceeding 
 had been but too successful, and the unfortunate women fell a sacrifice to the 
 savage prejudices of their destroyers. We abstain from laying before your Honor¬ 
 able Court the particulars of the horrid transaction, which will be found detailed 
 in Mr. Erskine’s letter, noted in the margin. (This letter will be found in the 
 note at the foot of page 51 9.) 
 
 “ The sanguinary deep completed, the late raja’s two sons, attended by a band 
 of Rajpoots and others, sallied out of the town. In the morning no symptoms of 
 hostility were displayed towards the detachment, except a few shots fired from the 
 fort at the water-carriers going and coming to and from the river, and most of the 
 
526 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 Bheels and Koolees had withdrawn from the town during the night. Mr. Erskine’s 
 information, at this time, led him to believe that the sutee, which was undoubtedly 
 a measure of compulsion as regards the victims, was perpetrated against the will of 
 Pruthee Singh, who was disposed to follow Mr. Erskine’s advice. 
 
 “ An addition to the force, of fifty men from Hursole, arrived in the afternoon 
 of the 9th, and Captain Lardner, the officer in command, had intended to have 
 taken possession of the town that evening, which might have been done without 
 much difficulty, had it not been for the following circumstances :—Some months 
 previous to the occurrence of the sutee, Soorujmul, the eldest son of Jhalum Singh 
 Chohan, chief of Mondeytee, had collected a large body of insurgents, and placed 
 himself at the head of it. The ostensible object of the assembly of that force was 
 to procure the liberation of the Doongurpoor Sowcar, brother to Khemchund, of 
 Khooshalchund Nalchund’s firm of Ahmedabad, and to oppose Heemut Singh 
 and Futteh Singh, of Roopal, with whom he and his connections had long been at 
 enmity. Some unsuccessful conflicts with his enemies, and the importunity of his 
 troops for pay, involved him in trouble ; and observing that excesses on the part of 
 the Thakor of Roopal, in the Doongurpoor territory, had not met with immediate 
 punishment, he thought that he could best employ his followers in general depre¬ 
 dation, and accordingly attacked Durrowee, one of the ghansdana villages, and 
 distributed the pillage among his needy soldiery. Affairs at Eedur were in so dis¬ 
 ordered a state when this was made known to Mr. Erskine, that he thought it ad¬ 
 visable to wait till their settlement before he had recourse to coercion towards 
 Soorujmul, and merely wrote him a letter of advice ; but he subsequently learnt 
 that Soorujmul had attacked Hursole, in Nanee Marwar, another of the ghansdana 
 villages. Mr. Erskine hereupon sent five mohsuls on him, requiring him imme¬ 
 diately to disband his sebundy. He dismissed the five mohsuls, and refused to 
 disband the force. On this twenty mohsuls were sent, but without any beneficial 
 effect. 
 
 “On the 9th February, at four o’clock P.M., intelligence arrived by one of the 
 five mohsuls whom Soorujmul had expelled from his camp that he had encamped 
 at Wuktapoor, four miles from Ahmednugger, with about one thousand Mukranees 
 and sixty or seventy-five horse, with the view of opposing the British troops. On 
 the receipt of this news, Mr. Erskine advised the officer commanding the. detach¬ 
 ment to defer any operations against the town of Ahmednugger for a time, and 
 requested the officer commanding the northern division of the army immediately to 
 send such assistance as he might think fit for subduing SoorujmuPs force and quell¬ 
 ing these extensive disturbances which had arisen. ***** 
 
 “ On the 3rd March the town of Ahmednugger was taken possession of by the 
 British troops, and on the 6th March Mr. Erskine stated his expectation of being 
 shortly able to settle the affairs of the Myhee Kanta. ” 
 
 Bombay Government Despatch of 15 th October, 1835. 
 
 “There were thus three parties of insurgents in arms in the Myhee Kanta : 1st. ] 
 Pruthee Singh and his adherents ; 2nd. The Thakor of Roopal, and his associate, 
 the Thakor of Ghorewara, and their followers ; and, 3rd. Soorujmul and his coad¬ 
 jutors. * * * 
 
 “ Captain Delama in, with a combined force of two hundred infantry, a wing of 
 cavalry, and a hundred and fifty Guikowar horse, marched to attack Soorujmul 
 and on the 17th February reached Wuralee in the Eedur country, where Sooruj¬ 
 mul was said to be encamped. He was found to have retreated ; and, as it was 
 believed that he was at Gota, two miles off, the residence of his brother, Sher Singh, 
 
MYHEE KANTA. 
 
 527 
 
 Captain Delamain resolved on advancing to that town. The place was taken, and 
 four or five of the enemy killed, and all the survivors in the village, twenty-five or 
 thirty in number, were taken prisoners. But our loss was severe, and an officer, 
 Lieutenant Pottinger, of the 17th Regiment, N.I., was killed. This lamented 
 result was occasioned by there being a strong and high ghuree, or fortlet, at the 
 place, which was desperately defended by the men who occupied it, and by our de¬ 
 tachment not being provided with a gun, which, for the service in contemplation 
 when the detachment marched, was not necessary. * * * 
 
 “The field force having been augmented, operations were then commenced 
 against the Thakor of Roopal. At the conclusion of February, 1835, detachments 
 of our troops took, without loss on our side, and destroyed the villages of Kanora 
 and Dodhur, and also a Gosaeen’s mut in the neighbourhood of the latter village, 
 and on the 5th March, 1835, the village of Peermalee, all strongholds of the Roo¬ 
 pal Bheels, and occupied entirely by irreclaimable outlaws. The town of Roopal 
 was also occupied by our troops. * » After the dispersion of the Roopal 
 
 rebels, operations were resumed against Soorujmul by the field force under the com¬ 
 mand of Major Morris, of the 24th Regt., N.I., which, on the nth March arrived 
 before Gorul, one of his principal strongholds in the hills in the neighbourhood of 
 Mondeytee and took it, and dispersed the garrison, with the loss to the enemy of 
 eight killed and seventeen or eighteen wounded. Soorujmul had quitted the place, 
 which was defended by his brother, Sher Singh, and about two hundred or two 
 hundred and fifty Mukranees. * * Towards the middle of March, 1835, 
 
 the force, penetrating further into the hills in pursuit of Soorujmul and his adherents, 
 took and destroyed the strongholds of Pharkee, Panowra, Manpoor, and Badur- 
 wara. The town of Panowra was the residence of a Bheel chief, who had long 
 been the terror of the neighbourhood, and who was Soorujmul’s most persevering 
 and devoted ally. In these operations we had an officer. Lieut. Cruikshank, 17th 
 Regt. N.I., and seventeen sepoys wounded, and the enemy had about 370 men 
 killed and wounded. * * * 
 
 “ The transactions reported in this despatch have, we acknowledge, left a painful 
 impression on our minds, that after the severest sufferings and privation on the part 
 of the troops in toiling through a most rugged and difficult country, with which we 
 are most imperfectly acquainted, the dispersion of the parties who appeared in arms 
 against us has been effected, it is true, but the chiefs have not been captured, and 
 the causes still exist which have always made it so easy in these quarters for an en¬ 
 terprising leader to assemble at any time a body of armed men ready to join him in 
 projects of plunder and depredation. The mass of the population, in fact, in these 
 tracts is warlike, and if not constantly predatory, at least always willing to be so ; 
 and while w'e have no more acquaintance with the country, which is one of such 
 uncommon strength that a few courageous and well-armed men might successfully 
 oppose at almost every step many times their number, and no more connexion with 
 nor influence over the chiefs than those which we now possess, we can scarcely hope 
 to keep in order so many ungovernable spirits w'ithout the employment of over¬ 
 whelming force, and, in short, studding the country with military parties, the expense 
 of which would be enormous. 
 
 “These considerations have led us to entertain thoughts of causing a correct sur¬ 
 vey of the whole of the tract in question to be made, and our president (Sir Robert 
 Grant) has further brought forward a proposition, in which the other members of 
 the Board have concurred, for making an attempt at creating an influence over the 
 warlike population of the Myhee Kanta, and providing for the tranquillity of the 
 country, and fostering its eventual civilization by measures similar to those which 
 have been followed with such success in Candeish.” 
 
528 
 
 ras mala; 
 
 Bombay Government Despatch of 31st Decetnber, 1835. 
 
 “The nature of Captain Outram’s (now Major-General Sir James Outram, K.C.B., 
 Chief Commissioner for the affairs of Oude) duties in Candeish, and the ability and 
 address displayed by that officer in restoring tranquillity in the Dang a few years 
 since, point him out as eminently fit for this important trust. Under these circum¬ 
 stances our president proposed that Captain Outram be directed to proceed im¬ 
 mediately to Goozerat, furnished with instructions grounded on the above sugges¬ 
 tions.” 
 
 Bombay Government Despatch ofifh May, 1836. 
 
 “ Captain Outram himself, in his able and interesting report of the 14th Novem¬ 
 ber, 1835, plainly expresses his judgment to be, that however desirable it might be 
 to conciliate the malcontent or insurgent chiefs in the Myhee Kanta, there are some 
 of them whom it is impossible to treat leniently, men who having openly defied the 
 authority of the British government, must be made a severe example of; who, in 
 short, must be proclaimed outlaws, and given up, when identified, to be executed 
 by the sentence of a drum-head court-martial. In this sentiment Captain Outram 
 was substantially supported by the Political Commissioner, and by several other 
 officers whose opinions are entitled to considerable weight, to the effect generally 
 that further measures of coercion are imperatively called for to ensure the permanent 
 tranquillization of the Myhee Kanta. 
 
 “ After having given the subject the consideration it so well deserves, we resolved 
 to adopt the opposite policy, and to begin by proclaiming an amnesty for the past, 
 and by admitting, without exception, all who are now out in Bahirwuteea to terms, 
 provided they will submit themselves to our authority, and furnish security for 
 their peaceable conduct in future. We are not only sanguine that this policy will 
 be successful, but are fully impressed with the conviction that the pacification of 
 the Myhee Kanta will never be effected by any other means. * * * 
 
 ‘ 1 In the first place it does not appear to us that the principal malcontents (or, as 
 they are called, insurgents), have embraced the lawless courses they pursue from 
 pure love of them, but that they have engaged in them in consequence either of 
 family dissensions, grievances unredressed, or misfortunes which British policy has 
 occasioned. On this point the information before us is defective, but strong grounds 
 exist for believing that the disturbances in the Myhee Kanta owe their origin and 
 long continuance to the above causes, singly or combined. . 
 
 ‘ ‘ In the second place we consider that the severe example which Captain Outram 
 and other officers recommend as an essential preliminary to a valid pacification has 
 already been made. Although in the course of the military operations of last year none 
 of the disaffected chiefs fell into our hands, yet their strength was broken, their fol¬ 
 lowers dispersed, several of their strongholds, towns, and villages burnt, or otherwise 
 destroyed, and a considerable number of their adherents killed, wounded, or taken 
 prisoners. ” 
 
 Bombay Government Despatch of 26th April, 1837. 
 
 {Abstract.) 
 
 Captain Outram assumed charge of his appointment as political agent in the My¬ 
 hee Kanta on the 20th January, 1836. On the 7th February, in compliance with 
 the conciliatory instructions of the government, he dispatched letters to the outlawed 
 chiefs,' requesting their presence in his camp for the conclusion of a settlement on 
 the principle of an amnesty for the past, under specific conditions. The period 
 mentioned in the letters was extended in favour of Soorujmul for ten days, and on 
 the 8th March that chief appeared in the agent’s camp, expressed contrition, and 
 
MYHEE KANTA. 529 
 
 promised, on the grant of pardon, to find security. He then withdrew for the pur¬ 
 pose of providing sureties and dismissing his followers. 
 
 On Captain Outram’s arrival at Eedur about ten days after, however, an agent 
 from the town of Sidhpoor came to request his interference in obtaining the release 
 of the merchant who had been carried off from that place three months before. The 
 British agent immediately addressed a letter to Soorujmul, demanding that the mer¬ 
 chant should be given up within three days, and threatening revocation of pardon 
 on failure of compliance. The government altogether disapproved of this proceed¬ 
 ing, which called forth from Sir Robert Grant the remark, “I have, from the 
 “beginning, feared that Captain Outram took too warlike a view of the mission in 
 “ which he was engaged.” Meanwhile, however, Soorujmul had made answer that 
 the Uteet, who had employed him to assist in capturing the merchant, had carried 
 that person away, and that he therefore could not produce him. The agent con¬ 
 tinued to demand the merchant’s surrender notwithstanding this statement, and 
 Soorujmul was compelled to seek refuge at Panowra. Captain Outram at once pro¬ 
 claimed the chief an outlaw, set a reward upon his head, and started with a detach¬ 
 ment of troops in pursuit of him. The Rana of Panowra, on the advance of the 
 troops, under the apprehension that his town would be again destroyed, as it had 
 been in March, 1835, refused to afford either aid or protection to Soorujmul, and 
 the chief therefore at once surrendered. “ Although,” said the government, “we 
 “could not help rejoicing at Captain Outram’s success, and at the-fortunate result of 
 “his spirited, though somewhat rash, proceedings, yet we deemed the outlawry of 
 “Soorujmul to have been harsh, and the consequent march of our troops unneces¬ 
 sary, but the plan was executed with a skill worthy of Captain Outram, and we 
 “ have no doubt contributed to the event. We therefore caused him to be in¬ 
 formed that we were perfectly willing to admit that success was to be attributed, 
 “not to his instructions, but to his departure from them, enjoining him, however, 
 “ to a strict attention to the spirit of our instructions for the future.” 
 
 On the 7th May, Soorujmul (who had been treated in the interval as a prisoner 
 upon parole) presented himself before the political agent, accompanied by the Sidh¬ 
 poor merchant, and, as their statements of what had occurred agreed, Captain Ou¬ 
 tram thought it advisable to release Soorujmul from arrest without the infliction of 
 any fine, for which unexpected act of clemency the chief appeared to be deeply 
 grateful. 
 
 “ We rejoice,” say the government, “ in being able to report the continued good 
 “ conduct of Soorujmul since his admission to pardon, and we feel pleasure in having 
 “it also in our power to state to your Honorable Court, that his exertions have 
 “ been joined with those of Captain Outram in re-establishing peace and good order 
 “ in the Myhee Kanta. To this chiefs assistance must be, in a great measure, at- 
 “tributed the destruction of the Bahirwuteea Khoomla, and the dispersion of his 
 “ formidable gang.” 
 
 Before the 1st September, 1836, the remaining outlaws had surrendered, and an 
 important object had been gained by the opening of a line of road from Oodeipoor 
 to Eedur, by way of Panowra, the chiefs interested having signified their consent to 
 the exemption of travellers by this road from transit duties for a specific period. 
 
 During the stay of the political agent at Panowra, the exertions of that distin¬ 
 guished officer ‘ ‘ were most successfully directed to quelling border feuds, one of 
 “which, a blood feud, had been handed down from father to son for forty years. 
 “ He likewise took advantage of his presence in the wilder part of the hills to 
 ‘ ‘ obtain the confidence of the border chiefs, who up to that time had experienced 
 “ but few opportunities of seeing Europeans, except as enemies at the head of their 
 “troops; he succeeded in settling numerous disputes and feuds, some of many 
 
 M M 
 
53 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ years’ duration, which had been a source of endless correspondence with the poli¬ 
 tical authorities in Goozerat. So great, indeed, was the confidence which Cap¬ 
 tain Outram inspired, that several Bahirwuteeas spontaneously sought his media¬ 
 tion.” 
 
 We take pleasure in closing the present note with a passage from a letter of Cap¬ 
 tain Outram himself, dated 30th April, 1836, describing the friendly feelings with 
 which, under his conciliatory management, the British troops were received in the 
 districts they passed through :— 
 
 “ Our troops have traversed the country as friends, instead of enemies. The 
 “ Bheels, who at first invariably fled at their approach, were encouraged to come 
 “ back, and astonished at the kind treatment they received. Or, when fears deterred 
 “ them from appearing during the stay of the troops near their villages, they were 
 “ agreeably surprised, on their return, to find nothing destroyed during their absence. 
 “ A personal intercourse was kindly encouraged between the men and the villagers, 
 “ the consequences of which were soon seen in the happy and confident manner in 
 “ which the detachment was met on its return. In fact, the march of the troops in 
 “the Myhee Kanta this year has been a progress of peace, and they have been re- 
 “ ceived as a blessing, instead of avoided as a scourge to the country. ” 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 HINDOO CASTES. 
 
 Having brought our narrative down to the time when British influence 
 became paramount throughout Goozerat, it is our object in these con¬ 
 cluding chapters to present the reader with a general picture of the 
 state of society among the Hindoos of that country as it now exists. 
 1 he task is one of great difficulty, nor can we, even with the assist¬ 
 ance which we possess, hope to perform it in otherwise than a very 
 incomplete manner. I hough India and Britain be not now, as once 
 they were, opposed to each other as Antipodes, 1 still an observation 
 made in reference to other Orientals six centuries ago may be repeated 
 with, in many respects, equal applicability to the Hindoos at the 
 present hour :—“ Is it to be wondered at,” said William Longuespee, 
 on the eve of that bloody field of Massoura in which St. Louis fell a 
 prisoner into the hands of the Saracen,—“ is it to be wondered at if 
 “ we new comers, young men and strangers, are ignorant of the East ? 
 “ As far distant as the East is from the West , so far different are the 
 1 people of the West from these Orientals 2 The numerous restrictions 
 with which Hindoos in their private life are fenced round, render it 
 almost impossible that much private intercourse should take place 
 between them and strangers, and the difficulties of the stranger who 
 wishes to become acquainted with them are materially enhanced if 
 his situation be that of a government official. But the only alterna¬ 
 tive offered to him is one of still greater difficulty—it is simply this, 
 that he should, without an effort to the contrary, remain ignorant of 
 a people among whom the best years of his life must be spent, and so 
 be perpetually misunderstanding and misrepresenting the feelings by 
 which they are actuated, and the facts by which they are surrounded. 
 
 Englishmen seem hardly able to realize the truth that in this nine¬ 
 teenth century a people such as the Hindoos survives, the habits 
 and manners of which bear so much greater an affinity to those which 
 they read of in the pages of Adams and Potter, or ponder over in 
 the dusty saloons of a museum, than to those with which, in daily 
 
 * Nex ipsos Indos lateris a parte orientis, nec ipsos Britannos, a parte Occi- 
 “ dentis/ Arnobius, quoted by Bishop Beveridge. 
 
 2 Vide Matthew Paris’s English History. 
 
HINDOO CASTES. 
 
 533 
 
 life, they are conversant. We have some apprehension, therefore, 
 that the following descriptions may seem to our readers to be derived 
 rather from antiquarian research than from every-day observation of 
 common life. This, we would respectfully urge, is not the case ; 
 much which we represent will doubtless wear an antique appearance, 
 for Hindoo life is, in its outline, at the present time, much what it 
 was in the days of Kurun and Jye Singh, but the things of which we 
 treat are, nevertheless, things which exist. 
 
 The first institution of Hindoo society which forces itself upon 
 the attention of the stranger is that of caste. When Mr. Borradaile 
 counted the castes in Surat in a.d. 1827, at the time that he was 
 employed in collecting and arranging information regarding the cus¬ 
 toms of the Hindoos (a work which has unfortunately been altogether 
 discontinued), he found in that city no less than two hundred and 
 seven. Each of these was more or less restricted from private inter¬ 
 course with all the rest (a subject which we shall have to pursue in 
 some detail ); they could not intermarry, nor even eat the same food, 
 nor drink the same water. 
 
 Originally there were, as is well known, no more than four castes 
 in India,—the Brahmin, or priestly ; the Kshutreeya, or warlike ; the 
 Vaishya, or agricultural and mercantile; and the Shoodra, or menial. 
 It would appear that for some time at least these names designated 
 classes rather than hereditary castes in the modern sense of the term. 
 Shrungee, the Reeshee or Sage, was born, we are told, of a deer, 
 Kousheek sprang from sacrificial grass, Goutum from a hare, Valmeek 
 from a snake’s heap, Dron Acharya from a leaf plate; other sages were 
 the offspring of sailors’ daughters, of prostitutes, of outcaste mothers, 
 of menial servants, but they were, nevertheless, all of them Brahmins. 
 In the Muha Bharut frequent mention is made of the sages sharing 
 the same table with the warriors ; and of Kaleedas, the poet, who was 
 a Brahmin, it is said in other books that he married the raja’s daughter, 
 who was of course a Kshutreeya. 
 
 The celebrated “ seven Reeshees ” were householding Brahmins, 
 and possessed but one wife between them. These, transferred to the 
 heavens as the stars, which we call the Pleiades, shine around Droov, 
 the north star, the portal of Vishnoo’s Paradise, and beside them, in 
 a lesser light, shines their consort Uroondhutee. From the seven 
 sages most of the Brahmins trace their descent. Perhaps the first 
 tangible schism among the Brahmins (for the Hindoo scriptures con- 
 
534 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 tain none of the modern caste names) may be traced to the time of 
 the great Brahminical reformer, Shunkur Acharya, who appeared 
 about a century and a half before Christ to oppose the Buddhist 
 doctrines. He found dissensions existing among the Brahmins 
 themselves, who held each to their favorite “Ved,” and proscribed 
 those who preferred another of the four. The great reformer recom¬ 
 mended that flesh should not be eaten, thus, in concession to the 
 popular appreciation of Buddhism, keeping out of sight the Veds 
 which prescribe animal sacrifice; he also advised that Brahmins 
 should follow the Ved which each held hereditarily, without enmity to 
 the followers of the other three. However, though striving to compose 
 schism, Shunker Acharya was unintentionally the cause of it. After 
 his death his name became a watchword of faction, and Brahmins who 
 were hitherto separated only by the Vindhya range of mountains, be¬ 
 came henceforth divided into two sects, one of whom adopted, and 
 the other opposed the tenets of the reformer. The Goud Brahmins, 
 who retained the use of animal food, and the Dravid Brahmins, who 
 relinquished it, would now no longer consent to drink from each 
 other’s cups. 
 
 The Brahmins of Goozerat are believed to be subdivided into more 
 castes than those of any other part of India. The origin of the Owdich 
 caste, which is the most numerous, has been described in the history 
 of Mool Raj, King of Unhilwara. 1 They were called Owdich because 
 they came from the north, and Suhusra, because those who came on 
 the first occasion were about one thousand in number. From the 
 places of their residence they assumed the names of Sidhpooreea and 
 Seehoreea Owdich, and the branches thus formed gradually fell into 
 distinct customs. The party who continued to refuse the gifts of 
 Mool Raj formed a separate caste, called Tolukeea Owdich. Since 
 that time some of the members of the caste, falling into poverty, and 
 being compelled to accept of the office of family priest to cobblers, 
 tailors, minstrels, and others, and even to Koolees, have been excom¬ 
 municated, and have formed so many further subdivisions. Others, 
 settling in the city of Surat, or passing into the countries of Kutch, 
 Wagur, and Marwar, and there gradually adopting distinct customs 
 from those authorized at home, have separated from the main body 
 of the caste, and assumed such local names as that of Marwar Owdich 
 Brahmins. 
 
 The Shreemalee Brahmins possess a scripture which they assert to 
 be a portion of one of the Poorans. It informs them that their 
 
 1 See pp. 47-49. 
 
HINDOO CASTES. 
 
 535 
 
 ancestors were sent for from all quarters at the time when the city of 
 Shreemal (now called Beenmal), in Jhalor, was founded, and that 
 they then first became a local caste. Magh, one of the most cele¬ 
 brated of the Sanscrit poets, was a Shreemalee Brahmin. When the 
 town of Shreemal fell into decay, many of the Brahmins, bringing 
 their family goddess with them, came to Unhilwara, then in the 
 ascendant, and settled either there or in other parts of Goozerat, or 
 in Kutch or Soreth. Others settled in Marvvar or Mewar. A large 
 number adopted the Jain faith for a subsistence, and were thence 
 called “ Bhojuks ” or “eaters.” The Shreemalee Brahmins are divided 
 into the followers of the Yujoor, and those of the Sam Ved, and 
 there are seven “ gotras,” or tribes, of each, which, however, except 
 in Goozerat, associate and intermarry. As well as the Ovvdich, the 
 Shreemalee caste traces its descent to Goutum, the Sage. There is 
 at the present moment a struggle for supremacy between the two.castes 
 in the western districts of Goozerat. 
 
 Brahmins will usually eat together, though they decline inter¬ 
 marriages. There is, however, one caste of Brahmins in Goozerat, 
 the Nagur, which will not even eat with another caste. The original 
 seat of the Nagur Brahmins in Goozerat was Wurnugger, one of the 
 oldest cities in the province, the foundation of which has been assigned 
 by tradition to the race of Kunuk Sen. When Veesul Dev Chohan 
 built Veesulnugger 1 he caused to be performed a sacrifice, which was 
 attended by many Wurnugger Brahmins. These refused to receive 
 alms from the king, but Veesul Dev, resorting to a stratagem, forced 
 upon some of them the acceptance of grants of land. They were 
 excommunicated by the body of the caste, and founded the Veesul¬ 
 nugger Nagur sect. Similar occurrences at Satod and other places 
 produced the Satodra, the Cheetroda, the Prushunora, and the Krush- 
 unora Nagur Brahmins. Of this caste there is a division called 
 “ Barud,” composed of persons who, finding themselves unable to 
 procure a wife in their own caste, have taken one from another. 
 They are much despised after such a marriage, and compelled to 
 quit their native village; but the sect continues, notwithstanding, to 
 increase. Their women, contrary to ordinary practice, are permitted 
 to remarry. 
 
 These are the principal divisions of the Brahmin sect in Goozerat, 
 though by no means the whole of them. It is usually said that 
 there are eighty-four castes of Brahmins. 
 
 It is stated in the Bhagwut Pooran that Mureechee Reeshee, the 
 
 1 See p. 75. 
 
536 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 son of BrumhA, had a son, Kusyup, whose son, Soorya (the sun) or 
 Veevuswan, became a Kshutreeya. Mureechee’s brother, Utree, had 
 also a son, named Som or Chundra (names of the moon), and he, 
 too, was a warrior. The great majority of the Rajpoot clans deduce 
 their descent from either Soorya or Chundra. In the commentary 
 on a Sanscrit work called “ Rutun Kosh,” it is said that the first of 
 the Kshutreeya race was Munoo, and that from him sprung thirty-six 
 tribes, of whom some acquired surnames by valiant exploits, some 
 attained the rank of kings, others fell to that of cultivators, or even 
 became lost in the Shoodra caste. Chund Bharot states that when 
 the Sages dwelt on Mount Aboo, and were annoyed by the Usoors, or 
 demons, Wushisht, one of their number, created from a sacrificial pit 
 of fire four Kshutreeyas—Pureehar, Solunkhee, Purmar, and Chohan. 
 From these sprung the thirty-six Rajpoot clans, which he thus 
 enumerates:— 
 
 The Sun, the Moon, the Jaduv 1 races, 
 
 Kukoosth, Purmar, and Tonwur, 
 
 Chahoowan, 2 Chalook, 3 
 Chind, 4 Silar, Abheewur, 
 
 Doyamutt, 5 Mukvvan, 6 
 Gurooa Gohil, Gahiloot, 
 
 Chapotkut, 7 Pureehar, 
 
 Rav Rathor the angry, 
 
 Deora, Thank, Sindhuv, Unig, 
 
 Yotik, Pruteehar, Dudheekhuth, 
 
 Karutpal, Kotpal, Hoon, 
 
 Hureetuth, Gor, Kumad, Jutt, 
 
 Dhyanpaluk, Nikoombh great, 
 
 Rajpal lords of earth, 
 
 Kaluchur last of all. 
 
 I have named the thirty-six races. 
 
 The common version now given by bards is that five Rajpoots— 
 urmar, Rathor, Jaduv, Chahoowan, and Solunkhee—sprang from 
 the fire-pit, and that from these descend ninety-nine clans. The 
 ajpoot tribes still maintain that they are true Kshutreeyas, though 
 t e Brahmins deny that the warrior caste has any longer an existence. 
 
 ie reason is to be found in the affected purity, as regards food and 
 ot ler matters, which has crept upon the Brahmins, and in the com- 
 pu sory marnage of Rajpoot ladies with the Mohummedan princes. 
 
 I he Kshutreeya caste is now no longer considered by other Hindoos 
 
 2 Chchan. 
 7 Cho wra. 
 
HINDOO CASTES. 
 
 537 
 
 to be next in rank to the Brahmin; its place has been usurped by the 
 Waneeas, a branch of the Yaishya caste, who will not even drink 
 water with Rajpoots, and “ Brahmin-waneea ” is now a synonymous 
 expression for “ oojulee-wustee,” or high-caste population. dhe 
 Rajpoots use animal food and spirituous liquor, both unclean in the 
 last degree to their puritanic neighbours, and are scrupulous in the 
 observance of only two rules,—those which prohibit the slaughter of 
 cows, and the re-marriage of widows. The clans are not forbidden 
 to eat together, or to intermarry, and cannot be said in these respects 
 to form different castes. 
 
 At the residence of every Rajpoot chief are to be found a number 
 of female servants, either themselves purchased as slaves when young, 
 or the descendants of women who have been thus purchased. T. hey 
 are of all castes, and are frequently even Abyssinians; in Kateewar 
 the usual name for them is Chokree , in the Myhee Kanta it is Wud- 
 harun. These women are reputed to be of easy virtue, and are 
 hardly ever married at all, but if they are it is with a member of their 
 own caste. An intrigue with them is considered disgraceful to a 
 member of another class. When a Wudharun is found to be with 
 child, the Ranee, her mistress, will send for her, and compel her to 
 disclose the name of the father, who, if a wealthy person, is compelled 
 to pay a fine. No fault, however, is imputed to the woman. The 
 children bear the name of Gola, or, if they have been employed in 
 high situations by the chief, that of Khuwas. They remain, however, 
 the slaves of the chief, notwithstanding their promotion. On the 
 marriage of a chief’s daughter, a certain number of male and female 
 slaves form part of the young lady’s dowry. They perform the menial 
 duties of the household, and used sometimes to accompany the 
 corpse of their chief to the funeral pile, and burn themselves there- 
 upon. 
 
 Vaishyas are still employed principally in agriculture and commerce. 
 The most usual cultivators in Goozerat are the Koonbees, who are 
 divided into the three great branches of Lewa, Kuruwa, and Anjuna. 
 They assert themselves to be of Kshutreeya descent, and many of 
 them even use the surnames of Rajpoot clans. Of the trading 
 classes, the principal are the Waneeas, already mentioned, who form 
 eighty-four distinct castes, deriving names principally from districts or 
 towns. These castes are again subdivided, as into right and left 
 hand, or into Dusha and Veesha, names implying degrees of rank, 
 and derived from words signifying ten and twenty. The Waneeas 
 are still further divided by religious differences, as into Meshrees or 
 Vaishnavite Hindoos, and Shrawuks or Jains. The genealogists of 
 
538 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 the Waneeas, Jain monks, or bards, as the case may be, derive their 
 descent commonly from some Rajpoot clan. Intermarriage is not 
 allowed where the parties are reputed to be of the same descent. 
 
 Persons who perform duties which are considered to be menial are 
 classed as Shoodras,—such as barbers, link-bearers, washermen, and 
 others. The aboriginal tribes, Bheels, Koolees, Meenas, Mairs, and 
 others, are also Shoodras, as are the classes sometimes considered to 
 be outcaste. With these, difference of occupation constitutes 
 difference of caste. In the territories of Hindoo chiefs, Shoodras are 
 not permitted to abandon their hereditary occupations, nor are they 
 allowed to dress themselves in handsome clothes, or to build houses 
 of the better class. In former days, the lowest castes were wholly 
 excluded from the towns, and compelled to exhibit a distinguishing 
 dress. 1 The Shoodras have, notwithstanding, their bards and genealo¬ 
 gists, who feed their vanity with the assertion that they were originally 
 Kshutreeyas. Even the outcastes bear the surnames of Chohan, 
 Waghela, and others, and are attended by the Toorees, as their min¬ 
 strels, and the Gurodhas, as their family priests, which latter wear an 
 imitation of the badge of the regenerate, and assert themselves to be 
 of the blood of the Brahmins. The outcastes are, as to religion, 
 frequently followers of Kubeer, who proclaimed the, to them accept-* 
 able, doctrine that one caste was in no way different from another. 
 Even these, however, are subdivided into Dhers and Olganas, of 
 whom the former would be defiled and excommunicated were they to 
 eat with the latter. Lastly, it is necessary to observe, that even the 
 Olgana is still a Hindoo, and superior, as such, to a Mlech, or one 
 who is not a Hindoo. A Mohummedan sovereign, as the story goes, 
 asked his Hindoo minister which was the lowest caste of all. The 
 minister begged for leisure to consider his reply, and having obtained 
 it, went to where the Dhers lived, and said to them, “ You have 
 “ given offence to the padishah. It is his intention to deprive you 
 “ of caste, and make you Mohummedans.” The Dhers, in the great¬ 
 est terror, posted off in a body to the sovereign’s palace, and standing 
 at a respectful distance, shouted at the top of their lungs, “ If we’ve 
 “ offended your majesty, punish us in some other way than that. 
 “ Beat us, fine us, hang us if you like, but don’t make us Mohum- 
 “ medans.” The padishah smiled, and turning to his minister, who 
 sat by affecting to hear nothing of the matter, said, “ So the lowest 
 “ caste is that to which I belong ! ” 
 
 Among the Jains, religion consists principally in the practice of 
 
 1 Vide the story of Jusma, the Odun, p. 86. 
 
HINDOO CASTES. 
 
 539 
 
 austerities, and in the avoiding to destroy life; caste restrictions are 
 not prescribed to them. The Shrawuks, however, practice many 
 usages common to other Hindoos. If one have come into contact 
 with an outcaste, he touches fire or water to purify himself. Like 
 other Hindoos, if he have occasion to receive anything from a Dher, 
 he causes him to set it down on the ground, and then purifies it with 
 fire or water, before he takes it up. Even shepherds and Koolees 
 incur pollution by touching Dhers, which they remove in a similar 
 manner. 
 
 “ The shepherds, Bhugwan and Rodo,” said a Koolee, in the 
 course of his evidence before a criminal court, in Goozerat, in 
 August, 1853, “came to me, and said they had both touched 
 “ Dhers, and become impure, and asked me to give them fire. I 
 “ took a lighted coal out of my hookah, and each of them touched 
 “ his forehead with it. I threw it down, and they then took my 
 “ hookah and smoked.” In other words, they were then purified, 
 otherwise he could not have given them his hookah. 
 
 An additional cause of subdivisions among castes, is the great 
 expense incurred in their public entertainments. A rich person, who 
 desires to render himself popular, will supply at one of these more 
 I costly entertainment than is usually provided, or continue the feast 
 | for a day longer. Others, unwilling to be outdone, exert themselves 
 to follow the precedent, which at length becomes so completely 
 I established that even the poorer members of the caste are compelled 
 : to comply with it, even if they borrow the means of doing so. These 
 latter are glad enough, in this state of things, to avail themselves of 
 the first caste dispute which occurs, as an opportunity for seceding. 
 If a considerable portion of the caste be of one mind, they have no 
 difficulty in effecting a separation; but when the non-contents are 
 ■ few in number, they are subjected to great annoyance. The body of 
 the caste refuse to associate or have any dealings with them, to 
 contract marriages with their children, to furnish them with fire, or to 
 permit them to draw water from the public well. The wives or 
 married daughters of the excommunicated persons are kept from 
 them, and their dead lie unburied, until by submission, or other 
 means, they can prevail upon their caste fellows, who alone are 
 competent to do so, to carry out the corpse to the funeral pile. 
 
 In some castes a man is allowed to marry as many wives as he 
 pleases,—a Rajpoot sometimes marries twenty, an Owdich Brahmin 
 frequently five or six; in other castes, a man may not marry a second 
 time in the lifetime of his first wife. Rajpoots never permit the 
 re-marriage of a widow, but in some of the other castes a woman 
 
540 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 may re-marry more than once. Sometimes it is allowed to a husband 
 and wife, who disagree, to separate by mutual consent, which is 
 signified on the part of the woman by her tearing the hem of her 
 garment, and on that of the man by his giving his wife a deed of 
 release. In some castes it is considered indispensably necessary | 
 that girls should be married before they are twelve years old; in 5 
 others, a husband of high family is much sought for, and women 
 remain unmarried at the age of thirty. Some castes consider the 
 non-performance of certain funeral ceremonies a sufficient ground 
 for excommunication; in other castes these ceremonies are wholly 
 neglected. 
 
 1 here are various restrictions in regard to food, any departure from 
 which subjects a person to excommunication. The general rule is 
 that, food which has been prepared for persons of another, and 
 particularly of an inferior caste, must not be eaten. If food: 
 preparing for a Brahmin be touched by a Shoodra, it is henceforth 
 fit only for Shoodras to eat. In some castes food may not be 
 removed beyond the place in which it has been prepared. There are 
 similar restrictions in regard to vessels. A Brahmin, having used a 
 vessel, must wash it with water before he can use it again, but a 
 Vaishya satisfies the rules of his caste if he clean it with ashes. 
 Vessels of zinc, stone, tin, wood, or earthenware, belonging to people 
 of other castes, cannot be used by Brahmins, and if any such vessel 
 belonging to themselves happened to be touched by a Vaishya or 
 Shoodra, it is rendered useless to them. Scruples in regard to 
 water are sometimes compelled to give way by the necessity of the 
 case. I he general rule, however, is that Hindoos cannot drink 
 water which has been placed in vessels belonging to persons of other 
 castes, and that their own vessels are rendered impure by the touch 
 of these. In Western Goozerat, however, where there is great 
 difficulty about water in the hot weather, it is customary for Brahmins 
 to use brass or copper vessels belonging to persons of other castes, 
 after they have scrubbed them well with dust and water, and washed 
 them. A leathern bucket need only be washed, because, having 
 come originally from the house of the tanner, who is a person of very 
 low caste, it is supposed that no further defilement can happen to it. 
 Some puritanical Brahmins will neither drink water which has been 
 drawn in a leathern bucket, nor even use it for ablutions. In parts 
 of Western Goozerat there is frequently but one well in a village, in 
 which case the outcastes draw water on one side of it and retire, and 
 the Brahmins and other castes, when they are gone, come and draw 
 water from the other side. It is usually the case that there are many 
 
THE CULTIVATORS. 
 
 541 
 
 wells in a village, and that one is specially set apart for outcastes. 
 The well is defiled if a dog or other animal have fallen into it, and 
 for its purification water must be drawn from it five times, and 
 Ganges water or cow’s urine poured into it. If a Brahmin or 
 Waneea woman, returning home with water from the well, meet a 
 funeral, she will sometimes throw away the water at once as defiled, 
 sometimes veil herself, and move aside, averting her face, and, if the 
 
 I corpse be not carried within a few paces of where she stands, the 
 water is preserved from defilement. The dead body of an animal 
 defiles also, and, if one happen to lay on the way to the well, 
 no water is procurable until it has been removed and the ground has 
 been purified. Some women will throw away the water if a crow 
 alight on a vessel and put his beak into it, but, as the case is rather 
 a common one, other women take no notice of it. The custom is, 
 perhaps, connected with a superstition which prevails in Goozerat, as 
 it prevailed in England and other European countries, that the crow 
 is a bird of ill omen. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE CULTIVATORS. 
 
 The cultivators of Goozerat do not live, as those of European 
 countries do, each upon his own farm, but are invariably concentrated 
 into villages. By the term village is strictly meant, not merely the 
 collection of dwellings which the cultivators inhabit, but the whole 
 area which is in their occupation. A large part of the province is, 
 as we have said, covered with groves of stately trees. Where foliage 
 is less common, as in the districts lying contiguous to the Runn of 
 Kutch, a grove of trees is the usual accompaniment of a village, 
 j Like the towns, each village has its neighbouring stream or tank, 
 and most frequently its mosque and temple. The fields are, in the 
 richer parts of the province, enclosed with strong and high permanent 
 hedges, which, with the noble trees that everywhere abound, render 
 ! the country so close, that the boundaries of a field circumscribe the 
 j view, and unless the hum of voices, the whirr of the spinning-wheel, 
 or the barking of dogs, gives him notice of its vicinity, the traveller 
 may enter a village almost unawares. Hedges and trees here swarm 
 with birds, of many varieties, from the peacock to the sparrow; game 
 of all kinds is in the greatest abundance, and monkeys rove about in 
 
542 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 troops, or rather in armies. In other parts of the country, as, for 
 instance, in the territories of the Jhala chieftains, the eye ranges 
 undisturbed as if over a sheet of water, many villages may be 
 distinguished at a single glance, and the presence of a herd of 
 antelopes or the approach of a score of horsemen may be easily 
 perceived at a distance of miles. 
 
 The cultivators are an industrious and orderly class of people, 
 simple in their mode of life. They rise before daybreak, and, 
 throwing grass before their bullocks, busy themselves for a few 
 minutes in certain domestic affairs. By the time the cattle have 
 finished their food, they are themselves ready for the field, to which 
 they now set out, driving the beasts before them. They remain the 
 whole of the day employed in the agricultural operations of the 
 season. About nine o’clock their wives, having prepared their 
 breakfast at home, bring it out to them in the field, and they return 
 home for their evening meal, which is served soon after sunset. 
 Some of the Koonbees, however, eat four times a day. 
 
 The Koonbee, though frequently all submission and prostration 
 when he makes his appearance in a revenue office, is sturdy and bold 
 enough among his own people. He is fond of asserting his 
 independence, and the helplessness of others without his aid, on 
 which subjects he has several proverbs, as, “ Wherever it thunders, 
 “ there the Koonbee is a landholder,” or, “ Tens of millions follow 
 “ the Koonbee, but the Koonbee follows no man.” 1 The Koonbee 
 and his bullocks are inseparables, and, in speaking of the one, it is 
 difficult to dissociate the other. His pride in these animals is 
 excusable, for they are most admirably suited to the circumstances in 
 which nature has placed them, and possess a very widely-extended 
 fame. When Prince Kurun, of Mewar, was received, after his 
 defeat by the Emperor Jehangeer, and that prince was anxious to 
 treat him with unusual respect, he seated him, it is said, on his right 
 hand, and presented him, among other rarities and choice things of 
 every kind, with a pair of the bullocks of Goozerat. The Koonbee, 
 however, frequently exhibits his fondness for his animals in the 
 somewhat peculiar form of most unmeasured abuse. “ May the 
 “ Katees seize you! ” is his objurgation, if in the peninsula of 
 Soreth; if in the Eedur district, or among the mountains, it is then, 
 “ May the tiger kill you ! ”—all over Goozerat, “ May your master 
 “ die ! ” 2 however he means by this, the animal’s former owner— 
 
 1 “Unde vivent oratores si defecerint aratores,” says Ordericus Vitalis. 
 
 2 Vide Dean Swift’s Mrs. Harriss’s petition— 
 
 “ The devil take me (said she, blessing herself) if ever I saw’t.” 
 
THE CULTIVATORS. 
 
 543 
 
 not himself; and when more than usually cautious, he will 
 word his chiding thus, “May the fellow that sold you to me 
 perish ! ” 
 
 When the festival called Ukhaturee comes round, which it does 
 early in Wyeshak (May), the chief of a village collects the cultivators, 
 and tells them that it is time for them to commence work. They 
 say, “ No ! the assessment was too heavy last year, you lay too many 
 “ taxes upon us; besides, we have in truth no master over our heads ; 
 “ people burn our houses, and lay waste our lands, and you afford us 
 “ no protection, and do not go on the war.” The chief makes sundry 
 excuses, the most usual and convenient of which is, that everything 
 is the fault of that rascal of a mehta (his man of business), whom he 
 protests his intention of dismissing at once. As to the cultivators, 
 no one can have greater affection for them than he has; they are, 
 in fact, his sons and daughters. Nor does the chief altogether over¬ 
 state his feelings on this point ; for he is well aware that his lands are 
 of no value to him without the aid of the cultivators, and that in 
 Goozerat, as in other countries of the east, “ In the multitude of 
 “ people is the king’s honour, but in the want of people is the 
 “ destruction of the prince.” 1 After much haggling, and when the 
 chief has presented the head-men of the village with turbans, and 
 made liberal promises of remission of rent, the auspicious day is at 
 length fixed upon and cultivation is commenced. The first step is 
 to remove the stalks of the last year’s wheat or cotton, and to lay 
 down manure, which the cultivators have collected in their dung 
 heaps, or perhaps the slime of a dried-up tank, upon lands intended 
 for irrigation. Plowing, sowing, and the other operations of agricul¬ 
 ture follow in order, a general notion of which may be gathered from 
 the following ballad, entitled “ The Koonbee’s Griefs,” which is a 
 favorite song of the wives of cultivators in Goozerat. 
 
 Hear Shree Krishn ! our prayers ; 
 
 The Koonbee’s griefs we relate. 
 
 Our sorrows remove, thou who art the earth-sustainer ; 
 
 Ram ! as you place us we remain. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 July comes, the clouds rise; 
 
 They begin to pour forth rain ; 
 
 The cart-rope and the goad are in the Koonbee’s hand ; 
 
 Wet is the Koonbee’s body. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 1 Vide Proverbs, xiv. 28. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 Ill August it rains uncertainly; 
 
 Drenched through are both men and women ; 
 
 Says the son’s wife to her father-in-law, 
 
 “ Babajee ! please to plant a little rice.” 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 September comes in well; 
 
 Drenched are the Koonbee women ; 
 
 The children on their hips are crying ; 
 
 Rain-drops fall from the bundles of grass upon their heads. 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 In October, we hoped would come 
 The rain that we were looking for ; 
 
 Jowaree and bajuree 1 are filling in the head ; 
 
 The rice is drying up from the drought. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 In November comes the assessment-maker ; 
 
 At the village boundary he makes up his book : 
 
 The raja’s order is now proclaimed,— 
 
 “ A plant of pulse or a stalk of jowaree you must not remov'e. 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 December has come in well: 
 
 The first instalment has begun to be levied : 
 
 Head-man and accountant mount to the town-house : 
 
 The Koonbee gets many a blow. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 In January is sown the second crop : 
 
 The cotton pods begin to burst; 
 
 Old restrictions are removed, 
 
 But they only make way for new. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 February month has well come in ; 
 
 Green are the village fields : 
 
 The raja’s dues are paid off. 
 
 But frost now threatens to fall. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 March month has well come in, 
 
 But the blight has struck our wheat. 
 
 “ Come, let us leave this place, and fly.” 
 
 It is too late, for the head-man has set his guards. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 In April they meet at the town-house ; 
 
 “ Come, let us have your rent.” 
 
 They plunder the earnings of the widow’s spinning-wheel ; 
 They carry off all by force. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 1 Two kinds of grain, “ large maize ” and “ Holcus spicatus.” 
 
THE CULTIVATORS. 
 
 545 
 
 In May come the landholders, 
 
 They plunder us of the produce of our cows : 
 
 For want of butter-milk the children are crying ; 
 
 But the cursed ones go on with their snatching. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 June month has come in well; 
 
 The angry Koonbee is appeased : 
 
 Oaths and promises they pledge to him— 
 
 He spreads his fields with manure. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 The twelve months’ round is finished, 
 
 In Roopa the Koonbee’s song. 
 
 Whoever learns it, or hears it sung, 
 
 Will be advanced towards Vishnoo’s heaven. 
 
 Hear, Shree Krishn ! our prayers. 
 
 When the crop is ripe, the raja or chief goes in person, or sends 
 his man of business, to assess the fields. This is done in different 
 ways, of which the most common are the following The land¬ 
 holder, or his agent, taking with him the head-man of the village, 
 goes to each field. The head-man points out what he considers to 
 be the amount of the crop—for example, that in his'opinion there will 
 be so many measures of grain on each acre. The landholder, too, 
 makes his own calculation. The cultivator, when he hears the 
 amount of the latter, breaks in with the exclamation, “ Lord of the 
 “ earth ! so much as that will never be produced ; and I, who am a 
 “ poor man, will be utterly destroyed ! ” Much haggling takes place ; 
 and at length a conclusion is come to which the Koonbee is sure to 
 protest against, though the result be far more favorable than he 
 anticipated. The cultivator now furnishes security that he will pay 
 the landlord’s share, and receives permission to cut his crop. 
 
 The landholder’s share of the produce is different in different 
 places—sometimes, as in Jhalawar, about one-third ; sometimes a 
 half, or two-thirds. Rice-crops, and others which are watered from 
 tanks or wells, pay frequently one-third; autumnal crops of wheat 
 and barley, on irrigated land, frequently a fourth. In some cases, 
 the landlord’s share of the produce is nominally very small; but his 
 revenue is made up by a poll-tax on the bullocks and labourers 
 employed. In regard to autumnal crops of wheat, raised without 
 irrigation (called chasheea), which are very common in the Bhal and 
 other districts, a wholly different system was invented by a Rajpoot 
 landholder of the Choorasuma clan. According to this system the 
 number of the triple furrows made by the plough in sowing are 
 
 N N 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 546 
 
 counted. One part of the field will probably bear a better crop 
 than another part; and three divisions of the field are therefore 
 generally made. The first, middle, and last furrows of each division 
 are then cut, and the grain threshed out and weighed. The amount 
 is multiplied by the number of furrows, and the average produce thus 
 ascertained. A maund per acre is deducted for seed, and ten per 
 cent, for the cultivators’ labour. The remainder is divided into two 
 equal shares, of which the landlord takes one, and the cultivator the 
 other. 
 
 The most ancient system of assessment, however, is as follows :— 
 The cultivators are allowed to cut their grain, under the restriction 
 that they pile it in separate heaps in the village grain-yard. The 
 grain is threshed out by bullocks. There is now a grand meeting of 
 landlords, village head-men, men of business, waneeas to weigh the 
 grain, cultivators, and watchmen, at the granary ; and the grain is 
 weighed and distributed. First, about a fortieth part is set aside as 
 a fee to the chieftain; next, something less, for the man of business, 
 the village-sergeant, pocket-money for the chief’s heir-apparent, the 
 village watchman, the waneeo who weighs the grain, the head-men of 
 the village, the temple of the Devee, or of Vishnoo, the tank, the 
 dogs, and other petty claims, too numerous to detail. When the 
 weighing out is nearly finished, the cultivator will lay hands forcibly 
 on the weights, and cry, “ That is enough now and the remnant is 
 left to him, under the name of “spoiled.” When all claims have 
 been satisfied, the remainder of the grain is equally divided between 
 the cultivator and the landlord. The ancient practice appears to 
 have been merely to measure roughly with a basket, without j 
 weighing. 1 
 
 When a chief has to portion a daughter, or to incur other similar i 
 necessary expense, he has the right of imposing a levy upon the ] 
 cultivators to meet it. He sometimes also gives to the genealogical j 
 bard of the family, or to some other person of the mendicant class, j 
 . the right of receiving a small duty upon each plough, or of taking a 
 measure of grain from every heap in the grain-yard. These grants i 
 may be made for a single year or permanently. Sometimes the tax | 
 is laid in the shape of a certain sum to be realized out of the revenue ] 
 of each of the chief’s villages. 
 
 It is unfortunately matter of notoriety that, speaking generally, all 
 the cultivators and holders of land in Goozerat are in debt to such 1 
 
 1 An improved revenue system is gradually maturing in the districts subject to 
 the British government, to which we can only here allude. 
 
THE CULTIVATORS. 
 
 547 
 
 an extent that they have no means of their own of extricating them¬ 
 selves from their difficulties. The creditors are for the most part 
 Goozerat waneeas of the Meshree (Vaishnavite) or Shrawuk (Jain) 
 classes. A waneeo commencing life spends his time partly in a large 
 town and partly in some remote .country village. He borrows a few 
 rupees at interest in the town, with which he purchases small supplies 
 of clarified butter, oil, molasses, and other such articles, and thus 
 stocks his village shop. The cultivators having no money at hand, 
 barter small quantities of their grain or cotton for as much oil as will 
 keep their evening lamp burning for an hour, or for little supplies of 
 groceries. They are perfectly unaware of the market value of their 
 raw produce, and are quite satisfied that they have made a bargain if 
 the waneeo, with a politic show of liberality, throws in a little more ot 
 the article he is selling under the name of a bonus. Having collected 
 a sufficient quantity of raw produce, the trader carries it to the town, 
 and sells it there at a favorable rate, and his capital thus augmented, 
 he returns to the village to commence operations on a larger scale. 
 A cultivator, perhaps, has lost his bullock; the waneeo steps forward 
 immediately to lend him money, at interest, to supply his loss. Or, 
 perhaps, the Koonbee is engaged in marrying his child, or in perform¬ 
 ing the funeral rites of his parent; the trader will advance him money 
 to supply him with the clarified butter, molasses, clothes, or other 
 articles which are indispensable on these occasions, charging for them 
 twice their value. Sometimes the cultivator prefers to make his own 
 purchases in the town, but he must then take the waneeo with him 
 to act as broker between him and the town dealer, for he feels that 
 the latter will otherwise charge him anything he pleases, and besides 
 he has no money, and cannot borrow it except from the village 
 lender, for the curious feeling in regard to rights, which is so preva¬ 
 lent among the Hindoos, applies here, and the village waneeo will 
 consider his property invaded if any other trader propose to deal 
 with his constituents. On these transactions the waneeo of course 
 gains largely. Sometimes, however, he will say to the cultivator, “ I 
 “ have no ready money, but if you will tell me what you want we will 
 “ go together and purchase it, and it shall be put down to my account.” 
 He takes care, moreover, to hint to his victim what praises he has 
 heard of the liberality of the family, and how necessary it is that 
 their honor should be maintained by a large expenditure on the 
 present occasion. He adds, that such celebrations do not happen 
 every day, but only once or twice in a lifetime, that the money will 
 not be thrown away, and that nothing is easier than to make it up 
 again. He will also say, “ I have every confidence in you, and am 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 548 
 
 “ ready to advance you any sum you wish.” In this way, flattering 
 his pride, he easily plunges him deeply into debt. 
 
 There is nothing more adverse to the prosperity of the Hindoos 
 than this unfortunate feeling of theirs in regard to money and expendi¬ 
 ture. With them a mercantile man has “abroo” (honor), he is a 
 respectable man, nay, a great man—“ a muhajun by which they 
 merely mean that he is wealthy, though he may be, indeed he too 
 frequently is, selfish meanness itself. Similarly, a landowner or 
 cultivator is “ dheerujwalo a courageous, high-spirited man—that 
 is to say, he plunges himself into irretrievable difficulties, merely 
 because he has not strength of mind sufficient to enable him to de¬ 
 spise the tittle-tattle of his neighbourhood. 
 
 But, to return to our waneeoWhen the occasion for all this ex¬ 
 travagant expenditure has passed away, the waneeo demands his bond. 
 He tells the cultivator, “ You have so much to pay to the ghee-dealer, 
 “ so much to the cloth-seller,” and so on, to all of which the cultivator 
 assents. The waneeo says, “ Now give me my kothulee clioramun ,” 
 meaning a fee for loosening the purse-strings, which must be paid in 
 ready money, for luck, or as a good omen. The cultivator procures 
 one per cent., in ready money, from wherever he can, and pays it. 
 He has further, also, to make a present, not only to the person who 
 writes, but also to those who attest the bond. Interest is stipulated 
 for at two per cent, per mensem, or, if the terms are unusually 
 moderate, at one. The bond prepared, the cultivator scrawls beneath 
 it his mark—a rude representation of a plough. When the next crop 
 is ready, and the government share has been paid, the creditor exerts 
 himself to carry off all that remains; the cultivator, with much 
 entreaty, obtains enough to subsist upon for a short time, and he is 
 credited on account of the remainder with whatever the waneeo may 
 be pleased to allow him. Sometimes the trader carries off nearly the 
 whole, and, when the cultivator talks about a subsistence, says, “ What 
 “ need you care ? When yours is done you can have as much as you 
 “ like from my shop.” Thus the cultivator is driven to the waneeo’s 
 shop for grain to eat, and grain to sow his field with. T. he terms of 
 lending are, that the borrower shall repay twice the quantity of grain 
 he takes away, when his crop ripens. The next harvest comes round, 
 but now all the grain which is left, after the payment of the govern¬ 
 ment demands, goes to pay for that which was borrowed last year, 
 and there is nothing left to pay the interest of the bond. This, then, 
 must be added to the principal, and so the bond goes on swelling 
 year by year—the trader (who is well aware of the practice of the 
 courts of justice) taking care to have it periodically renewed, and 
 
THE CULTIVATORS. 
 
 549 
 
 carefully closing every loop-hole through which his victim might 
 escape. 1 
 
 The creditor will now probably reside principally in the town, and 
 on his occasional visits to the village he puts up at the house of his 
 debtor, who is obliged to maintain him as long as he remains there. 
 If the waneeo have a son to marry, or a pilgrimage to perform, the 
 debtor is obliged to lend him his cart and bullocks, and on such oc¬ 
 casions he must also come forward with the usual present. The 
 money-lender has by this time begun to assume a very high tone, 
 and to demand payment, threatening to sell the cultivator’s house or 
 his bullocks; in fact, as a villager would say, “ He becomes more 
 !' “ oppressive than a raja.” 
 
 In a few years the waneeo, having thus made himself the master of 
 numerous cultivators, amasses a large sum of money. He now turns 
 his attention to a higher prey, and seeks to become the creditor of 
 local chiefs and landowners. His first step is to get himself intro¬ 
 duced to the chiefs man of business, whom he gains over by gifts 
 and promises. This agent accordingly takes the first opportunity of 
 praising the trader in the chief’s presence, and intimating his readiness 
 to advance as much money as may be wished for. When occasion 
 arrives, money is accordingly borrowed from the Sowkar or Shet (at 
 which dignity the waneeo has now arrived), and the man of business 
 prepares a bond, and brings it to the landowner for his signature. 
 The chief haggles like a child for a sum of ready money to be pre¬ 
 sented to him as the price of his affixing his seal, but cares little or 
 nothing about what there is in the bond, never reflecting for a mo¬ 
 ment that he is likely to be called upon to fulfil his agreement. A 
 few transactions of this kind lead to the inevitable termination. The 
 Sowkar sues in the Court of Justice; the man of business (who has 
 carefully abstained from keeping any account, lest his own peculations 
 should be exposed) deserts his master in the hour of need; the chief 
 attempts to defend the suit, and while he admits that he has signed 
 the bond, urges that he is not really indebted to one-tenth of the 
 extent asserted; he is informed that he must produce his accounts in 
 order to prove his defence, and when he states that his agent never 
 kept any, is told further that this is merely a false statement, made 
 because the production of the books called for would prove the 
 
 1 The very poverty of these usurers makes them unmerciful creditors. “ A rich 
 “ oppressor,” it has been said, “leaves a man poor, but a poor oppressor leaves 
 , “ to him nothing.” 
 
 “ A poor man that oppresseth the poor, is a sweeping rain which leaveth no 
 “ food.”—Proverbs, xxviii. 3. 
 
55 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 validity of the plaintiff’s claim. The chief has, of course, no further 
 defence; a decree is therefore passed, and his estate is attached. 
 
 We shall return to this subject in a following chapter; meanwhile, 
 we beg of our readers to believe that although we have selected a 
 prominent case as best suited to the purpose of illustration, we have, 
 nevertheless, truly described a system which, with local modifications, 
 still exists throughout the province of Goozerat. 1 
 
 1 Mr. Elphinstone, in a.d. 1821, alludes to this subject, in speaking of “ the 
 “ hardship felt by the ryots from the exaction of the debts contracted by them 
 “ during the Mahratta government, under the decrees of the Adawlut. ” 
 
 “ The root of the grievance,” he says, “ seems to be in the readiness with which 
 “ a bond is admitted as sufficient evidence of the justice of a claim. In this case 
 “it is by no means so, for a ryot is easily drawn by occasional advances and par- 
 “ tial payments into a complicated account, which it is impossible for him to un- 
 “ ravel. This account presents a great balance in the lender’s favour, and as the 
 “ practice is for the ryot to give up his produce each year in part payment, and to 
 ‘ ‘ take an advance to enable him to go on with the next, he is so completely in the 
 “ lender’s power that he would sign anything rather than disoblige him. The 
 “ remedy, therefore, is to settle that in new provinces a bond shall not be conclu- 
 “ sive when originating in an old debt of a>ryot, but that his whole account shall 
 “ be examined as if no bond had been executed, and only the amount which shall 
 “ then appear fair decreed to the plaintiff. If the debts could be paid by instal- 
 “ ments, regulated by the amount of the ryot’s payment to government, it would 
 “ complete the removal of the evil; but, at all events, steps should be taken to 
 “ prohibit the sale of a ryot’s cattle and implements of husbandry in satisfaction 
 “ of debts.” 
 
 The Mongol Tartars appear to suffer at the hands of Chinese usurers in the same 
 way that the Koonbees of Goozerat do at the hands of the Waneeas : — 
 
 “ ‘ They came to us,’ says a Mongol, ‘ imploring arms; we allowed them, out of 
 “ compassion, to cultivate a little ground, and the Mongols followed their example. 
 “ They drank the Chinese wine, and smoked their tobacco ; on credit they bought 
 “ their cloth, and then, when the time came for settling accounts, all was charged 
 “ forty or fifty per cent, more than its value. Then the Mongols were forced to 
 “ leave all—houses, lands, and flocks.' 
 
 “ ‘ Could you not ask justice from the tribunals? 
 
 “ ‘ Oh, that is impossible ! The Kitat knows how to speak and to lie— a Mongol 
 “ can never gain a lawsuit from a Chinese. My lord Lamas,—all is lost for the 
 “ kingdom of Gechekten.’ ” 
 
 See M. Hue’s “Travels in Tartary, translated by Mrs. Percy Sinnett. In 
 another part of the work we have a description of the same state of things by an 
 “ enormously fat Kitat,” who describes himself as “an eater of Tartars and 
 thus accounts for the name :— 
 
 “ ‘What! don’t you know the Tartars? Don’t you know that they are as 
 “ simple as children when they come into our towns? They want to have every- 
 “ thing they see ; they seldom have any money, but we come to their help. We 
 “give them goods on credit, and then, of course, they must pay rather high. 
 “ When people take away goods without leaving the money, of course there must 
 “be a little interest of thirty or forty per cent. Then by degrees the interest 
 “ mounts up, and you come to compound interest; but that’s only with the Tartars. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 TOWN-LIFE—BRAHMINS—WANEEAS—RAJPOOTS—BARDS. 
 
 In Goozerat the same rooms occur in all town houses, and in the 
 same order, but the necessities of the site frequently alter the general 
 outline of the building. In country villages, the houses contain, 
 commonly, only the two rooms called “ ordo ” and “ pursal,” with a 
 broad veranda, supported on wooden pillars, in front of the latter. 
 Houses are built for the most part of burnt brick, and are covered 
 with tiles. 
 
 The towns are usually surrounded by a wall, and divided, inter¬ 
 nally, into mehelas, or wards, each of which contains many houses, 
 but has only one public gateway, and constitutes a species of inner 
 castle. The only public buildings, with the exception of government 
 offices, are those which are devoted to religious purposes—mosques, 
 temples, serais, Jain convents. A river, or large artificial reservoir, is 
 
 “ In China the laws forbid it; but we who are obliged to run about the land of 
 “ grass—we may well ask for a little extra profit. Isn’t that fair? A Tartar debt 
 ‘ ‘ is never paid : it goes on from generation to generation ; every year one goes to 
 “ get the interest, and it is paid in sheep, oxen, camels, horses—all that is a great 
 “ deal better than money. We get the beasts at a low price, and we sell them at 
 “ a very good price in the market. Oh ! it’s a capital thing, a Tartar debt ! It’s 
 ‘ ‘ a mine of gold. ’ 
 
 “ The Yao Chang Ti (collector of debts),” adds M. Hue, “ accompanied this 
 “ explanation of his mode of doing business with peals of laughter.” 
 
 It is not only among Tartars and Hindoos, however, that such practices prevail. 
 What will our readers say of the following account of a very similar state of things ? 
 The extract is from “ England as it is in the Middle of the Nineteenth Century,” 
 by William Johnston, Esq. Murray. 1851. Vol. ii., p. 200. 
 
 “ ‘ The cause of the high price of village shops,’ continues this gentleman (Mr. 
 Johnston is quoting from a clergyman of Kent), ‘arises, I apprehend, from want 
 “ of competition. A labourer (it is considered) is allowed credit for a small 
 “ amount, and then obliged to deal, under fear of having his debt called for, and 
 “ of thus being left destitute for the time. It may be true that the shopkeeper, by 
 “ deaths and other causes, loses money, but with such large profits the effect is 
 ‘ ‘ slight ; and as he knows everybody, he has good tact, and generally avoids a bad 
 “ creditor. Millers commonly pursue the same system. Blankets are double the 
 “ price of a wholesale shop in London ; shoes, too, are excessively high. The 
 ‘ ‘ labourer, in consequence, finds himself ill off, and complains that he cannot live 
 “ upon his wages, when, in fact, he cannot lay them out to advantage. Averages 
 ‘ ‘ and quotations serve little purpose ; ‘ Deal here, or pay your debt ’ is the practical 
 ‘ ‘ argument. I believe one great cause of the bad condition of the poor is to be 
 “ found in this.” 
 
552 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 the usual accompaniment of every town of any consideration, and 
 places of worship are more or less numerous in its vicinity. 
 
 The daily routine of small householders of the Brahmin-Waneea 
 class in towns is somewhat as follows. They rise from their beds 
 about four o’clock in the morning, repeating the name of their tute¬ 
 lary divinity, as, O ! Muha Dev, O ! Thakorjee (Vishnoo), O ! Umba 
 Mother. The pundit, or Sanscrit scholar, mutters a verse—“ I call 
 “ to mind in the morning, the lord of the deities, the destroyer of the 
 “ fear of death.” The Bhugut, or religious layman, chants the praises 
 of his deity in the vernacular stanzas of some poet ; or, perhaps, in 
 “ mental worship,” passes over such things as the following in his 
 mind :— 
 
 “ My Dev is asleep, in a fine mansion, upon a fine bed. I approach 
 “ him and rub his feet, upon which he awakes, and, throwing a shawl 
 “ over his shoulders, rises from his couch. I wash his feet with warm 
 “ water, and anoint him with scented oils and perfumes. I cause 
 “ him to bathe in warm water, and put upon him a garment of yellow 
 “ silk, and a pair of shawls, and fetch him a stool to sit upon. I 
 “ then make the teeluk upon his forehead, adorn him with gold 
 “ ornaments, and hang garlands of flowers about his neck, burn 
 “ incense, and light lamps before him, and set before him rice-milk 
 “ and sugar to eat. I then wave the artee before him, and put upon 
 “ him a crown, a body-coat, a waistband, and other clothes. I then 
 “ prostrate myself before him, and pray to him, and the Dev is 
 “ pleased with me.” 
 
 The ceremony called ailee , or aratreek, will be explained in a sub¬ 
 sequent chapter. 
 
 Brahmins and Bhuguts are frequently under the vow to bathe 
 before sunrise, in which case, as soon as they are risen, and have 
 said their prayers, they either bathe in warm water at home, or set ofl 
 for that purpose to the tank or the river. After bathing they assume 
 a silk garment that has been washed the day before, and worship. 
 Each Brahmin has, in the Dev-mundeer, within his house, a small 
 throne, upon which seven or eight idols are placed, as the Shalagram 
 stone (a representative of Vishnoo), Bal Mookoond (the same deity 
 in the form of the infant Krishn), Shiva, Gunputee, Doorga Devee, 
 Sooruj (the sun), Hunooman, or others. These images are washed, 
 dressed in clothes and crowns, presented with flowers and other 
 offerings, and worshipped with the “ sixteen services ” which will 
 hereafter be described. The morning worship of a Brahmin is 
 sometimes thus performed :—He praises the sun, and offers to him 
 oblations; he then thrusts his right hand into a cloth bag, called a 
 
BRAHMINS-WANEEAS. 
 
 553 
 
 “ cow’s-mouth,” which contains a rosary of one hundred and eight 
 beads of the Roodrdksh 1 tree, which he tells over, repeating the 
 mystic Gayutree for each bead, or the name of his patron god. 
 Sometimes the Brahmin tells his beads four or five times over. He 
 
 I is now ready to take his breakfast. 
 
 The eating-room is on one side of the open court, in the centre of 
 the house. The usual meals are two in number; but rich people 
 sometimes eat four times a day. Breakfast is taken about ten or 
 eleven in the forenoon, after ablutions and worship. Brahmins wash 
 the whole body again before eating; Kshutrees and Vaishyas only 
 the hands and feet. They then assume the yellow silk vestment, 
 which covers them from the waist downwards, and is the sole article 
 : of dress worn at meals. Each person has a small oblong wooden 
 stool to sit upon, and the food is placed on a similar stool or short¬ 
 legged table. The vessels used are brass or copper brass—a flat 
 round dish, containing bread and preserves, or condiments, and two 
 or three cups of pottage and vegetables. The water-vessel, of silver 
 or brass, with a small drinking-cup set upon it, stands on one side. 
 The second course is composed of rice and curds, or similar food. 
 On great occasions, however, the fare is more varied and costly. 
 
 Ablutions after meals are confined to the hands and face. The 
 men of the family eat at the same table ; then the women clean the 
 same vessels, and use them for their own breakfast. The servants 
 take their food after the family breakfast is finished, and they use 
 different vessels. The men chew betel-nut after meals, to prevent 
 their incurring defilement from the touch of a person of lower caste. 
 Such pollution, however, when it occurs, is remediable by the use of 
 I “ punch-guvya,” or the five articles derived from the cow, and by 
 fasting for the remainder of the day. 
 
 The second meal, which is a lighter one, is eaten at about eight in 
 ; the evening. 
 
 A Brahmin preparing for dinner makes a place called “ choko,” 
 the floor of which he spreads with cow-dung and earth, moistened 
 with water. When at home, his own “ rusodo,” or cooking-room, is 
 the place employed; but, if necessary, the choko may be made 
 
 under the shade of a hedge by the way-side, or in any other con¬ 
 
 venient place. Upon the choko he raises a little temporary stove, 
 
 \ which he smears in like manner with cow-dung, and thereupon he 
 
 cooks his food. The Poorbeea, or Eastern Brahmins, carry their 
 
 exclusive notions upon this point to such a length that brothers even 
 
 1 Eloecarpus ganitrus. 
 
554 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 are forbidden to use the same choko, nor may one take fire from the 
 stove of another. Hence the saying, £< Twelve Poorbeeas and thir- 
 “ teen chokos,” because with that number of Brahmins an extra stove 
 would be required for the fire alone. 
 
 The Brahmin, when his food is ready, before eating, performs 
 “ Turpunthat is to say, he fills a copper cup with water, and puts 
 therein a few grains of barley, some sesamum, leaves of the sacred 
 basil-tree, sandal, &c., then holding some sacrificial grass, he fills his 
 joined hands with water, which he pours back again into the cup, 
 saying, “ I offer (make turpun of) this water to all the Devs.'’ He 
 proceeds to make similar offerings of water to men, animals, trees, 
 rivers, seas, Bhoots, Prets, Reshees, progenitors, and others. Then 
 he mentions the names, as many as he can recollect, of his father’s 
 ancestors, his mother’s ancestors, and his own deceased friends. He 
 now performs hom , or fire-sacrifice, by throwing a portion of rice and 
 clarified butter into a little copper or earthen vessel, containing fire, 
 repeating, while so employed, the names of the Devs. TL he Brahmin 
 sets aside five portions of food, for cows, beggars, dogs, ants, and 
 crows. He then takes a little of each dish, and offers it to the Dev, 
 in a vessel containing five divisions. He now sits down to his break¬ 
 fast ; but, before commencing, repeats the Gayutree over a handful 
 of water, with which he sprinkles his own food, and three portions 
 which he sets apart for Brumha, Vishnoo, and Shiva. I he first five 
 mouthfuls he swallows are for the “ Punchpran,” or five airs supposed 
 to be in the body and necessary to existence. At the conclusion of 
 his repast, he deposits upon the ground a little of what remains, as 
 an offering on behalf of the spirits residing in hell. This will no 
 doubt appear to the reader to be a very elaborate and painful cere¬ 
 monial ; but long practice enables the Brahmin to acquit himself of 
 the performance in less time than is occupied in the description. 
 
 Brahmins frequently consider it necessary that they should observe 
 practices of peculiar difficulty in order to maintain their superiority 
 over the other castes. Of these the most strict is an observance of 
 the Nagur Brahmins, called “ Nuven,” or “ purity in regard to food.” 
 The Brahmin, having bathed, dresses himself in silk or woollen 
 clothes, or if he require to use cotton garments, these must be dipped 
 in water, wrung out, and dried in some place where nothing impure 
 can touch them. Thus habited, he sits down to dinner, but he must 
 preserve himself from numerous accidents which would render him 
 impure, and compel him to desist from his meal. If he touch an 
 earthen vessel he is defiled, unless the vessel have never contained 
 water. The touch of a piece of cotton cloth, or of a piece of leather 
 
BRAHMINS—WANEEAS. 
 
 555 
 
 or paper, which he may accidentally have sat down upon, renders 
 him impure, but if Hindoo letters have been written on the paper 
 they preserve him from defilement, because they represent “ Surus- 
 “ wutee.” If, however, letters be written on cloth or leather, these 
 remain impure. Thus, if the Geeta, or any other portion of scrip¬ 
 ture, be required for use at the time, it must be bound with silk and 
 not with cotton ; leather must be avoided, and instead of common 
 paste of flour and water, the binder must employ paste of pounded 
 tamarind seed. A printed book will not answer the Brahmin’s 
 purpose, because printing ink contains impure matter. Some think 
 that the touch of deer-skin or tiger-skin does not defile. Raw cotton 
 does not render the Brahmin impure, but if it have been twisted for 
 the wick of a lamp by a person not in the state of “ Nuven ” it does ; 
 and again, if it have been dipped in oil or clarified butter it does not. 
 Bones defile, but women’s ivory armlets do not, except in those parts 
 of the country where they are not usually worn, and then they do. 
 The touch of a child of the same caste who has not learned how to 
 eat grain does not defile, but if the child have eaten grain it does. 
 
 ' The touch of a donkey, a dog, or a pig, defiles ; some say that the 
 \ touch of a cat also defiles, others are inclined to think that it does 
 not, because in truth it is not easy to keep the cat out. If a Brahmin 
 who is in “Nuven ” be eating, or if he have risen from eating, the 
 touch of his person defiles another Brahmin who is in “ Nuven,” but 
 has not begun his dinner. 
 
 Waneeas, and trading people generally, set off early in the morning 
 to have a sight of the Dev in his temple. Some persons entertain a 
 superstitious notion that everything will prosper with them during the 
 day if they behold a particular person’s face the first thing in the 
 morning, so they keep their eyes as completely closed as they can, 
 and set off to see this person of good omen. It is very unlucky, 
 they believe, to see a man who has no son, an outcaste, a donkey, or 
 a quarrelsome person. Others worship the first thing in the morning 
 the “ sacred basil,” or the holy fig-tree. After they have eaten break¬ 
 fast and chewed betel, they set off to the public market, where they 
 follow their occupation until evening time, when they return home to 
 dinner, paying, perhaps, on their way, a second visit to the temple. 
 
 It is the men’s business to make what purchases are necessary for 
 the household in the market, and to keep the accounts. All other 
 domestic duties devolve upon the women. 
 
 The wives of the poorer class of householders rise at three in the 
 ■ morning frequently to grind grain, and are occupied, perhaps for 
 
556 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 three hours, in preparing as much flour as will last until the third 
 day. When they have no grain to grind they must still rise at the 
 same early hour, to milk the cows, churn, and extract clarified butter. 
 At six o’clock, after arranging their costume, they set off with their 
 vessels to the river-side, where they bathe, and fill water, and then 
 return home. Some women bathe at home, and fetch water after¬ 
 wards, and rich men’s wives have a servant specially for attendance 
 on the bath. When the women return with their water-vessels filled 
 they must set to work to prepare breakfast. The males of the family, 
 when breakfast is ready, sit down in a line at short intervals, and eat; 
 when they rise, the women sit down. Breakfast finished, and the 
 men off to their various duties, the women are busily employed in 
 cleaning the house, the fireplace, the plates and dishes, and other 
 vessels, and in preparing grain for grinding. About three in the 
 afternoon they have a little leisure, which they employ in attending 
 to their children, or in combing out their own long hair, and oiling 
 it. In the evening they are again busy getting ready lights, preparing 
 dinner, and spreading the beds. 
 
 When a caste entertainment takes place, the guests either wash at 
 home, and dress themselves in silk clothes, or if the distance be con¬ 
 siderable, carry their dining dress with them to the house of their host, 
 who provides them with water to bathe in. When they are dressed, 
 the men sit down in two lines outside the entertainer’s house and 
 take their dinner • as soon as they have finished their repast, the 
 women sit down in a similar manner. In some places the women 
 dine at the same time as the men, but at a short distance from them. 
 The persons who prepared the dinner set it before the guests, and 
 dine themselves when the rest have finished. On the west of the 
 Sabhermutee river the women dress for dinner in cotton, which prac¬ 
 tice is the subject of much contemptuous remark among the people 
 of the eastern districts, whose wives wear silk dresses. In some places 
 no person, not even a man of the caste, unless he have bathed and 
 dressed himself in silk, can pass between the two lines of guests at a 
 public feast without defiling the company, and it becomes therefore 
 necessary that the entertainer should procure permission to barricade 
 the street in which he lives. In other parts of the country a person 
 of the same, or of higher caste, may pass without removing his clothes, 
 but he must leave his shoes behind him, and carry his turban in his 
 hand, and above all he must be particular not to carry with him a 
 book bound in leather, or any other leathern article. Five or six of 
 the caste are usually stationed on either side of the lines to keep off' 
 the dogs, a task in which they are not always successful, and when a 
 
BRAHMINS —WANEEAS. 
 
 557 
 
 dog gets in, his appearance creates quite a scuffle : hands are raised 
 on all sides to drive him away, and it generally ends in his putting 
 his foot into some man’s plate, and jumping over him, or else in his 
 rushing between two men, rendering them both impure. The sufferers, 
 however, put up with the affront quietly for the time being, and finish 
 what is in their plates, that they may not be guilty of disrespect to 
 Unn Dev, 1 or sometimes they call to the sentinels, who remove 
 their plates, and bring them fresh ones. 
 
 In times of peace and ease the Rajpoot leads an indolent and 
 monotonous life. It is some time usually after sunrise before he 
 bestirs himself, and begins to call for his hookah; after smoking, he 
 enjoys the luxury of tea or coffee, and commences his toilet and 
 ablutions, which dispose of a considerable part of the morning. It is 
 soon breakfast-time, and after breakfast the hookah is again in re¬ 
 quisition, with but few intervals of conversation, until noon. The 
 time has now arrived for a siesta, which lasts until about three in the 
 afternoon. At this hour the chief gets up again, washes his hands and 
 face, and prepares for the great business of the day, the distribution 
 of the red-cup, kusoomba or opium. He calls together his friends 
 into the public hall, or perhaps retires with them to a garden-house. 
 Opium is produced, which is pounded in a brass vessel and mixed 
 with water; it is then strained into a dish with a spout, from which it 
 is poured into the chiefs hand. One after the other the guests now 
 come up, each protesting that kusoomba is wholly repugnant to his 
 taste, and very injurious to his health, but after a little pressing, first 
 one and then another touches the chief’s hand in two or three places, 
 muttering the names of Devs, friends or others, and drains the 
 draught. Each, after drinking, washes the chief’s hand in a dish of 
 water which a servant offers, and wipes it dry with his own scarf • he 
 then makes way for his neighbour. After this refreshment the chief 
 and his guests sit down in the public hall, and amuse themselves with 
 chess, draughts, or games of chance, or perhaps dancing girls are 
 called in to exhibit their monotonous measures, or musicians and 
 singers, or the never-failing favorites—the Bhats and Charuns. At 
 sunset the torch-bearers appear, and supply the chamber with light, 
 upon which all those who are seated therein rise, and make obeisance 
 towards the chieftain’s cushion. They resume their seats, and 
 playing, singing, dancing, story-telling go on as before. At about 
 eight the chief rises to retire to his dinner and his hookah, and the 
 party is broken up. 
 
 Food personified as a deity. 
 
558 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 As may have been already observed in the course of our narratives, 
 the Rajpoot chief has always several ladies, each of whom is main¬ 
 tained in a separate suite of apartments. He dines and spends the 
 evening alternately in the apartments of each of the ladies, who, with 
 her attendants, prepares dinner for him, and waits upon him while he 
 eats it, waving the punkah or fan behind him, and entertaining him 
 with her remarks, which, if report speak true (for no stranger is 
 admissible on such occasions), frequently constitute a pretty severe 
 curtain lecture. 
 
 Closely connected with the Rajpoots are the Bards, the Bhats, and 
 Charuns. Of their origin nothing is known, but they assert them¬ 
 selves to have sprung from Muha Dev or Shiva. They are in some 
 places cultivators, in others bankers, but their more legitimate occu¬ 
 pations are those of acting as securities for the performance of engage- j 
 ments, and of recording the genealogies of their Rajpoot clients. 
 
 During the anarchy which has more or less prevailed in Goozerat 
 from the time when the dynasty of Unhilpoor was overthrown by the 
 Mohummedans, to the time when, under British influence, the 
 settlement was effected which we have described, the security of a 
 bard was one of the few available means of ensuring the performance 
 of both political engagements and private agreements, and of providing 
 for the safe transaction of commercial operations. Whether the 
 paramount power sought a guarantee from the half-independent 
 principalities for the payment of their tribute, or a private individual 
 desired assurance of oblivion and personal safety from the chief whom 
 he had offended,—whether the money-lender looked for a pledge of 
 repayment, or the merchant for a safe transit of his goods through a 
 country infested with robbers,—the bard was alike resorted to as the 
 only person whose security could be accepted without danger. As 
 the descendant and favourite of the gods, his person was sacred in 
 the eyes of men, who reverenced but little else, and he had at his 
 command means of extorting compliance with his demands which 
 were seldom used in vain. These were the rites of “ Traga ” and 
 “ Dhurna,” which consisted,—the former, in the shedding by the 
 bard of the blood of himself or of some member of his family, and 
 the calling down upon the offender, whose obstinacy necessitated the 
 sacrifice, the vengeance of heaven; and the latter, in placing around 
 the dwelling of the recusant a cordon of bards, who fasted, and com- j 
 pelled the inhabitants of the house also to fast, until their demands 
 were complied with. It was not until the establishment of British 
 supremacy rendered the performance of these barbarous rites im¬ 
 possible, that the custom of employing bardic security fell into disuse. 
 
BARDS. 
 
 559 
 
 In his heraldic and poetical capacity, however, it is that the bard 
 has been longest and most favourably distinguished. When the 
 rainy season closes, and travelling becomes practicable, the bard sets 
 off on his yearly tour from his residence in the “ Bhatwara ” of 
 some city or town. One by one he visits each of the Rajpoot 
 chiefs who are his patrons, and from whom he has received portions 
 of land, or annual grants of money, timing his arrival if possible 
 to suit occasions of marriage or other domestic festival. After he 
 has received the usual courtesies he produces the “Wye,” 1 —a book 
 written in his own crabbed hieroglyphics, or in those 
 of his fathers, which contains the descent of the 
 house, if the chief be the “ Teelayut,” or head of 
 the family, from the founder of the tribe; if he be a 
 “ Phutayo,” or cadet, from the immediate ancestor 
 of the branch, interspersed with many a verse or 
 ballad, the “ dark sayings ” contained in which are 
 chanted forth in musical cadence to a delighted 
 audience, and are then orally interpreted by the 
 bard, with many an illustrative anecdote or tale. 
 The Wye is not, however, merely a source for the 
 gratification of family pride, or even of love of song; 
 it is also a record of authority by which questions 
 of consanguinity are determined when marriage is 
 on the tapis, and disputes relating to the division of 
 ancestral property are decided, intricate as these 
 last necessarily are from the practice of polygamy, 
 and the rule that all the sons of a family are entitled 
 to a share. It is the duty of the bard at each 
 periodical visit to register the births, marriages, and 
 deaths which have taken place in the family since 
 his last circuit, as well as to chronicle all the other 
 events worthy of remark which have occurred to 
 affect the fortunes of his patron; nor have we 
 ever heard even a doubt suggested regarding the 
 accurate, much less the honest, fulfilment of this 
 duty by the bard. 
 
 The manners of the bardic tribe are very similar 
 to those of their Rajpoot clients ; their dress is 
 nearly the same, but the bard seldom appears without the “ Kutar ” 
 or dagger, a representation of which is scrawled beside his signature, 
 and often rudely engraved upon his monumental stone, in evidence 
 
 1 Hence the bard is called “ Wyewuncha,” reader of the “ Wye.” 
 
560 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 of his death in the sacred duty of Traga. The heraldic occupation is 
 hereditary, and as the bard goes forth on his annual circuits, attended 
 not only by his servants and retinue (the females only being left at 
 home), but also by his sons, the latter have numerous opportunities of 
 becoming acquainted with the history of their patrons, and of learning, 
 beside the funeral monuments of the race, all that traditionary lore 
 which forms their ancestral wealth. 
 
 Of the poetic value of the bardic chronicles we have in some degree 
 enabled our reader to form his own estimate. Perhaps it may be 
 thought of them (as Johnson thought of the so-called “ Poems of 
 “ Ossian”), that “ nothing is more easy than to write enough in that 
 “ style if once you begin.” Where poets form an hereditary profession, 
 the character of the poetry can hardly be secure from this criticism, 
 f Their exaggerations are awkwardly great, and all their little fishes are 
 apt to speak like great whales, 1 their descriptions and their similes 
 have so little variety that they might almost be stereotyped. Still it 
 must, we think, be admitted that there is often in the bardic sketches 
 L much of spirit, and of effective, however rude, colour and drawing. 
 Their historical value may be accurately measured by a rule with 
 which the biographer of the “ Queens of England” furnishes us : “ No 
 “ one,” says Miss Strickland, “who studies history ought to despise 
 “ tradition, for we shall find that tradition is, on the whole, accurate 
 “ as to fact, but wholly defective and regardless of chronology.” ; 
 The bardic accounts, where they are written, and are intelligible with¬ 
 out oral explanation , may rank with the contemporaneous ballad 
 poetry of other nations; where unwritten, they approximate to common 
 oral tradition. The written genealogies, where they do not ascend 
 to fabulous periods, are doubtless correct in the main. In matters of 
 less strictness even the bards themselves, though they admit a certain 
 laxity, assert their material accuracy. The following is their canon : j 
 
 Without fiction there will be a want of flavour, 
 
 But too much fiction is the house of sorrow. 
 
 Fiction should be used in that degree 
 That salt is used to flavour flower. 
 
 And in another couplet they assert that— 
 
 As a large belly shows comfort to exist, 
 
 As rivers show that brooks exist, 
 
 As rain shows that heat has existed, 
 
 So songs show that events have happened. 
 
 There is one subject, at least, upon which bardic testimony cannot. 
 
 1 This was the criticism applied by Goldsmith to Johnson himself : “If he were 
 “ to write a fable of little fishes, he would make them speak like great whales.” 1 
 

 BARDS. 561 
 
 be impugned—the subject, we mean, of manners and customs ; and 
 without contending for what is extravagant, we may remark that the 
 bards, even if by an operation the very reverse of that which is 
 performed by amber, 1 have enshrined in the rude casket of their 
 tradition much of that for which history is more especially valuable. 
 Fielding, in vindicating the use and dignity of the style of writing in 
 which he excelled, against the loftier pretensions of professed historians, 
 said that in their productions nothing was true but the names and 
 dates, whereas in his everything was true but the names and dates. 
 “ If so,” remarked Hazlitt, “he has the advantage on his side.” 
 
 The bardic song, with all its virtues and its vices, its modicum of 
 * truth, and its far larger mass of worthlessness, is now nearly silent, and 
 ; can never revive; the swords which it celebrated are broken or 
 rusted, the race by whose deeds it was inspired is fast passing away. 
 Perhaps it may be the fate of even these poor unworthy pages to call 
 attention for nearly the last time to the verse which has been, for so 
 many centuries, alike a solace in peace and a stimulant in danger to 
 the sons of the Kshutrees. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 RAJPOOT LAND-TENURES UNDER THE MOHUMMEDANS AND THE 
 MAHRATTAS. 
 
 Though victorious in the field, the Mohummedan invaders had 
 effected nothing towards the permanent conquest of Goozerat until the 
 time of Allah-ood deen Khiljy. The inroads of Kootb-ood-deen Eibuk 
 produced little more solid effect than the expeditions of Mahmood of 
 Ghuznee, and, but for the demise of the first Solunkhee dynasty, the 
 kingdom of Unhilpoor might still, perhaps, have resisted the arms of 
 even the now established empire of Delhi. If the death of Bheem 
 Dev II., however, did not leave a vacant throne, the royal authority 
 was certainly henceforth either in abeyance or but feebly wielded. 
 
 1 “ Family tradition and genealogical history, upon which much of Sir Everard’s 
 {< discourse turned, is the very reverse of amber, which, itself a valuable substance 
 4{ usu ally includes flies, straws, and other trifles ; whereas these studies being 
 (( themselves very insignificant and trifling, do nevertheless serve to perpetuate a 
 (( g re at deal of what is rare and valuable in ancient manners, and to record many 
 curious and minute facts, which could have been preserved and conveyed through 
 no other medium.”— Waverley , chap, iv. 
 
 O O 
 
 tVt- 
 
562 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 The kings, suffering, perhaps, under the defects of an incomplete title, 
 held even the crown lands which they possessed with no firmness 
 of grasp, and allowed the outlying territory to escape almost entirely 
 from their control. Their Purmar vassals of Chundrawutee were 
 overrun by the Chohans; the conquered chiefs of Kutch resumed 
 their independence ; the Ras of Soreth reasserted their old supremacy 
 in that peninsula, and entertained followers, who soon became as 
 powerful as their lords. The aboriginal tribes, taking advantage of 
 the feebleness of the throne, began again to raise their heads. 
 The Mairs of Dhundhooka and the Sords of Eedur exhibited the state 
 of princes ; the Bareeas of Gogo and Peerum wielded all that remained 
 of the naval power of the kings of Unhilpoor, and, while the Kant 
 Bheels pressed upon the Ras of Soreth, their kindred ravaged the 
 lands of the Waghelas themselves. At this time, also, circumstances 
 forced into the country various foreign chiefs, who, gladly received at 
 first as vassals of the crown, became in the end, from their unquiet 
 ambition, the sources of additional weakness. A Rathor soon 
 established a rival kingdom among the mountains of Eedur, and a 
 ] hala, acquiring possession of an important portion of the home terri¬ 
 tory, rendered himself independent in all but name, affecting even to 
 have presented a province to his sovereign. The Gohils from the 
 north, the Shoda Purmars and Katees from Sindh, and other tribes 
 entering Goozerat, joined in marriage with Choorasumas, with Walas, 
 or even with aboriginal Mairs, and, aided by them, attempted to wrest 
 land from the Bhoomeeas, or, perchance, turned their swords against 
 each other. Goozerat was, in truth, invaded not by Moslem alone; 
 and the army, which should have defended her, had broken up into 
 numerous divisions, eager, no doubt, to protect the ground which each 
 independently occupied, but, as a whole, • connected by no common 
 interest, and acknowledging no common leader. Under these circum¬ 
 stances, the generals of Allah-ood-deen Khiljy met with a far more 
 feeble opposition than had been encountered by their predecessors, 
 while, at the same time, the booty which they at length succeeded in 
 acquiring had lost a great part of its value. 
 
 The account which the Mohummedans themselves have left us of 
 the first period of their possession of Goozerat exhibits a scene of 
 anarchy, produced, no doubt, partly by their want of power to settle 
 the country, but, in a great degree also by the selfish policy in which 
 the emperors indulged in regard to, not only the Hindoos, but also 
 their own officers. Their governors we find continually changed, ob¬ 
 taining, perhaps, “ the honor of martyrdom at the hands of the 
 “infidels,” or, when more successful against their enemies, disgraced 
 
TENURES UNDER THE MOHUMMEDANS. 
 
 563 
 
 or murdered by the monarchs whom they served. Rebels meanwhile, 
 we are told, rose up in every direction. These outbreaks were at first 
 confined to the Hindoos alone, but after a time the foreign Mohum- 
 medan officers, and eventually the viceroys themselves, joined in 
 rebelling against the authority of the emperors, and Mohummed 
 Toghluk, though personally undertaking the task, was unable to effect 
 more than a partial settlement of affairs. Afterwards the resuscitation 
 of the revenue was sought to be effected by farming it out on exor¬ 
 bitant terms, and a serious attempt to detach the province from the 
 imperial authority was met by the appointment of a viceroy, who, 
 from the moment of his setting foot in Goozerat, virtually inaugurated 
 that separate kingdom, the establishment of which it was his commis¬ 
 sion to prevent. 
 
 d he only Rajpoot chiefs of note with whom the Mohummedans are 
 known to have come into contact during this period are the Ra of 
 Soreth and his vassal Mokherajee Gohil. Joonagurh resisted the 
 Moslem attack, and though Peerum was destroyed, and its founder 
 slain, the power of the Gohil clan was unbroken; Gogo and the rest 
 of their territories remained in their possession, and a younger branch 
 had sufficient influence to render itself paramount in the hills of Raj- 
 peepla. 
 
 We have observed the measure of success which attended the steps 
 taken by the sultans to effect the completion of the conquest of Goo- 
 zeiat. 1 he Ras of Soreth and the Rawuls of Champaner were 
 dethioned by Mahmood Begurra; the Rows of Eedur, however, suc¬ 
 cessfully defended their independence against reiterated attacks, and 
 Chowras, Jhalas, Gohils, and others maintained possession of their 
 lands. Nor were they only the great Hindoo landholders who thus 
 preserved their existence, for in every part of the country the heredi- 
 j tary Rajpoot estates constituted no small portion of the lands of each 
 district. 
 
 The following is the general account given by the Mohummedan 
 author of Meerat Ahmudee : “ The whole of the zumeendars in the 
 
 1 “ time of Sultan Ahmed Goozeratee erected the head of rebellion and 
 “ disturbance. They were, however, punished, and driven from their 
 “ retreats, and the servants of the king were established in every place. 
 
 “ In consequence of being thus completely dispossessed of their habi- 
 “ tations, that band of unbelievers, being hopeless, began to infest the 
 “ roads and villages with their depredations. Anarchy increased, con- 
 “ fusion prevailed, the decay of cultivation became visible, and the 
 “ ryots were distressed. Those whose duty it was to advise, in their 
 “foresight put an end to these calamities, and exacted from the 
 
 1 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 564 
 
 “ zumeendar of every village security to discontinue his opposition. 
 “ Three parts of the land of each village, under the denomination of 
 “‘Tulput,’ were acknowledged as the property of the king, and one 
 “ portion was given to the zumeendars, under the denomination of 
 
 Wanta,’and they were engaged to furnish guards and protection to 
 “ their own villages, and were to hold themselves in readiness for the 
 “ service of the king whenever called upon. As these people, without 
 “ paying obedience to the prince, did not see it possible to establish 
 “ themselves, they attended to make their submission, and engaged to 
 “ pay the crown a sulai?iee from their Wanta; from this time sulamee 
 “ and paishkush became established against them. Some of the 
 “zumeendars, such as those of Huldhurwas, Ghorasur, Atursoomba, 
 “ Mandoowa, and others, were converted to Islam, and entered into 
 “ agreements for the defence of their own talookas, and their posses¬ 
 sions were conferred upon them by the imperial court, for the en- 
 “ couragement of the faith, but they consenting to pay the imperial 
 
 paishkush.’ From other principal zumeendars over whom the hand of 
 “ conquest did not extend, the levy of a yearly paishkush was exacted.” 
 
 We have seen, however, from the narratives of the Mohummedan 
 historians, that this levy was not accomplished without difficulty, and 
 the continual presence of an important military force. The armies of 
 the sultans, year by year, advanced against these Hindoo chiefs (as 
 the armies of the Kings of Unhilpoor had formerly advanced against 
 Soreth, Kutch, or Malwa), with a view of completing their subjugation, 
 if that were practicable, or otherwise of enforcing as large a money 
 payment as they could. 
 
 A similar general account is given by the bardic annalists, in whose 
 wild but homely tales we have perceived how some of the Kshutrees’ 
 sons apostatized to Islam; how others, more resolute, treading the 
 flinty pathway of the outlaw’s life, regained a scanty portion of their 
 lands; and how a happier few, though flying oft from smoking homes, 
 the mountain cave their dwelling-place, and the shield their sleepless 
 pillow, maintained the unequal contest until their oppressors were no 
 more. 
 
 The emperor Akbar was inclined to adopt a more liberal policy 
 than that of his predecessors. The great Hindoo chiefs, as we have 
 seen, had already been engaged in the military service of the state, 1 
 and now they were freely admitted to the rank of imperial nobles, on 
 the condition that they should place the government mark on their 
 cavalry contingents, and attend the provincial governor on all im- 
 
 1 See p. 299. 
 
TENURES UNDER THE MOHUMMEDANS. 565 
 
 portant occasions. The power of the imperial viceroy, or soubahdar, 
 was supported by a large army, usually quartered at Ahmedabad, 
 which city formed in fact one vast cantonment. The country imme¬ 
 diately surrounding the capital, and in other places where the imperial 
 power was undisputed, was “ Idialsa,” or under the immediate manage¬ 
 ment of the servants of the crown,—and the superior authority of the 
 soubahdar was acknowledged from Jhalor to Songurh, on the frontier 
 of Candeish, and from Dwarka to the borders of Malwa. 1 In addition 
 to the central army cantoned in Ahmedabad, there were also numerous 
 fortified ports, called Tahnahs, occupied by the imperial troops, in 
 different places. The whole extent of the country was, nevertheless, 
 intersected by the possessions of the Hindoo chieftains, who all of 
 them under the Mogul government, whether “Rajas, Rajpoots, Koo- 
 lees, or Grassias,” bore the general name of zumeendars. The revenue 
 which was derivable from the zumeendars, or their villages, was a 
 fixed and settled sum. It was not determined by a valuation of the 
 produce, and the assignment of a portion as the share of government; 
 but, on the contrary, each proprietor obtained the best terms that he 
 could. In the times of the emperors, as in those of the Sultans of 
 Ahmedabad, however, the collection of the revenue from the zumeen¬ 
 dars was always of necessity supported by the presence of a military 
 force. 
 
 “ If the governor of the Soubah,” says the historian, “ should 
 “ proceed with a large army towards the banks of the Watruk, which 
 “ is situated to the westward, and also towards the boundary in that 
 “ direction, as far as Wanswara and Doongurpoor, which may be 
 “ about one hundred coss from Ahmedabad, and should return from 
 “ Wanswara towards the south, the zumeendars of Sonth and Jalreea 
 “ and the Bareea districts, and Rajpeepla, and Manduvee, and 
 “ Ramnugger (which is upon the sea-coast) would settle for their 
 “ paishkush ; should he proceed towards Doongurpoor, which is to the 
 “ north-east, he will effect the settlement of the Zillah of Eedur, 
 “ Seerohee, Danta, the hills of Geer, Ranna Bao Phaphur, Khundeya- 
 “ nugger, the talooka of Kutch, and from thence the zumeendars of 
 “ Jhalawar, Moorbee, Hulwud, the Sirkar of Islamnugger (Bhooj), 
 “ Jugut Ranna Bhao, Sirkar of Soreth, Porbunder, Chanyeh Kesoje, 
 “ Oonah, and others of Kateewar,—Gohilwar, Loleeyanah, Dhun- 
 “ dhooka, and Dholka, and at length arrive at Khumbayut, which is 
 “ situated on the sea-coast, through the above-named Zillahs.” 
 
 1 See verbal information relative to the state of Goozerat, communicated to 
 Colonel Walker by Amrut Lall, agent for nearly thirty years on behalf of the Pesh- 
 wah’s governor of Ahmedabad. 
 
566 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Many of the great zumeendars continued to perform service until 
 the reign of Aurangzeeb, but regained after that time their complete 
 independence. In the same period of disorder the small landholders 
 also strove, and not without partial success, to recover the lands 
 which they had been compelled to resign in favour of the crown. 
 
 “ In the course of time,” says the same Mohummedan author, the 
 ££ Rajpoots and Koolees, who had become powerful, excited dis- 
 “ turbances, carried away the cattle from towns, and murdered the 
 “ inhabitants during the harvest season. The people having no 
 means of redress, purchased exemption from these evils by giving 
 “ the authors of them a yearly payment in money, or by yielding up 
 “ possession of one or more fields fit for cultivation, and such claim 
 “ for exemption is called gras or wol. This custom, gradually 
 “ established, has been so matured through the weakness of the 
 “ provincial governors, that there are very few places in the pergun- 
 “ nahs where some of the Rajpoot, Koolee, or Mohummedan inha- 
 “ bitants do not possess the right to gras. 
 
 “ As these people are naturally disobedient, addicted to theft 
 ££ highway robbery, and sedition, they therefore excited insurrections 
 “ whenever the government of the provincial rulers indicated the 
 “ least weakness. On this account several of the governors, both in 
 “ past and present times, after strengthening the fortifications of the 
 province, stationed a sufficent party of soldiers therein, and these 
 “ posts are named Tahnahs. The payment of each Tahnah has 
 £c been fixed by government, and certain lands are set aside for this 
 ££ purpose in order that the party of men may never leave the post, 
 ££ lest disturbances might be set on foot. Now that the unsettled 
 ££ state of the province goes on increasing, the seditious tribes already 
 ££ mentioned have levelled the small forts, where there were formerly 
 t£ Tahnahs, and by establishing themselves in others, have obtained 
 £< possession in many towns of the tulput government share instead 
 ££ of gras. 
 
 “ At present (a.d. 1747-8 to 1756), the provincial governor raises 
 ££ a force, and collects a tribute from the holders of wanta in posses- 
 ££ sion of the tulput, in proportion to the capability of each place, 
 ££ while he takes security from his own amildars (or officers); but 
 ££ when the great landholders refuse to pay the tribute, what power 
 ££ has the provincial governor to enforce it ? and so faithless have 
 ££ they become, that he cannot pass the city gate without an escort 
 ££ from them.” 
 
 There were, however, causes wholly independent of the Mohum¬ 
 medan conquest, which tended to reduce the power of the Rajpoot 
 
TENURES UNDER THE MOHUMMEDANS. 567 
 
 chiefs. The younger brothers of a family were invariably considered 
 entitled to a portion of the paternal estate. In the case of important 
 chieftainships this right was restricted to a portion of land, assigned as 
 a maintenance, the extent of which varied according to circumstances, 
 and the cadet, or “ phutayo,” was the vassal of the “ teelayut,” or 
 chieftain ; but where the estate of a cadet was concerned, his sons 
 either divided the lands equally among themselves, or the younger 
 brothers, sharing alike, assigned a larger share to the elder. Had 
 circumstances permitted the strict and regular action of this system, 
 it is manifest that the land-holding families must have been in every 
 case, as they really were in many, reduced in a very few descents to 
 the position of mere cultivators. But where no central government 
 existed, and where public and domestic war continually raged around 
 them, the cadets, such especially of them as were themselves “ good 
 “ Rajpoots,” frequently found opportunity for increasing their in¬ 
 heritance at the point of the sword. Many, too, quitted their 
 patrimony to take military service at a distance from home, and the 
 greater mortality among the class, which was inevitably the accom¬ 
 paniment of a state of chronic warfare, aided in retarding the minute 
 subdivision of lands. The chieftain was always of right the heir, in 
 the last resort, of the cadet. Sometimes, where the share of the 
 latter was insufficient to supply his wants, he disposed of it by mort¬ 
 gage or sale to the head of his family; sometimes, from choice or 
 necessity, he assigned his land, or a certain portion of it, to a 
 powerful neighbour, other than his chief, either to purchase protection 
 or to buy off annoyance. A further drain upon the resources of the 
 Rajpoot chiefs existed in the necessity under which they lay, from 
 religious feelings, or the desire of reputation, of conferring gifts 
 upon Brahmins, Gosaees, and other religious mendicants, or upon 
 Bhats and Charuns, the recorders of fame. These classes were 
 called in some parts of the country by the general name of Yachuks. 
 We have observed the “lakh pusav,” the extravagant donations made 
 by Row Veerum Dev, of Eedur, and others. These were not confined 
 to money, apparel, jewels, horses, or other valuable articles, but con¬ 
 sisted also of lands, which, from the same word above employed, 
 were called “ pusayta,” and were free from all demands of the 
 original granter, except that which he preserved as heir in the last 
 resort. Pusayta lands were also granted to soldiers for military 
 following, and to potters, torch-bearers, and other domestic servants. 
 
 The term “ gras ” appears, as has been already mentioned, 1 to 
 
 1 Vide p. 186. 
 
5 68 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 have originally applied to gifts made to religious persons, such as 
 were afterwards more particularly denominated “pusav.” In the 
 bardic chronicles, however, it is constantly applied to the lands given 
 for their subsistence to junior members of the chieftains’ families, 
 and this sense of the word continued for a long time to be the 
 prevalent, if not the exclusive one. At length the term “ gras ” was 
 also used to signify the black mail paid by a village to a turbulent 
 neighbour as the price of his protection and forbearance, and in other 
 similar meanings. Thus the title of “ grassia,” originally an honorable 
 one, and indicating its possessor to be a cadet of the ruling tribe, 
 became at last as frequently a term of opprobrium, conveying the 
 idea of a professional robber, “ a soldier of the night,” such as the 
 Meleekur of Koompojee of Bhunkora. 
 
 It is very important that we should recollect these distinctions, as 
 the disregard of them has been the cause of embarrassment, if not of 
 injustice. The concessions which, under the names of gras or wol, 
 Row Chando forced from the usurpers of his hereditary principality 
 of Eedur, should not be confounded with the black mail, which, also 
 under the names of gras or wol, the banditti of the Rajpeepla hills 
 extorted from the defenceless villager, or the receivers of the Choonwal 
 from the travelling merchant; much rather should confusion be 
 avoided between either of these classes of claims, and the regular and 
 legal title to a share of the family lands which was possessed by the 
 grassia cadet of a Rajpoot house. The following description, by 
 Colonel Walker, of the titles borne by the different chieftains through¬ 
 out Kateewar may be applied more generally to the whole of 
 Goozerat:— 
 
 “ The title of Raja is applicable to the head of the family only. 
 “ He must be independent, that is, not pay jumma or tribute to another 
 “ of his family. The tribute payable to the Moguls or the Mahrattas 
 “ does not affect the independence of his character. The address of 
 
 “a Raja runs, ‘Muharaja Raja Shree-.’ The origin of the 
 
 “ title of Rana, which is nowise inferior to that of Raja, cannot be 
 “ satisfactorily traced. (Similarly of the title of Row.) The title 
 “ which follows next in gradation is that of Rawul, which is the most 
 “ appropriate designation of the chieftain of Bhownugger—a distinction 
 “ which his ancestors assumed on receiving some assistance from the 
 
 “ Rawul of Doongurpoor. This address runs, ‘ Rawul Shree-.’ 
 
 “ The sons of Rajas, Ranas (Rows), and Rawuls bear the appellation 
 “ of Koonwur (prince), and their sons the designation of Thakor, pro- 
 “ vided they have succeeded to an estate. The sons of a Thakor are 
 “ also called ‘ Koonwur ’ during their father’s life. On his death the 
 
TENURES UNDER THE MOHUMMEDANS. 569 
 
 “ eldest becomes a Thakor, and the others ‘ Bhoomeeas’ and ‘ Grassias.’ 
 “ Thakor, the next gradation after Rawul, is applied to all those who 
 “ are not powerful enough to assume and use the title of Raja, or 
 “ who are the heads of distinct, but inferior branches of a family. 
 “ To the head of a family, Thakors owe a feudal submission, 
 “ exemplified in the payment of tribute, sending a horse, or the per- 
 “ formance of service. In their own possessions, Thakors are, 
 “ however, as independent as Rajas. ‘ Bhoomeea ’ is applied to all 
 “ possessors of landed property who are not Rajas or Thakors, of 
 “ which they are the inferior gradation. We have generally called 
 “ them ‘ Grassias,’ in consequence of their being the ancient heredi- 
 “ tary proprietors of the portion of territory they possess, in which 
 “ sense the word ‘ gras ’ is used, and it is equivalent to ‘ Asil,’ or 
 “ ‘ Cudeem’ (two Mohummedan words, which mean ‘root, origin, 
 “ ‘ foundation,’ and ‘ancient, old, former.’)” 
 
 The establishment of the Mahratta power must be reckoned from 
 the fall of Ahmedabad, in the year a.d. 1755. For some years 
 previously their incursions had been annually repeated under 
 Peelajee and Damajee Guikowar, the Peshwah Bajee Row, and others, 
 and Baroda had been actually taken possession of. The Mahratta 
 inroads up to this time were, however, merely predatory expeditions, 
 in which plunder was the object; and though a chouth had been 
 extorted from the authorities of the Mogul government, still its 
 realization depended upon the extent of the Mahratta military power. 
 Ahmedabad having fallen, the whole country was divided equally 
 between the Peshwah and the Guikowar, including the tribute payable 
 by the zumeendars, who, during the contest for supremacy between 
 the Mogul and Mahratta powers, had observed a strict neutrality, 
 paying with equal facility their revenue or jumma to whatever person 
 possessed local authority in their own district. Neither Moguls nor 
 Mahrattas interfered in their internal policy; and during the govern¬ 
 ment of the latter power they continued to possess the same rights 
 and privileges which they had possessed, and to occupy the same 
 position which they had occupied in the time of Akbar, with the 
 exception that a gradual increase to their revenue was imposed by the 
 Mahratta arms. 1 
 
 “ In the plain to the south,” says Mr. Elphinstone, “ and in the 
 “ open spaces that run up between the rivers, the Mahratta govern- 
 “ ments had the right of administering justice in every village, by 
 “ means of its own officers, and it always took an account of the 
 
 1 From the information furnished to Colonel Walker by Amrut Lall, the Pesh- 
 wah’s agent. 
 
57 ° 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ produce of the village lands, of which it was entitled to a certain share. 
 “ All the other villages retained their independence on the payment 
 “ of a tribute. Most of those which lay on the rivers in the midst of 
 “ subjugated country paid it regularly every year to the nearest 
 “ revenue officer; but those whose situations were stronger, or more 
 “ remote, withheld their tribute until compelled to pay by the 
 “ presence of an invading army. The villages which submitted to 
 “ the administration of justice and the inspection of their produce 
 “are called Ryuttee, those which only pay a tribute Mewasee; but 
 “ this last term is not extended to princes, like those of Eedur and 
 “ Loonawara. The tribute paid annually to the revenue officer is 
 “called jummabundee; that collected by an officer at the head of 
 “ an army is called ghans-dhana (grass and grain). There are many 
 “ Mewasees, who though they are willing to pay a small sum to the 
 “ revenue collector, will not submit to the exaction of a large one 
 “ unless supported by a force. These pay both jummabundee and 
 “ ghans-dhana; the former to the collector every year, the latter to 
 “ the commandant of the force that is occasionally sent to levy it. 
 “ Both descriptions are, however, equally tiibute , and neither is a 
 “ fixed share of the produce.” 
 
 In regard to the Rajpoot chiefs here spoken of under the general 
 name of “the grassias,” Colonel Walker has the following:—“The 
 “ power of life and death, and the administration of justice within 
 “ their respective villages, are possessed by all, and it was never 
 “ thought necessary to make reference to the authority of the 
 “ superior government residing at the Kusbah of the pergunnah (or 
 “ principal town of the district) in order to obtain leave for the 
 “ punishment or to avert the effects of having punished a criminal or 
 “ disobedient ryot. And also, in the event of a crime against 
 “ government being committed, it was usual to demand of the grassia 
 “ whose ryot might have committed the act, that he should take the 
 “ necessary measures for punishing the same. In respect to exterior 
 “ relations, they appear to have exercised the same freedom. The 
 “ external interests of such petty states could not have extended far, 
 “ and may be supposed confined in great measure to their own 
 “ neighbourhood. But they enjoyed the right of peace and war with 
 “ each other. They formed such connexions as might be necessary 
 “ for the extension and security of their commerce; they built 
 “ fortifications and maintained troops. Nor does it appear that any 
 “ of the states to whom they paid tribute ever interfered in their 
 “ transactions, whether foreign or domestic, so long as they were 
 “ not inimical to themselves. It is generally admitted that the 
 
TENURES UNDER THE MAHRATTAS. 571 
 
 “ payment of a tribute does not deprive the tributary of his inde- 
 “ pendence.” * * * 
 
 “ With their hereditary possessions also they receive a variety of 
 “ seigneurial rights and privileges. The grassia proprietors of villages 
 “ assign lands to Rajpoots and others for military services in the 
 “ defence of themselves and property; they call for the services of 
 “ all the artificers of the village whenever they require them ; they 
 “ possess the right to all trees which may fall down, although 
 “ the produce may belong to the tenant who occupies the ground. 
 “ Fees are paid to them for permission to contract a marriage, and 
 “ some collections are made on the birth of their children ; they 
 “ abate and increase the revenues they derive from their ryots at 
 “ their own pleasure.” 
 
 The principal source of revenue possessed by the chiefs was the 
 share of the crops which they received in kind. In the case of 
 garden crops, sugar-cane, cotton, tobacco, opium, and other crops, in 
 regard to which it is difficult to make the kultur or assessment which 
 has been described, they levied a money rent. They sometimes 
 received a tax upon ploughs as part of their land revenue. Some¬ 
 times, where the share of the produce was small, they exacted a 
 trifling money payment in compensation. When land was assigned 
 to the cadets of a family, it was the practice in certain parts of the 
 country that the chief retained the money payments, leaving only the 
 share of produce to the cadet. Cultivators reclaiming land, instead 
 of paying in kind, made for a few years only a small acknowledge¬ 
 ment to the chief in money. The produce of all trees usually be¬ 
 longed to the chief; waifs and strays also belonged to him. He 
 levied transit duties on traders’ goods, taxes on liquor shops, and on 
 tanners and curriers, which latter tax, however, was in compensation 
 for the perquisite allowed to those trades of removing the hides of all 
 animals which died in the village. 
 
 The tax on marriages was trifling, varying from one shilling to four 
 shillings. The chief received all fines imposed for criminal offences, 
 and sometimes a fourth of the sum awarded in civil suits. 
 
 The whole administration of such parts of each district as were 
 ryutee was confided, by the Mahrattas, to a komavishdar, a collector, 
 or rather a farmer, of revenue. The residence of this person in the 
 district was only temporary—he was, at any time, liable to be dis¬ 
 placed by any other who was prepared to offer higher terms for the 
 possession of his authority ; it was, therefore, his interest to accumu¬ 
 late as much money as possible, without reference either to the per¬ 
 manent revenue of the pergunnah, or to the happiness of its inha- 
 
572 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 bitants. One means of enriching himself was that of exacting fines 
 for criminal offences ; and with no severer punishment, therefore, 
 crimes of the most heinous and flagitious nature were passed over. 
 Civil disputes, which consisted principally of claims for the possession 
 of land, for the recovery of debts, or for the assertion of caste rules, 
 were, under the government of these farmers, referred to arbitration, 
 the komavishdar interfering only by lending the aid of his authority 
 for the enforcement of the award, and by appropriating to his own 
 use a fourth of the sum awarded. 
 
 On the estates of the Rajpoot chieftains, justice, both civil and 
 criminal, where it was administered at all, was in the hands of the 
 grassia. The influence of the Bhats and Charuns was very powerful, 
 and usually compelled the proper execution of engagements, for the 
 performance of which they were securities. Where they referred 
 cases to arbitration, the conduct of the grassias contrasted very 
 favourably with that of the komavishdars. The chiefs levied only a 
 very small sum from the disputants, w r hich was proportioned to their 
 means, and was always appropriated to charitable purposes . 1 
 
 Justice was administered principally through a system of ordeals and 
 oaths, which still remains in vogue, both in the crown-lands of the Guiko- 
 war state and in the Moolukgeeree districts of Kateewar and the Myhee 
 Kanta. Whatever the evidence in his possession, the complainant, 
 instead of using it, most frequently preferred compelling the defen¬ 
 dant to undergo an ordeal or to take an oath; and the defendant, on 
 the other hand, often sought to anticipate his assailant by referring 
 the matter through him to the same judicium Dei. Thus the point 
 in dispute was often determined by the success of one of the parties 
 in putting the other upon his trial by oath or ordeal, for, especially in 
 the case of persons of character, it was held more creditable to retire 
 from the contest altogether than to maintain it upon the ordealistic 
 ground. There is a description of the ordeal, which is remarkably 
 consonant with existing practice, in Renaudot’s Arabian travellers. 
 “ In the Indies,” say they, “ when one man accuses another of a 
 “ crime punishable with death, it is customary to ask the accused if 
 “ he is willing to go through the trial by fire ; and, if he answers in 
 “ the affirmative, they heat a piece of iron till it is red hot; this done, 
 “ they tell him to stretch forth his hand, and upon it they put seven 
 
 1 Vide Mr. Diggle’s letter to Colonel Walker, forming an Appendix to that 
 officer’s report “ On the Company’s late acquisitions in Goozerat, from the Pesh* 
 wah and Guikowar,” dated 18th June, 1804. In regard to the last statement, see 
 however, above. 
 
TENURES UNDER THE MAHRATTAS. 
 
 573 
 
 “ leaves of a tree they have in the Indies , 1 and upon these leaves they 
 “ put the red hot iron; and, in this condition, he walks backwards 
 “ and forwards for some time, and then throws off the iron. Imme- 
 “ diately after this, they put his hand into a leathern bag, which they 
 “ seal with the prince’s signet; and if, at the end of three days, he 
 “ appears and declares that he has suffered no hurt, they order him 
 “ to take out his hand, when, if no sign of fire is seen, they declare 
 “ him innocent, and delivered from the punishment which threatened 
 “ him ; and his accuser is condemned to pay a man of gold as a fine to 
 “the prince. 
 
 “ Sometimes they boil water in a caldron till it is so hot that no 
 “ one may approach it; then they throw an iron ring into it, and 
 “ command the person accused to thrust his hand down, and bring 
 “ up the ring. The accuser is in this case also to pay a man of gold.” 
 
 “ In the vicinity of my village,” says a Goozeratee author of the 
 present day, “ there is a tree called the ‘ thief’s limbaro,’ where the 
 “ hot oath is administered to thieves. When a thief has been appre- 
 “ hended, or in any case where a dispute has occurred, and it cannot 
 “ be ascertained who is the guilty party, then the hot oath is ad- 
 “ ministered to either one or both of the disputants. Fifteen years 
 “ ago the oath was administered to a goldsmith. I did not go myself 
 “ to see what happened, but I heard the following account of it:— 
 “ The Raja’s Karbharee caused an iron ring to be heated at the 
 “ ‘ thief’s tree,’ and ordered the Koolee, who was the goldsmith’s 
 “ opponent, to take it up. People say that the Koolee had bribed 
 “ the Karbharee, so that, at the time of lifting the ring, the Koolee, 
 “ worshipping the Sun, said, ‘ O! Sooruj, sire, if I am in the right 
 “ save me !’ and so saying he touched the ring with his hand, where- 
 “ upon the Karbharee immediately exclaimed, ‘ The Koolee has 
 “ saved himself!’ Then, turning to the goldsmith, he said, ‘If you 
 “ are in the right, lift the ring.’ The goldsmith took off his turban 
 “ and body-coat; and went to a well, called the Gunga well, which is 
 “ in that place, to perform ablutions. He became very sad, and 
 “ considered within himself whether he should not jump into the well, 
 “ and give up his life. At that time a voice issued from the well, 
 “ which said, ‘ Take courage !’ Hearing this, the goldsmith looked 
 “ up and around, but in that space he saw no one, so he considered 
 “ that it must have been some Dev that ordered him to take courage. 
 “ After ablutions, he went out of the well somewhat reassured, but 
 
 1 The burr-tree is here alluded to. We have ourselves seen this ordeal em¬ 
 ployed. The leaves usually protect the person from injury. 
 
574 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ when he looked at the ring, and saw how very hot it was, his fears 
 “ returned in full force. At that time, however, he perceived a train 
 “ of ants passing over the ring, which sight gave him some con- 
 “ fidence. At last, worshipping the Sun, he said, ‘ O ! father Sun, if 
 “ I be in the right, protect me !’ So saying, he took the ring out of 
 “ the fire with his hand, and placed it on his neck. Then the Kar- 
 “ bharee said, ‘You have saved yourself; now throw the ring down;’ 
 “ but the goldsmith replied, ‘ No ! let me go first to the Baee Raj (or 
 “ Thakorine), and after that I will take off the ring.’ At that time, 
 “ one of two shepherds, who were standing by, took the ring off the 
 “ goldsmith’s neck with his staff. In the place where it fell upon the 
 “ ground the dust began to be very much heated. Then they said 
 “ to the Koolee, ‘ Put the ring in the same way on your neck,’but he 
 “ was unable to lift it, and his hand was found to have been burned 
 “ and blistered from having touched it in the first instance; so the 
 “ Koolee was pronounced to be in the wrong, and the goldsmith in 
 “ the right, and a large number of villagers who had come to see the 
 “ oath administered separated, remarking sagely to each other, that 
 “ ‘ even in this Iron Age, the Supreme Being has not deserted the 
 “ earth.’ 
 
 “ Sometimes an iron chain or ball is used in the same way as the 
 “ ring, the accused being ordered to lift it; and, sometimes he is 
 “ directed to take a ring or three copper coins out of a vessel filled 
 “ with heated oil. I have heard that a person, having professed his 
 “ willingness to submit to the trial by ordeal, a vessel of oil was 
 “ heated, and a cocoa-nut thrown therein to test the heat, and that, 
 “ though this was immediately cracked, the suspected person was 
 “ enabled to prove his innocence by taking copper coins out of this 
 “ hot oil, which he said seemed to his touch to be cold water . 1 
 
 “ At the village of Bhureead, near Dholera, there is the shrine of 
 “ a very celebrated Mohummedan saint, who is called ‘ Peer Bhuree- 
 “ adro,’ to which many people are taken to be tried by ordeal. The 
 “ defendant is compelled to put on a pair of iron fetters, and is then 
 <f directed to walk past the Peer’s tomb : if the fetters fall off, he is 
 “ held to be cleared. I have heard that some contrivance is resorted 
 “ to in the making of these fetters, so that they may fall off. 
 
 “ Another kind of ordeal is used at Bhownugger. There is a 
 “ stone there with a hole in it, through which, if a suspected man can 
 
 1 See the extract from Sonnerat’s travels descriptive of a feast of fire in honor 
 of Dhurum Raj, or Yoodishteer, and Droupudee.—D’Oyly and Mant’s Bible, note 
 on Leviticus, cap', xviii. v. 21. 
 
575 
 
 TENURES UNDER THE MAHRATTAS. 
 
 “ creep, his character is held to be cleared; if he cannot, he is pro- 
 “ nounced to be a liar. The stone goes by the name of the window 
 “ of truth and falsehood . 1 
 
 “ The mode of administering the cold oath is this : The person 
 “ swearing, professes his readiness to take a flower off an image of 
 “ Shiva, or to place his hand upon the foot of some Dev; if the 
 “ opposite party agrees, then the defendant clears himself by taking 
 “ an oath in this form. If it be wished to impose on a Hindoo a 
 “ very binding cold oath, he is compelled to place his hand on the 
 “ neck of a Brahmin; or if one still more stringent is called for, the 
 “ swearer is required to touch with a knife the neck of a cow, the 
 “ meaning being, that if he breaks the oath he incurs the sin of 
 “ Brahmin, or cow-murder. All these oaths are considered to possess 
 “ great force, and they are only employed when the matter in dispute 
 “ is of considerable importance; for smaller matters, lesser oaths are 
 “ used. 
 
 “ A Brahmin swears by his junoee, or cord of regeneration ; a 
 “ Rajpoot by his sword; a Waneeo by Sarda, or Suruswutee (by 
 “ which he means his account-book) ; a cultivator swears by his bul- 
 “lock; a Mohununedan by some rozah, or the saint that dwells 
 “ therein; a Shrawuk swears by his religion, or else says £ puchkand.’ 
 “ Many people swear by their sons, by grain, by their hopes, by their 
 “ youth, by their brothers, by their fathers or mothers, or by their eyes ; 
 “ they mean to imprecate upon themselves the loss of these in case 
 “ of their breaking the oath. Women swear by their husbands and 
 “ sons; a widow, when called upon to swear, says, ‘ If I speak false, 
 “ may I have the same fate for seven lives.’ A Vaishnavite swears 
 “ by his necklace, an ascetic by his beads, an artificer by his craft, a 
 “ sailor by the jewel-mine—the sea, a wealthy man swears by Luksh- 
 “ mee, a school-boy by learning (!). A goldsmith swears by Mata, 
 “ meaning any Devee, but particularly Doorga, in the form of £ the 
 ££ ‘ lady of the tiger,’ but they get out of this oath (in the very spirit 
 ££ of the casuists) by saying they meant to swear by some stout man 
 “ (mato). If a person swear by his ancestors, or by any deceased 
 ££ person, his oath is not accepted. Boys fancy that if they swear a 
 ££ false oath with the tongue between the front teeth (like the English 
 “ school-boy’s £ over the left’) it is no matter. The person who swore 
 ££ a man for any particular purpose, may release him from his obliga- 
 “ tion by saying, £ The oath is void.’ In the small country villages a 
 
 1 Vide p. 354 . 
 
576 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ great deal of business is transacted on the faith of these oaths, and 
 “ many people never make them falsely.” 
 
 There is another spot consecrated to Peer Bhureeadro, near 
 Ahmednugger, in the Myhee Kanta, at which people are tried by 
 ordeal. A second mode of taking an oath by the Peer, is to lift one 
 of the earthern toy-like horses, which are set before him by his 
 votaries. Meladee Mata has a shrine near Kuree. The mode of 
 swearing by her which is usually employed is that of raising in the 
 hands a lighted lamp from before her image, and saying, “ If I speak 
 “ falsely, may Meladee Mata take an answer from me in so many 
 “ days !” At Dhubora, near Sadra, there is a temple of Hunooman, 
 who is here surnamed “ Dubhoreeo.” If it be intended to swear a 
 minor oath by this idol, the party merely touches its foot; if a more 
 impressive oath is required, the swearer drinks a cup of Hunooman’s 
 oil. At Shamlajee, the mode of swearing is to take up a flower which 
 has been offered to the god. 
 
 In the districts about Pahlunpoor and Danta, the following is a 
 common mode of settling disputes. The defendant goes to the bank 
 of a river, or other place where there is sufficient water, attended by 
 a friend, and accompanied by the plaintiff, who is armed with a bow 
 and arrow. In order to clear himself, the defendant must keep his 
 head under water for a sufficient time to allow of his friend’s return¬ 
 ing with an arrow which the plaintiff has shot from his bow. 
 
 Colonel Tod describes a stone similar to that at Bhownugger, but 
 possessing powers still more extraordinary, which is to be found on 
 the adjacent mountain of Shutroonjye. “Near the Choree of Ne- 
 “ meenath,” he says, “ there is a plain flat stone, having, about three 
 “ feet above its insertion in the ground, a square hole of fifteen inches 
 “ diameter, called the mooktdwara , or ‘ door of bliss,’ and whoever 
 “ can so compress his body as to pass through this ordeal of purity, 
 “ is sure of beatitude (mookt ). Few of the sons of Mammon, who 
 “ ‘ lard the lean earth,’ can bear this test, unless they greatly mortify 
 “ the flesh. Strange to say, there is a stone image of a camel, nearly 
 “ as large as life, in juxtaposition with the 1 door of bliss,’ and as all 
 “ these erect stones are termed sula, or ‘ needle,’ our Scriptural text 
 “ could not but suggest itself to the mind.” 
 
 There is another stone of the same kind at Dubhoee, which bears 
 the name of “ Mama Dokuree,” and is mentioned by the author of 
 the “ Oriental Memoirs.” 
 
 In all these modes of trial, and many others which are of daily 
 use in different parts of Goozerat, the principle is the same. The 
 
TENURES UNDER THE MAHRATTAS. 
 
 577 
 
 judges tacitly admitting their incompetency to sit in judgment upon 
 the accused, require him to pronounce upon his own guilt or inno¬ 
 cence, by refusing or accepting the trial which is proposed to him. 
 They are all of them, therefore, equally appeals to the judicium Dei— 
 are, in fact, ordeals . 1 
 
 1 William of Malmesbury mentions, as a proof of the sanctity of the “ old 
 church ” of Glastonbury, “ that within the memory of man, all persons who, before 
 “ undergoing the ordeal of fire or water, there put up their petitions, exulted in 
 “ their escape, one only excepted,” of whose case, however, he declines to inform 
 us. If the assertion be a true one, we fear that the sanctity of this “ depositary 
 “ of so many saints ” must occasionally have been prostituted to the support of 
 falsehood. 
 
 Similar miracles were wrought at the shrine of St. Thomas-a-Becket, at Canter¬ 
 bury, as we are told by a monkish historian who lived at the time of the saint’s 
 martyrdom, and from whose work it may be gathered that the royal officers had 
 then frequent recourse to the trial-by-water ordeal. “ Two men,” he says, “ were 
 “ impeached upon the Forest Act for stealing deer; and being tried by the water- 
 “ ordeal, one was cast, and hanged ; the other, by invoking St. Thomas's inter- 
 “ cession, escaped. Another, accused of having stolen a whetstone and pair of 
 “ gloves, was convicted by the water-ordeal, and had his eyes dug out, and some 
 “ of his members were cut off, but were perfectly restored to him by the interces- 
 “ sion of the martyr, which he implored.” 
 
 It was not, therefore, only upon special occasions that the ordeal was used in 
 England ; it was, in fact, the soul of the original Anglo-Saxon system of law,— 
 the only species of trial which existed. Nor was it until the reign of Henry III. 
 that the trial by ordeal was abolished. Up to that time it had been sanctioned 
 by the clerical as well as the temporal rulers, both in England and Sweden, being 
 performed, as we are told by Blackstone, only in the churches or other consecrated 
 ground. Notwithstanding this fact, it appears, however, that the Church was 
 mainly instrumental in the abolition, for we find royal letters, of the third year of 
 the reign of Henry, addressed to the itinerant judges of the counties of Lancaster, 
 Cumberland, and Westmoreland (the northern circuit of that day), announcing to 
 them that because it was not determined, previous to the opening of the circuit, 
 what form of trial they should undergo who were charged with robbery, murder, 
 arson, and the like, “since the ordeal of fire and water had been prohibited by 
 “ the Roman church” (cum prohibitum sit per ecclesiam Romanam judicium ignis 
 et aquae), it had been provided by the king in council that the judges should pro¬ 
 ceed in a particular manner then laid down, in regard to persons accused of those 
 crimes. About the same time King Valdemar II. abolished the trial by ordeal in 
 Denmark. Vestiges of the practice have, however, been traced by antiquaries in 
 customs long afterwards used. Such was that of leaping over the fire on Mid¬ 
 summer Eve, a superstitious instance of agility, from which we are told grave 
 clergymen had to be deterred by an interdiction of ecclesiastical authority. Such 
 also were the long-continued customs of swimming people suspected of witchcraft, 
 or weighing them against the Church Bible, of which former King James, in his 
 “ Daemonologie,” as quoted by Brand, observes, that “it appears that God hath 
 “ appointed for a supernatural signe of the monstrous impietie of witchcrafte, that 
 “ the water shall refuse to receive them in her bosom that have shaken off them 
 “ the sacred water of baptism, and wilfully refused the benefit thereof.” Such a 
 
 P P 
 
578 
 
 RAS MAlJL 
 
 Villages were, by the custom of the country, held responsible for 
 the value of property stolen within their limits, unless the footsteps 
 of the robbers could be traced on to another place. It was there¬ 
 fore the duty of the police to keep watch throughout the day in the 
 village lands, in order to prevent suspicious persons harbouring there. 
 At break of day they were further bound to examine and carefully 
 preserve the marks of all unrecognised footsteps, which might have 
 been imprinted during the preceding night, in order that, if called 
 upon, they might be enabled satisfactorily to take up and carry on 
 the traces . 1 
 
 Besides the territory which was under the jurisdiction of the here¬ 
 ditary chiefs of the country, and that which was entirely controlled 
 by the central government, there was a portion of the lands of Goo- 
 zerat which occupied an intermediate position, under the sway of a 
 class of men who, though not possessed of hereditary rights, had 
 succeeded in assuming what was well nigh their equivalent. Of this 
 
 relic, also, is probably the proverbial expression of going through fire and water to 
 serve any one. A further relic of the ordeal has been noticed in the replication 
 which a prisoner under indictment was called upon to make, that he would be tried 
 “ by God and the country ,” or more properly “ by God or the country ,” that is to 
 say, either by jury or by ordeal —the judicium Dei. 
 
 In our County Courts in England, and Sheriff Courts in Scotland, where the 
 case is often allowed to rest wholly or partly on the oath of the party, we have re¬ 
 turned very much to the old ordeal trial. 
 
 “ There are cases,” says that philosophic jurist, Bentham, “ in which no evi- 
 “ dence can be.had—in which plaintiff and defendant stand on their mere affirma- 
 ‘ ‘ tion and denial: ought the plaintiff to be denied the only means left—an appeal 
 “ to the conscience of his adversary? I answer, that in all such cases ( and they 
 ‘ ‘ are not instances of true judicial procedure , but of a sort of ordeal , similar to that 
 “ of red-hot iron or boiling water) it would be much better,” &c. 
 
 1 It is curious to notice the similarity between the state of things which we have 
 thus described, and that which once existed in our own country. “ The criminal 
 
 laws of the Anglo-Saxons,” says Russell, in his History of Modern Europe, 
 vol. i., p. 53, “as of most barbarous nations, were far from being severe; a com- 
 “ pensation in money being deemed sufficient for murder of any species, and for 
 “ the lives of persons of any rank, including the king and the primate, whose head, 
 “ by the laws of Kent, was estimated at a higher rate than that of the king. The 
 ‘ ‘ prices of all kinds of wounds were also settled ; and he who was detected in 
 “ adultery with his neighbour’s wife was ordered, by the laws of Ethelbert, to pay 
 “ him a fine, and buy him another wife. The punishments for robbery were 
 “ various, but none of them capital. If any person could trace his stolen cattle 
 “ into another’s ground, the owner of the ground was obliged to show their tracks 
 “ out of it, or pay the value of the cattle. 
 
 “ But if the punishments for crimes among the Anglo-Saxons were remarkable, 
 “ their pretended proofs were no less so.” The author then goes on to describe 
 the ordeal system. 
 
TENURES UNDER THE BRITISH. 
 
 579 
 
 class we may select as a prominent example the Kusbatees of Dholka. 
 “ Previous to the fall of the Mogul government,” says Colonel Walker, 
 “ the Kusbatees, as soldiers of fortune who had acquired a compe- 
 “ tence, settled at Dholka. From their numbers and warlike character, 
 “ their influence was great, and they were feared by that predatory 
 “ race of men—the Katees. When the Mahrattas obtained the 
 “ supremacy in this part of the country they were useful to them. 
 “ At this time, owing to the frequent wars and revolutions in the 
 “ government, Goozerat was in a state of anarchy, and the district of 
 “ Dholka had nearly become an uncultivated waste. The Guikowar 
 “ government was incapable of remedying these disorders, and of 
 “ restoring the revenue, without the assistance of men of influence 
 “ in the country, and who had a command of cash. The Kusbatees 
 “ on this occasion offered to restore the population of the several 
 “ villages, on condition that each village which they brought into 
 “ cultivation should be leased to them for a certain number of years, 
 “ at a fixed rent. These offers were accepted, and since that time it 
 “ has been customary to grant leases to the Kusbatees of those vil- 
 “ lages which have from time to time become waste.” 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 RAJPOOT LAND-TENURES UNDER THE BRITISH. 
 
 In a minute, dated 6th April, 1821/ Mr. Elphinstone describes the 
 effects of the introduction of British power into Goozerat. Each of 
 the collectorates of Ahmedabad and Kaira into which the British 
 territory north of the Myhee is divided, contains, he says, “ two sorts 
 “ of villages, Khalsa and Grass id,” the former being those which had 
 been immediately managed by the Mogul and Mahratta governments, 
 and the latter those which had been subject to the hereditary jurisdic¬ 
 tion of the chiefs. “ The former are directly under the government, 
 “ the latter are held byagrassia chief, to whom the government looks 
 
 1 For which, see “ Selections of Papers from the Records at the East India 
 “ House, &c.,” printed by order of the Court of Directors, in 1826, vol iii., 
 pp. 677 to 697. The compiler states that “the original is, in many places, obscure 
 “ and defective.” We have, therefore, had the less hesitation in restoring the 
 correct names where these were apparent. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 580 
 
 “ for revenue, and formerly looked for maintaining order. The most 
 “ striking division of the grassia villages is into those held by Raj- 
 “ poots or grassias, properly so called, and those held by Koolees, 
 “ generally termed Mewcis. The former, though foreigners, were in 
 “ possession of Goozerat when the Mohummedans invaded it; they 
 “ retained some talooks (lordships) and villages at that time, and they 
 “ recovered others by encroachment on the final weakness of the 
 “ Moguls. They are at once a more civilized and a more warlike 
 “ race than the Koolees; and it is, perhaps, owing to those circum- 
 “ stances, as well as to their having more recently possessed the 
 “ government of the province, that their claims appear to be much 
 “ more respected than those of the Koolees. The latter, though 
 “ probably the aborigines, seem generally to be considered as rebel- 
 “ lious, or at least refractory villagers, who have, from the weakness 
 “ of former governments, eluded or resisted the just claims of the 
 “ sirkar (government). Both pay a sum to government, which govem- 
 “ ment appears to have had the right to increase. It was not usual 
 “ to interfere with the internal management of their villages, or to 
 “ examine the state of their receipts. Our government has asserted 
 “ the right, without always assuming the exercise of internal inter- 
 “ ference; but it is only of late that it has begun to inquire into the 
 “ collections, by establishing tulatees (subordinate revenue collectors) 
 “ in grassia and Mewas villages. The whole of the pergunnahs of 
 “ Dhundhooka, Ranpoor, and Gogo, except the kusbas (or chief 
 “ towns), are in the hands of grassia Rajpoots, as is a considerable 
 “ part of Dholka ; there were also a few in Veerumgam, which have 
 “ been swallowed up during the exactions of the Mahrattas. The 
 “ Kusbatees of Dholka, though Mussulmans, and the chief of Patree, 
 “ though a Koonbee, and though both differ from the others in the 
 “ nature of their tenure, may yet be reckoned in this class; but by 
 “ far the greater number are Rajpoots. They resemble their neigh- 
 “ hours and brethren in Jhalawar, but are more intelligent and re- 
 “ spectable. The chiefs of Limree and Bhownugger are among the 
 “ number of our subjects in those districts, though they have large 
 “ possessions elsewhere. They are all quiet and obedient. Tulatees 
 “ have been introduced into the villages of those of Dholka, and all 
 “ their revenue, but twenty per cent, of their own share, after deduct- 
 “ ing that of the ryots, is now levied by government. The police, 
 “ also, has either been committed to mookhee putels (or village head- 
 “ men), in a manner independent of their authority, or left in their 
 “ own hands, subject to all restrictions of that humble officer of the 
 “ police. The others are still on their former footing as to revenue ; 
 
TENURES UNDER THE BRITISH. 
 
 581 
 
 “ but they are under the Adawlut (or Court of Justice), and are 
 “ either themselves agents of the magistrates, or are superseded by 
 “ their putels. The principal Mewasees are the Koolees of the 
 “ Choonwal, and those of the Purantej, Hursole, and Morasa dis- 
 “ tricts. The former are quite reduced, have received tulatees, and 
 “ pay all their revenue but twenty-five per cent.; but the latter main- 
 “ tain their independence, and in some instances their rebellious and 
 “ predatory spirit” * * * * 
 
 “ The most striking circumstances in the progress of our govern- 
 “ ment are the extraordinary obstacles that existed to introducing 
 “ order, and the surprising success with which they have been over- 
 “ come. The continual intermixture of our territories with those of 
 “ the Guikowar, the Peshwah, the Nowaub of Cambay, and the un- 
 “ settled tributaries of Kateewar and the Myhee Kanta, the number 
 “ of half-subdued grassias and Mewasees within our own limits, the 
 “ numerous and ill-defined tenures in almost every village, and the 
 “ turbulent and predatory character of a large proportion of the 
 “ people, combined to make the country beyond the Myhee more 
 “ difficult to manage than any part of the Company’s territories; yet, 
 “ by the caution of government and the judgment and temper of the 
 “ local officers, our authority and our system have been established 
 “ with the utmost tranquillity, without either irritating our subjects 
 “ or embarrassing ourselves by any sudden or violent changes. Of 
 “ late years our innovations have been proceeding with accelerated 
 “ progress; and although the danger of hasty improvement is now 
 “ diminished, it may still be necessary to retard their advance, or at 
 “ least fix the limit beyond which it is not designed they should 
 “ extend. 
 
 “ When we first obtained the pergunnahs forming the old Kaira 
 “ collectorship, the whole were put in charge of Colonel Walker, and 
 “ managed by his assistants; everything was left entirely on its old 
 “ footing, and nothing was done but to gain some information regard- 
 “ ing the actual condition of things. When regular collectors were 
 “ appointed, the same system was for a long time pursued. 
 
 “ The only change in the revenue department attempted among 
 “ the grassias was the increase to their tribute, to which they were at 
 “ all times liable; but the principles of a tribute were observed as 
 “ long as they were under Kaira, and with the single and temporary 
 “ exception of Bapoo Meea, Kusbatee of Dholka, no scrutiny was 
 “ attempted into their resources or management. 
 
 “ The introduction of the judicial regulations was certainly a great 
 “ innovation, and was very early adopted; but it seems doubtful 
 
582 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ whether the effect was soon felt. It is not likely that many of the 
 “ inhabitants of the grassia villages came to our courts to complain; 
 “ and where the plaintiff belonged to a khalsa village it would be 
 “ thought natural and proper for government to interfere in his behalf. 
 
 “ The first changes that were much felt were produced by the 
 “ regulations for the appointment of mookhee putels and of tulatees, 
 “ particularly the latter. The grassias who held more villages than 
 “ one were compelled to appoint mookhee putels, who from the time 
 “ of their appointment became responsible to the magistrate alone. 
 “ Those who had one village were themselves appointed mookhee 
 “ putels ; in other cases they were obliged to nominate another person 
 “ for each village, who was responsible to the magistrate, and not to 
 “ the grassias. Tulatees were introduced into all the villages of the 
 “ grassias of Dholka, and it was proposed to introduce them into all 
 “ the grassia villages in Dhundhooka, Ranpoor, and Gogo. A 
 “ further change has taken place in the alteration of the principle of 
 “ the Dholka payments from a tribute paid to government to a certain 
 “ proportion of the produce left to the grassias, and that proportion 
 “ is only twenty per cent, of the government share , from which all 
 “ village expenses, including tulatees’ pay, are to be defrayed. 
 
 “ The effect of this change on the income of the chiefs is shown 
 “ by the payments of the three principal grassias, to which I have 
 “ added the two chief Kusbatees, though their situation is somewhat 
 “ different. 
 
 
 1802. 
 
 1817. 
 
 1820. 
 
 The Chief of Kot . 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 48,000 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 57,000 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 72,000 
 
 The Chief of Gangur . 
 
 I 5 > 5 °° 
 
 19,000 
 
 23,000 
 
 The Chief of Oonteleea . 
 
 6,000 
 
 6,000 
 
 11,000 
 
 Bapoo Meea Kusbatee. 
 
 50,000 
 
 73,000 
 
 89,000 
 
 Luteef Khan Kusbatee . 
 
 11,000 
 
 13,000 
 
 16,000 
 
 “ Their payments, especially those of the grassias, have greatly 
 “ increased, and more within the last three years than in the pre- 
 “ ceding fifteen. 
 
 “ The appointment of a tulatee is very disagreeable to the chiefs, 
 “ and those of Dholka assured me that they felt the presence of that 
 “ officer more than the increase of their tribute. They said he as- 
 “ sumed the character of a representative of government, received 
 
TENURES UNDER THE BRITISH. 583 
 
 “ complaints from their ryots, threw their whole village into confusion, 
 “ and utterly destroyed their consequence among their people. 
 
 “ The Adawlut, also, as we came into closer contact with the chiefs, 
 “ has been more felt; and we have reason to regret that some modi- 
 “ fications were not made in our code before it was applied to a 
 “ people in a state of society so different from that which our laws 
 “ contemplate, and employed to enforce agreements concluded at a 
 “ time when the strict execution of them was so little foreseen. The 
 “ Raja of Kot, who, at the time of Colonel Walker’s report in 1804, 
 “ maintained a body of 150 horse, and 2000 seebundees, was sent to 
 “ prison for neglecting a summons from a magistrate; and the chief 
 “ of Patree, who once resisted for two months the attacks of the 
 “ Guikowar army, was thrown into jail for his inability to pay debts 
 “ contracted in consequence of war and contributions during the 
 “ period of his independence.- I cannot more strongly show the 
 “ change that has taken place than by pointing out that these are the 
 “ persons whom Colonel Walker, and I believe all the gentlemen 
 “ employed in the first introduction of our authority, declared to be 
 “ sovereign princes , with whom we had no right to interfere beyond 
 “ the collection of a tribute, and that they are now deprived of all 
 “ power and consequence, and nearly the whole of their revenue. 
 “ Almost all these changes have, in effect, taken place within these 
 “ three years. They cannot but feel a change so sudden, and it must 
 “ he owned that they have suffered hardships, though not perhaps in- 
 “ justice.” 
 
 Whether the Rajpoot chiefs were or were not treated with justice 
 is a point upon which Mr. Elphinstone appears to hesitate. Had the 
 great literary task of that eminent man been completed, as all must 
 so much desire that it had been, the historian of India might, per¬ 
 haps, have pronounced upon a question which the Governor of Bom¬ 
 bay was reluctant to decide. Under present circumstances we can 
 but conjecture what the causes of his hesitation may have been. 
 
 In regard to the jurisdiction of the local chiefs, the British govern¬ 
 ment had at least acted inconsistently. When, in 1802, they accepted 
 the cession of the territory of Dhollera, forming part of the per- 
 gunnah or district of Dhundhooka, then subject to the Peshwah, and 
 in the face of the Mahratta prince’s rights, hoisted their flag therein, 
 as sovereigns, they not only assented to, but positively asserted, that 
 which they so often afterwards denied—the sovereign rights of the 
 local chieftains. Thirteen years afterwards, however, when the juris¬ 
 diction of the Rawul of Bhownugger in the pergunnah of Gogo, now 
 ceded to them by the Mahrattas, was in question, they endeavoured 
 
5 8 4 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 to prove, by laboured but untenable historical arguments, that that 
 chief had been entitled to exercise no jurisdiction therein. The 
 general question was confused by an unnecessary and impracticable 
 attempt to maintain it as a fact that the state of subordination which 
 we wished to establish had actually existed under the now fallen 
 governments of the Mohummedans and the Mahrattas. Upon this 
 point the preceding pages will enable the reader to form his own 
 opinion. Perhaps he will agree with us that “ the hand of conquest ” 
 had not reached so far as was now maintained, and that the Bhoomeed 
 chiefs, though rendered tributary, had many of them preserved their 
 local authority. We cannot, however, regard the Rajpoot chiefs in 
 the light of “ sovereign princes,” at least in any sense of that term 
 which would not be equally applicable to the Celtic chiefs of the 
 Scottish Highlands, nor do we regard the annulment of their seig- 
 neurial rights as in itself an act of injustice, any more than we so regard 
 the abolition of the heritable jurisdictions in Scotland. The Sultans 
 of Ahmedabad, and still more the Emperors of Delhi, exercised a 
 supremacy over the Hindoo princes perhaps at least as great as was 
 ever maintained by the House of Stuart in Cromarty or in Argyle. 
 And in the prosperous days of Unhilpoor there can be no doubt of 
 the supreme power of the sovereign. 
 
 It is at least manifest that the feudal power of the local chiefs 
 within the British territory could not have been long preserved; it 
 was not in Goozerat alone, of the provinces of Hindoostan, that the 
 banner of the golden leopards was displayed in assertion of sove¬ 
 reignty ; and when the descendants of Seevajee and of Teimoor 
 had alike succumbed, it was not to be expected that a greater an¬ 
 tiquity in their title, or a still more evident inferiority in their power, 
 should long preserve others. Besides, the victory which democratic 
 tendencies had gained within the conquering nation itself, could not 
 have failed sooner or later to influence the conquered; the tempest 
 which had broken upon the cliffs of England was sure before long to 
 make itself felt in the higher rising of the surges which rolled upon 
 the beach of Soreth ; and the Waghela of Sanund and the Gohil of 
 Peerum could not hope to escape the arm which had reft their here¬ 
 ditary power from McKenzie and McShimei. Where royal power 
 had ceased to exist, there royal rights also must be admitted to 
 have perished, and a great supremacy must necessarily extinguish 
 petty jurisdictions, as the sun does a little fire. 
 
 When, however, we regard particular cases, the grounds of Mr. 
 Elphinstone’s hesitation more plainly appear. We may take as an 
 example the fortunes of the Raja of Kot, or Sanund, a chief who 
 
TENURES UNDER THE BRITISH. 
 
 585 
 
 was the heir of Jeto, or Ujetra Singh Waghela, and the presumed 
 descendant, if not the representative of Raja Kurun, the last of the 
 sovereigns of Unhilpoor. It may be excusable to repeat here the 
 exact words of Colonel Walker’s testimony regarding his principality:— 
 
 “ The Mewas villages (of Dholka),” he says, “are in a state of in- 
 “ dependence, and pay with difficulty their contribution of ghans 
 “ dhana. This is obtained or fixed by a large military force, or by a 
 “ negotiation with the chiefs who are concerned, which generally se- 
 “ cures them an abatement. Some of these chiefs are grassias of 
 “ more or less influence, but the chief of Kot assumes the title of 
 “ Raja, and is said to claim a very high descent. Each of these 
 “ chieftains has a certain number of armed followers, who attend him 
 “ voluntarily, and subsist on his bounty, or on the fruits of their 
 “ mutual plunder. But the Kot Raja has in his service* a force of 
 “ two thousand seebundees (or irregular infantry), and one hundred 
 “ and fifty horsemen, who mount guard at his village, and who are 
 “ engaged to defend his person, or to wage hostilities, like the troops 
 “ of a sovereign prince. The village of Kot is not fortified, but it is 
 “ in the middle of jungle, and surrounded by fastnesses. The Kot 
 “ Wala (the Raja) has under his jurisdiction twenty-four villages, and 
 “ pays generally a jumma of Rs. 42,723 yearly, but this varies ac- 
 “ cording to circumstances. # * # * The Mewasees, according } 
 
 “ to the Mahratta term, are so powerful in Dholka, that they are 
 “ nearly on the footing of Moolukgeeree tributaries, and required an 
 “ annual armament to obtain payment of their jumma, or ghans 
 “ dhana. If the troops were numerous, the harvest ensued imme- 
 “ diately, and the contribution was fixed on an increased ratio. If, 
 
 “ on the other hand, the force employed was not very strong, a 
 “ skirmish ensued, and whatever might be its issue, the resistance 
 “ was thought honorable to the Mewas, and after the subjection of 
 “ their country to pillage, the affair ended in a composition for more 
 “ or less, according to circumstances.” 
 
 There was in fact an almost imperceptible distinction between the 
 Molukgeeree tributaries and such chiefs as those above mentioned, 
 who paid not a revenue, but a tribute, and that only under the pres¬ 
 sure of a military force. The fate of the two classes of chiefs was, 
 however, widely different. Had the lordship of Sanund been 
 situated a few miles farther to the west, and beyond the line which 
 separated the pergunnah of Dholka from the neighbouring Mooluk¬ 
 geeree country of Kateewar, the hereditary jurisdiction and honors of 
 the chief would have been preserved to him, and his tribute, per¬ 
 haps slightly increased, would have been fixed at a permanent rate for 
 
536 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 all future time. It can hardly then be wondered at, that, with a 
 tribute raised in the course of a few years from Rs. 43,000 to 72,000, 
 with dependents of his own lording it over him almost in his own 
 mansion, as the agents of an all-powerful foreign domination, de¬ 
 prived, as Mr. Elphinstone says, “ of all power and consequence, and 
 “ nearly the whole of his revenue,” and actually sent to jail for dis¬ 
 obedience to a summons, the purport of which he probably very im¬ 
 perfectly understood, the descendant of the royal house of Unhilpoor 
 should complain of injustice as well as of hardship, and envy the 
 happier fate of the former vassals of his family, the neighbouring 
 Jhala chieftains of Limree and Wudwan, who had, by better fortune, 
 fallen under the Mahratta, instead of the British rule. 
 
 It would require a far more extended discussion than we have 
 space for, and would weary the patience of our readers, w T ere we to 
 pursue this subject in detail. We therefore allude to merely one or 
 two points. There appears to have been no sufficient distinction 
 drawn between such mere leaseholds as those of the Dholka Kusba- 
 tees and the permanent titles of the Rajpoot chieftains to their lands, 
 —titles of which Colonel Walker had with much truth said, that 
 “ they are derived to their possessors by hereditary descent from a 
 “ period of the most remote antiquity, of which there is no record; 
 “ but they are secured to them by universal assent, and are at this 
 “ day unimpaired in their privileges. These rights, which have been 
 “ maintained by arms and an unconquerable sentiment in favor of 
 “ them, have withstood the revolutions of ages, and outlived the Mo- 
 “ hummedan dominion, which did everything in its power to subvert 
 “ them.” 
 
 The government of Bombay, 1 in speaking of the tenures of the 
 Jhareja grassias, supply a very clear description of the position of a 
 Rajpoot cadet. “ The Jharejas of Anjar,” they say, “ are the direct 
 “ descendants of the younger brothers of former Rows, who have had 
 “ gras assigned to them, which has in the course of years been di- 
 “ vided and subdivided among their numerous descendants. They 
 “ are lords of their kurum bhag , 2 3 or share, which they possess by 
 “ right of birth, and originally paid no pecuniary acknowledgment to 
 “ the Row; but their services in times of general danger have always 
 “ been considered as one of the terms on which they held their gras, 
 “ and whenever the Bhyud have assembled, they received an allow- 
 
 1 Vide Revenue Letter from Bombay, of 31st May, 1818, p. 750, vol. iii., of 
 
 the “Selection of Papers.” 
 
 3 An expression which literally means, “Destiny-share,”—“the share which 
 “ fortune has assigned.” 
 
TENURES UNDER THE BRITISH. 
 
 587 
 
 “ ance of grain for their horses, and food and opium for themselves. 
 “ * * * The quantity of land assigned to them for their 
 
 “ exclusive benefit, and which they hold rent-free, provided they 
 “ cultivate it themselves, is designated grassia owga, and is called in 
 “ Goozerat, jeewaee (that is, ‘a subsistence’); but if cultivated by the 
 “ ryots, it is subject to a veera, or tax, to the government, the grassia 
 “ receiving a rent as proprietor of the land.” 
 
 Numerous instances of this state of things have been given in the 
 course of the present work, and surely if there be such a thing as a 
 right to landed property in the world (which some, we are aware, 
 will hardly admit), it is difficult to make out a better title to land than 
 that which was thus possessed by the grassias of Goozerat. The 
 Court of Directors, however, thought differently. They considered 
 the lands of the Jhareja grassias to be held simply “ on condition of 
 “ service.” “ The decision upon these rights,” they say, “is involved 
 “ in the same difficulties as that upon the grants on account of 
 “ services in other parts of India, when the services are no longer 
 “ required. These grants, we think, ought not to amount to abso- 
 “ lute property ; and when the services cease to be performed, or 
 “ cease to be required, the case is open to the decision of govern- 
 “ ment.” 
 
 The Bombay despatch had only stated that service was “ one of 
 “ the terms ” upon which the grassias held their lands ; and the 
 history of our own country would hardly lead to the conclusion that 
 lands possessed hereditarily on tenure of military service could be 
 considered to have escheated solely on the ground that the service 
 was “ no longer required ” by the crown. It is more to the purpose, 
 however, to observe that the practice of Goozerat was certainly very 
 different, and that the rights of the grassias were by no means 
 dependent upon the pleasure of the sovereign in regard to their 
 employment in his military array. 
 
 “ The right of government,” says the Court of Directors, in a.d. 
 1819, “to increase the sulamee, 1 or tribute, payable by the grassias, 
 “ is, in our apprehension, very clearly established. This right would, 
 “ indeed, naturally arise out of the decision previously passed on the 
 “ question of sovereignty, which has been determined to vest solely 
 “ in the Company, to the utter exclusion of the pretensions set forth 
 “ by the grassias, Bheels, and Koolees. The effect of that decision 
 “ was to place these classes on the same footing as other subjects, and 
 
 1 For the Mohummedan account of the origin of this tribute, vide p. 564, where 
 the terms sulamee and w&ntd are explained. 
 
588 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ consequently to render their property liable to a proportionate 
 “ share of the public burden in all cases where a special exemption 
 “ from or limitation of demand on the part of the sovereign power, 
 “ either for a term of years or in perpetuity, cannot be pleaded against 
 “ such liability.” The right of increasing the grassia tribute (as a 
 tribute) was hardly one which a British government could press. If 
 it existed at all, it must have been derived from the Mohummedans; 
 and if so derived, it was, by the Mohummedans’ own account of it, 
 based upon, and limited by, nothing but force. Upon the principles 
 laid down in the latter part of the paragraph, however, the case of 
 the Raja of Kot (to adhere to that example) would, as it appears to 
 us, have stood more favorably for that chief than it did, and some¬ 
 what as follows :—His territory would have been subject to the 
 British jurisdiction; his tribute would have been fixed upon a due 
 consideration of what he had paid to former governments,—would, 
 in fact, have been calculated in the manner in which the tribute had 
 been calculated in the Myhee Kanta or in Kateewar; and (if this 
 were considered less than his fair contribution towards meeting the 
 necessities of the state) he would, in addition, have been called upon 
 to bear his “proportionate share of the public burden,” by either pro¬ 
 viding for the police and judicial arrangements within his estate him¬ 
 self, or by paying his share of the expenses of the government 
 courts and the government police; but he would have been left to 
 settle with the cultivators of his lands without any interference on 
 the part of the state, as had been the case under the sway of the 
 Mahratta or the Mohummedan. It was the confusion we have al¬ 
 luded to which, perhaps, lay at the root of the harsher treatment 
 which the grassias received. “ It is now clear, however,” continues 
 the Court, “ that the privileges to which the grassias lay claim may 
 “ be traced for the most part, if not altogether, to the venality, re- 
 “ missness, or imbecility of persons charged with the maintenance of the 
 “ rights of the sovereign ; that their wanta lards are rarely held by any 
 “ better titles than are derivable from collusion, fraud or violence (!); 
 “ that the contributions which they levy under the denomination of tora 
 “ gras are generally of similar origin ; and that in some instances, 
 “ having sprung from the most frivolous and whimsical occurrences, 
 “ they have been subsequently tolerated by weakness, and submitted 
 “ to through fear.” In the remarks of the Court three years after¬ 
 wards even there may still be observed that leaning against the 
 grassias as a body which we have supposed to have been originally 
 occasioned by an incomplete appreciation of the distinction between 
 tenures which, though both passing under the name of gras, were en- 
 
TENURES UNDER THE BRITISH. 
 
 5 8 9 
 
 tirely opposite in their nature and origin. “ The alienations,” it is said, 
 “ in behalf of the grassias and those other tribes who have proceeded 
 “ by forcible methods, appear to have been either granted in former 
 “ times by the government as a retaining fee for military services no 
 “ longer required of them, or to be usurpations perpetrated upon the 
 “ people, who thus endeavoured to purchase exemption from the de- 
 “ predations which these fighting tribes were in the habit of practising 
 “ upon them. We cannot but look upon all their acquisitions with 
 “ an unfavourable eye ; and though we can easily conceive that con- 
 “ siderations of expediency may forcibly recommend forbearance, we 
 “ shall always rejoice when the extent of their possessions is di- 
 “ minished.” 
 
 Considerations of justice and fairness apart, much, no doubt, may 
 be said against the local chieftains; their utility, it may be urged, had 
 passed away ; their “ services ” were “ no longer required they were 
 as little likely to be reclaimed from their slothfulness and indisposi¬ 
 tion to the arts of peace, as they were to accept of the discipline 
 which would have rendered them once again valuable in the day of 
 war. It must, however, be recollected that experienced officers have 
 been found to maintain, even at the present day, that the internal 
 tranquillity of Goozerat has suffered in consequence of the diminu¬ 
 tion of that influence, which the sons of the Kshutrees had so long 
 maintained against such fearful odds; it is by no means certain that, 
 under more generous treatment, the character of the grassias might 
 not have improved; and, even in these days, the opinion is not wholly 
 without supporters, which considers that a body of landlords, com¬ 
 manding respect from their hereditary title, may be a valuable bul¬ 
 wark to their land. However these things may be, it must, at least, 
 be permitted to a lover of his country, to regret that the introduction 
 of British power into Goozerat should have been attended with such 
 well-founded causes of complaint to any portion of the inhabitants, 
 as those w T hich it certainly afforded to the descendants of Ujetra 
 Singh Waghela or Mokherajee Gohil. 
 
 The opinions above expressed, in favor of the local chieftains, are 
 not at variance with those which Mr. Elphinstone appears to have 
 held. He proposed to remove the tulatees at Dholka, to fix the pay¬ 
 ments of the grassias, so as to leave them thirty per cent, instead of 
 twenty on the government share, subject to a quinquennial revision 
 on the same principle; he recommended that certain personal im¬ 
 munities should be granted to the grassias, in their relation to the courts 
 of justice ; and urged, “that all claims against them for old debts, 
 “ even if supported by bonds, should be examined, with reference 
 
59 ° 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 V. 
 
 “ to all circumstances arising from the situation of the parties at 
 “ the time when they were contracted, by which the nature of the 
 “ debts might be affected ; and that, instead of seizing and confining 
 “ the persons of the grassias, the judges should issue a precept to the 
 “ collector to sequestrate as large a portion of the lands as might 
 “ suffice for the gradual payment of the debt, leaving a decent main- 
 “ tenance to the grassia.” Mr. Elphinstone further advised, “ that 
 “ the grassia should be employed as head of the police wherever he 
 “ conveniently could, and that he should have no formal appoint- 
 “ ment of mookhee putel, a title which a Rajpoot chief must look 
 “ on as a degradation.” 
 
 In regard to the Mewasees (which term he appears to confine to 
 the Koolee chieftains), the recommendations of Mr. Elphinstone 
 proceed still further, and to the full extent of the sketch which we have 
 drawn in speaking of the affairs of the Waghela chieftain. “ It 
 appears,” says the governor, “ that there is no trace in history of their 
 “ (the Mewasees) ever having been on a footing of greater dependance 
 “ than they are at present; and it follows that we have derived no 
 “ claim to reduce them further from our predecessors, and must rest 
 “ our right to do so on the law of nature, which entitles us to control 
 “ our neighbours as far as is required by our own security ; and this 
 “ ought, therefore, to be the limit of our interference. Considering 
 “ the want of military force in the territory, it is surprising how little 
 “ trouble the Mewasees have given us since we first came into 
 “ Goozerat; and it would be equally inconsistent with justice and 
 “ policy to risk this tranquillity for a little addition to the revenue, or 
 “ a fancied improvement in the police. That the improvement would 
 “ be real, I think more than doubtful; for, unless where Koolees 
 “ have acquired habits of industry and order, they .can only be 
 “ restrained by rendering the communities to which they belong 
 “ responsible for their conduct; and, if we could quietly succeed in 
 “ bringing each individual under the direct operation of our police, 
 “ the effect, I doubt not, would be a great increase of robberies. I 
 “ would therefore propose that in the Mewasee villages we should 
 “ hold the Thakor responsible for the tribute, and for the maintenance 
 “ of the public tranquillity. He might be required to give security, if 
 “ necessary, and should be required to restore stolen property, and to 
 “ give up offenders, but he should be under none of the regulations 
 “ applicable to mookhee putels, and it should rest with the magistrate 
 “ what offences to notice in his village. All serious crimes ought, of 
 “ course, to be noticed, and the criminal should be demanded of the 
 “ Thakor. The demand should be enforced by a mohsul and a daily 
 
TENURES UNDER THE BRITISH. 
 
 591 
 
 “ fine. Obstinate neglect might be punished by apprehending the 
 “ Thakor, and resistance by attacking him as a public enemy. Com- 
 “ plaints of a serious nature against the Thakor personally should be 
 “ investigated in a summary way by the collector, before he proceeded 
 “ to apprehend the accused: when it became necessary to apprehend 
 “ him, he should be made over to the criminal judge in the usual 
 “ manner. Thakors habitually guilty of connivance at plunder might 
 “ be deposed and imprisoned, the office of chief being made over to 
 “ another member of the family ; or their villages might be garrisoned 
 “ by troops, and deprived of all Mewasee privileges. 
 
 “No tulatees should be appointed, and the tribute should be kept 
 “ nearly stationary. A small increase might be put on suitable cases 
 “ to preserve the right of the government; but, in general, the 
 “ greatest profit should be left to the villages, to encourage their at- 
 “ tending to agriculture. Civil justice ought, in most cases, to be 
 “ allowed to take its course, but, in some villages, it would be expe- 
 “ dient for complaints to be made in the first instance to the 
 “ magistrate, who might decide whether to send them to the courts, 
 “ or to settle them by punchayets, supported by mohsuls.” 
 
 We must here take leave of the subject, to which we have already 
 devoted more space than we can well afford, though far too little for 
 its real importance. The practical value of Mr. Elphinstone’s counsel 
 has, we may remind our readers, by no means passed away at the 
 present time, for the hour must come, be it sooner or later, when 
 portions of the province of Goozerat, wherein grassias and Mewasees 
 still exist, with influence not much impaired, and habits but little 
 altered, shall necessarily pass under the direct dominion of the 
 British Government. 
 
 It is satisfactory to observe that if one portion of the inhabitants of 
 Goozerat was subjected to hardship as the result of the introduction 
 of British rule, other and more numerous sections of the people were 
 largely the gainers. “ It is not to be supposed,” says Mr. Elphinstone, 
 “ that my stay in these zillahs could enable me to form any opinion 
 “ of the real condition of the people. The facts that present them- 
 “ selves on a hasty view are that the grassias are weakened and de- 
 “ pressed ; that the Desaees and all the hereditary officers, including 
 “ the putels, are stripped of power and influence, and given security 
 “ of persons and property in exchange; that the bankers are deprived 
 “ of one large branch of their profits by the change in our system of 
 “ revenue, and of another by the decline of commerce, occasioned by 
 “ the downfall of so many native states, and the equal diffusion of 
 “ property; that the Bhats, once so important in Goozerat, are now 
 
592 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ almost too insignificant to mention, and that the ryots have gainec 
 “ much wealth, comfort, and security among all the sufferers. Those 
 “ engaged in commerce, and perhaps the grassias, are the only classes 
 “ that give rise to regret. There are no hereditary chiefs, no esta- 
 “ blished military leaders, and no body of men that claimed (s. o.) 
 “ respect from even an apparent devotion to learning or religion. 
 “ The property of those who have suffered was built upon a de- 
 “ pression of the people, and their fall has been compensated by the 
 “ rise of the ryots, the most numerous, most industrious, and most 
 “ respectable part of the community. To that order our government 
 “ has, beyond all doubt, been a blessing. It has repelled predatory 
 “ invasion, restrained intestine disorder, administered equal and im- 
 “ partial justice, and has almost extirpated every branch of exaction 
 “ and oppression. The appearance of the country on this side of the 
 “ Sabhermutee, which has been long in our possession, is what might 
 “ be expected in such circumstances. The former affluence of the 
 “ upper classes is apparent in the excellence of their houses ; and the 
 “ prosperity of the ryots appears in the comfort of their dwellings, 
 “ the neatness of their dress, and the high cultivation of their lands. 
 “ In the fertility and improvement of the fields, there are many parts 
 “ of the Bengal provinces which cannot be surpassed ; but in the 
 “ abundance of trees and hedges, in handsome and substantial well- 
 “ built villages, and in the decent and thriving appearance of the 
 “ people, I have seen nothing in India that can bear a comparison 
 “ with the eastern zillah of Goozerat.” 
 
 In order to understand the improvement which had taken place in 
 the position of the ryot or cultivator, we must see what that was under 
 the native rule. Colonel Walker presents us with a description, which 
 we quote, simply premising that a similar state of things to that which 
 he pourtrays exists at the present hour in parts of Goozerat which are 
 not under the direct authority of the British government. “ The 
 “ proprietors (of alienated lands),” says Colonel Walker, “ possess the 
 “ right of assessing the ryots, and of leasing their lands to the best 
 “ advantage. They appear to exercise the same rights in this respect 
 “ as a proprietor in Europe, but their rate of assessment is commonly 
 “ under that of the government. It does not appear that the govern- 
 “ ment interferes in this matter, but it is well understood that in the 
 “ case of oppression on the one part, or of misdemeanor on the 
 “ other, either party has a right to complain, and the ryot, if he dis- 
 “ likes the terms of his landlord, may remove into another district. 
 “ This is the usual resource, and the whole of the inhabitants of a 
 “ village, or that part of them which may be aggrieved, whether on 
 
TENURES UNDER THE BRITISH. 
 
 593 
 
 “ private lands or holding from the government, will remove into an- 
 “ other district, and accept of new lands there, or remain until they 
 “ receive redress and have obliged the landholders to accede to their 
 “ terms. To prevent these emigrations the komavishdars sometimes 
 “ agree among themselves not to afford those who quarrel with their 
 “ landlords any employment within their districts ; but it happens as 
 “ frequently that they are ready to take advantage of their lll-treat- 
 “ ment and to avail themselves of their services. It may be here 
 “ remarked that even the ryot or cultivator of government land has 
 “ rights by prescription, and to deprive him of the spot which he or 
 “ his family had long cultivated would be considered as an arbitrary act, 
 “ unauthorized by law, or custom, which is the same thing ; such eject- 
 “ ments therefore seldom happen.” 
 
 The security which the ryot possessed lay, practically, in the fact 
 that his caste-fellows were sure to espouse his cause, and that his 
 landlord could not expel him, because he dare not venture upon an 
 act which might cause them also to retire. The state of things was 
 represented by the eastern proverb already quoted : “ In the multi- 
 
 “ tude of people is the king’s honor, but in the want of people is the 
 “ destruction of the prince.” Under the British rule, however, the 
 ryot was not only protected from foreign invasion and intestine dis¬ 
 order, but was actually vested with (what he never possessed before) 
 a proprietary right to the land which he occupied, which he might 
 now sell without the consent of his so-called landlord, and from which 
 the government itself had no power to eject him as long as he con¬ 
 tinued to pay his rent. 
 
 Another institution of their British rulers was not so favorable in its 
 action upon the cultivating population, while it mitigated in no slight 
 degree the disadvantages under which the commercial, which were also 
 the usurious, classes had fallen. The premature introduction of a judicial 
 system, founded upon European maxims, produced evil effects, which, 
 as we have already seen, were deprecated by Mr. Elphinstone. Four 
 years afterwards (in a.d. 1825) they were thus vividly depicted by 
 one who (as far at least as his position was concerned), may be called 
 a still more impartial observer—Bishop Heber. “ The greatest evil 
 “ of the land here (in Goozerat),” says Heber, “ as elsewhere in India, 
 “ is the system of the Adawlut courts, their elaborate and intricate 
 “ machinery, their intolerable and expensive delays, and the severity 
 “ of their debtor and creditor laws. Even in the Adawlut, however, 
 “ a very essential improvement had been introduced by Mr. Elphin- 
 “ stone in discarding the Persian language, and appointing all pro- 
 “ ceedings to be in that of Goozerat. Still there remained many evils, 
 
 Q Q 
 
594 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ and in a land so eaten up by poverty on the one hand, and usury 
 “ on the other, the most calamitous results continually followed, and 
 “ the most bitter indignation was often excited by the judgments, 
 “ ejectments, and other acts of the court, which though intended only 
 “ to do justice between man and man, yet frequently depopulated vil- 
 “ lages, undid ancient families, pulled down men’s hereditary and 
 “ long-possessed houses over their heads, and made the judges hated 
 “ and feared by the great body of the people, as practising severities 
 “ in the recovery of private debts which none of the native governors, 
 “ however otherwise oppressive, either ventured to do or thought of 
 “ doing. One good effect has indeed followed, that by making a 
 “ debt more easy to recover, the rate of interest has been lessened. 
 “ But this is a poor compensation for the evils of a system which, to 
 “ pay a debt, no matter how contracted, strips the weaver of his loom, 
 “ the husbandman of his plough, and pulls the roof from the castle of 
 “ the feudal chieftain; and which, when a village is once abandoned 
 “ by its inhabitants in a time of famine, makes it next to impossible 
 “ for those inhabitants, who are all more or less in debt, to return in 
 “ better times to their houses and lands again.” 
 
 No less disastrous results might, perhaps, have been expected from 
 the attempt to mould all at once the habits of the torrid zone into 
 those of “ this nook-shotten isle of Albion,” and to apply, without an 
 intermediate step, institutions which suited the subjects of George IV. 
 to a state of society bearing so much more near a resemblance to that 
 of the reign of Alfred. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 RELIGIOUS SERVICES—FESTIVALS. 
 
 In a Hindoo temple the adytum containing the object of worship is 
 invariably covered with a “ shikur,” or bell-shaped spire; the mundup, 
 or ante-chamber, is open, and contains in temples of Shiva a figure of 
 the attendent bull, Nundee. Vaishnavite temples especially have 
 frequently two ante-chambers, in which case the first is open and the 
 second closed. These, as also the temples of the Jain religion, have 
 occasionally three spires, the centre one rather higher than the other 
 two. The temple is surrounded by a Dhurumsala, or house of accommo- 
 
RELIGIOUS SERVICES. 
 
 595 
 
 elation, for attendants and worshippers. The surrounding structure 
 is, however, still sometimes, especially in Jain temples, formed of nu¬ 
 merous small spire-covered shrines, and the lodging-houses are in that 
 case detached, but the whole mass of buildings is frequently encircled 
 by a fortified wall. A large temple presents, in fact, the appearance 
 of a village; the auxiliary buildings look like substantial private houses, 
 but are more liberally adorned with carved woodwork; and sometimes 
 nearly the whole exterior of them is covered with rude paintings, re¬ 
 presenting marriages or other domestic festivals, or more frequently the 
 achievements of the gods. Small reservoirs of water called koonds, 
 circular wells, and more imposing wavs or bowlees, and sometimes 
 majestic tanks are the more or less indispensable accompaniments of 
 places dedicated to the religion of the Hindoos. Like the Christian 
 churches of the middle ages, the Hindoo temples of Goozerat are 
 usually placed in situations highly favoured by nature. The awful 
 gloom of the grove, the romantic beauty of the mountain glen, the 
 brightness of the river’s bank, the wildness of the cloud-enveloped 
 peak, or the solemn calm of the ocean bay, are accessaries of which 
 the religions of Shiva and of Adeenath know full well how to avail. 
 
 The officiating priests are in the temples of Shiva usually Gosaees ; 
 in those ofVishnoo, Brahmins or Wairagees; in Devees’ temples, low 
 caste Brahmins or Gosaees—sometimes, as in the case of Boucherajee, 
 even Mohummedans. The priest in a Jain temple may be of any 
 caste, with the curious provision that he be not a Shrawuk, or 
 layman of that religion. Low-caste Brahmins, especially the class 
 called Bhojuk, who have already been mentioned, are frequently 
 employed. The Gosaees are members of a monastic order which fol¬ 
 lows Shiva. They wear orange tawny clothes, and the teeluk or sec¬ 
 tarian mark upon their foreheads, is horizontal. The Wairagee is a 
 Vaishnavite monk, and wears a white dress and a perpendicular tee¬ 
 luk. Those who are servants of the Devees add to the teeluk a 
 chandlo or red spot, made with a preparation of turmeric. The Jain monk 
 is commonly called a Jutee, but the general name applying to all these 
 orders is that of Sunyasee, or anchorite. The Sunyasees are now for 
 the most part persons who have lost their property, have been deprived 
 of their children, or suffered some other calamity, against which they 
 have not had resolution to bear up. The intended recluse having 
 arranged with a gooroo , or monkish dignitary, for his reception into the 
 
 1 “Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead, nor print any 
 marks upon you. I am the Lord.”—Leviticus, xix. 28. Bishop Patrick notes that 
 this imprinting of marks or signatures was understood to be fixing a badge or cha¬ 
 racteristic of the person’s being devoted to some false deity. 
 
59 & 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 order, and having ascertained the favourable day by astrological cal¬ 
 culation, breaks the sacred cord, if he be of the regenerate classes, 
 lemoves the hair of his head, assumes the monastic dress, and with 
 alms and prayers receives initiation. Sunyasees are, however, some¬ 
 times consecrated at an early age; a person who despairs of having 
 children not unfrequently vows to consecrate one son, if two be 
 granted to his prayers ; and among the Jains, when disciples are scarce, 
 as they frequently are, the monks purchase children for the purpose 
 of initiating them . 1 
 
 Our readers will have gathered from the description already given 
 of “ mental worship,” that the ordinary Hindoo religious service con¬ 
 sists in performing for the idol such acts as a menial servant performs 
 lor his human master. I he routine, which affords a tolerably distinct 
 idea of Hindoo domestic life in former days, is most fully brought out 
 in a carefully attended temple ofVishnoo, in which there are five daily 
 services. At the time at which men rise from their beds in the morn¬ 
 ing, bells are rung in the temple ; the royal drum and the conch-shell 
 are sounded to awake the Dev from his slumbers. The officiating 
 priest having performed ablutions enters the temple, and waves before 
 the idol a lamp, having usually five or seven branches. At eight or 
 nine in the morning the Dev is dressed in clothes suitable to the sea¬ 
 son of the year. In the cold weather he wears a quilted coat, and has 
 
 1 The following is the account given of himself by Gosaee Shumbhoopooree, one 
 of these ascetics, whom we met with a few years ago : — 
 
 (t ^ was boin in Bikaner, and am the son of Pruthee Singh Shiv Singh Thakor 
 ( of Mooroo, in that country. 1 he name which I bore as a Rajpoot was Khet 
 (( Singh, and my tribe was the Rathor. When I was four or five years old, Soorut 
 <( p* n sdb Raja of Bikaner, seized upon the estate of Mooroo, and my father ‘went 
 
 out to recover it. I was with my father in outlawry until I attained the age of 
 “ thirteen. My father then placed me in the temple of Mata Shree Kurneejee, 
 <( which is twelve coss from Bikaner. When the raja heard of this he sent for me 
 (( 10 cour fi and giving me a dress of honour, ordered me to remain with him; but, 
 it as ^ suspected that his intentions were treacherous, I made my escape to Hotee, 
 (( near Pokui n, in Marwar, where there is a temple of Muha Dev, and a monas- 
 ft tel 7, which Muhanunt Chundunpooree was then the superior. I remained ten 
 (( da y s . a f fke monastery, and saw the mode of life there, and it came into my mind 
 << u ^ wou ^d k e better to live there than to continue in outlawry. My lock of 
 t( aair was therefore cut off, and I W'as admitted as a disciple, and instructed by the 
 (f gootoo. I remained at the monastery ten years, and afterwards went to Hinglaz on 
 <t pugnmage, and since then I have wandered about from one Hindoo holy place 
 << t0 another, and have visited Kashee, Jwala Mookhee, Hurdwar, Dwarka, and 
 (i other places. I am now about forty years old. About ten years ago I wont to 
 (i P a y a visit to my own family. I found my elder brother, Beerjjee, alive, also my 
 ‘‘uncle Man Singh, and his son, Rughoonath, but my father was dead. They 
 
 pressed me to remain with them, but I made my escaped’ 
 
RELIGIOUS SERVICES. 
 
 597 
 
 a brazier placed beside him to afford warmth; in the hot weather he 
 is anointed with sandal-wood dust and water to produce coolness, and 
 is dressed in clothes of fine linen, and adorned with flowers and jewels ; 
 he is placed beside a fountain, and is fanned by his attendants. In the 
 rainy season the Dev is dressed in scarlet cloth and shawls. At this 
 time his breakfast is brought to him, which consists of rice and milk, 
 and such other articles of food as rich men use. This meal should, 
 however, be accompanied by the whole of the “sixteen acts of wor- 
 “ ship,” which will presently be described. The third service is at 
 noon; the Dev is again rubbed with sandal, and adorned with fresh 
 flowers. Lamps are lighted, and incense is burnt before him, and he 
 is supplied with food according to the season of the year. He is now 
 supposed to retire for a siesta, and silence must therefore be main¬ 
 tained in the temple. At three in the afternoon the royal drum 
 announces that the Dev has finished his noon-day sleep, the attendants 
 bring in fruit and confectionaries, a chess-board, dice, and other means 
 of amusement. The most important of all the services is, however, 
 the fourth, which takes place at sunset, and is accompanied by the 
 whole of the sixteen acts of worship. The Dev is invited into the 
 temple, a throne is set for him, water is offered him to wash 
 his feet, an offering of water is sprinkled before him, and a cupfull is 
 presented, that he may rinse his mouth. Preparations for the Dev’s 
 bath constitute the sixth act of worship; he is next provided with 
 garments and with a sacrificial cord; sandal ointment is presented to 
 him, scented flowers and incense are offered to him. The lighting of 
 lamps is the twelfth act of worship; the various courses of a sump¬ 
 tuous dinner are then presented to him, concluding with the leaf of 
 betel; the branched candlestick is waved before him as in the morning. 
 The worshippers circumambulate the image several times, like warders 
 going the rounds, which forms the fifteenth act of worship ; and the 
 whole service is concluded by a hymn of praise. 
 
 'The “ Prudukshuna ,” or circumambulation, is performed by some 
 persons once only, by others seven times, and by others as often as 
 one hundred and eight times. At each circuit the worshipper repeats 
 the following “ muntra,” or verse of power :— 
 
 “ Sin am I ! sin-doer I ! sinful-souled, sin-born ! Protect me, O ! 
 “ thou of the lotus-eye, all-sin-destroying Huree ! (Vishnoo). What- 
 “ ever sins of mine and others are in existence, though they attain the 
 “ height of Meroo-mountain, all these find destruction at each step of 
 “ the prudukshuna.” 1 
 
 1 Compare the following :—“ No sacrifice, however, was to be made without 
 “ leaves or branches of the misletoe ; and before they entered the circle to offer, 
 
59 $ 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The last of the five daily services takes place at night-time. 
 Sandal, flowers, and incense are offered to the Dev, lamps are lighted, 
 and a supper of milk, biscuits, and other articles is set before him. 
 He is then supposed to retire to rest, and, if moveable, his image is 
 placed upon a bed; otherwise it is covered with shawls and 
 garments. 
 
 In the temples of Vishnoo there are usually two images, representing 
 Seeta and Ram, or Radha and Krishn; Lukshmun, the brother of 
 Ram, has also frequently an image. On the birthdays of Ram and 
 Krishn, and on other festivals, the idols are crowned, and arrayed in 
 royal attire. At the Hoolee, the Dev is dressed in yellow clothes, 
 supplied with red powder and a squirt, and supposed to take part in 
 the festivities. On another occasion the image of Vishnoo is carried 
 to a river or lake, where it is bathed, and if the sheet of water be 
 sufficiently extensive, it is placed in a boat that it may enjoy a sail. 
 
 In the temples of Shiva, and in those of Devees, the first, second, 
 and fourth services only are used. The Jains merely wash their 
 images with water, brush them, smear them with sandal and adorn 
 them with jewels. They wave the branched candlestick, however, in 
 the evening. The Shrawuks, and particularly the women of that 
 faith, carry with them, when they go to worship, a handsome bag 
 containing rice. Near the idol is set a box, with a hole in the lid, 
 into which they drop the rice, and which every eight or ten days is 
 opened that its contents may be thrown to the pigeons, or otherwise 
 disposed of, before life is generated in them. Some persons drop 
 money into the box, and it appears probable that this was the original 
 practice—the box retaining the name of “ Bhundar,” or treasury. 
 
 The Hindoos in Goozerat divide the year into three seasons, the 
 Sheealoo or cold season, the Oonhaloo or hot season, and the Chomdsoo 
 or monsoon. The first of these includes the months of Karteek, 
 Magsheer, Posh, and Magh; the second those of Phalgoon, Chyetra, 
 
 “ they made a tour about it sunways ; and the like they did when they had done 
 “ offering. 
 
 “ The tour about the circle is called Deas-soil, from Deas the south, and soil, the 
 “ sun, q. d. South about with the sun. I have often seen at marriages, and 
 “ churchings of women, and burials, such a tour made about the church. This 
 “ ceremony was not confined to the Druids ; we find it at the funeral pile of Pallas. 
 “ Virgil, AE. lib. xi. 188-190. 
 
 “ Ter circum accensos cincti fulgentibus armis 
 “ Decurrere rogos ; ter maestum funeris ignem 
 “ Lustravere in equis ; ululatusque ore dedere.” 
 
 Lachlan Shaw's History of Moray. 
 
RELIGIOUS SERVICES. 
 
 599 
 
 
 
 Wyeshak, and Jeth; and the third those of Ashad, Shrawun, 
 Bhadrapud, and Asho. Each month is again divided into Shood and 
 IVud, in the former of which there are moonlight nights . 1 
 
 The first festival which we shall have to notice occupies the three 
 last days of the month of Asho. The thirteenth of the dark half of 
 this month is called “ Dhun Terush .” In the morning, after ablutions, 
 the Hindoos having carefully cleansed a few silver coinSj and placed 
 them on a table, worship them, anointing them with a preparation 
 of turmeric, placing before them flowers and fragrant colored powders, 
 with incense and lamps, and performing the other acts of worship. 
 At the same time shepherds, cowherds, and others who are similarly 
 employed, adorn the animals which they tend, and worship them. 
 Fishermen in like manner color and worship their nets . 2 Their duties 
 are performed fasting : on their conclusion each household holds a 
 private festival. In the evening the people of the town or village 
 assemble outside the gate to see the cowherds drive their flocks and 
 cattle in from the fields at full gallop. On their return into the village 
 they illuminate their houses. The next day, which is called Kdlee 
 Choudush , is dedicated to the worship of Hunooman, and the night 
 is the favorite time for the practice of magical rites. The illumination 
 is repeated this night also, but is far more brilliant and general 
 on the succeeding evening, which is called, from the lines of lamps 
 which are then exhibited, “the Deewalee .” 3 
 
 The corresponding English months may be thus (roughly) stated :— 
 
 Sheealoo 
 
 Oonhaloo 
 
 Chomasoo. 
 
 f Karteek. 
 
 — 
 
 November. 
 
 N Magsheer. 
 
 . . — 
 
 December. 
 
 1 Posh. 
 
 
 January. 
 
 (. Magh. 
 
 
 February. 
 
 f Phalgoon. 
 
 
 March. 
 
 ^ Chyetra. 
 
 
 April. 
 
 1 Wyeshak. 
 
 
 May. 
 
 (jeth. 
 
 
 June. 
 
 f Ashad. 
 
 
 July. 
 
 ) Shrawun. 
 
 
 August. 
 
 1 Bhadrapud. . . . 
 
 
 September. 
 
 (.Asho. 
 
 
 October. 
 
 2 “ Therefore they sacrifice unto their net, and burn incense unto their drag ; 
 “ because by them their portion is fat, and their meat plenteous .”—Vide Habakkuk, 
 i. 16. To which the author of the “Christian Year” refers in the following 
 lines :— 
 
 “ To our own nets ne’er bow we down, 
 
 “ Lest, on the eternal shore, 
 
 “ The Angels, while our draught they own, 
 “ Reject us evermore.” 
 
 3 Deep or Deev, a lamp, and Alee, a line. 
 
6oo 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 On the first day of the month of Karteek, which is also the first of 
 the year, the Hindoos build before the Devs an Unnkoot, or store¬ 
 house of every kind of food. It was the practice of old to worship 
 Indra upon this day, but Shree Krishn, during his incarnation, caused 
 the mountain King Gowurdhun, to be substituted for the Sovereign 
 of Paradise, 1 and the Hindoos of the present day therefore erect a 
 model of Gowurdhun mountain, which they worship, and upon which 
 they place a flag, a few sprigs of trees, and some flowers. The 
 trading classes open new account books on this day, and worship 
 them under the name of “ Suruswutee,” with all the sixteen acts, 
 excepting that of bathing. They sprinkle the first leaf with the red 
 preparation of turmeric, and head it in some such fashion as the 
 following, making a few fictitious entries, for good luck, of articles 
 used on festive occasions :— 
 
 “ Praise to Shree Gunesh ! Shree Sardajee 2 is true ! Praise to the 
 “ floods of the jewel-treasury—the ocean ! Shree Umbajee mother is 
 “ true ! Shree Boucherajee is true ! 
 
 “ In the year of Yikrum, 1908, on the first day of the light half of 
 “ the month Karteek, being Saturday, in Shree Bhownugger, the chief, 
 “ Shree Veejye Singh, is ruling; his heir apparent is the Prince Shree 
 “ Dajee Raj, and Desaee Soorujram is the minister. This book 
 “ is the account book of the present writer, Sha Moteechund 
 “ Soorchund.” 
 
 Dr. 
 
 Turmeric, \ seer. 
 Sugar, 1 seer. 
 Betel, j seer. 
 Nutmegs, 7. 
 
 Turmeric, f seer. 
 Sugar, 1 seer. 
 Betel, j seer. 
 Nutmegs, 7. 
 
 Cr. 
 
 The third day of the month of Wyeshak, which, in the language of 
 of Goozerat, is called Ukhaturee, is supposed to be the day on which 
 the storms of the monsoon commence, and the sea becomes unfit for 
 navigation. It is the great day of omens. The Hindoos, on the 
 evening of the 2nd, make, outside the villages, model towns built of 
 corn, and stored with little heaps of various grains. They place 
 therein, also, a copper coin to represent the raja, betel-nut to stand 
 for the minister, a little cotton, some sugar, and other articles. On 
 the morning of the 3rd the villagers examine the model. If the ants 
 
 1 The story may be found at length in the Prem Sagur, chapters 25 to 28 : vide 
 translation of that work by Professor Eastwick. London : James Madden, 8, 
 Leadenliall-street. 1851. 
 
 2 Suruswutee. 
 
FESTIVALS. 
 
 601 
 
 have interfered much with any kind of grain during the night time, the 
 people think that the grain will be scarce during the ensuing year. 
 In whatever direction the cotton has been removed, there, they 
 believe, cotton will be in demand that season, and they conclude that 
 the raja or minister will prosper or suffer misfortune, accordingly as 
 the money or the betel-nut has been carried away or allowed to 
 remain unmolested. This custom is said to be still more prevalent 
 in Marwar than it is in Goozerat. Of omens, Krishna) ee, the author 
 of Rutun-mala, has left us a very full enumeration. The following 
 are the inauspicious omens which an army encountered on its way to 
 a field of battle, where it was defeated :— 
 
 “ First, as they went, a man sneezed when he met them, a dog 
 “ howled—an omen not good, a cat passed them on the right hand, a 
 “ donkey brayed, and a kite cried terribly. Meeting them, came a 
 “ widow and a Sunyasee, a Brahmin without a teeluk on his forehead, 
 
 “ a person dressed in mourning garments, one who carried a plate of 
 “ flour, and a woman with her hair dishevelled.” On another oc¬ 
 casion, however, the same army rejoiced in a string of good omens :— 
 “ They met a learned Brahmin, book in hand; they met a married 
 “ woman with her son who had gone out to fetch water ; they met a 
 “ horseman, a Kshutree, with his arms; they met a gardener who 
 “ carried a vase of flowers; they met a cow with her calf, the cow 
 “ adorned with red ointment and with garlands.” 1 
 
 “ In a certain village, on the morning of Ukhaturee,” says a 
 modern Goozeratee author, “ five men went outside the gate to take 
 “ omens. Having listened to the noise of the jackals and other 
 “ animals, they turned to proceed homewards. As they went, one 
 “ man stopped, and sat down, and the other four stood waiting for 
 “ him. At this time they heard a cultivator’s wife ask her husband 
 “ whether he thought they would be obliged to purchase a bullock 
 “ that year or not. The cultivator said, ‘ There is no fear of those 
 “ four that are on their legs, but I have little hope of the one that 
 “ cannot stand ; it will die this year without a doubt.’ The man who 
 
 1 “ Sneezing,” says Brand, “ has been held ominous from times of the most re- 
 “ mote antiquity.” Eustathius upon Homer has long ago observed that sneezing 
 to the left was unlucky, but that to the right prosperous. The custom of blessing 
 persons when they sneeze has, without doubt, been derived to the Christian world, 
 where it generally prevails, from the time of heathenism. 
 
 The same author remarks that the howling of a dog by night, in a neighbour¬ 
 hood, is the presage of death to any that are sick in it; also that omens were 
 drawn from the coming in and going out of strange cats. The omens known in 
 Goozerat may, in short, be paralleled in England and many other countries, which 
 did (or do still) boast of an exclusive civilization. 
 
602 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ sat > hearing this omen, was fully persuaded in his mind that he 
 would not survive the year. I heard, too, that he fretted himself to 
 “ such an extent, that he really did die within the time allotted. 
 
 “ A ringdove sat upon the roof of an old Koonbee woman's house. 
 “ She, hearing it cooing, began to weep and beat her breast. A 
 “ Brahmin, having come there at the time, the old woman said to 
 “ him, ‘ O ! Muharaj, this cursed pigeon is after me again. It has 
 “ carried off already my husband, my two sons, and my daughter, 
 “ an d now it has come for me, and sits every day on the top of my 
 ‘‘ house, crying.’ The Brahmin gave her some charmed pebbles, with 
 “ which she pelted the pigeon every day for seven days as often as it 
 “ came. After that it returned no longer. The old woman thereupon 
 “ reverenced the Brahmin as if he had been the Supreme Being. 
 
 “ In Goozerat, if a pigeon or an owl sit on a housetop constantly, 
 “ people believe that the death of some one of the inhabitants of the 
 “ house will follow. If, also, a crow 1 alight upon a man, or a spider 
 “ fall upon him, they believe that his life will be shortened. To pre- 
 “ vent this calamity, the man strips off the clothes he wore at the 
 “ time the accident happened, gives them to Brahmins, and goes 
 
 ( 1 The owl and crow have always been held to be birds of ill omen : vide Brand’s 
 Popular Antiquities,” where the following, among other examples, are quoted :— 
 “ When screech owls croak upon the chimney tops, 
 
 “ It’s certain then you of a corse shall hear.” 
 
 Peed’s Old Plays , VI. 257. 
 
 “ The boding raven on her cottage sat, 
 
 “ And, with horse croakings, warn’d us of our fate.” 
 
 Gay's Pastorals. 
 
 “ The owl shriek’d at thy birth, an evil sign ; 
 
 “ The night-crow cried, aboding luckless time ; 
 
 ‘ ‘ Cogs howl’d, and hideous tempests shook down trees ; 
 
 “ The raven rook’d her on the chimney’s top, 
 
 “ And chattering pies in dismal discord sung.” 
 
 Third Part of King Henry VI., Act V sc. 6. 
 
 The boatmen on the Indus will not suffer a crow to alight on their vessels, and 
 consider it to be extremely unlucky. In Sweden, the magpie, like others of the 
 raven or crow family, is a mystic bird, a downright witches’ bird, belonging to the 
 devil and the other hidden powers of night. When the witches, on Walpurgi’s 
 night, ride to the Blokulle, they turn themselves into magpies. When these birds 
 are moulting in summer, and become bald about the neck, the country people say 
 they have been to the Blokulle, and helped the evil one to get in his hay, and 
 that the yoke had rubbed their feathers off. In Denmark, the crow is a bird of 
 omen, but not necessarily of ill omen. Olaf Tryggvason, although a Christian, 
 observed whether a crow stood on its right or left foot, and predicted good or evil 
 accordingly, whence his enemies nick-named him krak&bein (crow'-leg). In North 
 Germany it is believed that if ravens fly over a house, making a great croaking, a 
 person will soon die in it. 
 
FESTIVALS. 
 
 603 
 
 “ away to perform ablution. If such a thing happen to a raja, he 
 “ performs sacrifice by fire. Whenever many meteors fall from the 
 “ sky, or the earth quakes, or wild animals enter a village, or any 
 “ other portent occurs, people have recourse to a section of the Sam 
 “ Ved, in which remedies are prescribed which rajas ought to adopt. 
 
 “ If the raja neglect this duty, people believe that great injury will be 
 “ occasioned to the country over which he rules. However, things 
 “ happen as they are disposed, be the remedy taken or neglected.” 
 
 Banasoor and his queen, says the “ Rape of Oka,” one of the most 
 popular poems in the language of Goozerat, were seated, in the early 
 morning, at a window of their palace of Shoneetpoor, on the coast of 
 the ocean, when an outcaste, who came thither to sweep the road, 
 beheld them, and averted his face from the evil omen. The king and 
 queen called him to them, and demanded the cause of his behaviour. 
 He said, at first, that being of so low a caste he was afraid that if he 
 showed his face to them he should be put to death; but on being 
 pressed to tell the truth, and assured of pardon, he confessed that he 
 had averted his face from them because they were childless persons, 
 and to behold them at that hour was ominous of misfortune. The 
 Ranee was very much distressed, and wept bitterly. She said that 
 her palace, without a child’s cradle in it, seemed to her like a Gosaee’s 
 monastery or a funeral ground, and she entreated her husband to pro¬ 
 cure the boon from Shiva. Banasoor repaired to Kyelas and devoted 
 himself to austerities of so great severity that Shiva was driven to seek 
 the advice of Parwutee as to the means of satisfying this importunate 
 worshipper. The goddess possessed herself but two children, 
 Gunesh and Oka, and she refused to surrender either. With much 
 entreaty, however, Shiva extorted from her a consent to relinquish 
 Oka, whom he conveyed, accordingly, to the suppliant monarch, to be 
 brought up as his own daughter. 
 
 Banasoor some time afterwards having procured great strength from 
 Shiva, became so inflated with pride as to challenge that deity him¬ 
 self to the combat. Shiva cursed him for his arrogance, and pre¬ 
 dicted that his strength should be reft from him by the grandfather 
 of Oka’s future husband. The king now thought of putting Oka 
 to death, but, at the suggestion of a counsellor, altered his deter¬ 
 mination to that of keeping her unmarried. He built a tower by 
 the sea-side, to which he left no means of access, and there he 
 placed Oka and her maiden confidante, setting a guard around the 
 tower, and ordering that its inmates should be supplied only with 
 such food as they should themselves draw up in a basket by a rope. 
 Oka, however, from her place of confinement, addressed her prayers 
 
604 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 for a husband to her mother Parwutee, or Gowree. She repeated 
 her petitions thrice, and the goddess then made answer that she 
 should marry three husbands, Oka now prayed that she might not 
 be subjected to the calamity of becoming twice a widow, and Gowree 
 answered, that she should marry once in a dream, a second time in 
 private, and a third time publicly, but that her husband should be one 
 and the same. She married, accordingly, Uneeroodh, the son of 
 Prudyoomna, the son of Krishn, and that divinity (though Shiva 
 fought for him) reft his strength from Banasoor. 
 
 Such, according to the popular version, was the origin of the 
 festival called “the Worship of Gowree,” which is held on the twelfth 
 day of the light half of Ashad, the first month of the monsoon season. 
 In preparation for this day, little girls, between the ages of five and 
 ten years, form an earthen image of Gowree, and dress it up in 
 clothes. On either side, they set a vessel full of earth in which they 
 have sown wheat and jowaree. The morning of the twelfth, as soon 
 as they get up, they go to the river-side to bathe. Returning from 
 thence, they proceed to some place where all the female children of 
 the village or quarter of the town are assembling, and thence the 
 whole proceed together, singing songs in praise of either their deity, 
 Shree Krishn, or their temporal master, the lord of the village, to the 
 house of some Brahmin, to whose care the image of Gowree has been 
 entrusted. They now worship the goddess with the sixteen pre¬ 
 scribed ceremonials, making her presents, which fall as perquisites to 
 the Brahmin. The mothers, or elder sisters of the girls, at this time 
 prompt them to ask a boon of the goddess, and the children, one 
 after the other, say, “ Gor 1 Ma ! grant me a good bridegroom.” From 
 the Brahmin’s house they return home, worshipping on their way a 
 sacred basil-tree, a cow, a well, and, lastly, the threshold of their 
 father’s house. The votaries of Gowree are bound by a vow to eat 
 once only during the day, but this rule they comply with in form 
 alone. At four in the afternoon the little girls are again assembled, 
 decked out, each of them, in as brilliant a manner as the means of 
 their parents permit, and they now set forth to worship all the Devs, 
 one after the other. The day is generally concluded by these 
 juvenile holiday-makers at the village tank, beside which they romp 
 until bed-time. One of their great amusements is to strut about in 
 procession, beating their breasts, as female mourners do at a funeral, 
 and crying out, “ Alas ! Deda, alas ! alas ! ” Or, perhaps, for the 
 obnoxious Deda, they substitute a chief with whom theirs is at enmity, 
 or some other unpopular person. 
 
 Betrothed girls receive, at the time of this festival, presents of 
 
FESTIVALS. 605 
 
 clothes and other articles from the house of their intended bride¬ 
 groom. 
 
 There is a verse in common use among the women of Goozerat, to 
 the effect that if rain do not fall in the first five days of Shrawun, a /■ 
 famine will ensue :— 
 
 If in the first five days of Shrawun, 
 
 The cloud-king do not begin to scatter his drops, 
 
 Husband, do you go to Malwa, 
 
 I shall go home to my father’s house. 
 
 When the fall of rain is long delayed the Hindoos think that Indra 
 wishes to lay waste their town or village, and to deprecate his wrath 
 by submission, they quit the place in a body for the day, leaving it 
 “ oojud,” or wmste, and cook their dinner outside. This is called an 
 “ Oojanee.” In the territories of native chiefs, the raja issues pro¬ 
 clamation by beat of drum, the day before the Oojanee is to take 
 place, that a fine will be imposed upon any person who presumes to 
 light a fire within the town. 
 
 Another mode of inducing the rain to fall, is to send for one of the 
 persons called Bhoowos, who are supposed to be inspired by a local 
 Devee. The man arrives, and, after certain preliminaries, begins to 
 counterfeit inspiration. The Hindoos then address him as the 
 goddess and say, “ Matajee, why is it that the rain does not fall ? ” 
 
 The Bhoowo, flinging his limbs about, and rolling his eyes, makes 
 answer, “Why should it fall? you make me no offerings.” “We 
 “ were wrong, Matajee ! ” they say, “ we are your children, we will 
 “ bring offerings whenever you please.” He then orders them to 
 present certain kinds of food, which he describes, on the next day 
 which is sacred to the Devee. The offerings must be put in broken 
 earthen vessels, which represent the human skulls out of which the 
 Yogeenee delights to eat; they must be carried outside the eastern 
 door of the city, and then set down in a circle which has been pre¬ 
 viously sprinkled with water. As each householder has to present 
 an offering, the number of the vessels which are thus set down is 
 sometimes very large. The dogs, or the Dhers, eat the food, and if 
 the rain fall it is believed that the Devee has sent it. 
 
 The following is another mode of inducing a fall of rain. The 
 outlet by which water passes off from the basin that the symbol of 
 Shiva is set in must be closed up, and libations made until the ling is 
 immersed. This process should be repeated for eight days, unless 
 rain fall in the meantime. 
 
6o 6 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Koonbee and Bheel women sometimes parade the streets on these 
 occasions, singing songs addressed to the goddess of the rain :— 
 
 The cultivator has abandoned the plough, O ! Meyhoola, 
 
 In pity to him do thou rain, therefore, O ! Meyhoola, 
 
 The good man has packed off the good woman home, O ! Meyhoola, 
 Separated from her are her little children, O ! Meyhoola, 
 
 The stream is dry in the river’s-bed, O ! Meyhoola. 
 
 * * * * * 
 
 A boy accompanies the singers, bearing on his head a basket con¬ 
 taining mould, with three sprigs of the limb tree stuck in it. When 
 the party approaches a Hindoo house, the women come forth and 
 pour water over the sprigs, so that the boy is drenched through; 
 they make presents of grain at the same time to the women who form 
 the procession. 
 
 On the fifth of the second half of the month of Shrawun the people 
 of Goozerat prepare a white surface on some wall in the interior of 
 their houses, upon which they paint in black a rude picture of the 
 house of Shesh Nag, the snake-supporter of the universe. They 
 worship this figure with all the prescribed forms, and address the 
 snake-king, saying, “Sire! be propitious to me,” in the hope of 
 securing his favor for the ensuing year. This is the day upon which, 
 according to the Hindoo practice, the royal yearly grants ought to be 
 paid. The festival is called “ Nag Punchmee 
 
 The next day is entitled “ Rdndun Chut,” or “ Cooking Sixth,” 
 and is devoted to the preparation of food for the seventh, the day 
 dedicated to Seetula Devee,or the small-pox. The goddess is supposed 
 to wander about on that day among the ovens of the householders, 
 on which account no fire must be lighted there for fear of annoying 
 her. The following account of Seetula Devee is from the modern 
 author we have already quoted :— 
 
 “ In the course of the present year, the daughter of a neighbour of 
 “ mine, who was four years old, fell sick of small-pox. When the 
 “ disease appeared, as the parents were old and had but one daughter 
 “ and two sons, they were very much alarmed that they should lose 
 “ their favorite. They brought her bed into the house, put a screen 
 “ before it, with branches of the limb tree, and having mixed ass’s 
 “ dung and cow’s urine with limb leaves, put this into an earthern 
 “ vessel, into which each of them, as they had occasion to return into 
 “ the house, dipped their feet, so as to moisten the big toe of the 
 “ right foot. If neighbour or relation or other visitor came, the 
 “ same purification had to be gone through. The reason was this, 
 “ that whoever attends a person who is sick with small-pox must not 
 
FESTIVALS. 
 
 607 
 
 “ allow the shadow of another person to fall upon himself; but if he 
 “ dips his foot as described the ill effect is avoided. The shadow of 
 “ a woman at the time of menstruation, or of one cohabiting with 
 “ her husband, is also injurious—as is that of a man who is newly 
 “ bathed. What objection there can be to this last, I do not under- 
 “ stand. Each person belonging to the house keeps beside him a 
 “ bunch of limb leaves, to avert the ill effect produced by the shadow 
 “ of an unclean person falling on him. All these precautions had 
 “ been duly observed by my neighbours. As the days went on the 
 “ disease also increased. A learned Brahmin was then called in, 
 “ who read the ‘ Seetula Stotra,’ which is contained in the ‘ Roodray- 
 “ amul.’ It consists of praises of Seetula, among which are these 
 “ That she is naked, seated on a donkey, wearing a broken winnow- 
 “ ing fan on her head, with the pad of a water-vessel in one hand 
 “ and a besom in the other, and that she is of the Chundal caste. 
 “ At the end of such equivocal praises as these, the book continues— 
 “ ‘ 9 ! g reat Devee ! you are the mother of the world : Brumha, 
 “ Vishnoo, Muha Dev, Indra, and the other gods, worship you con¬ 
 tinually. I therefore entreat you to heal this child.’ Such praises 
 “ they caused to be read, and, to please Seetula, they fed a donkey 
 “ with grass and cakes of wheat. Notwithstanding all this, the disease 
 “ went on increasing. They now had recourse to vows, and promised 
 “ that if the child recovered, they would give its weight in coarse 
 “ sugar to Brahmins, and also the same weight of dates. Every hour 
 “ they made some new vow or other; as, for instance, that they would 
 “ take the child to Boucherajee’s; would feed twenty-five Brahmins 
 “ at the temple of that Devee, and would shave off the hair of the 
 “ child’s head there. The mother took a vow that she would not 
 “ wear a bodice until the sick child had worshipped at Buleea 
 “ Devee’s, and that she would go thither carrying a lighted brazier 
 “ on her head and a shoe in her mouth, which latter should be 
 “ smeared with human ordure. She vowed, also, to offer a pair of 
 “ silver eyes, a sheet of paper, and two rupees’ weight of sugar, with 
 “ grapes and other cooling things. She promised, too, a vessel of 
 “ cold water. The father vowed to wear no turban until the child 
 “ should have worshipped Buleea, and to proform the distance of 
 “ the last four fields in a series of somersets. The woman suggested 
 “ that as he was not well he should reduce the distance to two 
 “ fields; but the father declared himself willing to undergo the 
 “ annoyance if only his daughter might recover. A whole day they 
 “ went on vowing one vow after another to Dev after Dev; but the 
 “ child did not get well. Then father and mother, both of them, 
 
6o8 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 “ began to weep. The visitors tried to encourage them, and told 
 “ them to place confidence in Buleea. The mother answered, 
 “ ‘ Die and be wailed, Buleea ! You were my enemies in former 
 “ birth ! Murderess! you are come to take my girl’s life.’ The 
 “ standers-by said, ‘ Baee ! you should not speak so ! As the raja 
 “ frightens his minister when he wants to force their spoils from 
 “ them, so Buleea is frightening you that you may worship her the 
 “ more. Do not be alarmed. Some of the children in your house 
 “ have been wittingly or unwittingly deriding Buleea. You must ask 
 “ pardon.’ They then repeated a mode of asking pardon, which I 
 “ am almost ashamed to write. It is this:—‘O Buleea! if at any 
 “ time wittingly or unwittingly I have derided you, pardon me. I 
 “ have committed a fault. I have done wrong. I have eaten your 
 “dung. Be merciful, and preserve my daughter ! ’ Notwithstanding 
 “ that the woman said this, the girl died. Then, abusing Buleea 
 “ very much, the mother beat her breast, crying, ‘ Ah ! murderess ! 
 “ Ah ! sinner ! ’ Such was her wail. She also, with the other women, 
 “ wept, continually crying out against Buleea. A month afterwards 
 “ the same woman’s son was attacked with small-pox. Then she be- 
 “ took herself to vows as before. The boy recovered, and she per- 
 “ formed the vows she had undertaken.” 
 
 Succeeding “Seetula’s seventh,” is the “ Birth-day eighth,” the natal 
 day of Shree Krishn. This is a day of fast. The birth of the god is 
 supposed to take place at midnight, on the eighth; and wherever a 
 temple of Krishn exists they perform during that night all the cere¬ 
 monies usual on the birth of a royal infant. The image of Bal 
 Krishn is rocked in a cradle; music sounds before him; and gifts 
 are liberally bestowed. At the supposed hour of birth the temple is 
 crowded with worshippers. 
 
 The fifteenth of the light half of the month of Shrawun is called 
 Bulev , or Bulee’s day, being the anniversary of the contest between 
 the raja of that name and Vishnoo, in the incarnate form of Wamun. 
 Brahmins upon this festival proceed to the river-side, where they 
 worship the Shalagram stone as an emblem of Yishnoo, and perform 
 the rite called “ Bodily purification,” which will afterwards be de¬ 
 scribed, for the cleansing of all sins committed during the year, as 
 well as of impurities contracted from the touch of Shoodras, or other 
 unclean persons. They next worship the seven sages, the ancestors 
 of the Brahminical race, and Uroondhutee their consort, to represent 
 whom they make eight figures of sacrificial grass. At this time, also, 
 they change for a new one the junoee, or cord worn by the regenerate 
 classes, which they have used during the year. The new cord has 
 
FESTIVALS. 
 
 609 
 
 been constructed during the preceding month or two, by themselves 
 or by other Brahmins, and precautions have been taken to make it 
 of great strength. Some Brahmins, who affect much strictness in 
 ritual observances, grow the cotton which is required to form the 
 cord in a pot within their own houses. The Brahmins touch the 
 grass figures with their new cords and put them on. They then 
 break the old cords and throw them into the river. Next they take 
 some sacrificial grass and the new cord into their hands, and make 
 libations of water; after which they recite “the sages’ genealogy,” 
 and then either cast the grass figures into the river, or carry them 
 home to use them as objects of worship during the year. Libations 
 are made at this time with the view of presenting to the sages (who 
 are supposed to transmit them to the gods) “ first-fruits,” or offerings 
 of the new water of the river which has fallen from the autumnal clouds. 
 
 I. he preceptor of the Brahmins now binds upon their arms a red 
 or yellow bracelet, made of silk or cotton, with artificial pearls, called 
 Rakhudee, which is said to have been originally employed as an 
 amulet against a disease which used to be prevalent at this time of 
 the year. The Brahmins return into the city or village, and bind 
 similar bracelets upon the wrists of their disciples and friends. 
 
 The fourth of the light half of Bhadrapud is called “ Gunesh fourth, 
 being the birthday of that divinity. - An earthen image of Gunesh, 
 dressed in costly clothes, is worshipped every day from this day until 
 the eleventh, particularly with offerings of sumptuous food, in which 
 the Dev is considered to take especial delight. On the eleventh the 
 image is carried out in great noise and pomp to the river-side. A 
 Brahmin, bearing the image with him, walks into the water until he is 
 neaily out of depth, and then drops it into the stream, and swims to 
 the bank. The rest of the company, who have meanwhile stood or 
 sat at the river-side watching the proceedings, remain silent for a few 
 minutes. They then rise, the banners and scarlet umbrellas are again 
 elevated, muskets are fired, the cavaliers cause their horses to curvet 
 and prance, the elephants swing along at their swift but heavy-seeming 
 trot, the bells suspended from them sounding as they go, and the 
 whole procession retraces its steps into the town. 
 
 On the birthday of Gunesh the poorer class prepare a sweet cake, 
 which the Dev is represented as holding in his hand, and of which 
 he is considered to be particularly fond, and, first offering it to him¬ 
 self, break it in pieces, and throw it behind the grain jars and heavy 
 boxes, of which there are always plenty in their houses. The inten¬ 
 tion is to supply a feast for the rats and mice, which there abound, 
 and which are esteemed to be the attendants of Gunesh. 
 
 R R 
 
6 io 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 It is a popular superstition that to behold the moon on the night 
 of “ Gunesh fourth ” is unlucky, and that whoever does so is sure to 
 get into some disgrace in the course of the year. The evil may, how¬ 
 ever, be averted by incessant reiteration of a sacred stanza. Some 
 persons take the precaution of shutting themselves up in their houses, 
 and closing all the windows : others, who, for whatever reason, have 
 been compelled to go out of doors and to see the moon, throw stones 
 at a neighbour’s door or upon his roof, in order that he may abuse 
 them, and that this harmless fulfilment of the ominous prediction 
 may avert more serious consequences. 
 
 The day which follows the “ Gunesh fourth ” is called the “ Sage’s 
 “ fifth.” On this day the people of Goozerat, in commemoration of 
 the sages who are supposed to have lived upon uncultivated grain, use 
 only such vegetable food as springs up spontaneously. 
 
 Many of the Jains observe a two-months’ fast, which is called “ the 
 “ Pujoosun,” during the monsoon, supposing that greater production 
 of life than is usual then takes place. The fast is one of great 
 severity when strictly observed. Shrawuks should abstain from ab¬ 
 lutions, and from every species of purification, and should take no 
 sustenance but water, which has been boiled and allowed to cool. 
 The greater number of the Jains fast for a certain number of days, 
 and every one is expected to observe at least the last day of the Pu¬ 
 joosun, which falls on the same day as the “Sage’s fifth.” At the 
 close of the fast the Shrawuks go round to visit all their friends, a 
 custom derived (as they say) from the necessity of inquiring what 
 persons had perished in consequence of the severity of the fasting 
 which they had undergone. Each Shrawuk, as he enters his friend’s 
 house, takes hold of him by both hands, and repeats the following 
 sacred stanza :— 
 
 “ Twelve months, twenty-four half months, forty-eight and four 
 “ weeks—if during this time I may have said or done anything an- 
 “ noying to you, pardon me ! ” 
 
 The ascetics of the Jain religion, and particularly those of the 
 Doondeea 1 sect, take at this time occasionally a vow called “ sun- 
 
 1 The Doondeea sect did not arise, it is said, before Sumwut 1700 (a. d. 1644). 
 The word Doondeea means “ searcher,” and is assumed by these sectaries on 
 the ground of their being reformers of the Jain religion. Their adversaries, 
 the Tupa sect, however, derive the word from “ doond,” a husk ; and pronounce 
 the Doondeeas to be the husks of the Shrawuk grain. The Doondeels neither 
 use temples nor worship idols. They abstain from ablutions with the idea of 
 
. FESTIVALS. 
 
 611 
 
 “ tharo,” which pledges them to produce their death by abstaining 
 from food. As soon as a jutee has taken this vow, the news is car¬ 
 ried to all parts of the country, and large numbers of Jains assemble 
 to pay him worship. For fifteen days, it is said, the monk is some¬ 
 times able to maintain a sitting posture ; after that time he lies along 
 on the floor. The persons who surround him dab his feverish body 
 with moist cloths, but are careful to prevent his receiving sustenance 
 of any kind. 
 
 From the day on which the monk has taken the vow, preparations 
 are commenced for his funeral. A litter is constructed, and orna¬ 
 mented with colored paper and tinsel, upon which the jutee, when 
 his last moments approach, is placed in a sitting posture. Music 
 sounds before him as he is carried out in procession, and women who 
 seek the blessing of a male child strive to secure it by creeping be¬ 
 neath his litter, or by joining in the scramble for fragments of his 
 clothes. 
 
 The fourteenth of the light half of Bhadrupud is called “ Anund 
 “ Choudush,” or the joyful fourteenth. The name is, however, 
 originally derived from “ Ununt,” one of the titles of Shesh-Nag, 
 the supporter of the world. Vows for almost any purpose are 
 made to Ununt. They must be kept for fourteen years ; but the 
 observance is not apparently very burdensome, consisting merely in 
 wearing a bracelet of red string, with fourteen knots in it, on the 
 upper part of the right arm. Vishnoo must be worshipped at the 
 
 avoiding the destruction of life, and will drink no water but what has been boiled. 
 The Doondeea ascetic is a disgusting object. He retains no property, even the 
 convent in which he lives belonging to his followers. He quits his dwelling only 
 for the purpose of procuring food. He carries a fan of goat’s hair in his hand, 
 which he employs in removing anything possessing life from the path on which he 
 treads or the ground on which he sits. He wears a screen of cloth, called a moo- 
 mutee, tied over his mouth, lest he should inhale insects to their destruction. His 
 body and clothes are filthy in the last degree, and covered with vermin. 
 
 About fifteen years ago the Doondeeas and Tupas came into violent collision at 
 Goondul, in Kateewar, where there is a great Shrawuk temple ; and the former, 
 gaining the mastery, destroyed the idols. A similar contest afterwards occurred at 
 Wankaner, when relations were arrayed against each other in arms. The followers 
 of the Jhala chieftain interfering to put down the disturbance were furiously at¬ 
 tacked by both parties. 
 
 The Tupas, in the province of Kutch, finding themselves in danger of being sup¬ 
 planted by the Doondeeas, broke up the Shrawuks into two castes. In the city of 
 Ahmedabad it would seem that the Tupas and Doondeeas still eat together, but that 
 they have ceased to intermarry. The greater asceticism of the latter sect has up 
 to the present time gained them more followers than their rivals can secure, and a 
 new and stricter sect, called the Shumbegee, has sprung up among the Tupas 
 themselves. 
 
6 I 2 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 time of taking the vow, and an offering must be presented to him 
 of dishes, the names of which are of the masculine gender. The 
 bracelet is changed every year, and on the termination of the four¬ 
 teenth year the votary performs “ Oodyapun,” a ceremony which 
 releases him from the vow, and which consists in performing a fire- 
 sacrifice, and making, of different grains, a mansion for Vishnoo, upon 
 which he places fourteen copper cups containing cocoa-nuts. The 
 Dev is invited into the mansion, and the usual acts of worship are 
 performed. The votary who thus acquires his release presents to 
 persons inclined to receive the vow fourteen bracelets. He also 
 invites the family priest and his wife, and presents to them, after 
 having worshipped them, fourteen complete suits of clothes, under ‘ 
 the title of “ Ooma Muheshwur.” 
 
 “ The Book of Ununt,” which professes to be a portion of one of 
 the Poorans, contains several stories, which relate how Krishn re¬ 
 commended the vow to Yoodishteer and the other sons of Pandoo, 
 pronouncing that he himself was Ununt; how a Brahmin’s wife, in 
 the golden age, procured wealth for her husband by observing ’ the 
 vow, which melted away on the ignorant removal by her lord of the 
 mystic bracelet from her arm ; how the repentant priest on disco¬ 
 vering the cause of his misfortunes sought the protection of Ununt, 
 and received from that deity, in addition to the gift of wealth, the* 
 promise of religion in the present life, and the heaven of Vishnoo 
 in the life to come; and how many other strange and wonderful 
 effects were produced by the worship of “ the Illimitable”' for the 
 repetition of which we possess, however, too little space in the present 
 volume. 
 
 The Nowrattra, or Festival of Nine Nights , occupying the period 
 from the first to the ninth of the moonlight half of Asho, is conse¬ 
 crated to the Family Goddess, or to Doorga, the consort of Shiva. 
 On the first day of the feast the Hindoos having carefully whitened a 
 sufficient surface of wall within their houses, paint upon it, with Ver¬ 
 million, the trident, which is the emblem of the goddess. In front 
 of it they build a model of her dwelling, which, placed as it usually 
 is on the mountain-top, amidst forests, or in other spots equally diffi¬ 
 cult of access , s is represented by a heap of earth sown with wheat and 
 barley, and surmounted by a metal water-vessel, containing a cocoa- 
 
 * Shesh means the remnant of anything, as the unused paper of a manuscript 
 book, and hence is applied also to the void remaining around and “ supportin')- ” 
 the world. This is also “Nag ” (motionless) and “ Ununt ” (illimitable). Shesh- 
 Nag is further termed “Bhoodhur ” (supporter of the earth.) 
 
 2 Hence her name Doorgd, which means “ difficult of access.” 
 
FESTIVALS. 
 
 613 
 
 nut. The goddess is now, by the first of the sixteen acts of wor¬ 
 ship, “invited” to occupy her temple. An earthen vessel, pierced 
 with numerous holes, and containing a light, is placed near the 
 trident, or perhaps in country places a tree, to which lamps are 
 hung, is erected in some open spot in the village, round which the 
 people walk or dance, clapping their hands and singing songs. 1 A 
 lamp, fed with clarified butter, and placed upon a stand, is kept burn¬ 
 ing night and day before the goddess during the nine days of the 
 Nowrattra, and a member of the family, who abstains from eating 
 grain while so employed, watches continually to replenish the lamp, 
 and to worship the sacred emblems. The family priest reads, during 
 the nine days, “ the Book of Doorga,” which contains a description 
 of the achievements of that goddess, and of the prescribed modes 
 of her worship. On the eighth day fire-sacrifice is performed in each 
 private house, and in the temples of the goddess. At the shrine of 
 the Arasooree mother, or at the temple of the Choonwal Devee, 
 Koolees and others at this and similar times offer animals in vi¬ 
 carious sacrifice to the goddess for their sick friends and children. 
 On the ninth day the mound of earth, in which the wheat and barley 
 has by this time sprouted, is raised from its position, and carried 
 out to the side of a river or reservoir of water, to which pure element 
 it is consigned, that it may not be subsequently defiled. The vessel 
 which contained the lamp is placed at the same time in front of 
 a Devee’s image. 
 
 1 he Rajpoot chiefs and others, who claim the possession of 
 Kshutreeya blood, offer sacrifices of animals at the Nowrattra in their 
 private temples for the welfare of themselves and their followers 
 during the year. With them the cannon is the most appropriate 
 emblem of Doorga Devee, and they mark her trident therefore 
 upon it, and raising before it the representation of her shrine, 
 surround it with lamps. 
 
 The day immediately succeeding the ninth day of the Nowrattra is 
 the “ Dussera,” or “ tenth day,” a festival which commemorates the 
 entrance of the sons of Pandoo into Wyerat Nugger, as well as the 
 destruction by Ram of the giant-king of Ceylon,—events celebrated 
 in the two great epic poems of the Hindoos. As Urjoon and his 
 brothers worshipped the Shumee tree,* and hung up their arms upon 
 it, so the Hindoos go forth to worship that tree on the festival of the 
 Dussera. They address the tree under the name of Upurajeeta, the 
 
 1 The lamp and the tree are called “Gurbo,” “Gurbee,” and hence the song 
 is also called “ Gurbo.” 
 
 s “ Mimosa Sum a." 
 
614 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ invincible goddess,” sprinkle it with five ambrosial liquids, 1 wash it 
 with water, and hang garments upon it. They light lamps and burn 
 incense before the symbol of Upurajeeta, make chandlos upon the 
 tree, sprinkle it with rose-coloured water, set offerings of food before 
 it, and perform the ceremony of circumambulation, repeating as they 
 walk the following stanzas :— 
 
 i. 
 
 Shumee pacifies for sins, 
 
 Shumee destroys enemies, 
 
 Shumee cures diseases, 
 
 Shumee procures success in every object. 
 
 II. 
 
 Holder of the bow of Urjoon ! 
 
 Exhibitor of his heart’s desire to Ram ! 
 
 Restorer of life to Lukshmun ! 
 
 Assuager of the grief of Seeta ! 
 
 Then, turning themselves round, they worship in succession the ten 
 Dig-Pals, or protectors of the ten points of Heaven, beginning with 
 Indra, the Deity of the East, whom they thus address :— 
 
 In the East, whatever works I have, 
 
 To those works cause success : 
 
 and proceeding similarly with the other nine. At this time the 
 Hindoos break, and throw from them, the bracelet which they had 
 assumed in the Bulev festival. 
 
 The Rajpoot chiefs, on the evening of the Dussera, worship also 
 the Fort-protectress , the goddess Gudeychee. On their return from 
 the Shumee worship into the city they join together in bands, 
 brandishing their spears, gallopping their horses, and enacting in other 
 ways the part of an army taking the field. Salutes of cannon are at 
 the same time fired. 
 
 Many of the Hindoos, as they return home, take earth from 
 the roots of the Shumee tree, a few of its leaves, some betel- 
 nut, and a stalk of the wheat that has grown up around the 
 model temple of Doorga. Of these articles they compound a ball, 
 -which they keep about them as an amulet, and carry with them if 
 called upon to perform a journey. The piece of wheat-stalk which 
 remains they fix upright, as an ornament in their turbans. 
 
 1 Punchamrit, a mixture of milk, curds, sugar, clarified butter, and honey. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 MARRIAGES. 
 
 Marriages among the Hindoos in Goozerat can take place only 
 between members of the same caste, and if that be permanently 
 subdivided, as, for instance, into right and left hand, of the same 
 subdivision of it. Brahmins refer back to a “ gotra,” a supposed 
 ancestor of whose period they are not distinctly informed, and they 
 do not permit alliances among his descendants. Other Hindoos, 
 maintaining the same rule, construe it less strictly, as they do not 
 pretend to be possessed of information extending back to so remote a 
 date as that of the Brahmins. The bard, called Wyewuncha—the 
 genealogist of the caste—can, however, usually trace back to about 
 twenty descents; and the degrees within which marriage is prohibited 
 are regulated by the information supposed to be in his possession. 
 In addition to these rules there exists another, of less authority, but 
 commanding, nevertheless, almost invariable acquiescence, which 
 prescribes that the descendants of the brothers and sisters of a 
 female ancestor within five descents, or of a stepmother within three 
 descents, are not fit persons with whom to contract a marriage. It is 
 further declared that a man may not marry the sister of the wife 
 of his father’s brother. 
 
 The different Kools, or families of the same caste, are not treated 
 with equal consideration. One Kool assumes a superiority to 
 another, founded usually upon benefits conferred on the caste 
 generally by ancestors of the house. It is always an object of 
 solicitude to the parents of a female child that they should procure 
 her marriage with the scion of a more noble family. To wed her to 
 a bridegroom of inferior rank is considered disgraceful, and it is 
 this feeling which has so often urged the Rajpoot or even the 
 Koonbee of Goozerat to practice the dreadful crime of infanticide. 1 
 
 1 “ The reasons why the higher castes of Rajpoots murder their girls are various. 
 “ The chief inducement to this crime is the heavy expense to which their customs 
 “ expose them on the occasion of a marriage of a daughter. These may be thus 
 “ stated :—On the conclusion of a match between the parents a sum of money is 
 “ sent to the father of the youth by the father of the girl. This sum is not large, 
 “ probably about the tenth of the amount of ‘Zuheez,’ or dower. This is a sort 
 
6i6 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 In the case of male children, parental anxiety, though scarcely 
 less in amount, is different in the form which it assumes. Careful 
 persons can avoid a large expenditure on occasions of obsequies, 
 though few are so cautious, the usual rule being that they incur debt 
 for the purpose; but, prudent or imprudent, all are compelled to 
 lavish sums altogether inconsistent with the means of the majority in 
 marrying their sons, or, if their father be dead, their younger 
 brothers. To be unmarried is contemptible, ignominious. The man 
 who has not begotten a child, or who has lost his children, is despised 
 as an eunuch; to meet him in the morning is an omen of mis¬ 
 fortune; when he dies he becomes a miserable ghost, his spirit 
 haunting his former abode, and enviously beholding the happy 
 enjoyment by some other of those blessings which the curse of 
 sonlessness has rendered nugatory to himself. 
 
 Some curious customs which obtain in particular castes may be 
 worth alluding to in this place. The Kuruwa Koonbees celebrate 
 marriages only under a certain sidereal conjunction, which occurs 
 about once in thirteen years, and hence it is asserted by others, 
 though they themselves deny it, that their unborn children are often 
 contracted in marriage on the chance of their being male and 
 female. 1 A shepherd caste, called “ Bhurwads,” fix upon a 
 
 “ of earnest money, and when the ceremony of ‘ Tilluk ’ is completed the father 
 of the girl cannot recede from the engagement, 
 u comes ‘ Buggun,’ when half of the dower agreed upon is paid, 
 
 (< and the date for the nuptial procession, called the ‘Burat,’ is settled. The 
 “ Burat ’ or . ch | ef marriage ceremony, to which all the relations and friends are 
 invited, is the occasion of the most profuse exoenditure in feasting them • 
 „ f e . § rea j er the multitude fed, the better satisfied is the pride and vanity of the 
 (< tv 1 " °* the .£ irl > who, at the same time, pays the remainder of the dower. 
 
 | his sum varies according to the rank of the parties, but is generally enough to 
 i< th ‘ 0 T tlle fathcr in ^° debt and difficulties. Unless a handsome sum be offered, 
 tl a husband of good caste is not to be procured; and, unless the feasting be 
 {( P r °mse, and the invitations to the marriage feast general, then the girl’s parents 
 are held up to public scorn, as stingy or poverty-stricken. This is the chief 
 reason why the high caste and proud Thakors hate the idea of a daughter 
 being born to them. Another reason is the blind pride which makes them hate 
 that any man should call them Sala, or Sussoor—brother-in-law, or father-in- 
 „ u 'a, 1 h ‘ S Cnme of infan j icide is n °t confined to the Rajpoots ; some tribes of 
 t the A, eers ai i? e< f uad y guilty. We remember remonstrating with the heads of 
 an . Aieer village, who had ten girls to eighty boys living. They said, ‘Sir, 
 it is all very well for Bunyans and such people to beget girls, but they are very 
 
 • S f, ld T b ?, rn t0 men of our caste -’ Article on the Lauded Tenures 
 
 m the JS/orth-lVest Lrovmces. Benares Magazine for October, 1850. 
 
 Cl 1 tBe lull® n ear B- a j Muhal, “It is not uncommon for two neighbours to 
 agree, when their respective wives are pregnant, that the offspring, in the event 
 
MARRIAGES. 
 
 617 
 
 particular year, about once in ten years, for the celebration of their 
 marriages, and they purchase from the Rajpoot chief, or other ruling 
 power, a piece of ground upon which the hymeneal ceremonies are 
 performed. This caste, also, finds itself compelled, for similar 
 reasons, to contract children of the age of two or three months. 
 The ground cannot be employed for marriage rites a second time, but 
 it is retained henceforth in pasture, and never subjected to cul¬ 
 tivation. Upon it the shepherds erect an ornamental wooden post, 
 called “ a marriage pillar,” which is preserved as an indication of the 
 purpose to which the ground has been applied. 
 
 The bridegroom is called “ wur,” and the bride “kunya.” 
 Proposals of marriage are symbolized by a cocoa-nut, which is 
 sometimes richly studded with gems. They emanate from the house 
 of lesser pretention, and the father of either bride or bridegroom, 
 who seeks to ally his child to the redder blood of a more dis¬ 
 tinguished Kool, must balance the scales with gold. If the families 
 are considered to be on an equality, the father of the bride makes 
 proposals, and money is not demanded on either side. When the 
 bridegroom is of high rank, so that he is under no difficulty as regards 
 providing himself with a wife, he has frequently many proposals made 
 to him. The family priest, or a relation, is then sent to ascertain, 
 by personal interview, that the young ladies are neither blind, lame, 
 nor afflicted with other bodily defect, and that they are in every 
 respect eligible. The priest (or gor), however, as it is said, invariably 
 fills a purse for himself, and not unfrequently, to increase his gains, 
 behaves treacherously to those who have employed him, by con¬ 
 cealing the ladies’ defects, or exaggerating their good qualities. 
 There is a Hindoo saying, founded on the mendacity of the priest 
 upon such occasions, which states that sufficient weight of sins to 
 bear him down to hell is accumulated by a king in three months, 
 by the head of a monastery in three days, but by a gor in three 
 hours. 
 
 Acceptance of proposals of marriage is followed by a more binding 
 betrothal. The relations of the contracting parties meet at the 
 house of the bridegroom’s father, who commences the ceremony by 
 producing a tiny stone or metal image of Gunesh, which he washes 
 with water, with milk, and again with water, in imitation of the 
 washing with “ five ambrosial liquids,” prescribed by the Shastras, 
 and marks in the centre of the forehead with the chandlo. He 
 
 “ of their being a boy and a girl, shall be married to each other.”— Vide 
 Asiai. lies, iv., p. 63. 
 
6x8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 worships the Dev, under his title of Vighun Raj, the smoother of 
 difficult paths, and frequently repeats the following verse :— 
 
 “ O ! thou of the terrible face, thou of the large body, 
 
 “ Splendid as ten million suns, 
 
 “ Cause me to be free from obstacles, O ! Dev, 
 
 “ In all works, at all times.” 
 
 The bride’s father now pays obeisance to his entertainer, marks his 
 feet with a preparation, the red color of which is symbolical of 
 prosperity, and offers him, in his joined hands, betel-nut, turmeric, 
 and flowers, as an earnest that he has betrothed his daughter. He next 
 places the royal teeluk on the forehead of the young bridegroom and 
 presents him with the cocoa-nut, which, if he cannot afford to adorn 
 it with precious stones, he marks with a red spot, upon which he sets 
 a silver coin. The family priest repeats the names of the affianced 
 parties, their parents and ancestors, and when he has exhausted his 
 list pronounces that the ceremony is concluded. The women of the 
 family, assisted by their neighbours, now chant an appropriate 
 song, and entitle themselves to a much-prized dole of sugar and 
 coriander. 
 
 The general rule is that betrothal cannot be set aside, but the prac¬ 
 tice of different castes varies. Among Rajpoots, if the betrothed bride¬ 
 groom die, the girl who should have been his wife is treated as his 
 widow, and considered incapable of entering into the married state. 
 Some Brahmins, on the other hand, do not consider themselves bound 
 by either betrothal or any other ceremony short of the actual joining 
 of hands in marriage. In most castes a betrothed bride is not treated 
 as a widow on the death of the affianced, and in many she may, with 
 permission of the caste, marry another person even in his lifetime, 
 should he, before the marriage is concluded, become afflicted with 
 any serious disease. 
 
 The Kuruwa Koonbees. when they cannot procure a husband for 
 their daughter, will sometimes marry her to a bunch of flowers. The 
 next day they throw the flowers into a well, and the bridegroom thus 
 disposed of, the widow is eligible for natra, or second marriage. A 
 similar practice is that of marrying the girl to a person called “ a hand- 
 husband.” This bridegroom may be any male of the caste who is 
 willing to contract, beforehand, that he will receive a certain sum for 
 a divorce and give his bride a release from her marriage the moment 
 the ceremony has been performed. The wife so divorced may then 
 marry in natra. 
 
 The object of these proceedings is the avoidance of expense. No 
 
MARRIAGES, 
 
 619 
 
 money need be spent by the bride’s father upon a natra marriage, 
 except such as is required for entertaining the friends who accompany 
 the bridegroom. The lady’s trousseau is supplied by her husband. 
 An unmarried woman cannot, however, be given in natra. 
 
 When the bride has attained the age of nine or ten years, an astro¬ 
 loger is called for to point out the day indicated by the stars as propi¬ 
 tious for the marriage. Seasons of family mourning are always care¬ 
 fully avoided. The day fixed, letters of invitation, termed kunkotree, 
 are sprinkled with rose-colored water and forwarded to the kindled of 
 both bridegroom and bride. They run in something like the follow¬ 
 ing strain :— 
 
 “ To the dweller at the auspicious Shree Ahmedabad, the great 
 “ and excellent place of residence, to the worship-worthy treasury of 
 “ all good qualities, the benefactor of others, the able administrator of 
 “ affairs of state, the head-jewel of the clever, who knows the qualities 
 11 of the fourteen sciences and is deserving of every epithet; Shet- 
 “ jee, Shree, five times repeated, Samuldas Bechurdas, and Shet Ku- 
 “ rumchund Purumchund, may your lives be long! Here from Shree 
 “ Mhowa the sea-port writes Sha Atmaram Bhoodhurdas. Receive 
 “ his salutation of ‘ Victory to Gopal! ’ (Krishn). Further, the fol- 
 u lowing is the cause of writing:—All is well and prosperous here. 
 
 “ Be pleased to write intelligence of your prosperity. Understand 
 “ besides, that sister Kunkoo Baee’s marriage-day is appointed to be 
 “ Wednesday, the 2nd of the dark half of Chyetra. 1 herefoie do you, 
 “ bringing the whole of your family with you, come speedily. By 
 “ your coming the work will be adorned.” 
 
 Then follows the date. Sometimes, if previous invitations have not 
 been treated with sufficient attention, the writer adds 
 
 “ You were not able to attend brother Chugun’s marriage, but 
 “ if you fail to come on the present occasion, you and I will not 
 “ be able to drink water together again. I say little, but consider it 
 “ much.” 
 
 About twenty days before the marriage, the houses of the parents are 
 carefully cleansed, and adorned by the wealthy with strings of pearls or 
 handsomely embroidered curtains, and by the poor with garlands of 
 leaves. In front a temporary building, called mundup, is erected, which, 
 in the case of poor persons, is merely a thatched hut, but where the 
 
 higher classes are concerned, is frequently a very brilliant pantomime-like 
 
 edifice, lined with mirrors and adorned with lamps, rich curtains, soft 
 
 1 This expression being considered somewhat equivocal, it has_of late been usual 
 to insert the qualifying word “good ” before epithet. 
 
620 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 carpets, and abundance of tinsel. Near one of the corners of the mun- 
 dup a wooden post, called a “jewel-pillar,” is set up, adorned with 
 flowers and other ornaments, and worshipped. Within the mundup 
 the planets, Gunesh, Vighun Raj, and the progenitors are worshipped 
 
 the last-mentioned, in order that the household may not, as long as 
 the ceremony lasts, be rendered unclean by the occurrence of a birth 
 or death in the family. 
 
 A ceremony, called “Gotruj,” is performed within the dwelling- 
 house. A flat surface of wall having been whitened, a pyramid is made 
 upon it of red spots, which increase from one at the apex to seven at 
 the base. Below the base line other seven spots are made with clari¬ 
 fied butter, which the heat causes gradually to trickle downwards. 
 The figure, which represents a genealogical tree, becomes the subject 
 of adoration. 
 
 The bridegroom, or (in her own house) the bride, is now adorned 
 as splendidly as the resources of the family will permit. If a Rajpoot, 
 the boy wears red silk drawers, which, like the rest of his attire, are 
 embroidered with gold; if a Brahmin or Waneeo, a long white cloth, 
 with a broad red silk border wrapped round the waist and tucked up 
 between the legs; over this he wears a red or yellow body-coat, a 
 waistband and scarf of the same colors; his turban must be red. The 
 bride’s father presents him with a yellow handkerchief called “ Ootu- 
 reeya.” The bride wears a white silk bodice and a red or yellow silk 
 petticoat, and over these a very long white silk scarf, bordered and 
 spotted with red, which is wrapped round the waist, and then passed 
 over the shoulders and head, of which it forms the only ordinary 
 covering. During her marriage festivities, however, the bride wears 
 above the scarf a triangular head-dress, representing a crown, over 
 which is thrown a large square red scarf, the substitute for a mar¬ 
 riage veil. The bride and bridegroom wear each of them on the 
 right wrist a bracelet made of beads, which they remove at the con¬ 
 clusion of the ceremony. Among the poorest classes of Hindoos, the 
 children whose marriage is celebrating are invariably ornamented 
 with, at the least, necklaces of alternate gold and coral beads, which are 
 borrowed, or frequently even hired. The bridegroom now assumes 
 the state and title of “ Wur Raja.” He is attended by companions 
 of his own age,—“ the children of the bride-chamber,” and particu¬ 
 larly by a friend who bears the title of “ Unwur,” and must be selected 
 from among his juniors, in order that the bride, to whom he acts 
 as accredited ambassador, may be able to receive him unveiled. He 
 is also the bridegroom’s purse-bearer, makes all his purchases, and 
 presents certain marriage gifts, such as those called “ the brother-in- 
 
MARRIAGES. 
 
 6ar 
 
 “ law’s dagger,” and “ the priest’s dress,” which are due at the conclu¬ 
 sion of the ceremony. 
 
 At night, the bridegroom king publicly appears in his newly 
 acquired royal state. Musicians head the procession—singers and 
 dancing girls; following them come the bridegroom’s relations, and 
 visitors, mounted on horses or elephants, and surrounded by torch- 
 bearers, cavaliers, and footmen ; guns are discharged, rose-colored 
 powder is sprinkled on all sides, the horns scream their loudest, the 
 kettle-drums make a deafening rattle, the flaring torches are rendered 
 nearly invisible by the clouds of dust which rise into the air. Soon 
 the bearers of the silver rods, in their scarlet coats, appear, and, fol¬ 
 lowing them, with royal umbrella borne above him and horse-hair fans 
 waving on either side, the Wur Raja, mounted on his white and 
 richly ornamented palfrey, sweeps gaily past, bearing in his hands 
 the jewel-adorned cocoa-nut, the emblem of marriage-festival. Be¬ 
 hind him follow the great camel-drums, flaunting in their red 
 drapery, and rolling forth a majestic sound, and troops of women, 
 chanting nuptial hymns, bring up the rear. 
 
 In these processions of the bridegroom-king is dimly recalled some¬ 
 what of the regal state of former days—of those pageantries which 
 welcomed to Unhilpoor Sidh Raj, the “Victorious Lion,” from sub¬ 
 jugated Malwa, or hailed the sainted Koomar Pal, and his train of 
 white-robed priests returning from some desperate encounter of wits 
 with the “ evil-disposed ” servants of Shiva. 
 
 The friends of the bridegroom’s family, as the procession passes 
 their houses, come forth, and present to him a cocoa-nut. Every 
 other cavalcade, even that of the lord of the village, which meets the 
 bridegroom’s procession, makes way for it, and if two Wur Rajas meet, 
 each gives up half the road to the other. Thus passing through the 
 village, the bridal train returns to the house from which it set forth, 
 where it is welcomed by the mother of the boy, who performs a cere¬ 
 mony called “ Nyoonchun,” in which she expresses by significant 
 pantomime the worthlessness in her eyes of even the necessaries of 
 life in comparison with her beloved child. Around his head she 
 waves a cake of bread and then a cup of water, both of which she 
 throws from her; she next takes in her hand the “ sumpot,” which 
 is composed of two vessels full of rice, fastened together mouth to 
 mouth, and expressing the idea of a hoard of any kind, and lays 
 it at the feet of the Wur Raja. The boy, however, is not behind¬ 
 hand in his part of the drama,—he crushes the “ sumpot ” indig¬ 
 nantly with his foot, and hastens into the house to embrace his mother. 
 
 During the days which remain before that appointed for the mar- 
 
622 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 riage, the Wur Raja’s procession moves forth evening by evening from 
 the house of some hospitable relation, who has previously entertained 
 with feasting the strangers who have been invited to the ceremony. 
 
 The proper time having arrived, the bridegroom is conveyed by his 
 friends in similar state to the village in which the bride resides. He 
 usually arrives there late in the day preceding that of the marriage, 
 and halts outside. The father-in-law, attended by his male and 
 female relations, with torch-bearers and music, goes forth at night to 
 the bridegroom’s camp, and conducts him from thence to the house 
 which has been prepared for his reception wfithin the village. 1 Over 
 the door of the bride’s dwelling there is hung at this time a garland of 
 leaves, which the Wur Raja, if of the warrior class, must break down 
 with his lance, but which in other cases is allowed to remain until it 
 drops from decay. 
 
 On the morning of the marriage-day the bride is assisted at her toi¬ 
 let by her mother and her female relations, and is invested with her 
 marriage bracelets, which are made of ivory, and coloured red. The 
 bridegroom is also prepared by his friends, with the sound of music 
 and song, and is conducted in state to the house of his affianced. 
 There he is received by the mother of the bride, who performs the 
 Nyoonchun ceremony. She marks the Wur Raja with the royal tee- 
 luk, waves round his head, and then throws from her a bullock-yoke, 
 a pestle, a churning stick, a spindle, the “ sumpot,” an arrow, a cake 
 of flour and one of ashes, which last expresses her desire to throw dust 
 in the eyes of his enemies. 
 
 When the Nyoonchun has been completed, the bridegroom takes 
 his seat in the pavilion, called the “ Mundup,” and his father-in-law, 
 after having washed his feet and marked the red spot upon his fore¬ 
 head, brings the bride forth, and places her at his side. In remem¬ 
 brance of the old rite of “ Gomed,” or sacrifice of a cow, one of these 
 animals is at the present time brought forth when the bridegroom 
 takes his seat in the pavilion, and fastened beside it. Grass is thrown 
 before the cow, and she is worshipped by the Wur Raja and his friends. 
 A water hour-glass is placed beside the bridegroom to announce the 
 fortunate hour, or sometimes that time is selected at which half of the 
 
 1 The procession of welcome is not confined to marriages, but is usual whenever 
 a visitor of any importance arrives. See, for instances, the story of Jug Dev Pur- 
 mar, pp. 103.—116. It was common in feudal Europe also. The following is an; 
 example:—“ Jacques de Cleves vint a Eu le 19 aout .1563. Aa noblesse alia a 
 sa rencontre, a cheval, jusqu’a Criel, et, lorsquhl fut arrive au chateau, le rnaire lui 
 presenta deux barriques d’excellent vin, qui avaient coute dix ecus .—History of 
 Eu and Treport. 
 
MARRIAGES. 
 
 623 
 
 disc of the setting sun has become obscured. The auspicious moment 
 arrived : the father of the bride, taking her hand, places it in that of 
 the Wur Raja, presenting him at the same time with a piece of the 
 sacred basil, and saying, “ I give a Krishn gift.” After the father has 
 joined their hands, the Gor hangs around the necks of the bride and 
 bridegroom the “Wur Mala,” or marriage-garland, which is composed of 
 twenty-four threads of red cotton. At the same time the playfellows of the 
 bridegroom throw a red cloth over their joined hands, and under cover 
 of it present them with betel-nut. The pair remain seated in the pavi¬ 
 lion for about an hour. 
 
 Outside the Mundup is formed the “ Choree,” or marriage hall. 
 Nine metal or earthernware water-vessels are set up one above the 
 other, at each of the four corners of a square, and are retained in this 
 position by the support of bamboos. A fire-pit is made in the centre, 
 and the bride and bridegroom are seated by its side. The priest per¬ 
 forms fire-sacrifice before them, and fastens the boy’s scarf to the mar¬ 
 riage veil of the girl. The bride’s mother brings a plate of food, of 
 which both partake, the girl first helping her husband, and he then 
 presenting food to her. During the whole celebration singing is kept 
 up by the women. Their songs are usually poetical compositions in 
 honour of Seeta or Rookmunee, the wives of Ram and Krishn, or else 
 ludicrous and not unfrequently obscene stanzas. We quote a few 
 verses from a ballad called “ Seeta’s Marriage,” by one of the best 
 reputed poets of Goozerat:— 
 
 “ I touch the feet of the great preceptor, 
 
 And to Gunesh I pay obeisance ; 
 
 I pray for wealth of successful skill, 
 
 By which the heart’s longing may be satisfied. 
 
 I sing the nuptials of Ram. 
 
 The Prosody’s leaves who has not turned, 
 
 Knows not how to frame the verse : 
 
 With all my strength 1 will sing my song ; 
 
 O ! Poets count not its faults. 
 
 I sing the nuptials of Ram. 
 
 Dusruth King was Uyodhya’s lord, 
 
 His heir was the illustrious Ram ; 
 
 At Janporee ruled Junukjee the King, 
 
 To whom a Princess Royal, Seetajee, was bom. 
 
 I sing the nuptials of Ram ; 
 
 Vyekoonth’s lord was this illustrious Ram ; 
 
 Seeta was incarnate Lukshmee ; 
 
 Assuming human form they wedded : 
 
 To sing their praises is destructive of sin. 
 
 I sing the nuptials of Ram. 
 
624 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 First I relate how Junuk’s daughter was bom, 
 
 Then the story of the marriage, 
 
 How where sages dwell on the banks of Ganges, 
 
 So great calamity was caused by Rawun. 
 
 I sing the nuptials of Ram, &c., &c.” 
 
 At last the bridegroom and the bride circumambulate the fire-pit 
 four times, and the marriage is complete. 
 
 The Vi ur, if a Rajpoot chief, instead of going himself to be married, 
 frequently sends his sword, which is treated as his representative, the 
 whole ceremony being gone through with it, as if he were present in 
 person, but the concluding circumambulation is in this case performed 
 twice only, and again twice when the bride joins her husband. The 
 practice originated probably in the necessity of secrecy in certain cases, 1 
 and it has been retained for convenience sake, and especially as a 
 means of avoiding expense. 
 
 When the circumambulation is completed, the bride and bridegroom 
 worship the polar star and the seven sages. Their relations, as many 
 as are so disposed, come forward and present offerings to the pair, of 
 which their parents take possession. 
 
 The bride and bridegroom now visit the lodging of his family, 
 and his mother performs Nyoonchun to both. They worship the 
 
 Gotruj, and play a game of chance with betel-nut, dried dates, and 
 coins—seven of each put in a cup. The women affirm that the 
 mastery in wedded life falls to the victor in this game. The bride¬ 
 groom’s father presents to the guests offerings of clothes, disposed 
 upon a shield or a metal tray, so as to hang down upon all sides. 
 
 When the Wur Raja’s suite is ready to return home the bride’s 
 friends sprinkle their guests with rose-colored water, and mark them 
 back and front with the impression of a hand. They fasten, also, to 
 the carriage of the bridegroom a large vessel full of sweetmeats, and 
 a lamp called the lantern of Ram,” as a sign that they have in¬ 
 troduced light into his home through the marriage which has been 
 completed. They take also from the hands of the bride and 
 bridegroom the cocoa-nuts which they have held throughout the 
 ceremony, and place them under the wheels of the carriage that 
 they may be broken. As soon as they have cleared the village, the 
 Wur Raja’s relations dismiss the Brahmins, bards, and musicians who 
 have attended them, making them presents. The stragglers are now 
 collected from the village tank, where they have been washing their 
 
 1 See that of Rana Rutna of Mewar. — Tod’s Rajasthan, vol. i. p. 308. 
 
MARRIAGES. 625 
 
 hands and faces, and making their final preparations for the journey, 
 and the whole party proceed homewards. 
 
 The bride goes home with her husband and remains a month, after 
 which she returns to her father’s. When she reaches the age of about 
 twelve years her husband’s friends send for her. The girl is usually 
 exceedingly indisposed to leaving home, and weeps as an English 
 child of the same age might do at going to school. Her father and 
 mother persuade her, reminding her that her sisters and her cousins 
 have gone in like manner and returned, and promising that she shall 
 not remain long, and that her aunt or any other relation who happens 
 to be married in the same village shall visit her constantly. They 
 will also address themselves to the husband’s father, and say, “ You 
 “ must take care of our girl; she has never been outside the village 
 “ up to this time, nor left her mother for a minute ; you must let her 
 “ go and visit her aunt, and take care that people don’t frighten 
 “ her.” The father-in-law protests, in reply, that no one is more 
 interested in her than he himself is, and that he will take better care 
 of her than her own father has taken. Other married girls, too, give 
 her courage, and say, “Never mind: I’ve been and come back, 
 “ have’nt I ? ” The child turns to her father, and says, “ Bapa ! 
 “ when will you come for me ? Do come quick ! ” He promises to 
 do so in ten or fifteen days, though perhaps he has no definite 
 intention of going within a year. The girl makes him swear to her, 
 and says, “ Ma! mind you send him : and take care of my dolls and 
 “ toys, and don’t give them away.” At last she goes off with her 
 husband’s friends, and from that time she lives for the most part 
 with them, paying only occasional visits to her native village. 
 
 Hindoo women neither receive nor expect that attention from the 
 other sex which the customs of European countries allow of, or 
 rather demand. The decided absence of gallantry expressed in a 
 verse of Toolshee-das’s far-renowned poem, “ The story of Ram,” 
 would have met with the approbation of the Yankee clockmaker 
 himself. It runs thus :— 
 
 “ A drum, a fool, a beast, and a woman, 
 
 “ These, all of them, are subjects for beating.” 
 
 A padishah, so says the story, once commanded his ministei 
 to fetch him the most shameless person and the most modest, 
 the greatest coward and the person least accessible to fear in all his 
 realm. The minister bowed obedience, and soon after re-appeared, 
 leading in a woman. “ How,” said the padishah, “ is this ? I asked 
 “ for four persons.” “ The qualities of the four, may it please your 
 
626 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 “ Majesty,” replied the minister, “ are concentrated in this one. She 
 “ will veil herself in the presence of her elder brother, but if she go 
 “to a marriage she will sing obscene songs, such as a lewd man 
 “ would be ashamed of. If her husband ask her to give him water 
 “ in the night-time she is afraid, it is so dark; but if she have a 
 “ lover to meet, it is light enough for her to clamber over a 
 “ mountain.” 
 
 Disrespect to women, however, crept in in the Mohummedan times. 
 In older days ranees sat beside rajas in the court, and reeshees’ 
 wives beside their husbands in the assemblies of sages. To this 
 hour the presence of woman is necessary to the due performance of 
 a fire-sacrifice, and if none be there a figure is made to represent her, 
 and dressed in female vestments. The marriage rite is also 
 sanctified by the necessity which exists for a legitimate son. The 
 Rajpootnee, of whose valour and constancy in days of old so many 
 tales are related, still retains a high reputation even among those 
 who concede but little honour to her “unbusiness-like” lord. “ The 
 “ wise woman’s son,” says the trading waneeo, “ is a fool, but the 
 “ foolish woman’s son ” (alluding to his own wife or mother) is 
 “ wise.” 1 The women’s subjection is, however, in any case rather 
 
 1 “ While the master of the family,” says Captain Macmurdo, in his account 
 of the Province of Kutch (vide Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay, 
 vol. ii., p. 226), “is thus careless and lost to everything that is honorable or 
 “ respectable, his wives (for they, the Jharejas, have often more than one) are 
 “ active, jealous, and intriguing. They are the daughters of the Jhala, Waghela, 
 “ Shoda, or Gohil Rajpoots, who marry the gras and not the man. These wives 
 
 * ‘ have each their respective establishment of servants, cattle, carriages, &c., and a 
 “ village, or more or less, according to the means of the husband. The women of 
 “ the Rajpoots are much distinguished from those of any other caste of Hindoos. 
 “ They are high-spirited, bold, and enterprising, and are justly celebrated for a 
 “ remarkable neatness of person, and anxiety about personal appearance, even 
 “ when advanced in life, which is met with in no other native. The Rajpootnee 
 “ has her cosmetics and washes, as well as the ladies of Europe, and understands 
 “ the method of making an artificial mole or patch on the most favourable spot 
 ‘ ‘ to set off the beauty of the skin or countenance ; and, next perhaps to the love 
 ‘ ‘ of wealth and rank, the improvement of her personal charms is the strongest 
 “ passion in this lady’s breast. 
 
 “ They are by no means exempt from the softer passion ; but how can they 
 ‘ ‘ love their drunken lords ? and they have no access to gallantry of the higher 
 “ kind. Sorry I am to be obliged to say that scandal loudly asserts that the fair 
 “ and interesting Rajpootnee is reduced to intrigue with servants and menials.” 
 
 The same author adds, that “Rajpoot women seldom or never suckle their 
 
 * ‘ children, for fear of destroying the beauty of their persons. ” He writes thus in 
 another place :—“ Until I came to Kutch, I never heard of females procuring abor- 
 “ tions merely to prevent their figures and their breasts being injured in appearance. 
 “ This practice is also peculiar to the grassia class, and not frequent ; although I 
 
MARRIAGES. 
 
 627 
 
 apparent than real, and they are themselves not a little anxious to 
 maintain its appearance, resenting any want of imperiousness in the 
 behaviour of their husbands to them in public, and expressing their 
 astonishment at and contempt for the manners of their European 
 rulers in this respect, by inventing a mythological story to account 
 for that which otherwise would appear to be so wholly unin¬ 
 telligible. 
 
 “ When Rawun,” say they, “ carried off Seeta, the wife of Ram, 
 “ he placed her under the care of the demons of Ceylon and their 
 “ wives, which latter became her personal attendants. Seeta received 
 “ so much homage, from the latter especially, that she predicted that 
 “ the demons should, in the iron age, acquire supreme power 
 “ throughout Hindoostan, and enjoined upon them the respectful 
 “ treatment of their wives in remembrance of her prophetic boon. ” 
 
 It is hardly necessary to add, that they trace the fulfilment of 
 Seeta’s prediction in the sovereignty of the British, accompanied, as 
 it is, by the well-established supremacy of the ladies. 1 
 
 _ There is, however, at least one occasion upon which the Hindoo 
 wife becomes the object of unusual solicitude and care. When the 
 young married woman has reached the fourth month of her preg¬ 
 nancy a bracelet is fastened upon her arm, to which is affixed, as an 
 amulet to protect her from the evil eye, a packet of dark coloured 
 cloth, containing scrapings from the image of Hunooman and dust 
 from the cross-roads. A feast is given on her investiture with this 
 bracelet, and she is released, during the time she wears it, from the 
 performance of any part of the household duties, for in India as in 
 England, 
 
 “ Fairies and nyviphs with child must have the things 
 “ They long for.” 
 
 In the sixth or eighth month of her pregnancy the caste are again 
 assembled to a feast, and the family priest performs fire-sacrifice 
 before them. The woman is conveyed to the house of some relation, 
 where she performs ablutions, and dresses herself in handsome clothes 
 and ornaments. She is thence conducted in procession, attended by 
 
 “ have known a woman who acknowledged to five abortions of this kind in her 
 “ own person.” Idem, pp. 229—234. 
 
 1 Many people in Goozerat believe that Europeans worship Seeta. An English 
 or a Portuguese clergyman is commonly called “a Seeta Padre,” and Brahmins or 
 Wyeragees, when asked by Europeans who they are, will frequently, by way of 
 making their position more intelligible to the stranger, tell him that they are 
 ‘ ‘ Seeta Padres. ” The notion was induced most probably by the Mariolatry of 
 the Romish Church. 
 
6 a8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 musicians and singers, to the house of her husband. Her friends 
 precede her as she walks thither, and strew her path with betel-nut 
 and coins. At home she is received by her father, who has come 
 from his village for the purpose, and who presents her with clothes, 
 jewels, money, and other offerings, not forgetting the symbolical 
 cocoa-nut, disposed together upon a shield. He also binds a new 
 turban upon her husband’s head, and presents her mother-in-law with 
 a scarf. The latter receives the young married woman at the 
 threshold vyith “ Nyoonchun,” and the fire-sacrifice, called “ Gurbh 
 “ Sunskar,” is performed. The woman retires with her own family to 
 her father’s bouse. 
 
 If a male child be bom, letters called “ Wudhamunee,” announcing 
 the joyful occurrence, are despatched at once to the father’s house. 
 The bearer on his arrival is entertained, and presented with a new 
 turban. If the father be a chief the royal drum is sounded, and 
 prisoners are released. Sometimes, on the letter announcing the 
 birth of a son, the mark of the new-born child’s feet is made in a 
 liquid of the auspicious colour. The “Wudhamunee” is, very 
 similar to the letter of invitation to a marriage, which has been 
 already given, but in the principal place runs somewhat as follows :— 
 
 “ Sister Kunkooba has (on such a day and hour) given birth to a 
 “ son, a turban-wearer. His horoscope promises well.” 
 
 If the child be a girl, the expression is “ a daughter, a veil-wearer.” 
 The reason for this addition is, that in all places originally people 
 wrote (as they now in many places write) only consonants, omitting 
 vowels, so that without the further description, the word deekuro (son) 
 might be read deekuree (daughter), and vice versa. 
 
 Some friend, immediately the birth has taken place, proceeds, 
 bearing a cocoa-nut in his hands, to the astrologer’s, who notes down 
 the year, the month, the day of the month, and week, and the hour, 
 also the signs in which the sun and planets stand. From this paper 
 the astrologer subsequently draws out the child’s horoscope. 
 
 On the sixth day after the birth Brumha is worshipped, under the 
 name of Vidhata, the supposition being that he is on that day 
 employed in recording the various incidents of the child’s future 
 career by writing them on the forehead of the skull. A piece of 
 blank paper, a pen, and an inkstand, are placed in order for the use 
 of Vidhata, but care is taken that the ink shall be red, not black, 
 that the letters traced by the hand of destiny may be of the auspicious 
 colour. On the same day strings or chains made of silver or gold, 
 and called “ Kundoro,” are tied round the loins, hands, and feet of 
 the child. 
 
MARRIAGES. 
 
 629 
 
 On the thirteenth day after its birth the child acquires a name. 
 The first letter of it is fixed by the astrologer. The names of 
 relations must be avoided, as well as those of ancestors, but Rajpoots 
 sometimes give the names of their own fathers to their children. 
 Under these restrictions the name is determined by the father’s 
 sister, who is called Phye. Four women, taking each of them a leaf 
 of the sacred fig-tree in their hands, raise the child in a cloth, which 
 they hold by the corners, and move about, repeating seven times a 
 barbarous rhyme :— 
 
 “ With this cloth and peepul leaf 
 “ The Phye has fixed the name of-.” 
 
 The women and children are then regaled with sweetmeats. 
 
 Within a year and a quarter of the birth the relations are once 
 more called together to witness the ceremony called “ Unnprashun,” 
 performed on the child’s first tasting farinaceous food. Brahmins 
 once more worship the Gotruj, and kindle the sacred sacrificial fire. 
 In order to determine the course of life which the child is to follow, 
 they set before it the insignia of several professions :— 
 
 “ That which first the child doth touch, 
 
 “ Vessel, money, weapon, or book, 
 
 ‘ ‘ The livelihood of the child 
 ‘ ‘ By that same will be procured.” 
 
 The vessel probably alludes to cooking, if the Goozerat proverb 
 may be taken as a guide, which celebrates the accomplishments ol 
 him who can handle 
 
 “ The pen, the ladle, or the spear.” 
 
 If a child die before the “ Unnprashun” ceremony has been per¬ 
 formed it is buried in the ground, instead of being committed to the 
 funeral pile. A similar custom was, it appears, observed among the 
 Greeks, in regard to infants who died before cutting a tooth. The 
 Romans also had the same custom, applied sometimes to children 
 who did not reach their fortieth day, and the observance is particu¬ 
 larly mentioned as having obtained in the case of members of the 
 Gens Cornelia. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 FUNERALS. 
 
 *’ All things that we ordained festival 
 
 “ Turn from their office to black funeral : 
 
 “ Our instruments to melancholy bells ; 
 
 ‘ ‘ Our wedding cheer to a sad burial feast; 
 
 “ Our solemn hymns to sullen dirges change ; 
 
 “ Our bridal flowers serve for a buried corse, 
 
 “ And all things change them to the contrary.” 
 
 In addition to that of children who have not undergone the “ Unn- 
 prashun ceremony, there is also another exception among the 
 Hindoos of Goozerat to the otherwise universal rule of cremation— 
 that of the Sunyasee. At the devotee’s interment no wailing or ex¬ 
 pressions of grief are allowed. The corpse, seated in a litter, is 
 borne to the grave preceded by musicians and attended by persons 
 who cast rose-coloured powder into the air, or demonstrate in other 
 modes their joy. It is placed in the earth in a sitting posture, instead 
 of being consumed on the pile. A small platform raised over the 
 spot, and exhibiting the sculptured feet of the deceased, commemo¬ 
 rates his sanctity. 
 
 When age or infirmities warn a man of the near approach of death, 
 he should (so say^the Shastras) perform, to the best of his ability, 
 “ P e h shooddh prayuscheet,” or expiatory penances for the purifi¬ 
 cation of his body.. To this end the Yujman, or performer of pen¬ 
 ance, calls in the assistance of one or more Brahmins skilled in the 
 Veds. He bathes, dresses himself in wet clothes, and, fasting, cir¬ 
 cumambulates the seated Brahmins, and prostrates himself before 
 them. He is instructed to confess the sins, whatever they may be, 
 which he has committed from his birth up to that hour, “ in child- 
 “ hood, in youth, or in old age, be they secret or open, wilfully or 
 “ unwittingly committed, whether of thought, of speech, or of act, 
 “ whether great or small” In this category he is directed to include 
 not only those offences which are acknowledged throughout the world 
 as violations of the universal moral law, but also those peculiar 
 crimes which the religion of the Poorans treats as equally heinous. 
 
FUNERALS. 
 
 631 
 
 He is c ailed upon to confess if he have slaughtered cows, if he have 
 sat in his spiritual preceptor’s seat, drank fermented liquor, cut a tree 
 for fire-wood, been the cause of loss of caste to man, or of loss of life 
 to insect,—if he have eaten what was not fit to be eaten, served one 
 who was not fit to be served,—if he have drank water while sitting 
 on a couch,—if he have ridden astride on a cow, a bull, a buffalo, a 
 donkey, or a camel,—if he have reclined in a litter borne by 
 Brahmins,—if, above all, he have disappointed a Brahmin’s expecta¬ 
 tions. The Yujman entreats the readers of the Yeds to point out to 
 him the means of expiating these sins. 
 
 “ From Brumha to the insects,” 
 
 he is taught to say, 
 
 “ The universe is thralled by you ; 
 
 “ The Yukshes, the Rakshuses, the Pisachs too, 
 
 “ Devs, Dytes, and men together. 
 
 “You know all that relates to religion ; 
 
 “You are its conservators, O ! Brahmins all. 
 
 “For my body purity 
 
 “ Procure, O ! good Brahmins. 
 
 “ By me have been committed very terrible 
 
 “ Wilful or unwitting sins : 
 
 “ Show kindness to me ! 
 
 “ Give me good instruction ! 
 
 “ By you, who are worship-worthy, cleansed 
 
 “ Shall I become, O ! best of the regenerate.” 
 
 Sometimes he is directed to wash the feet of these imperious priests, 
 and, drinking the thus purified water, to acknowledge their supremacy 
 in such language as the following :— 
 
 On earth whatever Teerths exist, 
 
 Those Teerths into the ocean ; l 
 
 From the ocean all Teerths 
 
 Into the twice-born’s right foot travel. 
 
 Destiny-thralled is all the world ; 
 
 Charm-thralled are the Devtas : 
 
 Those very charms are Brahmin-thralled ; 
 
 Therefore Brahmin is Devta. 
 
 The Brahmins answer, “ You shall be cleansed! ” They then pre¬ 
 scribe fastings and penances, or enjoin ten thousand repetitions of 
 the sacred Gayutree, or the offering of a thousand fire-sacrifices ; or, 
 more usually, that most effectual of all pious actions, the feasting of 
 
 1 “Teerths” are places of pilgrimage. The allusion is to the rivers, whose 
 banks abounded with consecrated spots. 
 
632 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Brahmins. The Yujman causes himself to be shaved while a 
 Brahmin mutters this charm :— 
 
 The various sins, 
 
 Brahmin-murder equalling, 
 
 In the hair, sheltered, reside ; 
 
 Therefore the hair I remove. 
 
 A tuft, however, must be allowed to remain on the crown of the 
 head. The Yujman is directed to bathe in the ten prescribed forms, 
 —with ashes of the sacrificial fire, with dust of the earth, with dust of 
 cow-dung, with urine of the cow, with milk, with curds, with clarified 
 butter, with drugs, with sacrificial grass, and with water. Charms 
 must be muttered suited to each ablution. The penitent dresses 
 himself in clean clothes, and worships Vishnoo in his emblem—the 
 shalagram; and while the Brahmins offer fire-sacrifice, he must 
 present “ ten gifts,”— 
 
 A cow, land, sesamum, gold, clarified butter, 
 
 Garments, grain, sugar, 
 
 Silver, and salt,—these are prescribed 
 As the “ten gifts,” by the learned. 
 
 These offerings made, the penitent presents to the Brahmins “ the 
 “ shadow gift,”—a cup of melted butter, in which he has beheld the 
 reflection of his countenance. He then says to the priests, “ This 
 penance of mine must be rendered valid by you.” They reply, tl It 
 “ is rendered valid.” 
 
 The rites above described are performed also by pilgrims on their 
 arrival at the sacred spot, and by those who seek reinstitution into 
 the caste-privileges of which they have been temporarily deprived. If 
 a man should die leaving the “ deh shooddh prayuscheet ” unper¬ 
 formed, it becomes the duty of his successors to perform it in his 
 stead at the time when he celebrates his obsequies; and if he 
 neglect this sacred obligation, both father and son descend to the 
 pits of hell. 
 
 On the road to the city in which Yuma, the king who judges the 
 dead, keeps his court, is a river called Vyeturunee, the means of 
 passing which must be provided in this world. 1 “ If any one,”—it is 
 Krishn himself who has said it ,—“ be by his good destiny incited, 
 while in this world, with the desire of passing Vyeturunee in 
 “ comfort, let him when the resolve comes into his heart, or at some 
 virtuous time, present a good cow as a gift.” The vulgar notion is 
 that the animal precedes the deceased, who grasps its tail, and drying 
 
 1 On the subject of gifts made to supply the necessities of the dead, see note at 
 the end of this chapter. 
 
FUNERALS. 
 
 633 
 
 up a passage before him, enables him to cross the river of Hades. 
 If he relax his hold, the stream, it is believed, returns upon 
 him. 1 The cow should have its horns gilt, and its hoofs shod with 
 silver. It should be either black or white. With it must be presented 
 to the Brahmin a copper-brass vessel, to be used in milking it. Black 
 garments must be laid upon it. Clothes, for the use of the departed 
 spirit, should be presented at the same time, shoes, a ring, and an 
 umbrella; also the seven gifts of grain. There must be offered, also, 
 a copper trough, which represents Vyeturunee, which is filled with 
 honey and placed upon a heap of cotton. A gold image of Yuma 
 must be made, and an iron staff placed in its hand. A boat made 
 of sugar-cane must also be prepared. The Brahmin worships the Kings 
 of Hades, and calls him into the image, thus addressing him :— 
 
 Rider of the mighty buffalo, 
 
 Holder of the staff and chain, 
 
 Red-eyed, large-handed, 
 
 Dhurum Raj, I praise thee ! 
 
 These arrangements completed, the cow and the image of Yuma 
 must be worshipped, obeisance paid to the Brahmin, and circumam- 
 bulation of the whole performed. The gifts are then presented to 
 the priest, the giver holding in his hand the tail of the cow, with 
 some sacrificial grass and a piece of purple basil, and repeating this 
 charm,— 
 
 On Yuma’s road, the very terrible, 
 
 I have heard of Vyeturunee river. 
 
 To cross it, I offer this cow ; 
 
 O ! twice born, I praise Vyeturunee ! 
 
 He next addresses the cow thus,— 
 
 O ! Dhenoo, wait thou for me 
 
 On that great road which leads to Yuma’s gate; 
 
 To cross I am desirous, O ! Devee, 
 
 To cross Vyeturunee ! praises to thee. 
 
 Lastly, turning to the Brahmin, and paying him obeisance, he pre¬ 
 sents the cow to him, and says,— 
 
 Vishnoo-like, O ! Brahmin great! 
 
 O earth-Dev ! cleanser of a line of men ! 
 
 For passage of Vyeturunee 
 This sable cow to thee I offer ! 
 
 1 We have frequently seen in Goozerat cowherds, whose pasture ground was on 
 the opposite side of a river from that on which their village stood, swimming their 
 cattle across the stream, and assisting themselves in the passage by holding on to 
 the tail of one of the animals. 
 
634 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 When a Hindoo appears to be at the point of death his friends 
 prepare a place on the ground by smearing it with cow-dung; they 
 strew it with sacrificial grass, with sesamum and barley. The dying 
 man is stripped of his ornaments and of his clothes, with the 
 exception of a single garment. The hair of his head and his 
 moustaches are removed, and his body is washed with water. He is 
 then laid upon the place which has been prepared, with his feet 
 pointing northwards towards Meroo and the abodes of the blessed, 
 and his back turned upon the city of Yuma. A small cup, contain¬ 
 ing a cake with a silver coin laid upon it, is placed in his hand. Some 
 poor Brahmin is then called in to receive the cup from the hands of 
 the dying man. Rich persons present a cow, gold, or other valuable 
 presents, and they promise their departing relative that they will 
 carry his bones to Benares and cast them into the Ganges, or that 
 they will make pilgrimage (the merit of which shall be his) to 
 Muthoora, Dwarka, Somnath, or other celebrated holy ground. They 
 take vows, also, on behalf of the dying man, to fast or to spend 
 money in religious offerings, sealing the promise by presentation of a 
 handful of water. Sometimes they offer gifts of iron to propitiate 
 Yuma, whose weapons are of that metal. These offerings are meri¬ 
 torious alike to the giver and to him on whose behalf they are pre¬ 
 sented. “ The son,” it is said, “ who presents gifts by the hands of 
 “ a dying father, should be honoured as the lamp of his race.” 
 
 At the same time they set near the dying man a lamp supplied with 
 clarified butter, pour Ganges water into his mouth, and place therein 
 a leaf of the purple basil and a portion of curd. 
 
 It has been pronounced that if, even when the life has reached the 
 throat, a man declare that he has abandoned the world, he reaches 
 Vyekoonth after death, and is released from further transmigration. 
 Some persons, therefore, when they believe that their end is ap¬ 
 proaching, perform the rite of “Athoor Sunyas,” and, calling for an 
 ascetic, receive at his hands initiation and the tawny garment which 
 proclaims that they have renounced the world and its concerns. 1 
 
 1 These tardy devotees remind us of some of the earlier proselytes of Chris¬ 
 tianity, and, in particular, of the great Constantine, whose reluctance to assume 
 the white vestments of the neophyte, and the obligations attendant on a new birth 
 unto righteousness, could only be overcome, as Gibbon mentions, at that latest 
 moment when the stern hand of death was tearing from his shoulders the im¬ 
 perial purple. 
 
 “All this year (a.d. 1128),” says the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, “King Henry 
 “ was in Normandy, on account of the war between him and his nephew, the Earl 
 “ of Flanders ; but the earl was wounded in battle by a servant, and, being so 
 “ wounded, he went to the monastery of St. Bertin, and forthwith he was made 
 
FUNERALS. 
 
 635 
 
 The Hindoos have been taught to believe that the agonies of the 
 death-struggle are pangs caused by the tyrannous servants of the 
 King of Hades, who are dragging the unwilling soul from its tene¬ 
 ment. Stricken with sorrow and with awe, they vent these mingled 
 emotions by repeatedly calling upon Ram. A few moments pass, and 
 the convulsive throes of the dying man are over—the immortal soul 
 is disengaged from its fleshy host and companion. Whither has it 
 departed ? 
 
 “ Quae nunc abibit in loca, 
 
 “ Pallidula, rigida, nudula?” 
 
 Before, however, we pursue this interesting inquiry, let us stay 
 awhile to bestow the corse, and observe the mourners until they have 
 “ compounded it with dust whereto ’tis kin.” 
 
 When all is over, the relations and neighbours assemble at the 
 house of the deceased ; and, like an entre-acte to the tragic drama, 
 commences the humming moan of lamentation. The nearer relatives 
 enter the habitation, exclaiming, “ O, father! O, brother! ” The 
 women, standing in a circle near the door, bewail the deceased, and 
 sing a funeral dirge, beating their breasts in sad accompaniment to 
 the measure. Young persons are lamented longer and more poignantly 
 than those whose advanced age seems to have pointed them out as 
 the natural victims of the angel of death. The dirge, which usually 
 consists of unconnected exclamations of grief, is sung by one or two 
 women, while the remainder join in chorus. That, of which we pro¬ 
 ceed to give a part, bewails the death of an early victim—one, it will 
 be observed, who, crowned in former days as a bridegroom-king, is 
 now lamented as a chief and a warrior :— 
 
 Alas ! alas ! without the village the wail resounds, 
 
 Voi! the valiant, alas ! alas ! 
 
 Alas ! alas ! this is Ramjee’s anger, 
 
 Voi! the valiant, alas ! alas ! 
 
 Alas ! alas ! with blood the clouds have rained, 
 
 Voi! the valiant, alas ! alas ! 
 
 Alas ! alas ! its bounds the sea has abandoned, 
 
 Voi ! the valiant, alas ! alas ! 
 
 Alas ! alas ! the home-leaving bride is plundered, 
 
 Voi ! the valiant, alas ! alas ! 
 
 Alas ! alas ! Yum Raja’s plunderers have come, 
 
 Voi! the valiant, alas 1 alas ! 
 
 Alas ! alas ! they have slain the bridegroom-king, 
 
 Voi! the valiant, alas ! alas ! 
 
 “ a monk, and lived five days after, and then died, and was buried there—God 
 “ rest his soul !” 
 
636 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Alas ! alas ! his mundup has been cast down, 
 
 Voi ! the valiant, alas ! alas ! 
 
 Alas ! alas ! the vessels of his Choree have been broken, 
 
 Voi! the valiant, alas ! alas ! 
 
 Alas ! alas ! his life has been treacherously stolen, 
 
 Voi ! the valiant, alas ! alas ! 
 ***** 
 
 These utterances of grief are rude, but they are far from unaffecting, 
 even to the stranger—the seardwelling Englishman; and, as they al¬ 
 ternately rise and fall, their sound, stealing from a distance upon his 
 ear, reminds him of that measured melancholy tone which the 
 breakers of ocean produce on some calm evening, as, by turns, they 
 roll upon and recede from a shingled beach. 
 
 This “ threnos ” finished, the female mourners sit down panting and 
 exhausted ; but still weeping, they cry to each other, and chant forth 
 exclamations such as these : “ Ah, son! who will take care of me 
 “ now ? who will light the funeral pile for me ? ” “ Ah, husband ! 
 
 “ you have deserted me treacherously; you have left me with my 
 “ children unmarried ! ” or, “ Ah, brother! who will welcome me 
 “now, when I return home from my husband’s ? Ah! the fig-tree 
 “ will grow now in my father’s house I” 1 
 
 While the women are thus engaged, two or three persons are em¬ 
 ployed in the interior of the house in preparing the corpse for the 
 funeral pile. A litter of bamboos is made, and the corpse is wrapped 
 in a new scarf of the auspicious colour. Lump-offerings of flour and 
 water are prepared, of which two, called “ shub ” and “ panthuk,” are 
 placed, the former on the pallet of sacrificial grass upon which the 
 corpse reclines, and the latter at the threshold of the house. 
 
 A married woman returning home from a visit at her father’s house 
 is presented with clothes, and anointed with red ointment on the 
 
 1 The lamentation for the dead in use among the Greeks appears to have been 
 originally sung by women, with vehement expressions of grief, but to have been so 
 far systematized, as early even as the time of Homer, that singers by profession 
 stood near the bed where the body was laid out, and began the lament, while the 
 women merely assisted. (See Muller.) The evil effects produced by the custom 
 of beating the breast, still retained by the women of Goozerat, has, we believe, in¬ 
 duced some benevolent Hindoos to endeavour to introduce professional mourners, 
 who would exactly occupy the place given by the Grecians to the aotSol Gpr/vwv 
 *&PX 01 - The prophet Jeremiah is supposed to be repeating part of the usual 
 funeral dirge, when he predicts of Jehoiakim, the son of Josiah, King of Judah, 
 that ‘ ‘ They shall not lament for him, saying, Ah, my brother ! or, Ah, sister ! they 
 “ shall not lament for him, saying, Ah, Lord ! or, Ah, his glory !”—Vide Jere¬ 
 miah xxii. v. 18, and note with references in D’ Oyly and Afant. See also Amos 
 v. 16; Ecclesiastes xii. 5, 6. 
 
FUNERALS. 
 
 637 
 
 forehead : the ceremony is called the Sasur-waso. If she die at the 
 house of her parents, or in the village where it is situated, her family 
 prepare for the corpse the last sasur-waso. They anoint its forehead, 
 dress it in new clothes, and adorn it with a marriage scarf. 
 
 The corpse prepared, and placed upon the litter, four persons raise 
 it upon their shoulders. 1 They have previously performed ablutions, 
 and dressed themselves in silk garments. The corpse is carried forth 
 feet first; one man precedes it, bearing an earthen vessel which con¬ 
 tains fire. The relations and neighbours follow, bareheaded, without 
 shoes, and half naked, 2 running and calling upon their god, the son 
 of Dusruth; or sometimes one man alone cries to the rest as they 
 run—“ Call on Ram ! ” to which they reply in chorus, “ Brother ! 
 “ Rim! ” The women follow the funeral procession to the gate of 
 the village, and thence return slowly home. 
 
 It is written in the Shastras that the corpse should be set down at 
 cross-roads within the village, and that the third lump-offering, called 
 “ Khechur,” should be offered there : this custom has, however, fallen 
 into disuse. The Gurood Pooran prescribes that the inhabitants of 
 a village in which a death has taken place are to abstain from food 
 until the corpse has been carried out; at the present time the occu¬ 
 pants of the adjoining houses alone observe this practice, 
 
 The funeral company, when they have passed outside the village, 
 make a halt, and lay the corpse upon the earth : some one of them 
 who has preceded the rest, sprinkling water of purification from a 
 vessel which he carries in his hand, sanctifies the ground. Here the 
 third and fourth lump-offerings, of which the latter is called “ Bhoot, 
 are offered together, and the bearers of the corpse reverse its position, 
 and carry it henceforth head foremost. Hence they proceed to the 
 place of cremation, which is usually on the bank of a river, and here 
 they erect the funeral pile, which, if their means allow it, they form 
 of sandal and other costly woods, interspersed with cocoa-nuts. 
 The corpse is separated from the litter to which it was attached, and 
 from the scarf which covered it, and both these are cast aside : it 
 is laid upon the pile with its face towards the abodes of the 
 
 1 “The Rajpoot warrior,” says Colonel Tod, “is carried to his final abode 
 u armed at all points as when alive, his shield on his back, and brand in his hand ; 
 “ while his steed, though not sacrificed, is often presented to the deity, and becomes 
 “ a perquisite of the priest.”— Vide Rajasthan , vol. i., p. 73 - 
 
 * So the Jews in their mourning. “ Uncover not your heads, neither rend your 
 “ clothes.”—Leviticus x. 6. “ Forbear to cry, make no mourning for the dead, 
 
 “ bind the tire of thine head upon thee, and put on thy shoes upon thy feet. 
 Ezekiel xxiv. X 7. 
 
6 3 8 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 blessed, and is covered with additional fuel heaped upon it. The 
 fifth and sixth lump-offerings, which are called respectively “ Sadhuk” 
 and “ Pret,” are here set down. The son, or nearest of kin to the 
 deceased, lights a bundle of dry grass, and passing three times round 
 the pile, places the fire as near as the wind permits him to the head 
 of the corpse. The party of mourners sit down, and await the issue 
 with lamentation; when the corpse is nearly consumed they pour 
 clarified butter upon the pile to feed the fire. As soon as the 
 cremation is finished, the ashes of the dead are collected from the 
 pile and are cast into the river water, or if no stream be at hand they 
 are deposited in a pit dug for the purpose, and sprinkled with water. 
 He who fired the pile collects seven small pieces of bone, and en¬ 
 closing them in mould commits them to the earth in the place on 
 which the head of the corpse had rested. Over the spot the poor 
 raise a simple mound, and place thereon a water-vessel and a cake of 
 bread, but wealthy persons erect upon the site of the funeral pile a 
 temple, which is consecrated to Muha Dev. 
 
 The ceremonies above described are intended as a figurative com¬ 
 pliance with each of the four modes of disposing of a corpse which 
 are prescribed by the Shastras,—casting out into the jungle (the type 
 of which is the setting down the corpse outside the village gate), 
 cremation, plunging into water, and interment. 
 
 At the funeral of a wealthy person a cow is frequently brought to 
 the pile, and its milk sprinkled on the spot where the body has been 
 consumed : the cow is then given to a Brahmin. The legend of the 
 Sabhermutee accounts for the name of Doodhesur—a well-known 
 place of cremation on the banks of that river, near the city of Ah- 
 medabad—by asserting that when the corpse of the sage Dudeechee 
 was consumed on the pile at that spot the sovereign and the denizens 
 of Paradise brought thither Kam Dhenoo, the sacred cow, with whose 
 milk they consecrated the ground. 
 
 These ceremonies complied with, the mourners perform ablutions 
 and wash their clothes, and the heir presents an offering of sesamum 
 and water to the deceased “ to cool him after the flames.” 1 The 
 friends who have attended the corpse to the pile rejoin once more, 
 at the house of the deceased, the women and those who have 
 remained behind, and thence disperse to their own homes. 
 
 1 Our readers will be reminded of the chalice of oblivion in Moore’s “Epicurean”:— 
 “ Drink of this cup—Osiris sips 
 The same in his halls below ; 
 
 And the same he gives to cool the lips 
 Of the Dead who downward go. 
 
FUNERALS. 
 
 639 
 
 A woman, on the death of her husband, breaks the bracelets which 
 were placed on her arms at the time of her marriage. If she be a 
 Brahminee she causes her head to be shaved on the tenth day after 
 the funeral. For a whole year she mourns, seated in a corner of the 
 house; at the end of that time her relations come “ to put an end to 
 “ her mourning,” and take her with them home. If no house be 
 open to receive her she makes a pilgrimage to Boucherajee’s, 
 to Prubhas, or to the Nerbudda. The widow absents herself from all 
 caste entertainments. At the present day, however, in case she has 
 not attained the age of fifteen years, her marriage bracelets are 
 allowed to remain, and she is not treated as a widow; but when she 
 is thirty years old, the occurrence of a death among her near re¬ 
 lations—as, for instance, that of her father, or her brother—is con¬ 
 sidered as a proper season for her retirement into the state of widow¬ 
 hood. The widow, if she be wealthy, replaces her marriage bracelets 
 with gold ones; if of the Rajpoot blood, she wears black clothes ; if 
 of the Brahmin or Waneea castes, she adopts a dress of any sombre 
 colour, unadorned by a figure. The Shastras, however, prescribe a 
 white dress to the widow, and forbid her to use any ornament. 
 
 The time of mourning, as regards others than widows, varies from 
 a month to a year, according to the age of the deceased and the 
 degree of consanguinity. Mourners abstain from festivities and from 
 certain kinds of food, and dress themselves in white or sombre- 
 coloured garments. Absent relations are informed of the death by 
 letters forwarded by the hands of an out-caste, and marked on the 
 outside “ strip and read.” The object of this inscription is to avoid 
 inconvenience,—the person who has received such intelligence being 
 held to be unclean, and the dress he wears defiled. These letters 
 are called “ Krishnakshuree” (black letters), or by a more common 
 name conveying the idea of impurity. We introduce one of them 
 with the view both of showing their character, and of calling attention 
 to a point upon which we have already remarked,—the reckless ex¬ 
 travagance which has become almost compulsory upon Hindoos in 
 performing the obsequies of the dead 1 :— 
 
 “ Drink of this cup—the water within 
 Is fresh from Lethe’s stream ; 
 
 ’Twill make the past, with all its sin, 
 
 And all its pain and sorrows, seem 
 Like a long-forgotten dream ! ” 
 
 No such happy oblivion would, however, appear to be held out to the hopes of the 
 Hindoo ; on the contrary, it would seem to be part of the reward of the virtuous 
 that they should be gifted with reminiscences of a former birth. 
 
 1 See on this subject Tod’s “ Rajasthan,” vol. i., p. 207, for sumptuary edicts 
 
640 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 FORM OF KRISHNAkSHUREE. 
 
 To Mehta Kuleeanrow Keshuvrow, and Mehta Jumeeutram Nur- 
 bheram (the son-in-law and uncle of the deceased), residing in the city 
 of Ahmedabad, Mehta Bhuwaneeram Muncharam (the friend of 
 deceased) writes from Surat. Receive his salutation. Further the 
 cause of writing is this On Wednesday, the second of the current 
 month of Chyetra, at the sixth hour of the night, our good friend 
 Jadooram Vehemshunkur, became a denizen of Paradise. This has 
 fallen out very ill, but what the illustrious Supreme Lord may do 
 must be assented to. In such a matter no one’s strength avails. Up 
 to the third watch of the second Jadooram had no disease, even in 
 the nail of his finger, but was hale and well • however, he was 
 attacked with cholera when two hours of the day remained. We 
 used very many remedies, and made very many vows, but as his 
 allotted term of life had come to a close, no remedy availed. Our 
 relations had all gone on a pilgrimage; on this occasion, therefore, I 
 and Vivekram (a neighbour) were the only persons on the spot, and 
 we, too,^ had gone out to procure medicine. Meanwhile our good 
 friend, Jadooiam, fell into the last agonies, but by his good fortune, 
 and on account of the great number of his virtuous actions in his 
 former states of existence and in his present, we both of us immedi¬ 
 ately ai rived, and carefully attending him in his dying moments, 
 caused him to offer virtuous gifts, placed him upon the earth, and 
 pouied Ganges water into his mouth. If we had not arrived he 
 would have died on his bed, and we should then have been compelled 
 to perform “pootul veedhan.” 
 
 Console good mistress Ugunanta (daughter of deceased and wife 
 of Kuleeanrow), and do not permit her to wail or beat her breast. 
 Do we what we may, we shall never behold his face again; therefore 
 let us be composed, and arrange how we are to entertain the caste 
 according to the respectability of the family. If we should be com¬ 
 pelled to spend five or ten rupees over and above, never mind that, 
 because, working and labouring, we will make that up. But our 
 parent s obsequies will not occur again. There is a house worth 
 Rs. 5°o, and ornaments worth Rs. 200, and vessels, furniture, and other 
 things worth Rs. 100,—in all, property worth Rs. 800. But it will 
 cost Rs. 1100 to feast the caste m Surat for three days, therefore we 
 shall have to borrow Rs. 3 00 Rt interest. The boys are young now, 
 
 by Muharana Singram Singh of Mewar, and the great Jey Singh of Amber. 
 T ie latter had an ordinance, restricting the number of guests on these occasions to 
 tty-one, and restraining the less wealthy classes from the use of expensive food. 
 
FUNERALS. 
 
 641 
 
 but when they grow up they will work, and clear off the debt. 
 Entertain no anxiety on this account. It is a proverb that there is 
 no calamity for him who has sons, so, as there are sons, what difficulty 
 is there about borrowing or lending? They will clear all off to¬ 
 morrow. Therefore, if you are good relations, come to arrange the 
 obsequies. When you have read this letter prepare in the sixth part 
 of a day. Do not wait to drink water. If you do not come, then 
 the blame will be laid on you by the caste. We will have nothing to 
 do with it. 
 
 (Signed) Bhuwaneeram Munch Aram. 
 
 Note on the Subject of Gifts made to supply the Necessities 
 of the Dead. 
 
 “ A man,” says a Hebrew fable, “ had three friends; two of them he loved ex- 
 “ ceedingly; to the third he was indifferent, though he was the most sincere. One 
 “ day he was summoned before the justice for a matter of which he was innocent. 
 “ ‘Who among you,’ said he, ‘will go with me, and witness for me?’ The first 
 “ of his friends excused himself immediately on the pretence of other business, 
 “ The second accompanied him to the door of the tribunal, but there he turned 
 ‘ ‘ and went back for fear of the judge. The third, upon whom he had least de- 
 “ pended, went in, spoke for him, and witnessed his innocence so cheerfully, that 
 “ the judge released him, and made him a present besides. Man has three friends 
 “ in this world. How do they behave in the hour of death, when God summons 
 “him before his judgment-seat? Gold, his best friend, leaves him first. His 
 “ relations and friends accompany him to the brink of the grave, and return again 
 “ to their houses. His good deeds alone accompany him to the throne of the 
 “ Judge ; they go before, speak of him, and find mercy and favour.” So far the 
 fable, of which Mr. Trench remarks (Notes on the Parables, sixth edition, p. 51), 
 that it is ingenious enough, though a notable specimen of Jewish self-righteous¬ 
 ness. Grosser conceptions of the truth than this appear, however, to have been 
 popularly entertained even among the children of Israel the chosen of God. In 
 the contemplation of a future state of happiness, their thoughts, still clung to the 
 pleasures, and glories, and occupations of this world, and they were unable to com¬ 
 prehend that the interest of the departed in the affairs of the present life had ceased 
 for ever. Thus, the marital rights acquired on earth, and not voluntarily renounced 
 by bill of divorce, were, in their eyes, valid even after death had separated husband 
 and wife, and it was no strange thing to them that a dead Alexander should clain\ 
 his forgetful Glaphyra from the incestuous embraces of Archelaus. It is not sur¬ 
 prising, then, that we should find in the popular creed of heathen nations a con¬ 
 stantly recurring idea that the spirits of the dead still retain a share in human con¬ 
 cerns, and may be rendered happy or miserable by the forethought or neglect of 
 mortals. The tribes which have remained unconverted to Christianity, whether of 
 ancient or of modern times, whether enlightened or barbarous, appear to have 
 
 T T 
 
642 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 adopted with one consentient voice the idea that the passage of the soul to its des¬ 
 tination after death is to be smoothed, and its necessities provided for, by the due 
 performance of funeral rights. The nations of classical antiquity placed in the 
 mouth of the corpse the piece of money which was destined to be Charon’s fee 
 for ferrying the soul over the infernal river, and beside it they laid the cake of 
 flour and honey which was designed to appease the fury of Cerberus, the gate¬ 
 keeper of Hades. The Romans placed in the sepulchres of the dead, to appease 
 their manes, the “coena feralis” of milk, honey, water, wine, and olives. And the 
 heroes of Scandinavia firmly believed in the assurance, which they had received 
 from Odin himself, that the arms, the war-horses, and the servants, which were 
 buried with them in their graves, should avail them in the day on which they were 
 to enter Valhalla, and present themselves before the throne of its warrior god. 
 “ The Laplanders to this day provide their dead with a flint, and everything neces- 
 “ sary for lighting them along the dark passage they have to traverse after death,” 
 and the red woodsman of America buries a rifle with his departed friend, that he 
 may be enabled to pursue the chase in the world of spirits. “ The Tartar sove- 
 “ reigns,” remarks M. Hue, “are sometimes interred in a manner which appears 
 ‘ ‘ the very height of extravagance and barbarism ; the royal corpse is placed in an 
 “ edifice of brick, adorned with stone images of men, lions, tigers, elephants, and 
 “ divers subjects from the Buddhist mythology. With the illustrious defunct they 
 “ inter, in a large vault in the centre of the building, considerable sums in gold and 
 “ silver, precious stones, and costly habits. 
 
 “These monstrous interments frequently cost, also, the lives of a number of 
 “ slaves; children of both sexes, distinguished for their beauty, are taken and 
 ‘ ‘ compelled to swallow mercury until they are suffocated. By this means, it is as- 
 “ serted, the color and freshness of the victims is preserved so well that they appear 
 “ alive. They are then ranged standing round the corpse of their master, to serve 
 “ him as in life. They hold in their hands the pipe, fan, the little vial of snuff, 
 “ and the other numerous baubles of Tartar royalty. 
 
 “To guard these buried treasures, there is placed in the vault a kind of bow, con- 
 “ structed to discharge a number of arrows, one after the other. This bow, or 
 “ rather these bows, are bound together, and the arrows fixed. -rThis species of 
 “ infernal machine is so placed that the act of opening the door of the vault dis- 
 “ charges the first arrow, the discharge of the first releases the second, and so on 
 “ to the last. The bow-makers keep these murderous machines already pre- 
 “ pared, and the Chinese sometimes purchase them to guard their houses in their 
 “ absence.” 
 
 The case of the Sutee, of which we shall presently have to speak, is but another 
 phase of this “one great delirium ,” as it has been justly called. It has its parallel 
 alike in Africa and among the negroes of Polynesia :—“ It is the custom here (in 
 “ Jenna),” says Mr. Lander, “when a governor dies, for two of his favourite wives 
 “ to quit the world on the same day, in order that he may have a little pleasant 
 “ social company in a future state ; but the late governor’s devoted wives had no 
 “ ambition or inclination to follow their venerable husband to the grave, and went 
 “ and hid themselves before the funeral ceremonies were performed, and have re- 
 
 mained concealed ever since, with the remainder of his women. To-day, how- 
 “ ever, one of these unfortunates,—she to whom our house belongs,—was dis- 
 “ covered in her hiding-place at the present governor’s, and the alternative of a 
 “ poisoned chalice, or to have her head broken by the club of the fetish-priest, was 
 “ offered her. She has chosen the former mode of dying, as being the less terrible 
 “ of the two.”— Journal of an Expedition to Explore the Course and Termination of 
 “ the Niger, vol. i., pp. 92, 93. 
 
FUNERALS. 
 
 643 
 
 “ As a chiefs wives are strangled for the sake of exemplifying their fidelity, and 
 “ accompanying him to the invisible world, so this kind of death is often imposed 
 “ upon courtiers and aides-de-camp, and always considered an honour and distinc- 
 “ tion. One reason of many, and perhaps the greatest, for strangling the wives of 
 “ chiefs who have children surviving him, is that it is taken for a certain proof 
 “ that these children are legitimate, and claim their rights as vasus to the places 
 “ to which their deceased mothers belonged. If a mother neglected being strangled, 
 ‘ ‘ it would leave a doubt in the minds of the people as to her fidelity ; and if any 
 “ of her children were to go to the places she belonged to, and claim property as 
 “ their right, the owners would immediately embrace the opportunity of upbraid- 
 ‘ ‘ ing the vasu with his mother being an unchaste woman, and saying that they would 
 “ not allow him to carry anything off, because the infidelity of his mother cut off 
 “ all his claim and rights as a vasu, and that it was an undeniable proof of her 
 ‘ ‘ loving some other man better than his father, that she had not been buried with 
 “ him. The whole thirty of Tui Kila-Kila’s brother’s wives wished to be strangled; 
 “ but, being a little wiser than the generality of his countrymen, and not led away 
 “ by the customs of his country, Tui Kila-Kila advised all who had borne children 
 “ to his brother to be strangled, as a matter of course. On the other hand, he 
 “ said that the young women who had borne no children had no occasion to 
 “ sacrifice their lives, knowing that they would make himself very good wives, and 
 “ add greatly to his advantage—the greatness of a chief being estimated, in a mea- 
 ‘ ‘ sure, by the number of his women. 
 
 “Fourteen of these women readily acceded to this proposal, and, as far as I 
 “ could learn, were extremely happy to escape with their lives, especially in such 
 “ a reputable way in the eyes of the world, being backed by the advice and 
 “ opinion of such a great prince as Tui Kila-Kila, whose infallibility dared not be 
 “ questioned. But one young girl (who made up the fifteen that were to be saved, 
 
 ‘ 1 and on whose account it was always supposed, more than for any other reason, 
 “ he proposed to save the others, so as to come at the object of his desire) dared 
 “ to question his opinion of the propriety of living and violating the laws of be- 
 “ trothment, and demanded the privilege of being strangled. She asked Tui Kila- 
 ‘ ‘ Kila where was the man she cared or was worthy of living for now that his 
 “ brother was dead ? Tui Kila-Kila was so piqued at this reflection on his inferi- 
 “ ority to his deceased brother, that he ordered the two women, whose office it was 
 “ to strangle her, to haul tight at each end of the strip of cloth previously placed 
 “ round her neck, which they obeyed; and as soon as she began to show symptoms 
 “ of agony, he ordered them to slacken it, thinking, as she had tasted partially 
 “ the pangs of death, she would repent of her foolishness ; but with her it was 
 “ different, for she seized the ends, and began hauling tight again, so as to com- 
 “ plete what the stranglers had begun ; and then the chief was satisfied with her 
 ‘ ‘ foolish obstinacy, as he called it, and told the women to settle her quickly. This 
 “ young woman was renowned for her beauty, and certainly she must have been 
 ‘ ‘ as, completely so as possible for a human being to be, except that she was not 
 “ white,—if that has anything to do with it,—because, when I pointed out sym- 
 “ metrical forms, and asked if she was anything like them, they always said she 
 “ was far superior.”— Journal of a Cruize among the Islands of the Western 
 Pacific , including the Peejees and others inhabited by the Polynesian Negro Races , 
 in Her A/ajesly’s Ship Havannah. By John Elphinstone Erskine , Captain R.N. 
 With Maps and Plates. John Murray. 
 
 Those heterodox Hindoos, the Jains, would appear to have, perhaps rather from 
 a spirit of opposition to Brahminic customs than from any other cause, juster ideas than 
 are usual upon this subject. According to the account collected from a priest of 
 
644 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 the sect at Mudgeri, which is printed in the ninth volume of the Asiatic Researches, 
 ‘ ‘ they say, that the foolish people of other tribes, being deficient in sacred know- 
 “ ledge, spend money in vain on account of deceased relations : for how can a 
 “ dead man feel satisfaction in ceremonies, and in the feeding of others ?—* even a 
 “ ‘ lamp no longer gives light by pouring more oil into it, after its flame is once ex- 
 “ ‘ tinguished,’—therefore it is vain to make feasts and ceremonies for the dead; and 
 “if it be wished to please relations, it is best to do so while they are yet living. 
 “ ‘ What a man drinketh, giveth, and eateth in this world is of advantage to him, 
 “ ‘ but he carrieth nothing with him at his end/” These Jains might have expressed 
 their ideas in the words of the British poet:— 
 
 “ For in the silent grave no conversation, 
 
 “ No joyful tread of friends, no voice of lovers, 
 
 “No careful father’s counsel,—nothing’s heard, 
 
 “For nothing is,—but all oblivion, 
 
 “ Dust, and an endless darkness ! ” 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE STATE AFTER DEATH—SHRADDH—BHOOTS—OTHER 
 POPULAR BELIEFS. 
 
 It is laid down in the Gurood Pooran and other Hindoo scriptures, 
 that, on the occurrence of a death, the son or other heir of the de¬ 
 ceased must offer lump-offerings, and that if he neglect to do so the 
 spirit passes into the state of a goblin. We have described the 
 manner in which the first six of these offerings are made. If, after 
 the fourth lump has been offered, the obsequies proceed no further— 
 if, for example, any cause occur to prevent cremation—the spirit, it 
 is believed, remains a Bhoot. Similarly, if six lumps only be offered, 
 the spirit remains a Pret. For twelve days the soul, it is supposed, 
 is seated on the eaves of the house in which it has parted from the 
 human body. At sunset, therefore, the compassionate relatives place 
 upon the roof for its subsistence a vessel of water and another of 
 milk. Other accounts fix the residence of the soul, during this cala¬ 
 mitous period, at the place of the funeral pile, or at cross-roads ; and 
 some assert that it dwells alternately in the elements of fire, air, and 
 water, and in the house which was its home. 1 
 
 1 There is, so to speak, a fresh trodden way between the body and the soul 
 which has just forsaken, and, according to that Jewish legend which may rest on a 
 very deep truth, lingers for a while and hovers near the tabernacle where it has 
 dwelt so long, and to which it knows itself bound by links that even now have not 
 
SHRADDH. 
 
 645 
 
 One lump-offering should be made daily, until the tenth day from 
 the day of decease, for the construction of a new body for the Pret. 
 The body, at the end of that time, attains to the size of the upper 
 joint of a man’s thumb. On the tenth day a lump should be offered 
 for the purpose of satisfying the hunger and thirst which the Pret now 
 begins to feel. The common practice in Goozerat, at the present 
 time, is to make the lump-offering ten times on the tenth day. 
 
 Shraddh must be performed on the tenth, eleventh, twelfth or thir¬ 
 teenth day succeeding the decease, and afterwards monthly on the 
 day of the month on which the death occurred, and yearly on its an¬ 
 niversary. The son who neglects to perform shraddh dies childless, 
 and expiates the sin amid the torments of hell. The gifts which are 
 offered in shraddh, are for the purpose of supplying the necessities of 
 the Prets in their painful journey to the city of Yuma. They are 
 conveyed by the god of the waters to Krishn, who, in turn, consigns 
 them to the sun—the all-beholding Narayun—by whom they are de¬ 
 livered to the spirits of the deceased. A bed presented at this time 
 to Brahmins procures for the Pret a litter to ride in ; shoes, umbrellas, 
 and fans, are also acceptable offerings, and lamps should be suspended 
 in the temples of Shiva to light the Pret on his road. 
 
 Shraddh must be performed beside a reservoir or on the banks 
 of a river. The sacrificer shaves his face, and, holding in his 
 hand a copper cup containing water, with sesamum and sacrificial 
 grass, he repeats the names of his progenitors, both paternal and ma¬ 
 ternal, sprinkling water as he repeats each name. The ceremony, 
 which is called “ Turpun,” has been already described in detail. The 
 heir now forms an image of the deceased with sacrificial grass, washes 
 it, and strews it with flowers. A similar representation of a Vishwa 
 Dev is also made to witness the performance of the rite. The sacri¬ 
 ficer sprinkles these, muttering a charm which has been taught him 
 by his family priest, and which is supposed to call the Dev and the 
 soul of the deceased into the figures. A Shalagram stone is placed 
 beside them to represent Vishnoo, and the three are worshipped with 
 the usual ceremonies. Food is then set before the grass figures and 
 the Shalagram, and the heir, sprinkling them once more, repeats the 
 
 been divided for ever. Even science itself has arrived at the conjecture, that the 
 last echoes of life ring in the body much longer than is commonly supposed ; that 
 for a while it is full of the reminiscences of life. Out of this we may explain how 
 it so frequently comes to pass, that all which marked the death-struggle passes 
 presently away, and the true image of the departed, the image it may be of years 
 long before, re-appears in perfect calmness and in almost ideal beauty.— Trench's 
 “ Notes on the Miracles fourth edition, p. 187. 
 
6q6 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 charm which is supposed to dismiss their inhabitants. The grass is 
 thrown before a cow to be eaten. These rites performed, the relations 
 and neighbours of the deceased are entertained, and Brahmins feasted 
 according to the means of the sacrificer . 1 
 
 If a man be sonless he must in his own life-time perform shraddh, 
 and offer lump-offerings for the repose of his soul; and he whose ob¬ 
 sequies have not been performed either remains, as we have seen, a 
 hungry ghost, wandering miserably day and night, or is born again and 
 again in the form of an insect, or is conceived in the womb of a woman, 
 and dies before beholding the light, or is born only to die. In other 
 cases of non-performance or mis-performance of obsequies, the soul, 
 having suffered certain pains in hell, returns to earth in goblin form, 
 to torment those whose neglect has occasioned its misfortunes. It 
 becomes a fever or other disease to afflict them, it causes quarrels 
 among brothers, produces the death of cattle, prevents the birth of 
 male children, excites wicked and murderous thoughts, and destroys 
 men’s faith in the sacred writings, in images of Devs, in holy places of 
 pilgrimage, and even in thrice holy Brahmins . 2 
 
 The Gurood Pooran contains the further information, that if at the 
 time of his death a man have had his affections excessively fixed on 
 
 1 It may be noticed that the word “ superstitio ” (the etymology of which has 
 been so much controverted), has been supposed by some to mean the duty of 
 survivors,, as such, to their ancestors. Under this supposition the importance 
 attached in the Hindoo law to the worship of Peetrees, or forefathers, throws a 
 light upon the primary sense of that word.— Vide Morris's Essay toivards the Con- 
 version of Hindoos, p. 196. 
 
 2 The opinion that the happiness of the spirits of deceased persons is affected 
 by the neglect of friends, in regard to the performance of their funeral rites, is not 
 confined to India. Mr. Grose, the antiquary (as quoted by Brand), has the 
 following :— 
 
 “ Some ghosts of murdered persons, whose bodies have been secretly buried, 
 “ cannot beat ease till their bones have been taken up, and deposited in conse- 
 ‘ ‘ crated ground, with all the rites of Christian burial. This idea is the remains of 
 “ a very old piece of heathen superstition; the ancients believed that Charon was 
 “ not permitted to ferry over the ghosts of unburied persons, but that they 
 “ wandered up and down the banks of the river Styx for an hundred years, after 
 “ which they were admitted to a passage.” 
 
 Connected with this belief, is the following superstition on the death of great 
 men :—“A superstition prevails among the lower classes of many parts ofWor- 
 “ cestershire that, when storms, heavy rains, or other elemental strife takes place 
 ‘ ‘ at the death of any great man, the spirit of the storm will not be appeased till 
 “ the moment of burial. This superstition gained great strength on the occasion of 
 “ the Duke of Wellington’s funeral, when, after some weeks of heavy rain, and 
 “ one of the highest floods ever known in this country, the skies began to dear, and 
 “ both rain and flood abated. The storms which have been noticed to take place 
 “ at the time of the death of many great men known to our history, may have had 
 
shrAddh. 
 
 647 
 
 any object of earthly enjoyment, as his son, his wife, or his property, 
 his soul in that case does not readily part from his body, but quits it 
 after a violent struggle, and becomes a Bhoot. The suicide, he who 
 dies of the bite of a snake, or is struck by lightning, or drowned, or 
 crushed by the fall of earth,—he, in fact, who meets with any kind of 
 sudden and miserable death, becomes a Bhoot. He who dies in an 
 upper room or in a bed, instead of being laid out upon the ground, 
 becomes a Bhoot, as does he who after death is defiled by the touch 
 of a Shoodra or any other cause. There are many other modes in 
 which the spirits of deceased men become Bhoots. In the Kurum 
 Ivand of the Veds, however, expiatory rites are appointed for such 
 cases, of “ death out of season,” which if his heir employ, the spirit of 
 the deceased is preserved from passing into the state of a Bhoot . 1 
 
 Before proceeding to consider the state of the souls which pass to 
 the upper or lower loks,—the Devs of Swerga, and the denizens of 
 Patal,—it will be convenient that we should devote a few pages to the 
 Bhoots, —those “ perturbed spirits ” who wander still in this world of men. 
 
 Bhoots and Prets reside, it is said, in the place where funeral piles 
 are erected, in trees which are not used for sacrificial purposes, such 
 as the tamarind and the acacia, in desert places, at the spot were 
 death occurred, or at cross-roads,—for which reason people set at 
 these places food for the use of the Bhoot . 8 He is most at a loss for 
 
 “ something to do with the formation of this curious notion in the minds of the vulgar. 
 “ It was a common observation hereabout in the week before the interment of his 
 ‘ ‘ grace, ‘ Oh, the rain won’t give over till the duke is buried. ’ ”— IVotes and Queries. 
 
 The Demauno (or oracular priest) of the Rajmuhal Hills is an exception to the 
 rule. He must not be buried. 
 
 “ When a Demauno dies, his body is carried into the Jungles, and placed under 
 “ the shade of a tree, where it is covered with leaves and branches, and left on the 
 “ bedstead in which he died. I he objection to interring his remains is a 
 “ superstitious idea that he becomes a devil, and that, if buried, he would return 
 “ and destroy the inhabitants of the village ; whereas, by placing the body under 
 “ a tree, he is thus compelled to play the devil in some other. Vide Asiatic 
 Researches, iv., p. 70. 
 
 1 Not only the unburied, but those also who died before their time were, in the 
 opinion of the ancient Greeks, compelled to wander in the state of goblins. 
 “ The souls, then,” says Bishop Pearson, “of those whose bodies were unburied 
 “ were thought to be kept out of Hades till their funerals were performed, and the 
 “ souls of those who died an untimely or violent death, were kept from the same 
 “ place until the time of their natural death should come.” 
 
 2 The Arabian Jinn also frequents cross-roads; and the fairies of the Scottish 
 lowlands carry bows made of the ribs of a man buried where three lairds lands meet. 
 See also “A Midsummer Night’s Dream,” Act iii. sc. 2 :— 
 
 “ damned spirits all, 
 
 “ That in cross-ways and floods have burial.” 
 
 “Desert places,” in Goozerat, correspond exactly with the “dry places,” 
 (civvdpwv roTTuiv) assigned to the evil spirits in Matthew xii. 43 > Luke xi. 24. 
 
6 4 8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 water to drink. The pipe of his throat is, it is said, the size of the 
 eye of a needle, and he is continually thirsty enough to drink twelve 
 gallons of water. The watchmen of Wuroon Dev, however, are sta¬ 
 tioned wherever there is water, to prevent the Bhoots from drinking, 
 and their thirst is therefore as continual as it is intense. The Bhoots 
 feed upon all kinds of refuse. The goblin of the best class, he, that 
 is to say, whose funeral ceremonies have been duly performed, but 
 who has been debarred from liberation by his own intense affection 
 for earthly objects, is called a “ Poorwuj Dev,” and resides in his own 
 house or in a sacred fig-tree . 1 
 
 The powers which Bhoots and Prets exercise are the following :— 
 They take possession of a corpse, and speak through its mouth; they 
 exhibit themselves in the form which they possessed when living; they 
 enter into a living man, and cause him to speak as they please; some¬ 
 times they afflict him with fever, or various other diseases; sometimes 
 they assume the forms of animals, and frighten people by suddenly 
 vanishing in a flash of fire ; sometimes, remaining invisible, they speak 
 in whispers. A Bhoot has been known to come to fisticuffs with a 
 man, and to carry a man off and set him down in a distant place. It 
 is even said that women are sometimes found with child by Bhoots . 2 
 
 “ In the dialogue of Dives and Pauper, printed by Richard Pynson, in 1493, 
 “ among the superstitions then in use at the beginning of the year the following is 
 “ mentioned :—‘ Alle that take hede to dysmal dayes, or use nyce observances in 
 “ the newe moone, or in the new yeere, as setting of mete or drynke by nighte on 
 “ the benche to fede alholde or gobely?i.” — Vide Brand. 
 
 1 See note A, at the end of this chapter, for notices of Bhoots in other parts of 
 India. Our remarks upon the subject in the text are derived principally from an 
 essay entitled, “Bhoot Nibundh,” or “The Destroyer of Superstitions regarding 
 “ Daimons,” which was written in the language of Goozerat, by Treewadee Dul- 
 “ putram Daya, a Shreemalee Brahmin, of Jhalawar, and obtained the prize of the 
 “ Goozerat Vernacular Society, for a.d. 1849. An English translation, by the 
 “ author of the present work, who was then secretary to the society, was published 
 “ at Bombay a.d. 1850. 
 
 2 In every age and country, it appears, ladies have been glad to cover a faux 
 pas by the assertion of supernatural visitation. “When Demaratus had thus 
 “ spoken,” says Herodotus, “his mother answered him in this manner:—‘Son, 
 “ because you so earnestly desire me to speak the truth, I shall conceal nothing 
 “ from you. The third night after Ariston had conducted me home to his house, 
 “ a phantom, entirely like him in shape, entered my chamber, and having lain 
 “ with me, put a crown on my head, and went out again.” 
 
 Similarly in the Bacchoe of Euripides, the hero says :— 
 
 “ For that the sisters of my mother (least 
 “ Becomes it them) declared that not from Jove 
 “ I sprung, but pregnant by some mortal’s love 
 “ That Semele on Jove had falsely charged 
 “ Her fault, the poor device of Cadmus.” 
 
BHOOTS. 
 
 649 
 
 The Jain Shastras teach a different doctrine in regard to spirits from 
 that which is taught by the Poorans. They assert that there are eight 
 kinds of Vyuntur Devs, and eight of Wan-Vyuntur Devs, who reside 
 below the earth. Each of these has two Indras, or sovereigns, ruling 
 respectively the northern and southern regions, and who are in colour 
 black, white, or blue. The Vyunter and Wan-Vyuntur Devs appear 
 upon earth, where they possess the bodies of men, exhibit themselves 
 in various shapes, and perform many strange feats, whence their cojti- 
 mon name of Kootohulee (or surprising) Devs. Below them reside 
 the Bhuwunputee Devs, who also sometimes appear on earth. Be¬ 
 low them again are the Narkina, or infernal spirits. Above this earth, 
 in the atmosphere, five kinds of “ Devs of splendour reside . the 
 sun, moon, stars and others. Above them, in twelve Dev-Loks, the 
 Devs who ride in chariots dwell; these, sometimes drawn by their 
 own desire, or compelled by charms, appear in the world ; but they 
 do harm to no one. Above them are nine classes of Griveks, and five 
 of Unootur Veemanees. They are of great power, and never visit the 
 earth. Men who have lived a life of austerity and righteousness are 
 born again in these classes of upper or lower Devs, but the sinner is 
 not born in them. Of old, a man who had performed the rite of 
 “ Uthum” by fasting for three days, acquired the power of calling 
 Devs to him, but now, it is said, these Devs never visit the earth at 
 any one’s call . 1 
 
 In British History, Merlin, and Arthur himself, were both the sons of Bhoots. 
 Vide Geoffrey’s History, book vi. chap, xviii., and book vm. chap, xix., to the 
 former of which cases Spenser thus alludes : 
 
 “ And soothe men say that he was not the sonne 
 “ Of mortal sire or other living wighte, 
 
 “ But wondrously begotten and begonne 
 ‘ ‘ By false illusion of a guileful sprite 
 “ On a faire ladye nun.” . 
 
 For Scotland, see the story of the Lady of Drammelziar and the Spirit of the 
 Tweed.—Note M., Lay of the Last Minstrel. For India, see the case of Shee- 
 laditya, in our own work ; those also of Usa and Anirud, and of Kamala Kunweri, 
 in Captain Westmacott’s Article on Chardwar in Assam, Journal Bengal Asiatic 
 Society, iv. 187, et seq. Butler thus alludes to these stories :— 
 
 “ Not as the ancient heroes did, 
 
 “ Who, that their base births might be hid, 
 
 “ (Knowing that they were of doubtful gender, 
 
 “ And that they came in at a windore) 
 
 “ Made Jupiter himself, and others 
 “ O’ th’ gods, gallants to their own mothers, 
 
 ‘ ‘ To get on them a race of Champions, 
 
 “ (Of which old Homer first made lampoons).” 
 
 Hudibras, Part I. Canto ii. v. 211—218. 
 
 1 “This first aerial heaven,” says Bishop Pearson, “where God setteth up his 
 
650 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The most prominent feature in the popular conception of Bhoots 
 is that which relates to the possession of human beings by spirits, 
 denizens of an invisible world. . Upon the extensive and difficult 
 general question of the manner in which spirits have been said, in 
 other countries, and at other times, to possess human beings, or of 
 the.degree of power ■which they have exercised over those subject to 
 their influence, it would be little becoming in us to enter , 1 but it is 
 necessary to caution our readers that in our account of possessions in 
 Goozerat, we rely upon a work written by a person professedly 
 incredulous, with the acknowledged view of teaching his countrymen 
 that there is nothing in the matter but what may be readily accounted 
 for on ordinary grounds . 2 
 
 If one were to pronounce,” says our author, “ that no such being 
 “ as a. Bhoot existed, this would be a contradiction of the Hindoo 
 “ scriptures. In the Christian scriptures, and in the Mohummedan, 
 the existence of such spirits is also admitted : the assertion that 
 “ they do exist, therefore, cannot be pronounced to be a falsehood . 3 
 ^ er baps of ten thousand cases in which possessions by spirits have 
 been asserted, one case may have been actually true \ thus much I 
 ‘‘ would admit as probable, confiding in the scriptures, but as far as 
 nay personal observation extends, it has never, I am bound to say, 
 u included a single case which could be authenticated. 
 
 <( P av 'li° n ; where ‘ he maketh the clouds his chariot, and walketh upon the 
 wings of the wind, is not so far inferior in place as it is in glory to the next, the 
 seat of the sun and moon, the two great lights, and stars innumerable far greater 
 than the one of them. And yet that second heaven is not so far above the first as 
 (( f> eneath the hnrd ’ into which St. Paul was caught. The brightness of the sun 
 ti * ot l not so far surpass the blackness of a wandering cloud, as the glory of that 
 tl , , aven of presence surmounts the fading beauty of the starry firmament. For in 
 ‘ this great temple of the world, in which the Son of God is the High-Priest, the 
 <( heaven which we see is but the veil, and that which is above, the Holy of Holies. 
 
 1 his veil indeed is rich and glorious, but one day to be rent, and then to admit 
 f us in l° a f ai greater glory, even to the mercy-seat and cherubim. For this third 
 heaven is the proper habitation of the blessed angels, which constantly attend upon 
 ‘ the throne. _ 1 
 
 1 See, however, for a few authorities on the subject, Note B, at the end of this 
 chapter, for ourselves, we cannot, to use Dr. Johnson’s words, account it “ more 
 (( stran g e at t * ler i e should be evil spirits, than evil men : evil unembodied spirits, 
 
 than.evil embodied spirits;” and we can have no hesitation in believing that 
 possessions have occurred, whether or not they do now occur 
 
 2 Vide Note at p. 648. 
 
 ■ ^ r -Bishop Hall s Contemplations :—“ That there have been such apparitions 
 of spirits both good, and evil, hath ever been a truth undoubtedly received of 
 Pagans, Jews, Christians ; although in the blind times of superstition, there was 
 much collusion mixed with some verities ; crafty men and lying spirits agreeing 
 to abuse the credulous world. ” 
 
BHOOTS. 
 
 6 S 1 
 
 “ As far as the Hindoo scriptures are concerned, the following 
 “ appears to me to be the truth :—It is stated there that unclean 
 “ persons, and those who lie, or are guilty of other sins, die, and after 
 “ death become goblins, and suffer many calamities. The object is 
 “ merely to give a sanction to the injunction against uncleanness and 
 “ sin. Similarly, when it is stated that Bhoots take possession of 
 “ persons whose lives are evil. Such I conclude to be the intention 
 “ of the composers of the scriptures, but people have become very 
 “ superstitious, and great evil has been the result. It seems to me 
 “ better, therefore, that the belief in Bhoots should not exist. As it 
 “ is said, superstition is the Bhoot, and fear is the Dakin (witch). If 
 “ people understood what this really means, they would be saved 
 “ much annoyance.” 
 
 “ When a person,” says our author in another place, “ gets wind 
 “ into his head and loses his spirits, and sits silent and solitary, his 
 “ relations and neighbours ask him, ‘ What is the matter ?' He will 
 “ say that he does not know what can be the matter with him, but 
 “ that he feels inclined to cry. The inquirers will ask the sufferer 
 “ where he has been to, and whether he has met with anything start- 
 “ ling or alarming. He then begins to consider with himself. Others 
 “ come and ask him similar questions, and they worry him until he 
 “ begins to blubber in downright earnest. His friends then come to 
 “ a decision upon his case, and pronounce him to be possessed by a 
 “ Bhoot, and the poor man himself believes that it is so. Presently 
 “ he begins to tremble, and at last becomes convulsed to such a 
 “ degree that if a person who is not a believer in Bhoots were to try 
 “ and tremble like him he would not be able to do it, at any rate 
 “ without great practice. The sufferer firmly believes that the Bhoot 
 “ which possesses him is causing him to tremble, and that his con- 
 “ vulsions are wholly independent of any will of his own . 1 
 
 “ A Brahmin, a relation of mine,” continues the essayist, ‘‘dying, his 
 “ spirit, seven months afterwards, possessed his wife, and caused her 
 
 1 The following description of what occurs in Tinnevelly is very similar to 
 this :—“ If the person happen to feel the commencement of the shivering fit of an 
 “ ague, or the vertigo of a bilious headache, his untutored imagination teaches him 
 “ to think himself possessed. He then sways his head from side to side, fixes his 
 “ eyes into a stare, puts himself into a posture, and begins the maniac dance ; and 
 “ the bystanders run for flowers and fruit for an offering, or a cock or goat to 
 “sacrifice to his honour.” See “The Tinnevelly Shanars,” by the Rev. R. 
 Caldwell, B.A., printed for the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, in 
 A.D. 1850. Compare with the text that extremely humorous scene in “ Twelfth 
 Night,” the 4th of the 3rd Act, where Malvolio is accused of being possessed. 
 
652 
 
 rAs mAlJL 
 
 “ to tremble. The woman was naturally a person of mild temper and 
 “ weak frame of body ; in her fit, however, she became so violent that 
 “ no one dared to answer or oppose her. A friend of the deceased 
 “ having visited the house, the woman said to him, ‘ Ah ! brother, 
 “ recollect what it was I told you that day when we were alone 
 “ together/ He said,‘Yes, I recollect.’ A Waneeo neighbour at 
 “ another time came to the house. The woman said to him, ‘ Waneeo ! 
 “ why have you not yet told my wife about the money I gave you ?’ 
 “The man said, ‘Yes! I have got seventy-five rupees and a half 
 “ belonging to you; I will pay your wife.’ The woman went on thus, 
 “ having a fit every day, and people were surprised at her saying such 
 “ things as the above. I examined into the matter, and it appeared 
 “ that the Brahmin used continually to converse with his friend in 
 “ private, and that the woman, aware of this, had spoken at a venture, 
 “ but the friend was satisfied that she alluded to a conversation in 
 “ which the Brahmin had mentioned his fears, that being sonless he 
 “ would not obtain liberation after death, because it was laid down in 
 “ the Shastras that— 
 
 “ The sonless obtains not liberation ; 
 
 “ Paradise is not for him—is not for him.” 
 
 “ Everybody suspected that the Waneeo had in his possession 
 “ money belonging to the deceased, a fact which originated in the 
 “ woman’s mind the idea of making the demand, and the Waneeo, 
 “ believing that the Bhoot of the Brahmin had entered the body of 
 “ his wife, thought it safer to admit the truth at once . 1 When I 
 
 His madness is unlike that of the Bhoot-possessed in that he is merry and not sad, 
 but Olivia helps us out of this difficulty when she says,—■ 
 
 “ I am mad as he, 
 
 “ If sad and merry, madness equal be.” 
 
 1 “ There is a strong disposition in the human breast to carry on an intercourse 
 “ with the spirits of the departed. The fulfilment of their last wills, which has 
 ‘ 1 devolved on us ; the care of their children, in whom even their features and 
 “characters actually survive; the development of the schemes which they have 
 “ left on our hands imperfect; the enjoyment of the blessings they have bequeathed 
 “ us—all knit them to us ; our very dreams will not permit us, even if we would, 
 ‘ ‘ to banish them from our presence ; our traditions are peopled with them ; the 
 “ inscriptions on our tombstones, now gathered about our churches, the scene of 
 “ our constant resort—of old ranged along the highway-side, amidst the concourse 
 “ of the gate—rude as those inscriptions often are, and the more to my present 
 “ purpose for being so, testify the passion there is in the hearts of men to hold 
 “ dialogues with the dead; the treatises of the most literary nations, and the 
 “ customs and superstitions of the most savage, alike bespeak it.”— Four Ser?no?is 
 preached before the University of Cambridge, in November , 1849, by the Rev. f. J. 
 Blunt , B.D. , Margaret Professor of Divinity, p. 2. 
 
BHOOTS. 
 
 653 
 
 “ went to the house one day, the people said to me, ‘ Ask, if you have 
 <£ any question to put, and you will get a satisfactory answer.’ The 
 “ woman then addressed me as her husband had been in the habit 
 “ of doing. I said, ‘ There is some mistake in the account between 
 “ you and me. I am very glad you have come, as you can set it 
 “ right.’ The woman, trembling all the time, began to cast up the 
 “ account in her head, repeating it aloud. I said to her, ‘ Here is 
 “ the account book, in your own hand-writing. Read me what you 
 “ have written.’ The woman said, ‘ I can’t read what’s written in 
 “ account books.’ Everybody then began to laugh. I was satisfied 
 “ that the idea of a possession was in this case false. The woman 
 “ could not give an answer to any of the questions I put to her. 
 “ Other people asked her what were the names of her husband’s 
 “ maternal and paternal uncles, and she answered them glibly ; but I 
 “ inquired what was the name of the book which I and her husband 
 “ had been reading together on such and such a day, and she could 
 “ make no reply. I then understood that there was no difficulty in 
 “ her answering such questions as those which she had shown herself 
 “ able to answer.” 
 
 It is customary in Goozerat, where people wish to prevent the 
 removal of a jungle tree, that they should paint a trident upon it with 
 vermillion, or, if that be inconvenient, that they should collect a 
 number of stones and throw them down at the root of the tree. 
 Whoever, after this, passes by, is sure to add a stone or two to the 
 heap, believing the place to be the residence of a Bhoot. Some, too, 
 throw without taking heed what they are doing. If the place be 
 one where stones are not easily procurable, a bit of old rag is thrown 
 so as to adhere to the tree, and every one who passes by follows the 
 example once set. They call the spot the “Rag-uncle’s.” In places 
 where trees are scarce these uncles are very common, and people are 
 much annoyed with the dread of touching them. The name “ uncle ” 
 is given to the Bhoot by women as a term of respect. Men are less 
 superstitious, but no woman ever thinks of passing one of these places, 
 without adding at least one stone to the heap, or one rag to the Rag- 
 uncle’s tree. If no rag be forthcoming, she will pull a few threads 
 out of her dress and use these instead. In case a woman have 
 forgotten to perform this ceremony she will be overcome with fear of 
 the consequences, begin to tremble, and cry out that she is “ uncle ” 
 and that he has taken possession of her body and is vexing her because 
 she neglected to add a stone to his heap . 1 Similarly, whenever in 
 
 1 Our own sagacious King James accounts for the women being more super¬ 
 stitious, thus— 
 
654 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 any place theie is a hillock or mound upon which a few stones have 
 been piled one above the other, every passer-by considers himself 
 bound to add a stone to the heap, considering that the spot is some 
 Dev s residence, and that if any one raise a little temple there his 
 house will flourish. Such monuments are also set up in places where 
 a person has been slain or wounded . 1 
 
 the reason is easy, for as that sex is frailer than man is, so is it easier to be 
 entrapped in these gioss snares of the Divell, as was over well proved to be true 
 by the serpent s deceiving of Eva at the beginning, which makes him homelier 
 with that sexe sensine. 
 
 ( Colonel Tod describes a custom similar to this in Harawati“ Half-way we 
 “ passed a roofless shed of loose stones, containing the divinity of the Bheels ; it is 
 in the midst of a grove of thorny, tangled brushwood, whose boughs were here 
 and there decorated with shreds of various colored cloth, offerings of the traveller 
 , foi ' est dm nity for protection against evil spirits, by which I suppose the 
 ^ Lheds themselves are meant.” He adds, in a note, “The same practice is 
 described by I ark as existing in Africa. ”— Rajasthan ii., 662. 
 
 1 “ Cairns ” of this kind are frequently connected with the dead_ 
 
 ‘ ‘ On many a cairn’s grey pyramid, 
 
 “ Where urns of mighty chiefs lie hid,” 
 
 says Scott, vide “ The Lay of the Last Minstrel,” Canto iii., 29, and Mote 2 u 
 Doorgawutee, Queen Regent of Gurh Mundela, was killed in action against the 
 tioops of Akbar, under Asuf Khan, or rather, as an inscription of her family asserts 
 {vide As Res. xv., p. 437 ), “ Doorgawutee, who was mounted on an elephant, 
 severed her own head with a scimitar she held in her hand ; she reached the 
 supreme spirit; pierced the sun’s orb.” “ She was interred at the place where 
 < < { f J SayS a Wnter 111 Ben ‘ As - Soc - Journal, vi„ 628), “ and on her tomb to 
 i£ l 1US ', da ^ the flJ SSln S stra, iger thinks it necessary to place, as a votive offering, one 
 << ?! t 1 h n/ aireS , t . 1C cau K of those beautiful specimens of white crystal in which 
 „ heBllIs 111 this quarter abound. Two rocks lie by her side, which are supposed 
 4i the Pe°P le t° be her drums converted into stone; and strange stories are 
 told of their being still occasionally heard to sound in the stillness of the night 
 by the people of the nearest villages.” b 
 
 „ “The well-known practice among the Highlanders,” says Logan, in his ‘Scottish 
 << f 1V 1 ” 37 b of throwing a stone to a cairn on passing, is connected with 
 two different feehngs. In the one case, it arose from the respect which was 
 t( h . ad f ° r the dec e a sed, whose memory they wished to prolong by increasing the 
 size of his funeral mount, and hence arose a saying intended to gratify a person 
 (( whlle a iv e that the speaker should not fail to add stones to the cairn. It would 
 £( a PPe ai that the soul was considered much pleased with this attention, and with 
 « th c honour °f a great monument, in which respect the old Germans seem to have 
 <( differed from the Celts, for they raised sods of earth only above the grave, con- 
 ceiving that large monuments were grievous to the deceased. The other motive 
 „ , throwing stones to augment a cairn was to mark with execration the burial- 
 “ k a if °n Cn i mina r ’ - he P rac tice, according to Dr. Smith, having been instituted 
 <( by the Druids. It is curious that the same method should be adopted with 
 „ views so different; yet the fact is so, and the author has often, in his youth, 
 ^passed the grave of a suicide , on which , according to custom, he never failed to 
 fling a stone. The true motive, in this case, seems to have been to appease the spirit 
 
BHOOTS. 
 
 655 
 
 The Poorwuj Dev, like the Etruscan Lar, or the Grecian hero, is 
 regarded as hovering about his former abode, averting dangers from 
 the inhabitants and bestowing blessings upon them. He frequently 
 appears in the character of a serpent, and is then treated with great 
 respect by the inmates of the house near which he resides. It is a 
 common belief in Goozerat that serpents are always to be found 
 wherever a hoard is buried, and that these are the Bhoots of the 
 deceased owners who have remained upon earth from affection to 
 their wealth. 
 
 “ Two guests,” says our author, “ came once on a time to the 
 “ house of a Shrawuk Waneeo. The master of the house was at the 
 “ market, and his wife, after she had made her friends sit down, was 
 
 “ which , by the Celtic Mythology , was doomed to hover beside the unhallowed 
 “ sepulchre 
 
 The following occurs in the notes to an Aberdeenshire poem, called “the Don,” 
 in reference to the district of Alford :— 
 
 “In these bounds are many great cairns, such as that of Lenturk, so much 
 “ talked of; they are of enormous size; some people think they have been 
 “ beacons to give warning in time of danger, but as many of them are situated in 
 “ low places, I suppose they are the tombs of some great men who have been 
 “ benefactors to the country where they lived. It is a common saying among the 
 “ vulgar people to this day, when any person makes them a gift, t God I wat, gin 
 “ ‘ I live ahint you, I’se add a stane to your cairn,’ and to this day many old 
 “ people never pass by any of these cairns without throwing a stone to it. Many 
 “ think that the spirit hovers about the place where the body is interred, and the 
 “ higher the cairn is raised, the spirit is raised the higher from earth to heaven.” 
 
 Hawke Locker, in his Views in Spain, (quoted in Ellis’s edition of Brand’s 
 Popular Antiquities), speaking of Grenadilla, says, “We passed two or three 
 “ crosses, which marked the spot where some unfortunate wretches had met a 
 “ violent death by the way. Some of these probably were killed by accident, 
 
 ‘ ‘ but all were described as so many barbarous murders, and the fluency of the 
 “ narrative proved that we were listening to a tale which had been told a 
 “ hundred times before. The very ancient custom of casting a stone upon these 
 “ untimely graves is still observed throughout Spain. Affection, or superstition, 
 “ induces many to offer this tribute, accompanied by a silent prayer for the dead ; 
 “ but even a mere stranger, exempt from such motives, may find a gratification in 
 “ adding a stone to the heap, from that veneration for the dead which seems to be 
 “ inherent in our constitution.” 
 
 In the instance we are about to quote, the stone-throwers were actuated by a 
 very different feeling ; it is from Lepsius’s “ Letters from Egypt.” {Bohn, p. 216.) 
 
 “ Before entering this mountain range (Gebel el Mageqa) we came to a place 
 “ covered with heaps of stones, which might be supposed to be barrows, though 
 “ no one lies buried beneath them. Whenever the date-merchants come this road, 
 “ many of whom we met the following morning with their large round plaited 
 “ straw baskets, their camel-drivers at this spot demand a trifle from them. He 
 ‘ ‘ who will give nothing has a cenotaph, such as this, erected to him out of the 
 “surrounding stones, as a bad omen for his hard-heartedness. We met with a 
 “ similar assemblage of tombs in the desert of Korusko.” 
 
656 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ obliged to go away to the well for water. While the guests sat 
 “ waiting for the master of the house a large snake made its 
 “ appearance. One of them jumped up and pinned it to the ground 
 “ with a stick, while the other set to work to find a split bamboo, 
 “ which people keep ready in their houses for taking hold of snakes 
 “ with. Meanwhile, the woman came back with the water, and 
 “ seeing the snake pinned to the ground, cried out, ‘ Let him go ; let 
 “ him go; he is our Poorwuj Dev; he used to get into my mother- 
 “ in-law’s head, and set her a-trembling, and then he would mention 
 the name of my father-in-law, who died some time ago, and say 
 “ that he was he. He said also that his soul had been wrapped up 
 “ in his property, on which account he had become a snake and was 
 “ going to live in the house. One day he bit a neighbour of ours, 
 “ and the Jutee came to cure the man. Poorwuj Dev then set the 
 “ neighbour a-trembling, and said that he had bitten him because he 
 “ fought with his son, and that he would quit him when he got 
 “ security that there should be no more quarrelling. In this way he 
 “ quitted him. From that day forth if the snake go to our 
 “ neighbours’ houses no one molests him. If at any time you were 
 “ to set him down at a place twenty miles off he would still come 
 “ back to this very spot. He has often touched my foot, but he 
 “ never bit me ; and if I happen to be gone to draw water, and the 
 “ child cries at home, he will rock him in his cradle. This I’ve seen 
 “ him do many a time.’ In this way she prevented their interfering 
 “ with the snake, and, releasing him, paid him obeisance. The 
 “ guest, too, who had seized him, took off his turban, and said, ‘ O ! 
 “ father snake, forgive my having pinned you to the earth. I am 
 “ your child.’ After a short time, a cat having killed the snake, the 
 “ people of the house took the pieces of it and burned them on a 
 “ pyre, offering, in fire-sacrifice, a cocoa-nut and sandal-wood, with 
 “ clarified butter.” 
 
 “ A Brahmin, having purchased premises in the ancient town of 
 “ Dholka, set to work to make excavations for a new building, and, in 
 “ so doing, came upon a subterranean chamber, which contained a 
 “ great deal of property. There was, however, a large snake 
 “ stationed there to protect the treasure, which snake appeared to the 
 (t Brahmin by night in a dream, and said to him, ‘ This property is 
 “ mine, and I live here for its protection; therefore you must not 
 “ injure the chamber nor covet the treasure which it contains. If 
 “ you do so, I will cut off all your posterity.’ In the morning, the 
 “ Brahmin poured a vessel of hot oil into the chamber, so that the 
 « snake died. He then destroyed the chamber, having first removed 
 
BHOOTS. 
 
 657 
 
 “ the treasure, and burned the body of the snake in due form in the 
 “ yard of his house. With the treasure he had thus obtained he 
 “ erected splendid buildings, but he never had a son, and his 
 “ daughter remained childless, and whoever received any part of the 
 “ property, or became his servant, or acted as his agent or as his 
 “ family priest, was childless too. These things happened, it is said, 
 “ about forty years ago.” 
 
 Similar stories are very common in Goozerat, and it is, as we have 
 said, the general belief that serpents are always to be found wherever 
 a hoard is buried . 1 
 
 For a description of the modes employed in Goozerat in the 
 exorcism of Bhoots who are supposed to have taken possession of the 
 bodies of living men, whether derived from the Kurum Kand of the 
 Yeds, or from Boudhist or Mohummedan sources, we must refer to 
 the Bhoot Nibundh itself. Sometimes the relief of the sufferer is the 
 point principally if not wholly regarded; at other times it is sought 
 further to procure release from his painful wanderings for the 
 “extravagant and erring spirit.” One instance of each of these 
 cases we now venture to lay before our readers. 
 
 “ About thirty years ago,” says the essayist, “ a Charuri asserted a 
 “ claim against the chief of Syela, in Kateewar, which the chief 
 “ refused to liquidate. The bard thereupon, taking forty of his 
 “ caste with him, went to Syela with the intention of sitting in 
 “ ‘ Dhurna ’ at the chief’s door, and preventing any one coming out 
 “ or going in until the claim should be discharged. However, as 
 “ they approached the town, the chief, becoming aware of their 
 “ intention, caused the gates to be closed. The bards remained 
 “ outside; for three days they abstained from food; on the fourth 
 “ day they proceeded to perform ‘ Traga,’ as follows :—Some hacked 
 “ their own arms; others decapitated three old women of the party, 
 “ and hung their heads up at the gate as a garland. Certain of the 
 “ women cut off their own breasts. The bards also pierced the 
 “ throats of four of their old men with spikes, and they took two 
 “ young girls by the heels, and dashed out their brains against the 
 “ town gate. The Charun, to whom the money was due, dressed 
 “ himself in clothes wadded with cotton, which he steeped in oil, and 
 “ then set on fire. He thus burned himself to death. But as he 
 “ died, he cried out, ‘ I am now dying ; but I will become a headless 
 “ ghost (Kuvees) in the palace, and will take the chief’s life, and cut 
 
 1 There are several stories of the kind in the “ Oriental Memoirs,” original 
 edition, ii. 384., et seq. 
 
 U U 
 
6 5 8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ off his posterity.’ After this sacrifice the rest of the bards returned 
 “ home. 
 
 “ On the third day after the Charun’s death his Bhoot threw the 
 “ Ranee down stairs, so that she was very much injured. Many other 
 “ persons also beheld the headless phantom in the palace. At last 
 “ he entered the chief’s head, and set him trembling. At night he 
 “ would throw stones at.the palace, and he killed a female servant 
 £< outright. At length, in consequence of the various acts of op- 
 ££ pression which he committed, no one dared to approach the chief’s 
 ££ mansion, even in broad day-light. In order to exorcise the Bhoot, 
 £< Jogees, Jutees, Fukeers, Brahmins, mendicants of every class were 
 ££ sent for from many different places : but whatever person attempted 
 “ a cure the Bhoot in the chief’s body would immediately assail, and 
 ££ that so furiously that the exorcist’s courage failed him. The Bhoot 
 ££ would also cause the chief to tear the flesh off his arms with his 
 “ teeth. Besides this, four or five persons died of injuries received 
 £< from the Bhoot; but no one had the power to expel him. At 
 “ length a foreign Jutee happening to come to that part of the 
 “ country, the chief sent a carriage for him, and brought him with 
 ££ honor to his town. The Jutee was a person of great reputation for 
 ££ skill in charms and sorcery, and he was attended by seven followers. 
 ££ Having procured various articles which he required, he entered the 
 ££ mansion, and worshipped the Dev. First, he tied all round the 
 ££ house threads, which he had charged with a charm; then he 
 “ sprinkled charmed milk and water all round; then he drove a 
 “ charmed iron nail into the ground at each corner of the mansion, 
 £< and two at the door. He purified the house, and established a 
 “ Dev there, beside whom he placed a drawn sword, a lamp of 
 ££ clarified butter, and another of oil; he then sat down to mutter his 
 ££ charms. For forty-one days he continued thus employed, and every 
 “ day he went to the funeral ground with many and various sacri- 
 “ ficial offerings. The chief lived in a separate room all this time, 
 ££ and continually fancied himself possessed, at which times he would 
 ££ say, £ Ah ! you shaven 1 fellow, you’ve come to turn me out have you ? 
 £< I’m not going though; and what’s more, I’ll make you pay for it 
 ££ with your life.’ The Jutee sat in a room which was closely fastened 
 “ up; but people say that when he was at his mutterings stones 
 “ would fall thereupon, and strike the windows. When his pre- 
 
 1 “ Peeled ” would have been the term in England. Vide First Part of 
 Henry VI., Act i., scene 3 : — 
 
 “ Peel’d priest, dost thou command me to be shut out ?” 
 
BHOOTS. 
 
 659 
 
 u parations were finished, the Jutee caused his own people to bring 
 “ the chief to the upper room which he used, and kept all others out 
 “ of hearing distance. He sprinkled grain, and rapped upon a 
 “ metal cup, in order to place the chief under the influence of the 
 “ possessing spirit. The patient then began to be very violent, but 
 “ the Jutee and his people spared no pains in thrashing him, until 
 “ they had rendered him quite docile. Then the chief’s servants were 
 “ recalled, a sacrificial fire-pit was made, and a lime placed between 
 “ it and the chief. The Jutee commanded the Bhoot to enter the 
 “ lime. The possessed, however, said, ‘ Who are you ? If one of 
 “ your Devs were to come I would not quit this person.’ Thus they 
 “ went on from morning till noon. At last they came down out of 
 “ the mansion, and assembled in the open space in front of it, where 
 “ they burned various kinds of incense, and sprinkled many charms 
 “ until they got the Bhoot out into the lime. When the lime began to 
 “ jump about, the whole of the spectators praised the Jutee, crying out, 
 “ ‘ The Bhoot has gone into the lime ! The Bhoot has gone into the 
 “ lime! ’ The possessed person himself, when he saw the lime hopping 
 “ about, was astonished, and left off trembling, being perfectly satisfied 
 “ that the Bhoothad lefthisbody andgone out into the lime. The Jutee 
 “ then, in presence of all the people of the town, turned the Bhoot out 
 “ by the eastern door. If the lime went off the road the Jutee 
 “ would touch it with his stick and put it into the right way again. 
 “ Several soldiers, with their swords drawn, followed, and drummers 
 “ beating a warlike measure ; they took the chief also with them. 
 “ On the track of the Bhoot they sprinkled mustard and salt. 
 “ When they had conveyed the Bhoot in this fashion to the edge of 
 “ the town-lands, they dug a pit, seven cubits deep, and buried the 
 “ lime there, throwing into the hole above it mustard and salt, and 
 “ over these dust and stones, and filling in the space between the 
 “ stones wfith lead. At each corner, too, the Jutee drove in an iron 
 “ nail, two feet long, which he had previously charmed. When the 
 “ lime reached the limits of the town, some of the towns-men had 
 “ suggested that it would be satisfactory if the Bhoot were buried 
 “ outside their bounds ; but the people of the neighbouring towns 
 “ threatened that a serious quarrel would arise if he were buried 
 “ otherwise than on the chiefs own ground. The Jutee, too, said 
 “ that there was no occasion for alarm, and that the Bhoot could not 
 “ escape if he were leaded down; besides, that if he w r ere properly 
 “ buried, he would pine away, and die in a few days. The lime 
 “ buried, the people returned home, and not one of them ever saw 
 “ the Bhoot thereafter. The chief gave the Jutee a handsome 
 
66o 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ present, and people were convinced that there were few such 
 “ powerful exorcists in India; ‘ but,’ says the essayest, “ no one 
 “ understood what had really been done.” According to our author 
 the cure was effected by putting quicksilver into the lime. 1 
 
 “ When a man is attacked with fever, or becomes speechless, or 
 “ appears to have lock-jaw, his friends conclude, from these indica- 
 ‘ tions, that he is possessed by a Bhoot. They call him by his name, 
 “ but he does not answer, and then they think it necessary to send for 
 “ a Brahmin who is learned in the Book of Doorga. If there is any 
 “ delay in this Brahmin’s coming, some one suggests that the patient 
 “ should be fumigated with pepper, or with the dung of a dog, and 
 “ that the spirit possessing him will then speak. When the man has 
 “ been thus treated, he will sometimes speak and sometimes not. As 
 “ soon as the Brahmin who knows the book has arrived, he takes his 
 “ seat on a carpet, cleanly dressed. He places a new red cloth on a 
 “ low table, and upon it makes the eight-leaved Yuntra (or charmed 
 “ figure) with grains of wheat, writing, in the nine chambers, the nine 
 “ names of Doorga, as follows :—i. Syelpootree; 2. Brumhachareenee; 
 “ 3. Chundraghunta; 4. Kooshmanda; 5. Skund Mata; 6. Katyayu- 
 “ nee; 7. Kalrattree; 8. Muha Gowree; 9. Siddhida. In the nine 
 “ chambers he makes also nine heaps of wheat, in each of which he 
 “ performs the ‘ invitation ’ of one of the nine Doorgas. Upon this 
 “ he places a vessel filled with water and a cocoa-nut, or sometimes 
 “ merely a cocoa-nut. This he worships. He makes incense of gum- 
 “ resin and a lamp of clarified butter. The friends having dressed the 
 “ possessed person in clean clothes, seat him opposite. The Brahmin 
 “ begins to read the ‘book.’ He repeats the charm of nine letters, 
 “ holding rice or water in his hand, with which, when charmed, he 
 “ sprinkles the possessed until he begins to tremble. To make him 
 “ tremble well he places a copper or brass dish on an empty vessel, 
 “ and raps upon it. He sprinkles the possessed with rice or water 
 “ charmed with the nine-letter charm, and summons the Bhoot. The 
 “ possessed, in reply, mentions the name of some one of his deceased re- 
 “ lations, whom he declares himself to be, and he further states that his 
 “ life has clung to his house, or property, or wife, and that he has 
 “ therefore become a Bhoot. He tells his friends that they are in 
 “ possession of his property, and that if they do not attend to what 
 “ he says in regard to the protection of his son he will annoy them. 
 
 1 In Tod’s Rajasthan, ii. 688, is a description of the expulsion of “Murree,” 
 or the cholera, in a similar manner; and in M. Hue’s travels, he relates how the 
 Tartar Lamas expel, much in the same way, the “ Tchutgour,” or Bhoot of that 
 country. 
 
BHOOTS. 
 
 661 
 
 “ He further prescribes to them certain means to be used for his own 
 “ recovery. Some of the relations assent, and they swear the Bhoot 
 “ to the agreement by causing him to place his hand on the platform 
 “ consecrated to Doorga, or on the book. The Chundee Pat (or Book 
 “ of Doorga) is found in the Markundee Pooran. It contains a verse 
 “ which states that 
 
 “ The Gruh, the Bhoot, the Pishach, the Yuksh, 
 
 “ The Gundhurv, the Rakshus, the Brum-Rakshus, 
 
 “ The Vyetal, the Kooshmand, the Bhyeruv, 
 
 “ and other unclean spirits fly from the man who is armed with the 
 “ Chundee Pat.” 1 
 
 When a Bhoot sets a man trembling he will sometimes say, “ Take 
 “ me to Someshwur Puttun, and procure for me liberation. Every 
 “ one belonging to the family must go, and I will travel in the body of 
 “ one of you and obtain liberation.” He further enjoins that a cer¬ 
 tain vow be taken, which is to be kept until the party reaches the 
 place appointed. One only of the party takes the vow, which is some¬ 
 times to eat only half the usual food, sometimes to abstain from the 
 use of milk or of curds, coarse sugar or spices. The most strict of all 
 vows is that to abstain from clarified butter. Some take a vow to con¬ 
 vey their food to their mouths by passing it below their knees. The 
 vows are usually taken by a woman of the family. Another vow is 
 that of eating in a standing position out of a black earthen plate, and 
 with the left hand only. Some men vow to abandon the use of a tur¬ 
 ban, in which case they substitute a small cloth ; others vow to wear 
 no shoes, or to travel on foot to the place of pilgrimage. Women 
 vow to wear no bodice. When the person who has taken the vow 
 finds opportunity he proceeds to the holy place, and absolves himself. 
 If before he set out thither any other member of the family be 
 attacked with sickness, the possessed tells the person who has made 
 the vow that this is because of his nonperformance of it, and that it is 
 he (the Bhoot) who is causing pain to the sufferer. The person bound 
 by the vow will then set forth immediately. 
 
 Another practice is as follows -.—When a person falls sick, some rela¬ 
 tion waving a jewel round his head puts it away, and vows not to use 
 it after the recovery of the sick person until he shall have entertained 
 so many Brahmins. A poor man uses a metal cup or other vessel for 
 the same purpose. The ceremony is called “ Oocheeto.” 
 
 Pilgrimages to Prubhas or Someshwur Puttun generally commence 
 
 1 Vide Transactions, Bombay Literary Society, iii. 75. 
 
662 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 on the eleventh of the light half of Karteek, and continue during five 
 days,—those days being dedicated to the “ Poorwuj,” or ancestral 
 Devs. Generally speaking, the whole family, including the man’s bro¬ 
 thers and their wives, must go, for if one of the party happen to remain 
 at home the Bhoot will frequently remain also, and not go to Prubhas 
 with the rest. 1 The party proceed thither on foot, shoeless, without 
 turbans, or in whatever other way their vow may direct. They are 
 received at Prubhas by a class of Brahmins called “ Sompura,” who, 
 whenever a caravan arrives, select certain of the members of it, whom 
 they claim as their disciples on the ground that the strangers’ ancestors 
 (as appears from the Brahmins’ books) had, at such and such times, 
 visited the holy place, and appointed the Brahmins their Gors. On 
 the morning of the day following, the pilgrims, having shaved and 
 removed their moustaches, go to the river Suruswutee, and perform 
 “ Deh shooddh Prayuscheet ” and “ Shraddh.” (ceremonies which have 
 been described), they then bathe in the river under the Gor’s direc¬ 
 tions—husband and wife, if such be the form of their vow, wearing one 
 long garment. The Gor says to the pilgrims, “Advance into the 
 “ river, and make obeisance to the Dev of the holy place.” While 
 the pilgrim pays his adorations accordingly, the priest repeats this 
 verse:— 
 
 “ Ganges, Jumna, Godaveree, Suruswutee, 
 
 “ Nerbudda, and sea-going Kaveree, enter into this water.” 
 
 He then repeats, in Sanscrit, the names of the year, month, day of 
 the month, and day of the week, and continues thus : “ I bathe in 
 
 1 “ It is very difficult, they say, to get rid of a Nis when one wishes it. (The 
 “ Nis is the same being in Scandinavia, which is called Kobold in Germany, 
 “ Brownie in Scotland, &c.) A man who lived in a house, in which a Nis carried 
 “ his pranks to great lengths, resolved to quit the tenement, and leave him there 
 ‘ ‘ alone. Several cart-loads of furniture were already gone, and the man was come 
 “ to take away the last, which consisted chiefly of empty tubs, barrels, and things 
 “ of that sort. The load was now all ready, and the man had just bidden farewell 
 “ to his house and to the Nis, hoping for comfort in his new habitation, when hap- 
 ‘ ‘ pening, from some cause or other, to go to the back of the cart, there he saw the 
 “ Nis sitting in one of the tubs in the cart, plainly with the intention of going along 
 “ with him wherever he went. The good man was surprised and disconcerted be- 
 “ yond measure at seeing that all his labour was to no purpose ; but the Nis began 
 “ to laugh heartily, popped his head up out of the tub, and cried to the bewildered 
 “ farmer, ‘ Ha ! we’re moving to-day, you see.’ 
 
 “This story is current in Germany, England, and Ireland. In the German 
 ‘ ‘ story, the farmer set fire to his barn, to burn the Kobold in it. As he was driv- 
 ‘ ‘ ing off, he turned round to look at the blaze, and, to his no small mortification, 
 “saw the Kobold behind him in the cart, crying ‘ It was time for us to come out! it 
 “was time for us to come out!’”— Vide Keightley s Fairy Mythology . 
 
BHOOTS. 
 
 663 
 
 “ this place of pilgrimage for the purpose of removing whatever sins 
 “ I may have committed of thought, word, or deed; of obtaining the 
 “ favor of the Supreme Lord; of purifying my body; of procuring 
 “ liberation for the ancestral Devs.” He then says to the bather, 
 
 “ Now complete your bathing.” In this manner he causes the whole 
 party to bathe, one after the other. As the pilgrims ascend out of the 
 water after bathing they are beset by a crowd of mendicants, com¬ 
 monly Brahmins, among whom they distribute what money they have. 
 There is a sacred fig-tree there, which people suppose to be of the 
 time of Shree Krishn. The pilgrims worship this tree, and pour water 
 upon its roots, under the idea that the Poorwuj Devs drink water so 
 poured. They then circumambulate the tree. When the possessed 
 person beholds this tree he becomes immediately under the influence 
 of the Bhoot, and begins to tremble and roll his eyes. The Gor 
 addresses him, and says, “ Now, do you remain here, and whatever 
 “ virtuous actions you may prescribe shall be performed for you.” If 
 the Bhoot assent, he will direct that one hundred and eight Brahmin’s 
 be entertained, or that a bullock and heifer be married. In the latter 
 case, the relations go through the whole marriage ceremonial as if for 
 human beings, and at the close one man takes in his hand the tails of 
 the two animals, and the family perform the rite called “ Turpun,” 
 using for the occasion water, milk, and oil of sesamum. The whole 
 of these ceremonies are described in the Kurum Kand of the Veds, 
 of which the following is a verse :— 
 
 “ Those of my ancestors who have become Bhoots, those who have 
 “ become Prets,—may they all be relieved of their thirst by my perform- 
 “ ing Turpun over the tails of the bullock and heifer !” 
 
 There are about one hundred and twenty verses of this kind, more 
 or less of which are muttered by the person performing the ceremo¬ 
 nial. The family also mention the names of their ancestors, or as many 
 of them as they can recollect, and they make in the same place one 
 hundred and eight lump oblations, and assign them to different Poorwuj 
 Devs, and for those which remain unassigned they repeat a verse of 
 the Kurum Kandsuch as the following :— 
 
 “ They who have been struck dead by lightning, or by the hands of 
 “ thieves, or bydhe tooth or horn of an animal—these are they for whose 
 “ release I offer this lump oblation.” 
 
 Perhaps, however, the Bhoot will say, “ T his place does not please 
 “ me; I shall go home and live in my own house, so you must make a 
 “ sacred place for me there.” dhen the Gor falls to coaxing the 
 Bhoot very much, and says: “ Would you desert such a delightful 
 “ place of pilgrimage as this, a place on the very banks of Suruswutee- 
 
664 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ jee ? No ! no ! you will remain here, surely.” Some Bhoots not¬ 
 withstanding, insist upon returning home. If the Bhoot be pleased to 
 remain the party perform “ virtuous actions,” such as he may order, at 
 Prubhas. 
 
 In the evening the pilgrims, of whom thousands are collected, wor¬ 
 ship the Suruswutee, after which ceremony they make lamps of clari¬ 
 fied butter in leaf vessels, and set them afloat in the stream, so that 
 the whole surface of the river is brilliantly illuminated. 1 
 
 The pilgrimage is now complete, and the party returns home. 
 
 In cases where the possessing Bhoot is supposed to be of low caste 
 the most successful exorcists are persons called Bhoowos, who are 
 considered to be favourites of some one or other of the “ Shoodra 
 “ Devees,”—the local goddesses, such as Boucherajee, Khodeear, 
 Gudeychee, Sheekotur, Meladee, and others. The Bhoowo is of all 
 castes, from the Brahmin downwards. The Devee to whom he is 
 devoted has an altar in his house, at which her pleasure is consulted 
 before he ventures on an act of exorcism. If the answer be in the 
 affirmative, the Bhoowo proceeds to the residence of the patient, 
 attended by drummers, who beat their instruments and chant a song 
 of the Devee, as— 
 
 Mother of the Mansurowur, 
 
 Dweller in the Mid-Choonwal, 
 
 Steadfast Boucherajee, come ! 
 
 Thou whose chamber faces the east ! 
 
 ****** 
 
 OR, 
 
 True Devee Khodeear, 
 
 Who dwellest among the hills, 
 
 Who when invoked exhibitest thy truth, 
 
 Come, swift-speeding mother ! 
 
 ****** 
 
 The Bhoowo, who has seated himself opposite to the possessed per¬ 
 son, as soon as he hears the music, assumes the character of one 
 inspired by the Devee, and begins to employ different means of terri¬ 
 fying the Bhoot. The operation lasts sometimes for five or six days; 
 at length the possessed cries out (in the character of the Bhoot), “ I’m 
 “ off! I’m oft !” and having been duly sworn to expend a certain sum 
 of money in the Devee’s service is admitted to be convalescent. 2 
 
 1 This is no doubt derived from the expiation of Chanukya, for which see note, 
 p. 52. 
 
 2 “ Satan, the common ape of the Almighty, imitates him also in this point,” is 
 an observation made by Bishop Hall in reference to faith, which we might con- 
 
BHOOTS. 
 
 665 
 
 Many Koolees and shepherds in the wild hill-country have altars 
 in their houses consecrated to these “ Matas,” Meladee, Sheekotur 
 and others. The altar is called “ deroo ” and usually takes the form 
 
 tinually employ in reference to other subjects. It is recorded of Elisha, 2 Kings iii. 
 
 1 e that he called for a minstrel, “ And it came to pass, when the minstrel played, 
 “ that the hand of the Lord came upon him.” “ It was not for their ears it was 
 6 4 for his own bosom,” says the above-mentioned author, “that Elisha called for 
 “ musick, that his spirits, after their zealous agitation, might be sweetly composed, 
 “ and put into a meet temper for receiving the calm visions of God. 
 
 The “damsel possessed with a spirit of divination, or “of Python, mentioned 
 in Acts xvi. 16, seems to have some points of resemblance to the Devee-possessed 
 
 person we are describing. . 
 
 The proceedings of a Bhoowo of low caste appear to have given rise to the follow¬ 
 ing action at law, which is reported in the 1st volume of Selected Cases decided by 
 the Sudder Dewanee Adawlut of Bombay, at p. 9 L as follows : 
 
 “ Peetambur Nurotum, Appellant, 
 versus 
 
 “ Mukundas Koober, and Raeejee Mukun, Respondents. 
 
 “ AHMEDABAD. 
 
 “This was an action brought by Appellant against Respondents for defamation of 
 “character; damages were laid at rupees 995. 
 
 “ The parties were Dusha Dishawul Waneeas, and the Appellant set forth 111 his 
 “ plaint that one Eeshwur Mooljee of their caste went, about the 8th Kartik Shood, 
 “ 1880 (4th Nov., 1829), to the Nat-Gor (priest of the caste), Nanabhaee V lshnoo- 
 “ ram, to obtain permission, according to custom, to give a caste dinner; that 
 “ leave was accorded, when Respondents told Eeshwur that if he would leave out 
 “ Appellants family they would dine with him ; that upon inquiring the cause, they 
 “ assigned as a reason that some one was ill in Appellant’s house %vhen he got a Bun- 
 “ peed (or out-caste), to beat a tom-tom ” (a ceremony of exorcism, says the reporter 
 in a note, when an evil spirit is suspected of disturbing a family), “ by which, he lost 
 “ caste ; that the priest and others tried to persuade them that the mere act of having 
 “ a tom-tom beaten did not cause loss of caste ” (a tom-tom, it may be explained, is 
 a drum, so called because used by criers, who beat ‘ tam-tam’ first at one place, then 
 at another, ‘ tam ’ meaning ‘ place ’), “ but Respondents would not listen to them, 
 “ and consequently Eeshwur Mooljee did not give his caste-dinner, nor did others 
 “ who had intended to have done so, and consequently Appellant brought this ac- 
 
 “ tion for defamation. . ., , . 
 
 « The Respondents denied ever having defamed Appellant, and further that not 
 “ being putels or leading people of the caste, even if they had said what was as- 
 “ serted, it would not have had any effect, and that the Appellant had, since the 
 “ day mentioned in the plaint, received invitations to caste dinners : moreover, they 
 “ accused Eeshwur Mooljee and Appellant of having brought this charge against 
 
 “ them through enmity. , , , 
 
 “ Appellant replied and Respondent rejoined when the case was brought on for 
 “ hearing before the second Assistant Judge, who took the evidence of Eeshwur 
 “ Mooljee and the Nat Gor, Nanabaee Vishnooram, to prove the slander by 
 “ Respondents, and that, in consequence of that report, caste-dinners which had 
 “ been proposed had not taken place, as stated in the plaint, and dismissed 
 
666 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 of a. small terrace in the interior of the house, which supports a little 
 wooden image painted red, and is covered with a canopy. These per¬ 
 sons, when at enmity with any one, frequently threaten to send their 
 “ deroo ” to his house. Even if no threat be employed, it is com¬ 
 monly believed that the Mata of a person who owns a “ deroo ” is sure 
 to take vengeance upon his enemies. The house to which a “ deroo ” 
 has been sent rocks as if shaken with an earthquake, the tiles clatter, 
 the stalled beasts tremble, and the householder himself is violently 
 agitated by the Devee. Something of this kind then follows. The 
 bystanders ask the possessed who he is ? he, convulsed, and throwing 
 his limbs wildly about, cries out, “ I am Sheekotur, and have been 
 “ sent here b y Bechureeo Koolee—if amends be made to Bechureeo, 
 and he call me back, I will go, otherwise I will take the lives of all 
 “ the people in the house and destroy all the cattle.” Bechureeo 
 is sent for, and told to demand whatever he will, but to call off the 
 “ deroo.” Bechureeo now begins to be possessed himself; he lights 
 a piece of rag, saturated with oil, and waves it over the heads of the 
 people of the house and of their cattle, he then thrusts it two or three 
 times into his mouth, and takes it out again lighted to show that he 
 has taken back the deroo into his own body. The lookers-on are 
 astonished at this performance. Sometimes the friends of the afflicted 
 person post off to complain to the chief of the village. The Thakor 
 somewhat unwillingly, sends for Bechureeo, and, assuming as well as 
 he can an air of unconcern and authority, orders him to remove the 
 “ deroo ”—he is, however, desperately afraid all the time lest the 
 ‘ deroo should be sent to his own house. Bechureeo, on the other 
 hand, thinks that it may not be safe to trifle too far with the chief so 
 he promises to take away his Mata. 
 
 fourteen other witnesses to the same point, whose evidence was not required by 
 him, these two having, in his opinion, proved the point. Appellant further called 
 . ur witnesses to prove that the Bungee a who beat the tom-tom did not come 
 
 into the house but beat it outside and never threw water on his [Appellant’s) wife 
 “ who was the sick person so that the house could not have been polluted. The Assistant 
 ‘‘Judge considered this evidence sufficient to this point, he therefore, dismissed the 
 other two witnesses which Appellant had in attendance, and gave judgment, that 
 Appellant had proved the defamation of his character, and, further, that there were 
 ‘ no grounds for such defamation, as no act of exorcism alone was sufficient to occa- 
 si °n estrangement from caste ; he, therefore, in consideration of the defamation 
 and Appellant s loss of dinner, awarded rupees 99 damages with all costs, and 
 dismissed the witnesses which Respondents had summoned to prove the neva- 
 “ Ave of the plaint, as the Court considered them unnecessary.” 
 
 This decree of the Assistant Judge was reversed by the Judge, but, in substance, 
 ultimately upheld by the Court of Appeal, which (a.d. 1832) awarded the Plaintiff 
 one rupee damages and all costs. 
 
OTHER POPULAR BELIEFS. 
 
 667 
 
 Sometimes, however, the Thakor has a “ deroo ” of his own. A chief 
 of our acquaintance had a very valuable possession in the person of 
 one “ Kesur Baee Mata.” When his cultivators showed a disposition 
 to leave his village, he frightened them into remaining by hinting that 
 the Mata might follow them. It is said, too, that he sometimes met 
 the demands of his creditors in a similar manner. 
 
 Bhoowos are occasionally employed to relieve persons who are 
 
 annoyed by a “ deroo.” r ,. r , 
 
 It is believed that a woman who is born upon one of a list of days 
 laid down in the astrological books is a “ poison-daughter, or gifted 
 with the evil-eye. Such a person is called a Dakin, or witch, and it is 
 supposed that they on whom she casts her eyes suffer as if they were 
 possessed by a Bhoot. Some persons, when they feel unwell think 
 that the effect is produced by a witch having set her Dev at them. 
 Witches are most commonly of the Charun, or Waghuree castes. 
 Many precautions are employed to avert the effects of the evil-eye; 
 the best preservatives are iron articles, marks made with black colour, 
 
 Ch The S re 0 are a six descriptions of charms, or “ muntras,” known in Gooze- 
 rat, which are described in a series of works forming the scriptures on 
 the subject, or “ Muntra Shastras.” A charm called Marun Muntra 
 has the power of taking away life ; “ Mohun Muntra " produces ocular 
 or auricular illusions ; “ Sthumbhun Muntra stops what is m motion, 
 “ Akurshun Muntra ” calls or makes present anything ; \\ usheeku- 
 
 “ run Muntra ” has the power of enthralling; and Oochatun Mun- 
 “ tra ” of causing bodily injury short of death. 
 
 Dadba, the eldest son of Wujey Singh, Rawul of Bhownugger, died 
 at Seehore in a.d. 1845. About that time Narooba, his younger 
 half-brother, had employed five-and-twenty Brahmins at Bhownugger 
 in the performance of certain religious ceremonies. Dadba also had 
 visited Bhownugger, shortly before his death, to be present at the an¬ 
 nual ceremony of the Rawul’s worshipping the sea, and it was there 
 that he was taken ill. The people of Seehore^ putting these facts 
 too-ether, came to the conclusion that Narooba had employed the 
 Brahmins to take away his brother’s life by charms, and that Naneeba, 
 the mother of Narooba, had put vetches, charmed for the purpose 
 among the flowers which were scattered upon the young chief dun g 
 the celebration. Dadba’s mother collected a crowd of persons, 
 strangers, and people of the country, Brahmins, Jutees, and luikeers, 
 who were supposed to be possessed of skill m charms, and offered 
 them any sum of money she possessed to save the life of her son. 
 The essayist, from whom our account of these popular beliefs is mos y 
 
668 
 
 has mala. 
 
 derived, was one of the Brahmins thus called in by the ranee. They 
 were altogether about a hundred in number. The Brahmins sprink¬ 
 led an image of Muha Dev, muttering a charm, called “ the conqueror 
 “of death;” some of them worshipped “the Crane-faced Devee,” 
 and. other goddesses. A Waneeo, from Calcutta, who was present, 
 distinguished himself by the variety of his resources. Prince Dadba, 
 however, died, notwithstanding all the means employed to prolong his 
 life.. It was then currently reported that Narooba had made a fire- 
 sacrifice, in which he had offered goats with their mouths stuffed full 
 of rice in the husk, and that the Brahmins whom he had employed 
 had washed themselves in oil and blood. The principal of these Brah¬ 
 mins, a person named Geerja Shunker, was so apprehensive that the 
 friends of the deceased prince would put him to death, that he pro¬ 
 cured five soldiers from Narooba to remain continually with him for 
 his protection. He is, to this day, pointed at by people as the Brah¬ 
 min who destroyed Prince Dadba by his charms. 
 
 Many similar instances of the employment of “ Marun Muntra ” 
 are believed to have happened—in fact, whenever a person dies a 
 sudden death, it is supposed that he has been destroyed by this charm. 
 It is also believed that “ Marun Muntras” have the power of causing 
 trees to wither or rocks to split, and of producing many other effects 
 which it would be an endless task to describe. 
 
 Mohun Muntras” are described in the Shastras, but the people of 
 Goozerat, it would appear, have much more knowledge of the matter 
 at the present time than the writers of these works were possessed of. 
 Those who are skilled in the use of this charm will throw a jewel into 
 a well, and reproduce it again from another place, and will mention 
 the names of persons whom, it might be supposed, they had never 
 heard of.. T. hey will also burn clothes to rags, and produce them 
 again entire; they will cause a mango tree to spring up in a moment 
 create a snake out of a piece of leather, change pebbles into silver 
 coins, produce various articles from an empty hand, and perform 
 many other achievements of the like nature which the spectators be¬ 
 lieve impossible without the assistance of a Dev. 
 
 By the “ Stumbhun Muntra,” it is said, an advancing army may be 
 stopped, the voice may be taken away from an instrument of music, the 
 skill of an opposing disputant snatched from him, the course of run¬ 
 ning water arrested, a flying thief compelled to stand. 
 
 The following story is commonly told in regard to the “ Akurshun 
 Muntra”:—A certain ranee had sent her maid into the market to pur¬ 
 chase some scented oil. The maid, as she returned, metajutee, who 
 asked permission to dip a straw into the oil: and on her allowing him 
 
OTHER POPULAR BELIEFS. 
 
 669 
 
 to do so stirred the oil, muttering the Akurshun Muntra all the while. 
 The maid, unaware of what had been done, carried the oil to her mis¬ 
 tress ; but the latter, having taken it into her hand, observed that the 
 oil revolved in the vessel, and inquired of the maid who had met her 
 on the road. The maid said that Gooroojee had dipped a straw into 
 the oil, but that she had met no one but him. The ranee threw the 
 oil upon a large stone, which in the night, owing to the power of the 
 charm, travelled away to the Jutee’s convent. When the raja was 
 made aware of what had happened, he put the monk to death. 
 
 It was by this charm, as we have seen, that Umur Singh Shewuro, 
 the adviser of Bheem Dev II., “drew to himself men, women, and 
 “ Devs.” His master also was accused of dealing in charms. 1 
 
 A certain raja, it is said, had two ranees. A Brahmin, gave to each 
 of them a Wusheekurun note, in which he had written, “ If the elder 
 “ queen be preferred, it is all right, and if the younger be preferred 
 “ then, too, it is all right.” Both ranees were satisfied that they had 
 obtained what they desired. The raja having got scent of the matter 
 had the notes taken out of the lockets, and the contents of them read 
 when they afforded matter for laughter. Similarly, persons pretending 
 to occult science when consulted by women who were desirous of giv¬ 
 ing birth to sons, have been known to present them with charmed 
 notes, which were not to be opened until the child was born. In 
 these notes they wrote “ pootra nuheen pootree ,” which may be read, 
 “ not a son but a daughter,” or vice versa. Sometimes the wise man 
 tells the father, under a pledge of secrecy, that his child will be a son, 
 and the mother, under a similar pledge, that it will be a daughter. 
 When the event occurs the disappointed party is informed that he or 
 she had not faith, and that the coming event was on that account con¬ 
 cealed from them. 2 
 
 1 Vide pp. 161-62. • • o 
 
 2 Andrews, in his continuation of Dr. Henry’s History of Great Britain, p. 3 ^ 3 > 
 quoting Scot’s Discovery of Witchcraft, says : “ The stories which our facetious 
 author relates of ridiculous charms, which, by help of credulity operated wonders, 
 are extremely laughable. In one of them a poor woman is commemorated who 
 cured all diseases by muttering a certain form of words over the party afflicted ; 
 for which service she always received one penny and a loaf of bread At length, 
 terrified by menaces of flames, both in this world and the next, she owned that 
 her whole conjuration consisted in these potent lines, which she always lepeated in 
 a low voice near the head of her patient: 
 
 ‘ ‘ Thy loaf in my hand, 
 
 “And thy penny in my purse, 
 
 “ Thou art never the better— 
 
 “ And I—am never the worse.” 
 
 The reader will recollect the use made of these lines in one of the closing scenes 
 
6 70 
 
 RAS MAlX 
 
 We may describe one more charm, which is very commonly used in 
 exorcising Bhoots : it is a Boudhist charm, and is called that of Ghunta 
 Kurun Veer, or “ the bell-eared spirit.” The rites employed in the 
 construction of this charm must be commenced in the light or the dark 
 half of the month, according as the result sought to be obtained is 
 innocent or noxious. The magician takes his place in a garden, a tem¬ 
 ple, or some well purified place in a house : he must be quite private. 
 He first washes his body, repeating this muntra :— 
 
 Hring, Hring, Kling—praise to the water of Ganges ! 
 
 Then he proceeds to dress himself in clean clothes muttering another 
 muntra: 
 
 Om, Hring, Kling, praise to Anund Dev I 
 
 Next he worships the ground, saying: 
 
 Om, Hring, Shring, praise to the earth and the other Devs ! 
 
 He now seats himself and burns incense, lights lamps of oil and 
 clarified butter, reflects upon Ghunta Kurun Veer, and draws upon 
 paper or palmyra leaf a portrait of him with bells in his ears, around 
 which he writes the following charm, which he repeats : 
 
 “ Om ! I praise Ghunta Kurun, the great Veer, the destroyer of all 
 “ diseases. If eruptions on the body cause alarm, save us, save us, 
 “ mighty one ! From where thou standest, O Dev! pictured amid 
 
 of the “ Bride of Lammermoor.” See also an oracular answer of this kind in Sir 
 George Head’s translation of “ Apuleius.” 
 
 It is told of the first of the English architects, that when he had completed the 
 building of Windsor Castle, he caused these words to be inscribed on one of the 
 walls :— 
 
 “ This made Wykeham.” 
 
 His enemies endeavoured to represent this as a proof of his arrogance, but Wyke¬ 
 ham adroitly explained his meaning to be, not that he had made the castle, but that 
 the castle had been the making of him. 
 
 The answer given to Croesus when he marched against Cyrus is well known : 
 “ Croesus, by passing the Ilalys, will overthrow a great kingdom !” Croesus sup¬ 
 posed by this that he should overthrow the power of the enemy, but, in reality, he 
 overthrew his own power. In either event the oracle would have appeared true. 
 
 So also in Shakspeare :— 
 
 “ ‘ The Duke yet lives, that Henry shall depose y 
 
 But him outlive, and die a violent death.’ 
 
 Why, this is just, 
 
 Aio te, Hiacida, Romanos vincereposse." 
 
 Second Part of King Henry VI., Act I. sc. 4. 
 
OTHER POPULAR BELIEFS. 
 
 671 
 
 “ lines of letters, thence fly diseases of breath, bile, or phlegm. There 
 “ dread of the raja exists not. He whose ear receives the sound 
 “ of thy charms, in him Shakeenee, Bhoot, Vyetal, or Rakshus finds 
 “ no place to dwell—no unseasonable death is there for him ; no snake 
 “ bites him ; fire and thieves cause him no alarm. Hring ! O Ghunta 
 “ Kurun, I worship thee ! Tah, tah, tah, Swaha !” 
 
 This muntra must be repeated thirty-three thousand times in forty- 
 two days. Fire sacrifice is then performed, and the virtue of the 
 charm is complete. The Ghunta Kurun charm, if worn in a locket, 
 protects the wearer from all tyranny on the part of Bhoots, Prets, or 
 mortal oppressors: it procures a man wisdom ; brings his enemy 
 into subjection to him; or even (which is sometimes a more diffi¬ 
 cult matter) subdues to him his own wife. It is sometimes posted 
 against the wall of a house for the purpose of excluding snakes, 
 rats, and other vermin, as well as Bhoots . 1 
 
 1 Plutarch mentions the Bulla, which was suspended from the necks of the more 
 noble Roman boys, as a phylactery, or 11 preservative of good order, and as it were 
 a bridle on incontinence.” But it is not improbable that some of the Jews in our 
 Saviour’s time, as they certainly did afterwards, regarded their phylacteries as 
 amulets or charms, which would keep or preserve them from evil. There is a 
 remarkable passage in a rabbinical I argum, written about 500 years after Christ, 
 which may both serve to illustrate what our Lord says, Matt, xxiii. 5 ; a,1( l to shew 
 what was the notion of the more modern Jews concerning their phylacteries. It 
 runs thus :—“The congregation of Israel hath said, I am chosen above all people, 
 “ because I bind the phylacteries on my left hand and on my head, and the scroll 
 “ is fixed on the right side of my door, the third part of which is opposite to my 
 “ bed-chamber, that the evil spirits may not have power to hurt me.” —See Parkhurst’s 
 Greek Lexicon; also Bishop Patrick, and Calmet, quoted by D’Oyly and Mant, in 
 a note on the passage in St. Matthew. 
 
 Many houses in Edinburgh, built previously to the Reformation, have legends 
 over the door, such as, “ In thee, O Lord is all my traist ‘ ‘ In Deo est honor et 
 ‘ ‘ gloria “ Blissit be ye Lord in al his giftis. ” They are said to have been placed 
 there as charms or talismans, with a view to exclude evil spirits from the houses, 
 and this tradition appears to receive confirmation from the circumstance that the 
 name of the Deity is always introduced.—See Chambers’s Traditions of Edinburgh. 
 
 “ The early Christians,” observes St. Ephrem, “marked their very doors with 
 “ the precious and life-giving cross,” as the Jews before them had been in the 
 habit of striking the lintel and the two side posts with the blood of the paschal 
 lamb. We have ourselves frequently seen, in a Mohummedan house, scraps of the 
 Koran pasted near the door to keep out the cholera. 
 
 In their expedition in search of the sources of the Niger, the Landers stopping 
 at a village called Moussa, occupied a large round hut, which they thus describe 
 (vol. i., p. 217) “ In the centre of it is the trunk of a large tree, which supports the 
 
 “ roof; it has two apertures for doors, which are opposite each other ; and directly 
 “ over them, suspended from the wall, are a couple of charms, written in the 
 “ Arabic character on bits of paper, which are to preserve the premises from being 
 destroyed by fire.” —See also vol. ii. of the same work, pp. 231—2. 
 
6 72 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 The apparently meaningless and unconnected jargon of which 
 these muntras are composed is, notwithstanding, said to be constructed 
 and used according to a system possessing almost scientific regularity. 
 Our author asserts that Bhoots are less numerous in the present 
 day than they were formerly. One of the causes which are popu¬ 
 larly supposed to have produced this effect is sufficiently amusing. 
 “ Some ignorant people suppose that Bhoots fled away from the 
 “ noise of the English drum, because on one side of it there is cow- 
 “ skin (at the sound of which the Hindoo Devtas took to flight), 
 “ and on the other side pigskin (which frightened away the Mo- 
 “ hummedan divinities); and this, they say, is the reason that Bhoots 
 “ have diminished in number and muntras proved false.” Similarly, 
 Claudius Buchanan, in his journal of visits to certain churches of 
 the St. Thome Christians, tells us that he observed that the bells of 
 most of their churches were placed within the building and not in a 
 tower : “ the reason, they said was this : when a Hindoo temple 
 “ happens to be near a church, the Hindoos do not like the bell to 
 “ sound loud; for they say it frightens their god .” 1 
 
 In Russia a still more practical use is made of a similar religious charm. “ The 
 “ tradesmen in many instances, particularly those of the public bazaars, do not 
 “ reside at their business premises (Hindoo-like), which are thus left without pro- 
 “ tection, but though availing themselves of all the precautions of bolts and bars, 
 “ they trust less to them than to the superstition of their countrymen. They affix 
 “seals to their doors and window shutters; and as St. Nicholas, the national 
 “ saint, is supposed to be peculiarly the protector of such securities, no thief would 
 “ venture to commit the sacrilege of breaking them, while bars and chains would 
 “ offer no impediment of his violence.” * * * “ In the days of paganism the 
 
 “ worship of Mercury would have been analogous.”—Russia, by Thompson : 
 Smith, Elder, and Co., 1848. 
 
 1 Hindoos will sometimes stop their ears when they hear the Muezzin’s call to 
 prayers. The Sikh government positively prohibited its being pronounced aloud. 
 Vide Shore’s Notes on Indian Affairs, vol. ii. p. 412. 
 
 When, in the middle of the ninth century, the Christian church secured, through 
 the instrumentality of St. Anschar, complete toleration in Jutland, “it obtained, 
 “ amongst other privileges, the free use of bells, which the heathen, in dread of 
 “sorcery, would never before permit.” The soul-bell in England, which was 
 rung while the corpse was conducted to the church, and during the bringing it 
 out of the church to the grave, was supposed to scare away the devils. — Vide 
 Brand’s Popular Antiquities. The Trolls have been almost all driven out of 
 Scandinavia by the ringing of the bells in the church steeples, and the Korrigans of 
 Brittany seem to have been rendered very insecure in their position from the same 
 cause.— Vide Keightley’s Fairy Mythology. 
 
BHOOTS IN OTHER COUNTRIES. 
 
 673 
 
 Note A. 
 
 The following remarks upon the Bhoot Nibundh are from an article on 
 “ Daimoniac Possession, Oracles, and Medical Thaumaturgy in India,” pub¬ 
 lished in the first number of the Bombay Quarterly Magazine and Review, in 
 October, 1850 :— 
 
 “ Previously to the appearance of the Bhoot Nibundh, a series of papers was 
 commenced in the Dublin University Magazine, and has since been continued, 
 though unfortunately at intervals too wide apart 1 for the unity of the subject, on 
 Waken, a term used among the Mahrattas to comprehend the whole field of 
 pneumatology— Waren literally corresponding with nvtvya —under the spiritual 
 machinery of a dual possession, possession malignant and demoniac, possession 
 beneficent and divine; though this apparent duality the writer maintains to be 
 merely on the surface, and to indicate rather two stages of human culture; 
 whether these different stages succeed each other at different periods, as regards the 
 whole mass of society, or co-exist in its various component parts at one time, 
 producing on the mass at different epochs, or on different classes of men at one and 
 the same epoch, two very divergent spiritual impressions, from the same physical 
 and psychological phenomena. The Bhoot Nibundh affords ample confirmation of 
 the facts alleged in these papers on Waren, which were at first received with some 
 degree of surprise, if not of incredulity, among European readers living far alike 
 from the scene of such occurrences, and from that epoch of civilization in which 
 alone they could have place, and who, from education, had been accustomed to a 
 view of daimoniac possessions not perhaps in its inmost significance materially 
 different from that taken by the writer, but extremely so as to the mode, the 
 order, and the immediate instruments of the spiritual agency or influence, —(the 
 dominion of that murderer from the beginning, who hath the power of death, and 
 goeth about sicut leo rugiens, scourging and oppressing man under every form of 
 permitted physical evil)—which all alike acknowledge to be exerted in these 
 manifestations. 
 
 “ Among the Cingalese the same beliefs and nearly the same processes obtain as 
 among the Mahrattas and the people of Goozerat. An English clergyman, 
 resident in Ceylon, who had long observed, with wonder and interest, the 
 prevalence and influence of these singular ideas among the surrounding population, 
 recognised in the descriptions of Waren the very phenomena which had so often 
 attracted his attention in his own locality, and bore testimony to a traveller, whose 
 letter is now before us, to the identity of the two systems. 
 
 “ They are not, however, even at this day, wholly limited to India. The 
 performances of the fasting chiefs of the Native American tribes, and of the 
 Siberian magicians, as described by recent travellers, bear a considerable re¬ 
 semblance to those attributed to the Bhukts who court and attain to Waren. 
 
 “ But perhaps the most singular and complete analogy to the Hindoo system 
 of Blioots is to he found in a quarter where we should have been little prepared to 
 meet it in the nineteenth century. In the course of last year, two or three long 
 papers appeared in the Dublin University Magazine, on the Popular Superstitions 
 of the Irish ; and the details there given regarding the class of fairies called SlDDS, 
 or earth-deities, and their power over human bodies, exhibit a wonderful 
 correspondence, not only in the general train of popular thought, but sometimes 
 even in the most minute and singular particulars,—especially the possession of 
 women, alienated consciousness, fevers, and other obstinate or anomalous kinds of 
 
 1 Ranging from March, 1848, to April, 1850. 
 
 X X 
 
674 
 
 rAs mAlA. 
 
 disease,—with those described in the Waren papers and the Bhoot Nibundh. It 
 is both curious and satisfactory to see the facts stated in the first attempt to portray 
 the daimonology of India, many of them of a very singular character, confirmed 
 by parallelisms in places so remote from each other. We might indeed have 
 expected a priori, that the daimonological creed, and manifestations witnessed in 
 the villages of the Dekkan and Konkun, should have their correlatives in those of 
 Brahminical Goozerat, and even in Buddhistical Ceylon ; we might not have been 
 violently surprised to discover analogous effects produced by violent religious, or 
 rather fanatical excitement, among the sublime forests and cataracts which are the 
 home of the Indian savage, or on the dreary steppes of Siberia, among races 
 whom no ray of divine knowledge, or diviner love, has ever visited ; but it is 
 truly astonishing to find the very same beliefs prevailing, though under a super¬ 
 natural drapery slightly different, in a Christian island so remote from Hindoostan, 
 
 ‘-partita del mundo, ultima Irlanda.’ ” 
 
 The original meaning of the word “ Bhoot ” is “ an element.” Bhoots are not, 
 in Goozerat at least, regarded as “devils,” (the idea of a spiritual arch-enemy o 
 God and man having there no existence), but rather as daimons, “ spirits of men or^ 
 “ women deceased,—human ghosts in fact, —still unhappily entangled in human 
 “ passions, desires, or anxieties :— 
 
 1 Alas ! poor ghost ! ’ 
 
 “ and seeking to inflict pain, to practice delusion, or to enjoy pleasure, through 
 ‘ ‘ the instrumentality of a living human body, of which they take temporary 
 “ possession.” 
 
 In other parts of India they are known under different forms. “ The worship 
 “ of demons,” says the Abbe Dubois, speaking of the Hindoos of Mysore, “ is 
 “ universally established and practised among them. They call them Bhuta 
 “ which also signifies element; as if the elements were, in fact, nothing else but 
 “ wicked spirits personified, from whose wrath and fury all the disturbances of 
 “ nature arise. Malign spirits are also called by the generic names of Pisacha and 
 “ Baity a. 
 
 “ In many parts we meet with temples specially devoted to the worship of 
 “ wicked spirits. There are districts also in which it almost exclusively pre- 
 “ dominates. Such is that long chain of mountains which extend on the west of 
 ‘ ‘ the Mysore, where the greater part of the inhabitants practice no other worship 
 “ than that of the devil. Every house and each family has its own particular 
 ‘ ! Bhuta, who stands for its tutelary god ; and to whom, daily, prayers and pro- 
 “ pitiatory sacrifices are offered, not only to incline him to withhold his own 
 “ machinations, but to defend them from the evils which the Bhutas of their 
 “ neighbours or enemies might inflict. In those parts the image of the demon is 
 “ everywhere seen, represented in a hideous form, and often by a shapeless stone. 
 “ Each of these fiends has his particular name, and some who are more powerful 
 “ and atrocious than others, are preferred in the same proportion. 
 
 “ All evil demons love bloody offerings ; and, therefore, their ardent wor- 
 “ shippers sacrifice living victims, such as buffaloes, hogs, rams, cocks, and the 
 “ like. When rice is offered, it must be tinged with blood ; and they are also 
 “ soothed with inebriating drinks. In offerings of flowers, the red only are 
 “ presented to them. 
 
 “ The worship of the Bhutas, and the manner of conducting it, are explained 
 “ in the fourth Veda of the Hindoos, called Atharwana Veda, and it is on this 
 “ account very carefully concealed by the Brahmins. 
 
BHOOTS IN OTHER COUNTRIES. 
 
 675 
 
 “ I have very generally found that the direct worship of demons is most 
 prevalent in deserts, solitary places, and mountainous tiacts ; the reason of 
 “ which is, that in such parts the people are less civilized than those of the plains, 
 “ more ignorant and timid, and therefore more prone to superstition. They are 
 “ therefore more easily led to attribute all their misadventures and afflictions to 
 “ the displeasure of their demon. 
 
 “ Many hordes of savages, who are scattered among the forests on the coast of 
 “ Malabar, and in the woods and mountains of Kadu, Kuruberu, Soligueru, and 
 “ Iruler, acknowledge no other deity but the Bhutas.” 
 
 The following occurs in the tenth report of the German Evangelical Mission, 
 in the same part of the country, printed at Bangalore in 1850 :— 
 
 “ At Uchilla, a village thirty miles to the north of Bangalore, a small congregation 
 “has been gathered within the last year, and a large piece of waste land was 
 “ kindly granted to the Mission some time ago. Corajea Pujari, one of the great 
 ‘ ‘ men of that neighbourhood, has given up his idolatry, destroyed his Bhuta 
 “ temple, and come over to the side of the Gospel.” Then follows the case of 
 “ Fakire, a Billavur,” of the village of Bolma, who, after long deliberation, “at 
 “ last felt love for the Gospel, but for another year kept perfect silence, until three 
 “ weeks ago, when his parents desired him to worship the house Bhuta , by 
 “ submitting himself to be possessed according to the custom. Then, at once, he 
 “ declared that he would no longer so degrade himself,—that all this worship was 
 “ a lie and a sin.” 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Caldwell, in his most interesting account of the Shanars of 
 Tinnevelly (a country still further south than Mysore, and adjacent to Cape 
 Comorin) seems to distinguish between “demons” of two classes, the latter of) 
 which (though he still calls them “devils ”) almost exactly correspond with the' 
 Bhoots of Goozerat. The former, he says, are forms of Kalee, and particularly of 
 Bhudra of Kalee, and are known by the name of “ Ammen,” or mother; their 
 worship is marked by some distinctive peculiarities, and probably resembles that 
 of the Maids, or local goddesses, the Boucherajee, the Khodeear, &c. of Goozerat ; 
 “ a large majority, however, of the devils are of purely Shanaror Tamil origin, 
 
 ‘‘ and totally unconnected with Brahminism in any of its phases or modifications,” 
 and of these he gives the following description :— 
 
 “ The majority of the devils are supposed to have been originally human beings ; 
 “ and the class of persons most frequently supposed to have been transformed 
 “ into devils are those who have met with a sudden or violent death, especially 
 “ if they had made themselves dreaded in their lifetime.” See the case of Sooruj- 
 mul of Chandunee, p. 460.) “ Devils may in consequence be either male 
 
 “ or female, of low or high caste, of Hindoo or foreign lineage. Their character 
 “ and mode of life seem to be little, if at all, modified by differences of this 
 “ nature. All are powerful, malicious, and interfering ; and all are desirous of 
 “ bloody sacrifices and frantic dances. The only differences apparent are in the 
 “ structure of the temple or image built to their honor, the insignia worn by their 
 “ priests, the minutiae of the ceremonies observed in their worship, the preference 
 “ of the sacrifice of a goat by one, a hog by another, and a cock by a third, or in 
 “ the addition of libations of ardent spirits, for which Pariar demons stipulate. 
 “ As for their abode, the majority of the devils are supposed to dwell in trees ; 
 “ some wander to and fro, and go up and down in uninhabited wastes, some skulk 
 “ in shady retreats. Sometimes they take up their abode in the rude temples 
 “erected to their honor, or in houses; and it often happens that a devil will 
 “ take a fancy to dispossess the soul and inhabitdhe body of one of his votaries ; 
 
 ‘ ‘ in which case the personal consciousness of the possessed party ceases, and the 
 
676 
 
 HAS MALA. 
 
 “ screaming, gesticulating, and pythonizing, are supposed to be the demon’s acts.” 
 
 Bhoots are to be met with it would appear, also, in northern Hindoostan : — 
 “ Besides these drawbacks to the holding office in Chota Nagpore,” says a writer 
 on the north-western provinces in India, “ there was another, and to some minds, 
 “ a much greater evil to be incurred. The belief in spells, incantations, and 
 “ magic, is rife throughout all India ; nor are the most educated free from this 
 “ delusion. It is universally credited in the more civilized parts of the country 
 “ that the people of the south are powerful in spells, and that among the hills and 
 “ forests, ghosts or ‘bhoots,’ a kind of mischievous devils, abound.” 1 
 
 Bishop Gobat, in h : s “journal of a Residence in Abyssinia,” alludes to the 
 belief, prevalent in that country, in a race of “Sorcerers” (as he terms them), 
 called by the natives “Boudas.” 
 
 It is supposed that these Boudas “ render themselves invisible at pleasure ; that 
 “ when any one kills an ox, &z., he often finds an empty part in it, or full of 
 “water, which ought to have been filled with flesh—it is the Boudas who have 
 “ eaten it; that men, without illness, and with a good appetite, become like 
 “ skeletons—they are internally devoured by the Boudas ; and, especially, 
 “ that hyaenas are often killed whose ears are pierced, sometimes even they have 
 “ earrings.” The Abyssinians believe that the greater part of the hyaenas are 
 Boudas metamorphosed, and that persons, under the influence of Boudas, utter cries 
 resembling the howling of the hyaena. They believe, also, that all the Falashas 
 (a tribe of Jews), many Mussulmans, and even some Christians are Boudas. Dr. 
 Gobat relates that, when he was suffering from a violent attack of fever, he was 
 supposed by the persons who attended him to be under the influence of these 
 sorcerers. It appears that the Bishop was successful in persuading the people 
 about him that there were really no human beings who could make themselves 
 invisible, or assume the form of hyaenas to prey upon their fellow men, but that he 
 was unable to persuade them that Boudas did not exist, or that they had not the 
 power of occasioning diseases. Dr. Gobat was, perhaps, by no means curious in 
 examining what the theory of these Abyssinians really was, but, from the replies 
 which he has reported to his arguments, it appears probable that the people 
 believed in other Boudas besides these human ones, and identified them with the 
 daemons or evil spirits of the New Testament. The similarity between Bhoots 
 and Boudas, in both name and character, suggests the inquiry whether both may 
 not have had a common origin in the days of the now almost forgotten traffic 
 between the shores of India and the once powerful Abyssinian empire. 
 
 Dr. Gobat remarks (and it is an illustration of the practical effect of superstition 
 in rendering people unhappy) that the Abyssinians are usually of a sprightly 
 character, “ but when they are indisposed they are doubly miserable from, the 
 “ idea that they are under the influence of sorcerers and evil spirits.” 
 
 Nathaniel Pearce, in his “ Small but true Account of the Ways and Manners 
 “ of the Abyssinians,” published in vol. iii. of the Transactions of the Literary 
 Society of Bombay, has the following on the same subject :— 
 
 “ There are various kinds of complaints in Abyssinia, which, they say, are caused 
 ‘ ‘ by the devil, one of which I shall give a true account of. One, called buder in 
 “ Tegri, and tubbih in Ammerrer, I think myself is only convulsions, similar to 
 “ people I have seen troubled with fits in my own country ; but they say to the con- 
 “ trary, and will have it that the complaint is caught from the people who work in 
 “ iron, such as make knives, spears, ploughshares, &c., and those who work in 
 
 1 Benares Magazine, vol. iii., p. 340—Article, “ Recollections of an official visit 
 “ to the Ramgurh District.” 
 
BHOOTS IN OTHER COUNTRIES. 
 
 677 
 
 “ making earthenware. Those people all go by the name of buder and tubb.h , and 
 “ are hated worse than Mussulmen, and, though they profess the Christian religion, 
 “ they are not allowed to receive the Sacrament.” 
 
 Pearce then goes on to describe the tegretier, another complaint in regard to which 
 he admits that he thinks “ the devil must have some hand in it.” It may be noted 
 that tubbiks and buders are probably transpositions merely of the same word. 
 
 On the subject of Fetish possessions in Africa, vide “ Lander’s Travels,” vol. ii., 
 pp. 120, 123—126, 231. 
 
 The following contains an account of Bhoots in Tonquin :— 
 
 “ Tay-bou (in Tonquin, in the Indies, towards China), the name of one of the two 
 “ great magicians, who makes the people believe that he can foretell things to come ; 
 “ so that, when they desire to marry their children, to buy any land, or undertake 
 4 ‘ any considerable business, they consult him as an oracle. 
 
 44 He keeps a book filled with the figures of men, beasts, circles and triangles, 
 “ and three pieces of brass, with some characters on one side only : these he puts 
 “ into three cups, and, having shaken them, throws them out upon the ground, 
 “ and, if the characters lie uppermost, he cries out that the person will be the hap- 
 44 piest person in the world ; but if, on the contrary, they lie undermost, it is ac- 
 “ counted as a very bad omen. 
 
 “ If one or two of the characters lie uppermost, then he consults his book, and 
 ‘ ‘ tells what he thinks ; he also pretends to know the causes of distempers, when 
 “ they that consult him are sent to him by the Tay-Bau (Phou ?) ; and pretends to 
 ‘ 4 call the souls of the dead out of the bodies to which they are troublesome. 
 
 “ Tay-Phou-Thony (at Tonquin), the name of the other magician, to whom they 
 “ have recourse in their sickness ; if he says the devil is the occasion of the distem- 
 “ per, then he orders them to sacrifice, offering him a table well furnished with rice 
 “ and meat, which the magician knows how to make use of; if, after this, the sick 
 “ does not recover, all the friends and kindred of the sick person, with several sol- 
 “ diers, surround the house, and discharge their muskets thrice to frighten the evil 
 ‘ 4 spirit away. _ ... 
 
 “ The magician makes the patient (especially if a seaman or fisherman lies sick) 
 44 sometimes foolishly believe that he is troubled by the god of water, then he or- 
 “ ders that tapestries be spread and huts built; and good tables kept for three days, 
 44 at certain distances from the sick man’s house to the next river, to induce this 
 “ daemon to retire and see him safe into his dominions again. 
 
 “ But, the better to know the cause of these distempers, this magician sends 
 “ them very often to the Tay-Bou, who answers that they are the souls of the 
 “ dead that cause the sickness, and promises that he will use his art to draw off 
 “ these troublesome ghosts to himself and make them pass into his own body (for 
 44 they believe the transmigration of souls), and when he catches that ghost that 
 “ did the mischief he shuts it up in a bottle of water, until the person is cured ; if 
 44 the person recovers, the magician breaks the bottle and sets the ghost at liberty 
 “ to go whither it will. And if the person dies, after the magician has enjoined the 
 “ ghost to do no more harm, he sends it away.”— N. Bailey’s English Dictionary, 
 by Mr. Buchanan, fifth edition. London : W. Johnston, Ludgate-street, 1760. 
 
 As Bailey’s work is not now very common, we take the present opportunity of 
 quoting from it the following curious and interesting article on the transmigration 
 of souls, which contains much that is to our purpose 
 
 44 Metempsychosis—the transmission of souls from one body to another; what- 
 “ ever the modern Jews may say of it, it is not taught in any place either of the 
 “ Old or New Testament. 
 
 44 There is great probability that the Jews imbihed this notion in Chaldea, during 
 
6 7 8 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ their long captivity in Babylon, or from that intercourse they had with the Greeks, 
 “ who themselves had borrowed it from the Orientals. It is certain that at the 
 time of Jesus Christ this opinion was very common among the Jews. This 
 appears plain from their saying that some thought Jesus Christ to be Tohn the 
 
 • Baptist, others Elias, others Jeremias or some of the old prophets. And when 
 “ V er ° cl the tetrarch heard speak of the miracles of Jesus Christ, he said that Tohn 
 
 the Baptist, whom he had beheaded, was risen again. 
 
 “ Josephus and Philo, who are the most ancient and the most knowing of all 
 the Jews, next to the sacied authors, now extant, speak of the metempsychosis 
 4 ‘as an opinion that was very common in their nation. The Pharisees held 
 according to Josephus, that the souls of good men might easily return into 
 “ another body after the death of that they had forsaken. He says elsewhere 
 that the souls of wicked men sometimes enter into the bodies of living men 
 “ whom they possess and torment. Philo says that the souls that descended out 
 
 • of the air into the bodies which they animate return again into the air after the 
 death of those bodies; that some of them always retain a great abhorence for 
 mattei, and diead to be plunged again into bodies; but that others return with 
 
 “ inclination, and follow the natural desire of which they are influenced. The 
 Jewish doctors wrap this doctrine up in obscure and mysterious terms. They 
 believe that God has determined for all souls a degree of perfection to which they 
 cannot attain in the couise of one life only; that they are therefore obliged to 
 1 etuin several tiroes upon the earth, and to animate several bodies successively, 
 that they may fulfil all righteousness, and practice the commandments, both 
 negative and afnimative, without which they cannot arrive at the state to 
 which God intends they should come. Whence is it, they say, that we see 
 “ some people die in the most vigorous time of their youth? It is because they 
 have alieady acquired their degree of perfection, and have nothing remaining to 
 be done in a frail and mortal body. Others, like Moses, they say, die with 
 ‘' reluctance, because they have not yet accomplished all their duties. Others, on 
 the contraiy, like Daniel, die with satisfaction, aud even desire death, because 
 nothing remains for them to do in this world. 
 
 Metempsychosis, or revolution of souls, is performed after two manners. 
 le j is ^ 1S W len a • sou ^ comes into a body already animated—thus it was that 
 Herod the tetrarch imagined that the soul of John the Baptist was entered inte 
 the body of Jesus Christ in order to work miracles. At other times they say 
 souls entei into other bodies already animated, there to acquire some new degree 
 of perfection which they wanted ; thus they said the soul of Moses to be united 
 <£ *-° , a *- ° . e Messiah, &c. Ihe second manner of transmigration is when a 
 
 soul entei a. into a body newly formed, either to expiate some crime it had 
 committed in another body, or to acquire a greater degree of sanctity. The Tews 
 think this revolution is performed at least three or four times. They say that 
 some souls of a more exalted nature have a great contempt for matter, and do 
 
 { not retu ™ to animate bodies but with great reluctance. Others, that are more 
 gross and carnal, always preserve an inclination towards the body, and return 
 thither often without any reason but to gratify this desire. They even extend 
 this transmigration to brute beasts and to inanimate things : and the number is 
 not small of those that maintain this opinion. The most famous of the Jewish 
 
 • doctors have held it, and pretend that Pythagoras, Plato, and Virgil, and the 
 
 ancient philosophers that espoused it, had derived it from the writings of their 
 prophets. ° 
 
 “ ]' his n «t> on is very ancient in the East. The Chinese teach that Xekiah, an 
 Indian philosopher, who was born about iooo years before Jesus Christ, was 
 
DAIMONIAC POSSESSION. 
 
 679 
 
 “ the first broacher of this doctrine in the Indies ; that from thence it spread into 
 “ China, in the 56th year after Jesus Christ. The Chinese pretend that Xekiah 
 “ was bom 8000 times, and that at his last birth he appeared in the form of a 
 “ white elephant. It is upon this principle that the Indians and Chinese are so 
 “ little scrupulous of putting themselves to death, and that they so often kill their 
 “ children when they find themselves under any difficulty of maintaining them. It 
 “ is related that a king of this country having had the smallpox, and seeing his face 
 “ to be much disfigured, could not endure any longer to live under such a frightful 
 “ figure, but ordered his brother’s son to cut his throat, who afterwards was burnt. 
 “ The story of the Indian philosopher, Calanus, is well known, who burned himself 
 “ in the time of Alexander the Great. The Indians look upon death with much in- 
 “ difference, being persuaded of the metempsychosis, which passes among them as a 
 “ thing not to be doubted. Hence it is that they abstain from killing any living 
 “ creature, for fear of violating the souls of their fathers, or of some near relation in- 
 “ habiting those animals. They do not so much as defend themselves against wild 
 “ beasts, and charitably redeem animals out of the hands of strangers who are 
 4 ‘ about to kill them. ” 
 
 NOTE B. 
 
 As a witness in favour of the philosophic and incredulous view, we may call 
 Bentham. “If, says that author, we go deeper into the human breast, we shall 
 “ find in it a secret disposition to believe the marvellous as if it extended our 
 “ power and gave us the command of supernatural means. Besides, when these 
 “ beings of pure creation are the subject, reason is not sufficiently unbiassed to 
 “ scrutinize the testimony. Fear comes in the way ; doubt appears dangerous ; we 
 “ are afraid lest we offend these invisible agents; and there are numerous stories 
 44 in the public mouth of the vengeance which they have taken on unbelievers. 
 “ These are the causes which have established the belief in spectres, ghosts, 
 “ possessed persons, devils, vampires, magicians, sorcerers,—all those frightful beings 
 “ who have ceased to play a part in courts, but still appear in the cottage.” 
 
 The effects to which a perverted belief in supernatural agencies may lead has 
 been described by Heber, in his usual mellow and musical tones ; but he is far from 
 recommending on that account an incredulity which is opposed to the highest of 
 all authority:— 
 
 “ A belief in evil spirits, whether true or false, is one of a gloomy and disquieting 
 “ character. It is one which may produce the worst results when indiscreetly and 
 “ too curiously contemplated : it has drawn some into the most loathsome guilt, and 
 “ plunged others into the acutest suffering ; it has been the usual source of religious 
 4 4 and magical imposture ; and its abuses may be traced through innumerable shades 
 “ of human misery, from the fears of childhood to the ravings of frenzy. * * * 
 
 “ But,” continues the same author, “if in the history of the supposed demoniac 
 “ of Gadara, we apprehend no other person to be concerned but our Lord and His 
 “distracted patient; if it were no more than the diseased imagination of the 
 “ sufferer which answered in the demon’s name ; and if it were the ravings of 
 “ frenzy only which desired that his tormentor might take shelter in the swine, can 
 4 4 we suppose that our Lord, not content with simple acquiescence, not content with 
 44 conforming his speech to the hallucination of the frantic man, would, by afflicting 
 “ the herd with a like disease, have miraculously confirmed the delusion.” 
 
 44 In this reasoning age,” says Bishop Horsley, 44 we are little agreed about 
 44 the cause of the disorder to which this name, possession, belongs. If we may 
 44 be guided by the letter of holy writ, it was a tyranny of hellish fiends over the 
 
68o 
 
 ras mAlA. 
 
 ‘ imagination and the sensory of the patient. For my own part, I find no great 
 ' difficulty of believing that this was really the case. I hold those philosophizing 
 ‘ believers but weak in faith, and not strong in reason, who measure the pro- 
 ‘ babilities of past events by the experience of the present age, in opposition to the 
 ‘ evidence of the historians of the times. I am inclined to think that the power 
 ‘ of the infernal spirits over the bodies as well as the minds of men suffered a 
 capital abridgement, an earnest of the final putting down of Satan to be trampled 
 under foot of men, when the Son of God had achieved His great undertaking; that 
 ‘ before that event men were subject to a sensible tyranny of the hellish crew, 
 from which they have been ever since emancipated. As much as this appears to 
 ‘ be implied in that remarkable saying of our Lord, when the seventy returned to 
 him expressing their joy that they had found the devils subject to themselves 
 ‘ through His name. He said unto them, ‘ I beheld Satan as lightning fall from 
 ‘ heaven.’ Our Lord saw him fall from the heaven of his power : what wonder 
 ‘ then that the effects should no longer be perceived of a power which he hath 
 ‘ lost ? Upon these general principles, without any particular inquiry into the 
 1 subject, I am contented to rest, and exhort you all to rest, in the belief, which 
 ‘ in the primitive Church was universal, that possession really was what the name 
 ‘ imports. Be that as it may, whatever the disorder was, its effects are undis- 
 ‘ puted,—a complication of epilepsy and madness, sometimes accompanied with a 
 ‘ paralytic affection of one or more of the organs of the senses ; the madness, in 
 ‘ the worst cases, of the frantic and mischievous kind.” 
 
 “ There is one objection to this view of the matter which may still be urged,” 
 says a more modern author, 1 “namely, that if this possession is anything more 
 than insanity in its different forms, how comes it to pass that there are no 
 demoniacs now ? that they have wholly disappeared fi'om the world ? But the 
 “ assumption that there are none, is itself one demanding to be proved. * * * 
 
 “ Certainly in many cases of mania and epilepsy there is a condition very 
 “ analagous to that of the demoniacs, though the sufferer, and commonly the 
 “ physician, apprehend it differently.” 
 
 Our next extract brings the matter very nearly home :— 
 
 Moreover, we cannot doubt that the might of hell has been greatly broken by 
 ‘ the coming of the Son of God in the flesh ; and with this a restraint set on the 
 “ grosser manifestations of its power: ‘I beheld Satan as lightning fall from 
 ‘‘heaven.’ His rage and violence are continually hemmed in, and hindered by 
 the pleaching of the Word, and ministration of the Sacraments. It were anot/ier 
 “ thing even now in a heathen land, especially in one where Satan was not left in 
 ^ undisturbed possession, but wherein the great crisis of the conflict between light 
 “ and darkness was finding place through the first incoming there of the Gospel 
 “ of Christ. There we should expect very much to find, whether or not in such 
 ■ gieut intensity, yet manifestations analogous to these. In a very interesting com- 
 “ munication from India, Rhenius, the Lutheran missionary, gives this as exactly 
 “ his own experience there,—namely, that among the native Christians, even 
 “ though many of them walk not as children of light, yet there is not this falling 
 lir *der Satanic influence in soul and body which he traces frequently in the 
 heathen around him ; and he shows by a remarkable example, and one in which 
 ( he is himself the witness throughout, how the assault in the name of Jesus on the 
 kingdom of darkness, as it brings out all forms of devilish opposition into 
 
 ( 1 Trench on the Miracles, in his chapter on “The Demoniacs in the country of 
 “ the Gadarenes,” to which we must refer our readers for a full account of the 
 matter. 
 
HADES. 
 
 681 
 
 “ fiercest activity, so it calls out the endeavour to counterwork the truth through 
 “ men who have been made direct organs of the devilish will.” 
 
 These possessions,” says, however, another authority, 1 “are not restricted to 
 * i professed heathens. I have met with several cases amongst persons who had 
 “ recently placed themselves under Christian instruction, and a few amongst native 
 “ Christians of longer standing, in which all the ordinary symptoms of possession, 
 “ as recognised by Shanars, were developed. This corresponds, I believe, with the 
 “ experience of most of the missionaries in Tinnevelly. The relatives in such cases 
 “ do not think themselves at liberty to attempt to exorcise the demon in the usual 
 “ way. Accordingly, the missionaries have sometimes been sent for to try the 
 “ effect of European remedies, and when they have interfered have generally suc- 
 “ ceeded, to the people’s satisfaction as well as their own. Some of the posses- 
 “ sions yield by degrees to moral influences and alternatives ; but in the majority 
 “of cases the most effectual exorcism is—tartar-emetic. 
 
 «I do not contend that real demoniacal possessions never occur in heathen 
 “ countries. Where Satan rules without opposition, and where belief in the reality 
 “ and frequency in the possessions is so general, it is natural to suppose that 
 “ there must be some foundation for the belief. Popular delusions generally in- 
 “ c l u de a fact. My mind is open to receive evidence on the subject; and consider- 
 “ ing the number of astonishing cases that almost every native says he has been 
 “ told of by those who have seen them, I had hoped some day to witness something 
 “ of the kind myself. But I have not yet had an opportunity of being piesent 
 “ where preternatural symptons were exhibited, though I have sought for such an 
 “ opportunity for nearly twelve years, the greater part of the time in a devil- 
 “ worshipping community. This is the experience, as far as I have heard, of all 
 “ British and American missionaries, with the exception of one dubious case. Our 
 “ German brethren seem to have been more fortunate. 
 
 Mr. Caldwell and his friends, we may add, perhaps sought for too much evidence. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE STATE AFTER DEATH—HADES—PARADISE—FINAL EMANCIPATION. 
 
 The mourners assemble on the evening of the funeral at the house of 
 the deceased, where a Brahmin reads to them the Gurood Pooran; 
 they come together every succeeding evening until this scripture has 
 been read through. Therein Krishn has revealed to Gurood many 
 tests by which the destination of the spirit after death may be infallibly 
 ascertained. Some souls, as the deity has declared, pass at once to 
 Paradise, others attain less perishable joys in the company of the 
 finally emancipated. Of these highly favored beings we shall shortly 
 have to speak, but we turn, for the present, to those more numerous 
 
 1 The Rev. R. Caldwell, B. A., in his Sketch of the Tinnevelly Shanars. 
 
682 
 
 RAs mAlA. 
 
 spirits who tread the frequented pathway which leads to the gate of 
 Yuma. 
 
 The souls of those who have not secured for themselves an unques¬ 
 tioned right of admission to either of the upper worlds are fated to 
 pass through the valley of the shadow of death, and to appear before 
 the judgment-seat of the sovereign of Hades. According to the pre¬ 
 dominance of their good deeds, or their crimes, they travel, it would 
 seem, along roads of comparative comfort, or of various degrees of 
 torment. The authors of the Pooran, being apparently of opinion 
 that the human mind is more easily acted upon through its fears than 
 through its hopes, have confined themselves almost exclusively to 
 the description of the latter. 
 
 On the thirteenth day after decease the Pret, or newly-em¬ 
 bodied spirit, is compelled by the emissaries of Hades to set forth on 
 its journey towards Yumpoor. Its attendants aggravate the miseries 
 of the wicked soul by their threats and upbraidings. They cry to the 
 Pret, “ Come quick, evil one ! We will carry you to Yuma’s door; we 
 “will cast you into Koombheepak, or some other hell!” Amidst 
 such terrible omens the Pret, groaning “ Alas! alas !” pursues its melan¬ 
 choly route, straining its ear to catch the lamentations of its friends, 
 to which it clings, as to the last bond connecting it with earth, until 
 increasing distance renders the mournful sound inaudible. 
 
 1 he city of Yuma is to the south, below the earth, and eighty-six 
 thousand yojuns 1 from it. The roads by which the souls of the 
 wicked are conducted thither are strewed with thorns, which lacerate 
 the feet, or paved as if with heated copper. Along these painful 
 ways, where no tree offers its shade to the weary traveller by day, 
 and where no kindly hand guides him during the hours of darkness, 
 the Pret is urged without any repose. He cries, “ Alas ! alas ! O my 
 son ! ” and reflects upon his crimes in having made no gifts to Brah¬ 
 mins. d he servants of Yuma heap upon him annoyance, dragging 
 him a’ong as a harsh keeper drags a monkey. He groans within 
 himself, “ I have given nothing to Brahmins ; I have offered no fire- 
 “ sacrifice; I have performed no penances; I have neglected the 
 “worship of the Devs; I have paid no respect to Gunga’s streams, 
 
 which give liberation! Now, O body, suffer the recompense of 
 “ your deeds.” And again : I have constructed no place of water, 
 
 “ where there was need of it, for men, birds, or animals; I have pre- 
 “ pared no pasturage for cattle; I have given no ordinary gifts; no 
 
 1 The yojun is a measure of distance which different authorities make equal to 
 four miles and a half, or to nine miles. 
 
HADES. 
 
 683 
 
 “ gifts to cows; I have presented no one with the Veds or with the 
 “ Shastras. Even the virtuous actions which I performed have not 
 “ remained in my possession ! ” 
 
 On the eighteenth day of its journey, the Pret arrives at Oograpoor, 
 the first of the sixteen cities which stud the road to Hades. It is 
 inhabited entirely by Prets. There is a river there called Pooshp 
 Bhudra, and a large fig-tree beneath, where the servants of Yuma halt 
 a day. Here the Pret receives such offerings as its relatives have pre¬ 
 sented in Shraddh, or, if less fortunate, sits solitary, lamenting and up¬ 
 braiding itself with its neglect in having failed to provide for this sad 
 journey through a land where nothing can be purchased, and where 
 there is no one who gives. 
 
 Another fortnight brings the Pret to Soureepoor, where Raja Jun- 
 gum rules, who is as terrible as the Angel of Death. The trembling 
 Pret makes here another halt, and receives the benefits of the Shraddh 
 performed that day upon earth. From this place, passing in its way 
 the cities called Wurendra, Gundhurv, Siddhagum, Kroor, and 
 Krounch, the Pret proceeds to Vichitra-nugger, travelling day and 
 night through a thick jungle, sometimes annoyed by a rain of stones, 
 at other times oppressed with blows struck by invisible hands. Vichi- 
 tra Raja, who is the brother of Yuma, rules in this city. When the 
 Pret has left Vichitra-nugger it encounters the most appalling part of 
 its journey— 
 
 “ Hinc via, Tartarei quae fert Acherontis ad undas.” 
 
 It now takes the road to Vyeturunee, and it has also to endure the 
 horrors of the Ushee-puttra Wun, a forest whose ever-falling leaves 
 are long and sharp as sword-blades. 
 
 “ The description of the mighty river, Vyeturunee, is,” says Krishn, 
 “ a thing terrible to hear.” The Pret, arriving at its banks, shrieks 
 with agony when it beholds a river one hundred yojuns broad, whose 
 sands are formed of the flesh of men and whose fetid streams, flow¬ 
 ing with human blood and the filthy matter which exudes from ulcers, 
 simmer as butter melting on the fire. In the river’s bed, pools and 
 rocks alternate; its depth is prodigious, and buoyancy deserts its floods 
 when they are invited to sustain the sinner. Worms and lice abound 
 therein, alligators and all monsters which infest the waters. The sky 
 glows like a furnace, and for the unprotected sinner no shade is there 
 but such as is to be derived from the out-stretched wings of carrion 
 birds which sail in the air, and vultures whose beaks are iron. “ O 
 Gurood ! ” has Krishn exclaimed, himself apparently trembling at the 
 horrors of the scene, “ O Gurood! twelve suns pour forth, in that 
 
684 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 “ fearful place, a heat such as shall be that of the conflagration of the 
 “ world.” 
 
 Amidst these scenes of horror certain sinners, and in particular 
 those who have neglected to employ any means for securing their pas¬ 
 sage across Vyeturunee, remain for ever. Those who are less miser¬ 
 able are received into the boats of a thousand Kyewurtts, who ferry 
 them across the stream. 
 
 The cities which remain to be visited by the Pret, who has escaped 
 the horrors of Vyeturunee are named Buhwapud, Dookhud, Nana- 
 krund, Sootupt, Roudra, Payowurshun, Sheetadya, and Bahoo-Bhee- 
 tee. In this latter it arrives at the end of a year’s journey. Here, 
 by the virtue of the sixteen shraddhs, it obtains a new body, which 
 is as high as from the elbow of a man to the tip of his finger, and at 
 the same time the old body, which has been so far the travelling com¬ 
 panion of the soul, vanishes, “ as the divinity passed from Purshoo- 
 “ ram when he crossed weapons with Ram.” 
 
 At this time the Supindee Shraddh should be performed, which, in 
 some cases, appears to produce actual emancipation. The soul 
 rests in Bahoo-Bheetee, and obtains a cessation of misery in pro¬ 
 portion to the value of the religious gifts which it had presented 
 while on earth. 
 
 _ One more stage, and the soul beholds spread before it the huge 
 city of Yuma, extending to a length of one thousand yojuns. At the 
 entrance thereof, surrounded by an iron wall, towers the mansion of 
 Chitragoopt. On a magnificent throne, studded with pearls, sits this 
 first of the servants of Yuma,—like Azrael the Arabian angel of 
 death, counting the time which is allotted to human life, and record¬ 
 ing the good deeds and the crimes of mortals. Around the resi¬ 
 dence of their chief dwell the ministers of human suffering, Jwur, 
 Loota, Vishphotuk, the spirits of fever, leprosy, small-pox, and all the 
 other diseases which afflict mankind, as of old they dwelt in the 
 realms of the long-since dethroned sovereign of Erebus,— 
 
 “ Vestibulum ante ipsum, primisque in faucibus Orci 
 “ Luctuset ultrices posuere cubilia curse; 
 
 “ Pallentesque habitant Morbi, tristisque Senectus, 
 
 “ Et Metus, et malesuada Fames, ac turpis Egestas, 
 
 ‘ ‘ Terribiles visu formse.” 
 
 These, all of them, are the satellites of Chitragoopt, and the messen¬ 
 gers who, at his bidding, beckon the soul to Hades, 
 
 Yuma’s city contains a celestial colony of Gundhurvs and Upsuras. 
 Thirteen Shruwuns, sons of Brumha, keep its gates. Their privilege 
 
HADES. 
 
 68 s 
 
 it is to travel, Hecate-like, through heaven, earth, and hell; and upon 
 them distance has no power in regard of either sight or sound. Such 
 are the sentinels of Chitragoopt, who keep him informed of the 
 actions of mortals. Their wives are of equal power with themselves. 
 The Shruwuns, however,— for the mind which formed the Poorans 
 can conceive no being, reach he to whatever height of majesty, to be 
 superior to such allurements,—are described as capable of being 
 conciliated by certain gifts. One of them in particular, who bears the 
 illustrious name of Dhurum-dwuj, or “ Banner of Justice,” is repre¬ 
 sented as speaking on behalf of the souls by whom he has been pro¬ 
 pitiated with gifts of the seven kinds of grain. 
 
 The palace of Yuma is fifty yojuns long, and twenty yojuns high. 
 It is covered with jewels ; the sweet sound of bells echoes through 
 its courts ; garlands of flowers ornament its doors; and flags wave 
 over its battlements. Within, seated on a massive throne, the mon¬ 
 arch of Patal receives the souls, who are marshalled before his judg¬ 
 ment-seat to the sound of the warlike conch-shell. _ The good behold 
 in him a majestic sovereign; but to the eyes of the wicked, who tremble 
 at the sight, he appears as a hideous fiend. Rising from his throne, 
 he welcomes the former with respect, and soon dismisses them to the 
 regions of Paradise; but, frowning upon the latter, he delivers them 
 to his ministers, that they may cast them into the pits of hell, and 
 there confine them, 
 
 “ to fast in fires 
 
 “ Till the foul crimes, done in their days of nature, 
 
 “ Are burnt and purged away.” 
 
 The pits of hell are eighty-four hundred thousand in number ; the 
 principal hells are twenty-one, whose names are Rouruv, Muhab- 
 heiruv, Tameesur, Undhtameesur, Koombheepak, and others. The 
 spirits having there suffered certain punishments, obtain bodies of 
 four classes, each class of twenty-one hundred thousand kinds, 1 such 
 as “ Induj,” or bodies born of eggs; “ Oodbhij,” which grow as vege¬ 
 tables ; “ Sweduj,” which are generated of fluids ; “ Jurayooj,” which 
 are produced by the conjunction of male and female. 
 
 Of the spirits whom Yuma dismisses to the upper worlds, some 
 pass to Swerga or Dev-Lok; others, who have little virtue, remain 
 among the unclean Devs, of which class are the Yukshes, Bheiruvs, 
 Vyetals, the Bhoots 2 3 which follow Shiva, and others. Female souls 
 
 1 That is to say, perhaps, four classes of one hundred thousand apiece, in each 
 
 of the twenty-one principal hells. 
 
 3 Not to be confounded with the Bhoot which has been already described, and 
 which is a far inferior spirit. 
 
686 
 
 RAS mAlA. 
 
 of little virture become Yuksheenees, Shakeenees who follow Doorga, 
 and other unclean Devees. The residence of the unclean spirits is 
 Bhoowur-Lok, which is immediately above the earth. 1 Above 
 Bhoowur-Lok again is Swerga, the Paradise of Indra, which requires 
 a more particular description. 
 
 The author of “ Curiosities of Literature ” has placed among 
 apparently ridiculous titles of honor bestowed on princes that of the 
 Kandyan sovereign of “Dewo” (Dev), or, as he interprets it, “God.” 
 When Mr. D’Israeli saw something absurd in the application of this 
 title to a king, he no doubt understood it in none of its less im¬ 
 portant meanings, but in that of the Supreme Being, the Sovereign of 
 the universe. 
 
 The word Dev has not usually this exalted meaning. It is applied, 
 as we have seen, to other sovereigns than the Kandyan, in much the 
 same sense in which the title of Divus was applied to Julius or to 
 Augustus, by the Romans, and indifferently to those monarchs whose 
 names, like that of Koomar Pal, are cherished by their countrymen, 
 and to those who have, like his bloody successor, after a reign of op¬ 
 pression and violence, “departed without being desired.” The 
 meaning, however, which is usually conveyed to the mind of a 
 Hindoo by the word “ Dev,” is, first, indefinitely a dweller in any 
 one of the upper worlds, and, secondly, more particularly an inha¬ 
 bitant of Swerga. 
 
 It is to Shiva or Vishnoo alone that prayers are made for that 
 release from the continuing round of transmigration which is called 
 “ Moksh,” or emancipation. In former days these divinities were not 
 
 1 See Manu ii. 76. Also, “Prince of the power of the air,” “Rulers of the 
 “ darkness of this world.” St. Paul to the Ephesians, ii. 2, and vi. 12. On the 
 latter passage, Mr. Valpy has the following 
 
 “It was a Jewish and popular opinion, which, as Mr. Mede observes, St. Paul 
 “ was disposed to approve, and Scripture seems to countenance, that the air or 
 
 sub-celestial regions were inhabited by the evil spirits.” 
 
 Milton alludes to this in Paradise Lost, book x., 182, 190 :— 
 
 “ So spake this oracle, then verified, 
 
 “ When Jesus, son of Mary, second Eve, 
 
 “ Saw Satan fall, like lightning, down from heaven, 
 
 “ Prince of the air ; then, rising from his grave, 
 
 “ Spoil’d principalities and powers, triumph’d 
 “In open show ; and, with ascension bright, 
 
 “ Captivity led captive through the air , 
 
 “ The realm itself of Satan, long usurp'd ; 
 
 “ Whom he shall tread at last under our feet.” 
 
PARADISE. 687 
 
 opposed to each other. “ The poet,” says Chund Bharot, at the com¬ 
 mencement of his epic, 
 
 “ has celebrated the praises of Huree ; 
 
 “ In the same strain he has also extrolled Hur. 
 
 “ Who pronounces Eesh and Sham to be distinct, 
 
 “ That man will depart to Hell. 
 
 “ Higher than the high is the great splendor 1 
 “ Which pertains to Narayun. 
 
 “ Never shall he approach it 
 “ Who reviles Muheshwur ! ” 
 
 But in the present day no individual addresses himself to both of 
 these divinities. He must hold to the one and reject the other into 
 a subordinate position. Thus it is practically the case that no 
 Hindoo can apply the word Dev, in its sense of God, to more than 
 one being. 
 
 Three hundred and thirty millions of Devs are, however, spoken 
 of in the Hindoo scriptures. These are the occupants, at one parti¬ 
 cular point of time, of Swerga, the Paradise over which Indra rules— 
 they are so far, however, from being gods that they are represented 
 as envying those who precede them in the attainment of emanci¬ 
 pation, 5 and it is only by straining the term that the title of King of 
 Immortals can be applied to Indra. “ These,” saith the Geeta, 
 having through virtue reached the mansion of the King of the 
 “ Soors, feast on the exquisite heavenly food of the gods (Devs); they 
 “ who have e?ijoyed this lofty region of Swerga , but whose virtue is ex- 
 “ hausted , revisit the habitation of mortals .” 3 They are among those 
 transient things of the poet’s— 
 
 “ whose flow’ring pride, so fading and so fickle, 
 
 “ Short Time doth soon cut down with his consuming sickle.” 
 
 They are not irrevocably stationed in Paradise, nor exempted from 
 the necessity of being again born into this mortal world, and of 
 undergoing, perhaps, repeated transmigrations. Their tenure of 
 Swerga exhausted, they descend to earth, and their character of Dev 
 is again clothed upon with that of mortal man. Hence, when the 
 Hindoos behold a meteor falling from heaven, they believe that it is 
 a Dev who has enjoyed the happiness which was the reward of his 
 virtuous life in a former birth, and is now returning, with, alas ! but 
 feeble reminiscence of his more blessed state, to be reborn upon this 
 earth. 
 
 1 Moksh, that is, higher than Swerga. 2 Vide p. 169. 
 
 3 Vide Sir William Jones’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 295. 
 
688 
 
 RAS MALA. 
 
 Indra himself reigns only for a season, and then gives place to 
 some other whom a hundred Ushwameds have fitted to fill the throne 
 of heaven. He is, notwithstanding, during the duration of his power, 
 a sublime sovereign ; the arch of Iris is his bow, the lightning is the 
 glitter of his brandished weapons, and the deep-voiced thunder the 
 rolling of his royal drum. 
 
 In the endeavour to realize the idea of a future state of happiness; 
 human conception has never risen beyond the assembling into one 
 place of the objects which men hold most dear in the present world. 
 “ Instead of using these merely as analogies, which might help them 
 “ to some vague conception of those, they take them for specific 
 “ earnests of the others.” 1 The Hindoo conception of Swerga does 
 not violate the general rule, although its inadequacy seems to have 
 been perceived by its authors. The second of the four means of 
 attaining perfection, indicated by the Vedant-sar, is the cultivation of 
 “ a distaste of all sensual pleasures, and even of the happiness en¬ 
 joyed by the gods (Devs).” 2 In the city of Umurawutee, the capital 
 of Swerga, grows the tree of desire, which confers upon the denizens 
 of Paradise the'power of obtaining for themselves or others whatever, 
 in that or the lower Loks, they seek to possess, and thus procures for 
 them such honors as are derivable from the prayers of mortals for 
 objects of terrestrial enjoyment. It is for these only that the Devs of 
 Swerga are worshipped. 
 
 The Devs obtain, during their allotted term, bodies ever youthful 
 and incapable of pain. Their food is umrut or ambrosia. Kamdhe- 
 noo supplies them in perfection with all those products of the cow, 
 
 1 Vide Sermons,chiefly expository,by Richard Edmond Tyrwhitt, M. A., Oxford : 
 J. H. Parker, 1847. Vol. i., pp. 537—540. 
 
 Perhaps as good an illustration as can be readly selected of the truth of this re¬ 
 mark is furnished by the following passage from “the Desatir,” an apochryphal 
 work, purporting to be “ Sacred Writings of the Ancient Persian Prophets.” 
 Though the work be a forgery, the conception of heaven will be admitted to be 
 eminently Persian :— 
 
 “ In the heavens there is pleasure such as none but those who enjoy it can con- 
 “ ceive. The lowest degree of enjoyment in heaven is such as is felt by the poorest 
 “ of men when he receives a gift equal to this whole lower world. Moreover, the 
 “ pleasures that arise in it, from the beauty of wives, and handmaids, and slaves, 
 “ from eating and drinking, from dress, and fine carpets , and commodious seats, is 
 “ such as cannot be comprehended in this lower world. To the celestials, the bounty 
 “ 0 f the Most High Mezdam hath vouchsafed a body which admitteth not of 
 “ separation, which doth not wax old, and is susceptible of neither pain nor 
 “ defilement.—In the name of Lareng !” 
 
 - Vide Ward’s Hindoos, vol. i., Introduction, p. v. 
 
PARADISE. 
 
 689 
 
 which are so indispensably necessary to Hindoo happiness. The 
 Gundhurvs entertain them with celestial music. Nor are they de¬ 
 prived of the pleasures of love. As the Arabian Paradise has its 
 Howris, and the Hall of Odin its Valkyriors, so the more ancient 
 heaven of Indra boasts of its Upsuras. Like the virgins of Valhalla/ 
 the choosers of the slain, the Upsuras continually hover above the 
 field of battle, ready to convey to Swerga the warriors who pass to 
 heaven through its carnage. Nor is the zeal of the Rajpoot chief¬ 
 tains less sustained by faith than that of the soldiers of the crescent, 
 who— 
 
 “ Risk a life with little loss, 
 
 “ Secure in Paradise to be, 
 
 “ By Howris loved immortally.” 
 
 It is not, however, the death of the soldier 1 alone, which entitles to 
 canonization as a Dev. He who dies at Broach, Prubhas, Sidhpoor, 
 or Aboo, attains to the heaven of Indra. 2 It is, however, the faith¬ 
 ful only to whom these promises apply. The wicked slaughterer of 
 fish , it is said, daily beholds in vain the sanctifying streams of the 
 Nerbudda . He who settles annual grants upon priests carries with 
 him to Paradise his father and mother, and the progenitors of both. 
 
 1 The following is extracted from an account given at the time by a French 
 party who humanely employed themselves in relieving wounded Russian soldiers 
 as they lay on the field of Inkermann :—“A Pole, belonging to the Foreign 
 “ Legion, who happened to be present, asked some questions of the poor men. 
 
 “ They informed him that their popes and their officers had assured them that the 
 “ pagan enemies of the Holy Church of the Autocrat caused the Russian prisoners 
 “ to be put to the most frightful torture, and that such of the children of the Czar 
 ‘ ‘ as died in the sacred war would mount straight to Paradise, unless they were in 
 “ a state of sin, and in which case they would be again born in their own country. ” 
 
 2 “The most renowned site of these Mongol sepulchres is in the province of 
 “ Chan-Si, by the famous Lama convent of the Five Towers ; the ground is said 
 “to be so holy, that those who are interred there are sure to effect an excellent 
 “ transmigration. This marvellous sanctity is attributed to the presence of old 
 “ Buddha, who has had his abode there, within the centre of a mountain, for some 
 “ ages. In 1842, Tokowra, of whom we have already spoken, transported thither 
 “ the bones of his father and mother, and had, according to his own account, the 
 “ happiness of viewing Buddha face to face, through a hole not larger than the mouth 
 “ of a pipe. He is seated in the heart of the mountain, cross-legged, and doing 
 “ nothing, surrounded by Lamas of all countries engaged in continual prostrations. 
 
 “ In the deserts of Tartary, Mongols are frequently met with carrying on their 
 “ shoulders the bones of their kindred, and journeying in caravans to the P'ive 
 “ Towers, there to purchase, almost at its weight in gold, a few feet of earth 
 “ whereon to erect a mausoleum. Some of them undertake a journey of a whole 
 “ year’s duration, and of excessive hardship, to reach this holy spot.”— Hue's 
 Travels. 
 
 y y 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 690 
 
 The giver of “ bride-gift ” to Brahmins obtains the joy of the Soors’ 
 dwelling for his paternal ancestors; he who has constructed a wav, a 
 well, a reservoir, a garden, or a house of Devs, or who repairs these, 
 is admitted to Umurpoor, and the giver to Brahmins of mango trees 
 or daily gifts is borne to that abode of happiness in a splendid chariot, 
 upon which four servants sit to fan him with chamurs. They also 
 attain to Swerga who offer their heads to Shiva in the lotus-worship, 
 who take “the terrible leap” from the summit of some consecrated cliff, 
 who drown themselves in the holy waters of the Ganges, or commit 
 suicide in any of those other modes which the Hindoo scriptuits 
 have invested with the character of meritoriousness. Of such self- 
 sacrifices that of the Sutee is the most remarkable, as it has also been 
 the most common. The wife who burns with the corpse of her loid 
 lives with her husband as his consort in Paradise; she procures ad¬ 
 mission also to that sacred abode for seven generations of her own 
 and his progenitors, even though these should have been consigned, 
 for the punishment of their own misdeeds, to the abodes of torture 
 over which Yuma presides. “While the pile is preparing,” is the ex¬ 
 clamation of the Brumh Pooran, “tell the faithful wife of the greatest 
 “ duty of woman; she is loyal and pure who burns herself with her 
 “ husband’s corpse.” And the Gurood Pooran declares that the 
 Sutee lives with her husband in the unbroken felicity of Swerga for 
 thirty-three millions of years, at the end of which period she is re-born 
 in a noble family, and re-united to the same well-beloved lord. 
 
 Sometimes, instead of joining in the ring of mourners, the wife of 
 the deceased sits awhile silent and stern. Presently, with wildly 
 rolling eye and frantic gesture, she bursts forth into exclamations of 
 “Victory to Umbd! Victory to Runchor!” It is believed that 
 “ Sut has come upon her,” that she is inspired, or rather has already 
 assumed the nature of those who dwell in Swerga. The hands of 
 the new Devee are impressed in vermillion upon the wall of her 
 house as an omen of prosperity; the same hands are imposed also 
 upon the heads of her children. Her family and friends seek her 
 benediction, and (question her of the future, her enemies strive, by 
 submission, to avert her anger, or, trembling, hide themselves from 
 her curse. The raja and his chiefs approach her presence with 
 offerings of cocoa-nuts and bridal vestments, she is set upon horse¬ 
 back, and, preceded by music, goes forth to accompany her husband 
 to the pyre. Dressed in her most splendid garments, in procession 
 such as that of marriage, she passes through the town, the people 
 bending before her, and pressing to touch her feet. She cries, 
 “ Quick! quick ! my lord will chide my delay, he is already getting 
 
PARADISE. 
 
 691 
 
 “ to a distance from me!” She is eager “to join her lord through 
 “the flame.” “Victory to Umba ! Victory to Runchor!” is still 
 her cry, and it is taken up by those around her. When she reaches 
 the gate of the town, she makes the auspicious impression of her 
 hands with vermillion upon its doors. 
 
 The pile of the Sutee is unusually large; heavy cart-wheels are 
 placed upon it, to which her limbs are bound, or sometimes a canopy 
 of massive logs is raised above it to crush her by its fall. She seats 
 herself with her husband’s head reclining in her lap, and undismayed 
 by all the paraphernalia of torment and of death, herself sets fire to 
 the pile. It is a fatal omen to hear the sound of the Sutee’s groan : 
 as, therefore, the fire springs up from the pile, there rises simulta¬ 
 neously with it,a deafening shout of “Victory to Umba ! Victory 
 “ to Runchor!” and the screaming horn and the hard rattling drum 
 sound their loudest until the sacrifice is consummated. 
 
 I hese spectacles, so full of horror, are now, it is true, but rarely 
 witnessed : they still, however, occur sometimes. 1 The rite was com¬ 
 pulsory only in the case of Rajpoots; by some castes of Hindoos,— 
 as, for instance, by the Nagur Brahmins,—it was never practised 
 at all. 
 
 Goozerat is covered with monuments, more or less permanent, 
 pointing out the spots whence mortals have departed to Swerga! 
 These are sometimes merely unhewn stones, smeared with red-lead, 
 or heaps, such as we have described, loosely thrown together, but 
 more usually engraved head-stones, either standing alone, or covered 
 by the pavilions called Chutrees, and not unfrequently temples of 
 greater or less size, which enclose an image of the Dev. The 
 sculptured monuments are called “paleeyos.” They bear a rude 
 representation of the deceased warrior mounted upon his war-horse, or 
 driving his chariot, according to the circumstances which may have at¬ 
 tended his fall. The paleeyo of the Sutee is distinguished by a woman’s 
 arm adorned with marriage bracelets. A dagger piercing the heart 
 or throat of a man often shows the spot where a Bhat has slain 
 himself in Traga. Beneath the sculptured bas-relief is written the 
 name of the deceased, the date of the death, and usually an account 
 of the circumstances which preceded it. These funeral monuments, 
 frequently in great numbers, fringe the reservoirs of water, or cluster 
 around the gateways of the towns. At each paleeyo the relations of 
 
 1 On the 1st of October, 1853, the wife of the Waghela chief of Aloowa became 
 a Sutee at that village, in the Guikowar’s district of Kuree. 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 692 
 
 the deceased worship once a year, either on the anniversary of the 
 peath, or on some other day appointed for festival, and when a 
 marriage takes place in the family thither the bride and bridegroom 
 repair, to pay obeisance to their beatified ancestor. 
 
 Some of these monuments attain insensibly to a high degree of 
 sanctity. If a person who has made a vow at one of them chance to 
 obtain the object which he had in view, his gratitude leads him to 
 spend money in entertaining Brahmins at the paleeyo, or even in 
 erecting a temple there. In either case the fame of the Dev is spread 
 by those who are interested in maintaining it, and others are attracted 
 to the now general worship. 
 
 The temple of the Devee Boucherajee, as we have seen, grew up 
 out of a rude stone placed to commemorate the death of a Charun 
 woman. Another much worshipped shrine in the Runn of Kutch, 
 on the road from Hulwud to Areesur, marks the place where Wurnajee 
 Purmar, a Rajpoot chieftain, was slain in the garments of his hardly- 
 celebrated marriage, when pursuing a band of predatory Koolees who 
 had carried off the cattle of his town. One of the most interesting, 
 probably, of the later cases of canonization, is that of Sudooba the 
 Bhatun* which we now propose to describe to our readers. 
 
 In the year succeeding that in which the victor of Assaye had 
 crushed the power of Napoleon, the city of Ahmed still owed a 
 divided duty to the Peshwah and the Guikowar, whose representatives 
 held their respective courts in the two citadels called the Budder and 
 the Huwelee. At this time a set of men of bad character, called 
 Chardeeas, followed in the city the trade of common informers. The 
 Chardeeas were a source of revenue, and as the governments of that 
 day had but one idea—that of filling their coffers by any and every 
 means—they were esteemed by their rulers in proportion to the gain 
 which was acquired through their agency. A common mode. of 
 extorting money, pursued by the Chardeeas, was that of accusing 
 respectable women of loose behaviour. They sometimes also procured 
 females of blemished character to name as their paramours men of 
 wealth, from whom the Hindoo rulers, on the ground of their im¬ 
 morality, exacted fines. Of these the Chardeeas retained a fixed share, 
 but they also took care to secure perquisites of their own appointment. 
 
 The most notorious of these informers was a Waneeo named 
 Ootum, who lived in the division of the city called Shahpoor, near 
 which is the Bhatwara. This Chardeea, it is said, attempted, with¬ 
 out success, the virtue of Sudooba, the wife of a Bhat named Huree 
 Singh. In revenge of his repulse, he brought against her a false 
 accusation of adultery, and having procured officers from the Pesh- 
 
PARADISE. 
 
 693 
 
 wah’s governor, proceeded one night to arrest her. The Bhatun 
 made many protestations of innocence, and ineffectually appealed to 
 the mercy of the Chardeea. He refused to forego his gain and his 
 revenge. The officers were dragging her away, when the terrified 
 woman cried to her husband to preserve her honour by those dread¬ 
 ful means which the Bhats well knew how to employ. Huree Singh, 
 thus adjured, brought from his house his infant child, and killing & iq 
 hung it up in its cradle to the branch of a mango tree, which stands 
 in the centre of Bhatwara. Notwithstanding this sacrifice, Ootum re¬ 
 mained inflexible, and repeatedly ordered the officers to drag her 
 along. Sudooba, driven to desperation, at last implored her husband 
 to turn his sword upon herself. The fanatical Bhat, without hesitation, 
 struck her head from her body. 
 
 The news spread as the night wore away, and the Bhats and others 
 who were accustomed to practice Traga, assembled at the spot where 
 the tragedy had been acted. They considered their own honour 
 tarnished by the ill success of Huree Singh’s first resort to that 
 peculiar means of compelling acquiescence with demands which they 
 themselves might be next day forced to employ, and the sight of the 
 corpses of Sudooba and her child excited them to fury. Seizing 
 whatever weapons first presented themselves, they ran to destroy the 
 Chardeeas. By the time that morning broke a crowd of Bhats was 
 collected around the reservoir in front of the college of Azim Khan, 
 and the once royal entrance to the Budder. Ramchunder Molelkur, 
 the Peshwah’s officer, became alarmed at the mass of people which 
 had collected, and the heavy gates of the Budder were already swing¬ 
 ing on their hinges, when Ootum, watching his opportunity, rushed 
 into the citadel, and threw himself on the protection of the governor. 
 Another celebrated Chardeea, named Jeewun Joweyree, escaped, 
 also, and found shelter in the Guikowar’s Huwelee. The whole of 
 that day the Bhats, fasting and thirsty, pursued the Chardeeas. Some 
 they beat, others they wounded, and a few they put to death. It is 
 mentioned in a ballad which commemorates the event, that one 
 Chardeea, who had concealed himself in a well, was drawn up by the 
 mob and torn to pieces. 
 
 The next day the Bhats assembled at the Guikowar’s Huwelee, 
 and shouted for the blood of Jeewun Joweyree. The commandant* 
 who was a popular officer, remonstrated with them, entreating them 
 not to dishonour his government by compelling him to surrender the 
 Chardeea, and promising that he would himself expel Jeewun Jowey 
 ree in a disgraceful manner from the city. In earnest of this he 
 
RAS MALA. 
 
 694 
 
 exhibited the Chardeea to them bound, and with his face blackened. 
 The Bhats were appeased by the exhibition, and withdrew. 
 
 They were not, however, so easily induced to retire from the 
 Budder, and the PeshwalTs governor was compelled to seat Ootum 
 on a donkey, and cause him to be conveyed, under the protection of 
 a guard of soldiers, to the Kalapoor gate, from wdience he was to be 
 expelled the city. The mob followed the procession in silence until 
 it had passed beyond the gate. They then pressed forward, and 
 w r arned the Mahratta officers that it was high time they should secure 
 their own retreat. The hint was not thrown away: the guard hurriedly 
 retired, and the mob had now their victim in their hands. They cast 
 him from off the animal on which he rode, and stoned him to death, 
 continuing to pile missile upon missile, until they had raised a heap 
 above his corpse. Their work of vengeance thus completed, they 
 dispersed to their owm homes. 
 
 In July of the year following, as is recorded on a marble slab on 
 the left hand of the entrance, a small temple rose upon the spot 
 where the Bhatun was sacrificed, and an image of Devee Sudooba 
 w r as installed therein. The sacred basil-tree was planted before the 
 shrine of the new denizen of Paradise, and she who on earth was 
 found incapable of protecting her reputation otherwise than by 
 sacrificing her life, has become, through the virtues of the tree of 
 Swerga, a dispenser of all earthly benefits to those who, with incense, 
 burning of lamps, and offerings of scarlet garments, may be enabled 
 to propitiate the favour of a protectress so powerful. 
 
 The souls of those ■whose virtues in their mortal existence have been 
 of a higher character than such as entitle to the position of a Dev of 
 Swerga, attain to Mooktee or emancipation. Indra’s Paradise, it 
 would seem, bears to this higher heaven, a relation such as that which 
 Valhalla bears to the Scandinavian Gimli,— the palace covered with 
 gold, where, after the renovation of all things, the just enjoy delights 
 for ever. Among those who pass to the habitation of the Mookt, 
 Krishn has enumerated in the Gurood Pooran those who sacrifice 
 their lives in defence of a Brahmin, a cow, a woman, or a child. 
 He has further thus declared:— 
 
 Uyodhya, Muthoora, Maya, 
 
 Kashee, Kantee, Uwunteeka, 
 
 Dwara-mutee-pooree, understand 
 The whole seven as moksh-procurers. 
 
FINAL EMANCIPATION. 
 
 6 95 
 
 Where the Shalagram stone is found, 
 
 Where a stone of Dwara-mutee, 
 
 Where both of these meet, 
 
 There is Mooktee, without doubt. 
 
 All living things, it is believed, possess three kinds of bodies—those 
 called “ sthul,” “ sookshum,” and “ karun,”—as well as the “atma” 
 or soul. Of these bodies we can give our readers but a general de¬ 
 scription. The “ sthul” is the tangible body gifted with ten “indree- 
 “ yas,” five of which are known to us as the five senses : it possesses 
 also four “ untuhkuruns ” or inner powers,—those of instinctive 
 desire, perception, reflection, and self-perception or egotism “ uhun- 
 “kar.” The “ sookshum ” body possesses the five senses, and the 
 “ four untuhkuruns.” In the “ karun” there are three “goons” or 
 qualities—“rajus,” “ tamus,” and “ satwa,”—which find their highest 
 developments in the natures of Brumha, Shiva, and Visbnoo. The 
 soul which has attained to separation from these three bodies reaches 
 the state of the Mookt. 
 
 The Mookt themselves are divided into four classes,—those who 
 have attained to “ sameepya,” or residence in the habitation of the 
 divinity ; “ sanniddhya,” or access to his presence; “ saroopya,” or 
 equality with, and “ sayoojya,” or absolute incorporation in, the 
 Supreme. The Mookt of the first three classes are no longer subject 
 to transmigration, no longer amenable to the punishment of their 
 sins, nor desirous of sensual pleasures as the reward of their virtue : 
 they are, henceforth, incapable of sin. It is said, however, that they 
 still retain some remnant of “ uhunkar,” and that egotistic pride ex¬ 
 poses them sometimes to the curse of the Supreme, which they expiate 
 by residence for a limited term upon earth. 
 
 The Vedantee believes that the soul of the Mookt is in corporated 
 with Pur-Brumh; the Shaivite, or Vaishnavite, that it dwells in 
 Kyelas or in Vyekoonth. 1 
 
 1 There are eighteen Poorans, of which ten are Shaivite and eight Vaishnavite ; 
 their doctrines are, of course, not always consistent with each other. The 
 followers of Shiva regard Vishnoo as merely the first of his servants, and the 
 votaries of Vishnoo similarly regard Shiva. The Hindoo sects may, for popular 
 purposes, be reduced to these two, for the Vedantees have no great hold on the 
 public mind, and the followers of the Shuktees, or female associates of the two 
 great members of the triad, fall under the head of the disciples of either one or 
 other of these. Both sects, it would seem, believe in Swerga, in Kyelas, and in 
 Vyekoonth, but the Shaivite regards Vyekoonth, and the Vaishnavite regards 
 Kyelas as merely a second Swerga. Each sect believes that the heaven of their 
 opponents passes away with Indra’s Paradise at the Muha Prulay, but that their 
 own heaven is not so much destroyed as re-created—Kyelas merging into Muha 
 Kyelas and Vyekoonth being elevated into Go Lok. 
 
6g6 
 
 rAs mala. 
 
 Brumha dwells in Sutya Lok, surrounded by Reeshees and by 
 minor gods. He is employed in creating men, and in recording 
 human destiny. Vyekoonth is the seat of Vishnoo—the heaven 
 which he quitted to assume the incarnate form of Ram. There sits 
 the preserver of the world, enthroned with his consort Lukshmee, 
 attended by Hunooman, Gurood, and all the other beings whose 
 names crowd his mythic story, and watched by Droov, the north star, 
 the keeper of his royal gate. In Kyelas dwells Shiva—his bride, 
 the mysterious Doorga, by his side — and broods upon his endless task 
 of world-destroying. Before him, habited like himself in ashes, their 
 hair matted upon their heads, Gunesh and his goblin crew lead 
 the frantic dance, and with mad orgies move the gloomy deity 
 to smile. 
 
 When the four ages—of gold, of silver, of copper, and of iron— 
 have each passed over one and seventy times, a reign of Indra is 
 complete, and a new sovereign rules in Paradise. When fourteen 
 Indras have ruled, a day of Brumha is at an end, and, as the night 
 draws on, Swerga, Mrityoo-Lok, and Patal vanish, to re-appear in the 
 morning. When the deity has lived one hundred years, then rages 
 the Muha-Prulay—the great fire deluge which envelopes the universe 
 in one crash of ruin. 
 
 As the smoke of this scene of awful tumult clears away, the 
 imagination of the Hindoo sees arising beyond it the form of a new 
 heaven, presided over by the God in whom he has centred his faith. 
 The follower of the Preserver beholds a vision of Go-Lok, where 
 Vishnoo in undisturbed sovereignty dwells—a four-armed deity. 
 Thence it was that the greatest of incarnate gods, the divine Krishn, 
 descended upon earth, and there, in the form of the shepherds and 
 shepherdesses of Vruj, his votaries are now assembled to dance for 
 ever in the henceforth uninterrupted circle of Vrindabun. The wor¬ 
 shipper of the Destroyer, on the other hand, realizes to himself the 
 eternal rest of Muha Kyelas, as yet but symbolized by the un- 
 
 The Hindoos, we may here remark, do not discompose themselves at the names 
 of God, or Ullah, because they consider these expressions synonymous with Puru- 
 meshwur—the Supreme Being, that is to say, the Purumatma, or Supreme Spirit 
 of the Vedantee, the Shiva of the Shaivite, the Vishnoo of the Vaishnavite. 
 This exalted being, they consider, does not interfere immediately in the affairs of 
 men—no question of scripture is necessarily brought forward by the introduction 
 of his name. But when the names of Jesus Christ or Mohummed are employed, 
 the case is different; the Hindoos understand these to refer to some man who 
 appeared on this earth, whom Mlech believe to be of similar nature with Ram or 
 Krishn, and the belief in whom is necessarily inconsistent with the belief in their 
 own scriptures. 
 
FINAL EMANCIPATION. 
 
 697 
 
 utterable silence of loftiest Himalaya, where, freed from the bonds of 
 a troubled and too often recurring mortal life—a life which yet, in 
 reminiscence, seems to him to have been but momentary—his soul is 
 to find peace in amalgamation with the Being from whom it pro¬ 
 ceeded, as the reflexion of the moon appearing for a while upon the 
 rippling surface of a lake is suddenly withdrawn to heaven, or as a 
 bubble for a moment is distinguishable, and then bursts upon the 
 ocean-bosom of the One Supreme. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Aboo, Mount, pp. 203-210. 
 
 Ahmedabad, Sultans of—Moozuffer 
 Khan is appointed to the govern¬ 
 ment of Goozerat, A. D. 1391, p. 226; 
 attacks Eedur, a.d. 1393, pp. 249- 
 50 ; his expeditions against Can- 
 deish, and Somnath, p. 250; he 
 again attacks Eedur, a. n. 1398, p. 
 251; causes himself to be proclaimed 
 king, p. 251, under the title of 
 
 Moozuffer Shah ; he attacks Eedur a 
 third time, A.D. 1401 ; he invades 
 Malwa ; he dies, a.d. 1411, p. 251, 
 and is succeeded by his grandson, 
 
 Ahmed Shah; founds Ahmedabad, 
 a.d. 1412, p. 251 ; rebellion of 
 Feroze Khan, pp. 251-52 ; war 
 with Malwa, p. 252 ; Ahmed Shah 
 attacks Girnar, p. 253 ; endeavours 
 to reduce the Hindoo chieftainships, 
 pp. 253-54; “The courtships of 
 Ahmed Shah ”—a bardic narrative, 
 pp. 254-64 ; war with Sultan Hoo- 
 shung of Malwa, p. 267 ; Ahmed 
 Shah occupies Eedur, and forces the 
 Rawul of Champaner to pay tribute, 
 p. 268 ; he is again engaged in war 
 with Malwa, p. 268, and with Eedur, 
 idem, he builds Ahmednugger, and 
 Sadra, idetn; he marches to Eedur 
 and takes a fort, p. 269 ; he retakes 
 from the Bahmuny Shah the Islands 
 of Mahim and Moomba Devee or 
 Bombay, pp. 269-70; he dies, a.d. 
 i 443 j P- 270 ; and is succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 Mohummed Shah, who compels the 
 Row of Eedur to give him his 
 daughter in marriage ; attacks 
 Champaner, but retreats on the ap¬ 
 proach of the Sultan of Malwa ; dies, 
 and is succeeded, p. 270, by his son, 
 
 Ahmedabad, Sultans of, continued. 
 Kootb Shah, who is invaded by the 
 Sultan of Malwa ; he compels that 
 sovereign to retire, and allies him¬ 
 self with him against Koombho, 
 Rana of Mewar, p. 271 ; his wars 
 with the Rana, and his death, p. 272; 
 he is succeeded by his uncle, 
 Dawood, who reigns only a few days, 
 p. 272 ; and is succeeded by the 
 younger brother of Kootb Shah, 
 Mahmood Begurra who extinguishes 
 a rebellion, pp. 272-73, takes Gir¬ 
 nar, pp. 273-74; story of Bheemjee 
 Gohil of Latee, pp. 275-76 ; Cham¬ 
 pa Walo of Jetpoor, p. 276 ; Ran- 
 jee Gohil of Ranpoor, pp. 277-79 ; 
 the Moolee Purmars, pp. 279-81 ; 
 Mahmood prepares to attack Cham¬ 
 paner, p. 282 ; Row Bhan of Eedur, 
 pp. 282-84; Mahmood takes Cham¬ 
 paner, pp. 284-88 ; the Gohils, pp. 
 288-90 ; Mahmood retakes Mahim, 
 p. 290; marches to Wagur and 
 Eedur, p. 290 ; his contest with the 
 Portugueze, p. 291 ; his death and 
 character, pp. 291-92 ; he is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 Moozuffer II., p. 292; marches to 
 Malwa, p. 293 ; affairs of Eedur 
 Moozuffer occupies that territory 
 and takes the capital, pp. 293-94 > 
 restores the Sultan of Malwa to his 
 throne, p. 294 ; ravages the Eedur 
 country, idem ; Rana Sung’s inroad 
 upon Goozerat, p. 295 ; Moozuf¬ 
 fer Shah again ravages Eedur pp. 
 2 95"96, he is succeeded in turns by 
 his sons, 
 
 Sikunder, p. 296, and 
 Mahmood II., idem; who is succeeded 
 by 
 
7oo 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ahmedabad, Sultans of, continued. 
 Buhadur Shah, idem ; remarks upon 
 his reign, idem ; he is succeeded by 
 Mahmood Luteef Khan, in whose time 
 a fruitless attempt is made to deprive 
 the Hindoo chieftains of their lands, 
 pp. 297-98; death of Mahmood,and 
 close of the dynasty, p. 298. 
 
 Akbar conquers Goozerat, p. 298 ; 
 state of the country, and measures 
 taken by the emperor, pp. 299-303. 
 Arabian travellers, The—are supposed 
 to have visited Goozerat in the time 
 of the Chowra princes, Kshem Raj, 
 and Bhooyud, pp. 32-6. 
 
 Ascetics, pp. 595-96. 
 
 Azim Khan Oodaee, p. 277. 
 
 Bahirwuteea. —The term explained, pp. 
 
 2 54-55- 
 
 Bahirwutoo, idem. 
 
 Beeola—Samunt Singh, story of, pp. 
 258-61. 
 
 Bharot, a title of the Bhats. 
 
 Bhats —vide Domestic Life—Bards. 
 Bheels, their origin, pp. 78-9 ; see Koo- 
 lees. 
 
 Bhoots, their origin pp. 644, 646-47. 
 their places of residence, pp. 647- 
 48. 
 
 their powers, p. 648. 
 
 the Jain doctrine of spirits, p. 649. 
 
 popular conception of Bhoots, pp. 
 
 650-51. 
 
 anecdotes of, pp. 651-53. 
 the Rag-uncle, p. 653. 
 cairns, pp. 653-54. 
 the Poorwuj Dev, pp. 655-56. 
 snakes which guard treasure, p. 656. 
 the chief of Syela possessed by the 
 Bhoot of a Charun, pp. 656-60. 
 the book of Doorga, p. 660. 
 pilgrimage to Someshwur Puttun, 
 pp. 660-61. 
 
 Bhoowos, or exorcists, p. 664. 
 Deroos, pp. 665-67. 
 witches, p. 667. 
 
 frightened away by the sound of the 
 drum, p. 672. 
 
 in other countries—Note on, pp. 
 673-79 > see also P- 648. 
 
 Bhoowos—see Bhoots. 
 
 Bhownugger, Description of, pp. 3 53-c 5. 
 
 Borahs, Origin of, pp, 264-65. 
 
 Boucherajee, Description of, pp. 426-29. 
 
 British, The, first appear in Goozerat, 
 pp. 366-67 ; expedition in favor of 
 Raghoba, under Colonel Keating, 
 p. 368 ; General Goddard’s cam¬ 
 paign, pp. 369-70 ; treaty of.Salbhye, 
 p.370; Dubhoeeand Broach resigned 
 to the Mahrattas, pp. 370-73 ; the 
 British support Gowind Row Guiko- 
 war, p. 373 ; their aid sought both 
 by Anund Row and by the partisans 
 of Kanhojee, and granted to the 
 former, pp. 377-78 ; Major Walker's 
 mission to Baroda,pp. 378-83 ; his 
 expedition against Kuree, pp. 383- 
 87 ; command assumed by Sir Wil¬ 
 liam Clarke, p. 388 ; Kuree taken, 
 pp. 388-89 ; British influence esta¬ 
 blished at Baroda, pp. 390-91 ; Gun- 
 put Row of Sunkheira, and the 
 Arabs, reduced, p. 391 ; further 
 arrangements, pp. 391-93. 
 
 Broach taken by the British under 
 General Wedderburn, p. 367, re¬ 
 signed to the Mahrattas, pp. 370-73 ; 
 retaken by Colonel Woodington, 
 P- 373- 
 
 Cairns—see Bhoots. 
 
 Castes—pp. 523-41. 
 
 Brahmins—Owdich, p. 534. 
 Shreemalee, pp. 534-35. 
 
 Nagur, p. 535. 
 
 miscellaneous castes of, idem. 
 
 Kshutreeyas—Rajpoots, pp. 535-37. 
 Gola or Kliuwas class, p. 537. 
 
 Vaishyas—p. 537; see “Domestic 
 Life”—“Cultivators,” and “Wa- 
 neeas. ” 
 
 Shoudras, pp. 538-39. 
 
 Charms or Muntras, p. 667. 
 
 Marun Muntra, pp. 667-68. 
 
 Mohun Muntra, p. 668. 
 
 Stumbhun Muntra, idem. 
 
 Akurshun Muntra, pp. 668-69. 
 
 Wusheekurun Muntra, p. 669. 
 
 Ghunta Kurun Veer, pp. 670-71. 
 
 Charuns, vide “Domestic Life”— 
 
 “ Bards.” 
 
INDEX. 
 
 701 
 
 Choonwal, Chiefs of the — 
 
 Solunkhee. Kanjee Rat of Detroj, 
 pp. 429-32 ; he is succeeded by 
 
 Ramsunghjee, who is succeeded by 
 
 Udebhanjee, who is succeeded by 
 
 Naronjee, who is succeeded by his 
 son 
 
 Kanajee of Bhunkora, pp. 432-33, 
 who leaves three sons, 
 
 1. Nuthoobhaee. 
 
 2. Dado. 
 
 3. Bhooput Singh. 
 
 Bhooput Singh marries the daughter 
 of Koompojee Mukwana of Pu- 
 nar, and with his aid kills his bro¬ 
 ther, and takes possession of Bhun¬ 
 kora, pp. 432-34 ; he kills next his 
 own mother on suspicion of her un¬ 
 chastity, p. 434; his feud and 
 subsequent alliance with Mulhar 
 Row Guikowar, pp. 435-37; see 
 also pp. 384 and 388; anecdotes of 
 this chief, p. 437 ; his death, idem. 
 
 Mukwana, Shamtajee, son of Kesur 
 Mukw’ano, see “Jhalas, ” takes 
 Santhul, p. 438, from him de¬ 
 scends 
 
 Kanojee, who becomes outcaste, and 
 acquires the estate of Kutosun, 
 idem ; from him descends 
 
 Naronjee, Thakor of Kutosun, idem , 
 whose grandsons are Ujbojee and 
 Ugurojee of Kutosun, pp. 438-40. 
 
 Mukwana, Koompojee of Punar, 
 exploits of his meleekurs, pp. 434- 
 35, he is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Shamtajee, idem. 
 
 Choora, The Jhalas of, descend from 
 the family of Wild wan, pp. 404, 
 413 ; vide “ Wudwan.” 
 
 Chumardee, View from the hills of, 
 PP- 3 . 4 - 
 
 Chund Bharot, p. 184 ; see also pp. 
 70-5, and pp. 161-77, &c. 
 
 Chundrawutee, The Purmars of, pp. 
 
 210-12. 
 
 Daimoniac possession, note on, pp. 679- 
 Si ; see also p. 650. 
 
 Danta, Ruvpaljee Purmar, p. 329, from 
 whom descends 
 
 Danta, continued. 
 
 Damojee, idetn, who is slain by the 
 Mohummedans, idem, and suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 Jus Raj, who retires to Arasoor, p. 
 330, and is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Kedar Singh, idem , who conquers 
 Tursunghmo, and is succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 Juspal, p. 330, from whom de¬ 
 scends, 
 
 Jugut Pal, in whose time Allah-ood- 
 deen takes Tursunghmo, idem; 
 sixth in descent from him is 
 
 Kanur Dev, idem, who is killed by 
 his brother Ambojee of Kotura, 
 idetn, and leaves two sons, 
 
 Meghjee and Waghjee, whose prin¬ 
 cipality is seized by Row Bhan of 
 Eedur, but with the aid of the 
 Mohummedans regained by their 
 guardian Maroo Rawut, pp, 331- 
 3 2 - 
 
 In the time of Akbar, Danta is in the 
 hands of 
 
 Askurunjee, who shelters a shahzada, 
 and receives the title of Muha 
 Rana, pp. 332-33; he leaves three 
 sons, 
 
 1. Wagh. 
 
 2. Jeimul. 
 
 3. Pertap Singh. 
 
 Wagh Rana obtains a sight of the 
 ranees of Row Kuleean Mul of 
 Eedur by strategem, pp. 333-34 ; 
 he is seized by the Row, who 
 attempts also to seize his brother 
 Jeimul, p. 334. Jeimul escapes to 
 Tursunghmo, p. 355, which is un¬ 
 successfully attacked by the Row, 
 idem. Rani Wagh kills himself, p. 
 336, and is succeeded by 
 
 Jeimul, idem ; his quarrel with the 
 Gudheea chiefs, pp. 336-38 ; he is 
 attacked by Row Kuleean Mul, 
 who takes Tursunghmo, pp. 338- 
 39 ; Jeimul retires to Danta, where 
 he dies, and is succeeded by his 
 son, 
 
 Jetmal, who recovers part of his prin¬ 
 cipality, and dies, pp, 339-40; he 
 leaves two sons, p. 463, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 702 
 
 Danta, continued. 
 
 1. Jesingh. 
 
 2. Poonja. 
 he is succeeded by 
 
 Poonja, who supplants his elder bro¬ 
 ther, p. 464; he reigns well, and 
 recovers certain lands, p. 465 ; he 
 dies, idem, leaving three sons, 
 
 1. Man Singh. 
 
 2. Umur Singh, vide “Sooda- 
 suna.” 
 
 3. Dhengojee, to whom is as¬ 
 signed the estate of Gun- 
 cheroo ; 
 
 he is succeeded by 
 
 Man Singh, who dies, leaving sons, 
 
 p. 466, 
 
 1. Guj Singh. 
 
 2. Juswojee, who obtains the 
 estate of Ranpoor, and subse¬ 
 quently that of Soodasuna, 
 with Wusaee and Juspur Che- 
 lanoo, idem ; see also p. 478, 
 and “Soodasuna;” 
 
 he is succeeded by 
 
 Guj Singh, who leaves two sons,p. 466. 
 
 1. Pruthee Singh. 
 
 2. Veerum Dev, to whom the 
 estate of Nagel is assigned ; 
 
 he is succeeded by 
 
 Pruthee Singh, who is engaged in war 
 with the Mahrattas, the Imperial¬ 
 ists, and Pahlunpoor; he dies 
 childless, p. 467, and is succeeded 
 by 
 
 Kurunjee, the son of Veerum Dev, 
 who quarrels with his Sirdar, 
 Megh Raj, p. 468; Megh Raj 
 brings in Umer Singh of Sooda¬ 
 suna, (the descendant of Juswojee, 
 the son of Rana Man Singh,) and 
 places him on the cushion at 
 Danta, driving out Rana Kurunjee, 
 idem; the Rana recovers Danta 
 with the aid of the Deewan of Pah¬ 
 lunpoor, pp. 468-69; he leaves sons, 
 
 1. Rutun Singh. 
 
 2. Ubhe Singh, 
 he is succeeded by 
 
 Rutun Singh, p. 469, who puts to 
 death the Waghelas of Dhunalee, 
 p. 470; he dies childless, idem , 
 
 Danta, continued. 
 
 and is succeeded by his brother, 
 
 Ubhe Singh, idem, who brings in a 
 Mahratta force, which, becoming 
 troublesome, is driven out, pp. 470- 
 71 ; he leaves sons, 
 
 1. Man Singh. 
 
 2. Jugut Singh. 
 
 3. Nar Singh, 
 he is succeeded by 
 
 Man Singh, p. 471, who attacks 
 Poseena, pp. 471-72; joins the 
 Raja of Eedur in a Moolukgeeree 
 expedition, p. 472 ; dies childless, 
 and is succeeded by his brother, 
 
 Jugut Singh, who attacks Gudwara, 
 Poseena, &c., idem ; difficulties 
 with his Sirdars, pp. 473-74 ; he 
 proposes to adopt one of Nar 
 Singh’s sons, to which his brother 
 does not agree, p. 475 ; his minis¬ 
 ter, Kulaljeewa, is murdered, pp. 
 475-76 ; Jugut Singh dies, and is 
 succeeded by 
 
 Nar Singh, p. 476, who visits the 
 Rana of Oodeepoor at Umbajee’s, 
 idem ; goes on pilgrimage to Mount 
 Aboo, p. 477 ; visits the Governor 
 of Bombay at Sadra, p. 477 ; at¬ 
 tachment of his country on behalf 
 of Pahlunpoor, and its removal, p. 
 478 ; Nar Singh dies, and is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 Jhalum Singh, the present Rana of 
 Danta. 
 
 Devs, unclean, reside in Bhoowur 
 Lok, p. 686. 
 
 meaning of the term, pp. 686-88. 
 
 reside in Swerga, p. 688. 
 
 canonization of, pp. 688-90. 
 
 “ Sut has come upon her,” the ex¬ 
 pression explained, pp. 689-91. 
 
 Chutrees and other monuments of, 
 pp. 691-92. 
 
 story of Sudooba Devee, pp. 692-94. 
 
 Deythulee granted by Kurun Solun- 
 khee to prince Dev Prusad, p. 77. 
 
 Dhollera, The Choorasumas of, pp. 
 414-16. 
 
 Domestic Life- 
 
 Cultivators, pp. 541-50. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 7 °3 
 
 Domestic Life, continued. 
 
 Brahmins, 551-55. 
 
 Waneeas, pp. 555-57 ; see also 
 “ Cultivators.” 
 
 Rajpoots, pp. 557-58. 
 
 Bards, pp. 558 61. 
 
 Doondeas, pp. 610-11. 
 
 Dwyashray, pp. 182-83; pp. 87-8, &c. 
 
 Eedur, Description of, pp. 233-34; is the 
 residence in the third age of Aihvun 
 and Watapee, the demons, p. 234; 
 Venee Wuch Raj constructs the 
 fortress of, idem. 
 
 Goha, the son of Sheeladitya, King 
 of Wullubhee, acquires possession 
 of Eedur, which his descendants 
 hold until the time of Nagaditya, 
 the eight of the line, p. 235 ; 
 Nagaditya’s son, Bappa, founds the 
 dynasty of Mewar, idem , and p. 271. 
 
 the Pureehars, of, p. 235. 
 
 Hathee Sord obtains possessions of, 
 idem, and is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Samulyo Sord, who is conquered by 
 the Rathors, pp.' 236-37. 
 
 Eedur,The Rows of? 
 
 Seeyojee Rathor, the reputed son of 
 Jeychund Dule Pangulo, establishes 
 himself in Marwar, p. 236, and has 
 three sons, 
 
 1. Astanjee, who succeeds him. 
 
 2. Sonungjee. 
 
 3. Ujjee, who marries the 
 daughter of a Chowra chief¬ 
 tain, near Dwarka, possesses 
 himself of that place and of 
 the province of Okamundel, 
 and is the ancestor of the 
 Waja’s and Wadhels, idem. 
 
 Sonungjee Rathor, receives from the 
 Solunkhee of Unhilpoor the fief of 
 Sametura, idem ; he slays Samulyo 
 Sord, and takes Eedur, pp. 236- 
 37, is succeeded by 
 
 Emuljee, p. 249, who is succeeded by 
 
 Dhuwulmuljee, idem, who is suc¬ 
 ceeded by 
 
 Loonkarojee, idem, who is succeeded 
 
 b y 
 
 Burhutjee, idem, who is succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 Eedur, continued. 
 
 Runmul, who takes the Bhagur 
 country, &c., idem ; is attacked by 
 Moozuffer Shah, in a.d. 1393, p. 
 250, and in A.D. 1398, pp. 250-51, 
 and in a.d. 1401, when he flies to 
 Veesulnugger and his capital is oc¬ 
 cupied, p. 251 ; joins Feroze Khan 
 in his rebellion against Ahmed 
 Shah, idem ; is succeeded by 
 Poonja, who is at war with Ahmed 
 Shah, p. 268 ; he is killed by the 
 fall of his horse, p. 269, and is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 Narondas, idem, who agrees to pay 
 tribute to Ahmed Shah, but, in 
 A.D. 1428, rebels, idem; he is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his brother, 
 
 Bhan, who, being attacked by Mo- 
 hummed Shah, flies to the hills, 
 but subsequently, making submis¬ 
 sion, gives his daughter in marriage 
 to the sultan, pp. 270-282; he fixes 
 his boundaries, p. 283; pays tribute 
 to Mahmood Begurra, p. 284 ; 
 his contest with the Rawul of 
 Champaner, idem; he leaves two 
 sons. 
 
 1. Soorujmuljee. 
 
 2. Bheem. 
 
 he is succeeded by his son, 
 Soorujmuljee, p. 290; who is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 Raeemuljee, idem, whose throne is 
 usurped by his uncle, Bheem, p. 
 293 ; Bheem plunders the Mohum- 
 medan country in the sultan’s 
 absence, he defeats Ein-ool-Moolk, 
 but, on the arrival of Moozuffer 
 Shah, takes refuge in the hills, 
 idem ; Eedur taken, idem; Row 
 Bheem submits to Moozuffer Shah, 
 idem ; he dies, and is succeeded by 
 his son, Barmul, idem. 
 RowRaeemuljee marries the daugh¬ 
 ter of Sung Rana, who replaces him 
 on the throne, idem ; Raeemuljee is 
 driven out by the Mohummedans; he 
 again appears in the Eedur territory, 
 and defeats Zeher-ool-Moolk, p. 
 294; he lays waste the Puttun 
 district, idem, but is compelled to 
 
INDEX. 
 
 704 
 
 Eedur, continued. 
 
 retire; he dies, and is succeeded by 
 
 Barnaul, idem , in whose time Eedur 
 is twice attacked by Buhadur Shah, 
 p. 295 ; Barnaul dies, and is suc¬ 
 ceeded by 
 
 Poonjajee, pp. 296, 299, who is 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 Narondas, pp. 300, 303, who op¬ 
 poses the imperial government, 
 but is defeated, and his capital is 
 taken, p. 304 ; he is succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 Veerurn Dev, idem ; his adventure 
 at Poongul, idem-, he pleases Akbar 
 by killing a tiger, idem ; he ascends 
 the throne, p. 305 ; makes gifts to 
 bards, pp. 305-6; kills his brother, 
 Raee fchngh, p. 3 °b 5 attacks 
 Doongurpoor, pp. 306-7 ; story 
 of Champo Bheel, pp. 307-8 ; 
 Veerurn Dev attacks Ahmednugger, 
 p. 308 ; succours Pethapoor, and 
 marries the chief’s daughter, p. 
 309 ; succours Rampoor, idem; 
 visits Oodeipoor, p. 310; story of 
 the bard Aloojee, idem ; Veerurn 
 Dev kills Kutun Singh of Poseena, 
 p. 311 ; attacks Panowra, p. 312 ; 
 proceeds to Dwarka on pilgrimage, 
 and, on his return, marries a 
 relation to the Raj of Hulwud, 
 idem ; strikes Mandoowa, p. 313 ; 
 proceeds on pilgrimage to Om- 
 Kareshwur, and has an affair with 
 a shahzada, pp. 3 T 3 ‘I 4 5 Eedur 
 attacked and taken by the Imperial¬ 
 ists, p. 314 ; the Row retires to 
 Pol, idem ; slays the shahzada, 
 pp. 315-16; stories of the horses, 
 Nuthwo and Jalahur, and of the 
 Choganeeo buffalo, p. 5 Vee- 
 rum Dev proceeds to Rampoor, 
 pp. 317-18 ; travels to the Ganges 
 on pilgrimage, and, on his return, 
 visits Raee Singh’s sister, at Jei- 
 poor, and is poisoned by her, pp. 
 318-19 5 Row Veerurn Dev is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his brother, 
 
 Kuleean Mul, who had been pre¬ 
 viously selected for the throne by the 
 god of Dwarka in preference to his 
 
 Eedur, continued. 
 
 elder brother, Gopaldas, p. 319; 
 Gopaldas invades Eedur and is 
 slain, p. 320. See Wolasuna. 
 Kuleean Mul reconquers districts 
 from Oodeipoor, idem, and strikes 
 Tursunghmo, idem ; story of Gu- 
 duwee Sayajee, pp. 320-21. Ku¬ 
 leean Mul dies, and is succeeded 
 by his son, 
 
 Jugunnath, pp. 321, 340, in whose 
 time the Mohummedan power 
 daily increases, idem ; the Row 
 expels Vetal Bharot, idem ; his 
 quarrel with Doongurpoor, pp. 
 340-41 ; he becomes a cripple, p. 
 
 341 ; Vetal Bharot brings in the 
 Mohummedans under Prince Morad 
 who take Eedur, pp. 341-42 ; Ju¬ 
 gunnath retires to Pol and dies, p. 
 
 342 ; he is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Poonja, who goes “out” against the 
 
 Mohummedans, and regains Eedur, 
 p. 343; is succeeded by his brother, 
 
 Urjoondas, who is slain by the Reh- 
 wurs, pp. 343-44, and is succeeded 
 by Row Jugunnath’s brother, 
 
 Gopeenath, who is “out” against 
 the Mohummedans, and recovers 
 Eedur, but is expelled and dies, 
 for want of opium, in attempting 
 to escape, pp. 344-45 ; he is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 Kurun Singh, who lives at Surwan, 
 until his death, p. 345 ; he leaves 
 two sons, 
 
 1. Chando. 
 
 2. Madhuv Singh, who takes 
 possession of Verabur, where 
 his descendants still remain, 
 idem. 
 
 Chando is brought back to Eedur by 
 the Desaees, ide 7 n, but retires 
 therefrom ; he murders the Puree- 
 har Rajpoots, and takes possession 
 of Pol, pp. 345-46. 
 
 Eedur, The Muharajas of: 
 
 I. Anund Singh, brother of Ubhye 
 Singh, Raja of Jodhpoor, makes 
 himself master of Eedur, pp. 449- 
 52; he is attacked by the ad- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 7°5 
 
 Eedur, continued. 
 
 herents of the Rows and is slain, 
 pp. 452-53 ; he is succeeded by his 
 son, 
 
 II. Shiv Singh, whose uncle, Raee 
 Singh, recovers Eedur, and places 
 him on the cushion, pp. 453-54 ; 
 Raee Singh attacks Runasun, p. 
 454 ; he takes up his residence at 
 Morasa, where he is attacked by 
 the Mahrattas who take the place, 
 p. 455 ; the Muharaja grants puttas 
 to his followers, p. 456; see also 
 p. 443. The Sirdars compel Raee 
 Singh to retire from Eedur, p. 456; 
 Raee Singh dies leaving no son, 
 but one daughter married to the 
 Raja of Jeipoor, p. 457. 
 
 The Mahrattas and the adhe¬ 
 rents of the Row attack Eedur; 
 conduct of Soorujmul of Chan- 
 dunee, pp. 457 59 ; Soorujmul 
 renders himself offensive to Prince 
 Bhuwanee Singh, who puts him to 
 death, p. 139 ; Soorut Singh, of 
 Gota, pp. 460-61 ; Shiv Singh 
 dies, A. d. 1792, p. 461 ; he leaves 
 sons, 
 
 1. Bhuwanee Singh. 
 
 2. Jhalum Singh, ide?n, of Mo¬ 
 rasa, who d. s. p. 
 
 3. Sugrarn Singh, of Ahrned- 
 nugger, who is succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 Kurun Singh, who is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 Tukhut Singh, Raja of Jodh- 
 poor, idem. 
 
 4. Umur Singh, p. 462, of Bayur, 
 d. s. p. 
 
 5. Indra Singh of Soor, idem , 
 who leaves a son, 
 
 Plumeer Singh, and three 
 others still living. 
 
 He is succeeded by his son, 
 
 III. Bhuwanee Singh, who dies 
 twelve days after his accession, 
 idem, and is succeeded by his son, 
 
 IV. Gumbheer Singh, idem ; Jhalum 
 Singh, the young raja’s uncle, at 
 first manages affairs, but is com¬ 
 pelled to retire by the Sirdars, ide?n • 
 
 Eedur, continued. 
 
 Gumbheer Singh attempts to force 
 his uncles to give up the territory 
 they had seized, idem; Jhalum 
 Singh attacks Malpoor, idem ; dis¬ 
 pute with Pahlunpoor, pp. 462-63; 
 Gumbheer Singh strikes Danta, p. 
 463 ; Khoman Singh, the Cham- 
 pawut, pp. 481-83 ; his son, Dheer- 
 jee, p. 483 ; Gumbheer Singh 
 takes Pol, pp. 483-84 ; Dheerjee, 
 pp. 484-85 ; Chandunee suc¬ 
 cession, pp. 485-86 ; feud on 
 that account between Kunukajee 
 and Dheerjee, pp. 486-88 ; Dheer- 
 jee’s anger transferred to Prince 
 Oomed Singh, who strikes Wan- 
 kaner, but is reconciled to the 
 chief, pp. 488-89 ; Dheerjee again 
 goes out against Eedur, p. 491; he 
 retires to Oodeipoor, idem ; Colonel 
 Ballantine calls in the chiefs to a 
 settlement, p. 492; Dheerjee is 
 made prisoner, but escapes, p. 493 ; 
 he resumes his incursions, pp. 494- 
 96 ; is joined by Laljee, the son of 
 Kunukajee, who is slain, p. 495 ; 
 fate of Dheerjee, p. 496 ; Prince 
 Oomed Singh dies, idem; Gopal 
 Singh of Mhow goes out, pp. 497- 
 98 ; succession of Hurad-Poseena, 
 pp. 498-99; Gumbheer Singh’s 
 expedition to Palya, pp. 500-1 ; 
 fate of Gopal Singh, pp. 501-3 ; 
 character of Raja Gumbheer Singh, 
 PP- 5 ° 4 'S > the Chohans of Mon¬ 
 day tee, pp. 505-10; death of Raja 
 Gumbheer Singh, pp. 510-15. 
 
 See “ Myhee Kanta, settlement 
 of the. ” 
 
 Eedur, Barutjee, or royal bard of, p. 444. 
 
 Eedur, Karbharee, or Deewan of, idem. 
 
 Eedur, Prudhan of, idem. 
 
 Eedur, Puttawutts of, pp. 443-44, and 
 p. 456. 
 
 Festivals— 
 
 Dhun Terush, p. 599. 
 
 Kalee Choudush, idem. 
 
 Deewalee, idem. 
 
 First of Karteek, p. 600. 
 
 Ukhaturee, pp. 600-3. 
 
 Z Z 
 
706 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Festivals, continued. 
 
 Worship of Gowree, pp. 603-5. 
 
 First days of Shrawun, p. 605. 
 
 Nag Punchmee, pp. 605-6. 
 
 Randun Chut, p. 606. 
 
 Seetula’s seventh, p. 606-8. 
 
 Birth-day of Krishn, p. 608. 
 
 Bulev, pp. 608-9. 
 
 Gunesh fourth, p. 609. 
 
 Pujoosun of the Shrawuks, p. 610. 
 Anund Choudush, pp. 611-12. 
 Nowrattra, pp. 612-13. 
 
 Dussera, pp. 613-14. 
 
 Funerals— 
 
 That of the Sunyasee, p. 630. 
 Deh-shooddhprayuscheet, pp. 630-32. 
 Preparations for passing Vyeturunee, 
 PP- 632-33. 
 
 The dying man laid out on the ground, 
 
 P- 6 34 - . 
 
 Athoor Sunyas, idem. 
 
 The death-struggle, p. 635. 
 
 The dirge, pp. 635-36. 
 
 The litter, p. 636. 
 
 Sasur-waso, idem. 
 
 The corpse carried out, p. 637. 
 
 The corpse set down at cross roads, 
 idem. 
 
 The corpse set down outside the vil¬ 
 lage, idem. 
 
 The place of cremation and the funeral 
 pile, pp. 637-38. 
 
 Funeral temples, p. 638. 
 
 Milk sprinkled at the place of crema¬ 
 tion, idem. 
 
 Offering of water to the dead, idem. 
 The widow, p. 639. 
 
 Other mourners, idem. 
 Krishnakshuree, or letter announcing 
 a death, pp. 640-41. 
 
 Gareeadhar, pp. 239, 289, 350. 
 Noghunjee, Gohil of, pp. 3505 *• 
 Oomurjee, Gohil of, and Paleetana, 
 p. 425. 
 
 Gifts made for the dead, Note on, pp. 
 
 641-44- 
 
 Girnar described, pp. 121-22. 
 
 Gogo described, pp. 245-46. 
 
 Gohils, their origin, p. 237. 
 
 Sejuk, the son of Janjurshee, retires 
 from Marwar, and receives lands 
 
 Gohils— continued. 
 
 from the Ra of Joonagurh, p. 238 ; 
 he marries his daughter to the Ra’s 
 heir-apparent, and founds Sejuk- 
 poor, p. 239 ; he leaves three sons, 
 idem, 
 
 1. Ranjee. 
 
 2. Sahajee of Mandwee, ancestor 
 of Gareeadhar, q. v. 
 
 3. Sarungjee of Urteela, ancestor 
 of Latee, q. v. 
 
 Ranjee succeeds his father, idem ; he 
 founds Ranpoor, p. 244 ; he marries 
 the daughter of Dhun Mair, and has 
 by her a son, who is the ancestor of 
 the Khusheeo Koolees, idem ; he 
 allies himself with Dhun Mair, and 
 attacks Ebhul Walo, idem ; see 
 Walo ; he removes his residence to 
 Wulleh, p. 245 ; he is succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 Mokherajee, idem ; who, after other 
 conquests, takes Gogo and the island 
 of Peerum, pp. 245-48 ; is attacked 
 by Mohummed Toghluk Shah, and 
 is slain, pp. 248-49 ; he leaves three 
 sons, 
 
 1. Doongurjee. 
 
 2. Semursunghjee, zvV&Rajpeepla. 
 
 3. Gormaljee, who d. s. p. 
 
 He is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Doongurjee, who abandons Peerum 
 and makes Gogo his residence, p. 
 289 ; he is succeeded by his son, 
 Veeyojee, idem, who leaves three sons, 
 
 1. Kanjee. 
 
 2. Ramjee. 
 
 3. Roodojee. 
 
 He is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Kanjee, idem, who leaves two sons, 
 
 1. Sarungjee. 
 
 2. Gemuljee. 
 
 He is succeeded by his son, 
 Sarungjee, who is a minor at the death 
 of his father, idem ; his principality 
 is usurped by his uncle Ramjee, who 
 surrenders him to the Mohumme- 
 dans, idem ; he escapes and joins 
 a band of Grosaees,who convey him 
 to Doongupoor, idem ; he receives 
 assistance from the Rawul and re¬ 
 covers his rights, pp. 289-90; he 
 
INDEX. 
 
 707 
 
 Gohils, continued. 
 
 assumes the title of Rawul, p. 289 ; 
 he is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Shivdas, p. 347, who is succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 Jeytjee, idem, who has two sons, 
 
 1. Ramdas. 
 
 2. Gungadas, to whom the estate 
 of Cliumardee is assigned. 
 
 Ramdas proceeds to Benares on a pil¬ 
 grimage, and, on his return, taking 
 part in the defence of Cheetor 
 against the Mohummedans, is killed 
 there, idem, he leaves three sons, 
 
 1. Sutojee. 
 
 2. Sudooljee, to whom the estate 
 of Udheywara is assigned, p. 
 348 - 
 
 3. Bheemjee, to whom the estate 
 of Thana is assigned, idem. 
 
 Sutojee, idem, leaves four sons, 
 
 1. Veesojee. 
 
 2. Devojee, to whom the estate 
 of Pucheygam is assigned, and 
 who becomes the ancestor of 
 the Devanee Gohils, idem. 
 
 3. Veerojee, to whom the estate 
 of Uwaneeya is assigned, and 
 who becomes the ancestor of 
 the Vachanee Gohils, so called 
 from his son Vacho. They now 
 hold Khokhura, Mamchee, and 
 Kunar, idem. 
 
 4. Mankojee, to whom the estate 
 of Nuwaneeya is assigned. 
 
 Veesojee succeeds his father, idem; 
 he makes himself master of See- 
 hore, pp. 348-50, he has three sons, 
 
 1. Dhoonajee. 
 
 2. Bheemjee, to whom the estate 
 of Huleeyadis assigned, p. 350 
 
 3. Kusheeojee, to whom the estate 
 of Bhudulee is assigned, idem. 
 
 Dhoonajee succeeds his father, idem ; 
 his kinsman of Gareeadhar is at¬ 
 tacked by the Katees ; Dhoonajee 
 assists him and is slain in battle, 
 a.d. 1619, pp. 351-52 ; he has two 
 sons, 
 
 1. Rutunjee 
 
 2. Ukherajjee. 
 
 Rutunjee succeeds his father, and dies 
 
 Gohils, conthmed. 
 
 in battle, a.d. 1620, p. 352, leaving 
 three sons, 
 
 1. Idurbhumjee, 
 
 2. Gowindjee. 
 
 3. Sarungjee. 
 
 Ilurbhunijee succeeds his father, idem ; 
 he has a son, 
 
 Ukherajjee, idem, who succeeds him. 
 Gowindjee, the young Rawul’s un¬ 
 cle, usurps his rights, and, dying, is 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 Sutrasuljee, 
 
 who, being driven out by the Vacha- 
 nees and Devanees, is presented with 
 the estate of Bhundareeo and be¬ 
 comes the ancestor of the Gowinda- 
 nee Gohils, p. 353. 
 
 Ukherajjee leaves sons, idem, 
 
 1. Rutunjee. 
 
 2. Hurbhumjee, to whom is as. 
 signed ^the estate of Wurtej. 
 
 3. Vrujrajjee, to whom is assigned 
 the estate of'Thorudee, idem. 
 
 4 - Surtanjee, to whom is assigned 
 the estate of Muglanoo, idem. 
 
 5- Dhoonojee, who d. s. p. 
 
 Rutunjee succeeds his father, idem, 
 
 and dying leaves a son, 
 
 Bhow Singh, idem ; Bhow Singh kills 
 his minister, Wullubhjee Mehta, 
 idem; he founds Bhownugger in 
 A.D. 1723, pp. 353-55, his contest 
 with the Mahrattas under Kuntajee, 
 pp. 417-18; his character and policy, 
 P- 4j8; he is succeeded by his son, 
 Ukherajjee, or Bhawajee, idem, who 
 is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Wukhut Singh, who seizes Tulaja 
 and other places, protects commerce, 
 defeats the Katees and the Nowaub 
 of Joonagurh, pp. 419-21 ; refuses 
 to shelter Mulhar Row Guikowar, 
 pp. 421-22; defends Seehore against 
 the Guikowar, pp. 422-24 ; state of 
 the Gohil principality in Colonel 
 Walker’s time, pp. 424-26. 
 
 Goozerat, Natural boundaries of, pp. 2-3. 
 Gosaees, p. 595. 
 
 Guduwee, a title of the Charun tribe. 
 
 See^“ Domestic Life—Bards." 
 Guikowar, Damajee, distinguishes him- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 708 
 
 Guikowar, continued. 
 
 self at the battle of Balapoor, he is 
 created “ Shumsher Buhadur,” dies, 
 and is succeeded by 
 Peelajee, the son of his brother 
 Junkojee, p. 358. Peelajee joins 
 Roostum Ulee, but treacherously 
 deserts him at the battle of Aras, 
 p. 359 ; receives a share of the 
 Chouth, idem; supports Trimbuk 
 Row Dhabaree and escapes wounded 
 from the field in which that leader 
 
 is slain by Bajee Row, pp. 361- 
 62; accommodates matters with 
 the Peshwah, and receives the title 
 of Sena-Khas-Kheyl, p. 362; is 
 assassinated by the agents of Ubhye 
 Singh Rathor, p. 363 ; is succeeded 
 by his son, 
 
 Damajee, who establishes himself in 
 Goozerat, idem; joins Momin Khan 
 in taking Ahmedabad, idem ; levies 
 tribute in Kateewar, p. 364 ; gives 
 the district of Nerriad to his 
 brother Khundee Row, idem ; pro¬ 
 ceeds to Sattara to the aid of Tara 
 Baee, but is made prisoner and 
 compelled to surrender half his 
 territory in Goozerat to the Pesh¬ 
 wah, p. 365 ; joins Raghoba ; they 
 capture Ahmedabad, p. 366; Da¬ 
 majee dies, leaving four sons, p. 
 
 3 6 7 > A . „ 
 
 1. Syajee Row. 
 
 2. Gowind Row. 
 
 3. Manukjee. 
 
 4. Futteh Singh. 
 
 Contested succession, idem ; ends 
 in the acknowledgement of 
 
 Futteh Singh, idem ; treaty of Sal- 
 bhye, which secures the Guikowar 
 territory from dismemberment, p. 
 370; Futteh Singh dies, p. 373, 
 and is, after a contest, succeeded 
 by his brother, 
 
 Gowind Row, idem, who dies in A.D. 
 1800, idem, and is succeeded by 
 his eldest son, 
 
 Anund Row, p. 375, whose reign is 
 remarkable for the rebellion of 
 Mulhar Row, and the introduction 
 of British influence, pp. 374 - 93 - 
 
 Guikowar, Mulhar Row, son of Khundee 
 Row, the brother of Damajee, pp. 
 363, 376; revolts against Anund 
 Row Maharaja, pp. 376-89; his 
 last appearance in Goozerat, pp. 
 421-22. 
 
 Hades, The spirit sets out for, pp. 
 681-82. 
 
 Oograpoor, p. 683. 
 
 Soureepoor, idem. 
 
 Vichitra-nugger, idem. 
 
 River Vyeturunee, pp. 683-84. 
 
 Other cities, p. 684. 
 
 Yumpoor, pp. 684-83, 
 
 Hell, p. 685. 
 
 Jhalas.—Veheeas Mukwano of Ke- 
 runtee-gurh, pp. 229-30. leaves a 
 son, 
 
 Kesur Mukwano of Keruntee-gurh, 
 who is slain by Humeer Soomero 
 of Sameiyoo, p. 230, leaves a son ; 
 see also “Mandoowa” and the 
 “ Choonwal—Mukwanas. ” 
 
 Hurpal Mukwano, who takes refuge 
 with Raja Kurun Waghela at Un- 
 hilpoor, receives lands from that 
 sovereign, and establishes himself 
 at Patree, pp. 231-33 ; leaves three 
 sons, Shedo, Shekuro, and Man- 
 goo, who acquire the surname of 
 Jhala, p. 233. 
 
 Shedo is the ancestor of 
 
 Chundrasunghjee Muharana, in whose 
 time the seat of the Jhalas^ has 
 already been removed from Patree 
 to Iiulwud, p. 404; he leaves 
 sons, 
 
 1. Prutheeraj, who kills Udajee 
 of Sheeanee, and is himself 
 carried off by the Mohum- 
 medans, pp. 405-6; he leaves 
 two sons, 
 
 1. Sultanjee, ancestor of Wan- 
 kaner. 
 
 2. Rajajee, ancestor of Wud- 
 wan. 
 
 2. Umur Singh. 
 
 3. Ubherajjee, ancestor of Lug- 
 tur. 
 
 Umur Singh, in the absence of his 
 
INDEX. 
 
 709 
 
 Jhalas, continued. 
 
 brother, Prutheeraj, seizes upon 
 Hulwud on his father’s death, p. 
 406. 
 
 Jhala, Shekhurojee, the second son 
 of Hurpal, establishes himself at 
 Susana, where his descendants are 
 still to be found, p. 404. 
 
 Jhala, Mangoo, or Mangojee, the 
 youngest son of Hurpal, has de¬ 
 scendants who settle at Sheeanee, 
 at Jamboo, and eventually at Lim- 
 ree, idem. 
 
 Udajee of Sheeanee is killed by Pru¬ 
 theeraj Jhala, pp. 405-6. 
 
 Hurbhumjee of Limree is at feud 
 with the chief of Wudwan, pp. 
 407-8, he is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Hureesunghjee, who continues at 
 feud with Wudwan, pp. 408-12. 
 
 Jhalas, state of their country described 
 by Col. Walker, pp. 412-14. 
 
 Joonagurh described, pp. 121-22. 
 
 Jutees, p. 595. 
 
 Katees enter Goozerat from Sindh, p. 
 228, are divided into Ewurteeas, 
 or foreigners, and Ghurderas, or 
 descendants of Khooman, Khachur, 
 and Horsur Wala, p. 229. See 
 Walo. 
 
 Kateewar. See Moolukgeeree. 
 
 Khodeear Devee—her origin, pp. 242- 
 
 43 - 
 
 Kol, or Choollook, described, p. 84 ; 
 alluded to p. 199. 
 
 Koolees, their origin, pp. 78-9. 
 
 See also “Choonwal,”—“Rajpoot 
 Koolee. ” 
 
 Koombhareea, description and legends 
 of, pp. 325-28. 
 
 Koombho Rana, pp. 271-72. 
 
 Kusbatees of Dholka, vide Shoda Pur- 
 mars ; see also pp. 401-4. 
 
 Land tenures under the Kings of Un- 
 hilpoor, pp. 185-87. 
 under the Mohummedans, pp. 561- 
 69. 
 
 under the Mahrattas, pp. 569-79. 
 under the British, pp. 579-94. 
 
 Latee, p. 239. 
 
 Bheemjee, Gohil of, pp. 275-76. 
 the chief of, obtains from Rawul 
 Sarungjee the estate of Walookur, 
 pp. 289-90. 
 
 Soor Singh, chief of, p. 425. 
 
 Limree. See “ Mangoo Jhala.” 
 Loonawara. See “ Veerpoor.” 
 
 Lump offerings made for the dead : 
 Shub, p. 636. 
 
 Panthuk, idem. 
 
 Khechur, p. 637. 
 
 Bhoot, idem. 
 
 Sadhuk, p. 638. 
 
 Pret, idem. 
 
 other lump offerings, pp. 644-45. 
 
 Mahrattas, the, first appear in Goo¬ 
 zerat, pp. 358-66 ; their history to 
 the treaty of Salbhye, pp. 366-70 ; 
 to the establishment of British 
 influence in Goozerat, pp. 370-93. 
 
 Marriages— 
 
 who may intermarry, pp. 615-16. 
 curious customs of particular castes, 
 pp. 616-17. 
 
 Wur and Kunya, p. 617. 
 proposals, idem. 
 betrothal, pp. 617-18. 
 second marriage or ndtrd, pp. 618-19. 
 invitations to the ceremony, p. 619. 
 the Mundup, idem. 
 
 Gotruj, p. 620. 
 marriage attire, idem. 
 
 Unwur, idetn. 
 
 marriage processions, pp. 621-22. 
 the bridegroom travels to the residence 
 of the bride, p. 622. 
 
 Gomed, idem. 
 joining of hands, p. 623. 
 the Wur Mala, idem. 
 the Choree, idem. 
 marriage songs, pp, 623-24. 
 circumambulation of the fire-pit, p. 
 624. 
 
 a sword sent in lieu of the bridegroom, 
 idem. 
 
 the bridegroom’s return, pp. 624-25. ( 
 condition of women, pp. 625-27. 
 Gurbh Sunskar and other rites relating 
 to pregnancy, pp. 627-28. 
 
7io 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Marriages, continued. 
 
 Wudhamunee, or letters announcing a 
 birth, p. 628. 
 
 the child’s horoscope, idem. 
 
 it receives a name, p. 629. 
 
 Unnprashun, idem. 
 
 Malwa, Pedigree of the kings of, p. 87. 
 
 Singhbut, King of, p. 64. 
 
 Moonj, King of, pp. 64-6. 
 
 Bhoj, King of, pp. 66-9. 
 
 Yushowurman, King of, pp. 84-5, and 
 
 p. 88. 
 
 Wullal, King of, pp. 142-44. 
 
 Sohud Dev, King of, p. 160. 
 
 Urjoon Dev, King of, idem. 
 
 Mandoowa, Chiefs of, called Lai Meea, 
 descend from Kesur Mukwano ; see 
 Jhalas, vide pp. 313, 320, 438. 
 
 Mohummedans, first period of their 
 government of Goozerat, pp. 222-26. 
 
 Molesulams, origin of, 264. 
 
 Mookt, who are the, pp. 694-95. 
 
 four classes of, p. 695. 
 
 Sutya Lok, p. 696. 
 
 Vyekoonth, idem. 
 
 Kyelas, idem. 
 
 the Muha Prulay, idem. 
 
 Go-Lok, idem. 
 
 Muha Kyelas, ide? 7 i. 
 
 Mooktee, or final emancipation, p. 694. 
 
 Moolukgeeree, the system explained, 
 pp. 393-95; intervention by the 
 British Government with the view of 
 preventing its continuance, pp. 395- 
 97; Colonel Walker’s measures, and 
 their successful result, pp. 398-400. 
 
 Myhee Kanta, state of the, under the 
 Mahrattas, pp. 440-47. 
 
 Myhee Kanta, settlement of the, 
 
 Futteli Singh of Roopal “ goes 
 out,” and Soorujmul of Mondeytee 
 is employed against him, pp. 516- 
 18 ; death of Raja Kurun Singh of 
 Ahmednugger, pp. 519-20 ; see also 
 pp. 524-26; Soorujmul is “out,” 
 p. 520 ; he is attacked by Captain 
 Delamain at Gota, idem ; he remains 
 out, but at length surrenders to 
 Captain Outram, pp. 520-24. 
 
 Myhee Kanta, note on the final proceed¬ 
 ings in the, as described in the 
 English Records, pp. 524-30. 
 
 Oaths. See Ordeals. 
 
 Omens, pp. 600-4. 
 
 Oojanee, p. 605. 
 
 Ordeals, pp. 572-76. 
 
 Paleetana, Gohils of, see Gareeadhar. 
 
 See Shutroonjye. 
 
 Peerum described, pp. 246-47. 
 
 Prets. See “ Bhoots.” 
 
 Prubundh Chintamunee, pp. 182-83. 
 Prudukshuna, or circumambulation, de¬ 
 scribed, p. 597. 
 
 Punchasur, Jye Sheker, the Chowra 
 Prince of, pp. 18-27. 
 
 Punchasur, situation of, p. 18. 
 
 Rain. See “ Festivals—Pujoosun of the 
 Shrawuks. ” 
 
 means of inducing a fall of, pp. 605-6. 
 Rajpoots. See “Castes—Kshutreeyas,” 
 also “ Domestic Life—Rajpoots.” 
 Rajpoot Koolee, Chiefs of Goozerat, 
 list of the, p. 430. See Koolees. 
 Rajpeepla, Semursunghjee Gohil of, p. 
 289. 
 
 Hureesunghjee, Gohil of, p. 264. 
 Raee Jye Singh, p. 299. 
 
 Ranpoor, founded by Ranjee Gohil, p. 
 244. 
 
 Ranjee Gohil, the younger, of, pp. 
 
 277 - 79 - „ , A 
 
 Rutun Mala, p. 182. See Punchasur. 
 Religious Services, pp. 594 ' 99 - 
 
 Samunts, p. 187. 
 
 Sandhee-Vigraheek, p. 188. 
 
 Seasons of the year, pp. 59 ^* 99 - 
 Seehore, Description of, pp. 348-49 ; 
 granted to Brahmins by Mool Raj, 
 p. 49 ; which grant is confirmed by 
 Sidh Raj, p. 134; the Runa and 
 Janee Brahmins of, quarrel, and 
 the place is taken by Rawul Veeso- 
 jee Gohil, who makes it his capital, 
 PP- 349 - 5 °- 
 
 Seetula, Goddess of the small-pox, pp. 
 606-8. 
 
 Shoda Purmars enter Goozerat from 
 Sindh, pp. 227-28 ; story of Haloo- 
 jee and Lugdheerjee of Moolee, pp. 
 279-81. 
 
 Shraddh, pp. 644-47. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 71 1 
 
 Shraddh, Supindee, p. 684. 
 
 Shutroonjye, description of, pp. 4-6. 
 
 Legends of, pp. 6-9. 
 
 Sidhpoor or Shreesthul, described, pp. 
 47 - 8 - 
 
 S idhpoor, Roodra Mala of, commenced by 
 Mool Raj, p. 39 ; repaired by Sidh 
 Raj, pp. 88-9, described, p. 195. 
 Somnath, destruction of, by Mahmood 
 of Ghuznee, pp. 55-9. 
 
 Soodasuna, Urnur Singh, brother of 
 Rana Man Singh of Danta, acquires 
 the estate of, p. 465 ; he is killed 
 by the Rhadunpoor troops, p. 466 ; 
 see also pp. 478-79 ; leaving sons, 
 
 1. Hutheeojee. 
 
 2. Jugtojee, d. s. p. 
 
 Hutheeojee and his brother are put to 
 
 death by Rana Guj Singh, idem, 
 Hutheeojee leaves a son, 
 
 Khoman Singh, to whom the estate of 
 Udeyrun is assigned instead of 
 Soodasuna, which is taken from him 
 by the Rana, idem. 
 
 Soodasuna, Juswojee, the brother of 
 Rana Guj Singh of Danta, acquired 
 the estate of, p. 466 ; in his time 
 the Mahrattas strike Soodasuna, 
 p. 479 ; he leaves sons, 
 
 1. Sirdar Singh. 
 
 2. Ujbojee. \ who receive the 
 
 3. Dhunrajjee j estate of Sola- 
 noo, idem. 
 
 4. Nathjee who receive the 
 
 5. Jorjee j estate of Juspoor, 
 idcjn. 
 
 he is succeeded by 
 
 Sirdar Singh, who receives Wusaee, 
 &c., in compensation for his claim 
 upon Danta, p. 480 ; he leaves sons, 
 
 1. Oomed Singh, who 
 
 2. Chundra Singh, h receive 
 
 3. Wukhut Singh, f the 
 
 4. Surtan Singh, t estate of 
 
 5. Pertap Singh, J Wusaee, 
 
 idem. 
 
 his son, Oomed Singh, is slain in 
 a foray, idem ; leaving sons, 
 
 1. Urnur Singh 
 
 2. Jugoojee, ) who receive 
 
 3. Ugur Singh, j five villages, 
 
 idem. 
 
 Soodasuna, continued. 
 
 Sirdar Singh is succeeded by his 
 
 grandson, 
 
 Urnur Singh, idem, who takes posses¬ 
 sion of the Kheelor district ; re¬ 
 pulses the Guikowar army ; takes 
 possession of Danta, in the time of 
 Rana Kurunjee, idem ; leaves a son, 
 
 Futteh Sing, idem ; who leaves 
 sons, 
 
 1. Mohobut Singh, 
 
 2. Punjee ; 
 
 he is succeeded by Mohobut Singh, 
 who repulses Kakajee, and a Gui¬ 
 kowar army ; harries Runsheepoor, 
 &c., p. 481 ; he leaves sons, 
 
 1. Pluree Singh. 
 
 2. Rutun Singh. 
 
 3. Purbut Singh. 
 
 4. Mokum Singh, who dies an 
 infant; 
 
 he is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Huree Singh ; who is succeeded by 
 his brother, 
 
 Rutun Singh; who is succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 Bhooput SingTi ; who is succeeded 
 by Mohobut Singh’s son, 
 
 Purbut Singh, the present Thakor of 
 Soodasuna, idem. 
 
 Suntharo, pp. 610-11. 
 
 Sunyasees, pp. 595-96. 
 
 Sutrasuljee Seesodeea, Story of, pp. 
 261-63. 
 
 Sutee. ‘ ‘ Sut has come upon her. ” Vide 
 “Devs.” 
 
 Syela, The Jhalas of, descend from 
 Urnur Singh of Hulwud; see 
 “Jhalas see also pp. 405-14. 
 
 Taringa described, pp. 283-S4. 
 
 Temples. See “ Religious Services.” 
 
 Tulaja described, pp. 239-41. 
 
 Tupas, Sect of the, p. 610. 
 
 Turpun ceremony described, p. 554 - 
 
 Unhilpoor, The Chowra dynasty of, 
 
 I. Wun Raj, son of Jye Sheker, 
 prince of Punchasur, pp. 27-30 ; 
 founds Unhilpoor in a.d. 746, p. 
 29 ; dies A.D. 806, p. 30 ; and is 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 II. Yog Raj, who reigns from A. D. 
 
712 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Unhilpoor, continued. 
 
 806, to a.d. 841, pp. 30-1 ; and 
 is succeeded by his son, 
 
 III. Kshem Raj, who reigns from 
 a.d. 841 to a.d. 866, p. 31 ; and 
 is succeeded by his son, 
 
 IV. Bhooyud, who reigns from A. D. 
 866 to a.d. 895, idem ; and is 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 V. Vair Singh, who reigns from 
 A.D. 895 to A.D. 920, idem ; and 
 is succeeded by his son, 
 
 VI. Rutunaditya, who reigns from 
 A.D. 920 to A.D. 935, idem ; and is 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 VII. . Samunt Singh, who reigns 
 from A.D. 935 to A.D. 942, pp. 
 31-6, and leaving no son, is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his nephew, Mool Raj 
 Solunkhee, the son of his sister 
 Leela Devee, by Prince Raj So¬ 
 lunkhee. 
 
 Unhilpoor, the Solunkhee dynasty of, 
 
 I. Mool Raj, reigns from A.D. 942 
 to A.D. 997, pp. 36-50; puts to 
 death his uncle, Samunt Singh 
 Chowra, and ascends the throne, 
 p. 37 ; is attacked by the rajas 
 of Nagor and Telingana, p. 38; 
 commences the Roodra Mala, at 
 Sidhpoor, p. 39 ; his expedition to 
 Soreth, in which he defeats Grah 
 Ripoo, and slays Lakha, prince of 
 Kutch, pp. 39-45 ; he attacks 
 Dwarup, Raja of Lath, p. 46 ; his 
 remorse and retirement to Sidh¬ 
 poor, where he dies, pp. 47-9; is 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 II. Chamooncl, who reigns from a.d. 
 997 to A.D. IOIO, pp. 50-2 ; and 
 has three sons, Wullubh Raj, who 
 predeceases him, p. 52, Doorlubh 
 Raj, and Nag Raj ; is succeeded 
 
 b y. 
 
 III. Doorlubh Raj, who re’gns from 
 A.D. IOIO, to A.D. 1022 , pp. 52-4 ; 
 and is succeeded by his nephew, 
 Bheem Dev, the son of Nag Raj, 
 PP- 53 - 4 - 
 
 Connected with the story of 
 Chamoond, Wullubh, and Door¬ 
 lubh, is that of the invasion of 
 
 Unhilpoor, continued. 
 
 Goozerat, by Mahmood of Ghuz- 
 nee, vide Somnath. 
 
 IV. Bheem Dev I. reigns from A. D. 
 1022 to A.D. 1072, pp. 62-77 ; 
 attacks Sindh, pp. 62-3; and 
 Chedee, p. 63 ; and is at war with 
 Malwa, q. v.; his minister Veemul 
 Sha erectsa temple on Mount Aboo, 
 in A.D. 1032, p. 67 ; his war with 
 Veesul Dev, Raja of Ujmeer, pp. 
 70-5 ; he marries Oodayamutee by 
 whom he has a son, Kurun, p. 75 ; 
 he has also a son, Mool Raj, who 
 predeceases him, pp. 76-7; and, 
 by a courtezan named Bukoola 
 Devee, a son, Kshem Raj, p. 76 ; 
 is succeeded by his son, 
 
 V. Kurun, who reigns from A.D. 
 1072 to a.d. 1094, pp. 77-82; 
 operates against the Mewas, and 
 takes Ashawul, pp. 78-9 ; builds 
 Kunmawutee, and excavates the 
 Kurun Sagur, pp. 79-81 ; marries 
 Myenul Devee, daughter of Jye 
 Keshee, Raja of the Kamatic, and 
 has by her a son, Sidh Raj, pp. 
 81-3, who succeeds him. 
 
 VI. Sidh Raj reigns from a.d. 1094 
 to A.D. 1143, pp. 83-138 ; regency 
 of his mother, Myenul Devee, who 
 constructs the Monsur at Veerum- 
 gam, and the Mulav at Dholka, p. 
 83 ; she procures the remission of 
 the duties on pilgrims at Bhalod, 
 p. 84; Goozerat invaded by Yusho- 
 wurman, King of Malwa, idem ; 
 Sidh Raj, commences the excava¬ 
 tion of the Suhusra Ling tank at 
 Unhilpoor, p. 85 ; and completes 
 it, p. 89 ; tale of Jusma, the Odun, 
 pp. 85-6 ; Sidh Raj attacks Malwa, 
 captures Dhar, and takes Yusho- 
 wurman prisoner, pp. 86^-7 ; his 
 notice is attracted to the Acharya 
 Hemchunder, p. 87 ; he repairs 
 the Roodra Mala, pp. 88-9 ; tale 
 of Jugut Dev Purmar, pp. 90-118 ; 
 Sidh Raj makes war against Soreth; 
 takes Girnar and slays Ra Khen- 
 gar ; story of Ranik Devee, pp. 
 118-31 ; Sidh Raj appoints Sujjun 
 
INDEX. 
 
 713 
 
 Unhilpoor, continued. 
 
 his lieutenant in Soreth, p. 131 ; 
 controversies between the Jain sects 
 of the Digumburs and Swetamburs, 
 pp. 131-34; Sidh Raj renews the 
 grant of Seehore,madeby Mool Raj 
 to Owdich Brahmins, p. 134; vici¬ 
 nity of the Mohummedans, pp. 134- 
 35; Sidh Raj pays visits to Malwa ; 
 anecdotes of the villagers of Wara- 
 hee and Oonja, pp. 135-36; cha¬ 
 racter of Sidh Raj, pp. 136-38; he 
 is succeeded by Koom&r Pal, son 
 of Treebhoowun Pal, who was the 
 son of Dev Prusad, the son of 
 Kshem Raj, the son of Bheem 
 Dev I. by Bukoola Devee, pp. 76- 
 7, 82-3, 138. 
 
 VII. Koomar Pal reigns from A.D. 
 1143 to A.D. 1174, pp. 138-57; 
 his persecution by Sidh Raj, pp. 
 138-40 ; ascends the throne ; de¬ 
 feats a conspiracy against him; and 
 puts Kanh Dev to death, p. 141 ; 
 his war with -o.no Raja of Nagor 
 and Wullal Raja of Malwa, pp. 
 141-44; his war with Mullika 
 Urjoon, King of the Koukun, pp. 
 144-45; Hemacharya, pp. 145-46; 
 restoration of the temple of Som- 
 nath, pp. 146-49 ; conversion of 
 Koomar Pal to the Jain faith, pp. 
 148-49; expedition against Soreth, 
 p. 151 ; against Sambhur, pp. 151 - 
 52 ; alarm of invasion from the 
 east, p. 152 ; rise of the Wag- 
 helas, p. 153; last days of Koomar 
 Pal, pp. 153-57. 
 
 Koomar Pal has two brothers, 
 Myhee Pal and Keerttee Pal, and 
 
 Unhilpoor, continued. 
 
 two sisters, p. 138 ; he dies sine 
 prole, and is succeeded by Ujye 
 Pal, the son of his brother Myhee 
 PM. 
 
 VIII. Ujye Pal reigns from A.D. 
 1174 to a.d. 1177, vide pp. 158- 
 59 ; he is succeeded by his 
 son, 
 
 IX. Mool Raj II., who reigns from 
 a.d. 1177 to a.d. 1179, p. 159; 
 and is succeeded by his uncle, the 
 younger brother of Ujye Pal, 
 
 X. Bheem Devil., who reigns from 
 a.d. 1179 to a.d. 1215, vide pp. 
 160-81. Bheem Dev, in a.d. 1178, 
 while his nephew is still alive, de¬ 
 feats Shahaboodeen Ghoree, p. 
 160 ; on his ascending the throne 
 he is threatened with an invasion 
 by Sohud Dev, Raja of Malwa, 
 and is subsequently attacked by 
 Urjoon Dev, the son of Sohud, 
 idem ; his contest with Someshwur 
 Chohan, King of Ujmeer, and with 
 his son Prutheeraj, as narrated by 
 Chund Bharot, the epic poet of Raj- 
 pootana, pp. 161-78 ; Mohammed 
 Ghoree invades India, destroys 
 Prutheeraj the Chohan, and Jye 
 Chunder of Kanouj, pp. 178-79 ; 
 his lieutenant, Kootb-ood-deen, in¬ 
 vades Goozerat, defeats Bheem 
 Dev and takes Unhilpoor, in a.d. 
 H94, pp. 179-80; no permanent 
 conquest is the result, p. 180 ; 
 Kootb-ood-deen, after defeating 
 the Purmars of Aboo, again takes 
 Unhilpoor, in a.d. 1196. Bheem 
 Dev II. dies, A.D. 1215,* but the 
 
 * We have placed the conclusion of the reign of Bheem Dev II. in A.D. 1215 on 
 the authority of the Prubundh Chintamunee and Rutun Mala. But one of the 
 Aboo inscriptions, translated by Mr. Wilson, and dated a.d. 1231, mentions Bheem 
 Dev as Muha Raj Adheeraj at that date (seep. 211). This inscription is not, 
 however, given in full, and there may be some inaccuracy in Mr. Wilson’s state¬ 
 ment, the difficulty to which we allude not having been, at the time, under his 
 consideration. It is remarkable that in the sister inscription, No. XVIII., though 
 the authors, Tej Pal and Wustoo Pal, speak of Veer Dhuwul as existing, and of 
 their own subserviency to him they say nothing of Bheem Dev. When the dis¬ 
 organisation of the latter part of the reign of Bheem Dev II. is considered, it need 
 not surprise us that the time at which his authority ceased should not be fixed 
 without dispute. 
 
 3 a 
 
INDEX. 
 
 7 M 
 
 Unhilpoor, continued. 
 
 yoke of the Mohummedans is again 
 shaken off, pp. 180-81, 
 
 Unhilpoor, Restrospective view of, pp. 
 181-200 ; land tenures under the 
 Kings of, pp. 185-87 ; military 
 affairs, pp. 187-88 ; diplomatists, 
 p. 188 ; customs, navigation, and 
 commerce, pp. 188-89; religions, 
 p, 189; holy places, p. 190; 
 domestic affairs, pp. 190-91 ; de¬ 
 scription of the capital, pp. 192- 
 93; fortress of Junjoowara, pp. 193- 
 94; fortress of Dubhoee, pp. 194- 
 95 ; temple called Roodra Mala at 
 Sidhpoor, p. 195 ; temple at 
 Modheyra, pp. 195-96; temple at 
 Waghel, p. 196 ; Koonds, idem ; 
 tanks, pp. 196-97; wells, pp. 197-99. 
 
 Unhilpoor, The Wagliela dynasty of, 
 
 Anak Solunkhee, son of the sister of 
 Koomar Pal’s mother, obtains from 
 that king a grant of the town of 
 Waghel, p. 153 ; is succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 Luwun Prusad, of Waghel, minister 
 of Bheem Dev II., pp. 153-201, 
 who is succeeded by his son, 
 
 Veer Dlmwul, of Waghel, a.d. 1231, 
 pp. 201-2 ; who employs the 
 brothers Wustoo Pal and Tej Pal 
 as his ministers, pp. 202-3 ; is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 I. Veesul Dev, pp. 202, 212 ; who 
 is succeeded by 
 
 II. Urjoon Dev, A.D. 1264, idem ; 
 who is succeeded by 
 
 III. SarungDev, a.d. 1294, p. 213; 
 who is succeeded by 
 
 IV. Kurun, surnamed Ghelo, idem ; 
 Goozerat invaded and Unhilpoor 
 taken by the officers of Allah-ood- 
 deenKhiljy, A.D. 1297 ,idem\ Kurun 
 flies towards Devgurh, and his wife, 
 Kowla Devee is made prisoner, p. 
 214; Goozerat again invaded in 
 a.d. 1304, idem , story of Dewul 
 Ranee, pp. 215-17 ; fate of Kurun 
 and retribution upon his enemies, 
 pp. 218-19- 
 
 Umba Bhuwanee, description and le¬ 
 gends of, pp. 322-26. 
 
 Veerpoor, Solunkhees of, pp. 226-27. 
 
 Waghel. See “Unhilpoor—the Wag- 
 hela dynasty of;” temple at, p. 196. 
 
 Waghelas maintain themselves in the 
 districts west of the Sabhermutee, 
 in the Bhal, at Wudwan, and at 
 Syela, pp. 226, 227-28. 
 
 Waghelas, story of Wurho and Teto, 
 PP- 254 - 57 - 
 
 Wurho possesses Kulol and two hun¬ 
 dred and fifty villages, p. 257. 
 
 Anund Dev, grandson of Wurho, 
 holds Kulol, p. 265; he has a 
 younger son, 
 
 Ranik Dev, of Roopal, idem ; from 
 whom descends, 
 
 Samunt Singh, of Roopal, p. 266, 
 who has two sons, 
 
 Wuje Kurunjee, of Roopal, idem , and 
 
 Someshwur, of Kolwura, idem ; whose 
 grandson is 
 
 Chandojee, of Kolwura, idem , whose 
 son is 
 
 Heemalojee, of Pethapoor, idem. 
 
 Wuje Kurunjee, of Roopal, has two 
 sons, 
 
 Bheemjee, who, after the loss of 
 Roopal, retires into the Eedur 
 country, where he founds the fami¬ 
 lies of Poseena and Hurad, idem, 
 and 
 
 Wunojee, who settles at Aloowa on 
 the Sabhermutee, idem. 
 
 From .mund Dev descends 
 
 Veer Singh, of Kulol, whose wife, 
 Rooda Ranee, constructs the well 
 at Udalej, p. 265 ; Veer Singh’s 
 descendants remain at Kulol until 
 a.d. 1728, p. 266, when 
 
 Bhugut Singh, of Kulol, retires to 
 Lembodura, idem. 
 
 Waghelas, of S anund, Jeto, the younger 
 brother of Wurho, receives the es¬ 
 tate of Sanund, p. 257 ; his descen¬ 
 dants, pp. 400-1. 
 
 Wairagees, p. 595. 
 
 Walo, the chief of Dhank, marries 
 Umura Baee, the Kateeyanee, and 
 becomes outcaste, p. 228, he has 
 by her three sons, the ancestors of 
 the Ghurdera Katees, p. 229; vide 
 Katees. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 7 15 
 
 Walo, Ebhul or Ubhye, King of Walak- 
 land, p. 239; conquers Tulaja 
 from Taluv Dyte, p. 240 ; famine 
 in the time of, p. 241; story of his 
 son Ano, p. 242 ; story of Kho- 
 deear, pp. 242-43 ; his contest with 
 the Walum Brahmins, pp. 243-44 ; 
 he is attacked by Ranjee Gohil 
 and Dhun Mair, and is slain, p. 
 244. 
 
 Walo, Ebhul of Jetpoor, and his son 
 Champa, p. 276. 
 
 Wankaner, the Jhalas of, descend 
 from Prutheeraj, son of Chundra- 
 sunghjee of Hulwud, pp. 404, 406, 
 413 ; see “Jhalas.” 
 
 War. When a place is attacked, the 
 armed inhabitants sally forth ‘ ‘ upon 
 the war,” or in pursuit of the 
 assailants, and with the view of 
 recovering whatever they may have 
 carried off, p. 304; see also pp. 
 478, 543, &c. 
 
 Witches, p. 667. 
 
 Wolasuna, or Wulasuna, the family of, 
 founded by 
 
 Gopaldas, the brother of Row Veerum 
 Dev of Eedur, pp. 319-20; he 
 leaves two sons, 
 
 Wolasuna, continued. 
 
 Huree Singh and Ujub Singh, who 
 divide the estate, p. 320. 
 
 Sirdar Singh, Thakor of, rules at 
 Eedur in the absence of Row 
 Chando, p. 346. 
 
 Wudwan, the Jhalas of, descend from 
 Prutheeraj, son of Chundrasunghjee 
 of Hulwud, pp. 404, 406, 413 ; see 
 “ JMlas.” 
 
 Wud wan, Urjoon Singh of, p, 406 ; is 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 Subul Singh, idem. 
 
 Wud wan, Chundra Singh of, p. 407 ; 
 his feud with the Choorasumas of 
 Rozkoo and their allies, the chief 
 of Limree, pp. 407-8 ; he is suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son, 
 
 Prutheeraj, p. 407, who continues at 
 feud with Limree, pp. 408-9,410-12. 
 
 Wulleh, Veesobhaee Gohil of, second 
 son of Bhow Singh Rawul, p. 425 ; 
 his grandson was 
 Megh-Raj or Mugobhaee, idem. 
 
 Wullubheepoor, description and legends 
 of, pp. 9-18. 
 
 Wustoo Pal and Tej Pal. See “ Unhil- 
 poor, Waghela dynasty of, Veer 
 Dhuwul.” 
 
 THE END. 
 
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