/ V CAVALIER AND PURITAN CAVALIER AND PURITAN IN THE DAYS OF THE STUARTS COMPILED FROM THE PRIVATE PAPERS AND DIARY OF SIR RICHARD NEWDIGATE, SECOND BARONET WITH EXTRACTS FROM MS. NEWS-LETTERS ADDRESSED TO HIM BETWEEN 1675 AND 1689 BY LADY NEWDIGATE- NEWDEGATE Author of 'The Cheverels of Cheverel Manor' &c. WITH A PORTRAIT LONDON SMITH, ELDER, & CO., 15 WATERLOO PLACE 1901 [Al! right* reserved] CONTENTS CHAP. PACE INTRODUCTION vii I. A SQUIRE IN THE DAYS OF THE STUARTS . . I II. A KING'S TARDY RECOGNITION 21 III. CHARLES II. AND HIS PARLIAMENT • • • 35 IV. CHRONICLES OF THE COURT 52 V. ROUGH MANNERS AND BARBAROUS DEEDS . . 72 VI. RELIGIOUS BIGOTRY AND PERSECUTION . . . 88 VII. THE TERRORS OF THE PILLORY . . . . lOI Vin. SIR RICHARD NEWDIGATE'S DIARY . . . . II4 IX. SIR RICHARD'S FIRST PARLIAMENTARY EXPERIENCE 1 29 X. THE LADY OGLE'S MATRIMONIAL ADVENTURES . I45 XI. AMBASSADORS AND THEIR ECCENTRICITIES . . 165 XII. SOME DARING WOOERS I?^ XIII. A FAMILY INTERLUDE ...... 197 vi CAVALIER AND PURITAN CHAP. PAGF. XIV. SEARCH FOR ARMS AT ARBURY .... 2o8 XV. WIG AND GOWN 222 XVI. THE GREAT FROST OF 1 683-4 . . . , 233 XVII. SUNDRY ITEMS OF NEWS , 243 XVHI. THE LAST OF THE STUART KINGS .... 254 XIX. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE CROWN . . . . 271 XX. AN AUTOCRAT AT HOME ...... 290 XXI. A TOUR IN FRANCE . . . . . . „ 312 XXII. HOMEWARD BOUND ....... 329 XXIII. END OF THE DIARY AND THE DIARIST . . . 343 INDEX 361 INTRODUCTION In the following pages will be found some echoes of the past, tending to illustrate the lighter side of public, private, and social life in the days of the Stuarts. The original and contemporary sources from which extracts have been made are twofold : 1. A collection of manuscript news-letters written from London to Sir Richard Newdigate, 2nd Bart., of Arbury, Warwickshire. 2. The remains of a private diary kept by Sir Richard during many years of his life, and some letters of interest addressed to him, which help to illustrate the Stuart period. The writers of the news-letters, sometimes called * intelligencers,* were employed profession- ally by those living at a distance from London, viii CAVALIER AND PURITAN who, like the owner of Arbury, were desirous of being kept in touch with all that was passing at the seat of government in the unquiet days of the seventeenth century. Their business was to supplement the scanty news a strict censorship allowed to appear in the public print or Gazette, in Charles II /s time, with gleanings of social and political gossip, picked up by hearsay, and usually prefaced by an irresponsible ' 'Tis said ' etc. My readers may remember how, in a well- known romance — ' Shrewsbury,* by Stanley Wey- man — the narrator, adrift in London and reduced to sore straits, is fortunate in finding work as a copyist under a news-writer of repute. At first the task seems an easy one. The scribe soon finishes the requisite number of copies of the sheet of occurrences and on-dits collected by his master from the public news-resorts of the capital, but overlooks the importance of the word ' Whig ' or * Tory ' added by him as a guide to the political bias of each Western town for which the letters are destined. When his patron returns, his work INTRODUCTION ix goes for naught, and he has to learn how Tory Bridport and Whiggish Frome cannot be served identically. His apprenticeship then begins in the art of manipulating and colouring the items of public news so as to render them acceptable to the opposite parties in the realm. * There are tricks in all trades/ he avows ; * so Mr. Timothy Brome, the writer, did not enjoy without reason the reputation of the most popular news-vendor in London.' In Macaulay's * History' we find a more serious picture of this useful calling. The his- torian asserts that ' no part of the load which the old mails carried out was more important than the news-letters. ... In the capital the coffee-houses supplied in some measure the place of a journal. . . . Neither the Gazette, nor any supplementary broadside printed by authority, ever contained any intelligence which it did not suit the purposes of the Court to publish. . . . The news-writer rambled from coffee-room to coffee-room, collecting reports ; squeezed himself X CAVALIER AND PURITAN into the Sessions House at the Old Bailey if there was an interesting trial ; nay, perhaps obtained admission to the gallery of Whitehall, and noticed how the King and Duke looked. . . . Such were the sources from which the inhabitants of the largest provincial cities and the great body of the gentry and clergy learned almost all that they knew of the history of their own time. . . . Many of these curious journals might doubtless still be detected by a diligent search in the archives of old families. . . Perhaps there are not many series of news- letters, of the time of which Macaulay writes, that have been preserved so carefully as those at Arbury. They date from 1675 to 171 2, and when at some later date they were roughly bound up in nineteen folio volumes, they found a safe resting-place in a dark and inaccessible corner of the library. The extracts from them which follow are given in the news-writers' quaint but often picturesque language. The diversity of handwriting in these letters proves that different writers were employed. INTRODUCTION xi some being far more illiterate than others. The mode of spelling at that date was so erratic that I have thought it advisable to adopt one uniform standard. No doubt the letters at Arbury were copied in duplicate and despatched to more customers than one. Yet we know they had to be varied to suit the special proclivities of the man to whom they were addressed. In the present series it is easy to read between the lines that the client for whom the newsmen catered was a Protestant of the Pro- testants ; a loyal subject in spite of the strain upon the people^s allegiance after the Restoration ; and though a man of culture and a patron of the arts, he was not so refined as to shrink from coarser and more realistic details than we should tolerate in the present day. Nor had he a soul above the social gossip and scandal v/hich the newsmen liberally supplied for his entertainment. The principal qualifications for the post of an intelligencer seem to have been alertness and enterprise tempered with accuracy. The profes- xii CAVALIER AND PURITAN sion was not without its risks, should the news- writer be too bold or frank in the exercise of his calling. Under the date of September t68i we are told that ' some Malicious writers of news have sent into the Country false and base reflections on the Government, and the same coming to the knowledge of Authority, some of them have been seized, together with their writings, in order to be prosecuted according to their demerits/ In spite of the risks entailed, an intelligencer s charges were not heavy, even allowing for the vast difference in the value of money between that era and the present day, ' Read a news-letter from Muddiman,' writes Sir Richard Newdigate in his diary, * whose news I intend to have for one quarter and no longer, for which he is to have ;^i.5.o/ The writers seldom sign their names, and then only when a private note is added in the margin, such as the following : * S' I return my humble acknowledgments for INTRODUCTION xiii your constant Remitting the Quarterly of my In- telligence. Under the candour of your goodness, I take the liberty to acquaint you that this now due is not come to hand as usual, and therefore presume that there is some mistake, which I do not send in the least to misdoubt your sincerity, but truly and earnestly from a desire to occasion no misunderstanding between S"" and [your ?] most humble Servant, Gilt/ This polite form of sending in a bill must have received a satisfactory reply, for the letters go on for some time in Mr. Gilt's cramped handwriting. The private diary of Sir Richard Newdigate needs a word of introduction and explanation. It consists, for the most part, of fragments of torn sheets of folio paper containing unconnected and mutilated portions of what must have been a minutely kept record of daily life extending over some thirty years. When the manuscript volumes were doomed to destruction, certain parts were thought worthy of preservation, mainly because they noted matters of estate interest, or were xiv CAVALIER AND PURITAN of significance in other ways. Whole sheets were then rent apart from the diary at irregular inter- vals, interspersed in order of date with rough - edged slips of paper torn from the middle of a page. Some curious entries have been retained which might not have escaped destruction had not the folio sheets been closely written upon on either side. Thus a note on some matter of mere local importance has safeguarded a more interest- ing entry of candid self-revelation on the reverse side of the paper. In these remnants of a day-by-day record there is no reference to politics or public Hfe, not even during the period when Sir Richard was a representative of his county in Parliament. The diary is chiefly noteworthy for the naivet6 and frankness of the writer, and for the fulness of detail with which he helps us to realise the private life of a country gentleman more than two hundred years ago. The historical links which have been added, in order to explain political references in the letters INTRODUCTION xv of the newsmen and of Sir Richard's private correspondents, have been compressed as much as possible. They have been intended to act merely as reminders of the history of the past, whilst avoiding a wearisome repetition of well- known details. It will be necessary in the first instance to give a short sketch of the antecedents of the man to whom the news-letters are addressed, and with whose character, habits, and manner of thought we shall become acquainted, directly and indirectly, from the extracts which follow. CAVALIER AND PURITAN CHAPTER I ^ A SQUIRE IN THE DAYS OF THE STUARTS Sir Richard Newdigate had his lot cast in troublous times. He was born in 1644, when Charles I. still reigned, although his kingdom was being torn asunder by the civil war then raging between the Royalists on the one side and the Parliamentary forces on the other. The boy Richard had scarcely doffed the girlish petticoats and close white cap in which he appears in his earliest portrait at four years old, when nis ill-fated and ill-advised monarch was hurried to his premature grave. As a lad, his earliest impressions must have been of Cromwell's puritanical rule and iron grip of the judder of State. With the Lord Protectors death the inevitable reaction set in. The B 2 CAVAI.IER AND PURITAN Rcstoralion (]uickly followed, and Charles II. was set upon the throne of his forbears. Then all was changed. The second Charles, gay and debonair, licentious, lax and self-indul- gent, reigned over his long-suffering subjects with an autocratic sway and a scandalous extra- vagance which must have sorely tried their attachment to the newly restored line. On the whole the yoke was borne with outward sub- mission, though plots and counterplots abounded towards the end of this reign. The succession of James, Duke of York, in apparent quietude testified to the innate loyalty of the British nation, and for nearly four years England was governed by a Roman Catholic King. Then the overstrained allegiance of the people and their invincible antagonism to the Church of Rome combined to bring James II. s reign to a speedy close, and di^^ert the English crown from the direct male line of the Stuarts. King James was quickly and easily replaced by his daughter Mary and her soldier-husband, William, Prince of Orange. Richard Newdigate outlived this reign also, and it was in Queen Anne's time, under the rule A SOUIRE IN THE STUART DAYS i of the last of the Stuarts who sat on the throne of England, that he died in 1710. In his sixty- six years of existence he had passed under the varied sway of three Stuart Kings and two Queens, with the further experience of a Lord Protector and Dutch King Consort as rulers of his country. It is not surprising that for thirty - five years of that stirring period he employed professional newsmen to supply him with letters from London three or four times a week, retailing current events and the topics of interest of the moment. Young Richard from his earliest years must have had a lively impression of the critical times in which he lived, owing to his fathers public position as a judge of some renown in the time of Cromwell The Richard Newdegate^ of the Common- wealth was the younger son of Sir John New- dieate and An*ie Fitton his wife.- He was born ^ The Judge spelt his name with an e in accordance with the practice of ancient members of the family. His son Richard, on the other hand, followed the example of his grandfather Sir John, and spelt his surname with an L - The history of Anne and Mary Fitton has been told in Gossip froj/i a Miinimeiit Room, David Nutt, Long Acre. 4 CAVALIER AND PURITAN in 1602, received his education at Oxford, and after being- called to the Bar at Gray's Inn he quickly made a name for himself in the pro- fession of the law. In 1632 he married Julian, daughter of Sir Francis Leigh of Newnham o o Regis, and sister of the first and last Earl of Chichester of that name. On the death of his elder brother John, Richard Newdegate succeeded to the family estates in Warwickshire, but did not abandon the profession which was bringing him fortune and distinction. After being employed as counsel in one or two State trials he was raised to the dignity of Serjeant, and the same year he was further elevated to the judicial bench with Pepys and VVyndham_. This was after Cromwell became Lord Protecton At first all three of the newly m_ade Judges declined the honour, and on being summoned into the Protector's presence expressed doubts as to his title, and scruples as to whether they could execute the law under him. Where- upon Cromwell is reported to have replied in anger : ' If you gentlemen of the red robe will not execute the law, my red coats shall.* From fear of what might occur to the State or them- A SOUIRE IN THE STUART DAYS 5 selves they are said to have very wisely ex- claimed one and all : ' Make us Judges ; we will with pleasure be Judges.' Oliver Cromwell, the lately-made Lord Pro- tector, was a distant connection of Judge Newde- gate's through the Hampdens, but they never seem to have been on more than formal terms of acquaintanceship. There is only one letter from Cromw^ell at Arbury, which is addressed to John Newdigate, the Judge*s elder brother. It is dated from Huntingdon on April i, 1631, and is of no special interest except as coming from a man who was afterwards of such fateful import- ance to his country. The outside sheet bears the following docket in the handwriting of the Judge s son Richard : ' Oliver Cromwell, That Wicked, Successfull Rebell, his letter to my uncle J. N. No Busi- nesse but about Hawkes, but I keep it to shew his hand and Stile.' For the latter reason it is given here : ^Sr. * I must with all thankfulnesse acknow- ledge the curtesye you have intended me in keepinge this hawke soe longe to your noe small trouble, and although I have noe interest in hir. 6 CAVALIER AND PURITAN yet if ever it fall in my way, I shalbe ready to doe you service in the like or any other kinde. I doe confesse I have neglected you in that I have received two letters from you without send- ing you any answer, but I trust you will pass by it and accept of my true and reasonable excuse. This poore man the owner of the hawke, whoe, livinge in the same towne with me, made use of my vannells, I did daly expect to have sooner returned from his journey then he did, which was the cause whie I protracted time and deferred to send unto you, until I might make him the mes- singer, whoe was best able to give an account, as also fittest to fetch hir, I myself being utterly destitute of a falconer att the present, and not having any man whom I durst venture to carrie a hawke of that kinde soe farre. This is all I can apologise. I beseech you command me and I shall rest ' Your Servant ' Oliver Cromwell. ' My Cosin Cromwell of Gray's Inn was the First what told me of hir.' Cromwell as a private individual writing a civil letter to a distant cousin was a very different person from the Lord Protector using threatening language to the newly created Justice of the Court of King s Bench. Judge Newdegate proved too honest and in- A SOUIRE IN THE STUART DAYS 7 dependent to retain his office for any length of time. He was presiding at the York assizes when the Earls of Bellasis and Dumfries, with Colonel Halsey and other Royalists, were tried before him for levying war against the Protector. Judge Newdegate observed that ' although by 25 Edward III. it was high treason to levy war against the King, he knew of no statute to extend this to a Lord Protector,' and accordingly directed the jury to acquit the prisoners. In consequence he was deprived of his place on May i, 1655, ' not observing the Protector's pleasure in all his commands.' He was nevertheless restored to the Bench later and advanced to the post of Chief Justice, but he again ceased to act when Charles II. made his triumphal entry into London and the Commonwealth Judges were considered as suspended. Thus far we have the bare facts of Judge Newdegate's career under Cromwell as related in history. Au amplified account is recorded in a much-thumbed paper amongst the Arbury manuscripts. After Charles II. was restored to the throne of his ancestors, the knowledge that the ci-devant 8 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Judge had twice taken the oaths and been elevated to the Bench by the Protector naturally excited a prejudice against him in high quarters. The paper mentioned above appears to have been drawn up to explain away as far as possible the doubtful position of a Royalist at heart, who had nevertheless accepted high office under Cromwell. It is entitled ' Apol. Pat. 1650-1-2/ and runs as follows : ' Mr. Serjeant Newdegate, being in good practice in the Chancery, was envied by some of his Fellow Pleaders, who thinking his Profit a hindrance to their own, contrived (as is conceived) his promotion to a Judge's place in Oliver's time, in order to which he was called Serjeant. But 'twas so ordered that he was (though in Oliver's time) sworn true to the King : (had it been examined 'twas resolved on, that the excuse to Oliver should have been, the Clerk being drunk mistook, and read the old form.) This done Oliver proceeded to make him a Judge, which to avoid he made use of all the interest and friends he had. But that way failing he being sent for, excused it to Oliver himself, by saying he was most unfit, for he had an over nice and scrupulous conscience, which would make him check at those things which others possibly would not boggle at, and therefore he desired to be excused, and absolutely refused to be a Judge. A SQUIRE IN THE STUART DAYS 9 Oliver fawningly replied that he had always fought for liberty of Conscience and therefore should not deny it to any, though much meaner than Sergeant Newdegate. Whereupon the Serjeant entreated further Time of consideration, which obtained, he advised with his friends of the Royal suffering Party who persuaded him that he had now an opportunity of doing his King more service than (this neglected) he could ever hope for. For he might countenance the Royal Party if he durst undergo Oliver's displeasure. This motive made him do that which all the Profit in the World should never have persuaded him to, — to be one of the Tyrant's Judges — a thing so hateful, that no Torture could have forced him to it. Yet this he undertook when his Ma^'^' service was concerned, and he did the King at that time more service than all the Kingdom besides. As for the other Judges, all of them except the Lord Chief Justice Hales that now is, did as Oliver desired ; that is, in their several Circuits condemned those of the Loyal Party that came before them. Whereas this Serj^ in the Northern Circuit, in spite of Olivers direction, troop of Horse, and Solicitor sent to overawe him, boldly acquitted those Gallant Gentlemen, who there had endeavoured to restore his Ma^'% when in all parts of England else, the Loyal Gentlemen concerned in that Rising were put to death, as the gallant Penruddock etc. And that all Persons might abhor the Tyrant he publickly declared that though many Acts of Parliament made it Treason to Levy arms lo CAVALIER AND PURITAN against the King-, none made it so to Levy .arms against the Protector. When he came up to Town, (for he resolved he would not fly for it, having used that caution which the iniquity of the times required) he was sent for to OHver, who stormed at him and told him he was not fit to be a Judge ; to which he answered with all meekness (as it concerned him having to do with a blood-thirsty Tyrant) I told your High- ness so before," and so laid his Commission at his feet. But Oliver flung away from him, and He, that all the world might see the confidence his integrity created in him, and how little he valued the Usurper's anger, the next day pleaded at the Bar in Westminster Hall. And shortly after when the unjust sentence passed against Sir Henry Slingsby and Dr. Huet, advised the then Sheriff of London not to put it in execution by any means. Cromwell resolved to be revenged on him, but carried it cunningly, so put him in Judge again with a Compliment. But he had got an Act passed in his Mock Parliament to make levying war against him Treason. The Serj^ hov/ever, resolved to stick to his Loyal principles, whatever came of it. But it happened the Tyrant died before he had an opportunity to work his revenge. So that till the Committee of Safeties time, after S' George B ^ business, the Serjeant had not occasion to show his zeal to the King s cause. But then many Gentlemen being committed, the Serjeant freed them by granting Habeas Corpus at that very time in West- ' Hole in paper. A SOUIRE IN THP: STUART DAYS ii minster Hall, when that Juncta of Tyrants sat in Wallingford House, and from thence sent several officers of the Army with messages to stop his proceedings. But when any offered to speak he commanded his Tipstaves to lay them by the heels for disturbing the Court, for which when he should have been punished, General Monk coming up, put an end to their proceedings. And about 2 or 3 months before the Happy coming in of his Sacred Ma'^^ Glyn was turned out, and the Serjeant made Chief Justice of England. After which he laboured with all his might to withstand Glyn's and S^ John's oppo- sition in the House against the Royal Interest. And with the close consultation which he had a nights which occasioned him many a walk in the street that cold spring, he caught so great a cold that occasioned his following sickness, which had like to have sent him with a Nunc Dimittis to his grave. For he just made shift to see his King ride in, but had not strength to wait upon him. 'Twas reported in Westminster Hall that he was dead, and some made use of that Report. His House was often the Sanctuary of distressed Cavaliers, as his Grace of Canterbury and others well knew.' A little more information concerning the curious episode of Judge Newdegate's passing tenure of the post of Chief Justice is to be gleaned from a paper in his son's handwriting, labelled 'Vindication of the 1st S' R. N. from IZ CAVALIER AND PURITAN bein<4- one of Oliver's Knights.' After recapitu- lating much the same story as above, Richard Newdieate ooes on to state that when his father ' fell into so great Sickness that for 3 months his life was despaired of, Dr. Sheldon, Elect of London and Clerk oth' Closet, came from White- hall every day to pray by him, and 'twas reported in Westminster Hall at his first Sickening that he was Dead, which report a certain Lord Chan- cellor [Earl of Clarendon] took advantage of, and put Foster in his place.' It was at this time (1660) that the late Judge was returned M.P. for Tamworth, and although he was deposed from the Bench, a writ was issued to confirm him in the degree of the coif. Henceforward he was known as Mr. Serjeant Newdegate, and he resumed his former practice at the Bar. The same success as before attended him in his profession, and so absorbing did he find the claims of his legal calling that, as soon as his eldest son Richard came of age, he made over to him. his Warwickshire estates in the following terms : ' I will settle ' (writes the Serjeant) * all my Warwickshire Land in possession on my son for A SQUIRE IN THE STUART DAYS 13 life for his present maintenance, the better to enable him to live at Arbury, which amounts to the yearly sum of 1550/. p. an. and better. ' I will settle for Joynture of the Person with whom He shall marry, the Manor house, Manor and Demesne Lands of Astley, to the value of 400/. p. an. . . The requisite ' Person ' in the last paragraph was soon forthcoming. On December 21, 1665, young Richard was married to Mary, daughter of Sir Edward Bagot of Blithfield, Staffordshire. The bride of twenty — a year her husband's junior — not only came of good lineage, but was endowed with sterling qualities of heart and head which rendered the marriage a happy one. When the young couple were establishing themselves at Arbury, an inventory was drawn up of ' the Household Goods Mr. Serjeant N. left with his son in March 1666.' The furnishing of one chamber may be quoted to show how heavy and elabo**ate, not to say stuffy, were the contents of a bedroom in those un-hygienic days. ' /// the great Chamber : ' The chamber hung with five pieces of Landskipp hangings, a very large Bedstead with CAVALIER AND PURITAN embroidered curtains and valence of broad cloth, lined with carnation coloured sarcenet and seven plumes of feathers on the bed tester, two em- broidered carpets, two armed chairs, four stools embroidered, suitable to the bed, a Down bed and bolster with striped ticks, a feather bolster at the head, and a wool bolster at the foot, a holland quilt, three down pillows and carnation coloured quilt, a red rug, three white blankets, and a yellow blanket under the bed. A looking glass embroidered with gold, and another looking glass, six flower pots, two stands and a hanging- shelf all gilt, a pair of brass andirons, a pair of creepers with brass knobs, brass fire shovel and tongs, a picture over the chimney. Carpets round the bed, five sweet bags, snuffers, two branches, etc/ It may be added that the sanitary arrange- njients were deplorable, and even barbarous, in comparison with the above grandeur. The young squire of Arbury, third surviving son in a family of eleven children, had been edu- cated at Christ Church, Oxford, and was admitted to Gray s Inn at an early age, but seems never to have prosecuted his studies in the law. We must now picture him as a landed proprietor, settled down to the management of his estates, barely of age, yet independent, sanguine, and full A SOUIRE IN THE STUART DAYS 15 of energy. He faces his responsibilities by the institution of an account-book of formidable dimensions, bound in vellum. Here he enters confidential remarks concerning himself and others, with his various experiences, besides doubtful attempts at accurately keeping the figures for which account-books are primarily intended. He begins generously by announcing his in- tention of benefiting his successors, and with this view he carefully enters the names and extent of the various holdings on the estate, whilst he con- gratulates himself more than once on the discovery that ' Arbury Lordshipp pays neither Great nor Small Tithe.' ' The Particulars of my Estate ' (he continues) ' being set down, it seems expedient to me as well for my own, as for the benefit of Posterity to set down punctually the Best and Readiest way to deal with tenants (who often are Backward in paying their IV^nt and sometimes very cross). Therefore since God is so merciful to rne as to spare the life of my Father, which is the greatest Advantage to me in the world, whatever Advice I have from his, my own, or any other Experience, I will here lay down by way of Precept, not daring to trust my Memory in so material a Business. i6 CAVALIER AND PURITAN ' I. Never stay with any tenant above six months whatever pretence he hath to persuade forbearance, for he who can t pay one Rent, can't pay two together. But if as sometimes it happens, there should be an extraordinary occasion, rather lend a tenant so much without interest, to be paid three months after upon a penal bond. ' 2. Never take a severe course with any one before demand, though the agreement may be to have rent paid without demand ; and if they promise to pay within a competent time, forbear so long to see if they keep faith (provided but one Rent be due) but if once any break promise, trust them no more.' For a time the above and other simple rules seem to have answered, and all went smoothly under the new landlord. He sums up more than one early rent-day with the remark : * All paid but John King, and I forgive him because very Poor.' But the general axiom that tenants can be ' sometimes very cross ' is proved ere long by one George Newton, who makes noisy and preposterous claims at a rent audit. ' To avoid Wrangling and Clamour,' writes the Squire, ' I submit, but shall mark him for a Black Sheep.' At the end of a couple of years we come A SOUIRE IN THE STUART DAYS 17 Upon the following warning note inserted in Latin : ' Soli Deo gloria, sed cum ad banc paginam perveneris ' Cave, mi Fili, ne glorieris ; nam tantum Villicus es, ergo/ Soon after we find the services of a bailiff are dispensed with for a time, but the accounts are not rendered clearer thereby. ' Query ' (writes Richard), ' how comes this to be but 189/. 95". 7^., when the last was 194/. 9^". 7^. ? ' * Mem. I find that Mich. Swift imposed upon me.' A few pages later he makes an attempt to balance his debit and credit accounts, with the result (on paper) of a satisfactory balance in hand. ' 'Tis false,' writes the amateur bookkeeper. ' 1 have not so much by a great deal.' Even in these early days Richard Newdigate betrayed a tendency to lavish expenditure which increased as he grew older. A list has been kept of all that was consumed in the Christmas festivities of 1668-9, which shows the liberality of the housekeeping. c 1 8 CAVALIER AND PURITAN A Note of what hath been spent in the twelve Dairymaid 140 pounds of butter Beer 17 Hogsheads of Beer 3 Hogsheads of Ale 1 Barrel of March Beer days, 1668, Xmas. By the Cook 2 Beefes 6 Muttons 6 Veales 18 Turkeys 50 Geese 16 Ducks 42 Capons 2 Pullets 3 Chickin 3 Pigs I Swan I pay Bird [Peacock ?] 100 Rabbits 100 strike of wheat A similar list of almost identical quantities enumerates the Christmas gifts of the same date. But these were minor extravagances, though scarcely wise for a man who had still only a limited income. Richard Newdigate had gran- diose ideas in whatever he undertook, and he early began to embellish and improve his house and grounds on a scale which must have involved him in considerable expense. The Serjeant, labouring ac his profession in London, writes a note of warning to his son not to undertake too many improvements at the same A SQUIRE IN THE STUART DAYS 19 time. 'I hear talk,' he adds reprovingly, ' of images on your stable and carvings in your chapel.' The last indictment was correct. The chapel (afterwards consecrated by Archbishop Sheldon) was being profusely decorated on walls and ceiling with wreaths of flowers and festoons of fruit, executed by skilled workmen from the designs of Grinling Gibbons. The report of ' images ' on the stable was a libel, unless the large stone coat of arms above the centre doorway, planned by Sir Christopher Wren, could have been so miscalled. The stable itself was a work of art-~-the* New Stable as it was then named. And now, after nearly two hundred and thirty years, Richard Newdigate's stable, with its long gabled facade, brown-tiled roof, leaded windows, mellowed brickwork, and handsome stone copings, is a joy to all who appreciate a fine* specimen of architecture in the time of the Renaissance. It is recorded how the foundation stone was ceremoniously laid by a Lady Rouse, and as the walls began to rise up they evidenced the squire s love of horseflesh in the ample accom- modation he was providing for his stud. c ? 20 CAVALIER AND PURITAN When we consider how dependent a country establishment must have been on its stables for communication with the outside world, we can understand the liberality of the scale on which the new building was planned. Young horses bred and broken on the estate would help to fill it, and Richard, who prided himself on his skill in horse- manship, had to take his share in the art of rough-riding. Then again the ponderous coaches and heavy unmetalled country roads made great demands on the number of draught-horses required, necessitating the services of four stout animals at a time for even ordinary occasions. The Arbury coach and team were not unfrequently on loan. The Duke of Ormond is helped in this way on his road to Ireland, and the same favour is granted to country neighbours to take them up to London. With this sketch of a country gentleman's duties and interests after the Restoration, we must leave the son for a time to follow the fortunes of his father in Chancery Lane. No less busy was the Serjeant plodding at his profession and adding yearly to his fortune, little thinking how short a time it would suffice for the larger needs of his successor, 21 CHAPTER II A KING S TARDY RECOGNITION One of the chief objects of Serjeant Newdegate s persevering labour must have been attained when at seventy-three years of age he was able to buy back the old family property of Harefield in Middlesex, which, with the exception of the manor of Brackenbury, had been in other hands for nearly a century. It was in Elizabeth's reign — 1586 — that the Serjeant's grandfather, John Newdegate, exchanged Harefield for Arbury with Sir Edmor?d Anderson. Fifteen years before the repurchase of the Middlesex manor, its mansion-house had been burnt to the ground, a catastrophe said to have been caused by the carelessness of the witty Sir Charles Sedley, who was amusing himself by read- ing in bed. In its place Serjeant Newdegate prepared a modest residence for his occasional use 22 CAVALIER AND PURITAN and as an eventual dower-house. For the remainder of his active life he seems to have preferred to spend the greater part of the year, when not on circuit, between Chancery Lane and his house in Holborn known as ' The Leaden Porch; It must be noted to Serjeant Newdegate's credit that his honourable a.nd successful career after the Restoration was entirely independent of Court favour. It was not until 1677 that we hear of any effort being made to obtain for him some tang^ible recognition of the services he had rendered as a Commonwealth Judge to certain Royalists and the cause they represented. A movement w^as then set on foot bv some of those who had profited by his courage and in- dependence. Colonel Halsey, whose life had been spared with others at the memorable York assizes, took the initiative in the matter. He was energetically aided by Sir Nicholas Armorer and Lord Grandi- son. The tw^o latter, being personeil friends of the Serjeant's, were able to approach his son Richard in the first instance with a view of ascertaining what form of recognition would be most accept- A KING'S TARDY RECOGNITION 23 able to the recipient and his family. The intricate progress of the negotiations is best described by contemporary letters, aided by Richard's caustic comments upon their contents, carefully noted on each cover. The first action considered indis- pensable on the part of the candidate for royal favour was his formal attendance at Court. After due preparation of the kingly mind, the Serjeant, escorted by his three friends, was taken to wait upon Charles II. at Whitehall. Sir Nicholas Armorer s account of the interview is addressed to Richard Newdigate, under date June 2, 1677. ' S*" Yesterday morning we waited upon your Father to Whitehall. The King received him in the Bedchamber with a Cheerful Countenance, and gave him thanks for his kindness to his Friends in the worst of times, and in particular to James Halsey, who ha^ informed him of it. M' Serjeant made little reply, I suppose thinking the King would have said more, which is not his way, unless something be returned to his first offer to the matter ; but it will have all the effects you and he can desire, and had now as you directed me. But had my advice been followed as I discoursed the matter with you, I am still of the opinion it had been better ; your own [objection i^] and seconded by your Brother stopped all our reasons, neverthe- less all is as well, for in the first Place, all in the 24 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Bed Chamber took notice of his being there and the King's cheerful going to him, and enquired from my L"^ Grandison and M' Halsey and myself, the Reasons of his coming, and since it is gone about amongst us. My L"^ Grandison went with M' Halsey and me to my good Lord of Ormond and told his Grace what we had been about, who wished he had been there to have made one. He knows your family and had a great value for your father Bagot,^ and will take a time when my L"^ Grandison is by to speak to the King of Both. ' As to the warrant we thought not fit to men- tion it yesterday, but you need not doubt I think, but it shall be sent as you direct, and in the best manner and the kindest that can be proposed, and by such a person as may be acceptable. ' You owe more to my L"^ of Ormond's expres- sions then I will mention, but thatfor another time. Your friend of Ossory knows not a word of all this, but shall when you please, and I am sure he will be glad of it. I hope you will see them as they pass Coventry, if they go that way ; but my L"^ Duke talks of going by Derbyshire to see my L"^ of Devonshire, but of that you shall know. My service to my daughter ^ and all your fireside from ( gr faithful humble servant ' Nic. Armorer.' The negotiations begun in so promising a manner were not altogether in accordance with ' Sir Edward Bagot, father of Richard Nevvdigate's wife. - Synonymous with god-daughter in those days. A KING'S TARDY RECOGNITION 25 Richard Newdigate's desires. He has docketed the letter with these words : ' S"^ N. Armorer, that my Father had been with the King, which letter shows that he intended otherwise than I did. He offered to make my Father an Irish Viscount, which I was utterly against, and desired to have him Chief Justice, but they put him off by making him a baronet.' The contents of Sir Nicholas Armorer s letter having been notified to the Serjeant, he writes in reply : ' Sonne, I had both y' letters ; by the first we were glad to hear of your safe coming home, and the other met me here, the contents v/hereof, not to seek for and yet not to refuse the favour if freely bestowed, suits well with my own fancy ; but if otherwise, I should be sorry to be censured and accounted to buy what was discoursed on. I pray God direct us in all our ways. So with my best blessing to y'' wife and children I am ' very loving father ' Ri. Newdegate. ' 14 June 1677.' After a week had passed by with no further sign of action in the matter, the Serjeant writes again in veiled and bitter terms of his doubts and disappointment. 26 CAVALIER AND PURITAN ' 21 June 1677 ' Sonne, 1 had y'" 18'^ June and hear nothing at all of what you mentioned formerly. So that by what you heard mentioned of ingrati- tude, and by what observation and every day's experience speaks, its plain that kind words are made use of to prepare for the advantage of those that have favour, as incident to their places ; and if it should be had, none would believe it was had otherwise than by the common way of purchase, which, how unfit it is to be done, and how much he that should gain it would be censured and up- braided, and ranked amongst others that buy titles to their families and have none considerable before from their ancestors, and thereby declare their pride and ambition, may easily be judged. The prejudice for acting in ill times can never be taken notice of nor mentioned but without [also mention- ing] the refusal to comply in the Country [York] which caused a displacing. The publick acting upon the Court for the releasing so many that were in great danger, which occasioned displeasure, declares sufficiently loyalty, not without resolution, which M"" H. fully expressed himself. . . . ' If you write to S"* N. A. I pray you to give him many thanks and H. for their favour when I attended, and that you hope thereby any suspicion of dissatisfaction is cleared, and that you know was all I desired, being in years ^ and thereby incapable of such service that formerly might have been done, or what else you think on to that effect ..." ^ He was 75 years old. A KING'S TARDY RECOGNITION 27 The son, as usual, dockets the letter with his own remarks upon its contents : ' Fearing should be thought Pride, vindicating his character from the imputation of disaffection, all he meant in waiting upon the King, which he mentions in another letter, and says he waited upon his Ma'^^ with N. A. and Mr. H. and L"^ Grandison, and that the King thanked him for his services and said little more ; that he [the King] was making himself ready, put on his wig, and they attended till he went out/ On the 23rd more decisive news came through Sir Nicholas Armorer to Richard Newdigate. The former writes from ' Endfield Chase' as follows : ' I came hither this night to take the fresh air, and repose myself after the trouble and noise of the Town T'hich I have been in ever since I see you ; which is as much satisfaction to me, though a poor man, as to a rich usurer to count his gold. ' I can now tell you your Father's warrant is signed by his Mat'^ and in such manner as you will find few I fancy has been done before, as you will see by the new copy which I send you here inclosed. Your Father's merit was so repre- sented to the King yesterday by my L'^ of Ormond in the privy garden, many persons of the best quality being present, that your family can never thank him enough, his Grace being no 28 CAVALIER AND PURITAN stranger to the Bagot family, though so to yours ; yet took our words for the character we gave him of both Father and the son, who I hope will never discount him nor us that have undertaken in your Names. Your other commissions I shall look after, and because of my being out of the way many times. Col. Halsey has the warrant and has paid the Fees, which ordinary is but £6 // 5 // o yet for the good grace of the Business there is ^lo paid in all in the office of the secretary. Though they could demand but the ordinary fees, yet in the office we of the Court do the same in such cases, to be the welcomer when we come next, and who knows but you may upon a better occasion before we die ? ' And now since you and I have ever dealt like frank Friends, I am desired by Colonel Halsey to let you know that since the Baronet was a new proposal, and differing from what was desired from us when the treaty begun, he thinks it but reasonable and just that he may expect the value of a Warrant, as is usual in such cases, and more now, by that warrants are not granted of late as they have been . . . ' This barefaced proposal for substantial reward on the part of Colonel Halsey was not very creditable, especially if one recalls how he owed his life to the Serjeant. The pretext made use of, namely, because a baronetcy had been substi- tuted for the post of Chief Justice, was little A KING'S TARDY RECOGNITION 29 likely to please Richard Newdigate. He makes this clear in his note on the outer sheet of the letter. '23''^ June 1677. Armorer to me, wherein he owns that making my Father a Baronet was a New Proposal, as indeed it was, for I ne er thought of it, but he fob'd ^ me off with it, and here sends down a Copy of the Warrant, and mentions my taking a Commission (he means as a Deputy Lieutenant, which he indeed spoke of, which I do not in the least desire . . .).'^ Whereas Col. Halsey who owes his life to my Father freely offered his Service towards getting my Father his place as Chief Justice, which Gen^ Monk and the Parliament had con- ferred upon my Father in March before the King came in, and which the Earl of Clarendon put Foster into upon report that my Father was dead, 24 Aprii 1660.' But it was too late to murmur at an unde- sired Baronetcy, or at Col. Halsey s unworthy greed for pelf, when Sir Nicholas Armorer's letter enclosed a copy of the Warrant already sanctioned by the King. This paper is w^orth transcribing, if only to show how lucrative to ^ You must not think to fob off our disgraces with a tale. Cor2ola?zus, act i, sc. i. The rest of the sentence has been erased. 30 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Charles II. was the ordinary exercise of the royal prerogative in the creation of baronets. ' Copy of Warrant, ' Our Will and pleasure is that you prepare a bill for our Royal signature to pass our great •^.eal, containing a grant of the Dignity of a Baronet of our Kingdom of England to our trusty and well-beloved Richard Newdegate, vSerjeant at Law (which said dignity w^e are pleased to confer upon him in consideration of several good services by him performed to us and our faithful subjects in the time of Usurpation) and to the Heirs Male of his body lawfully begotten, with all Rights, Priveleges, Precedencies, and Preheminencies unto the said Dignity belonging. ' And whereas there are certain services that ought to be performed, or sums of money that ought to be paid in our Exchequer by the said R^ N. in respect of the said services, which for the consideration aforesaid we are graciously pleased to remit, Our will and pleasure is that you likewise prepare a discharge from us unto the said R. N. of and from all services that ought to be performed, or sums of money that ought to be paid by him for and in respect of the said services, in consideration of the said Dignity, wherein you are to insert such Clauses as may make the said discharge full and effectual, and a particular Non-Obstante of our letters of Privy Seal directing the application of the sum of A KING'S TARDY RECOGNITION 31 twenty thousand pounds that shall first accrue to us by the creation of Baronets to the use of our great Wardrobe. And for so doing, this shall be your Warrant. Given at our Court at Whitehall the 22nd day of June 1677 in the nine and twentieth year of our reign. By his Ma^^^'^ Command H. Coventry. * To our Attorney or Solicitor General.' The tidings of the coming warrant had reached the Serjeant in London. He writes to his son concerning it on the same date as that of Sir Nicholas Armorer s letter to Richard Newdigate enclosing the above copy. * 23rd June, 1677. ' Sonne, just now my Lord Grandison told me that* at the Duke of Ormonds request the K. was pleased to give order for a warrant for that I feared, and that it is in Sir N. A. his hands. What engagements you have made, I know not, but its iit to carry on this business with as much prudence as may be. Therefore in ordering it I wish you not to do anything more without my privity for publishing it or otherwise. When the warrant comes I will take order con- cerning it. If you have promised, its fit to be just, but I doubt gain and gratuities are expected, which you must bring the family that prest it on. l am in haste and therefore only send you all my best blessing. . . 32 CAVALIER AND PURITAN The warrant containing the King s directions in the matter was only the first step towards a Patent of Baronetcy, and the experienced old lawyer was well aware of the hindrances that might arise before it was granted. He waits another few days, and then^ hearing nothing further concerning that he ' feared ' and yet would have been grieved to lose, faute de mieux, he writes again to his son as the go-between, on the 28th of the same month : ' Sonne, I writ you w^ord on Saturday of what my Grandison told me in reference to what S"^ N. A. promoted, that it now proceeded so far that a warrant was gained, of which I have heard no more. Only my Lord again told me that he did believe S' N. had given you notice thereof. I know there must be much care taken in pro- ceeding to have it perfected, the name and rank exprest, and a 2nd grant to be had to discharge the 1000/. every Bt is to pay, and warrants from the Lord Treasurer, Privy Seal, from the Attorney General etc. etc. If things be not effectually done an after clap may come out of the Exche- quer. . . . ' I again earnestly desire that nothing may be done for publishing that favour and gaining the Patent without my privity and direction. I would avoid being censured as much as I could, and public notice will be taken soon enough. A KING'S TARDY RECOGNITION 33 * Our Circuit will begin to go towards War- wickshire this day three weeks. . . Yet one more letter before the Serjeant s fears and doubts were set at rest : * 30 June 1677. ' Sonne, I had y' letter. . . . For the other concerning S' N. A. and the K. I hear nothing at all more than what I writ. Therefore I apprehend its expected applications should be made by plausible language before some effectual progress will be made to gain the warrant, or some other proceedings to shew the greater kind- ness or to merit the more thanks ; but its rare to have such persons lay out money and be at the trouble of soliciting in so many places without assurance of being reimbursed with advantage. Therefore 3»*nce things are thus, perhaps you may do well to write to S'' N. and to give him thanks, you having heard it by my Lord G. his report, how ready he and the K. appeared, and how graciously and freely the K.'s pleasure was de- clared, and withal to desire him particularly to inform you by Letter what is done, and what is to be done in reference to fees and otherwise completing, concerning which the directions shall be given as you hear from him. ' . . . Send your letter enclosed to me. I will send with it, and he shall wait upon him for answer. ... If there be any stop you will know thereby, and so both you and I be upon a cer- tainty. . . / D 34 CAVALIER AND PURITAN The Serjeant's wary sug-gestions for oiling and expediting the wheels of action set in motion on his behalf were doubtless necessary adjuncts to Court favour in the self-interested and corrupt days following the Restoration. There were still some weeks of suspense to be endured before the patent was officially signed, sealed, and delivered. On July 24, 1677, the Cromwellian Judge and ephemeral Chief Justice — once again a Serjeant- at-law in full practice — was created Sir Richard Newdegate, Baronet, with special remission of the usual fees. The recipient of these tardily bestowed honours did not long survive his King's act of recognition. Fifteen months later he died, on October 14, 1678, in the seventy-seventh year of his age. In the next few chapters extracts will be given from the news-letters received by the second Sir Richard Newdigate with more or less regularity from 1675 to of ^^f^- They have been selected mainly to illustrate the manners and morals of the period, amidst which lived a man of complex character— half Cavalier, half Puritan, wholly Protestant, a scholar, country gentleman, and county member. 35 CHAPTER III CHARLES II. AND HIS PARLIAMENT When the news-letters to Richard Newdigate begin in 1675, the squire of Arbury was biding his time until an opportunity should occur to enable him to come forward as a candidate to represent his county at Westminster. No general election had taken place since May 1 66 1, when Charles II. summoned his first Parliament after his Restoration. At that time the loyalty of his subjects was at its height. After the lapse of some years he had good reason to doubt whether a longer acquaintance with himself in his public and private capacity had not tended to weaken the first warmth of the nation's feelings towards the restored royal line. In such a case an appeal to the country was D 2 36 CAVALIER AND PURITAN likely to result in the return of a less amenable House of Commons than in the first instance. Hitherto, and for a few more years, Charles was able to evade the experiment. He continued to govern in defiance of precedent with the same representatives of the nation (always excepting chance vacancies) from 1661 to 1679, keeping them under discipline by constant and unexpected prorogations. When Parliament met after one of these recesses in April 1675, there was more than ordinary anxiety to hear the King's opening speech from the throne. The newsmen give their usual summary of its delivery, whilst on a separate page is found what at first sight appears to be the actual text of its contents. After a careful perusal it becomes evident that it is a skit or lampoon on the expected royal speech. Not even Charles, with all his reckless audacity, could have ventured to address his two Houses of Parliament in terms of such mingled ribaldry, sarcasm, and brazen frankness. The text of this effusion is here given, with one or two necessary excisions. It does not seem to be generally known, although it has been CHARLES II. AND HIS PARLIAMENT 37 printed by Grosart in his edition of Andrew Marveirs works. The author of the parody (Andrew Marvell) issued it anonymously, and when the House met, copies were found upon the floor. Probably no one was more amused by its perusal than Charles himself. ' My Lords and Gentlemen, * I told you last meeting that the Winter was the fittest time of business, and in truth I thought it so till my Lord Treasurer [Earl of Danby] assured me that the spring is the fittest time for salads and subsidies. I hope therefore this April will not prove so unnatural as not to afford plenty of both. Some of you may perhaps think it dai^gerous to make me too rich, but do not fear it. I promise you faithfully (whatever you give) I will take care to want, for the truth of which you may rely on the word of a King. * My Lords and Gentlemen, ' I can bear my own straits with patience, but my Lord Treasurer doth protest that the revenue, as it now stands, is too little for us both ; one of us must pinch for it, if you do not help us out. I must speak freely to you. I am under ^ It is also to be found in the 1726 edition of Marvell's works. The wording is not identical with the version now given, and the reviser for the press has deprived the text of some of the familiar, colloquial style of the contemporary MS. There are besides one or two obvious misprints in proper names. 38 CAVALIER AND PURITAN incumbrances ... I have a pretty good estate I must confess, but Ods fish, here is my Lord Treasurer can tell you that all the monies designed for the summer's Guards [Ships] must of neces- sity be applied for the next year's Cradles and Swaddling Clothes. What then shall we do for ships ? I only hint that to you. That's your busi- ness, not mine. I lived ten years abroad without ships, and was never in better health in my life. But how well you can live without them, you had best try. I leave it to yourselves to judge, and therefore only mention it. I do not intend to insist upon that. * There is another thing which I must press most earnestly, which is this. It seems a good part of my Revenue will fail in two or three years, except you will please to continue it. Why did you give me so much, except you resolve to give on ? The nation hates you already for giving so much. I will hate you now if you do not give me more, so that your Interest obliges you to stick to me or you will not have a friend left in England. ' On the other side if you continue the revenue as desired I shall be able to perform those great things for your religion and liberty which I have long had in my thoughts, but can not effect it without this establishment ' Wherefore look to it If you do not make me rich enough to undo you, it shall be at your door. For my part I can with a clear conscience say I have done my best and shall leave the rest to my successors. But that I may gain your good opinion the best way is to acquaint you CHARLES II. AND HIS PARLIAMENT 39 what I have done to deserve it out of my Royal care for your religion and property. ' For the first my late proclamation is the true picture of my mind. He that cannot (as in a glass) see my zeal for the Church of England doth not deserve any other satisfaction, for I declare him wilful, abominable and not good. You may perhaps cry, how comes this sudden change ? To that I reply in a word : I am a Changeling.^ That I think a full answer. But to convince men yet further that I mean as I say, there are these arguments : ' I St. I tell you so, and you know I never broke ]iiy word. ' 2nd. My Lord Treasurer says so, and he never told a lie in his life. *3rcl. My Lord Lauderdale will undertake for me, and I should be loth by any act of mine to forfeit tlfo Credit he has with you. ' If you desire more Instances of my Zeal 1 have them for you. For example I have converted all my natural sons from popery. . . . It would do your hearts good to hear how prettily little George^ can read already in the Psalter. They are all fine children, God bless them, and so like me in their understandings. ' But as I was saying, I have to please you given a pension to the favourite, my Lord Lauderdale, not so much that I thought he wanted it as I know you would take it kindly. I ^ Given to change. ^ Son of the Duchess of Cleveland, afterwards created Duke of Northumberland. 40 CAVALIER AND PURITAN have made Carwell a Duchess/ and married her sister to my Lord Pembroke. I have made Crew Bishop of Durham. I have at my Brother s request sent my Lord Inchiquin to settle the Protestant religion at Tangier ; and at the first word of my Lady Portsmouth I preferred Bride- oake^' to be Bishop of Chichester. I do not know what factious men would have, but this I am sure of, that none of my predecessors did ever anything like this to gain the good will of their subjects. So much for religion. ' Now as to your property. My behaviour to the Bankers and letting of the Customs to my Lord John and partners, take for public instances, and the proceedings about IVP' Hide and Emerton ^ for a private one ; and such con- vincing evidences that it will be needless to mention anything more of it. ' I must now acquaint you that by my Lord Treasurer s advice I have made a Considerable retrenchment in my Expenses in Candles and Charcoal, and do not intend to stick there, but with your help to look into the like embezzlement of mxy kitchen stuff, of which (by the way) on my conscience neither my Lord Treasurer nor my Lord Lauderdale are guilty ; but if you should 1 Duchess of Portsmouth. - This name is given as Bradcock in the MS., and as Prideaux in the 1726 edition. It must have been Brideoake, who succeeded Gunning as Bishop of Chichester. Evelyn notes in his Diary on March 20, 1676 : * Dr. Brideoak, Bishop of Chichester, preached ; a mean discourse for a Bishop.' ^ See Chapter XI. CHARLES II. AND HIS PARLIAMENT 41 find them dabbling in that business, I tell you plainly I leave them to you, for I would not have the world think I am a man to be cheated. ' My Lords and Gentlemen, ' I would have you believe of me as you always found me, and I solemnly profess that whatever you give me it shall be managed with the same thrift, trust, conduct, prudence, and sincerity that I have ever practised since my happy Restoration/ The irony of the allusions to ' my Lord / Lauderdale ' in the above document is the more striking when we recall a vote passed by the Commons in the previous session. It was to request the King ' to remove the Duke of Lauderdale for ever from his person and council as a dangerous and suspected person.' This vote was again brought forward and carried in the present sitting of Parliament. The reference to 'Carwell,' as the English people called the French siren, Louise de Que- rouaille, was equally audacious. We find her described in contemporary history as ' the enamouring and intriguing Duchess of Ports- mouth, object of the King's Affection and the Nation's Hatred.' The news-letters of this date retail how she 42 CAVALIER AND PURITAN had been appointed ' Groom of the Stole to the Queen/ Poor Queen, what had she not to endure ! The extravagance of the Duchess and the state she kept up became more and more scandalous. After one of her occasional visits to her native country the newsmen write : ' The Duchess of Portsmouth is in greater state than even She has brought over three coaches and six horses, and she hath fifty attend- ants and ten grooms/ Her sisters marriage to Lord Pembroke is mentioned in a letter from Lord Desmond^ to Richard Newdigate in this year. He writes from London to return thanks for the loan of his neigh- bour s coach and horses for the journey thither. The item of gossip is in a postscript. ' The Duchess of Portsmouth's sister is to be married to my Lord Pembroke ; the King gives ,/^8,ooo with her.' The bride-elect had little cause to thank the King for his promotion of this marriage, Lord Pembroke being a man of a turbulent and violent disposition. He was tried before his peers for manslaughter, and only escaped punishment by * pleading his peerage and so was discharged/ ^ Better known as Earl of Denbigh. CHARLES II. AND HIS PARLIAMENT 43 Soon after he is again reported to have killed a man and two horses, when he fled the country for a time. The retrenchments hinted at in one of the paragraphs of the King's speech had become a matter of necessity owing to Charles's prodigality. They were carried out to some extent in the course of time, but not at the King's expense. ' Yesterday at Council his Mat^ was pleased to approve of the retrenchments which had been made by the committee of the Lords, viz. : that all board wages and diet and half of all pensions and salaries, except those to the Judges, shall be taken off for fifteen months to come, commencing from the first of the Instant. The whole re- trenchment, its said, does amount to ;^30o,ooo.' It was after the second short session of Parlia- ment in the autumn of the year 1675 that Charles scandalised the nation and the two houses of Parliament by a prorogation which lasted fifteen months. On their re-assembling in February 1677, the Duke of Buckingham attempted to prove that the Parliament had been dissolved by the last prorogation, in accordance with the ancient laws of England, which decreed that a Parliament must be held * once a year and oftener 44 CAVALIER AND PURITAN if need be.' He added, with the coarse humour of the times, that ' Acts of Parliament were not like women, the worse for being old/ He was supported in his bold assertion of the dissolution by the Earls of Salisbury and Shaftesbury and Lord Wharton. They were all four sent to the Tower, where they held out stubbornly for some months. They were occasionally allowed out on various pre- tences by royal permission, probably to enhance their desire for freedom. Lord Salisbury was granted his liberty during the month of June because 'his lady was ready to lie down.' At the end of the month the expected event had not taken place, and he was granted a further ticket of leave, but before July was over he had willingly made his submission, as did Lord Wharton. The Duke of Buckingham followed suit before the second week in August, and Lord Shaftesbury alone remained obdurate for thirteen months. Then he too gave in, and after making his submission he had to beg pardon on his knees at the bar of the House of Lords 'not only for his fault, but also for his obstinacy in being so long in acknowledging it.' CHARLES II. AND HIS PARLIAMENT 45 In the year 1678 Charles made use of an alarm of a war with France to acquire fresh subsidies, which were voted with unusual liberality by his confiding Parliament. The threatened war came to nought, but the King spent the money in advance and found difficulty in extorting fresh funds from the Commons when in the next Parliament they talked openly of the ' pretended war ' with France. The English officers who had been serving in the French army were recalled, and the country was put to great expense by the raising of fresh regiments ^for the expected war. ' The French King ' (write the newsmen) ' has offered that whatever English officers shall stay in his service, they shall be advanced ; upon which some Captains who resolved to stay are made Colonels. But tis said they will be hanged in Effigy for their disloyalty.' Fortunately for Charles, the revelations of Titus Oates concerning the supposed Popish plot came in opportunely to revive the affection of the nation for their King. His life was too valuable for the Protestant cause to be lightly esteemed, and his many delinquencies were forgotten in anxiety for his safety. 46 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Lord Massareene/ Richard Newdigate's first cousin, writing to him from Antrim Castle in Ireland, in reply to the announcement of the Serjeant's death, says in reference to the plot and its consequences : * ... I am among the real mourners for my dear Uncle, and much reckoned upon the satisfac- tion of seeing him this winter, if the horrid design (discovered in England and suspected to have its influence here also) had not made it necessary to stay at home, as well in relation to the country where our interest lies as to our numerous family. I have indeed been much obliged to my friends in England, who till the tenth of this month (December 1678) have sent me all passages both in the Parliament and at Court during this session ; with the late Act and Test against Popish members, y^ votes & journals of both Houses, as well as y^ preparations for impeachments etc. . . . So that after your receipt of this I hope you will once a week allow me what is new, to which you have these encouragements, viz^ : the speedy access of yours of the 9th, the dexterity in the use of your pen, and the hearty welcome your letters find upon every occasion.* ^ Sir John Skeffington, 2nd Viscount Massareene, was the eldest son of Sir Richard Skeffington, Kt., and Anne, his wife, youngest daughter of Sir John Newdigate. Sir John Skeffington succeeded his father-in-law. Sir John Clotworthy, as 2nd Viscount Massareene, the peerage having been conferred by Charles II. with especial remainder to Sir John Skeffington in default of male issue. CHARLES IL AND HIS PARLIAMENT 47 (To this request Richard replies by a docket on the letter : ' Desires me to write to him once a week, which I can't do.') Lord Massareene con- tinues : ' The last London Gazette is filled, I see, with news from Dublin, and I need not repeat the proclamations there recited. But since what is extant there we have news of a plot against the life of the D. of Ormond our L'^ Lieut., which was in some sort designed by certain Priests, w^ho were dealing with a young man in Dublin to be gotten into the Duke's service for the better accom.plishment of this evil design. My time is little of late at my own disposal, being swallowed up in the enquiry after the Romish Clergy and catechising the Priests of that persua- sion whether they are of the secular or the Regular Clergy, our Proclamations for imprison- ment reaching only the latter sort ; in so much as all our parish-popish-priests avowedly stay amongst us, and the Regular remain also in Masquerade as we suspect, there being few or none removed beyond sea, altho' our pro- clamations required them to be gone by or before the 20th of November. The Romanists were also by another proclamation to give up their fire-arms by a day prefixt ; which they forebore, and now upon search very few or none can be taken. We have our alarms here, as we hear in England have been in Birmingham, Walsall, and other country-towns ; so that we are constantly 48 CAVALIER AND PURITAN upon our watch, and this Castle [of Antrim] is pretty strong, being- never taken in the Rebellion that was in Ireland in 164 1. ... I write this so fast that I fear it will scarce be legrible, beino- interrupted several tunes since I began it, and whilst I am making up this I am finishing other dispatches to my L'^ and Council upon occasion of late orders from them for revival and settlement of the Militia in these parts, which since 1666 hath been almost languishing, having seldom met and by time rendered un- serviceable almost ; many officers dead and arms un-fixt. This is much of my case in this great county of Antrim, especially since the Earl of Donegall, the Governor of the County, died about six weeks agone ; a cousin German of my wife, and he hath left me a Trustee ; his son is an infant. I had also, as Governor of the adjoining County of Londonderry, the charge in my Lord Essex's government, and since it is renewed by my Commission under my Lord Duke of Ormond ; so that my hands are full, and you will excuse me for this haste. . . The news-letters to Richard Newdigate now give constant reports of an impending proroga- tion, which was most unpopular in the country. ''Tis not convenient,* the writers say, *to express what the discourses of people are concerning the prorogation/ Lord Massareene writes again in February CHARLES II. AND HIS PARLIAMENT 49 1679, at this critical time both for England and Ireland : ' I thank you for your news, which I see was agreeable with divers other narratives ; but in a few hours after yours was dated, the Councils at Court were much altered and the Proclamation emitted the 24th for dissolving our Long Par- lem^ and calling another against March 4th after it was once resolved otherwise. These things are supra nos. The scene of the Plot and the persons most notorious (now proscribed) are late of Staf- fordshire I see ; and for some months past I apprehended there was mischief hatching in that neighbourhood and suspected all the Rumors there were fiot smoke without fire. I am much more sorry for my neighbour at Tixell ^ than my L"^ Stafford, altho' the age of the latter might have given him better precepts, and the education of the other (under a most worthy Parent, my old L^ Aston, who always honoured us of our family with a great respect) might have principled him otherwise both in his transactions and responsalls touching this affair ; in which he seems most Liable to be taxed with a failure in his Prudentialls as well as his Allegiance, and the truth is, no other can be said of any man, who fails in the Latter. But this miscarriage has grossly exposed him, and seldom any who are versed in Red-letters, but have their Lesson much better than (it seems) he had . . . ; ^ Lord Aston. E 50 CAVALIER AND PURITAN The sudden decision for the dissolution of Parliament was duly announced by the newsmen : ' The Clerk of the petty bag ' (they write) ' is making out writs for new elections and Mes- sengers ai'e to carry the writs to the several corporations, which doth a little moderate people s discourse as to the sudden dissolution of Parlia- ment.' The Parliament of 1661 had at last come to an end, after a protracted existence of nearly eighteen, years. With its departure in_to the region of history there came an opportunity for Sir Richard Newdigate to endeavour to satisfy his ambition to join the turbulent assemblage at Westminster. He was not slow in taking advan- tage of it, and came forward as one of five candidates who proposed to contest the county of Warwick. The sequel is not to be found among Sir Richard's own papers or letters, but is graphically described by Sir William Dugdale in his published correspondence. He writes from Blythe Hall on February 15, 1679, and relates that : ' We have much ado about our Election of Knights for this County. From Tuesday last (which was the County Day) till Thursday night CHARLES IL AND HIS PARLIAMENT 51 they were polling for it, and have adjourned to sit in every particular hundred to finish the polling-. One M'" Stratford stands against all the Gentlemen of quality in the County, having the vote of all the Presbyterian and fanatic party. The others which stand are Sir Edw'^ Boughton, Sir New- digate (son of the Serjeant), and M'' Burdet, son to Sir Francis Burdet/ The result is given by Sir William Dugdale as follows : * Sir Edw'^ Boughton and Mn Burdet 2031 votes Mr. Stratford i>344 1, Mr. Marriot . . . . . 927 „ Sir R"^ NewtL — Rose at five, got out by seven. Rode to Bagshot. Baited. Took Coach. {Mem. — Jack Royl rode away Tempest against my order.) Drove to Farnham, ten miles. Then to Alton, seven miles. Drove to Woodcote,^ eight miles. Went forty-four miles to-day. Was very weary and dry, and drank too much. Went to bed at twelve. ' Sunday gtk. — Went to church twice. Walked in Woodcot Grove. 1 The home of his daughter, Mrs. Venables, who was away in the Isle of Wight. A TOUR IN FRANCE 313 'Monday lotk, — Rose at six and went to Winton. Paid for FrankJ Spoke to the Warden, who dined abroad. Dined with Dr. Harris the Bursar and Mr. Thistlethwaite. V^iewed Wat's monument. Went to Southampton. There found Parker without, and in the Yard of the Inn my dear son Dick, my Son Stephens, his brother Hodges, his Cousin Newland and Mr. Scot, all waiting for my arrival. Walked, with all but Parker (whom I sent to the Key) and Captain Newland, to Dr. Clutterbuck. Found him and his Wife perfect Cripples. Stayed with them three quarters of an hour, and at the Key half an hour. Embarked my Coach in a Hoy and then myself on the Governor s yacht. West of Calshot Castle got into the long Boat ; was tost, being rowed by four hands six mile and a half Walked from Cowes, where we landed (having drunk a glass of Canary at Captain Newland's), half a mile. There we met the welcome Coach. Found at Barton four of my dear Daughters ; Moll [Mrs. Stephens], Nan [Mrs. Venables] that are married, and Betty and July. Hasted to bed. ' Tuesday iitk. — Took four Quarts of Posset Drink. ... At four afternoon eat boiled loin of Mutton, then drank burnt Wine, yet continued unwell. So discoursing several, spent this day. ' Wednesday i2tk. — Very hot. Rose pretty early. Agreed with Captain Radzee for his Yacht and with Thos. Harly and Wm. Cook for their 1 Sir Richard's youngest son, a boy at Winchester. It seems a confusing family arrangement that a daughter Frances and a son Francis should both have been known as Frank, but so it was. 314 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Hoy (which is called the Success of Cowes) to carry our horses and Coach. Returned to Dinner and spent the rest of the day with our Company. * Thursday i^tk, — Rose at three. Rode to East Cowes, ferryed over; went thro' West Cowes to Radzee's, boarded the yacht, saw how my goods were stowed, went on board the Successe, prevented their spoiling the carriage of my Chariot, which they would have knocked to pieces. Stowed her aboard the Yacht, Slinged my three horses on board. Returned to Barton. Gave my Daughter Mary a Breast Jewel (Diamond) worth ^40, and my Daughter Nan a Diamond Locket worth £16, Gave little W"" Stephens a half Jacobus, and little Dick Sedley a quarter Carolus. Yesterday gave the servants half Crowns apiece. Breakfasted, and embarked first on the Hoy, to which Cap^^ Radzee had returned the Carriage of the Coach, which I required him to take aboard his Yacht again. But he said he could not Then I went and fetched my goods from aboard him, and sending back Nan and July, my son Stephens and Scot, who were on board, we set sail in the Hoy and got against South Sea Castle that night. Lay rough. All were sick but Dick and I. Next day were becalmed. Could not lose sight oth' Island. Lay rough again. About two ith' morning a North East gale blew fresh and sent us forward. I wrote to my Daughter Stephens, and sent my Son Stephens a Key as follows. . . It is unnecessary to give this ' key,' which was A TOUR IN FRANCE 315 composed of a long list of alternative words for the proper names and political terms that were likely to enter into Sir Richard's correspondence, should he wish to write as fully and frankly as was his custom. By this means he hoped to baffle the subtle machinations of the French people, whom he regarded with a deep-rooted mistrust both generally and individually. As a matter of fact he wrote but one letter home during his tour, which had to do duty for all his correspondents, and, possibly to his disap- pointment, he found the precautionary measure of a ' key ' quite unnecessary. After two days and nights of much discomfort on a stormy sea, the little company of six arrived within reach of Cherbourg on the French coast. The appearance of the 'hoy' with its unknown freight caused no litde excitement in the inhabit- ants of the town. Sir Richard, as usual, is found equal to all emergencies, and nothing seems to escape his ' roving ' and observant eye. ' Saturday, i ^th About 4 ith' afternoon landed at Chirburgh, being a Port where the *'Sun," the great French ship, was fired [burnt]. The Sea shore had hundreds of people upon it, it being their S' Jamess Day. When they saw the 3i6 CAVALIER AND PURITAN English colors they drew near our boat, and the third man we met with addressed us in very good English. He was a Merchant of that place, knew our swearing Seaman, Abraham, his name John Baily, but entitled Cobizon, from a Village he possesses of that Name. He led us to Made- moiselle du Val's house, the Sun, where there were Stone Steps as to our Steeples, no boarded Floors but bricked, two Beds in a Room, no blankets under, but first a Great Mattress of Straw, then a small thin Feather-bed, and then a large Quilt, then a Blanket and Counterpane, round Bolster, no Pillows. * Mr. Cobizon advised me to wait upon the Commissary, who is their only Governor, the Sieur Menevill. He was very Civil. Then we went to the Inn, and Mr. Cobizon undertook to finish all with the Master of the Vessel, Mr. Harly. But I had a mind to go on board our Ship, where I found the Custom house Officers and many people on board, and hundreds on shore to see the Sight. * After two hours spent in shewing all our goods to the Custom house officers, who were very strict but very civil, we slung our Horses and Coach ashore and put it together, and four men carried our Goods in great Handbarrows. The Coach was accompanied by the multitude into town, who had (as Mr Cobizon said) ne er seen a Coach before, and I was forced to take it off the Wheels and carry it into a Bachelor Merchant (Mr. Bousselaer) his Yard, to have it safe. Otherwise it had been torn in pieces and those A TOUR IN FRANCE kept as Relics by the people. This held ine lill near eleven. ' In the meantime I went to bespeak Sijp[)er, but could have no flesh ; they durst not dress it. 'Twas Saturday, a Fish day, and tho' to break the seventh Comandment is venial, eating Flesh is a mortal Sin. Nor could we have fish ; Mrs. 1 )u Vail said 'twas all gone. But I spied Crabs, of which she bought six for three pence, and we got Thornback and made a pretty good Supper. Prayed and went to bed after twelve, I having read myself half asleep and then went to bed. After my first sleep I slept heartily, I thank God, till after eight' Sir Richard here, in dating his diary, overleai)s ten days and adopts the New Style. At the end of his tour, when he regains English ground, he as suddenly changes back again. It will therefore be less confusing to adhere to the Old Style as before. ' Sttnday, i6tk Jttly\ — Rose at eight, put things in order, which held us long. Prayed and read in Dr. Taylor to my Family. Then went to Dinner, or Supper rather, at four o'clock, soon after which Mr. Cobizon came, and quickly after him the Governor, who invited us to his house, offered to shew us the Town, and walked about with us. Then we paid for our Horses ^5 sterling in their money, ix. each new Lewis D'Or goes for £\ 35". 4^/., which with us is eighteen shillings. So 3i8 CAVALIER AND PURITAN vast a difference there is between French and EngHsh money. ' Then I got Mr. Cook, who has two shares of the Successe, and Abraham our swearing Sea- man, to help fetch the Chariot from Mr. Bousse- laer (to whose maid I gave an EngHsh shilling) and got it on Wheels. Then went to bed at twelve. 'Monday lytL — Rose at five. Having paid fifteen Guineas to Mr. W'"" Cook of Cowes for our passage (for Harly would not come at me, ex- pecting the whole that Radzee should have had) took his acquittance and gave Abraham eight shillings, Harry Harly two and sixpence, and Mat Cook, a boy of fifteen, and Tom Harly, a Boy of nine year old, twelve pence apiece sterling, and got our things loaded by Gabriel Vischer, who is to carry them to Paris for three pence a pound and to shew us the way. ' Mr. Cobizon said we had eighty leagues to Paris, two hundred and forty miles. ' Having paid Mrs. Du Val, the Hostess at the Sun in Chirburgh, I walked to the Town end. We left Chirburgh and went a bare and stony way up a Mountain, I having got the footboard well fastened and bought some spare nails. Then thro' a Vast long Wood in which was a glass house and multitudes of Bilberry s which we breakfasted on. At length we came to a Market town, very old and ruinous and very poor. Here we dined on Eggs. Found officers oth' Army very civil to us, who said we must go thro* Grandville and said we had two hundred miles to Paris. A TOUR IN FRANCE 319 ' We overtook a Merchant who said we had four Leagues to the Sea and two Leagues thro' it, and that we might pass it if we made haste. So we travelled together about half a League, and then he left us, and we, enquiring, heard 'twas impossible to pass the Sea this night, so travelled slowly, our horses being weary, resolving to lie at Burgh S^ Mary, short of the Sea. * But he (the Merchant), overtaking us again, said we might pass well enough, upon which we went in, I thinking that if the Sea came upon us I could gallop the Chariot to land. But it seems we were to cross the Channel and were forced to drive six miles in it, half a mile an hour. They called to me (in the box) to make haste, but I was forced to give breath or should not have held out, which one of my horses (Brabant) did to the last and drew us out and saved our lives, tho' his fellow would not draw at all. The Sea came into the Coach. ' Mr. Bretagne, merchant of Bajeux, who led us into Danger, stuck to us in it and held the Coach ; and after I had given thanks to God for this great deliverance, he sent Betty a basket of good Cherries and fine flowers. ' Tuesday i^tk. — Left Burgh S^ Clement about nine. Baited at la Vret, then passed Bajeux and drove to Caen with much difficulty. It is a large and Noble City, and has men in it whereof we have seen few since we left Chirburgh. We lay at La Place Royale, in that part of the town which they call Place Royale. * Wednesday 19//^.— Rested at Caen, and with 320 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Mr. I'Abbe. Procurator Regius, saw all that was remarkable there. ' Thursday 20tk. — Baited at Chriesonvill. Lay at Lisieux, a Bishop's See. ' Friday 2isL — Left Lisieux at half after eleven o'clock. Did not bait. Came to la Riviere Tibputelle by half an hour after four. 'Tisa deep swift River, and where we lay there is a very good Inn. ' Saturday 22nd. — Left half an hour after ten. Went to Rue Manderoit de Jean. Baited there and spent two Livres and four sous. 'Tis four Leagues North West of Evreux in Normandy. The reckoning was for beans 6d,, new gathered Cherries 4^., Cider 3^<2?'., bread j\.\d,, horses 14 sous ; total 2 livres 4 sous. Went that night to Evreux. Lay at Lion d'Or. ' Stmday 2'^rd, — Miserably spent in this Popish country ; yet prayed and read a Sermon to my small Family. Then, in compliance to my dear Children, visited the Churches, viz. a monastery of the Jacobins and a Nunnery of the Ursulines, and viewed that City (Evreux), which stands in a bottom as Lisieux doth ; both upon fine Rivers. Paid our reckoning. * Monday 24M. — Left Evreux, which the French pronounce Ivre, at seven o'clock, and went to Mantes, a Bishop's See also, in the Isle of France. ' And now we have left Normandy, being out of it about three miles, I will give some account of it. ' The Country is mostly Rocky, rich seemingly A TOUR IN FRANCE 321 and enclosed at Chirburgh, but miserably poor, depopulated and uninhabited all the way we have gone, which is a hundred and seventy two and a half miles. The first three mile is bare rocky way, then about seven miles through woods full of Bilberries but no Timber ; all the rest Common fields, yet with many Apples and Pears. Most of the way from Valogn is extremely good till we came south east of Chriesonvill, but very naught near Lisieux. They take great pains and are at vast charge in making Causeways and mending their ways, which seem better than they are, being great Stones covered with Dust. ' The great towns are very thin of People. The Corn is generally very good. They plow with Wheel-plows and fallow by bits and patches, where I believe it would not bear Corn without. Their upper rooms are bricked upon boards, but in poor Inns are floored with earth above Stairs. Pillows, Basins and, in some places, Warming pans they are strangers to. 'At Chirburgh, Hay, Oats and Straw were one shilling a night, but elsewhere 20"^^ and 2^^. Fran9ois. Wine at Chirburgh was 1 1"^ a Chopin, a measure a little bigger than a Quart. At Valogn 'twas 2d^. In short all things are very reasonable, did not the Hostesses (for we met with few men) exact intolerably, as at Lisieux the Landlady asked thirty-five Sous for a lean Duck, and I went out and bought of a She Butcher a good shoulder of Mutton for twelve Sous and a tolerable Shoulder of Veal for six Sous. But ^ When Sir Richard writes pence he means sous. Y 322 CAVALIER AND PURITAN being now come to the Cheval Blanch or White Horse at Mantes, a pretty Inn, plaister-floored, we met with a good deal of Company. ' By the Vineyards (of which there are some, but very few in Normandy) and Cherry trees 'tis evident we are in another Country. Their Husbandry is very Indiscreet. They draw with huge Hames, which stand up like Horns, and their Geares are sheep or lamb skins with the Wool on. Their Carriages are drawn double (which is very well), but their wheels play loose on the Axle-tree and make very wide Ruts, Their highways have no ditches, but their Crosses to shew the way are extremely useful. They use Mules much. Asses more ; Wooden shoes much, and Straw hats for Boys, many of whom lace their hats with a bit of Straw. ' Tttesday 2^ik. — Left Mantes before eight. Passed over the Seine thro' the Vineyards and Cherry Orchards (which all lie open) thro' Passy, Meulan, Poissy and several other Towns to S^ Germains, a fine Town where we baited, having paid our Carrier Gabriell Vischer three new Lewis d'Ors, one crown, one half-crown, and one fifteen penny piece for three hundred and twenty pounds at 3"^ a pound.' Sir Richard had now safely brought his party within easy reach of Paris. An average of more than twenty-eight miles a day as far as Mantes Vv^ould seem a creditable performance for a heavily A TOUR IN FRANCE 323 laden coach drawn by a pair of horses on bad roads, with only two days' rest out of eight. The hardest day's journey was yet to come, for owing to lack of accommodation at St. Germain the party had to accomplish the distance from Mantes to Paris in one day. 'At Germains,' continues Sir Richard, 'we could get no rooms, all being taken up by K. Lewis's Guards. So after a very great shower we drove to Paris, having passed some Stage Coaches all driven by a Coachman sitting on one horse and driving four— sometimes six — without a Postillion. Another sort of Travelling we saw, which is a Calash drawn by one horse within Thills, and another which the Coachman rides on and draws also by a Spring tree. In Paris we were at a loss for lodging till we met with an Englishman, newly arrived, but one who spoke French well. He enquired out an Inn (which are scarce in Paris) and I gave him sixpence. But Fortune threw us upon the Hotel Bezier, an excellent creditable lodging. There we reposed this night. * Wednesday 26tk, — Rose at six o' Clock. Got ready by eight. Enquired out another lodging. Then agreed here, where they first asked a hundred Crowils, that is three hundred livres a month, and would set only by the month. But putting up all my things, I brought them to take forty-five livres by the week, and told them I would give it only for one week. Then went to Y 2 324 CAVALIER AND PURH^AN the Porte of Conference and had all our things searched, and five pair of Stockings of Betty's, because never worn, were seized on, and I left an old Lewis d'Or and g-ot the rest of the thino^s away. Then went with Betty to the Cours de la Reine, the Hide Park of France. Came home to Dinner. Looked o'er my things in the After- noon, then took a walk to Jaques' Street, where the Booksellers live; bought a map of France, which cost forty pence ; a map of Paris cost as much, and a Book of the fine houses cost forty livres ; only had a quire of paper thrown in. Looked o'er half the Book ; prayed and went to bed at eleven. ' Thursday 2jth. — Unwell. Rose at nine. Went upon my accounts, which, with beginning to make a Table to the French Book of Maps, held me till near five, with Prayers and Dinner.- And now resolve to write to my Friends in England whom I have promised.' Here follows a list of the names of relations and friends at home, with the addition of one in France, ' M. I'Abbe at Caen.' ' To the English I will write thus : ' " S\ According to my promise This is to acquaint you that I thank God we are landed safe in France at la Hogue by Chirburgh in Normandy, where the great French Ship the Sun was burnt, within a hundred yards of whose Ruins we landed. Upon seeing English colors Multitudes came out, and the Slinging my A TOUR IN FRANCE 325 Horses and Coach ashore (an unusual Sight) was very pleasing to them. The third man we met, a French merchant, accosted us in very good English, and the Commissary or Governor, the Sieur Menevill, was extreme obliging to us ; offered us to lie in his house and eat at his Table, which, with many thanks, I refused. Things are very cheap, the people look healthy and well and are numerous, and the merchant aforesaid affirmed that both the Port and Country are two thirds richer by reason of the war. I must needs say, if the rest of France prove like this, all the Storeys we have heard will prove false. 'Tis far from Desolate. ' I am, S', Yours . . . ' ''Chirburgh, July, new stile. ' They say we are 240 Mile from Paris." ' What hidden purpose Sir Richard may have had in post-dating his letter from Cherbourg, when he was writing ten days later from Paris, can only be surmised. Probably by pre-arrangement with his correspondents at home he, in this way, hoped by English cunning to frustrate some imaginary evil design to be brought about by the French guilefulness in which he so firmly believed. Sir Richard economised labour and postage by sending the above epistle to his man of business 326 CAVALIER AND PURITAN at Harefielcl to be copied and despatched to his expectant friends. * This I desire Laurence Smith to get tran- scribed and to direct them as follows . . . and I will pay for writing ten letters. ' Went out in a Coach to the Greve ; saw the Bastille and Town house [Hotel de Ville] and Place Royale, St. Anthoin and St. Denis Street. Came back by the Post House over Pont Neuf. JVoi(e. — The Seine doth not Ebb and flow like the Thames at London ; nor is there any going by Boat upon it. I gave the Coachman two livres for an hour and a half. Came home, supped, and went to bed. Let Newton, the new Coach Gelding, blood. ' Saturday 28M. — Went to Versailles. Saw that House and Garden and Fountains. Prodi- gious fine. **At tu Provincia ploras." Were much obliged to the Marquess and Marchioness D'Angeau. * Sunday 2gtk. — Rose early. Read to my Family, ''To make Religion one's Business." Dined at three. Sent my son and Frank Coles with our Goods to the Cook's Shop by the Inn. In the meantime took a Hackney Coach and shewed Betty FEglise de Notre Dame, Hotel and Jardin de Luxembourg, and TEglise de St. Eustache ; and then supped at the Kind Cook's Shop. Had a Dish of Steaks for twenty pence, and four pigeons for thirty-two pence, very well dressed. Came home, prayed, and went to bed. A TOUR IN FRANCE 3^7 ' Monday 2>otk, — Waked before four. Rose to call Jack Royl and met him on the Stairs. Wrote this in my bed : ^ To Steal poor Lorraine, one day's time was Given ; The Cheat of Burgundy required Seven ; In a Month's Time the Dutch were bought and sold, Frighted by Armys, Conquered by Gold. At this Rate what will a whole Year produce To leave this perjured K. without Excuse ? A Day of Retribution sure will Come When all his Wicked Facts will justly have their Doom." 'Note. — Jack Royl said he saw three French- men led Drunk yesterday.' Sir Richard's long enforced reticence having found a vent in the above tirade, it may be observed how he further consoles himself by noting that Frenchmen can transgress in the same way as his own countrymen. He goes on to describe how he made the most of their last day in Paris : * Carried our Company to Le Convent de Femme Honorable De Val du Grace ^ and to another Nunnery where we saw their Fopperies and approached too near. Bought English bottled Ale at sixteen pence a quart. Dined. Received twenty one new Lewis d'Ors and two Crowns and fifteen-pence pieces and threepence of Mr. Couteuils for £20 sterling, allowing eleven and ^ Femmes Honorables du Val de Grace. 328 CAVALIER AND PURITAN threepence for the return. Weighed the Gold and found it all too light, but especially one piece eight grains, and another eleven grains too light. Shewed Dick Notre Dame Church, where the Virgin Mary and our Saviour are in two places Blackamores. Then went to a Play, the Cheat of Scapin, and for thirty six pence apiece were in the uppermost Gallery but one/ HOMEWARD BOUND 329 CHAPTER XXII HOMEWARD BOUND The week in Paris had come to an end, without extravagant cost, thanks to Sir Richard's close bargaining with 'mine host' of his inn. The leader of the party began to make the necessary preparations for departure, and but narrowly escaped unforeseen delay owing to the illness of his son, Dick, and the servant, Henry Haines. In the multitude of small cares which fell to his lot as guide and manager, combined with the attempt to fluctuate from the old to the new style in the matter of dates. Sir Richard ends by losing a day of the month on the return journey. As, however, the days of the week continue to follow each other consecutively, the oversight is of no real importance, and we pass with the writer from July 30 to August i : * Tuesday, ist Aitgust, — Put up most of my things last night. Gave Henry, who is very ill, a 330 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Cordial then, as I am about to do now. Disturbed bv Lodorers o'er head last nioht till eleven, and waked about two, and kept awake with excessive rain, and I o'er slept myself till eight. Then looked out money, beside the rate for this week's lodging, which is forty-five livres, equal to ^3 .15.0. It turned out as follows : Lodging 45 livres Horsemeat . 27 > > Diet 46 ,, 8 sous Doctor 6 Servants 2 Gave Mr. Helbieg, 0 T 2 ' Dick was extremely ill, could not endure of his bed. Gave him in water twenty drops of Spirit of Hartshorn and some Aqua Mirabilis after it. Sent for the Due d'Orleans' Doctor and gave him half a Crown, which the Master of the house said was their constant fee, for which he was very thankful. I gave Dick some Elixir Salutis ; shewed the Doctor that, which he tasted, and said 'twas excellent, and that he had had a great deal of it out of England. He much dis- suaded Dick from the Journey, saying 'twas very dangerous, and he would undertake to cure him in twenty four hours. ' Betty showed him the spots which broke out on her neck and face, which he said was only heat of Blood. He advised her to take Syrup of Violets and Water for her drink, which I approved on, and he sent a very little (thirty pence price) and a Cordial for Dick which he said would cure HOMEWARD BOUND him in three hours (forty sous, or pence, price). 'Twas small Cinnamon water a little sweetened, which Dick carried in his pocket, and the horse stumbled and broke it. He likewise sent three Limons (lemons) eighteen pence price. His Son, a genteel young man, brought them, whom I paid, and he craved something to drink, so I gave him sixpence and compliments, and for that he was very thankful. The Doctor dehorted ^ Soup. Dick desired it and I advised it, and he eat a good deal of Soup made with Cabbage, and two poached eggs. ■ This drove us off till five o'clock, but then we left Paris and went thro' S^ Dennis, and three or four other large Villages, but thin of people. Got before eleven to Beaumont, which they pro- nounce Bomon. Found a good Inn, la Grosse Tete, and got to bed before one, after hearty and, I hope, sincere Prayer. * The way was good to S^ Denis, six mile. Afterwards a broken Causeway for about eight miles, and then a miserable ill way, the last three mile a Causeway. ' The Country we came through to-day was like Normandy, most common field, and about Paris vast flats of Asparagus and some of Cabbage. East of S^ Denis there are many cherry trees and Walnuts, and in some places vast numbers of Cerinth trees, which they call le Grosell rouge " (Red gooseberries). We came by a fine house, Mr. Tourminey's, Treasurer of France. Bomon 1 Dissuaded or advised against. (^Johnson's Dictioimry.) 332 CAVALIER AND PURITAN stands upon the river Oyse, which flows from the Seine/ It will be observed that our travellers were returning by another route in order to complete their * tour in France/ This time their point of re-embarkation was to be Calais, and so to Dover. * Wednesday, 2nd August, — Dick has slept heartily, I thank God, and he and Harry are much better, but Harry is not yet cured. Spent some time, about an hour, studying the French grammar. Wrote out twenty-five Adverbs, reducing the English into an Alphabet. * Left Beaumont about two o'clock. Went to- night to Beauvais. Got in about nine. This is a Noble Town, pretty full of people ; has many Churches and a spacious Market-place, and has a trade of making Cloath or Stuff. It has several good Inns. We lay at one of the worst, ' le petit Cerf,' which is in the Fauxburgh. The Town stands upon the river Tergin,^ which comes out of the Oyse. ' Here my Company left the great Map of France which cost two livres.' The energetic leader of the party, having found time to study the language of the country on his homeward route, begins to exhibit his acquire- ments by writing the days of the week in French as long as he remains on foreign ground, 1 Th^rain. HOMEWARD BOUND 'Jeudi'^. — We left Beauvais about ten and went this night to Poix. We had a stormy day and much ill way, which grievously fatigued our horses. We were much beholden to two French Gentle- men who passed by us and slacked their pace and stayed a good while where two ways parted to shew us the right way ; for here are no Crosses to direct the way as in Normandy and I'lsle de France. We came in about eleven, being provi- dentially guided to hit the right way. ' Vendredi 4. — This day we dined at Iran, a small village, where I saw eight good horses carry- ing to King Lewis, and went to-night to Abbeville. About a league off it two French gents in one of their Chariots with two wheels, but a very good horse, overtook us and strove to drive by, but our horses out-galloped them. This City of Abbeville has thirteen parishes and seven hundred and forty houses, which is but fifty seven houses to a Parish ; so miserably 'tis lessened from what it was. The Children of the Villages ran by the Coach and shouted out the Hymn to the blessed Virgin and then begged. We lay at le Sieur de Brabant, an unreasonable dear Inn. ' Samedi 5. — Strong work was made to-day in the Popish Churches, it being the Assumption of the blessed Virgin. The Priests have their rich Copes on, the inferior Clergy their Surplices, and after high Mass the Boys went singing about the Church, the singing men followed, each with a Wax Taper lighted in his hand, two and two, and then one carrying a large Crucifix. After came seven of the Superior Clergy two and two, and CAVALIER AND PURITAN one at last. They went down the middle of the Church singing, and the Women followed. ' The like procession we met with in the street, four men carrying their Idolatrous Trumpery under a Canopy. We gave way with our Coach, and all being bare we were so too. Then we pro- ceeded on our journey. Dined at Bernay, where we had Sole and Place and sweetmeats, but a sorry reckoning. It raining and being four o'clock I would have stayed all night, but my Son and Daughter were desirous to go, so we went to Montreuil and got thither in pretty good time, I thank God. Lay au Renard, a reasonable Inn. * Dimmiche 6.— Spent in too much altercation. A very wet day. ' Ltmdi 7. — I would have stayed, but Dick and Betty desired to go. So we set out at four, it raining very hard. Harry drove us a League and then up a hill w^as staled, and with much ado I drew the Coach backward to a Village where we hired a Team to draw us to Front, which they did with much difficulty. We were all extremely wet, and Harry relapsed. ' Mardi 8. — A young Marquess who came in his Calash, and his Gent in a Stage Coach alone, baited at our Inn, and the Marquess ran up in his embroidered Coat with Silver, and was very obliging ; and we unloaded the Chariot of the heavy wooden box and two livery Coats, and then I undertook to drive our weary horses and dined nowhere, but got to Boulogne, couchant au le Roy de Angleterre (the head of Charles the P^) ' This town [Boulogne] has been very strong. HOMEWARD BOUND 335 'Tis a Sea port. Betty walking was shut up with a watery Ditch, to go over which Dick, by my consent, horsed her on Tempest ; and she would not ride but aside, and so the horse threw her into the Ditch. Falling, she modestly secured her Cloaths, and putting her feet in hot water avoided Cold. I gave Henry Elixir Salutis, but he is very ill. ' Merer edi 9. — We put sick Harry and Frank Coles into the Stage Coach, a very uneasy place, for which I gave ten shillings, ^md baited at Marchis, where we had good Beef roasted, but a very unreasonable reckoning. From hence went to Calais. We were stopped at the Port civilly and asked where we lodged, which we told them, '*au Dragon d'Or," and then we passed. * And now we are bidding adieu to France, I will recount what I observed. ' The Countrys I have seen (except part of Normandy) are very barren and ill husbanded, tho' in some parts there is excellent Corn, but few labourers to get it in, so that much must be shed. The Causeways are generally well kept, but the roads miserably. ' Normandy, Tlsle de France and Picardy, all that I have yet seen of France, are very hilly, and I yet saw no place where the water was turned off ; but Cascades and Torrents do run down their Hills, which renders them [the roads] very uneven. There are very few enclosures ; most of France is in vast great Fields and little Meadowing, which makes Hay very dear, six- pence a bundle ; and for want of Pasture their 336 CAVALIER AND PURITAN meat is generally lean. Their people are mise- rable poor, but very proud and lazy and insolent, but easily curbed and much in awe. ' A loaded Cart gives way to any Coach. They are miserable silly Carters. They draw double with Ropes without any Art, have vast high hames, and, instead of harness. Sheepskins with their Wool on, and Clothes o er their Bodys ; and in Paris and Caen and several other places both Coach and Saddle Horses have Caparisons of Net Work. Most of their Coach horses draw wagons with their harness, the Coachman sitting in a box. We saw a Wagon loaded with Corn o erturned to-day. ' The preventing of Duels and of Robberys ; the moderate F'ees of Lawyers and Physicians ; the strict discipline among the Soldiers and all officers ; the repairing the Causeways admirable well about Paris ; and the shewing the Highways by posts ; and their horses drawing double ; and their Great Civility to Strangers, are eight things very commendable. ' But their Superstition, Nastiness, Supineness, Swearing, Sabbath-breaking (even Acting Plays, Carting, Buying and Selling on Sundays) ; Exact- ing on Strangers ; their hanging up the Dove which they call le Saint Esprit, and an Old Man which they call le Providence (God Almighty) ; their neglect of their Highways, but more of their Liberty and Property, shews the Proverb to be true. That the French King is Asinorum Rex.' This climax reached, Sir Richard returns at HOMEWARD ROUND once to his diary, taking up the thread of his relation from where he left it for this digression, at the Dragon d'Or in Calais : * We gave in our Names, the Marquess Spinola, a young Italian, being here at the Dragon d'Or. I got my things paid for there (forty-three livres and a penny) ; got Harry to our Inn, had a Chirurgeon to him, who was against letting him blood to-night ; paid off his quarters and Jack Royl's ; gave a shilling to the Coach- man, eightpence to the Postillion, prayed, and went to bed. ' Jeudi lo. — This morning we looked o'er our things and treated with Captain Gibson about our Passage. After Dinner we went with him to the Dominican Nunnery, where we discoursed with the Lady Abbess and a Nun. And the Lady Abbess played upon a base violl and sang a very good base, and two Nuns sang an excellent treble. So they entertained us about an hour and a half. * M"^" Knight (now at London), formerly Courtesan ... is a great Benefactor to this Nunnery, and mightily esteemed by them. ' Spent much of this day with Harry, who is in a burning Fever ; had him let blood twice, once early ith' morning, again late at night. . . . We proceeded by D^ Renards advice, a skilful, learned man, talks latin fluently. I gave him three fees of two and sixpence, i.e, thirty six Sous, and he ordered him an infusion of Almonds z 338 CAVALIER AND PURITAN etc., which being taken every two hours procured Sleep, and wholly got off his Fever. * We got our goods searched and plombed ; that is a packthread braided, after they are tied with it, and stamped with lead ; a very good way, but chargeable. The Coach and three horses and goods cost two new Lewis d'Ors and some Silver. Got the goods stowed on board and the Coach embarked ; had a hundred people about us pretending t6 help. Went back, viewed the great church built by our Popish Queen Mary, Henry 8^^' Daughter, and bought Sweetmeats and Sugar. Supped and went to bed. ' Vendredi ii. — Waked before two. Could not sleep, rose at five, got ready, found Harry s Fever gone. At seven Captain Gibson brought us the good news that the Wind stood fair. Ordered my horses aboard. Went to the Bene- dictine Nunnery, put aside the Curtain and saw them at prayers. The habit of the Dominican Nuns is fine white flannel and a black hood or veil over it, and the habit of the Benedictines is all black, only white linen about their Necks under their black Vails. ' Then we put up our things into parcels and I got three plumbed and two went without plumb- ing, and I got them passed and went with them and Harry aboard in a large French boat with eight oars and a Sail. In the meantime Dick w^ith great difficulty got the Mayor s pass for our bodys, wherein the Master of Dragon d'Or basely failed us. * When I had left Harry aboard in a Cabin I HOMEWARD BOUND went back and found Betty in a boat with three English women and a Priest, into which I went, and the French Watermen demanded une Pistole, eighteen shillings sterling, for carrying me and Harry. The Priest and Captain said I should have agreed with them beforehand, but I gave them half a Guinea and one shilling, for which they were thankful. Paid un Ecu and five sous for embarking the horses, and gave four shillings, English, to four that carried the goods, and so got off, Dick and Frank Coles and Jack Royl coming with the Italians. * And so we got, thanks be to God, safe on board our Packet boat, a pretty Vessel, forty-five Tun ; can carry ten Guns. Our Company was the Marquess Spinola and a Knight of Malta and one Man each, all four Italians ; a German Count and an ancient man with him, both Alemains ; one Mr. Wilson that lives at St. Edmondsbury ; and my six and the four ^ afore-mentioned. ' Betty and Frank Coles sat in my Chariot with the Hood against the Main Mast, but were soon sick and retired into the Captain's Cabin ; and my being with them while they vomited so frequently turned my stomach too and made me vomit, for I had not time to breakfast on Shore. So, being very hungry, I eat some of the Priest's Neat's Tongue, which had been kept too long, and drank three or four glasses of the Captain's wine, and eat many Sweetmeats, all which came up again. . . . * We saw the English white rocks before we ^ The three Englishwomen and the priest. z 2 CAVALIER AND PURITAN went on board, and in four hours and a half, left our Vessel, and got into a boat at Dover. ' Calais is a fine Town, nobly fortified both by land and sea, and thronged with people, taking in the Soldiery. The Risban, and the other Fort in the Sea, and the Key are very well contrived to defend the Ships from Tempests and Enemies. * Dover Harbor, Town and Castle (miserably out of repair) are scandalously mean. ' We lay at the Post house, an unreasonable Inn, and had our goods searched by Mr. Byfield, a very civil officer. W e paid thirty shillings apiece for Transport of our Coach and Horses, and thirty three shillings for six passengers, and I presented the Captain one Guinea, the Seamen five shillings, and Mr. Smith, the pilot, two and sixpence for the Cabin Harry lay in ; and borrowed £2 of Frank Coles, and one Guinea and a Lewis d'Or of Betty. ' Mem. — I had taken a Chamber with two beds for Dick and me, and the Italians entered it ; so I readily told them 'twas at their Service. We had a most unreasonable reckoning, six shillings de- manded for a frigacy " of chicken. ' I was overjoyed when we were drawing near England and was too lightsome and too brisk on board. Mr. Macqueen, a cunning Scotchman, the minister of Dover, having heard of me, addressed to me and walked with me to the Castle, of which the Earl of Romney is Governor, and Sir Barill Dixwell Deputy Governor, which last place is worth £^00 per ann. to him. He keeps thirty fallow Deer within the walls. We saw the great HOMEWARD BOUND Gun called Queen Elizabeth s pocket pistol 'Tis twenty four foot long, a curious Gun presented to her by the States of Holland. I promised Cap- tain Gibson , Mr. Macqueen, and Mr. Byfield that I would promote the making a good Harbor, re- pairing the Castle, and establishing Plumbing as they do at Calais, as much as I could. Prayed and went to bed. ' Sattcrday i2tk, — Was waked soon after one. Slept no more. Soon after three they rose. I hired a horse, and took a place for Frank Coles and put Harry into the Coach for the first Stage. Taught the Marquess and Knight of Malta a little English. He (the Knight) tells me the Duke of Berwick is a brother of their order. Took leave of them. Sent Dick with my goods and to get my horses cleared, and went to bed again. * Got out about two, went to Canterbury. Lay at the Red Lyon, I think, Mr. John Wilsons I am sure ; an obliging man, where we were very well used. Shaved. Saw the Flying Coach come in before eight to-day from London with five Women, four of whom walked about the Court for an hour, desiring a fresh Coach to carry them to Deal, but could get none. They offered to pay extraordi- nary, said they were promised . . We must hope that the curiosity excited by these ladies and their eager desire to reach Deal was satisfied. For us the mystery remains un- solved. The narrator had reached the bottom of 342 CAVALIER AND PURITAN a page, his little ' tour in France ' was at an end, and the destroyer of the diary brings to a summary close any further inconsequent prattle upon paper by the writer. END OF DIARY AND DIARIST CHAPTER XXIII END OF THE DIARY AND THE DIARIST The last decade of Sir Richards life contrasts unfavourably with the brightness of its opening phase. An element of gloom pervades the scanty records that can be found of the declining years of an existence which began with such hopeful augu ries of a happy and honourable career. Soon after the expedition to France a cloud began to arise between Sir Richard and his eldest son, probably caused by the former s reckless ex- penditure. On a slip of paper dated June 4, 1 700, we read : * Plagued with a cross-grained letter of my son Dick s.' Money troubles were no doubt at the bottom of the threatened rupture between father and son. Sir Richard, as usual, attributes wholesale blame to those who acted for him as his agents, and sums up his opinion of their individual worth as men of business in energetic terms : 344 CAVALIER AND PURITAN ' 6 Atc£: 1700. — Me7n. When I was in France last year my Agents were intolerable Remiss. They paid off nothing. Mr. Beal now not employed. . J. Merry, Remiss. But 'Honest' J. King of Itchentonand Nat. Hayward of Harfield, arrant Knaves ! * A new account-book a year later has this sen- tence on its title-page : 'This begins at Lady Day 1701, which con- tains the most uncomfortable Part of my Life.' The clouds thicken as time goes on. In 1702 Sir Richard is in London on business, as he tells us in his diary : ^ Tuesday y June — Rose before seven. Waited for M'. Carter and Sam Sheepy, who both promised to come at seven of the Clock this morning, but neither of them came, and M^ Young promised to come by eight, but came not till after ten. But one, M'. Newdigate, Son (as he said) to one M'. Rawleigh Newdigate in Ireland, came, and I ordered Wall to call for some Ale for him, and Wall went out to the Alehouse with him and stayed an hour. I do not intend to begin an acquaintance with the young man (tho' Genteel and promising), but my business is so great that, except upon account of business, I'm resolved neither to give nor receive visits.' The next entry, a month later, sheds an END OF DIARY AND DIARIST ominous light on the engrossing affairs which had brought Sir Richard to London. It would seem that measures had been taken by ' my son Dick ' to curtail his fathers power of independent action. It is sad to think of the dissensions which had arisen between Sir Richard and the ' Dicky ' with whom he had played bowls and eaten too much fruit in bygone days ; whilst only three years before it was still ' my dear Son Dick ' during the tour in France. As the days pass on the diarist reveals the depression of mind these family troubles were causing him : 'J^fy — After many attempts found Jack. Discoursed him. Appointed to meet him at his Chamber, but attended long at the Attorney- General's, and at last went with him (M'. Hutchinson accompanying us) to Lord Keeper, who declared he believed me to be as right in my wits as he was, but that the Evidence was so full against me that he could do no less than he did, nor can do no more than he has done. Then Attorney told him he was pressed to confess or traverse, and desired his Lordship's advice. To which he replied, I am not to tell you, M'. Attorney, what to do in this or any other case. You know the Law too well to need an Instructor." ' And so we parted. Then I lost two and a 346 CAVALIER AND PURITAN half hours in a vain treaty with Jack at M' Serjeant Selby's, M' Web being by. Weary I came home and went to bed. ' Tuesday, \/^th July. — [Arbury.] Lay long in bed, and in the afternoon put some of my things in order and enquired after my Coal pits, and eat too much fruit. Found many things much out of order. ' Thursday, i6tk July. — Received a Letter from my Attorney at London, that he had sent down a Special Bailiff to take my son Dick. Sent to, but did not see the Fellow, and ordered him to follow the Directions he received.' We are left in ignorance as to what happened at this crisis, but before the end of the year the father and son were again in personal communica- tion respecting the sale of part of the family property. In November Sir Richard had come to London, partly on this business and partly with a view to fresh extravagance by planning the erection of a family mansion at Harefield : ' Monday, 2^rd Nov. — Sending for M"" Haly about Long Itchenton Tithe, and discoursing Mat. Lowndes about the House at Harfield, and with Dick, my Cousin Palmer, and that Stubborn, Silly Creature Frank, ^ who went away without taking leave while we were talking. 'Friday, 2ytk Nov. — Rose at six, went to ^ His youngest son. END OF DIARY AND DIARIST 347 Fetter Lane. . . . Then discoursed old Cheny, who will build all Harfield House except Columns for a Frontispiece and Timber, for £ \ 500, eighty six foot long in front, fifty four foot deep, and forty foot high ; and 1,000 more will furnish it nobly, barring Pictures/ In the margin of this last entry the writer's reproachful successor has added : ' Planning house at Harefield and ^55,000 in debt ! * Meanwhile Sir Richard was at work to rid himself of this heavy burden at any sacrifice : ' Thursday, "^rd Dec. — Treated with M' Haly about Long Itchenton Tithe. Promised, because the Writings were not ready, to give him ten shillings to pay his Coach hire up to-morrow. Then got the Writings and finished with Jack. And Whereas I rose this Morning ;^55,ooo in debt, I shall go to bed without owing more than -z^4,ooo, and towards that I have ^3,000 of the assignment, which will carry perpetual Interest three years hence. Blessed be God's holy Name.' In the buoyancy of spirit conferred by his release from so heavy a debt, Sir Richard completely ignores the alienation of family property by which this peace of mind had been obtained. In the following year — 1703 — Dick Newdi- gate, now thirty-five years of age, was meditating a second marriage, and the necessary negotiations 348 CAVALIER AND PURITAN for a settlement led to some confidential entries on the subject, in his father s discursive style, in his ledger of that date : * As to the former settlements I made upon my Son,' writes Sir Richard, 'that doth not concern any other Family. . . . However, to make my Son easy, I would settle upon him a thousand pounds a year ... he quitting all Rever- sions ; and let him marry whom he will, so I have the Portion. ' But since my Death hath been so much desired I will part with no Reversions. If my Son returns to his Duty and Filial Affection, I design him ^3,000 per an. 'Since I wrote this my Son R. N. has been so base to me that now I will have the Portion.' About this time the writer appears to have begun to entertain matrimonial views on his own account. With a seeming incongruity of time and place, he makes use of a new account-book to enter the following Latin quotation upon the title-page, with an explanatory heading : ' On AN OLD Man, who having had two Wives BEFORE, IN HIS OLD AGE MARRIED A THIRD. ^ Terna mihi Varijs ducta est setatibus Uxor : Haec Juveni, Ilia Viro, Tertia Nupta Seni ; Prima est propter Opus teneris mihi ducta sub annis, Altera propter Opes, Tertia propter Opem.' END OF DIARY AND DIARIST 349 Sir Richard attempts a translation, but finds a difficulty in what he calls the ' clincher,' i,e, the play upon the words ' Opus, Opes, Opem.' It was in 1704 that the squire of Arbury, now on the verge of sixty, forestalled his son in a second marriage by wedding Henrietta, daughter of Captain Thomas Wigginton of Ham, co. Surrey. The ceremony took place on May 2 of that year. Sir Richard's next entry in his diary is a curious one for a bridegroom of three days' standing: ' May ^tL — Was exceeding melancholy. At three o'Clock this afternoon am threescore year old. Went to Serjeant Selby. * Saturday^ 6th May.—B^g^n to take my Pills today. Took four. . . . ' Tuesday, gtk May, — -Wrote to Sir Walter Bagot ^ that I was married. Would give him account how it came about ere long. And a How D'You to Son Stephens in answer to his.' This apparently hasty action on the part of the older man may have precipitated the younger Richard's second marriage. On June 27 in the same year he followed his father s example and took to wife Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Roger ^ Brother to his first wife. 350 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Twisden, Bart, with whom he had a happy married life of twenty three years. ^ Another year elapses before we get fresh tidinofs of the elder brideo^room : ' 1705. Saturday, May ^fL — Now I am sixty one years old. 'May i6tL — Went to Warwick Election, where Captain Lucy , . . [words illegible] kept from me all his second votes, upon which I threw in all my Interest to Sir John Shugborough and Sir J. Mordaunt.' It was in this year that Sir Richard lost his son John, who died unmarried. In August his fifth daughter, ' Jinny,' left the parental roof and a step- mother s rule, to marry a Mr. Samuel Boys of Hawkhurst, Kent. In an undated letter about a year later she takes time by the forelock and writes to bespeak her father s services as godfather to her expected infant. The letter is worth transcribing for its out- spoken frankness, tempered with the respectful humility demanded by an awe-inspiring parent : ^ Sir Richard, 3rd baronet, died in 1727. Only one of his seven sons hved to attain his majority. The youngest, afterwards Sir Roger Newdigate, 5th and last baronet, lived to be eighty-seven, and died in 1806. END OF DIARY AND DIARIST 351 ' Hawkhurst, March 7. ' Hon^ Father, ' I'm extremely concerned to hear of your great indisposition, which puts me out of hope of so great a favour as to see you here. I now ex- pect to be laid in my Bed every hour. I there- fore humbly ask you the favour of you S' (if you design us that great favour as to stand) to appoint your deputy, because it will be greatly to our inconvenience to put off y"" Christening, except we could have the honour of your Company, for which we would put ourselves to any strait what ever. Other ways please to give your order what you'll allow, and your commands shall be strictly observed. I've been very ill of the ''yallow janders " this two months and above, and am yet ; tho' I thank God I'm much better than I have been and make shift to keep about my house, the more because of the malicious report the world has raised of your misfortune in being confined with the gout, which I take care to tell all I see, in hope to convince these parts that your illness is not anything of melancholy, which I am informed is much reported in London. ' Please to excuse this and accept Mr. Boys and my humble duty, and believe me, * Your dutyfull daughter ' Jane Boys. ' Mr. Boys and I join in humble service to your lady.' The report of Sir Richard's increasing infirmi- ties was correct, but in the earlier part of 1 706 352 CAVALIER AND PURITAN he was in London with his wife, as we learn from his accounts : ' Feb. 1706. — At a Play with Henny ... 85". 6d, To Henny to buy things. . £2. 2s. od. The price of tea at that date is incidentally revealed to us on another page : ' Repaid Henny's Mother for 2lb. of Tea In November Sir Richard reports badly of himself, v/hilst the usually firm handwriting is changed to trembling characters : * Sunday \oth. — Very lame, not at Church. Had Prayers at home. ... ' Wednesday I'^th. — Discoursed Mr. J. Palmer, who says my Distemper (whereat Lm much afiflicted) is the Gout. ... * Sunday ijtk. — Walked and found my Gout, I thank God, wearing off, tho' I slept ill to-night. Took the air this fine morning with Henny in the Coach. ' Tuesday igth. — Was very ill. ' Wednesday 20th. — Was very ill. . . . Received a long foolish letter from Mr. Watts. Prepared for Henny to write to Mrs. Eliz. Way an answer to her Father s impertinent letter.* This ends the last scrap of the diary that has END OF DIARY AND DIARIST 353 been preserved, although, from the docket on the outside of the miscellaneous bundle of papers, it appears to have been continued until 1709. In 1708 Sir Richard's sixth daughter, Betty (of the Tour in France), made what the family evidently thought a mesalliance when she became Mrs. Abraham Meure, but she survived her marriage only two years. In this year we find two opposite pages in Sir Richard's current account-book, on which he con- trasts the settlements for ' My Son's Wives Jointer 'and 'My dear Henny's Jointer.' That of the former was the more liberal, probably owing to the exigencies of an entailed estate. But even Henny did not always remain in favour. At some later period a pen-stroke has been drawn through the tender prefix of 'My Dear ' on the page which recounts the securities for her modest jointure. Sir Richard was not called upon to endure his physical ills, his melancholy, his family worries and money troubles much longer. The end came on January 4, 1 7 10. It must be admitted with regret that he passed away unreconciled to his family, as evidenced by A A 3S4 CAVALIER AND PURITAN the terms of his will. At the time of his death only three of his sons were alive. They were Richard, his successor ; Gilbert, a chronic invalid, who lived and died unmarried ; and Francis, the youngest, from whom the present family is de- scended. Sir Richard's will was characteristic of the man. It is dated September 2, 1708. Renames as his executors his wife, Henrietta, and his son- in-law, William Stephens. Both renounced the executorship, and administration was granted to his eldest son and successor as the third baronet. The testator gives directions for his burial at Astley, near Arbury. This request was not com- plied with. His remains were taken to Harefield, to be buried in the family vault near to his first wife. The will goes on to give minute directions in regard to the conduct of his funeral. He is not to lie in state, nor to be buried in a coffin covered with velvet ; much less to be embalmed or wiapped in ' sear cloth.' The hearse is to be hired from Coventry or Warwick, and to be followed by his own coach. No guests are to be invited but any one liking END OF DIARY AND DIARIST 355 to come is to be made welcome. Burnt claret, mild sack, and biscuits are to be provided for the company within ; bread and ale for those without ; burnt beer for the tenants' wives and ale for themselves. Four parish officers are to be in attendance to prevent disturbance, and to put disorderly people in the stocks. He then, alas ! emphasises his alienation from nis family in the following words : ' Whereas my son Richard (whom I have lately tryed before divers persons of quality) has been most disobedient and ungrateful, and still con- tinues my inveterate and implacable enemy, although I have offered to pardon him, and made other offers of great advantage to him ; and whereas my daughters and my son Francis have all joined with him in his hellish contrivances, I leave them nothing, but I leave all my real and personal property to my son-in-law William Stephens, and my wife Henrietta.' As the said Henrietta and William Stephens renounced probate, it may be safe to surmise that Sir Richard's will was not one that could be carried out legally. If we can judge by the favour shown to *Henny* in her husband's last testament, she must have retained her hold upon the affections A A * 356 CAVALIER AND PURITAN of her elderly spouse until the end ; but it would seem evident that her influence was not exactly beneficial to her predecessor s children. Henrietta, Lady Newdigate, is credited with having added three children to Sir Richard's already numerous family. They probably died in infancy, as no trace of them remains. Their mother married again, with indecorous haste, three months after she became a widow, and found time and opportunity for a third husband before she departed this life in 1739, * * * * * * Sir Richard Newdigate s immediate successors may have had just cause to be sorely tried by his careless aptitude for squandering and mortgaging the family property. After two hundred years his later descendants can condone his extravagance in gratitude to him for the refined and artistic taste which inspired him to employ a Wren, a Lely, and a Grinling Gibbons in beautifying his home for posterity. His own portrait, admirably painted by Sir Peter Lely, gives us a presentment of the man in the flowing curls, steel armour, and lace cravat of END OF DIARY AND DIARIST 357 Charles II/s time. His large heavy-lidded eyes, long aquiline nose, and the refined lines of his mouth combine to impart a sense of dignity and attractiveness to his outward personality. I would crave indulgence for yet a word in palliation of the seeming inconsistencies in the re- corded actions of a man who had undoubtedly a high standard of religious faith. Much that is blameworthy may be partially excused by the influences of the era in which he lived. When drinking, quarrelling, and duelling were events of daily occurrence among the upper classes ; when party spirit and prejudice narrowed the religious point of view ; when irreverence was but too common in regard to the most sacred subjects, — some extenuation may be pleaded for Sir Richard's self-indulgence and uncontrollable temper ; for the bigotry and harsh judgments he sometimes exhibits ; and for the familiarity with which he flaunts his gratitude to the Almighty for the result of deeds which were not always praise- worthy. We may at any rate admire his straightforward honesty and the outspoken candour with which he confesses his faults and failings. It is more 358 CAVALIER AND PURITAN than probable that he himself, towards the close of his life, was the destroyer of the bulk of these too confidential records in his diary, fearing lest they should fall under the criticism of unsympa- thetic and captious successors. But even those whom he bans so severely in his last will and testament could hardly have avoided feeling sympathy with him in his struggles to overcome temptations and act up to his ideal of right, or fail to admire his simple and childlike faith in the efficacy of prayer to his F'ather in heaven. In addition to the diary he has left some closely written manuscript books of devotional meditations, which must have cost him much time and earnest thought. A short prayer in his handwriting is entitled * For Patience,' the virtue he so much needed* In it he prays to have his * unbridled nature stayed this day and ever from all discontentedness of mind, and doubtings, fears, murmurings, and furious actions/ Can these struggles, prayers, and aspirations have been in vain ? Surely not. We may hope and believe that ' through the tender mercy of our God ' light was given him ere the end, as he ' sat END OF DIARY AND DIARIST 359 in darkness and the shadow of death,' and that he forgave as he would be forgiven. Sir Richard Newdigate, we may trust, now rests in peace, released from the burden of this mortal coil and freed for ever from the trials and temptations of the life below, which at times he found * very troublesome/ ****** ^ Heaven vvaxeth old, and all the spheres above Shall one day faint and their swift motion stay, And Time itself in time shall cease to move ; Only the Soul survives and lives for aye.' INDEX Albemarle, Duke of, 72, 73, 252 Ambassador from Bantam, 165, 166, 167 from Morocco, 166-176 from Muscovia, 166 from Sweden, 157, 166 Anderson, Sir Edmond, 21 Anglesea, Countess of, 99 Anne, Princess, 61, 151, 255- 260, 300, 301 Anne, Queen, 2, 293 Archer, Andrew, 288, 289 Argyie, Earl of, 263, 264 Arlington, Earl of, 57, 61 Armorer, Sir Nicholas, 22-38, 57, 53 Armstrong, Sir Thomas, 227 Aston, Lord, 49 Aston, Sir Willoughby, 242 Bagot, Sir Edward, 13, 24 Bagot, Lambert, 296 Bagot, Sir Walter, 58, 349 Balcarres, Lord, 272 Baltimore, Lord, 97 Bantam Ambassador, see Am- bassadors j Barney, Esq., 76 1 Barrington, Sir Gower, 132 i Battersby, Mr., 166, 167 Baxter, Richard, 98, 123 Bedingfield, Captain, 76 Bedloe, 107 Bellasis, Earl of, 7, 86 Berkeley, Lord, 285 Bethell, Sheriff, 133 Billingsly, Captain, 78 Black Guard, 86, 208 Boroski, George, 156 160 Bothwell Bridge, 92-95 Boughton, Sir Edward, 50, 51 Brampstone, Captain, 78 Bret, Colonel, 152 Brewster, Mrs. Anne, 226 Brideoake, Bishop ot Chiches- ter, 40 Brinvilliers, Madame, 80 Bromley, William, 288, 289 ' Browne, one, 226 I Buckingham, Duke of, 43, 44 I Buckingham, Catherine, j Duchess of, see Sedlcy, Cathe- rine I Bull-fight, 243, 244 1 Bunbury, Will, 242 362 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Bungy, the murderer, 85, 86 Bu relet, Mr., 50, 5 i Fvjrgoine, Sir John, 2 88, 289 Butler, Sir James, 98 Calais, 337-340 Campbell, Lord, 252 Carwell, see Portsmouth, Duchess of Catherine, Queen, 52, 54, 56, 139 Cave, Henry, 225 Cavendish, Lord, y^-J^ Cawdron, Mr., 102, 103 Cellier, Mrs., 106-112 Charles L, i, 68, 334 Charles IL,, 2, 7, 23, 24, 30-34, 35-45, 52-73, 76-78, 88-90, 92, 93, 95, 9S, loi, 102, 108, 109, 114, 115, 129-133, 135- 140, 144, 147-149, 166-172, 176, 177, 185, 211, 225-228, 232, 235, 249-252, 254-263 Charlotta Maria, Princess, 249 Cherbourg, 315-317, 321, 324, 325 Chesterfield, Lord, 257 Chichester, Bishop of, 128, see also Brideoake Chichester, Earl of, 4, 145 Chudleigh, Mr., 261 Churchill, Lord, 251, 252 Clarendon, Earl of, 12, 187 Clergis, Sir Walter, 73 Cleveland, Duchess of, 39, 61, 153 Clifford, Captain, 180-183 Clotworthy, Sir John, 46 Clutterbuck, Dr., 285, 313 ' Coles, Frances or P^-ank, 306. I 307, 309, 335, 339, 34 J Colt, Sir William Dunton, 304 Coningsmark, Count, 155 161, 163, 164, 181, 182 Conwa}', Earl of, 217, 218, 220 Cranborne, Earl of, 152 Craven, Earl of, 252 Crewe, Bishop of Durham, 40 Crofts, James, see Monmouth, Duke of Cromwell, Oliver, i, 3-12, 102, 103 Cuffe, Esq., 112, 1 13 Culliford, Esq., 112, 113 Cutts, Lord, 286, 287 Dallison, Sir Roger, 77 Danby, Earl of, 37, 87, 139, 149, 186, 187, 189 Dangerfield, 106 Darly, Marmaduke, 57 Dartmouth, Earl of, 176 Davis, Rev.—, 1 21-123, 126, 127 Deane, Sir Anthony, 130 Deerham, Serjeant, 211 Denbigh, Earl of, 42, 131, 142- 144 Denbigh, Countess of, 142-144 Denmark, Prince George of, 252, 255, 258-260 Derby, Earl of, 206 Desmond, Earl oiySec Denbigh De Souligne, 302-304 Dixvvell, Sir Barill, 340 Dobbins the life-guardsman, 122, 123, 125-127 Dolben, Judge, 107 Donegall, Earl of, 48 INDEX 363 Dryden, John, 249, 250 Dumbarton, Earl of, 252 Dunriblaine, Lord, 186-190 Edwards, Captain, 235 Eilis, Alderman, no Emerton, Mr., 40, 1 85-- 189 Essex, Earl of, 48, 102, 152 Evelyn, Sir Thomas, 162 Feversham, Earl of, 67, 252, 257 Fitton, Anne, 3 Fitz Harris, 140 Fogg, Parson, 250 Foster, Chief Justice, 12, 29 Fox, Sir Stephen, 166 Freeman, Elizabeth, 135 Gascoigne, Sir Thomas, 79 George II., 155 Gerrard, Lord Digby, 76, 77 Gibbons, GrinHng, 19, 291, 356 Giles, 104, 105 * Gloucester,' the wreck of the, 247, 248 Glyn, Chief Justice, 1 1 Godfrey, Colonel, 73 Godfrey, Sir Edmund Berry, 107 Gordon, Duke of, 274 Grafton, Duke of, 61 Grandison, Lord, 22, 24, 27, 31- 33 Grandison, Lady, 145 Grey, Lord, 72,73, 210 Griffen, Lord, 277 Griffith, one, 91 ' Guise, Duke of,' Drydcn's Play, 249, 250 Gwyn, Nell, 70, 71 Haines, Henry, 306, 309, 329, 332, 334, 335» 337, 33^, 34 1 Hales, Chief Justice, 9 Halifax, Marquis of, 228, 257 Halsey, Colonel, 7, 22 24, 26 29 Hanover, Duke of, 305 Hanover, Prince George of, 151, 256 Hamilton, Duke of, 92, 95, 272 Harris, Edward, loi Herbert, Admiral, 279, 281 ; see Torrington Herbert of Cherbury, Lady, 183, 184 Herbert, Squire, 236 Hilton, the informer, 99 Hoghton, Sir Charles, 116, 273 Holmes, Sir Jo., 56 Holmes, Sir Ro., 67, 279, 280 Horne, Major, 67 Howard of Escrick, Lord, 184 Howard, Colonel Thomas, 73- 76 Hudson, Captain, 67 Huet, Dr., 9 Hungerford, Sir Edward, 118, 120 Hungerford, Rachel, see Skeff- ington Hunsdon, Lord, 78 Hyde, Mrs. Bridget, 40, 185-190 INCHIQUIN, Lord, 40, 184 Isabella, the Lady, 61 364 CAVALIER AND PURITAN James II., 2, 263-266, 268, 272, 274, 275, 277, 281, 284, 285, 287 ; see also York, Duke of Jeffreys, Judge, 154, 227 Jenkins, Secretary, 167, 172 Jennings, Sir William, 281, 284 Jesuit's powder, 63, 225 Jonas, the Renegade, 167, 169, 171-176 Keeling, Josiah, 209, 212 Kid, Rev. John, 93, 94 King, Gregory, 304, 305, 309 Kingston, Lord, 78, 154 Kirke, Colonel, 174 Konigsmark, Count Carl John, see Coningsmark Konigsmark, Count Philip Christopher, 155 Langley, Roger, 179, 245, 246 Lauderdale, Duke of, 39-41, 68, 69, 92 La Voisine, Madame, 80, 81 Leeds, Peregrine, Duke of, 190 Legge, Colonel, 67 Leigh, Sir Francis, see Chiches- ter Leigh, Lord, 213, 214 Lely, Sir Peter, 119, 204-206, 356 Lenox, Rev. Mr., 94 Lestrange, Mr., in Loftus, Mr., 122 Louis XI V\, 45, 81, 149, 164, 266-269, 276, 317, 333, 336 Lovelace, Lord, 1 32 Low, Sir Richard, 67 Lucy, Captain, 21 5 217, 219, 350 Luxemburg, Duke of, 80 Marriot, Mr., 51, 136 Marvell, Andrew, 37, 133, 147 Mary, the Lady, see Princess of Orange Mary, Queen, 281, 300, 301 Mary of Modena, Queen, 266 ; see also York, Duchess of Massareene, Lord, 46-49, 87, 1 16-120, 125, 127, 128, 148, 149, 203-207, 241, 242, 263, 264, 267, 268, 271-278, 299- 301 Matthews, Sir PhilL, 106 Mearne, Mr. Samuel, 247 Michelthwaite, Dr., 63 Mildmay, Colonel, 131, 132 Modena, Duchess of, 163, 248, 249 Monk, General, 11 Monmouth, Duke of, 53, 54, 59, 63-70, 92, 93» 95, 135, 137, 141, 142, 152, 156, 157, 168, 209-211, 249-251, 260-263 Monmouth, Duchess of, 64, 65, 66 Montague, Countess of, see Northumberland Montague, Earl and Duke of, see Montague, Mr. Montague, Mr., 124, 145-150 Montgomery, Thomas, 228 Mordaunt, Sir J., 350 Mores, Sir Thomas, 73-76 Morocco Ambassador, see Am- bassadors INDEX 365 Morocco, Emperor of, 170, 174, 175 Mowbray, Mr., 79 Muggleton, Ludovic, 99 Mulgrave, Earl of, 256-258 Murphy, Christian, 82 Muscovia Ambassador, see Am- bassadors Newdegate, Juhan, Lady, 4, 121, 200 Newdegate, Sir Richard, first Bart., i*^^ Newdegate, Serjeant Newdegate, Serjeant, 3-14, 18, 21-34, 46, 114, 116 Newdigate, AmphiUis or Phill, 195, 292, 296 Anne or Nan, 306, 313. Elizabeth, Lady, 349, 350 Elizabeth or Betty, 201, 306, 313, 324, 326, 330, 334, 335, 353 Frances or Frank, 194-196, 296, 297, 298, 306 Francis or Frank, 202, 203, 3^3, 346, 354 Gilbert, 354 Henrietta, Lady, 349, 352, 353, 354-356 Jane or Jinny, 293, 350, 351 John, 4, 5 John or Jack, 202, 203, 298, 299, 303, 309, 345, 346, 347, 350 Sir John, 3 Juliana or July, 219, 220, 313,314 Mary, Lady, 13, 139, 201, 214, 221, 290, 291 Mary or Moll, 294, 306, 313 Newdigate iconf.) : Rawlcigh, 344 Sir Richard, second Bart., 13, 12 26, 22-34, 35, 45 51, 57-59, 114 128, 131, 134, 136, 138 144, 145 15^, 190-207, 213- 221, 237, 240-242, 262, 263, 266, 271-289, 290 359 Richard or Dick, afterwards third Bart., 217, 221, 296, 306, 313, 328-332, 334, 335, 338 341, 343, 345 Sir Roger, 350 Sara, 296, 298 Walter or Wat, 202, 203, 313 Northumberland, Dowager Countess of, 152 Northumberland, Elizabeth, Countess of, 145-150 Northumberland, George, Duke of, 39, 153 Northumberland, Josceline, Earl of, 145, 152 Gates, Titus, 45, 66, in, 225 G'Brien, Lord, 248 Ogle, the Lady, 150-158, 161 - 163 Ogle, Earl of, 150, 152 Orange, Prince of, 2, 54-56, 154, 235, 252, 253, 260, 261, 265, 266, 269 ; sec also William in. Orange, Princess of, 2, 54-56, 255, 266, 269 ; see also Queen Mary 366 CAVALIER AND PURITAN Ormond, Diikc of, 20, 24, 27, 34, 47, 4S, 228 Osbaston, Rev. Mr., 218 Ossory, Earl of, 24, 56, 67 Oxford, Earl of, 252 Papillion, Mr., 102 Paris, 323-331 Parker, Lady and Mrs., 219 Parkhurst, Thomas, 4 Parsons, Sir John, 183, 184 Partridge, Rev. Mr., 98 Pembroke, Countess of, 39, 42 Pembroke, Earl of, 40, 42 Penn, William, 97 Penmddock, 9 Pepys, Judge, 4 Pepys, Samuel, 52, 130, 131 Pet re, Father, 266 Pierre, Mr., 166 Pole, Mrs. (of Radbourne), 306 Portsmouth, Duchess of, 40, 41, 42, 161, 169 Powell, the Muggletonian, 99 Priannoy, Madame, 81 Prince of Wales, 265, 266, 269 QUEROUAILLE, Louise de, see Portsmouth, Duchess of Raphson, Rev. Mr., 98 Romney, Earl of, 340 Rosswell, Rev. Mr., 100 Rouse, Lady, 19, 275 Rowe, Sir Thomas, 191-194 Royi, Jack, 306, 307, 309, 312, 327 Ruckvvorth, Sir Joseph, 113 Rupert, Prince, 63 Russell, Lord, 210, 220 Russell, Rachel, Lady, 145 Sadler's Wells, 244, 245 St. George, Sir Oliver, 206, 30-3 St. John, Lord, 40 SaHsbury, Earl of, 44, 134 Sarsfield, Captain, 180, 183, 184 Saxe, Elector of, 305 Schomberg, Duke, 276, 277 Sclater, Rev. Mr., 121-123, 125, 127 Scott, Mr. John, 218, 278-287, 313, 314 Scroggs, Lord, 224 Sedley, Catherine, 258 Sedley, Sir Charles, Bart., 21, 190-196, 276, 309 Sedley, Sir Charles, Knight, 190-196 Selby, Serjeant, 346, 349 Shaftesbury, Earl of, 44, loS Sharkey, Mr., iii Sharpe, Archbishop, 92 Sheldon, Archbishop, 12, 19 Sherlock, Dr., 227 Shovell, Sir Cloudesley, 284 Shugborough, Sir John, 350 Sidney, Algernon, 153, 155, 211, 212 Skeffington, Clotvvorthy, 117- 119, 206, 241, 273 Skeffmgton, Sir John, see Vis- count Massareene Skeffington, Rachel, 11S -120, 299 Slingsby, Sir Henry, 10 INDEX 367 Smith, Laurence, 310, 326 Sniithson, Sir Hugh, 163 Somerset, Algernon, Duke of, ■63 Somerset, Charles, Duke of, 161-163 Somerset, Duchess of, see Lady Ogle Sophia Dorothea, 155 Southampton, Earl of, 145, 149 Spinola, Marquess of, 337, 339 - 341 Stephens, Sir William, 279 Stephens, William (his son), 306, 308, 310, 313, 314, 349, 354, 355 Stern, Lieutenant John, 156-160 Stratford, Mr., 50, $1, 217 Swedish Ambassador, 157, 166 Syderfin, Madam, 179-183 Talmash, General, 286, 287 Tangier, 40, 53, 175-^77 Temple, Dorothy, Lady, 153 Temple, Sir William, 153, 154, 240 Throaster, Justice Balch, 247 Thynne, Mn, 152, 157, 160, 181 Tillotson, Archbishop, 300 Tirrell, Lady, 178, 179 Tongue, Mr., 11 1 Torrington, Lord, 283 ; see Herbert, Admiral Trevenick, Sir John, 272 Trevour, T., 230 I'vvisden, Sir Roger, 350 I Tyrconneil, Earl of, 272 271 i Vkatz, C.'iptain Chrisioplicr, 156 160 ; Wakkman, Sir C^cirgc, 225 j Wales, Prince of, 265, 266, 263, I 269 I Waller, Sir William, 90 i Walters, Lucy, 53, 34 ' Weston, Baron, 107 ; Wharton, Henry, 71 I Wharton, Lord, 44 I Wilkins, Judge, 103 William III., 268, 270, 272, 273, ! 276, 277, 278, 283, 285, 283, I 301 ; see also Orange, Prince i Windsor, Lord, 237 ! Wiseman, Mr., 78 i Wolfe, John, 84, 83 I Wren, Sir Christopher, 19, 356 Wyat, Mr., 202, 219-221 Wyndham, Judge, 4 York, Duke of, 53, 59, 60, 63- 70, 112, 170, 247-252, 234, 262 ; see also James H. York, Duchess of, 53, 248, 233 ; see also Mary of Modcna, Queen Zank, Gideon, 96 Zell, Duke of, 304 PKINTED BY SPOTTISVVOODE AND CO. LTD., NEW-STREET SQUARE LONDON