•>';' ZENO BOOKSELLERS & PUBLISHERS 6, DENMARK STREET. LONDON, W.C.2. Telephone : 01 - 836 2522 \ ESSAYS ON ART AND ARCHEOLOGY. ESSAYS ART AKD ARCHiEOLOaY BY CHARLES THOMAS NEWTON, C.B., PH.D., D.C.L., LL.D., Keeper of Greek and Eoman Antiquities at the British Museum; Corresponding Member of the French Institute; and Hon. Felloio of Worcester College, Oxford. MACMILLAN AND CO. 1880 \^All rights reserved.'] CHA.BLES SIOKEKB i.KD EVAN'S, CBTSIAL Fi.LlCB PBBSS. m. PREFACE. The memoirs reprinted in the present volume are of various dates, ranging over a period of thirty years. Hence in the original text of some of the earlier memoirs, statements and references occur here and there which, viewed in the light of later archaeology, may be con- sidered obsolete or imperfect. These parts of the text I have modified or completed so far as could be done, without recasting the memoir in which they occur or introducing too manifest anachronisms. C. T. NEWTON, CONTENTS. PAGE ON THE STUDY OP AECH^SIOLOGY ..... 1 ON THE ARRANGEMENT OP THE COLLECTIONS OP ART AND ANTIQUITIES IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM .... 39 GREEK SCULPTURES PROM THE WEST COAST OF ASIA MINOR . 73 ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS 95 DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS 210 DR. SCHLIEMANN's DISCOVERIES AT MYCEN^ . . . 246 RESEARCHES IN CYPRUS ....... 303 DISCOVERIES AT OLYMPIA . . . . . . .321 GREEK ART IN THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOROS . . . .373 THE BRONZE HEAD IN THE CASTELLANI COLLECTION . , 400 GREEK NUMISMATICS . . . . . ' . . . 404 APPENDIX — GREEK INSCRIPTION FROM HALIKARNASSOS . .427 ERKATA. Page 112, line 1 7, /br Armistead and Philip, /-eat*! Arrastead and Phillip. 119, „ 18, „ shortly after, 139^ „ 29, „ Thrasyphiun, 226, last Hne, „ he, 227, line 2, „ eikones statues, 303, lines 6, 8, „ Saltzmann, 370, line 21, „ for 200U years, 389, „ 12, ,, Blituitza, 391, „ 7, „ Archaicism, shortly before the battle of Ipsos. Thrasyphon. the. eikones, statues. Salzniann. for nearly 2000 years. Bliznitsa. Archaism. ESSAYS ON ART AND ARCHEOLOGY. I. ON THE STUDY OF ARCHiEOLOGY. A DISCOURSE READ AT THE OXFORD MEETING OF THE ARCH^OLOGICAL INSTITUTE, JUNE 18, 1850.* The record of the Human Past is not all contained in printed books. Man's history has been graven on the rock of Egypt, stamped on the brick of Assyria, enshrined in the marble of the Parthenon — it rises before lis a majestic Presence in the })iled-np arches of the Coliseum — it lurks an unsuspected treasure amid the oblivious dust of archives and monasteries — it is embodied in all the heirlooms of religions, of races, of families ; in the relics which affection and gratitude, jDcrsonal or national, pride of country or pride of lineage, have preserved for us — it lingers like an echo on the lips of the peasantry, surviving in their songs and traditions, renewed in their rude customs with the renewal of Nature's seasons — we trace it in the speech, the manners, the type of living nations, its associations invest them * " ArchjBological Journal," vol. viii. p. 1. 2 ESSAYS OX ARCHiEOLOGY. [i. as with a garb — wc dig it out from tlic l)arrow and the Nekropolis, and out of the fragments tlnis found reconstruct in museums of antiquities something Hke an image of the Past — we contemplate this image in fairer proportions, in more exact lineaments, as it has been transmitted by endless reflections in the broken mirror of art. Again, the vouchers for Printed History, the title- deeds of our great heritage of Printed Literature, arc not all preserved in printed texts. Before there can be Composed History, there must be evidences and documents. Tradition Oral and Tradition Monumental ; before the publication of Printed Literature, there must exist the elements and sources from which such publication is made ; before the Printer must come the Palaeographer; before authori- tative edition, scrutiny and authentication. Before we can discern the image of a period, or read the history of a race in Monuments of Art, we must ascertain to what period and to wdiat race these monuments belong ; before antiquities become the materials for the history of manners, they must be collected and arranged in museums ; in other words, if we would authenticate Printed Literature, if we would verify and amplify Printed History, if we would not ignore all those new elements of thought and memorials of the deeds of men which time is for ever disclosing to us, we must recognise the purpose and function of Archaeology ; that purpose and function being to collect, to classify, and to interpret all the evidence of man's history not already incorporated in Printed Literature. This evidence, the subject-matter of Archaeology, has I.] OlSr THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 3 been hcandecl clown to us, partly in spoken language, in manners, and in customs, partly in written documents a)id manuscript literature, partly in remains of archi- tecture, painting, and sculpture, and of the subordinate decorative and useful arts. Or, to speak more concisely, the subject-matter of Archaeology is threefold — the Oral, the \yritten, and the Monumental. Perhaps it would be more exact to say, that there are but two classes of archaeological evidences, the Oral and the Monumental, Monuments being cither inscribed or Monuments of art and of handicraft. But I shall venture, on this occasion, to waive strict logical accuracy for the sake of an arrangement which seems more convenient and impressive. I shall consider each of the three classes of Archaeo- logical evidence in succession, taking first, the Oral, under which head I would include not only all that has been handed down to us in Language, but all that can be gathered from the study of Manners and Customs. That spoken language is Archaeological evidence is sufficiently obvious. Everyone is aware that in tracing- out the history of any language, we must study not only its WTitten form, but those archaic words, in- flections, and idioms, which literature has either rejected or forgotten, which, once general, have become pro- vincial, and are retained only in the mother-tongue of the peasantry. These obsolete and rare forms of speech are to the philologist what the extinct Faunas and Floras of the primaeval world are to the comparative anatomist and B 2 4 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [i. the botiiiiist, and, as Geology collects and prepares for tlie physiologist these scattered elements of the history of nature, so docs Archaeology glean these vestiges of lauo-iiafre, and construct out of them o^lossaries of provincial words, that they may form evidence in the great scheme of modern Philolog}^ As only a certain portion of the spoken language of a race is permanently incorporated in its literature, so its written poetry and history only represent a certain portion of the national tradition. Every peasantry has its sono-s and mythic legends, its rude oral narrative of real events, blended with its superstitions. Archaeology rescues these from oblivion, by making them a part of Printed Literature. It is thus that Walter Scott has collected the minstrelsy of the Scottish border, and Grimm the traditions of Germany. Such relics are of peculiar interest to the historian of literature, because they contain the germ of Written History and Poetry ; before the epic comes the ballad, the first chronicle is the sum of many legends. But unwritten tradition is not all embodied in language, it has been partly preserved to us in manners and customs. In a rude, unlettered age, indeed at all times when men are too ignorant, hurried, or pre- occupied to be acted upon by language alone, the instinct of those who govern the multitude has suggested other means. Symbolic acts and gestures, tokens, forms, ceremonies, customs are all either supplementary to or the substitute for articulate speech. In the processions, military triumphs, coronations, nuptials, and funeral ceremonies of all races we see this I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 5 unwritten, inarticulate, symbolic language in its most fully developed and eloquent form. Hence it is obviously necessary for the Arcliseologist to study customs. Addressing tlie eye by symbols, more generally and readily understood even than words, they may be said to exhibit the utterance of thought in its most primitive and elementary form ; the repetition of such utterance becomes record, which, however rude and precarious, may still rank as a distinct source of historical evidence. For the observance of sucli customs as fall under the notice of the Archseologist, it is for the most part necessary that certain acts should be performed, or certain instruments employed, with or without the re- cital of a set form of words ; the custom may be either commemorative or symbolic without reference to the past ; the event of which it is the memorial may be real or mythical ; the doctrine it typifies and embodies may be religious, political, or legal ; its observance may be occasional, as in the case of a marriage ceremony, or periodical, as in the case of the great festivals with which most nations distinguish the course of the seasons. The Archaeologist, of course, directs his attention less to those customs which form a part of the established religion and legal code of a race than to those which, being the result of ideas once generally prevalent, still survive among the peasantry in remote districts, or of which dim traces may be still discerned in the institu- tions of modern society. It is thus that, in the customs of Calabria, w^e still trace the relics of the ancient heathen worship, and that the customs of Greece and Asia Minor remain a living commentary on the text of Homer. 6 ESSAYS ON ARCH^OLOGy. lu The peasant's mind reflects what has been rather than what is. It revolves in the same circle as the more cultivated mind of the nation, but at a much slower rate. On the great dial-plate of time, one is the hour- hand while the other is the minute-hand. "When customs are only partially extant, the Archaeo- logist has not only to record and interpret the usage, but to preserve the instrument with which that usage was associated. It is thus that the horns which once ratified the tenure of land, the sword or mace, once instruments of investiture and insignia of feudal or official power, vessels once consecrated to the service of religion, are gathered in, one by one, into national museums, the garners and treasuries of Archaeology. A custom may be not merely extinct, but buried. In the tombs of many races, such as the Celtic or Scandinavian, we find nearly all that is known of their sepulchral rites, and thus an examination of the places of sepulture of various countries enables us, Avith the aid of philology, to trace out many unsuspected national affinities, while at the same time it gives us the means of comparing a number of unwritten creeds. In an uncivilised age men do not define their religious belief in a set form of words, but express it by symbolic rites, by acts rather than by statements. It is the business of the Archseologist to read these hieroglyphics, not graven on the rock, but handed down in the memory and embodied in the solemn acts of races, to elicit these faint rays of historical evidence, latent in the tomb. Manners difi'er from customs, in that they furnish I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 7 rather g-eneral evicleucc of a nation's character than special evidence for particuhar facts ; in that they are neither commemorative nor symboHc. It was the custom of the last century to drink the king's health after dinner ; it is part of the general history of English manners to know how our ancestors comported themselves at their meals, and when they first began to use forks. Traces of ancient manners must be sought, as we seek for customs, in the secluded life of the peasantry, or we must discern them half-obliterated beneath the palimpsest surface of modern society, and this palimpsest must be read by a diligent collation not only with early literature, but with the picture of ancient manners preserved in Monuments of Art. Such then is a slioht outline of the Oral evidence of CD Archaeology. It is inferior in dignity cither to Written or to ]\Ionumental evidence, because of all the means which man possesses for utterance and record, the oral is the most transient. We may add that animals are not altogether destitute of oral utterance. Though they do not articulate, they communicate their meaning vocally, and by gesticulation ] and some of them can imitate articulate speech, action, and music. But no animal but man draws or writes, or leaves behind him conscious monumental record. It is because man can draw, because he possesses the distinctive faculty of imitating forms and expressing thoughts not only by his own gesticulations, but by and through some material external to himself, that he has acquired the inestimable power of writing. This general 8 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [i. assertion, that all writing lias its origin in drawing, is, perhaps, open to discussion ; but those who have most deeply investigated the question have been led to this conclusion, by a comparison of the most primitive systems of writing now extant. It is stated by these authorities that the elements of all written character are to be found in the Picture, or Direct Kepresentation of some visible object ; that such Pictures were subsequently applied as Phonetic symbols, or symbols of sounds, and as Emblems, or symbols of ideas ; that these three modes of conveying meaning, by Direct Eepreseutation, by Phonetic symbols , and by Emblems, existed co-ordinately for a while, and were finally absorbed into, and commuted for the one fixed conventional Alphabetic method. If we apply this theory to the classification of the svstems of writing;- wdiich remain to us, it will be seen that, though not of course admitting of arrangement in chronological sequence, they exhibit the art in various stages of its development. The Mexican will present to us a system in which the Pictorial is predominant ; the Egyptian hieroglyphics w411 enable us to trace the gradual extension of the Phonetic and Emblematic, the abbrevia- tion of both forms in the more cursive Hieratic, and the decay of the Pictorial system ; the Chinese, and perhaps the Assyrian Cuneiform, will bring us one step nearer the purely conventional system : and the perfection of the Alphabetic method will be found in the Semitic or Phoenician character, as it has been adapted by the Hellenic race. I will not attempt here to illustrate more fully, or to justify more in detail, this theory as to the origin of I,] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 9 writing ; uor do I ask you, oii the present occasion, to admit more than the general fact, which the most super- ficial examination of the Egyptian or Mexican hiero- glyphics will shoWj that there have been ages and nations when the Alphabetic system was as yet unde- veloped, and the Pictorial was its substitute, and conse- quently that there was a period when art and writing- were not divorced as they are at present, but so blended into one that we can best express the union by such a compound as Picture-writing. This original connection between two arts which we are accustomed to consider as opposed, obliges us to regard the elements of writing as part of the history of imitative art generally. Thus the inscribed monuments of Egypt are neither art nor literature, but rather the elements out of which both sprang, just as early poetry contains the germ both of history and philosophy. It is this first stage in the history of writing which peculiarly claims from the Archgeologist thought and study. The art of which he has to trace the progress, as it has, perhaps, more contributed to civilisation than any other human invention, so has it only been per- fected after many centuries of experiment and fruitless labour. We, to whom the Alphabetic system has been handed down as the bequest of a remote antiquity, find a difficulty in transporting our minds backwards to the period when it was yet unknown; the extreme simplicity of the method makes us accept it as a matter of course, as an instrument which man has always possessed, not as something only wrought out by patient, oft-repeated trials in the course of ages. Till we study the Egyptian hieroglyphics we are not aware how difficult it must 10 iSSSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [r. have been for the more perfect Phonetic system to dis- place the Pictorial, how long they continued co-ordinate, \yhat perplexity of rules this co-ordination engendered, how obstinately the routine of habit maintained an old method however intricate and inconvenient, against a new principle however simple and broad in its applica- tion. The . history of writing, in a word, exhibits to us most impressively a type of that great struggle between new inventions and inveterate routine, out of which civilisation has been slowly and painfully evolved. When we pass from the study of imperfect and transition systems of writing, such as the Mexican, Egyptian, Cuneiform, and Chinese, to the study of perfect alphabets, it is rather the tradition of the art from race to race, than the inventive genius shown in its development, which forms the subject of our inquuies. The Phoenician alphabet is the primary source of the system of writing we now use. The Greek and Eoman alphabets, each adapted from the Phoenician with certain additions and modifications, were gradually diffused by commerce or conquest through the length and breadth of the ancient civilised world. On the decay of the Western empire of the Romans, their alphabet, like their language, law, architecture, and sculpture, became the property of their Teutonic conquerors. Rude hands now wielded these great instruments of civilisation ; strong wills moulded and adapted them to new wants and conditions ; and it was thus that the Roman alj^thabet, transferred from marble to parchment, no longer graven but written, was gradually transformed into that fantastic and complicated character which is popularly called black letter, and in which the original I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 11 simple type is sometimes as difficult to recognise as it is to discern at the first glance the connection between the stately clustered pier and richly sculptured capital of the Gothic cathedral and its remote archetype, the Greek column. The chano^es which the handwritino; of the Western world underwent from the commencement of the Middle Ages to the revival of the simple Roman character in the first printed texts have been most clearly traced out, century by century, by means of the vast series of dated specimens of mediaeval writing still extant. When we turn from the Palaeography of the Western to that of the Eastern world, we find the evidence of the subject in a far less accessible state. Ill tracing back the history of Oriental systems of writino;, as in investi2:atino- the sources of Oriental civi- lisation, we cannot, as in the West, recognise in many varieties the same original classical type ; there is no one paramount influence, no one continuous stream of tra- dition, no one alphabet the parent of all the rest ; the chronological basis of the Palaeography rests on much less certain grounds. When this branch of the history of writing has been more studied, we shall be able to say more positively whether the Assyrian Cuneiform is a modification of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, whether the Phoenician alphabet was derived from the same elements, whether it was the parent, not only of the Greek and the Roman, but also of the Semitic alphabets generally, and w^e shall probably discover more than one other independent source whence some of the Oriental alphabets may have been derived. This, then, is one point of view in which the Archa3- 12 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [i. ologist may regard all written memorials — as evidence cither of the invention or of the tradition of the alpha- betic system ; but the history of the art cannot be fully investio-ated "without takino- into account the nature of the writing materials employed. These materials have been very different in different ages and countries. Character may be either graven, on hard materials, such as stone or metal ; icritten on pliable materials, such as bark, papyrus, parchment, linen, paper ; or impressed, as the potters' names are on the Samian ware, or the legends of coins on a metallic surfoce. The greater part of the writing of the ancient world has been preserved on the native rock, hewn stones, metallic tablets, or baked clay, as in the case of the Cuneiform character. There was a preference for hard unpliable materials in classical antiquity, just as there was a preference for parchment as a writing material all through the Middle Ages, both in Europe and Asia. As the harder materials fell into disuse, the character, of course, became more cursive, writings circulated more generally from hand to hand, and were multiplied by frequent copies, not only to meet an increased demand, but because that which is written is more perishable than that wdiich is graven ; the stroke of the chisel is a more abiding record than the stroke of the pen. In consequence of this difference in the writing- material, the researches of the Palaeographer of classical antiquity embrace a far wider field than those of the media3val Palaeographer. It is in the marble and the granite, in the market-places, the temples, and the sepulchres of the ancients that we must search for their records ; these w^ere their libraries, their muni- I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 13 ment-rooms, tlieir heralds' college. If Magna Charta had been ceded to the Eoman plebs, instead of to the Eno-lish nobles, it would not have Ijeen called Magna Charta, but Magna Tabula, or Magna Columna; most of the Diplomatic record of the ancients was a Lapidary record. I have been as yet considering the- written memorials of races only as they are evidence of the art of writing itself, but ArchaBology has not only to study character and writing materials, but also to interpret more or less the meaning of the words ^^Titten, and to inquire how far they have an historical value. Now all written character, all literature, to use this word in its original sense, may be divided into two great classes — the Composed and the Docu- mentary. By Composed Literature I mean history, poetry, oratory, philosophy, and such like mental products ; by Documentary Literature I mean all writings which have no claim to rank as literary composition — such as deeds, charters, registers, calendars, lists — in a word, all those historical and literary materials, some of which are already absorbed into composed history and composed literature ; some of which are stored up in national, ecclesiastical, municipal, or private archives; some of which yet remain in situ, associated with the architectural monuments and works of art on which they are inscribed, and some of which, uncarcd for or unknown, moulder on the surface of untravelled lands, or in the ruins of deserted cities. Now, in regard to Composed Literature, it is obvious that its subject-matter is far too vast for the scope and 14 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [i. limits of archaeological research ; it is chiefly with its manuscript text that the Palaeographer has to deal ; his business is to collect, decipher, collate, edit. Printing transfers the text from his hands to those of the philologer, the historian, and the critic. In dealino" with the Literature of Documents, the Archaeologist has to do more than barely edit the text. On him, in a great measure, devolves the task of in- terpretation and classification ; the mere deciphering or printing the documents does not at once render them accessible to the general reader, nothing but long familiarity, acquired in the course of editing, can give dexterity and intelligence in their use. It is the busi- ness, then, of the Archaeologist to prepare for the his- torian the literature of documents generally, as Gruter has edited his great work on Latin inscriptions, or ]\Iuratori the documents of mediaeval Italy. He must, as far as possible, ascertain the value of this unedited material in reference to Avhat is already incorporated with printed literature, how far it suggests new views, supplies new facts, illustrates, corroborates, or disproves something previously acknowledged or disputed; whether, in a word, it will contribute anything to the great mass of human knowledge which printing already embodies. Composed Literature should be, as far as possible, confronted with those written documents which are, in reference to it, vouchers, commentary, or supplement. Sometimes we possess the very materials which the historian used ; sometimes we have access to evidence of which he had no knowledare. O Now, it is needless to insist on the historical value I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 15 of ,such documents as the inscription of Darius on tlic rock of Beliistan, tlic Rosetta stone, and the many hierogiyphical and cuneiform texts which the sagacity and learning of a Young, a Champollion, and a Rawlinson have taught the nineteenth century to interpret by means of these two trilingual keys. Such evidence speaks for itself. When in the laboratory of the philologer and the historian these documents shall have been slowly transmuted into composed narrative, we may hope to contemplate the ancient world from a new point of view. The narrow boundaries of classical chronology may be enlarged by these discoveries as the barriers of ancient geography Avere burst through by the adventurous prow of the Genoese navigator ; events, dynasties, and personages, which flit before our strained eyes, far away in the dim offing of primaeval history, shrouded in the fantastic haze of Hellenic mythology, may be revealed to us in more defined outlines, if not in perfect fulness of detail. But it is not merely where there is such immediate promise of a great historical result that the Archaeo- logist must study written evidence, nor must he confine his labours to the editing what is already complete as a document ; he must out of isolated and fragmentary materials construct instruments for the historian to use. Roman coins are not Fasti, nor are Greek coins a treatise on ancient geography, yet the labour of numis- matists has made the one almost the best authority for the chronology of the Roman empire, and has found in 16 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGy. [i. the otlier an inestimable commentary on Strabo and Ptolemy. The seals, deeds, and sepulchral brasses of the Middle Ages are not in themselves pedigrees, but how have they not contributed to the legal proof of genea- logies? The countless rolls relating to the property of individuals preserved in muniment-rooms, seem many of them of little historical value ; but out of them ^vhat a full and minute history of ancient tenures has been developed ; what directories, and gazetteers, and inventories of the past, giving us the names, titles, and addresses of those historic personages, whom in reading the old chronicles we are perpetually liable to confound. The pioneering labour which prepares the Literature of Documents will always be appreciated by a great historical mind. After a Gruter, an Eckhel, and a Muratori, come a Gibbon, a Niebuhr, a Sismondi. Before we dismiss this branch of our subject, there is one more point to l)e noted — the use of written docu- ments not for the immediate purposes of history, but subordinately, as evidence for archaeological classifi- cation. It is obviously easier to fix the date of an inscribed than of an uninscribed work of art, because Palaeography has rules of criticism of its own, perfectly independent of those by which we judge of art or fabric. In arranging the Monumental evidence of Archaeology, we cannot dispense with the collateral illustration of the Written evidence. Palaeography is the true guide of the historian of Art. It is this third branch of our whole subject-matter, the Monumental, which we have now to consider. I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 17 Monuments are either works of Art or works of Handicraft. Art is either Constructive or Imitative ; Handicraft either Useful or Decorative. I must recall you for a moment to the point from wliich I started in treating of the history of writing. I said that man was the only animal that imitated in a material external to himself; who, in other words, practised painting and sculpture. To draw and to carve are natural to man ; speech, gesture, and music are his transient — sculpture, paiuting, and writing, his per- manent means of utterance. There is hardly any race that has not produced some rude specimens of sculpture and painting ; there are a few only who have brought them to perfection. Now, there is a point of view in which we may regard the imitative art of all races, the most civilised as well as the most barbarous — in reference, namely, to the power of correctly representing animal or vege- table forms such as exist in nature. The j)erfection of such imitation depends not so much on the manual dexterity of the artist as on his intelligence in compre- hending the type or essential qualities of the form which he desires to represent. One artist may make the figure of a man like a jointed doll, because he discerns in human structure no more than the general fact of a head, trunk, and limbs. Another may perceive in nature and indicate in art some traces, however slight, of vital organisation, of l;)ones and muscles, and of their relation to each other as pulleys and levers. A third may represent them in their true forms in action and repose. This is real, intellectual art, because it represents 18 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [i. not the forms merely, but the life which animates them. This difference between one artist and another in the mode of representing organic life is the most essential part of what is called style. As the styles of individual artists differ in this respect, so it is with the art of races. If we compare the representation of a man in Eg}^ptian, Assyrian, Greek, Mediaeval, Chinese, Indian, and Mexican sculpture, we shall see that the same bones and muscles, the same organisation and general type, have been very differently rendered in different ages and countries ; and that the examples I have cited may be ranged in a scale from the Greek downward to the Mexican, according to the amount of essential truth embodied in these several representations of nature. Here then we get a common measure or standard of the art of aU. races and ages, whether it be painting or sculpture, whatever be the material in which it is executed; whether the work of which we have to judge be one of the statues from the pediments of the Par- thenon, or an Otaheitan idol; a fresco of Michael Angel o, or a Dutch pictm'e ; a painted window, or a picture on a Greek vase ; a coin, or the head of Memnon ; the Bayeux tapestry, or the cartoons at Hampton Court. All these are works of imitative art; some more, some less worthy of being so called. Now, the artists who executed these works had this in common, that they all tried to imitate nature, each according to his powers and means, but they differed very widely in those powers and means. Some painted, some carved ; some worked on a colossal, others on a I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 19 miuute sccale. For tlie solution of the problem they had pro|)osed to themselves, a very varied choice of means presented itself. Thus by the word " painting " we may mean a fresco painting, or an oil painting, or an encaustic painting, or a painted window, or a vase picture. Sculpture may be in wood, in ivory, in marble, in metal. Each material employed by the sculptor or painter imposes on him certain conditions which are the law under which he ought to work. He may either turn the material he uses to the best account, master its diffi- culties, and atone for its deficiencies, or he may in turn be mastered by them. The difference between artist and artist, or school and school, in this respect, constitutes what has been justly called specific style, as opposed to general style. The Archaeologist must take cognisance not only of general, but of specific style. He must compare the art of different races as much as possible in pari mate7'id\ he must ascertain as nearly as he can the real conditions under which the artist wrought before he can appreciate his work ; he must observe how similar necessities have in different ages suggested the trial of similar technical means ; how far the artist has succeeded or failed in the working out these experiments. In this, as in every other branch of archaeological research, he will be led to remark great original dif- ferences between races, and certain resemblances, the result of the influence of school upon school by tradition or imitation. By this study of external characteristics he will ob- tain the true criteria for arranging all art both chrono- logically and ethnographically, and will also be able to c 2 20 ESSAYS ON ARdLEOLOGY. [i. foi'Di some kind of scale of tlie relative excellence of all that lie has to classify. Thus far his work is analos^ous to that of the Palseo- grapher, who acquaints himself with the systems of writinsr of all races, traces their tradition and the changes they undergo, and assigns them to their respective periods and countries. But, as we have already pointed out, the Palaeo- grapher has not only to acquaint himself with the handwriting, but to bestow more or less of study on the words written ; and in some cases, as in the Egyptian hieroglyphics, the work of deciphering and of interpretation compel him to be deeply versed in history and philology. So it is with the Archaeology of Art. We must not only know the mere external characteristics of the style, we must know the meaning or motive which pervades it ; we must be able to read and to interpret it. It is only a knowledge of the meaning or motive of art that enables us to appreciate its most essential qualities. The highest art is thought embodied and stated to the eye ; hence it has been well defined as ''mute poetry." Now, when we survey all the remains of art of which Archaeology has cognisance, we shall perceive that it is only a certain portion of these remains that can be said to embody thought. It is those works of Imitative Art which embody thought, which have the first claim on the attention of the Archaeologist, and, above all, those which express religious ideas. The most elevated art which the world has yet seen I.] ON THE STUDY OP ARCHAEOLOGY. 21 lias been devoted to the service of Religion. Art lias stereotyped and developed that Figurative and Symbolic language, of which we find the partial and transient expression in the Oral S}Tnbolism of rituals. When I speak of a Figurative and Symbolic language, I include under this general term all idols and visible emblems, all productions of the painter and sculptor, which have been either themselves objects of worship, or have been associated with such objects — have been de- signed to address religious sympathies, to teach religious doctrines, or to record religious traditions. There is, perhaps, hardly any race, which has not at some period of its history possessed some sort of Figu- rative and Symbolic language for religious uses. The utterance of this language is feebler, or more emphatic ; its range of expression narrower, or more varied, accord- ing to the character of the religion, and the genius of the race. Some religions are pre-eminently sensuous, such, for instance, as the Egyptian, the Greek, the Hindoo, in fact, all the great systems of polytheistic worship ; in other cases, the nature of the creed warrants and re- quires a much narrower range of Figurative and Sym- bolic lano-uage, as in the case of the ancient Persian fire- worship, or interdicts the most essential part of it, as the ]\Iahommedan interdicts all representation of animal forms. Now, as in Philology, we lay the foundation for a general comparison of articulate languages by the study of some one example more perfect in structure, fuller and richer in compass than the rest, such a type, for instance, as the Greek or the Sanscrit ; so, if we would acquaint ourselves with the Figurative and Symbolic 22 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [i. laiio-uao-e of Art o-encrallv. we should study it in its finest form. When we survey the monuments of all time, we find two perfectly developed and highly cultivated forms of utterance, the language of Greek Art, and the language of the Art of Mediaeval Christendom ; in almost all other races the expression of religious ideas in art seems, in comparison, like a rude dialect, not yet fashioned by the poet and the orator. Of the idolatrous nations of the ancient world, the Greeks were, as far as we know, the first to reduce the colossal proportions of the idol, to discard monstrous combinations of human and animal forms, and to substitute the image of beautiful humanity. The sculptor and the poet shaped and moulded the mythic legends ; as the Figurative language of Art grew more perfect, as the mastery over form enabled the artist to embody thought more poetically and elo- quently, the ancient hieratic Symbolism became less and less prominent. As the Greek myth gradually absorbed into itself the earliest theological and philosophical specidations of the rdce, blending religious tradition with the traditions of history, personified agencies with the deeds of real personages, the record of physical phenomena with poetic allegory — so the Figurative Language of Art expanded to express this complex development. Mythography, or the expression of the Myth in Art, moved on, j^cn'i pass it, with mythology, or the expression of the Myth in Litera- ture : as one has reacted on the other, so is one the interpreter of the other. It is impossible, till we have studied both conjointly, to see how completely the religion of the Greeks pene- i.-j ON THE STUDY OF AEOH^OLOGT. 23 trated into tlieir social institutions and daily life. The Myth was not only embodied in the sculpture of Pheidias on the Parthenon, or portrayed in the paintings of Polygnotos in the Stoa Poikile ; it was repeated in a more compendious and abbreviated form on the fictile vase of the Athenian household ; on the coin which circulated in the market-place ; on the mirror in which the Aspasia of the day beheld her charms. Every domestic implement was made the vehicle of Figurative language, or fashioned into a Symbol. Now, to us this mother-tongue of Mythography, these household words, so familiar to the Greeks, arc a dead letter, except so far as the Archaeologist can explain them by glosses and commentaries. His task is one of interpretation — he is the Scholiast and the Lexicographer of Art. The method of interpretation which the classical Archaeologist has applied to Greek Art is well worthy the attention of those who undertake the interpretation of Christian Mediaeval Art. As the Greeks have bequeathed to us not only a Mythology, but a Mythography, so in the painting and sculpture of mediasval Christendom we find an unwritten Theology, a popular, figurative teaching of the sublime truths of Christianity, blended with the apocryphal traditions of many generations. The frescoes of the great Italian masters, from Giotto to Michael Angeloj the ecclesiastical sculpture of mediaeval Europe gene- rally, are the texts in which we should study this unwritten theology. It is in these continuous compositions, designed by great artists, that we can best study the Figurative and 24 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [i. Symbolic language of Cliriatian Art as a scheme, aucl seek the key to its interpretation. This key once ob- tained, we learn to read not the great texts merely, but the most compendious and abbreviated Symbolism, the isolated passages and fragments of the greater designs. It is then that we recognise the unity of motive and sentiment which runs all through ]\Iedia3val Art, and see how an external unity of style is the result of a deeper spiritual unity, as the manners of individuals spring out of their whole character and way of life ; it is then that antiquities, which to the common observer seem of small account, become to us full of meaning. Every object which reflects and repeats the greater art of the period, whether it be costume, or armour, or household furniture, is of interest to the Archaeologist. The cross which formed the hilt of the sword of the warrior; the mart}Tology which was embroidered on the cope of the ecclesiastic, or which inlayed the binding of his missal ; the repetition of the design of Eaffaelle in the Majolica ware; if not in themselves the finest specimens of mediaeval art, are valuable as evidence of the universality of its pervading presence — as fragments of a great whole. In many cases the interpreter of Christian Art has an easier task than his fellow-labourer, the interpreter of Greek Art. Christian Iconography is at once more congenial, and more familiar to us, than Greek Mytho- graphy. Much of the religious feeling it embodies still exists in the hearts of m«n ; the works of Christian art themselves afford far ampler illustration of their own language. The frescoes of Cimabue and Giotto, the great poems of Fra Angelico, Eaffaelle, and Michael I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGY. 25 Aiigclo, liave not perished like the works of the Greek painters, or been preserved to lis in fragments, like the sculptures of the Parthenon. The facades of the cathedrals of Europe are still rich in statuary ; the " dim religious light " still pierces through " the storied window." Wc possess not only the original designs of the great sculptors and painters of the Middle Ages, but endless copies and reflections from these designs in the costume, armour, coins, seals, pottery, furniture, and other anti- quities of the contemporary period. We arc not com- pelled to seek for Art in what was meant as mere Handicraft, as we study the history of Greek painting in vase-pictures ; wc have not only the Art, but the Handicraft too. But we have not shown as much dih'gence in applying Mediaeval Literature to the illustration of con- temporary Mediaeval Art as the Classical Archaeologist has shown in comparing mythology and mythography. Christian Iconography and Christian Symbolism must be read, as Lord Lindsay has read them, with the illustration of the lives of the saints, the theology and the poetry of the Middle Ages. We must study the Pisan Campo Santo with Dante in our hands. In these remarks on the figurative language of Art, I have not attempted to lay down for your guidance systems and canons of interpretation ; I have rather called your attention to the example of classical art in which a particular method of study has been long and successfully carried out. Nor have I at all alluded to a most essential part of the History of Art, the tradition of its Figurative and ^6 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [i. Symbolic laugnage from race to race ; or shown liow far the Mythography of the Greeks was modified by, and contributed in turn to modify, the Oriental and Egyptian My thographies ; how Roman Pantheism gradually absorbed into itself all these motley elements ; how the earlier Christian Art, like the architecture, law, language and literature of mediaeval Christendom, was full of adapted Paganism ; how, not forgetting the power of deep-rooted associations, it borrowed the symbols of an extinct idolatry, as mediaeval literature borrowed the imagery of the classical writers : how lono- the influence of that symbolism and that imagery has survived, aff'ecting, in a peculiar manner, the view of physical nature both in art and poetry : and how, lastly, the great features of the landscape which ancient sculpture and poetry translated into a peculiar figurative language, have been, so to speak, retranslated in the painting and the poetry of an age of physical science like our own. It remains for me to say a few words on other branches of Imitative Art. There is an ideal art which is not devoted to religion, but purely secular in its subject- matter and purpose, just as there is a secular poetry which gradually prevails over the religious poetry of an earlier age ; but the portion of this secular ideal art of which Archaeology has to take cognisance is comparatively small. Again, there is Historical Art, or that which repre- sents real events in history ; and Portraiture, which, taken in its widest sense, includes all representation not only of human beings, but also of visible objects in nature. Now it is hardly necessary to insist on the interest either of Historical Art or of Portraiture as archaeoloQ^ical evidence. I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 27 Historical art can never be as trustworthy a document as written history : its narrative power is far more limited — but how much it illustrates written history, how much it supplies where written history is wanting, or is yet undeciphered ! The sculptures of Egypt and Assyria are the supple- ment to the hieroglyphic, or cuneiform text ; the type of the Roman coin completes the historical record of its legend ; the legend explains the type ; the combination presents to us some passage in the public life of the emperor of the day. Inscribed Historical Art is at all times the simplest and most popular mode of teaching history ; perhaps in such a state of society as that of Egypt or Assyria, the only mode. Again, when Historical Art is presented to us com- pletely detached from the written text, and where the composed history of a period is ever so ample — who would not use the illustration offered by Historical Art ? — who would reject such a record as the spiral frieze on tlie column of Trajan, or the reliefs on the triumphal arches of the Roman empire ? Who would not think the narrative of Herodotus, vivid and circumstantial as it is, would acquire fresh interest, could we see that picture of Darius setting out on his Scythian expedition, which Mandrokles caused to be painted?— or the representation of Marathon with which Mikon and Pansenos adorned the Athenian Stoa Poikile ? If Historical Art contribute to the fuller illustration of composed history, still more does Portraiture. If the very idea of the great dramatis ijersoncv, who have successively appeared on the stage of universal history, 28 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [i. stirs our hearts within us, who woukl not wish to see their bodily likeness? — who would not acknowledge that the statues and busts of the Caesars are the marginal illustration of the text of Tacitus ? that the history of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, rich as it is in every kind of document, is incomplete without the portraits by Vandyke and Reynolds ? — or, to pass from the portraits of individuals to the general portraiture of society, can we form a just idea of Greek and Roman manners without the pictures on vases and the pictures of Pompeii ? or of mediaeval manners without the illuminations of manuscripts ? Are not the Nimroud sculptures all that remains to us of the social life of the great Assyrian empire ? If costume, armour, household furniture and implements, are all part of the history of manners, if these relics are in them- selves worth studying, so too must be those represen- tations which teach us how they were aj)plied in daily life. Having considered the monuments of Imitative, I will now pass on to the monuments of Constructive Art, and the products of the useful and decorative arts generally, or of Handicraft, from all which may be elicited a kind of latent liistor}', rather implied than consciously stated, not transmitted in writing, nor even in words. Of all monuments of Constructive Art, the most abiding, the most impressive and full of meaning, are the architectural. The first object of the Archaeologist, in studying a building, should be to ascertain its date, the race by whom, and the purpose for which it was erected. But his task docs not end with this primary I.] ON THE .STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 29 classification ; lie ought to indicate the value of Archi- tecture as evidence for the Historian, to read and interpret the indirect record it embodies. Of many aspects in which we may regard Archi- tecture, these three may be especially noted. First, it is an evidence of the constructive power of a race, of their knowledge of mechanical science. Secondly, being an investment of capital, it is a measure of the financial resources of a nation at a particular period, a document for their financial history. Thirdly, we must consider Architecture as the great law which has in all time regulated the growth and affected the form of painting and sculpture, till they attain to a certain period in their development, and free themselves from its in- fluence. I shall say a few words on each of these three points. :, First of Architecture, as evidence of constructive power : In all building operations more or less of the same problems have to be solved. The purpose of the edifice, the space allotted for the site, the quantity and quality of the building material, and the law of gravitation, prescribe a certain form. These are the external necessities within which the will of the architect is free to range. The problems he has to solve may be more or less difficult ; the purpose of the building may dictate a more or less complicated structure ; the site and building materials may be more or less favourable ; the mechanical knowledge required may be more or less profound ; it is in the solution of these problems that various races have shown a greater or less degree of intellectual power ; it is from the study of the architectural problems so solved that we obtain a common 30 ESSAYS ON AEOHtEOLOGY. [i. measure of the mind of races perfectly distinct from any- other standard. In a Gothic cathedral the truths of mechanical science are stated, not hy words, but by deeds ; it is knowledge, not written, but enacted. The pyramids and temples of Egypt, the Parthenon, the ruins of Baalbcc, the Duomo at Florence, the railway bridges and viaducts of the nineteenth century, are all so many chapters in the history of mechanical science, not in themselves treatises, but containing the materials of treatises. So much has l3een recently written on this branch of architectural study, that I shall merely allude to it here, especially in addressing an audience many of whom have the advantage of hearing every year a lecture on structure from the historian of our cathedrals, Professor Willis. Having glanced at Architecture as part of the history of science, let us regard it for a moment as part of the history of finance. In all Architecture there is an outlay of the capital of labour, and of the capital absorbed in the cost of materials. The wealth thus permanently invested, if it be national wealth, is seldom replaced by any direct financial return. In the balance-sheet of nations it is more frequently entered as capital sunk, than as capital profitably invested. When, therefore, we have made an estimate of the probable cost of an ancient edifice, grounded partly on the evidence of the building itself, partly on our general knowledge of the period to which it belongs, we must next consider out of what resources it was reared : did the builders invest income or capital ? in the hope of profitable return, or from what other of I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 31 tlic many motives which induce men to spend, money ? Here, then, we find an architectural common measure, not only of the wealth of nations at a particular period, but also of their taste and judgment in spending that wealth. When we survey the architecture of all time in regard to its motive, it presents to us under this aspect four principal groups. It is either Votive, Com- memorative, Military, or Commercial. By Votive, I mean all edifices dedicated to the service of Religion ; by Commemorative, such structures as the triumphal arches of Rome ; all sepulchral monuments from the Pyramids downwards ; all buildings, in a word, of which tlie paramount object is national or personal record. The term Military needs no explanation. By Commercial, I mean much of what is commonly called civil architecture : all such works as bridsfes, exchanges, aqueducts, moles, tunnels, which, however great the original outlay, are undertaken by nations, companies, or individuals, with the ultimate hope of a profitable return. Now, if it be admitted that the religious sentiment — the historical instinct, or rather the sense of national greatness — its source — the military spirit or necessities — the commercial enterprise and resources of a race, severally determine the character of its Votive, Com- memorative, Military, and Commercial architecture — such monuments will give us a measure of the relative strength and successive predominance of each of these great motives of national action. Thus, in the chart of 32 ESSAYS ON ARCILEOLOGY. [i. universal liistory, we may more distinctly trace the direction and calculate the force of some of the tides and currents of public opinion hy which society has been variously swayed. In Egypt, Architecture was pre-eminently Votive and Commemorative : in the temples of the Athenian Akropolis, the Voti\'e and the Commemorative were blended, the glory of the individual was merged in that of the state — the idea of the state was inseparable from that of its religion ; the practical genius of the Romans was developed in great works at once Military and Commercial — roads, bridges, aqueducts, moles, tunnels, fortifications ; Votive and ^Military architecture absorbed the surplus wealth of the Middle Ages ; in our own day, the magnificence of our Commercial architecture, of our railway bridges and viaducts — contrasts somewhat strangely with the stunted and starvelino- Gothic of our modern churches : but it is O fair to remember that the imperious need of an ever- increasing population has transferred to charity part of the resources of architecture, and that we must not seek for the Votive investment of the nineteenth century only in its Relig^ious edifices. The study of the motive of architectural investment is essential to the Archaeologist for the due comj^re- hension of the whole style of the Architecture ; but the tracinf»- out the financial sources of that investment is rather the lousiness of the Historian. Therefore, I will but remind you here how the centralising power of despotism reared with the slave labour of captive nations, and the produce of the most fertile of soils, the Votive and Commemorative architecture of Egypt — how I.] ON THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 33 the victories of Marathon and Salamis gained for Athens those island and Asiatic dependencies, whose tribnte built the Parthenon — how Rome gave back to a conquered world part of their plundered wealth in the aqueducts, bridges, harbours, and fortifications, which the Empire constructed for the provinces — and how, lastly, in most parts of Mediaeval Christendom, as there were but three great Landowners, so there were but three great Architects — the Sovereign, the Churchman, and the Noble. The third aspect in which tlie Archaeologist must regard Architecture, is in its relation to Painting and Sculpture. Everyone conversant with the history of Art knows that Architecture, Painting, and Sculpture, as they are naturally connected, so have in all times been more or less associated, and that the divorce by which, in modern times, they have been parted, is as exceptional as it is to be deplored. In a great age of art, the structure modifies and is in turn modified by the painting and sculpture with which it is decorated, and it is out of the antagonism of the decorative and the structural that a harmonious whole is produced. The great compositions of Pheidias in the pediments of the Parthenon were regulated by tlie triangular space they had to fill, the proportions of the whole building itself were again adjusted to the scale of the chrysele- phantine statue of Pallas Athene which it contained ; for in the Greek, and the ancient idolatries generally, the temple of a god was considered his dwelling-place, his statue in the interior was the symbol — and more than the symbol — of his bodily presence. Therefore, if the Mythography was colossal, so was 34 ESSAYS ON ARCIIiEOLOGY. [i. the Architecture ; if the genius of the religion invested the o'od with a form and character not so much o exceeding the familiar proportions of humanity, the architecture was adjusted to the same standard. This, doubtless, was one chief cause of the ditfereuce in scale between the Egyptian and Greek temple. The subject might be pursued much further. It might be observed that in Gothic architecture, where the building is dedicated to a Being who dwells not in temples made with hands, and whose presence there is rather shadowed forth by the whole character of the edifice than embodied in the tangible form of a statue, the structural necessities are supreme ; the painting and sculpture are not, as in Greek buildings, works of art set in an architectural frame, but subordinate and accessory to the main design. I have glanced for a moment at this relation between Architecture and Imitative Art, because the principle it involves is equally applicable to all cases where decoration is added to structure. The Archseologist cannot fail to remark how severe, in a true age of art, is the observance of this great Architectonic law — how its influence pervades all design — how the pictures on Greek vases, or the richly embossed and chased work of the mediaeval goldsmiths, are all adjusted to the form and surface allotted to them by an external necessity. Having considered the greatest form of constructive art, Architecture, at such lengthy I have hardly time to do more than allude very briefly to the remaining material products of man comprised under the general term — Monumental Evidence. I.] OiT THE STUDY OF ARCHEOLOGY. 35 To attempt here to classify these miscellaneous antiquities would be as difficult as the classification of the various objects which may form part of the great Exhibition of 1851. The task which Endand has undertaken for 1851 is an Exhibition of the Industry of all nations at the present day ; the object which Archaeology would achieve if possible is not less than the Exhibition of the Industry of all nations for all time. AVherever man has left the stamp of mind on brute matter; whether we designate his work as structure, texture, or mixture, mechanical or chymical ; whether the result be a house, a ship, a garment, a piece of glass, or a metallic implement, these memorials of economy and invention wiU always be worthy of the attention of the Archasoloofist. Our true motto should be — Homo sum, human i xihil a me ALlExtfjl puto. To collect the implements, weapons, pottery, costume^ and furniture of races is to contribute materials not only to the history of mining, metallurgy, spinningj weaving, dyeing, carpentry, and the like arts, which minister to civilisation, but also to illustrate the physical history of the countries where these arts were practised. The history of an art involves more or less that of its raw material ; whether that material is native or imported, has been turned to the best account, or misused and squandered, are questions ultimately connected with the history of finance, agriculture, and commerce, and hardly to be solved without constant D 2 36 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [i. refereuce to the Mouumental Evidence of Archaeology. I will not detain you longer with this part of the subject ; those who wish to know why a spear-head or a stone hammer are as interesting to an Archaeologist as fossils to the Geoloojist, should visit the museum at Copenhagen, and read M. Worsaae's work on Scandinavian antiquities, its result — should learn how the Etruscan remains in the Museo GreQ-oriano of the Vatican illustrate Homer, and the remains of Pompeii in the Museo Borbonico present to us Roman life in the Augustan ao-e. I have endeavoured in these remarks to present to you an outline, however slight, of the whole subject- matter of Archceology — a sketch of its Oral, Written, and Monumental Evidence. In treating of these three branches, my object has not been so much to explain how they may be severally best collected, classified, and interpreted, as to show by a few exami^les the historical results to which such previous labours, duly and conscientiously carried out, will lead ; the relation of Archaeolog;y to History, as a ministering and subsidiary study, as the key to stores of information inaccessible or unknown to the scholar, as an independent witness to the truth of Printed Record. I have said nothing of the Cjualifications required of the Archaeologist, the conditions under which he works, the instruments and appliances on which he depends. He who would master the manifold subject-matter of Archaeology, and appreciate its whole range and compass, must possess a mind in which the reflective and the perceptive faculties are duly balanced ; he must combine I.] ON THE STUDY OF AROHiEOLOGY. 37 with the a3sthetic culture of the Artist, and the trained judgment of the Historian, not a little of the learning of the Philologist ; the plodding drudgery which gathers together his materials, must not blunt the critical acuteness required for their classification and inter- pretation; nor should that habitual suspicion which must ever attend the scrutiny and precede the warranty of archaeological evidence, give too sceptical a bias to his mind. The Archaeologist cannot, like the Scholar, carry on his researches in his own library, almost independent of outward circumstances. For his work of reference and collation he must travel, excavate, collect, arrange, delineate, decipher, transcribe, before he can place his whole subject before his mind. He cannot do all this single-handed ; in order to have free scope for his operations he must perfect the machinery of museums and societies. A museum of antiquities is to the Archaeologist what a botanical garden is to the Botanist ; it presents his subject compendiously, synoptically, suggestively, not in the desultory and accidental order in which he would otherwise be brought in contact with its details. An Archaeological Society gives corporate strength to efforts singly of little account ; it can discover, preserve, register, and publish on a far greater scale, and with more system than any individual, however zealous and energetic. A society which would truly administer the ample province of British Archaeology should be at once the 38 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [i. Historian of national art and manners, the Keeper of national record and antiquities, the iEdile of national monuments. These are great functions. Let us try, in part at least, to fulfil them. But let us not forget that national Archaeology, however earnestly and successfully pursued, can only disclose to us one stage in the whole scheme of human development — one chapter in the whole Book of human History — can supply but a few links in that chain of continuous tradition, which connects the civilised nineteenth century with the races of the primaeval world, — which holds together this great brotherhood in bonds of attachment more enduring than the ties of national consanguinity, more ennobling even than the recol- lections of ancestral glory — which, traversing the ruins of empires, unmoved by the shock of revolutions, spans the abyss of time, and transmits onward the message of the Past. ON THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE COLLEC- TIONS OF ART AND ANTIQUITIES IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. LETTER TO THE CHAIRMAN OP THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON THE NATIONAL GALLERY.* Ehodes, May 28, 1853. Sir, — As a Committee of the House of Commons has heeii recently appointed to consider (amongst other things) "in what mode the Collective Monuments of Antiquity and Fine Art may be most securely preserved and advantageously exhibited," I take the liberty of addressing you on this subject, in the hope that the views which I would submit in this letter may appear to you not undeserving the attention of the Committee of which you are a Member. In dealing with the question now before them, the Committee will have to take into consideration the various plans which have been proposed for the formation of a new Museum of Art, and this will lead them to examine the condition of two great collections already existing, in the National Gallery, and in the Department of Antiquities at the British Museum. * Eeport from Select Committee on the National Grallery, 1853. Appendix xii. p. 772, Report of National Gallery Site Commission, 1857. Appendix ii. p. 159. 40 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. lu the present letter I do not propose to enter upon the question, whether it be desirable or not to remove the National Gallery and the Department of Antiquities from the situations which they now occupy, and thus to combine all productions of the fine arts in one common collection, nor shall I offer any suggestions with regard to the site, plan, and interior arrangements best suited for a new Museum of Art. I shall confine myself to the question, whether, in the event of an entirely new arrangement of our national collections, the antiquities now at the British Museum ouQ-ht to be considered as one entire collection, or whether, as has been recently proposed, the finest specimens only should be transferred to a new museum of art, the rest of the antiquities being left where they are at present, or distributed in other museums, of which the formation is now contemplated. This question is one of the greatest moment, and demands the most careful consideration on the part of the Committee. If we appeal merely to precedent, it might be argued that the mass of objects comprised under the general term Antiquities, have always been united and exhibited in juxtaposition in the most celebrated museums of Europe ever since the first establishment of such collections in the fifteenth century ; that the most distinguished viTiters on Archaeology, from the time of Winckelmann to the present day, have, with hardly an exception, advocated this principle of arrangement, and consequently that nothing can justify us in deviating from a system so generally adopted in Europe, and supported by such authorities. II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 41 But, as such a mode of reasoning might aj^pcar to a Committee of the House of Commons something Hke begging the question, it will be well to discuss the case a little more fully, and to examine it for ourselves, keeping out of sight for the moment all arguments derived from precedent in other countries. In order to determine how the antiquities in the British Museum may be best arranged, we must first consider in what these antiquities consist, and I will therefore here make a brief and rapid survey of the contents of a department which occupies a large portion of the whole area of the British Museum. The simplest mode of classifying the various objects contained in this department, and comprehended under the common term Antiquities, would be to regard them, first, as the productions of various races of the ancient world, and, principally, of four great nations, the Egyptians, the Assyrians, the Greeks, and the Romans ; secondly, the productions of each race may be roughly arranged in three classes, namely. Monuments of Art, or productions of what are called the Fine Arts ; Inscribed Monuments, under which term I would include all inscriptions, whether on marble, brass, or any other material ; and thirdly, Monuments of Handicraft, or productions of the useful and decorative arts. These several classes may be again arranged chrono- logically. Having thus indicated generally the mode in which the whole mass of antiquities may be classified, I will now pass in review the antiquities of the four great nations of the ancient world collected in the British Museum. -42 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. In the case of each nation the same three classes, monuments of art, inscribed monuments, and works of handicraft, will have to be considered, both separately and in relation one to another ; and again, we must not only regard the antiquities of each race separately, but also comparatively in reference to the antiquities of other races. The British Museum further contains a collection of mediaeval antiquities, but this is hardly yet sufficiently extensive to be worth taking into account in a general survey ; mediaeval antiquities, however, may be classified on the same plan as the other collections, and must be included in the same general scheme of Archaeology. In the following remarks I hope to succeed in proving, first, that, in the case of each race, the three classes under which I have arranged all antiquities, illustrate each other in so many ways, and, when united by juxtaposition, so completely form one subject, that in any plan of future exhibition such juxtaposition must be considered as a paramount and indispensable condition ; secondly, that the antiquities of the several races of the ancient world can never be so well understood and appreciated as when the whole of the Egyptian, Assyrian, Greek, and Eoman collections are placed in the same museum, and thus afford the most convenient and ready means of comparison by the eye. To commence with the Antiquities of the Egyptians : the Egyptian collection at the British Museum is perhaps the most complete and the most instructive in Europe ; it contains a number of colossal statues representing deities or kings, and an immense variety of smaller figures, in which the tyj^es of the larger sculptures are II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 43 repeated in bronze, in alabaster, in porcelain, and in other materials. In order to understand what these specimens of sculpture and of plastic art represent, we must study the inscriptions, which are in a great many cases graven on the statue itself, and which contain the name and titles of the deity or personage represented. These inscriptions being in the hieroglyphic character, we are at once led from the study of the monuments of art to the study of the inscribed monuments, and it is therefore found convenient to arrange the hieroglyphic texts side by side with the statues. This is an arrangement which I do not imagine that any one would wish to disturb. In thus combining the hieroglyphic texts with the sculptures, we are but carry- ing out the design of the Egyptians themselves ; for it must be remembered that with them sculpture and writing were hardly considered as distinct arts, and that the hieroglyphic character communicates thoughts to the mind, not merely by purely conventional signs, such as constitute later systems of wTiting, but by presenting to the eye the portraits or likenesses of visible things. The inscribed monuments of Egypt, studied in con- nection with the monuments of art, are among the chief sources of direct information with regard to the religion and history of the Egyptian people, the more valuable, of course, because this peculiar race never possessed a regularly developed literature. Historical record, mythical tradition, and religious rituals are blended together in these monuments ; the Egyptians taught theology and recorded real events, partly by actual representations in sculpture, partly U ESSAYS OX ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. by Hieroglyphic texts engraved on stone or written on papyrus. Besides these larger monuments, the Egyptian collection contains a vast treasure of miscellaneous antiquities, which I have here designated monuments of handicraft, to distinguish them from monuments of art on the one hand, and from inscribed monuments on the other. These miscellaneous antiquities, acquainting us with many minute details in the private life of the Egyptian people, form so completely one subject with the monuments of art, and the inscribed monuments, that no reasonable person would, I conceive, wish to separate them. This is a question which does not require elaborate reasoning ; a survey of these antiquities at the British Museum produces a vivid impression even on the super- ficial observer, because a vast mass of historical informa- tion is here condensed into a small space and exhibited in a popular and intelligible form. I shall not therefore discuss at oroater lenofth the question whether the Egyptian Collection of An- ticjuities, consisting of sculptures and other works of art, inscribed monuments, and miscellaneous antiquities, should be kept together in one place, and regarded as a whole. Taking- the races of the ancient world in the order which I have laid down, the next collection which we have to consider is the Assyrian. This consists, for the most part, of sculptures in relief, accompanied and doubtless explained by a marginal cuneiform text graven on the stone ; so that here the monuments of art and II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 45 tliG inscribed monuments are in most cases one and indivisible. Besides these larger monuments are a variety of smaller objects, such as cylindrical seals, clay impres- sions of seals, and inscribed tal)lets, ivory carvings, ornaments, and implements. The mere fact that the whole of these objects, with the exception of the cylinders, were so recently dis- covered in one locality, would be in itself a sufficient reason for keeping the entire collection together ; but, independently of such considerations, the several classes of objects serve to illustrate and explain one another. The same peculiar style of art, the same figures and groups, the same cuneiform characters which we find in the larger friezes, reappear on a reduced scale in the cylinders and seals ; one system of mythography and of historical record pervades the Avhole of the art. With the Assyrian collection we must necessarily combine the few specimens which we possess of Perse- politan sculpture, and the interesting collection of Persian cylinders, which clearly exhibit the tradition of Assyrian art, and its degradation in the hands of another race. Having considered the antiquities of these great races of the primaeval world, I now pass on to the Greek Collection. Here a much wilder and more varied field of inquiry opens out before us ; the several classes of antiquities are more clearly defined, and at first sight appear less intimately connected one with another. Adopting the same threefold classification as before, we have to consider, first, monuments of art ; secondly, inscribed monuments ; and thirdly, a variety of miscel- laneous antiquities. 46 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [n. The collection of Greek sculpture at the British Museum far exceeds in interest that of any of the continental galleries. The most celebrated statues in the museums of Italy have for the most part little claim to l^e considered original Greek works. Many of them, as for instance the Apollo Belvedere, and tlie Group of Niobe and her Children, are probably copies executed in the Augustan or in a later age, when Greek art had lost its inde- pendence, and w^orked under Eoman dictation. But in the Marbles of the Parthenon, we have an unquestionable example of that school of sculpture which the judgment of antiquity pronounced most perfect ; these masterpieces, like the Exeiiiplaria of classical literature, remain to us as a standard of comparison, to which criticism should ever appeal ; as a model by which the taste, not of the English people only, but of all future civilised nations, may be formed and elevated. But we cannot appreciate the art of Pheidias merely by contemplating the scattered fragments of his great design as they are presented to us in the Elgin Room ; we must study the larger figures and torsoes as forming part of two great compositions set in the triangular frames of the pediments ; we must regard the metopes not merely as individual groups, but as a series of ornaments intended to relieve the monotonous parallelism of horizontal lines in the exterior view of the Parthenon. In criticising the frieze, we must remember that it was designed to be seen from below, in the subdued light of a colonnade, not to be placed on a level with the eye, as it is at present. II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BEITISH MUSEUM. 47 Having regarded the sculptures of the Parthenon, in their relation to its architecture, we must next con- sider them as expressive of the thought of the artist. The design of Pheidias was, in fact, a sculptured poem, in which he celebrated the glory of Pallas Athene as the tutelary goddess of the Athenian people. The frieze, the metopes, the pedimental compositions, the chrysele- phantine statue of the goddess within the temple, all had reference to this main theme. This great design has, unfortunately, not been handed down to us in the perfect state in which Pheidias conceived and executed it ; but much may be done by the study of collateral evidence, for the illustration and reunion of the fragments which we possess. This collateral evidence it is the business of Archteology to collect and prepare for the general public. If we would test this evidence for ourselves, we must follow the archaeologist through his researches, and we shall then find that, in order to appreciate the motive and meaning of a work of art, we often require a whole museum for collation and reference ; that Greek sculptures do not explain themselves, but that for theii* interpre- tation we must study not only other sculptures, but other branches of Greek antiquities, vases, coins, gems, bronzes, terracottas. All these classes, as I shall show in noticing them separately, deserve to be examined in connection with Greek sculpture, if we would learn to interpret the meaning, and appreciate the design of the artist to the full. For instance, we know from Pausanias, that the subject of the composition in the eastern pediment of 48 ESSAYS ON AECH.EOLOGY. [ii. the Partliciioii was the Birth of Pallas Athene ; but the central figures in that pediment having been completely destroyed, the character of the original composition would be entirely a matter of conjecture, were it not that this subject is represented on a number of fictile vases, which give us some data as to the mythic person- ages whom Pheidias would probably have introduced in the scene. Having considered the Elgin Marbles as fragments of a great design, and having endeavoured, with the aid of Archaeology, to fill up the outline of that design in our imaginations, we must next view the w^ork of Pheidias in its relation to the wdiole history of Greek art. And here the British Museum presents us with a most interesting series of monuments : the Harpy Tomb, in the Lycian Eoom, a specimen of archaic relief, of which the date is probably not later than B.C. 540 ; the frieze from the temple of Apollo Epikourios, at Phigalia, which we know to have been executed under the direction of Iktinos, the contemporary and colleague of Pheidias ; the sculptures from the tomb of Mausolos, at Halicar- nassus, more generally known as the Budrum Marbles, of which the date is fixed by historical evidence to about B.C. 350; the statues and the friezes from the Xanthian Monument, which are probably anterior to the era of Alexander the Great, and which exhibit the curious phenomenon of Greek designs executed by the unskilful hands of less civilised Lycians, and thus, as it were, translated into a barbarous dialect. I trust that I shall not be thought to exaggerate when I say that this chronological sequence of sculpture is such as no other museum in Europe can boast of. II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 49 l^ike caway the Elgin Marbles, and the continuity of the series is destroyed ; it is as if the keystone had fallen out of the arch. Besides these undoubted examples of Greek art, and its derivatives, the British Museum possesses a number of sculptures which were probably copied from fine Greek originals in the Augustan age, or even subse- quently. The Towneley Venus, the Towneley Cupid, the Diskobolos, and probably all the finest statues of the Towneley Collection, are of this later period. In order to determine the relative merit of these works, and to approximate to their dates, we must refer them to the one standard of comparison, the sculptures of the Parthenon, and endeavour to ascertain what the artist really intended to represent by each individual statue. If we do not know what he intended to express, we can judge of his design with but little more certainty than those who venture to criticise a dramatic perform- ance without understanding the language which the actors speak, nor the whole story of the action which passes before their eyes. How much, for instance, has the interest of the figure in the Gallery of Florence, commonly called " The Listening Slave," Ijcen enhanced since this figure has been recognised as part of a group representing the flaying of Marsyas by Apollo ; how much of the beauty of the design on the Portland Vase would be lost to us, were it not for the ingenious interpretation of its sub- ject which we owe to that excellent archaeologist, the late James Millingen ? The interj^retation of ancient sculpture, that is to say, the assigning names to the several figures, and 50 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [ii. motives for the actions represented, can only be ac- complished by the diligent collation of other classes of antiquities. Greek sculpture, as I before observed, cannot be explained by its own internal evidence alone, any more than the text of an ancient author can be explained without glosses and commentaries. In order to make this more clear, I shall now proceed to consider several other branches of Greek art, which must not be lost sight of on account of the paramount interest of sculpture, but which, on the contrary, should be ever studied in connexion with it. It will be convenient after noticing sculpture in marble to take next in order Bronzes and Terracottas ; we thus pass by a natural transition from Glyptic to Plastic Art. The collection of Bronzes at the British Museum, chiefly the bequest of Mr. Payne Knight, is a particularly fine one. These antic[uities may be described generally as copies on a reduced scale, cast in metal with more or less of skill and care, from the larger works of the ancient statuaries. In the art of casting in metal the Greeks possessed a mechanical means of multiplying their finest sculptures, which not only made these works more popularly known at the time, but has been the means of rescuing from oblivion many fine designs ; just as, after the frescoes of Italy shall have mouldered away, the conceptions of Michael Angelo and of Kaphael, per- petuated by the art of the engraver, will remain to posterity. Among the finest specimens of this class of art in II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 51 the British Museum are the bronzes of Pcaramythia, several of which are thought to be copies from celebrated statues by Lysippos ; the Falterona Mars, a very fine ex- ample of the archaic style ; the Payne Knight Mercury ; and the head supposed to be of Sophocles. Of another kind of metallurgy, the embossed and chased work, the British Museum possesses in the bronzes of Siris an unique and precious example, un- rivalled in any of the continental museums. All these works are of the greatest value in tracing the history of ancient art. Terracottas, like bronzes, may be regarded as reduced copies, studies, or recollections from the works of the great sculptors, executed in clay somewhat carelessly and hastily, but generally exhibiting the inimitable grace and variety which distinguishes every class of Greek design. The Terracottas deserve far more study than has yet been bestowed on them by the modern artist ; many masterly compositions in this material are unheeded by the ordinary observer on account of the roughness of the execution, and the discoloured state of the surface. Among the Terracottas in the British Museum which sj^ecially deserve notice, are some specimens in an archaic style, found in Greek tombs by Mr. Burgon ; others from Italian tombs, which still retain their original colours and gilding, are interesting as examples on a small scale of polyclirome decoration. The subject of Terracottas has a natural affinity to that of Fictile Vases, of which the Museum possesses a collection most instructive, as it includes specimens of almost every style of vase hitherto discovered. E 2 62 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. A large number of tlic vases in this collection arc decorated with pictures representing mythical subjects. These vase-pictures are of the greatest interest, while the interest attachinsj to the vase itself as a mere article of ingenious manufacture is comparatively small. We have hardly any knowledge of the paintings of the ancients, for none of the works of the great masters have been preserved to us, but we have in the vase- pictures a kind of faint reflection of this higher art. At first sight, indeed, these slight and careless outlines may appear hardly worthy of the attention of the artist, but we must bear in mind the peculiar conditions under which the vase -painter worked : the surface on which he had to paint was generally either convex or concave, rarely flat ; he was limited to the emjjloyment of very few colours ; his composition was bounded by the form of the vase itself ; the material with which he had to deal was not adequate to ttre proper representation of chia- roscuro. Allowing for all these defects, we can still find in the vase-pictures of the best period much to admire, and the same grand simplicity and strength of outline which distinf{uishes the reliefs of Pheidias is not wantino' in the desio-ns of the vases with red fiojures on a black ground, many of which were doubtless of the same period as the Parthenon. On some vases the composi- tions of the great masters were probably copied with little modification, as in the celebrated JNIeidias Vase in the British Museum. A wTll-chosen selection of vase-pictures exhibits a variety of styles, which admit of chronological arrange- ment in periods corresponding generally with the periods into which the whole history of Greek art may be distri- II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 63 buted. It is as necessary for the historian of classical art to incliide a notice of vase-pictures in his general [)lan, as it is for the historian of media3val art to have recourse to the collateral illustration of illuminated manuscripts or of Mosaics, in treating of those j)eriods in which other and more perfect examples of painting do not occur. But ceramography presents to the student of art another and special interest. The subjects of these vase-pictures are almost always mythical scenes ; and thus Greek fictile art has preserved for us a rich store of those popular legends which circulated through the agency of art and song, and which formed the staple out of which the poet or the sculptor fashioned their immortal works. The myth, as treated 1)y the vase-painter, differed from the same myth when amplified and adorned by the genius of Pheidias and Polygnotos, as the ballad differs from the epic. The vase-pictures make us familiar with a number of myths which we do not find elsewhere celebrated in art or literature ; the compositions in these pictures being continuous, and the several figures in the scene being, in many cases, identified by the inscriptions which accom- pany them, we are enabled by the illustration thus incidentally furnished to interpret and to restore many isolated fragments of sculpture in the museums of Europe. The vase-pictures forming a chronological series, we are enabled to trace the gradual development of the myth in the hands of the Greek artist ; how, as archaic types and modes of representation became obsolete, he 54 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. laid them aside, one by oue, substituting iu their place forms and compositions more attractive to the eye, giving freer scope to his imagination, and less rigidly adherino' to traditional rules. o In the case of Christian Ai't, if we woukl com- prehend and thoroughly appreciate such designs as the frescoes in the Sistine Chapel, and other great religious paintings of the same period, Ave must study the language of mediaeval art generally, and trace back the progress of iconography through a long series of monuments from the fii'st centmies of Christianity, including in our sm'vey much that is unattractive to the eye, for the sake of the information which we thus obtain ; and, in like manner, the finest designs of Greek artists cannot be appreciated unless we study Greek mythography as a whole, not rejecting the less inviting- portion of the subject, if it serve as a commentary on the rest. There is another point of view in which Greek vases are of the greater interest. The Greek myth being essentially popidar, and the gods and heroes who form its dramatis persome being almost always invested with the outward form, motives of action, manners, and external circumstances of humanity, the vase-pictures on which these myths are represented reflect the image of the real life of the Greek people, and have thus preserved to us a thousand curious details of costume, armour, etc., which we should not otherwise have known. It will be convenient after this brief notice of vases to pass on to the consideration of Coins, of which the British Museum possesses a magnificent collection, II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BEITISH MUSEUM. 55 formed partly by bequests and partly by purchases, for which laro^e sums have from time to time been liberally granted by Parliament. Coins are a most important branch of Greek anti- quities, which we may regard from many different points of view. They are susceptible of a double arrangement ; the geographical and the chronological. Geographically, they may be distributed through the length and breadth of the Hellenic world ; along the whole line of coast in the Mediterranean ; on the shores of the Black Sea ; over the continent of Asia as fiw east as the conquests of Alexander ; in the outlying countries, such as Britain, Spain, and Gaul, to which Greek commerce penetrated with difficulty and at irregular intervals. Wherever the Greeks planted colonies, there we find a coinage more or less Hellenic in character, in proportion to the ascendancy of the new settlers over the barbarianSj among whom they were established. Coins admit of a chronological arrangement, com- mencing probably about the first Olympiad and co- extensive with the duration of Hellenic civilisation; What are called the types of coins, that is to say, the devices on the obverse and reverse, were among the Greeks generally chosen as the expression of some religious idea ; and thus the type was either the figure of some tutelary deity or divine personage, or some animal or s}Tubol consecrated by faith. These religious figures or symbols which formed the types of coins being in fact the seal of the State impressed on a piece of metal, the engraving of these seals was an object not thought unworthy of the artist. 56 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. Hence the finest Greek coins present to us a piece of low relief, or rather of mezzo-relievo, treated according to the great principles observed by the sculptor in marble, with certain necessary modifications, which, as has been admirably explained by Sir C. Eastlakc, in his " Contributions to the Literature of the Fine Arts," constitute the specific style of Numismatic Art. Coins being, as I have stated, capable of a geographical and of a chronological arrangement, and being worthy to be studied as works of art, a collection such as that of the British Museum contains a store of materials wdiicli have not as yet been turned to sufficient account in tracing out the history of ancient sculpture. It ^^-ill Ije found that, if a collection of coins, of which the dates are ascertained, be arranged chronologically, their juxtapo- sition will disclose to us with extraordinary distinctness the characteristics of the style of successive periods, thus aflbrding the most valuable collateral evidence in cor- roboration of those general criteria which European Archa3ology has laid dovrn in pronouncing on the age of sculptures and other works of art. On the other hand, a survey of a large collection of coins geographically arranged, shows us that Hellenic art was brought to the greatest perfection w^herever Hellenic civilisation existed in its fullest intensity, that it took root wherever that civilisation was planted, grew with its gi'owth, decayed with its decay. Thus the coins of Sicily and Magna Grsecia, and of many celebrated States in Greece Proper and Asia Minor, are among the most excpiisite productions of ancient art ; they are finished with a delicacy happily described by Pliny as " ArguticC operum in minimis quoque rebus custoditce." 11.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 57 On the other hand, in the border eoimtries, where civilisation and barbarism met, the fusion or the colli- sion of races had a certain influence on the art, as we see by examining the coins of Lycia, Cilicia, Cyprus, the north of Thrace, the Carthaginian side of Sicily, the Greek colonies in Gaul, Spain, and other outlying places. The types of coins being, like the subjects chosen by the sculptor and vase -painter, mythical, we thus learn a great variety of modes of representing the proper deities and other objects of worship ; a collection of coins in fact exhibits the Hellenic Pantheon in miniature. We find on coins the reduced copies of many cele- brated statues of antiquity, of which the originals have perished ; aud on the other hand, we are enabled by numismatic inscriptions to assign titles to many works of sculpture, the subjects of which would otherwise remain unexplained. Therefore in the arrangement and study of a sculpture gallery we are continually ol^liged to have recourse to numismatic illustration, in proof of which I need only appeal to such works on the history of Greek Art as the "Denkmiiler der Alton Kunst," by K. Mtiller, in which a large proportion of the engravings represent coins. In addition to their interest as materials for the history of art, coins have a further claim on our atten- tion as forming part of the evidence of general history. They are not only monuments of art in so far as regards their types, they are also inscribed monuments, and their inscriptions, besides exhibiting to us many curious sj)ecimens of Hellenic pakeography, are almost the only memorials of the Carthaginians, Iberians, and b8 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. other races of the ancient world who borrowed the invention of coinas^e from the Greeks. Moreover, the inscriptions themselves record a number of historical facts, as any one may see by turning to Eckhel's great work, " Doctrina Numorum Yeterum." Those who occupy themselves with the study of pala30graphy, and of historical monuments generally, should always have a collection of coius at hand for collation and reference. The subject of coins conducts us immediately to that of Gems and Vitreous Pastes. The dies of coins are, as I have already stated, seals engraved for the use of the State ; gems, on the other hand, are stones engraved or cut in rehef, to please the foncy of individuals. Hence it is that, though the subjects cut on gems exhibit the same rich variety of mythical type as we find on coins, and are wrought with the same exquisite delicacy of finish, we cannot so readily throw them into chronological and geogi*aphical order. The inscription, which makes the coin an historical document, is for the most part wanting in the gem, the purpose of the engraver not being to give publicity to what the State wished to commemorate, but to attract and flatter the fancy of individuals. Gems, however, and still more the impressions from gems on vitreous pastes, form a most instructive chapter in the history of ancient art. In the finest gems, as in the finest coins, we see hov/ the Greek artist contrived to obtain breadth and grandeur of efi'ect, even when his design was on the most limited scale ; we can form some idea of the amazing fertility of invention which enabled him to repeat the same figure II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 59 or group on a number of separate works, each time with some happy variation ; we can appreciate the general refine- ment of taste which made such ol)jects the cheap hixury of daily life, and circulated them from hand to hand. The British Museum possesses a very fine collection of gems and vitreous pastes, which deserves to Ijc better known, and more studied in connexion with the history of ancient sculpture. Havino- thus noticed the Monuments of Art in the o collection of Greek Antiquities, I now come to the Inscribed Monuments. The system of Greek palseography is made up from a number of sources ; it is the result of a careful comparison of the inscriptions on marbles, bronzes, coins, and a variety of other objects. The materials of the study being so diversified, it is desirable to concentrate them as much as possible, so as to facilitate the work of collation and reference. If, in the desire to form a museum exclusively de- voted to works of art, we admit the inscribed statue, or vase, or coin, but reject the inscribed tablet or pillar, and consign them as mere raw materials of history to some repository of classical learning, we interrupt the sequence in that long series of specimens which is neces- sary for the study of palaeography, and deprive the student of art of a most valuable auxiliary ; because it often happens that tlie date of antiquities, and of sculp- ture especially, can only be fixed by first determining the age of the inscription which the object in question bears. Thus, on a votive helmet in the British Museum, wc find the fiict recorded that it was dedicated by Hiero, 60 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. the first king of Syracuse. The forms of the letters iu this inscription are identified with those on a very rare coin of Syracuse, the archaic decadraehm, supposed to he the money struck by Demarete, the Queen of Gelon the First. The date of the inscription on the helmet being known, the coin is consequently nearly contemporary in date, that is to say, about B.C. 479, and a comparison of this coin with others similar in style enables us to assign to the same period a large number of Sicilian coins, many of which do not bear inscriptions. In like manner, from the very archaic forms of the letters on the celebrated Panathenaic vase of Mr. Burgon, we are justified in assigning this curious example of fictile art to a very early period of Greek history. A comparison of the style of drawing on this vase witli that of other vases which have not inscriptions, leads us to group together other archaic specimens, and we thus classify the Uninscribed Monuments by the aid of the Inscribed. I have now to consider those Miscellaneous Antiquities which, for want of a better general term, I have called Monuments of Handicraft. It is impossiljle to classify them very exactly, for a collection of antiquities may embrace all or any of the products of human industry. Now, if we regard this class of Greek antiquities merely as materials for the history of the industrial arts, it might be a question whether they should not be com- pletely separated from monuments of art, and isolated in a museum specially devoted to the exhibition of the industry of all nations, in all times, past and present. II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. CI But if we examine the collection at the British Museum carefully, we shall find that these antiquities can he more truly appreciated, and are more really in- structive, when exhibited in combination with the other monuments of the Greek race, than if regarded apart from the question of their nationality, as mere sjDccimens of the proficiency attained in certain branches of industry at a particular period in the world's history. Many of these antiquities were originally placed in tombs, or designed for some other votive purpose, and cannot therefore be understood if we regard them only as ordinary industrial products. This remark applies to many of the helmets and other specimens of armour in the museums of Europe, and to the personal ornaments and other objects found in Etruscan tombs. We must further bear in mind that in the Hellenic race, art exercised an influence over the grosser work of the craftsman, which unhappily cannot be properly appreciated now that we have established so invidious a line of demarcation between the fine arts and the useful arts, as if there could be no alliance between them. In fashioning implements for daily and domestic use, the Greek craftsman was, of course, bound to adhere to that general form which was prescribed l)y the nature of the materials in which he wrought, and by the character of the want which his work was intended to supply ; but, so long as he fulfilled the conditions thus imposed on him by an external necessity, and accomplished this purely useful aim, he thought himself at liberty to vary the form and fashion of the object which he had in hand 62 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [n. in any manner which a lively and sportive fancy could suggest, Thus it is that in such simple articles ns drinking-cups we see a preference for the most grotesque and fantastic forms borrowed from animal life ; thus the handles of bronze implements are wrought into all manner of curious devices. It is needless here to accumulate instances ; those who will take the trouble to examine the miscellaneous Greek Antiquities at the British Museum cannot fail to admire the abundant and felicitous employment of ornament in the domain of the purely useful arts. In thus giving shape and reality to the suggestions of his fancy, the Greek craftsman profited by the in- fluence of the great artists of his day, and conformed, perhaps unconsciously, to the architectonic and aesthetic laws developed in their works ; and thus we find the pure ornaments of Greek architecture recurring again and again on costume, armour, furniture, and a variety of other objects. So again the national myth which was enshrined in the noblest edifices of the Greeks, and was repeated in endless variety on the coins, vases, gems, and terracottas, reappears as the familiar ornament of household implements, whenever the surface admitted of such decoration. I may notice here, as an example, the bronze mirrors in the British Museum, on the backs of which a variety of mythic subjects are engraved. On these grounds I would submit that the miscel- laneous antiquities of the Greeks, including all their industrial products, should be exhibited in combination with the finest models of ancient art ; and I conceive II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEmi. 63 that, thus combined, they would yield a far more valuable lesson to the modern artisan than if banished to an industrial museum. If, indeed, the ancients had bequeathed to us a series of specimens of steam-engines and other instruments which might serve to show the progress of mechanical science, it would become a ques- tion whether such objects ought to be placed in a museum of art and of historical documents. But in the greater part of the material productions of the Greeks, it is rather the handicraft and taste which we have to estimate and to admire than the mechanical knowledge and appliances. The wheel of the Greek potter was a simple con- trivance, such as many nations might claim the invention of, but the innate sense of beauty which gave to the mass of clay such graceful forms, and the fertile fancy which adorned the surface of the vase with mythic representations, were the special privilege of the Hellenic race. There is, moreover, another point of view in which we must regard these miscellaneous antiquities ; they are historical materials, supplying us with a thousand details of the manners and customs and social condition of the Greeks, which the historians of antiquity have omitted to record, and which are yet precisely the points respecting which modern research is most curious and most indefatio-able. O The collection of miscellaneous antiquities at the British Museum should thus be examined in relation to the scenes of domestic life on the vase-pictures. These two classes of antiquities will illustrate each other in many ways, particularly when the juxtaposition is 64! ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [n. immediate : the vasc-picturc, for instance, will show us how a sword or any other piece of armour was worn and used ; in the adjoining collection at the British Museum we may find the sword itself. So, if we turn to a well- known work, " Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities," and examine the illustrations by which any article is ex- plained, we shall find that the woodcut of the object itself is constantly accompanied by an engraving of some scene from a vase-picture or relief, whereby its use may be demonstrated. In the Museo Borbonico at Naples this kind of illustration may be seen on a great scale, because there we have the opportunity of studying the vast collection of bronzes and other anticpiities in relation to the mural paintings from Pompeii and Herculaneum. After this rapid survey of Greek antiquities, it re- mains for me to notice the Roman collection in the British Museum. This collection is far inferior in extent and interest to the Greek ; it consists of sculptures, bronzes, terracottas, coins, inscriptions, pottery, glass, and a variety of miscellaneous antiquities. Eoman art beino' a kind of offshoot from Hellenic art, and the deities of both countries being for the most part the same, we find the Greek myth repeated everywhere on the reliefs of Roman sarcophagi, on coins, on lamps, on every surface which admitted of such decoration, just as in Augustan and later Roman writers we have a repetition of the subjects celebrated in the earlier epic and dramatic poetry. But the monuments of the Roman period supply most valuable evidence for the later history of classical art, enabling us to trace its decline, step by step, down I II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BEITISH MUSEUM. 65 to the period of its utter decay, in the fourth century of our era, and supplying us with many links in that con- tinuous chain of tradition which connects Hellenic and Christian art, and traverses the vast interval of time between Pheidias and Raphael. The observations which I have already made with regard to Greek coins apply for the most part to the Roman series. Not so deserving of our admiration as works of art, they are historically of even greater value than Greek coins, because they present to us a kind of pictorial chronicle of the chief events of each emperor's reign. Moreover, it is from the inscriptions on coins that we are enabled to identify the statues and busts of emperors and other Roman personages ; they are a most valuable illustration of a gallery of Roman sculpture. I have now passed in review the antiquities of four great races : the Egyptians, the Assyrians, Greeks, and Romans. I have endeavoured to show that in the case of cBch race the historical and aesthetic interest of their antiquities may be best appreciated by arranging the whole of these objects in one collection, not by dispersing and subdividing them. If I have succeeded in establishing this position, it seems to me to follow from it as a necessary consequence that the antiquities of the several races ought to be kept together in one museum ; that, if we are not to form separate museums of Sculpture, Inscribed Monuments, Coins, Vases, etc., so in like manner it is not desirable to parcel out the collections of different races into separate museums, but rather to have one museum for the reception of the antiquities of all races. By placing the Egyptian, the Assyrian, Greek, and 66 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. Roman collections under the same roof, and in immediate juxtaposition, we give to the student of art and to the student of general history the opportunity of exercising the eye in large and suggestive comparisons. It must be remembered that in the study of general history, if we have, on the one hand, to trace the tradition of institutions and arts, and to prove how they have been handed down from one race to another ; on the other hand, in cases where no such derivation can have taken place, we have to observe, and to speculate on the sino'ular coincidences and contrasts which are to be met with in comparing the inventions and works of different nations. A museum of antiquities, not of one people or period only, but of all races and of all time, exhibits a vast comparative scheme of the material productions of man. We are thus enabled to follow the progress of the fine and useful arts contemporaneously through a long period of time, tracking their several lines backwards till they converge to the one vanishing point of an unknown past. Contrasts so marked as that between the Assyrian and Egyptian styles of sculpture cannot fail to strike the eye, and suggest to the mind the inquiry how far these external and visible differences have their origin in essential differences of national character, and are to be taken as evidence thereof. Eesemblances so clear as can be traced between some of the earliest specimens of Greek art and the smaller antiquities discovered by Mr. Layard at Nimroud, throw an entirely new light on the relations between Assyria and the Phoenician and the Hellenic I II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 67 races in ages too remote for our present system of chronology. The likeness in style between the Assyrian cylinders and clay seals and some of the archaic Greek coins, suofo-ests an Oriental orisfin for the whole art of coinas^e : while the supposition, long since entertained, that the designs on the earliest Greek viises were borrowed from the rich embroideries and inlaid art of the Assyrians, receives much confirmation from the general character of the compositions on the Nimroucl friezes and other works discovered on the same spot. Again, the hieroglyphics carved on the ivory panels found by Mr. Layard show a relation between Egypt and Assyria, of which history has left us no direct record. I will not multiply examples of cases in which unexpected historical relations have been thus disclosed by juxtaposition and comparison of antiquities, because it is not my object here to write a defence of Archaeology itself, but to recommend that in the arrangement of a National Museum a particular principle be carried out. Throughout my letter I have endeavoured to show the great advantages of juxtaposition ; but these advan- tages cannot be demonstrated by mere words ; they must be learnt by the eye. The truth of the foregoing remarks respecting the collections in the British Museum, and the reality of the relations thus alleo;ed to exist between the several o branches of antiquities, must be tested by a 'visit to the Museum itself, and by the careful examination of the several classes of objects which it contains. It may be said that the tone of this letter is some- what dogmatical, but the assertions which I have made F 2 68 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ir, are to mc convictions, the result of long and patient labour. Those who have gone through the course of training which is necessary to enable the eye and the mind to appreciate art properly, those whom the research of years has made familiar with the museums of Europe, and with the works of the most distinguished writers on Archaeology, will, I trust, allow that the simple facts to which I have had to appeal are not here exaggerated or distorted. But it may be said that I have dwelt too exclusively on archaeological considerations ; that the question before the Committee of the House of Commons at this moment is the formation of a Museum of Art, by which the taste of the English people may be educated and elevated, not the arranojement of materials for the use of the historian and the scholar ; that the accumulation of collections distracts the eye and confuses the uninformed judgment by the simultaneous exhibition of heterogeneous objects and styles of art ; that archaeological research and aesthetic culture do not go well together ; and that it is better to make a kind of jioyilegium, or selection of specimens for a museum of art, so as to separate the beautiful from that which, being simply curious, is fit only to be studied through the spectacles of the antiquary. To such arguments as these, I would reply that we cannot appreciate art aesthetically unless we first learn to interpret its meaning and motive, and in order to do this we must study it historically ; that if a series of specimens be arranged in schools and periods, according to the time and place of their production, the merit of II.] COLLECTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 69 tlie more beautiful works of art will be enbanccd, uot diminished, by contrast and comparison with the rest ; that the art of schools and races being, like the life of individuals, subject to a certain law of growth, maturity, and decay, we should do well to pursue its history through the whole series of extant specimens, com- mencing with the earliest. We should thus see how perfection in art is the result of a long series of previous trials and failures ; how the climax of success has never been reached per saltum, but is rather the legacy of many generations of artists ; with what rapidity after this culminating point has been attained the first symptoms of decline begin to show themselves. If the sculptures of the Parthenon were presented to us completely isolated and detached from the rest of the moiiuments of art which remain to us from antiquity; did we not know the fact that Greek sculpture passed through a long course of transitions and pre- paratory stages before it attained perfection in the hands of Pheidias ; that he did not create art by miracle, but that he had the genius to surpass the utmost efforts of his predecessors ; if, I repeat, the sculptures of the Parthenon were presented to us without this preliminary knowledge, would the lesson they would then convey be more instructive to the people generally, and more encouraging to the young artist, than if they were exhibited in connection with the whole development of Greek art ? Museums should not merely charm and astonish the eye by the exhibition of marvels of art ; they should, by the method of their arrano-ement, su^e'est to the mind the causes of such phenomena. In our admiration of 70 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. the sculpture of Pheidias, or of the paintings of Raphael, we should not forget what these great masters owed to their predecessors ; we should turn from the contem- plation of their immortal works with a fresh and lively interest to the study of the earlier schools, out of which such excellence was slowly developed. In reply to the objections which may be raised against the combination of works of art and of historical antiquities in the same museum, it may be observed that museums are designed for the instruction and recreation, first, of the general public ; secondly, of the artist by profession and of the student of art ; and thirdly, of the archaeologist and historian. Why should not all these classes meet on common ground ? in what respect do they hinder each other's study and enjoyment ? If the statements in this letter be true, I have shown that a collection of antiquities, such as that in the British Museum, presents an interest so varied that there is hardly any class of spectators that may not find there instruction and recreation. Why break up and disperse these vast stores of historical materials ? why destroy the breadth and unity of this impressive picture, in which the nations of the ancient world are grouped together in one great historical composition, and long intervals of time and space so abridged and foreshortened, that the mind embraces the whole complicated perspec- tive readily and without fatigue ? It may be said that juxtaposition is a relative term, that, if so many and so manifest relations may be perceived between different classes of antiquities, these antiquities might be as con- veniently compared if distributed in separate museums II.] COLLECTIONS m THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 71 as if all under one roof. This is not the case ; the com- parison of objects in contiguous compartments or galleries is a very different thing from that strain on the mind which takes place when we attempt to transport, in our memories, through the thoroughfares of a crowded city, those fine shades of distinction on which classification mainly depends. The trained student of art can with difficulty do this, even with the help of elaborate draw- ings and notes ; the general public would doubtless, in passing from one museum to another, endeavour to institute comparisons ; but these comparisons, appealing to recollections already half obliterated, w^ould be partial and inexact ; the public would cease to observe resem- blances no longer forced on the attention ; their minds would be less accessible to those ennobling impressions which are suggested, even to the most careless observer, when, by the felicitous combination of the monuments of many races, a vast scheme of historical relations is suddenly disclosed and demonstrated. In antiquities, as in the phenomena of nature, are many truths which may be readily perceived by the eye, and which thousands might discover for themselves, but practically these truths are never made apparent to the careless senses of the multitude till they have been pre- viously arranged by the hand of science in the order most suitable for demonstration. Were the results of the labours of Cuvier aiid other illustrious minds to be cancelled and obliterated ; were the many series of specimens in our museums of Natural History dispersed and scattered to the winds ; the science of comparative anatomy would indeed exist as heretofore, but would no longer admit of popular demonstration ; 72 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ii. it would be latent instead of patent truth. lu like manner, if adopting an arbitrary and uncalled-for system, and setting aside tlie principles of arrangement wliicli have been so long recognised in the older establishments of the Continent, we break up those collections of anti- quities which are the fruit of much learning, taste, and well-directed labour, and which have been brought together by a combination of favouring circumstances such as may not recur, we shall arrest the progress of historical inquiry, which we had an opportunity of accelerating, and those materials which might have been converted into an instrument of sound and popular teaching will be again consigned to that pristine state of chaos from which the patient industry of archaeologists was gradually drawing them forth. GREEK SCULPTUEES FKOM THE WEST COAST OF ASIA MINOR, IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM."" Since the year 1840, the sites of a number of Greek cities on the west coast of Asia Minor and in the Turkish islands of the Archipelago have been explored, chiefly through English and French enterprise. It is not my purpose here to give a history of these ex- peditions, but to draw attention to their results, to show how much they have added to our knowledge of Greek art. To make this clear, I shall arrange the objects discovered, not geographically, but accord- ing to their presumed dates. It is convenient to conceive of Greek art as divided into the following succession of periods : The Archaic period, ending a little after the close of the Persian war, B.C. 450 ; the period of finest art, including the schools of Pheidias and Praxiteles, which may be considered as ranging between B.C. 450 and the death of Alexander the Great, B.C. 324 ; and the Macedonian period, ex- * " The Portfolio," jS"os. 54, 55. 74 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [m. tencliug from this last date to the accession of Augustus, after which the Greek artist became the hireling of his Eoman conqueror. Now, in regard to the first of these periods, tlie harvest has been very considerable. Before the year 1840 our knowledge of archaic sculpture was almost limited to a few specimens in Italian museums, most of which are rather hieratic than archaic ; that is to say, conventional reproductions of the archaic, executed at a much later period. It is in the sculptures of Athens and from the west coast of Asia Minor and the islands that we can best study the true archaic. The first Greek sculptors, according to Pliny, Avho attained eminence by working in marble, were two Kretans, Dipoenos and Skyllis, whose date he gives as about B.C. 580. It is in this same period that we must place the Samian artists Ehoekos, Theodoros and Telekles. Rhoekos is said to have invented the art of casting statues in bronze and iron ; he was also an architect, and built the Heraion at Samos, which Herodotus considered the largest Greek temple of his time ; and he took part in the building of the Lemnian labyrinth. There was in the Temple of Diana at Ephesos, in the time of Pausanias, a bronze statue representing Night (perhaps Leto, the mother of Artemis), which was believed to be the work of Rhoekos. Theodoros, if vre are to believe all that is attributed to him by later authors, must have been a very Michael Angelo for versatility. He assisted Rhoekos in constructing the Lemnian labyrinth ; and it was he who is said to have advised the laying down a layer of charcoal, covered with fleeces, under the foun- dations of the Temple of Diana at Ephesos. He is III.] GEEEK SCULPTURES FROM ASIA MINOR. 75 said to have made his statues according to a fixed canon of proportions, so that when he and Telekles made a statue of the Pythian Apollo for the Samians, the one half of the statue made by Telekles in Samos was found to tally exactly with the other half made by Theodoros in Ephesos. He was great as a worker in metal, and made for Croesus the silver hrater which he dedicated at Delphi. He also excelled in gem engraving, and the celebrated ring of Polykrates is attributed to his cunning hand. Now, whether these varied excellences were combined in one man, or whether, as seems more probable, there was an elder Theodores, the son of Rhoekos and the architect of the Heraion, and a younger Theodores, who excelled in statuary in bronze, we shall not stop here to inquire. The traditions about the family of Theodoros suffice to j^rove that they represent a school of sculptors and architects of great eminence, who were employed on various public works, and especially on the west coast of Asia Minor, between B.C. 650 and 550.' The two places where we might reasonably hope to find traces of the Samian school of sculptors are Ephesos and Miletos, wdiicli, before the Persian war, ranked as the two most important cities of Ionia. At Branchidse, near Miletos, are the ruins of a celebrated temple of Apollo, which was connected with the port on the north by a Sacred Way, flanked on each side by a row of statues. In 1858 I removed from this way ten statues, a lion, a Sphinx, and a very ancient dedicatory inscription, which were all found on the sides of the ancient road, and probably not far from their original position. These sculptures, now to be seen in the Archaic 76 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iii. Room at the British Museum, are described and engraved in my "History of Discoveries." The statues are all seated in chairs ; with two exceptions they represent male figures. An inscription on the chair of one of them tells us whom the marble commemorates — " I am Chares, son of Klesis, ruler of Teichiousa : an offering to Apollo." On the chair of another statue is part of the name of the sculptor. On the side of the lion is an inscription in five lines, stating that certain persons, probably citizens of Miletos, " dedicated those statues as a tenth to Apollo." These figures are all draped in a chiton, or tunic, falling to tlie feet, and with sleeves as far as the elbows, over which is a mantle wound round the body. Down the outside of the sleeves runs a seam ornamented with the Maeander pattern. The folds of the drapery are kept very flat, and arranged in parallel lines, showing little or nothing of the forms underneath, except in the sleeves, through which the outline of the upper arm is marked with more skill and knowledge than the general treatment would lead iis to expect. The modelling of the figures is very imperfectly carried out. The limbs do not stand out free, but seem welded into the mass of marble out of which they are carved ; the feet are placed close together on the same line ; the hands rest on the thighs, the palms downwards, and with no sign of flexibility in the finger-joints. The type is characterised by the squareness and width of the shoulders ; the general proportions are fairly calcu- lated. Only one of these statues has preserved its head, and this is so mutilated that the features are hardly dis- tinguishable, but we see the same symmetrical treatment of the hair as in the heads on early Greek coins. The III.] GREEK SCULPTURES FROM ASIA MINOR. 77 long parallel tresses are divided by horizontal lines into equal spaces, which rudely represent the succession of waves in the hair. There are many curious details about these figures, such as the structure and ornaments of the chairs and cushions, which resemble the ornaments of couches in early Greek vase pictures. It is evident that all these accessories were brought out with colour, the use of which would also in some measure atone for the flat treatment of the drapery, which has nowhere sufficient variety of plane to give due discrimination of surface. These sculptures have a peculiar value from the fact that they bear inscriptions. On palaeographical grounds, into which I shall not enter here, I have assigned these statues to a date ranging from B.C. 580 to 540, so that they may have been already in position on each side of the Sacred Way at Branchidae when Croesus sent his envoys to consult the oracle there before going to war with Cyrus. This date has been accepted by KirchofF in his work on the Greek Alphabet.^ In the recent excava- tions by MM. Rayet and Thomas on the Akropolis at Miletos, two seated statues, very similar in style but on a smaller scale, have been brought to light, and may now be seen in the Louvre. Among the marbles discovered by Mr. Wood in the Temple of Diana at Ephesos were certain fragments of archaic sculpture, which are evidently works executed in the same school as the sculptures from Branchidfe. They consist of a female head, on which the remains of colour still remain, part of two other heads, and portions of the bodies of several draped female figures under life-size. All these sculptures have been attached as decorations to a marble background ; the figures are not, therefore. 78 ESSAYS OX ARCHEOLOGY. [nr. sculptured in the round, but, if we may borrow a term used by arcliitects, are engaged figures. Now, when we compare the statues from Branchidae and Miletos with the Ephesian fragments we find a resemblance sufficiently strong to justify us in supposing that the sculptures from both localities are the product of the same school ; and wlien we take into consideration the connexion of Theodoros and Telekles with Ephesos, which has been already noticed, we can hardly doubt that we have in these most ancient sculptures in marble works of the Samian school, to which that family belongs. To the same school and period may be referred the interesting little fragment from Samothrace in the Louvre, in which Agamemnon, Talthybios, and Epeios, the inventor of the wooden horse, are represented in rehef, their names beins^ inscribed in early Greek characters, similar to those which we find on the Branchidae fisaires.^ In the Eoom of Archaic Sculpture at the British Museum are two heads, one from ^^gina, the other from Kalymna, sculptured in the round in the same early style. --" The discoveries recently made at Cyprus, by General Cesnola and Mr. Lang, have greatly added to our know- ledge of the Archaic period of the Greek art. In that island, inhabited by a mixed population, and subjected in turn to Egyptian, Assyrian, Phoenician, and Persian influence, we find a series of sculptures in calcareous stone, some of which are direct imitations of Eg}^Dtian statues, others have much of the peculiar mannerism of Ass}Tian art, while the st}4e of others again reminds us so closely of the sculptures from Branchidse and Ephesos which we have been describing, that they may be re- ferred with probability to the same school and period. in.] GREEK SCULPTURES FROM ASIA MINOR. 7& An interesting series of these Cyprian sculptures may- be seen at tlie end of the Egyptian Gallery/ It is worth while to compare some of the heads in this series with those from Branchidse and Ephesos already noticed. The nose is generally sharp-pointed, though in one of the Ephesian heads it is unusually broad and fiat at the end. The mouth has the stereotyped smile characteristic of Greek archaic art, the corners having an upward tendency ; the angle at which the eyes and eye- brows a.re set in relation to the nose varies, but the outer corner of the eye is generally higher than agrees with our idea of symmetry. In all these examples, and espe- cially in the Ephesian heads, the eye appears rather as if seen through a slit in the skin than as if set within the guard of highly sensitive and mobile lids. The same want of knowledge which in the seated figures from Branchidse has failed to disconnect the bodies from the chaii's, has in the treatment of the eye been unable to express its free movement and to detach it from the lids. In one of the Ephesian heads the eyelids are so little marked that it is quite certain that they must have been suggested by the aid of colour. When we compare the treatment of the face in the earlier Egyptian sculpture, as, for instance, in the colossal head of Eameses II., we see far truer and more skilful modelling of the eye and eyelid, and of the mouth. The use of calcareous stone for sculpture must have preceded that of marble in the Hellenic world. I have already noted that, according to Pliny, the first artists who attained eminence as workers in the nobler material were Dij)oenos and SkyUis — certain sculptors whom he places about B.C. 580, a date which accords 80 ESSAYS OX ARCHEOLOGY. [ur. sufficiently with that here assigned to the statues from Branchida3. Next in order of time may be placed the reliefs of the celebrated Harpy Tomb, brought from Xanthos by Sir C. Fellows, and now in the Eoom of Ai'chaic Sculpture. On each of the four sides of this monument is a seated fionre, receiving offerings from male or female figures, and at each of the angles a Harpy carrying off a young o-irl Thouo-h the s^eneral treatment resembles that of the Branchidas and Ephesian sculptures, the figures show a o-reat advance in the modeUing, and the draperies are more artistically composed ; and we may trace in the whole composition more of the spirit of the early Athenian art, of which some casts may be seen in the same Room. From the Akropolis at Xanthos were also obtained the remains of two very interesting friezes ; one of these, representing beasts of prey chasing boars and stags, is full of vigorous and spirited action. In Lycian as in Assjrrian art the modelling of the animals is superior to that of the human figure at the same period. The other frieze, representing a procession of figures on horse- back and on foot, may be ascribed to a much later period than the Branchidse figures. It should be compared with the interesting reliefs from Thasos in the Louvre, dis- covered some years ago by M. ]\Iiller, the date of which, judging from the inscriptions, is probably not earlier than B.C. 460.^ In the lowest stratum of Mr. Wood's excavations at Ephesos he found upwards of a hundred fragments of a frieze, which, so far as we can at present judge, appear to be similar in style to the Xanthian and Thasian III.] GREEK SCULPTURES FROM ASIA MINOR. 81 reliefs, and which may therefore l)e referred with pro- bability to the period when the Temple of Diana, begun by Chersiphron about B.C. 580, was completed by De- metrios and Pceonios. Their date was probably about B.C. 460. I think it not improbable that these Ephesian fragments may be part of the thrinJcos or cornice, in the Kieron of Artemis, on which, according to Pausanias, stood the statue called by the Ephesians Night, to which I have already alluded, and which probably represented Leto, the mother of Artemis, the Ephesian goddess. The progress of sculpture in the round from the Branchidte statues to the perfect art of Pheidias may be traced through a series of transition specimens, wdiicli it would take too long to enumerate here. I will only refer to the casts from the pedimental compositions from ^^gina in the Phygalian Koom, and to the casts of the series of metopes from Selinus in the Koom of Archaic Sculpture. In this room may also be seen two small statues of Apollo, one of which, said to have been found in the island of Anaplie," was formerly in Lord Strang- ford's collection. Both these exhibit in a remarkable degree the shortcomings of the early sculptor struggling to emancipate his art from hieratic stiffness and con- ventionality, but only attaining to a meagre and painful rendering of nature. 82 ESSAYS ON AECHiEOLOGY. [m. II. In my preceding memoir I had to notice a series of remains of Greek art belonging to the Archaic ^Deriod, the latest of which may with probability be referred to the generation immediately subsequent to the Persian war, or about B.C. 460. I have now to deal with examples of the art of the subsequent period ; and as I limit these memoirs for the most part to the illustration of sculpture from the west coast of Asia Minor and the adjacent islands, I shall here merely allude in passing to the great cardinal example of the art of Pheidias, the remains of the Parthenon in the Elgin Room, the contemporary sculptures from the Temple of Apollo Epikourios in the Phigalian Room, and the frieze of the Temple of Wingless Victory in the Elgin Room. I am not aware that any sculptures have been found in Asia Minor which can be attributed to the school of Pheidias or of his illustrious contemporaries at Athens. It was hardly to be hoped that we should find in the ruins of the Temple of Diana at Ephesos any fragments of those celebrated statues of Amazons by Pheidias, Polykleitos, and Kresilas, which, according to Pliny, formed the subject of a public competition between these artists; and it is only by the study of certain extant statues, presumed to be Roman copies of these figures, that we can form an idea of the great originals. At the northern extremity of the Elgin Room is a colossal recumbent lion from a Doric tomb at Knidos, which I would place in the period between Pheidias and the second Athenian school represented by Skopas and Jii.] GREEK SCULPTURES FROM ASIA MINOR. 83 Praxiteles. I assign this date to the lion on the following grounds. The tomb to which the lion belonged was of the class called by the ancients Polyandrmi. It consisted of a square basement surrounded by a Doric peristyle with engaged columns, and surmounted by a pyramid, on the apex of which was placed the lion as the epithemciy or crowning ornament. Within the base- ment was a circular chamber formed like a beehive, with eleven small cells for the reception of bodies. This construction makes it probable that the tomb was a public monument of the class called by the ancients Polyandrion. It stood on a lofty promontory, com- mandino^ an extensive view seaward, and must have been a conspicuous object to mariners. I have elsewhere' suggested that it probably commemorated the naval victory of the Athenian Konon over the Lacedaemonians, which was foudit ofi' Knidos B.C. 394. The columns of this tomb have been left unfinished, and this incom- pleteness is accounted for if we suppose it to have been begun immediately after Konon's victory, when Athenian influence must have preponderated at Knidos, and that its progress was suspended after the peace of Antalkidas, B.C. 387, when Sparta was once more in the ascendent on the coasts of Asia Minor. The lion from Knidos is singularly like in style and proportions to one carried off from Athens by Morosini, and now in the Arsenal at Venice. It is not improbable, therefore, that these two lions are by the same Athenian hand — a conjecture corroborated by the fact that the material of the Knidian lion appears to be Pentelic marble. In scale this is one of the largest Greek lions which has come down to us in a tolerably perfect state ; the G 2 84 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iii. Chseroneian lion, wliich is larger, is unfortunately broken into seven fragments, which remain uncared for on the plain of Cli?Droneia, just in the condition in which they were discovered by a party of English travellers about fifty years ago, except that the tourist cannot resist the temptation of carving his name on the marble. Much of the effect of the Knidian lion is impaired by the loss of the fore-paws and under-jaw, still more by his transplantation out of the clear and delicate atmos- phere of Asia Minor to the opaque gloom of a London museum. In his original position, overlooking the sea from the summit of a monument about forty feet high, and surrounded on the land side by stern rugged mountain scenery, this lion would have made no adequate im- pression on the eye, had not the sculptor modelled the form with that severe simplicity, that disdain for all save effective details, which, to the untrained eye, appears to be the shortcoming of a clumsy and ignorant artist. It is not by studying the colossal works of the ancients in museums, or comparing them with the puny marvels of modern Exhibitions, but by trying their effect in the open air, that we shall ever penetrate the secrets of their art. The eyes of the Knidian lion, unlike those of the Chseroneian lion, are only hollow sockets, in which, doubtless, were once inserted vitreous pastes or precious stones. This reminds us of Pliny's story of a monu- mental lion on a promontory at Cyprus, whose emerald eyes were so bright that he scared away the thunny fish.^ In the treatment of the mane of the Knidian lion we may discern lingering traces of archaicism retained ni.] GREEK SCULPTURES FROM ASIA MINOR. 85 for architectural effect as in tlic lions' heads on the cornice of the Parthenon. Knidos was a city ennobled by the works of Praxiteles ; and though no traces of his celebrated statue of Aphro- dite are to be met with there, I discovered at Knidos certain sculptures which I have ventured to attribute to his school. Those sculptures will be found in the little ante-room which separates the Lycian Eoom from the Mausoleum. They consist of a seated figure of Demeter ; a statuette of Persephone ; a youthful female head, perhaps Persephone ; and a number of fragments of arms, hands, and feet of statues, mostly female. In the Phygalian Eoom is a statue from the same site, inscribed with a dedication to Demeter, and probably representing her priestess. All these sculptures were found within the precinct of a platform bounded on three sides by a terrace wall, and on the fourth by the sheer preci- pice at the foot of which it was built. A number of inscriptions found with the sculptures showed that this site was set apart for the worship of the Infernal Deities, and especially of Demeter and Persephone. The seated statue of Demeter and the statue of the priestess were evidently intended to be placed in niches, as is shown by the unfinished backs of these figures ; and it is almost certain that they ornamented two niches ill the rocky scarp which bounded this sacred site on the north. See plate 54 in my "History of Discoveries." The Demeter has a veil falling from the head over the shoulders. Her drapery, consisting of a chiton, round which is wound a mantle, is composed with that refined simplicity wdiicli is the characteristic of the best Athenian school. But it Avas not the object of the sculptor to 86 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [m. invite the eye to trace out too distinctly the forms under the drapery, as the type of goddess whom he had to represent was that of a matron, whose first bloom of youth was already past. It is on the countenance that the artist has concentrated our attention. And here I must quote the observation made to me by one of the most distinoiuished German writers on ancient art, Professor H. Brunn, on his first seeing this statue. "At last," he exclaimed, "I have found what I have been looking for all over Europe — the pure Greek conception of the Goddess Demeter, as embodied in sculpture. Up to this time I have only seen Eoman translations of this original type." In an interesting memoir, a translation of which is published in the ''Transactions of the Eoyal Society of Literature," my German friend has developed his ideas about this statue with that fine and subtle criticism which dis- tinguishes the school of Archaeology to which he belongs. He remarks how, in the suave and tranquil beauty of this Demeter, the sculptor has sought to idealise the sacred idea of maternity ; for the cardinal point on which the whole myth of Demeter turns, the main incident of the legend, is her love for her daughter Persephone, her grief for the untimely loss, and her joy for the partial recovery of this mystic child. ^ In the idea of maternity, thus expressed in the type of this goddess, the sculptor of the Kuidian Demeter has, by a singular anticipation, thrown into her countenance an expression which, had it been seen by one of the early Italian painters, might have modified the con- ventional type of the Madonna. It has been truly said that the countenance of this Knidian Demeter is in III.] GREEK SCULPTURES FROM ASIA MINOR. 87 expression the most Christian work in ancient sculpture. It is worth while to note that a veiled head, strikingly similar in character, is engraved in the " Kecueil d'Au- ticjuites " of Caylus, who states that he had just received it from Rhodes.^*' It is more than a century since Caylus published this work ; it is to be feared,, therefore, that his head of Demeter has not survived the chances of time. It may, however, still exist in some obscure corner of a French chateau, and we may some day have the opportunity of confronting it with the Knidian Demeter. The statue of the priestess is very inferior in interest to the Demeter. It represents an elderly woman looking upwards, as if in adoration. The inscription on the base tells us that it was dedicated "by Nikokleia, wife of Apollophanes, to Demeter, Koura (Persephone), and the gods associated with Demeter" (an euphemism for Hades and other nether deities). The statuette of Persephone is an interesting example of what is called Hieratic art, in which an archaic treatment is prolonged for the sake of religious associations. Under this type Persephone is recognised by the lofty moclius, or corn- measure, on her head, the attribute of the Chthonian deities ; by the pomegranate flower which she holds against her breast in her right hand ; and by the peculiar action with which the skirt of her drapery is gathered up in her left hand. These little hieratic figures of Persephone are frequently found in association with statues of Aphrodite. Those who are curious to trace out the connection of ideas between Aphrodite as the goddess of reproductive energy, and Persephone as the goddess of that decay which is but the prelude to re-^ 88 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iii. production, should read the treatise on Venus Proserpina in the " Kleine Schriften " of the late Professor Gerhard. I have mentioned that with the statues which I have been describing were found a number of fragments, chiefly hands and feet from female figures. I would especially invite the attention of artists to these frag- ments. There may be discerned in them a richness and flow of line, a viorbidezza of surface, in which there is no trace of efieminate or pretentious refinement, and which I have seen nowhere else in ancient sculpture except in the Athenian sculpture of the age of Perikles. These qualities appear to me to correspond with what little we know from ancient writers of the school of Praxiteles, and I have therefore felt justified in attributing all the sculpture found in the teinenos of Demeter at Knidos to that school ; in which opinion I was glad to be confirmed by Professor Stark, the author of an elaborate work on the group of Niobc.^^ I should mention here that, according to the evidence of the inscriptions found with these sculptures, and which must be associated with them, their date would range from B.C. 350 to 300. Whether these Knidian sculptures really belong to the school of Praxiteles is a question on which future discoveries may throw great light ; in the meantime we pass at once from speculation to historical fact when, leaving the little ante-room just described, we enter the Mausoleum Room. In the sculptures from Halikarnassos in this room we have undoubted works of at least two of the five sculptors employed by Artemisia to adorn the sepulchral monument of her husband Mausolos, who died B.C. 353. Here, then, better than anywhere else in III.] GREEK SCULPTURES FROM ASIA MINOR. S9 Europe, we may study the characteristics of Skopas, to whom some critics of the AuQ-ustaii ag-c attributed the group of Niobe, thought by others to be the work of his great contemporary Praxiteles. In my " History of Discoveries," and also in my " Travels," I have devoted a chiipter to the sculptures of the Mausoleum, and much has since been written on the same subject by German critics, ample references to whom will be found in the second volume of that excellent work, the " Geschichte d. Griechischen Plastik," by Overbeck. I will not therefore attempt here to go once more over ground which has been so often traversed. I would rather invite the readers of this memoir to contemplate the sculptures of the Mausoleum with their own eyes, and to try to translate their own impressions into words, instead of studying these noble remains through the medium and in the leading-strings of professional critics. The marbles in which Artemisia enshrined for all future time her widow's grief, have nothing funereal in their character, if we try them by the Kensal Green standard of what is deemed by ns moderns appropriate and adequate as the public expression of genteel and decorous sorrow. These sculptures, on the contrary, like the funeral rites and sepulchral monuments of the Greeks generally, seem intended to divert the mind from the thought of decay and mortality, by presenting to us living forms, ideal in their beauty, exulting in the joyous consciousness of energy ; and these forms are so com- l)ined that all through the composition, action, however violent, is never overstrained, but is subordinated to an all-pervading and dominant harmony. To the 90 ESSAYS ON ABCHaEOLOGY. [ni. sculptures of the Mausoleum we may apply the epithet which Propertius applies to the works of Lysippos. He calls tliGm '' ani mo sa signa;" and in the same spirit I have elsewhere said of these remains of the school of Skopas, that the quality by which they are specially dis- tinguished from the earlier school of Pheidias is that they are more dramatic. I would here draw attention to the interesting statue of a Victory recently brought from Samothrace to France, and now in the Louvre. The bold and original treat- ment by which the flying folds of the drapery are made to express rapid movement has perhaps never been sur- passed in sculpture. In the execution there is a subtle refinement which reminded me of the master hands by whom the statues of the Mausoleum were carved. As Skopas is known to have worked in Samothrace, it is a fair conjecture to attribute this Samothracian Victory to some later artist of his school.^^ In the same room with the sculptures of the Mauso- leum are exhibited a few architectural and sculptured remains from the Temple of Athene Polias at Priene on the Maeander, a temple which we know to have been erected but a short time after the tomb of Mau solos, as an inscription recording its dedication by Alexander the Great was found in the ruins. There is also reason to believe that its architect was the Pythios to whom Pliny attributes the marble chariot-group which surmounted tlic pyramid of the Mausoleum. The sculptures from the temple at Priene exhibit a strong family likeness to the sculptures which we have just been noticing from the neighl:>ouring city of Hali- karnassos. This resemblance is particularly noticeable III.] GEEEK SCULPTUEES FEOM ASIA MINOE. f)l ill the fragments of a frieze, which probaljly represented a Gigantomachia, and in a colossal female head with a formal row of resfular curls over the forehead, each curl being represented by a conventional spiral. There wx're also found lying on the floor of the temple, amid the ashes of the timber roof, the calcined and l^lackeiied fragments of a colossal arm and hand, which in all probability belonged to the great statue of the goddess Athene, to whom the temple was dedicated, which is incidentally mentioned by Pausaiiias as among the admiranda which he had seen in Asia Minor. From the same ruins were rescued the remains of a small draped female figure, remarkable for the severe architectonic composition of the drapery, and a male head, evidently the portrait of some personage of the Macedonian period, which bears some resemblance to one of the kings of Bithynia, l)ut which has not yet been satisfactorily identified. This portrait is remarkable for simplicity of treatment and for realistic force. It is probably one of the very few original portraits by a Greek sculptor anterior to the Augustan age which has come down to us. Closely connected in date and style with the sculp- tures from the Mausoleum and Prieiie are the remains of tlie Temple of Diana at Ephesos, a part of which is exhiljited at the north end of the Elgin Room. As a contribution to the history of Greek architecture, these relics of one of the most celebrated Ionic temples of the ancient world are of transcendent interest. By com- paring the architectural remains obtained from the Mausoleum, from the Temple of Athene Polias at Priene, 92 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [in. from the Temple of Apollo at Brancliidae (recently explored by ^DI. Rayet and Thomas), and from the Temple of Artemis at Ephesos, we shall be able to trace the development of Ionic architecture in Asia Minor with far greater accuracy than has been hitherto done. While the researches of MM. Eayet and Thomas have led to the startling discovery that the bases of some of the columns of the great Branchidae temple were richly sculptured with ornaments previously un- known in this architectural combination, Mr. "Wood's explorations on the site of the Ephesiau Artemision have proved beyond all doubt the correctness of Pliny's much- disputed statement that thirty-six of the columns of the peristyle were ccelatce, " ornamented with sculptures in relief" Portions of several drums thus sculptured in re- lief have been recovered by Mr. Wood, all unfortunately too much mutilated to enable us to make out what were the subjects of the several compositions which encircled the shafts. In the most perfect fragment, a drum next the Ixise, the figures, six feet high, are carved in low relief, the requisite variety of planes being ingeniously obtained without disturbing^ the 2:eneral outline of the shaft by undue projection. Fragments of much bolder reliefs from the Antce were also found by Mr. Wood. We have hardly enough of this sculpture to be al>le to judge of its merits, but it may be fairly said to be of consummate excellence if we reoard it as architectural decoration. It is interesting to compare the colossal lion's head from the cornice of the Ephesian temple with the same feature in the cornices of the Mausoleum and the Priene temple. These lions' heads would prove, even jii.] GREEK SCULPTURES FROM ASIA MINOR. 03 if we had no other evidence, what masters the ancients were of architectural effect, and with what judgment the proportions of their ornaments were adjusted to the general scale of their Ijuildiugs. It is time to bring to a close this sketch of the results of a series of expeditions to the west coast of Asia Minor and the adjacent islands. The examples which I have noticed carry tlie history of ancient art as late as the age of Alexander the Great, when the last great school of sculpture flourished under Lysippos. From this period onwards the history of Greek art is very hard to make out, for want of emphatic and well-authenticated ex- amples, as is clearly shown in the ingenious and learned work by Dr. Helbig, " Campanische AVandmalerei." Tiie metope, therefore, from a Doric temple, which Dr. Schliemann discovered at Ilium Novum, and a cast of which may be seen in the Mausoleum Eoom, is an interesting acquisition ; as its date, proved by an in- scription found with it, can hardly 1je earlier than the time of Lysimachos ; and would thus probably be about forty years later than the sculptures from the Ephesian Artemision. The subject is the Sun-god in his four-horse chariot, setting forth on his diurnal course. The com- position is boldly and picturesquely treated ; the effect of light spreading above the horizon is skilfully expressed by the rays which boldly transcend the limits of the architectural frame, just as in the compositions of Plieidias the heads of the fio-ures refuse to be all crowded within the pediment(d spaces of the Parthenon. The face of the Sun-god from Ilium Novum reminds us at once of the head of the same deity on the gold and silver coins of 94^ ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [m. Rhodes, which are probably of the same period as the metope, and of which the type may have been adapted from the celebrated colossal statue of Helios by Chares of Lindos, which stood at the mouth of one of the harliours at Rhodes. ON GREEK INSCPvIPTIONS." It is recorded by Suetonius that, when the Emperor Vespasian rebuilt the edifices on the Capitol which had been destroyed by fire, he collected three thousand tablets of bronze, on which were inscribed all the public acts and documents of the Roman State then extant. Those precious archives, which Suetonius justly calls instrumentum imperii pulclierrimiim, have all vanished, having been for the most part melted down by the barbaric conquerors of Rome, whose mints were per- petually being fed with the spoils of the ancient world. Had a tenth part of these documents been preserved for us, had Livy condescended to study what was extant in his time, and to insert occasionally their texts in his history, as Polybius has given the text of the treaty which the Romans concluded with the Carthaginians in the first year of the Republic, there is no doubt that certain problems of early Roman history would not have presented so many stumbling-blocks which have baffled the ingenuity even of such acute students as Niebuhr and Mommsen. * " Contemporary Review," Dccemljcr, 1876. 96 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY [iv. When we turn from the obscure and enigmatical annals of tlic Roman Republic to the contemporary history of the Hellenic States, how different is the method of inquiry ! The sources which now lie open to the student of Greek history are not merely the texts of the extant Greek and Latin authors, but a vast hetero- geneous mass of documents which the patience and acumen of Bockh first reduced to method in his " Cor2')us Inscriptionum Grjscarum," and to which, since that work was published in 1839-50, such vast additions have been made that the Academy of Berlin has undertaken the colossal enterprise of publishing a new Corpus. The number of inscrij)tions published by Bockh and the editors who succeeded him in the Corpus, amounts to upwards of nine thousand ; the number published and unpublished now extant cannot be stated with certainty, but may be reckoned at from tw^enty thousand to thirty thousand. This great accession is due partly to the increased facilities for visiting the Levant which modern travellers have enjoyed since 1840, and still more to the excavations which have been so syste- matically and persistently carried on at Athens by the Greeks and Germans, and by a succession of English and French expeditions on the west coast of Asia Minor. So oreat has been the harvest which these recent excavations have yielded, that all that was gathered in by the old travellers, from Cyriac of Ancona in the fifteenth century, to Leake and Gell in our own time, are but as gleanings in comparison : the reapers came with the generation which saw the kingdom of Greece established and the liarriers broken down which made travelling in Turkey so difficult for Europeans. n-.] ON GREEK INSCEIPTIONS. P7 Fresh fields of discovery were opened up, as the publication of the new texts was carried on with ceaseless energy, by Bockh, Eoss, and Kirchhoff in Germany ; by Pittakys, Rangabe, Kumanudes, and other Greek archasologists at Athens, and by Lebas, Waddington, Foucart, and Wescher in France ; and the study of these texts developed a school of commentators distinguished for the sagacity and soundness of their conclusions, and for range and variety of learning. The great store of new historical and philological materials thus rendered accessible to the general student has been already worked up into a number of separate treatises. Thus the evidence which inscriptions afford with reference to Athenian finance is embodied in Bockh's great work on the public economy of Athens, in Kobler's " Urkunden des Delisch-Attischen Bundes," and in Kirchhoff's "Urkunden der Schatzmeister." From the combined evidence of coins and inscriptions Mr. Waddington has constructed his admirable " Fastes des Provinces Asiatiques;" and the memoirs of M. Egger on ancient treaties, and of MM. Foucart and Lliders on the religious and dramatic societies in antiquity, are among the most recent and valuable contributions to this branch of Archaeology. Reference to these works will give the general reader some idea of the method by which Greek inscriptions may be applied to the illustration of ancient history ; but, if we would appreciate this documentary evidence as it deserves, and measure its range and compass, we must study the texts themselves, as we have been taught to study the classical authors, ''nocturna versanda manu, versanda diurna." 98 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [iv. But up to the present date too little has been done to make these texts accessible to the general student, who seldom has the time, if he has the patience, to wade through the dry and unpalatable details which form so large a part of the commentaries on inscriptions. What is now wanted is a popular work, giving a classification of Greek inscriptions according to their age, country, and subject, and a selection of texts by way of samples, under each class. In the absence of such a work, I have attempted here to sketch out a rough classification of this vast chaotic mass of ancient documents ; and, first, it may be well to define the limits of our subject-matter. If we used the word " inscription " in its widest sense, it would comprehend every extant Greek sentence, word, or character, whether graven, written, or stamped, on whatever material this writing may have been preserved. Such a sweeping definition would include MSS., coins, gems, vases, and other classes of objects which have been for the most part studied as independent branches of Archaeology, and which can only claim to be admitted into a Corpus of Greek inscriptions as an appendix. Passing over all notice of such varia supellex here, I shall confine my observations to inscriptions on durable materials, such as stone and metal — to inscriptions, in short, of a monumental character, which were for the most part public documents designed to be read by successive generations of men through all time. This idea of the perpetuity of monumental inscriptions ever present to the mind of the ancient world has been curiously cast into the shade in modern times through the belief that in the printing-press we possess an instru- ment by which the publication of all worth publishing can lY.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 99 be multiplied to an incalculable extent, and renewed in suc- cessive editions as long as it is worthy to be remembered. The ancients had no such self-renewing instrument of publication and record. When any treaty, law, or other public document had to be promulgated, this was done by exhibiting in certain places of public resort authenti- cated copies, inscribed first on perishable and ultimately on durable materials ; and with a view to the perpetual preservation of these inscriptions, they were very generally among the Greeks set up in temples or in public buildings, which afforded every possible guarantee for their safe custody. It is probable that this custom of engraving words on stone or metal began among the Greeks soon after they had become familiar with the alphabet which they borrowed from the Phoenicians. What may have been the date of those very early Greek inscriptions which Herodotos and Pausanias describe as written in Kadmeian characters, and which they believed to have been antecedent to the first Olympiad, is a matter concerning which we have no sure information. Kirchhoff", in his excellent work on the Greek alphabet, assigns what he assumes to be the earliest extant inscriptions to the second half of the seventh century B.C., but it is very possible that we may possess inscriptions of a still earlier date, for, if we compare the Phoenician letters on the celebrated stele of Mesa discovered in Moab a few years ago with the earliest Greek characters, the variation of type is but shght. The date of the Moabite stone is about b.c. 850, and if, as some authorities maintain, the earliest extant Greek inscriptions cannot be assigned to an earlier epoch than B.C. 600, it is certainly singular that an interval of n 2 100 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. more tliau two centuries should not have produced more marked differences in the forms of the letters than, can be discerned, when we compare the most archaic type of the Greek alphabet with its Phoenician proto- t}-^3e in the ninth century. ^^ Probably the first application of the newly adapted art was in dedicatory inscriptions or epigrams, to use this word in its original sense, and next in the solemn record of treaties such as the inscription on the disk of Iphitos. The necessity of written laws must have been felt at the very dawn of Greek liberty, after the tyranni and aristocratic rulers had been superseded by more popular government. Shortly before the Persian War sepulchral inscriptions came into general use, and it was in this class of metrical epigi^am that Simonides was so celebrated. The tradition that he invented the two long vowels, H and n, probably arose from the fact that these two characters, which we know to have been in use on the west coast of Asia Minor lono- O before the time of the poet, were gradually introduced into European Greece through the popularity of the epigrams which he composed. The number of extant inscriptions which we can assio;n to a date earlier than the end of the Persian War is, as might be expected, very small, but among these are several of considerable interest. In front of the great temple of Abou-Symbul, in Nubia, is a colossal Egyptian statue, on the leg of which is an inscription in archaic Hellenic characters, which records the names of certain Greeks and others who, during the expedition of King Psammetichos to Elephantine, explored the Upper Nile "as far as they IV.] ON GREEK INSCEIPTIONS. 101 found the river navigable " — in other words, as far as the second cataract. It may be admitted that the King Psammetichos here mentioned must be either the First or the Second Eg}q:)tiaii monarch of that name, and if, with KirchhoiF and most authorities, we assume that the inscription refers to Psammetichos I., then the Greeks whose names are inscribed on the colossus were some of the mercenaries whom his pay attracted from Ionia, Karia, and the adjacent islands, and the date of this inscription cannot be later than Olymp. 42.2 (b.c. 611), when Neclio succeeded Psammetichos ; and even if we suppose that the king referred to is the second Psammetichos, it cannot be later than Olymp. 47,4 (b.c. 589), the date of his death. We have, thus, in this inscription at Abou-Symbul a cardinal example of Greek writing as it was used by the Ionian and Dorian settlers in Asia Minor and the islands, about the begin- ning of the sixth century B.C. ; thus, independently of its historical interest as a record of the early explorers of the Upper Nile, it is a document which, for the student of Greek palaeography, is of inestimable value ; one of the chief corner-stones on which we may construct the history of that ancient alphabet which, with some modifications, we still use.-^* At Branchidse, on the west coast of Asia Minor, a little south of the mouth of the Maeander, still remain the majestic ruins of that celebrated temple of Apollo, of which the oracle was consulted by Croesus, and which was destroyed by the Persians in revenge for the Ionian revolt. Along the Sacred Way leading up to this temple was once an avenue of statues, of which a few headless survivors may be seen in the Room of Aichaic Sculpture. 102 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. Some of these bear dedicatory inscriptions, tlie date of wliicli, by comparison with the Abou-Symbnl inscription and on other grounds, we may place between B.C. 580 and B.C. 520. The famous Sig'ean inscription brought from the Troad to En o land in the last centurv, is now admitted to be, not a pseudo-archaic imitation, as Bockh maintained, but a genuine specimen of Greek writing in Asia Minor, contemporary, or nearly so, with the Branchidae inscriptions. Kirchhoff considers it not later than Olymp. 69 (b.c. 504-501).^' Very deep under the foundations of the temple of Diana at Ephesos, Mr. "Wood found some fragments of inscribed bases of columns which we may refer with confidence to the same period, and which are conse- quently a relic of that earlier temple to which Croesus contributed so liberally. ^^ The bronze hare brought from Samos by Mr. Cockerell many years ago, on the body of which a dedication to Apollo is inscribed in irregular lines, is another interesting example of archaic Ionian writing which Bockh has, by a singular misconception, attributed to much too late a period ; and that the same Ionian characters prevailed in Ehodes, we know, not only from the Abou-Symbul inscription, but also from the dedication on a little dolphin in Egyptian porcelain found at Kameiros, in a tomb of the Graeco-Phoenician period. ^^ If, leaving the Asiatic coast, we proceed westward across the Archipelago, we come to some very into-' resting specimens of Greek writing in the islands of Thera, Melos, Krete, Pares, and Naxos. The earliest of these are to be found in Thera, better known to us by its modern name of Santorin, an island which was IV.] ON GEEEK INSCRIPTIONS. 103 certainly occupied first by the Phoenicians and then hy the Greeks at a very early j)eriod, even if we do not implicitly accept the date claimed for these settlements on geological evidence which seems to require further sifting. The inscriptions of Thera exhibit an alphabet very much less developed than the one which, as I have shown,- prevailed in Ionia in the sixth century, and wants the four double consonants, =, ^, «i>, x, which, as we know, the Greeks added to the Phoenician alphabet after borrowing them from some other source. It is on these grounds that Kirchhoff considers the most archaic of the Santorin inscriptions at least as early as Olymp. 40 (b.c. 620-G17), if not earlier. The few archaic inscriptions which Attica, Boeotia, and other States of the mainland of Greece have as yet contri- buted, are not so remarkable for the interest of their subject as to be worth noticing separately here. Corinth was doubtless one of the places where writing was used at a very remote period, and w^as thence transmitted, with other arts of the mother State, to her colony, Corcyra. This transmission probably took place not long after the founding of Corcyra, B.C. 734, because two very archaic inscriptions may still be seen at Corfu ; one of these is engraved round a circular tomb, which, after havino- been immured for centuries in the foun- dations of a Venetian fort, was brought to light when that obsolete defence was demolished in 1845. Both these inscriptions are in hexameter verse. One com- memorates the death of a certain Arniadas who fell in a sea-fight ofi" the coast of Epirus. The other tells us that the circular tomb was erected at the public expense to a certain Menekrates, a Lokrian, who was 104 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. proxenos, and mucli beloved by the people, and who perished at sea. This inscription proves the high antiquity of the office of i^roxenos^ concerning which I shall have more to say shortly. We have no certain means of fixing the date of these two inscriptions. Kirchhoff carries them as far back as Olymp. 45 (b.c. GO 0-5 9 7). Franz assigns the one relating to Arniadas to a period ranging from Olymp. 50 to 60 (b.c. 580-540) ; while the other he inclines to place as low as the beginning of the fourth century b.c.^^ The most interesting inscription of the archaic period which the Morea has produced is the celebrated bronze tablet which Sir William Gell obtained from Olympia, and on which is engraved a treaty between the Eleans and Heraeans. The terms of this specimen of ancient diplomacy are singularly concise and to the purpose. Put into plain English it runs thus : The treaty between the Eleans and the Hera3ans. Let there be an alliance for one hundred years commencmg from this year. If there be need of conference or action, let the two States nnite both for war and all other matters. Those who will not join shall pay a fine of a silver talent to the Olympian Zens. If any^ whether citizen, magistrate, or deme, destroy what is here inscribed^ the offending party shall be subjected to the line here specified. Kirchhofi" places this inscription about Olymp. 70 (b.c. 500-497). Bockh and Franz assign it to a much earlier date.-^^ In any case we may regard this as the oldest extant treaty in the Greek language. The oblong bronze tablet on which it is inscribed has two loops by which it must have been originally fixed on the wall of some temple at Olympia. By this sim]3le expedient, the IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 105 substitute for our modern gazettes and blue books, the ancients insured for their public documents notoriety and custody as safe as human forethought could then contrive. The Hellenic cities in Sicily and Magna Graecia have not as yet yielded many noteworthy inscriptions of the archaic period. One, however, deserves special attention. It is graven on a bronze plate found in Petilia, a Greek city of Bruttium in Southern Italy, and conveys land by a form of deed of admirajjle simplicity. After the invocation of God and fortune, are the following words : " Saotis gives to Sikainia the house and all the other things." Then follow the names of the chief magistrates of the city and of five proxeni, whose signatures of course legalised the deed. This primitive specimen of conveyancing is thought by Franz and Bockh to be not later than B.C. 540.^^ In the Hippodrome at Constantinople may still be seen the remains of a venerable trophy of the Persian War, the bronze serj^ent which, with the gold tripod it supported, was dedicated to the Delphic Apollo by the allied Greeks after the victory of Platsea as a tenth of the Persian spoil. On the bronze serpent which served as a base for the tripod the Lacedaemonians inscribed the names of the various Hellenic States who took a part in repelling the barbaric invader. The golden tripod perished long ago in the sacrilegious plunder of Delphi by the Phokians, but the bronze serpent remained in its original position till it was removed by Constantine the Great to decorate, with other spoils of Hellas, his new seat of empire at Byzantium. Here it has remained in the Hippodrome 106 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [iv. till our OAvn time, not unscathed, for tlie last of the three heads of the serpent has long since disappeared, but the list of Greek States inscribed on the intertwined folds of the body remains perfectly legible to this day, having been fortunately preserved from injury by the accumulation of soil in the Hippodrome. This earth concealed about two-thirds of the serpent till the exca- vation made by me in the Hippodrome in 1855, when the inscription was first brought to light. As the date of the battle of Platsea Avas B.C. 479, it may be assumed that the setting up of the tripod took place shortly afterwards. Thus the inscription would not be later than B.C. 476.-^ Of hardly inferior interest is the bronze helmet found at Olympia early in this century, which, as its inscription tells us, was part of a trophy dedicated by Hiero I. of Syracuse after his great naval victory over the Tyrrhenians B.C. 474. The date of these two inscriptions on lironze is so accurately fixed that they may be regarded as cardinal examples in the history of palaeography by which the age of several other monuments of the same period may be approximately fixed. The next document I have to mention has a special interest from its connexion with the principal incident in the life of Herodotos, his ex- pulsion from his native HaHkarnassos, to escape the tyranny of Lygdamis. This inscription, which I found built into a house at Budrum, and which is now in the British Museum, contains a law, the enactment of which must have been the result of some kind of political convention between Lygdamis on the one hand, and the people of HaHkarnassos on the other. The object of this law is to secure certain persons in the possession of IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 107 lauds and houses, l)y assiguiug a term after whicli tlieir titles could not be disturbed. It is probable that the lands in question had belonged to political exiles, and had on confiscation been purchased by other parties. To guard against the possibility of the repeal of this law, it is enacted that, if any one tries to invalidate it, he is to Ije sold as a slave, and his goods are to be confiscated to ApoUo, the principal deity of Halikar- nassos.-^ Another inscription since found at Budrum, and published in the Appendix to this work, seems to relate to the same transaction. In this document the sale of various lands is recorded, together with the names of the purchasers, and the titles of the lands so sold are guaranteed in perpetuity by making Apollo himself and other deities parties to the sale, and chief sureties, or hebaiotce. The date of the first of these two inscriptions is probably about B.C. 445. If we pass from the west coast of Asia j\Iinor to Northern Greece, we find a specimen of a difterent sort of public document, in the bronze plate which records a treaty between two cities of Lokris, Oianthe and Chaleion.^'^ It is stipu- lated in this document that neither of the parties to the treaty shall enslave the citizens of their ally. It shall be lawful for the citizens of both States to commit piracy anywhere except within their own or their ally's har- bours. The date of this inscription is j^robably not earlier than B.C. 431, and the barbarous character of its enactments about piracy is a confirmation of what we know from other evidence, that the Western Hellenic States outside the Peloponnese did not participate in the general advance in civilisation whicli took place in the rest of Greece after the Persian War. The dialect 108 ESSAYS ON AKCH^OLOGT. [iv. in which this treaty is written is as rude as its enactments. Tracing the progress of Greek writing downwards, from B.C. 600, we have now arrived at the epoch when Athens becomes the centre of political interest ; and most fortunately, from this epoch onwards till the time of Alexander the Great, the series of Athenian records on marble is singularly full and instructive. Some of these are still inscribed on the walls of the Parthenon ; others have been put together out of many fragments extracted from the mediaeval and Turkish buildinfjs on the Akropolis, or from excavations at Athens and the Piraeus. Of the public records preserved in these inscriptions, the following are the most important classes — the Tribute lists, the Treasure lists, and the public accounts. The first of these classes contains a register of the Greek allies and dependencies from, whom Athens exacted tribute, under the pretext of maintaining a sufficient naval force to protect them against the Persian king. These records, so far as they have yet been recovered, range from B.C. 454, when the Delian confederacy trans- ferred its treasury to Athens, to B.C. 420, and contain lists of the Athenian tributaries, the quotas at which they are assessed being placed opposite their names. In the registers the tributaries are arranged in classes, according to their geographical and political relations. Generally the rate is levied on single States ; sometimes several neighbouring cities are included in one common group for assessment. In the greater part of these registers the quotas levied are so small that they evi- dently do not represent the amount of tribute actually IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 109 paid, but that portion of it which was appropriated as an anathema, or offering to Athene herself, as the goddess of the ruling State. This quota was in the proportion of a mina for every talent of tribute ; or, in other words, it was a sixtieth of every talent. There is, however, one of these inscriptions which differs altogether from the rest, and which Kohler has put together, with wonderful patience and ingenuity, out of many frag- ments. This contains an assessment of the tribute itself, made B.C. 425, at which time, according to the Orators, the tribute was doubled, it is said by the advice of Alkibiades. This statement has been doubted by Grote because it is unnoticed by Thukydides, but it is in the main corroborated by the evidence of the inscription already referred to.'^ The measures taken by the Athenians for the scrutiny and record of the public accounts show the same methodical care and vigilance which they exercised in the custody of the treasures of the State. Specimens of the laws regulating these accounts, as well as the accounts themselves, are given in the inscriptions pub- lished in the second volume of Bockh's "Public Economy of Athens." It is to be regretted that the fragmentary condition of these renders it very difficult to make out the system adopted in keeping these accounts. It seems certain that bills were drawn on the Athenian treasury by generals on foreign service ; and, in accounting for the produce of these bills, the rate of exchange in the place where they were negotiated would have to be allowed for before a final balance between receipts and expenditure could be struck. Again, much foreign money was received into the Athenian treasury no ESSAYS ox AECHiEOLOCTY. [iv. through the payment of tribute, or through other trans- actions with foreign States ; and in the public accounts this money would have to be converted into its counter- value in Athenian drachmae. The profit or loss on exchano-e in each of these cases would form an item in the account."^ The navy with which Athens had to maintain her powerful maritime supremacy necessarily involved a constant outlay in the building and fitting out of ships of war, and by a happy chance we possess a few relics of the ledgers and registers of the Board of Admiralty by which the dockyards and arsenal at the Piraeus were administered. In other words, w^e possess a number of fragments of inscriptions relating to the state of the navy in the latter half of the fourth century B.C., which have been published by Bockh in the third volume of his " Public Economy of Athens." Nearly all these marbles are fragments of inventories, similar in character to the Treasure-lists, and forming an exact and minute register of the ships and stores handed over from one Board of Admiralty to their successors. In these curious returns are entered the name of each ship and of its builder, and its actual state of complete- ness or deficiency in respect to masts, spars, rigging, anchors, cables, etc. Ships or gear found to be unfit for service are condemned, and the proceeds of their sale are noted. The fitting out of war-ships was one of the public burthens, leitourgice, imposed on the richer Athenian citizens. We learn from one of these inscrip- tions-*' that, on one occasion, to encourage promptitude in the discharge of this duty, special honours were decreed to those who soonest fitted out a trireme ; a gold crown of the value of 500 drachmae (about £20) IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. Ill was the first, a crown of inferior value the second prize, and so on. On the other hand, all defaulters who owe money to the State on account of ships are duly noted. The date of these documents ranges from B.C. 373 to 322. From the Athenian Board of Admiralty we will pass to their Office of Works. Of the archives of this Board we possess only three documents sufficiently complete to be worth noticing here, but these three are of very high interest. There is, first, the survey of the Erechtheion, made by a special commission, who w^ere appointed by a decree of the people, B.C. 409, and while the temple was still building. In this elaborate report, which may be likened to a Blue-book such as a modern Parliamentary Commission draws up in pursuance of an order from the House of Commons, the exact state in which the building is found by the surveyors is noted with a minuteness wdiich could have left no room for future subterfuge or procrastination, for every block of marble which carries any ornament is specified as either finished and in position, or as partially finished and not yet in its place on the building. In close connexion with this survey we must take the fragments of another inscrip- tion, wdiicli records, item by item, the expenses of building the Erechtheion. This document is of peculiar interest to the student of ancient art, because it contains a statement of the sums actually paid for the sculptural decorations of the Erechtheion, with the names of the artists hj whom they were executed. These sculptors, none of whose names are otherwise known to us, were evidently employed under the direction of the architect to execute certain figures and groups in a continuous composition, designed by some master hand. We can 112 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [n-. hardly doubt that this composition was the frieze men- tioned in the survey as having a background of dark Eleusiniau marble, and of which the fragments were discovered on the AkrojDolis some years ago, and were first recognised as belonging to the Erechtheion by Rangabe. The prices paid to the artists for the several figures are certainly not high, if we assume that the charge entered in each case represents the sum due. The prices range from 120 drachmae (rather less than £5) downward to 60 drachmae. A group in which a young man was represented driving two horses, cost 240 drachmae. It must be borne in mind that the fie;ures in this frieze were onlv two feet in heis^ht, and that being attached to the liackground they are not sculptured in the round. It would be interesting to compare the prices paid for sculpture in this account with the prices paid by Messrs. Armistead and Philip to the skilful hands who carved the frieze round the Albert Memorial. Many other curious entries will be found in this record. Two talents' weight of lead, for fixing the sculptures, cost ten drachmae. The cost of fluting one of the columns of the temple, as calculated by Rangabe from the entries, was 400 drachma?. This work of fluting was executed by small gangs of workmen not exceeding seven in number, and hence may have been piece-work.^'' The third architectural document which I have to notice here is a contract for repairing and strengthening the Long Walls which connected Athens with the Piraeus. The date of this contract is fixed by Rangabe to the administration of Lykurgos, B.C. 334-330. At IV. J ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 113 Le1.)adea in Boeotia has been recently found an inscri2:>tion containing a contract for the rebuiklino; of a temple of Zeus. The precision and minuteness of the specifica- tions are not unworthy of the attention of modern Boards of Works. "^ The lists of the treasure which, from the time of Perikles to the downfall of Athenian supremacy, \vas stored up in the Parthenon and the other temples on the Akropolis, are among the most comjilete and curious documents which have been handed down to us on Greek marble. The treasure in the Parthenon itself, which was de- posited there immediately after its completion (b.c. 438), and which was called the treasure sacred to Athene, was composed of various precious objects dedicated by States or individuals : the tenth of the spoils of war ; the money accruing from sacred lands ; and lastly the balance of the income of the State not required for current expenses, and which was kept as a reserve fund only, to be drawn upon for some special necessity. A board of, ten treasurers, appointed by lot yearly from the wealthiest class, took charge of this sacred deposit ; and it was their duty on going out of ofiice every year to take stock of the treasure, and to hand it to their successors as per inventory. Every fifth year at the great Pana- thenaic festival, the registers of the four preceding years were inscribed on marble stelce, the series of which is nearly complete from B.C. 434 to the downfall of Athens, B.C. 404. The inventories specify a great variety of precious objects, adding the weight in every case where it could be ascertained. As we read through this list of statues, crowns, cups, lamps, necklaces, bracelets, rings, I lit ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. aud otliL-r ornaments, all of gold or silver, and many of tliem, doubtless, exquisitely fashioned, and remember that these beautiful objects, once so jealously guarded, have all long since vanished in the crucible, we may learn to set greater store on the few specimens of Greek jewellery which have l)een rescued from destruction by the happy accident that they were deposited, not in temples under the immediate protection of tutelary deities, but in the dark and silent tomb under no other guardianship than that of the dead. After the anarchy at the close of the Peloponnesian War, the treasures from the temples of the other Attic deities, which had originally been kept apart, were also deposited in the Parthenon. Of these registers we have unfortu- nately only a few fragments, which belong to the period after the Peloponnesian War.-^ The silver mines of Laurion furnished one of the principal sources of Athenian revenue. These were leased by the State to individuals on certain conditions defined in documents called diagraphai metallon. The character of these ancient leases is show^n in two frag- ments of inscriptions, in which the boundaries of the portion of mine leased are minutely stated. ^*^ Considering the long maritime ascendency of Athens, and the multitude and complexity of her relations with other States, it is disappointing to find how small a proportion of the extant Attic inscriptions have reference to the foreign afiliirs of the great republic. How valu- able such inscribed documents would have been to the historian may be inferred from the few texts of treaties and other diplomatic records which have been preserved in Thukydidos and the Orators. Among the few extant IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 115 inscriptions of this class the following may bo here mentioned as especially worthy of notice. In the recent excavations which have been made at Athens at the foot of the Akropolis on its southern side, an inscrip- tion has been found, which tells us in explicit terms what were the conditions imposed by Athens on her tributaries in the most powerful period of her empire. It records the terms of a convention to be concluded between the Athenians and Chalkidians of Euboea shortly after Perikles had reduced that island to sub- mission, B.C. 44.3. The treaty consists of two parts : in the first part the senate and people of Athens swear not to expel the Chalkidians from Chalkis, nor to subvert their city, nor to molest or injure any citizen of Chalkis by depriving him of life, liberty, or propert}^, without the proper legal trial, nor to proceed against either the city or any individual without giving them due notice and free access to the Athenian senate and popular assembly. The Chalkidians on their part swear not to revolt against Athens, to denounce all who are dis- affected, to pay the tribute, to be their faithful allies. This oath is to be taken by all adult male citizens of Chalkis, and whoever refuses to take it will forfeit his goods, and a tenth of them will be dedicated to the Zeus of Olympia.^^ More than half a century after the date of this convention we have the decree passed in the archonship of Nausinikos (b.c. 378), which shows how entirely the old relations between Athens and her tributaries had been changed. In this decree the re- public proclaims a new league, formed with Thebes, Chios, Mitylene, and other States, against Sparta. This formidable league, according to historians, comprised I 2 116 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. from seventy to seventy-five States, whom the arrogance of Spartan rule had induced to make common cause with Athens, and the names of fifty-tlu-ee of these States have been preserved on the marble. JNIany of these had been former tributaries of Athens, and in that relation had doubtless suflered much from the over- bearing rule of the great maritime republic. Hence the decree ofters the strongest guarantees for the pro- tection of the weaker allies. They are to pay no tribute, to be entirely free to choose their own form of govern- ment ; all land heretofore appropriated either by the Athenian State or by Athenian citizens in any of the territories of the allies is to be absolutely surrendered, and from the date of the treaty all conveyance of such land to Athenian citizens is absolutely prohibited under pain of confiscation. Death or exile, with forfeiture of all rights of citizenship, are to be the penalty for any attempt to abrogate or alter this law.^- Amono- the allies whose names are entered on the back of this marble are two princes of the Molossians, Alketas and Neoptolemos, whose descendant Olympias was the mother of Alexander the Great. We learn from another contemporary Attic decree^^ the special protec- tion accorded by Athens to Arybbas, the brother of Neoptolemos, with whom he appears to have disputed the succession to the throne on the death of Alketas. The alhance of this little kinodom lyino- almost on the extreme vero-e of Hellenic civilisation in northern Greece had been cultivated by the Athenians ever since the Peloponnesian War, when the Molossians, under the rule of Tharytas, first appear in Greek history. From the heading of this decree we learn that Arybbas IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 117 was victor hotli in tlie Olympic and Pythian games. From two mutilated fragments of another Attic decree it is proved that the elder Dionysios of Syracuse was on friendly terms with the Athenians shortly before his death, though in the earlier part of his reign he was the ally of the LacedcTemoiiians. The extensive foreign trade of Athens must have caused a number of commercial treaties, regulating the conditions of export and import. Of such treaties we have a curious fragment relating to the export of vermilion, miltos, from the island of Keos. In this inscription, which Rangabe assigns to some period between Olymp. 101.1 and 105.3 ( B.C. 371 to B.C. 353), it is enacted that all the vermilion exported from Keos must be sent to Athens. This exportation can only ]jc carried on in certain vessels chartered for this service by the Athenian State. The amount of freight is fixed by law, and the penalty of confiscation is imposed for trans- gression of this law. It is probable that this treaty, which gave the Athenians an absolute monopoly of the article to which it relates, was conceded by the people of Keos when, like the rest of the Cyclades, they were in a state of vassalage under Athenian dominion. ^^ I have now noticed the principal Attic inscriptions from the beginning of the Peloponnesian War to the time of Alexander the Great. The inscriptions in other Greek States in the same period are few in number, and seldom of historical interest. Among the most important are the decrees of the Karian city Mylasa, punishing certain conspirators who had attempted to assassinate Mau solos when attending a solemn festival in a temple 118 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. at Labranda ; the commercial treaty between Amyntas. I, King of Macedon, and the Chalkidians of Euboea, regu- lating the exportation of timber ; the alliance between the Erythrjeans and Hermias, tyrant of Atarneus in Mysia, the friend of Aristotle, in which it is provided that the goods of either of the contracting parties may be deposited in the other's territories, no duty being payable while they are in bond.^® After the accession of Alexander the Great the interest of Attic inscriptions diminishes as the political importance of Athens begins to decline ; but, if we extend our survey over the Hellenic world generally, it will be found that one class of inscriptions con- stantly recurs in the cities of European and Asiatic Greece — the honorary decrees — under which class may be placed the grants of proxenia. In these documents services either of citizens or strangers are rewarded by a statue, a gold crown, and other honours, or by some more substantial privileges ; and in the pre- amble of the decree the particular public services so rewarded are always specified, and thus we recover here and there precious bits of history which are not found in the meagre and fragmentaiy chronicles of the Macedonian period. Among the most important of the public services recorded in these decrees are those rendered either by citizens charged with diplomatic missions or by foreign States and individuals who have acted as mediators or arbitrators, or who have otherwise exerted their good offices. The honorary decrees re- lating to diplomatic envoys must be studied in con- nexion with another class of documents of which we have unfortunately too few* — the letters from kings to IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIOKS. 119 autonomous Greek States, or from one Greek State to another. These tattered pages torn from the blue-books of ancient Hellas arc the more valuable because they relate to a period which, from the want of contemporary historians, is very imperfectly known to us. In the letters addressed by Alexander and his successors to Greek cities we have the prototypes of those imperial rescripts which afterwards became an integral part of the Eoman civil law. Some of the letters of Alexander and his successors were edicts, addressed generally to Hellenic States, and couched in the haughty Iriuguage of irresponsible despotism. Diodoros has preserved two specimens of such royal circulars, the letter from Alexander the Great ordering the return of all Greek exiles to their respective States, and the letter of Philip Arrhidseos relating to the same matter. ^° Equally arbitrary in tone are the two rescripts addressed by Antigonos, shortly after tlie battle of Ipsos, B.C. 301, to the people of Teos, ordering them to incorporate in their city the entire population of the neiuhbourino' town of Lebedos, whose consent to this wholesale transfer was probably never asked. ^^ But other royal letters preserved by inscriptions show that the Diadochi did not always adopt so autocratic a tone in dealino- with States which still had the pretension to be autonomous, and were likely to be useful allies. With such independent cities the kings ingratiated themselves by acting as arbitrators in dis- putes, by dedications and grants of land to celebrated temples and oracles, by embellishing cities with gymnasia and other public edifices. In reward for such services tliey received the honours of equestrian statues, gold 120 ESSAYS ON AECHJSOLOGY. iv. crowns, and sometimes adulation such as tlic Athenians bestowed on Demetrios Poliorketes. The cases of arbitration recorded in inscriptions are of two kinds — they either rehxtc to misunderstandings between two Greek States, in which the matter in dispute was referred to a third State, liy whose decision both parties agreed to abide ; or, again, litigation be- tween citizens of one State was adjudicated by judges appointed by another State, whose impartiality was guaranteed by the fact that they were unconnected with any local interest. That such arbitrations were often successful in private litigation may be inferred from the number of extant decrees in honour of judges ap- pointed with this object. Thus we find the people of Kalymna rewarding with a crown the five judges sent by the people of lasos for the settlement of much private litigation. Upwards of two hundred and fifty cases were dealt with by this foreign commission, and in the greater part of these a compromise was effected. ^^ Disputes between two States were not so easily settled by arbitration. We learn from an inscription published by Lebas^^ that a dispute between Samos and Priene as to some territory lasted from the time of Bias of Priene, in the middle of the sixth century B.C., to the date of the Eoman conquest of Asia Minor. The matter in dispute, after having led to a war, was referred for arbitration to the kings Lysimachos and Demetrios and to the Rhodian republic successively. Like many other long-standing contentions, it was finally settled by a decree of the Roman Senate. The whole of the docu- ments relating to this vexed question were engraved on the walls of the temple of Athene Polias at Priene, IV.] .ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 121 forming one continuous text, many fragments of wliicli have been recently rescued from destruction by tlie Society of Dilettanti, and deposited in the British Museum. A very similar series of documents relating to a dispute between the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, in which the Milesians acted as arbi- trators, has been recently discovered at Olympia. This was douljtless the affair which, according to Tacitus (Annal. iv. 43), was ultimately referred to the Eoman Senate. ^'^ The good understanding between Greek States must have been much promoted by this habit of appeal- ing to arbitration, and also by the institution oi proxeni, whose office was in many respects analogous to that of a modern consul. There was, however, this difference, that, whereas the modern consul is for the most part a subject of the State whose citizens he is appointed to protect in a foreign country, and rarely a subject of the State to which he is accredited, the ancient proxenos was usually a citizen of the State in which he exercised his consular functions. The interests of Athenian citizens would for instance be protected in Ephesos, not by an Athenian resident there, but by a citizen of Ephesos whom the Athenian people appointed their proxenos, granting him certain privileges and im- munities in recomjpense for his services. The duties of \j\\Q. p>roxenos were partly diplomatic and partly consular; the citizens of the State by which he was appointed could always claim his hospitality, his protection, and his general good offices in legal proceedings. He ran- somed prisoners in w\ar, provided a suitable interment for those slain in battle, and, in case of a demise, adminis- tered the estate and transmitted the effects to the heirs. 122 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. Thus far the duties of the pvoocenos corresponded with those of an ordinary modern consul. But his diplo- matic functions were of a higher character, approxi- mating: lo those of a modern ambassador. It was his duty to present to the authorities and puLlic assembly of his native city the envoys who were sent from time to time from the State which had made him their proxenos, and to promote the objects of such missions by his personal influence wdth his fellow- citizens. In Greek cities the inns were generally indifferent, and the claims on the hospitahty of the proxenos must have entailed heavy and constant expense, while from the nature of his office he must have been constantly obliged to advance money on account of distressed travellers, much of which was probably repaid at the Greek Kalends. But, as a set-off against these expenses and liabilities, the proxenos received certain privileges and immunities which must have been of very great value, the more so as they w^ere generally conferred for life, and in many cases continued to the descendants of the proxenos. What these privileges and immunities were we learn ver}' clearly from those inscriptions which record grants oi proxenia made by various Greek cities to foreigners. The most important were the following : The right of free access to the senate and public assembly whenever it w^as required ; Protection for life and property, by land and sea, in peace and w^ar ; Free passage and free export and import of goods both in peace and war ; The right of acquiring real property ; Exemption from certain taxes and dues ; IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 123 Isopolity, which seems to have implied participation in all the rights of citizens except the franchise. We very seldom find the right of citizenship), politeia, granted to the proxenos in the cities of Greece proper, though such grants are not nnfrequent in Macedonia, Thrace, the islands, and Asia Minor. Besides these permanent privileges and emoluments, the proxenos often received the hononr of a statue or a gold crown for some special service. Grants of proxenia were generally engraved on marble stelcB or on walls, but sometimes on bronze tablets, delti, which were probably executed in duplicate, one copy being given to the proxenos, the other retained by the State to which he was attached. The total number of these decrees now extant probably exceeds three hundred. They have been obtained, not only from the great centres of Greek commerce, such as Athens or Corinth, but from many remote and obscure cities throughout the Hellenic world. Most of the extant decrees may be referred to the period between the accession of Alexander the Great and the time of Augustus, though we have clear evidence of the existence of proxeni as early as the sixth century B.C., and the institution probably originated at a much earlier period, when the civilising influence of commerce began to counteract the general barbarism of an age of piracy. The paucity of decrees of proxenia which can be assigned to the Eoman period leads us to infer that the institution gradually fell into disuse after the Greek cities ceased to be autonomous. It may have been the policy of the Eoman conqueror to destroy these bonds of sympathy and common interest among the Hellenic States.^^ 124 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. I htavc noticed the more important j^olitical and diplomatic services which formed the motive of honorary- decrees conferred cither on citizens or aliens. But there were many other services rendered by individuals which the State thought worthy of public honours, and the record of which on marble has handed down to us the names of a few public-spirited and patriotic men, who took pleasure in devoting their surplus wealth and their best energies to the common weal, and who may be called the Peabodys of the ancient world. We have an interesting record of such a benefactor in an in- scription found in that remote outpost of Hellenic civilisation, Olbia, on the Scythian coast of the Black Sea. This inscription tells us how, at some time in the second century B.C., when the city was impoverished in finances, and scarcely able to defend itself from the constant inroads of surrounding barbarians, a rich citizen named Protogenes reduced the public debt by loans on the most favourable terms, and averted a famine by a largess of corn sold under the market price. Moreover he put the city in a state of defence by rebuilding its walls, undertaldng all liabilities for this work himself, and repaired many public edifices. It would have been interestin2f to know what rewards beside gold crowns were conferred on Protogenes for such long and signal services, but unfortunately the inscrip- tion, long as it is, is only the preamble of the honorary decree, the rest of which has been broken off. Probably there were ^Tanted to Protoo-cncs one or more Q'old crowns, an equestrian statue in the market-place, and a sumptuous funeral and stately tomb at the public exjjense. These ephemeral honours have long since IV.] ON GllEEK INSCIUPTIONS. 125 vanished, but as Pope has immortalised the Man of Ross, so Mr. Grote has judged the name of Protogcncs of Olljia not unworthy of notice in his great history.*- Another class of benefactors whom the Greek cities rewarded with public honours were physicians, respecting whom we have several honorary decrees. In the ancient Greek republics, as in many parts of the Archipelago at this day, physicians were paid an annual stipend by the community on the condition that they gave their services gratuitously to individuals. To secure the permanent services of eminent physicians, cities bid against each other, as we see by the story of Demokedes in Herodotos. An inscription from the obscure city of Ehodiapolis in Lykia,^ has handed down the fame of one of these disciples of Asklepios, so esteemed in their day, so forgotten now. Herakleitos the PJiodian, says this decree, was equally honoured by the Rhodians, the Alexandrians, the Athenians, the most holy court of the Arcppagos, and the Epicurean philosophers ; he was renowned not only as a physician, but as a writer of medical treatises both in prose and poetry. He gave his medical attendance gratis, and at his own expense erected a temple and statues to Asklepios and Hygieia, in wliicli he dedicated his own treatises and poems ; these latter, no doubt, were esteemed at the time a very precious offering, for the inscription declares Herakleitos to be the very Homer of medical poetry. To our more fastidious taste, such poems would proba1)ly be as little palatable as Darwin's " Loves of the Triangles." Poets, too, liad their share of these public distinctions. In a decree of Halikarnassos, one Gains Julius Longinus is honoured with bronze statues in the Mouseion and 126 ESSAYS ON AKCH^OLOGY. [iv. the Gymnasion, side by side with the statue of Herodotos. His books are to be placed in the public library " in order that youth may study them as they study the ancient authors."^* An honorary decree which I discovered at lasos, in Karia, adds one more name to the list of Greek tragic poets. This decree bestows a gold crown on one Dymas, the author of a poem on Dardanos, and whose piety to the gods and good services to the city are specially dwelt on. The gratitude of a Karian city has rescued this poet-laureate from the absolute oblivion which his verse perhaps deserved. After Eoman ascendency had been established we find, as might have been expected, all over the Hellenic world the subject-matter and style of Greek inscriptions affected by this great political change. Though many cities were still nominally autonomous, there are fewer indications of that frank and friendly intercourse between different republics which induced them to refer much of their domestic litigation, as well as many disputes with their neighbours, to the arbitration of some friendly neutral State. From the time when Roman ascendency prevailed, the tendency was more and more to refer all disputes between city and city, and all important questions of internal administration, to the new centre of the civilised world. It was the decree of the Senate in the latter days of the Roman Repul^lic, and subsequently the fiat of the Emperor or of his delegates, which settled all appeals from the provinces. After the accession of Augustus, the reigning Emperor became in the eyes IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 127 of tlic provincials a Present Deity. His accession was celebrated with solemn sacrifices, and on each successive l)irthday a congratulatory address was presented to him, which was afterwards engraved on marble/^ Temples in his honour, called Augustea, were erected in the principal cities. His statue in bronze or marble met the eye in all places of pul^lic resort ; every coin bore his image and superscription ; and on the walls of the temples, theatres, and other public edifices men gazed with reverent eyes on the Imj^erial edicts and rescripts graven on the marble in bold and clear characters, which were picked out with vermilion to render them the more distinct. Many of these documents were transcripts of the bronze originals stored up in the Capitol at Eome, and it is from these copies that a few precious relics of the Imperial archives have been handed down to us. The provincial cities had as good reason for taking care of their archives as the corporations of mediaeval times, for the liberties and privileges which many cities enjoyed under Imperial sway were conferred in the first instance, or from time to time confirmed, by decrees of the Senate or by Imperial letters. If we possessed the entire archives of one of the great cities of Asia Minor during a single reign, we should better appreciate the comprehensive range and minute precision of Imperial administration, which in its best age seems to have been capable of dealing with the most varied and complicated interests, while it found time to control many details which can hardly be considered matters of State. In the celebrated correspondence between Pliny, when governor of Bithynia, and the Emperor Trajan, we liave a specimen of the mode in which the chief of 128 ESSAYS ON ARCiLEOLOGY. [iv. the empire personally directed the affairs of a distant province in Asia IMinor. The few letters or edicts from Emperors or Roman official personages to Greek cities, which have been preserved in inscriptions, are a precious supplement to the letters which passed Let ween Trajan and Pliny. These inscriptions range from the second century B.C., when the Romans first began to interfere in the affairs of Greece, down to the Byzantine period of the empire. Even from these scanty relics, which have been saved from the wreck of so many archives, we learn what a variety of matters came under the notice of the Emperor, or the Senate and the Roman officials who carried out the orders of the central authority. Among the subjects thus dealt with we find awards about disputed boundaries or the division of public land, and grants of freedom and other privileges for special services to certain cities. These favours appear to have been more freely granted in the earlier stage of Roman conquest than when their authority was fully established under the empire. It was the policy of the Senate to reward with special rights and privileges the cities which sided with Rome against such formidable enemies as Mithradates and Antiochos. Thus we find that Sylla, in consideration of the great services rendered by the people of Chios in the war between Rome and Mithradates, granted them the right of retaining their own laws and customs, to which the Romans resident in Chios are to be subject. A senatas consultum, bearing date B.C. 170, which has been admirably edited by M. Foucart, shows how the Romans dealt with a city whose allegiance was still doubtful. Thisbe in Boeotia had taken part with Perseus, King of Macedon, but on 4 IV.] ON GREEK INSORIPTIOXS. 129 the approacli of a Koman army the Macedonian party had been expelled from the city, and their adversaries, the oligarchical part}^ surrendered it to the Eomans. In the senatih consulfum we see the severe conditions imposed by the conqueror on all who had not shown readiness in declarino- themselves in favour of the Komans.^ The city and territory of Teos, in Ionia, is declared to be sacred, and for ever exempt from tribute, by a letter of the Praetor, M. Valerius Messalla, B.C. 193.^^ In a letter from INIark Antony, as triumvir, to the people of Aphrodisias, a senatus consultum is cited, which grants them freedom, exemption from taxation, and a con- firmation of all privileges granted by the triumvirs. Further, the temple of Aphrodite is to enjoy a right of asylum for fugitives equal in extent to that attached to the temple of Diana at Ephesos.^^ How long such special privileges were preserved intact under the empire, and how far they were modified by the centralising tendency of Eoman despotism, we know not ; but it appears from Tacitus that the cities of Asia Minor from time to time submitted to the Senate these ancient documents, as the title-deeds of the privileges which they claimed, and there is no reason to think that such evidence was arbitrarily set aside. Among the privileges to which the cities of Asia Minor attached a special, and, as it would seem to us, an undue importance, were the honorary titles — such as " metropolis," '' first city of Asia," etc. — which were conferred by the Emperors on certain cities, to mark their greater political consequence. Hence jealousies arose between rival cities. Thus we find from a letter from Antoninus Pius, discovered by Mr. Wood in the Odeion at Ephesos, that the Ephesian 130 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [iv. people made a formal complaint to the Emperor against the Smyma)an3 for having omitted to give their city its proper style and titles in a public document. There is a lurking sarcasm in the Emperor's reply: the omission, he suggests, is probably due to inadvertence, and he trusts that it will not be repeated.^^ Though ordinary crimes in the provinces were pro- bably left to be dealt with in regular course by the local tril^unals, the Emperors from time to time thought fit to appoint special commissioners to hold inquests. Thus Auo'ustus writes to the Knidians to inform them that he has at their request sent G alius Asinius to inquire how a certain Euboulos met with his death by violence.^ The pro\dnces were not content to submit their wants and grievances to the Emperor or Senate only through the regular official channel. In the great cities of Asia Minor were citizens of local influence who from time to time were sent to Eome on special missions from their fellow- citizens. Some of these being personally known to the Emperor, and reputed to enjoy his confi- dence, were honoured in their native cities with the title Philohaisares or " Caesar's friends." Such an agent was that Artemidoros of Knidos, who warned Julius Ctesar of his intended assassination, or that Potamon, son of Lesbonax, to whom Tiberius gave a pass in these words, " If any one dares to injure Potamon, let him consider whether he can contend with Me," and whose marble chair, marking his seat of honour in the theatre, is to be seen to this day at Mytilene ; or that Theophanes, also of Mytilene, whose friendship with Pompey gained for his native city the grant of freedom. ^^ Inscriptions record the names and services of many such ''friends of IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 131 Caesar," who were sometimes eminent as sopliists and rlietoricians. The few fragments of imperial and proconsular docu- ments which we possess, though they may not contribute much to the general history of the Roman Empire, are valuable as illustrations of the mode of administration in the provinces, and as furnishing some new chronological data out of which more complete fasti are being con- structed. But Asia Minor has contributed one lapidary text of surpassing interest to the historian of the Augustan age ; that is, the summary of the deeds and events of his reign which Augustus drew up himself, and which was engraved on two bronze tablets and placed in front of his mausoleum at Rome. The bronze tablets have lone since disappeared, but the text of this remarkable imperial document has been nearly recovered by the careful collation of two extant copies in marble, one discovered at Apollonia in Phrygia, the other at Ankyra in Gralatia. The magnitude of the deeds recorded in this summary contrasts strikingly with the unadorned and laconic simplicity of the language. In the same calm tone the Emperor enumerates the public edifices with which he has embellished Rome, the triumphs which he has celebrated, and the countries which he has annexed to the' empire ; the new regions which his fleets have explored ; the embassies sent to do him homage from the uttermost parts of the habitable world — among which fioure two British kine^s, one of whom, Dum- novelaunus, is known to us from coins ; the treasures which his wise economy has accumulated ; the largesses to the Roman people, and the subventions to the provinces in aid of sufferers from earthquakes ; and, K 2 132 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [iv. last but not least, the crowns and the personal honours lavishly bestowed on him by a grateful Senate and people. The first traveller wdio noticed and copied this precious inscription at Ankyra was Busbecjuius in 1544. Much of it was then concealed in the wall of a Turkish house, the demolition of which we owe to that excellent traveller, the late AVilliam L. Hamilton. The Emperor Napoleon III. sent an expedition to Galatia for the pur- pose of securing a perfect facsimile of the inscription, and it has since been published in Germany with elaborate commentaries by Franz and Mommsen.^^ In drawing up this record of the exploits of his reign, Augustus followed the example of the old Assyrian and Egyptian monarchs, and we can hardly doubt that Alexander and his royal successors left similar monuments, though the only extant specimen is the text of the Marmor Adulitanum, which records the triumphs of Ptolemy Euergetes, and of which the original was seen and copied in Nubia, by that intelligent traveller, Cosmas Indicopleustes, as early as A.D. 545/^ Before we quit the subject of imperial administration, I would draw attention to one more document of general interest — the edict by which Diocletian tried, in defiance of the doctrines of political economy, to regulate the price of all commodities within his dominions. This ordinance is what is called an Edict to the Provincials, being addressed to the subjects of the Emperor, not through the medium of the ordinary public functionaries, but directly. The preamble of the edict sets forth its motive in wordy and pompous phraseology. The Emperor alleges the general misery and penury of his subjects caused by IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 133 the wicked and sordid avarice of tliose who, in the quaint language of our old English law% used to be called forc- stallers and regraters, and who by buying up the whole of any article of commerce could afterwards exact what- ever price they pleased. The edict undertakes to provide a remedy for this evil, not by arbitrarily fixing the price of commodities, but by declaring what shall be the maxi- mum price which they must not exceed. The list of articles in the edict comprises provisions, the wages per diem of various kinds of labour, clothing, carpets, timber, and various implements in wood, and includes not only the necessaries but many of the luxuries of ancient life. Silks and embroidered vestments glittering with gold and Tyrian purple occupy several columns. Among the garments, we find the dahnatica, of whicli the name still survives in an ecclesiastical vestment; and the caracalla, a coarse cloak with a hood, still known in European Turkey as the grego or ccqjote, and adopted with little modification by many monastic orders in the Latin Church. The edict being bilingual, we are able to ascertain from it the meaning of some obscure Grajco- barbaric words through their Latin equivalents. Among the fimits we meet with an old acquaintance, the damson, which was originally the Damascenum, or plum of Damascus. We get too the name pistachio in the disguised form psittachium. Among the game is the Attagen, an Ionian bird greatly esteemed by Roman gourmands, which has been identified by ornithologists with a kind of partridge (Pterocles alchata) still found on the coasts of the Levant. All the wines mentioned in this edict are Italian, but the greater part of the articles of commerce, and 134 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [iv. especially the more costly ones, are from the Eastern part of the empire. All the prices are calculated in the copper denarius of Diocletian's time ; and, could we be sure what would be the equivalent of this sum in modern money, this document would form a very interesting chapter in the history of ancient political economy. But on this point Mommsen and other authorities are not agreed. Mr. Waddington, the latest editor of the edict, has converted these into francs, and from his list the following prices may be quoted as specimens : Ordinary "wiue, fcs. 0'92 the litre. Ecef, fcs. 1"52 the kilogramme. Pork, fcs. 2-28 ditto. A pair of fowls, fcs. 3 '72. Oysters, fcs. 6*20 the hundred. Eggs, fcs. 6-20 ditto. Wages : A labourer in the country with food, fcs. 1*55 a day. A mason or a carpenter with food, fcs. 3 '10 a day. A teacher of grammar, fcs. 12*40 for each child per month. To an advocate for drawing up a case for the tribunal, fcs. 12 "40. For obtaining the judgment, fcs. G2'00. It is unfortunate that the portion of the inscription which contained the price of wheat and barley is wanting. The edict is made up of many fragments, which have been discovered in various parts of the Roman Empire. The preamble was obtained in Egypt ; a great part of the tariff was found by Sherard, in 1 709, on the wall of a Roman edifice at Stratonikea in Caria ; Mylasa in the same province, and -^zanis in Phrygia, contributed some small fragments ; and several portions of the Greek text have been discovered in recent years, in Northern Greece IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 135 and in the Morea.^^ The edict, being of general applica- tion, would doubtless liavc been set up in many if not in all the principal cities of the empire, and therefore it is rather surprising that more copies of it have not been discovered. As it is said to have produced extreme dis- content at the time of its promulgation, its unpopularity may have contributed to the destruction of the marbles on which it was engraved, after its author had ceased to rule. The scries of Greek inscriptions which I have noticed in this memoir ranges over at least eight centuries, from the middle of the sixth century B.C., or earlier, to a.d. 301, the date of the edict of Diocletian. The habit of engraving public documents on durable materials continued long after this epoch, and some curious Greek inscriptions of the Byzantine period are to be found in the last volume of Bockh's " Corpus." But these are connected with another faith, and another political' and social system ; and therefore I prefer not to extend my survey beyond the period in which paganism was still the State religion of the Roman Empire. I have drawn attention, in this memoir, to those inscriptions which appeared especially worthy of notice as historical documents. In the following memoir I have to deal with another and less known class of inscriptions — those relating to Greek religious worship. ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. -^'^ II. The inscriptious with which I have now to deal may be roughly classed under the follo^^ng heads : Temples ; Ritual and Ministers of Reho^ion : Reli2:ious Associations and Clubs ; Dedications ; Sepulchral Monuments. The temples of the Greeks were erected and endowed partly at the cost of the State, and also by the piety of rich individuals. Probably in many cases, as for instance at Olympia, the temple was not built till long after its site had become hallowed by sacrifice and by the con- sultation of an oracle. Each successive generation of worshippers contributed offerings, which, as they ac- cumulated, formed a fund subsequently devoted to the building of the temple. It was customary to dedicate the tenth of the spoils of war, and to enforce the observance of treaties and laws by fines to be paid to some particular deity named in the law. The land confiscated on account of political offences became the property of the local deity, and was either added to the domain of his temple, or resold in lots, with a title * "Mnetecntli Century," June aud August, 1878. IV.] ON GKEEK INSCRIPTIONS. 137 guaranteed against all claims by divine autliority. In proportion as the wealth of a temple increased, so also grew the fame of its worship, and offerings came from the kings and potentates of far countries, eager to propitiate the Deity of a famous shrine, and at the same time to cultivate the alliance of the State in whose territory it was situated. Then arose the belief that these time- hallowed sanctuaries were the safest conceivable places in which earthly treasure could be laid up, and the temples became in some sort banks of deposit. As specie and bullion accumulated in the coffers of the Gods, it was invested in loans or in the purchase of real property. It has been asserted too, not without some show of probability, that in some instances the temples had mints from which coins were issucd.^^ It may be well to illustrate these statements by reference to inscriptions. In my previous memoir, p. 104, I have pointed out how, in the most ancient extant treaty in the Greek language, a fine of a silver talent, to be paid to the Zeus of Olympia, is imposed on any one who presumes to violate the treaty. In like manner, in the convention between the people of Halikarnassos and Lygdamisj published in my " History of Discoveries," any one attempting to set aside the enactments of that law is liable to have his goods confiscated to Apollo. In the inscription from Halikarnassos, which seems, as I have stated in my previous memoir, to be the sequel to the convention with Lygdamis (see Appendix), certain real property is described as due, i.e. forfeit, to Apollo and other local deities, and those deities undertake to guarantee the title of this forfeited real property to all 138 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. \ylio purcliasc it from tliem ; the surveyors of the temple, neopoiai, for ever being associated in this guarantee. So in the accounts of the Temple of the Delian Apollo, preserved in the celebrated Marmor Sandvicensc,^*^ a list is given of persons, all fined 10,000 drachma) for impiety, aseheia. I have noticed, ante, p. 113, the treasure laid by in the Parthenon at Athens after the Persian war, and the precautions taken for its custody. A decree found at Oropos in Boeotia shows how such treasures were dealt with when articles became unserviceable. This inscription gives a list of a number of sacrificial vessels belonging to the Amphiaraion near Oropos, which were broken up as unfit for use, and melted down again ; and it is ordered that a large gold sacrificial dish, phiale, be made out of the bullion thus obtained, and be dedicated to Amphiaraos. In like manner a statue of Zeus is dedicated at Ilium Novum by the Emperors Diocletian and Maximian out of sacred silver bullion, the product of previous melting down/^ The Oropos decree shows how carefully the treasure of an ancient temple was protected from embezzlement by the supervision of a number of functionaries in- dependent of each other. Three commissioners are to be elected from the entire body of citizens, who are to receive the treasure in question from its ordinary guardians, the hierarchce. The polemarchs, who were the chief magistrates, and the TcatopUe, who seem to have been a kind of scrutineers, are to take part in this handing over. The three commissioners are then to cause to be put in order such articles as are in need of repair, and to make new sacrificial vessels of the IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 139 remainder, consulting the polemarclis, liicrarchs, and synegori about tliis. An inventory of the articles which are to be broken up and melted down, specifying the weight, the name and country of the dedicator, and the nature of the object, is to be engraved on. a marble pillar. Three inscriptions of a similar nature have been recently discovered at Athens. Two of these are decrees of the Athenian people, sanctioning the melting down of a number of votive ojQferings dedicated in gratitude for cures in the temple of a certain physician who, having received divine honours after his death, was desig- nated the Hero Physician. The first of these decrees is probably not later than the early part of the second centuiy B.C. It states that the priest {hiereus) of the Hero Physician has proposed to the demos to dedicate an oinochoe to the Hero Physician out of the votive oflferings in silver which have accumulated in his temple. This is agreed on by the senate and people, and five commissioners are thereupon appointed, of whom two are members of the Areiopagos. These are to be associated with the chief priest (hiereus) of the temple, the strategos, one of the chief magistrates of Athens, and the "architect who superintends sacred things." These functionaries, after duly propitiating the gods by a pre- liminary sacrifice, are to melt down the votive objects, whether of gold or silver, and make them into the finest possible dedication (anathema) for the god, inscribing on it the words, " The Senate (houle) in the archonship of Thrasyphron (dedicate this) to the Hero Physician from the votive off'erings." The commissioners are then to in- scribe the names of the dedicators, and the weight of the objects dedicated, on a marble pillar (stele), and having 140 • ESSAYS ON AECHiEOLOGY. [iv. placed it in the sacred precinct {liieron) are to render an account of tlieir disbursements and of the proceeds of the melting down. Then follows the register of offerings, which, like those of the Boeotian Amphiaraion, already referred to, consisted chiefly of models in silver of different parts of the body in which cui'es of diseases had been effected through the agency of the God. Whether among these models were representations of diseased parts sufliciently exact to serve for pathological study, we do not know ; but Hippokrates is said to have derived part of his medical experience from the record of cases in the celebrated temple of ^sculapius in the island of Kos. Both in the inscription from the Amphiaraion and in the Athenian one we find amons; the votive offerinn;s the large silver coin of the period, called tetradraclim, the value of which would be about four francs. This, it is to be presumed, was the fee oft'ered to the God. Pausanias tells us that in the Boeotian Amphiaraion was a well, in which convalescent persons were in the habit of depositing gold and silver coins in gratitude for their recovery. It is to be presumed that the priests of the Amphiaraion did not leave this money in the well, but placed it in the temple among the other anathemata. The custom of dropping the God's fee in the well niav have orio-inated in the idea that the water would purify the coin from the pollution caused by the touch of a sick person. In modern lazarettos money received from the hand of a person in quarantine is usually passed thi'ough water. After the register follows the account duly rendered IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 1^1 by the commission, of whicli tlie following may be given as a translation : Received, Expended. Drachmae. Drachma). Silver drachmcc . . 18 Propitiatory sacrifice 15 "Weit/ht of silver models. 11 G O Waste in melting silver 1 2 Weight oiiJhUde . .100 Engraving 6'^eZe . 8.3oI)ols 234 Making oinoclioh . 12 "Weiglit of ot/joc/iot: . 183.3 obols 232 Balance in hand 2 Drachmte . . 234 The decree disposes of the balance of two drachmae (about l5. 6d.) by ordering it to be made into a votive ofFerino-. It should be noted that the sum of the expenditure is, according to our modern arithmetic, only 231 drachmae. Either the mark of a single drachma has been effiiced from the stone, or the eno-raver of the stelS, w^ho does not seem to have been overpaid for cutting eighty-eight lines of letters, has inadvertently omitted it. Time rolled on, and at some later period, probably in the first century B.C., we find from another inscription that the hiereus of the same temple represented to the Athenian Senate that the sacrificial vessels of the Hero Physician were sadly out of repair — that he wanted, in short, a new service of plate. The senate accordingly named a commission similar to the former one, whom they empowered to melt down the old offerins^s and sacrificial vessels and make new ones out of the proceeds. A very similar decree relating to the votive offerings in the Asklepieion at Athens has been recently found on the site of that temple near the Akropolis.^^ 142 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. I have noted iu my Travels (ii. p. 7) the use made l)y the modern Greeks of the anathemata in their churches. In the village of Ayasso in ]\rytilene is a church dedi- cated to the Virgin, which is greatly frequented l^y pilgrims and rich in votive offerings. These, as I was informed at Ayasso, are periodically melted down ; and out of the proceeds the priests of the church receive a share, the rest being employed in some public work for the benefit of the community. The aqueduct with which the village of Ayasso is supplied was, I was told, built with the funds thus obtained. Of the immense treasure dedicated in the temple of Apollo at Branchidse we have a few samples in the frag- ments of inventories which have come down to us. One of these contains a list of sacrificial vessels dedicated by Seleukos the Second and his brother Antiochos Hierax. On the same marble is a gracious letter from Seleukos to the people of ]\Iiletos, stating that he has sent them the offerins^s for libations and other sacri- ficial uses.^^ The inscription discovered by Mr. Wood at Ephesos, which gives an account of the treasure dedicated by Salutaris in the temple of Diana, and of his other gifts, is especially interesting because it contains a detailed list of figures of Artemis, with her attendant stags, in silver and gold, which at once remind us of the little shrines of the Ephesian goddess which Demetrius the silversmith and his brother craftsmen were supplying to the Eoman world at the time when St. Paul preached Christianity in the theatre at Ephesus. The date of the Salutaris inscription is A.D. 104. The weisjht of the several statues thus dedicated ranges from three to seven Roman pounds. "When these works of art require cleaning, this is to be IV.] ox GKEEK ASCRIPTIONS. 143 done by the keeper of the sacred deposits for the time being, in the presence of the two surveyors of the temple (neopokd) and another officer. Only a particular kind of earth, called argi/romatike, " plate powder," is to be used for this purpose.*^ The amount of treasure deposited in the Ephesian Artemision for security must have been very great, for, according to Dio Chrysostom, not only private persons, but kings and States preferred to place their money there, on account of the scrupulous integrity which the official guardians of such deposits always observed, and the pul)licity and regularity of their accounts. AVe learn from an Ephesian inscription, published by Lebas,^'^ that this money was lent at interest, and that it was the Inisiness of the auditors of sacred funds to enforce pay- ment of all interest or other money due to the goddess, and to punish defaulters by striking them off the register of citizens, or suspending their civic rights for a time. In the Marmor Sandvicense, already referred to, we see this system of lending sacred money more in detail ; that document gives a list of States, bankers, and other private persons to whom large sums belonging to the temple of Apollo at Delos had been lent. We find from this Delian inscription that the amount of interest paid on loans by States amounted to upwards of four talents, that on loans to private persons to nearly 5000 drachmce. The names of the cities and individuals who had not paid up their interest at the date of the inscription are also published. It is to be presumed that these loans were made on the security of mortgages on land or houses, as in the case of the money of minors. The recent excava- tions at Delos, conducted by M. Homolle, under the lU ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [iv. direction of tlie Ecole Francaise at Athens, have brouo-ht to light some interesting inscriptions relating to the temple of Delos and its management. ^^ From an Athenian inscription of which the fragments have been finally edited by Kirchhoflf/^ we learn that for eleven years during the Peloponnesian war large sums were borrowed by the Athenian people from the treasuries of Athene and the other deities, which are ordered to be replaced with interest, about Olymp. 90. In this account are entered all the sums paid on requisition to the Hel- lenotamice by the treasurers of the different gods ; in each entry the auditors (logistce) add the interest of the loan. It was hardly to be expected that much of the treasures accumulated in ancient temples should have escaped the hand of the spoiler and the many conflagra- tions of temples which are recorded. There are, however, a few exceptions. The interesting collection of silver vases and statues in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris evidently once belonged to a temple of Mercury near Bern ay, in Normandy. At Lampsakos were found a number of silver spoons, which the inscriptions on them showed to have once belonged to a pagan temple, and which had been afterwards converted to Christian use. More recently Mr. Lang and General Cesnola were both so fortunate as to find treasure intact underneath temples in Cyprus. Mr. Lang's prize was a most interesting col- lection of silver coins ; General Cesnola stumbled on three underground vaulted chambers full of votive objects in gold, silver, and bronze.^^ In many cases the domain attached to a temple must have belonged to it from time immemorial, but subse- quent accessions of territory in historical times must IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 145 have been duly recorded in inscriptions whicli constituted tlie title-deeds of these sacred estates. As an example of such title-deeds I would cite the grant of a whole village (kome) to the temple of Zeus Baitokaikeus by one of the Seleukidse, probaljly Antiochos the Thir- teenth, on the condition that its revenue should be devoted to the monthly sacrifices and other expenses of the temple. Prefixed to this document is a letter of the Emperors Gallienus and the two Valerians, in which this royal grant is confirmed in the third century a.d.^^ With regard to the management of real property belonging to temples we have some interesting infor- mation in the leases of sacred lands found at Mylasa and Olymos in Karia. Here we have distinct proof that what is called in Roman law emphyteutic tenure was in use amono- the Greeks in the case of sacred land. o The number of leases and documents relating to the letting of land which are extant in inscrijDtions is very small, but we may distinguish the following varieties of tenure. Land is held by the peculiar tenure known as emphyteusis in Eoman law, or by a lease for one or more lives, or for a term of years, or on the condition of defraying the expenses of certain rites and sacrifices. Very clear examples of emphyteutic tenure occur at Mylasa and Olymos in Karia. The nature of this tenure will be best understood by the following abstract of an inscription from Mylasa published in the Voyage AreJic'o- loyique of Lebas.^*' Thraseas, a citizen of Mylasa, had two properties, one of which he had inherited, the other purchased. He sells both of these to the com- missioners (htematonce) whose function it was to purchase land on account of a temple. The sum which Thraseas L 116 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [iv. received for the land is 7000 drachmae ; lie has to register the sale and to give sureties (hehaiotce), who guarantee the purchaser against all fraud or flaw in the contract. He then becomes the tenant of the same land at an annual rent of 300 drachmaj, about £12. This rent is to be regularly paid ; otherwise the lease is to be for- feited, and the treasurers of the tribe are to relet the land at the same rent to some one else. If we suppose the rent of 300 drachmre to represent half the interest of 7000 drachmae, Thraseas will have left rather less than 4 1 per cent, for the interest of the purchase money, besides which he would have the usufruct of his land. He would have tlie further advantage that the land would be protected from confiscation or arbitrary im- posts. This lease had to be ratified by the lessee apj^earing publicly before the popular assembly. At Olymos in Karia,^^ we find the demos granting the lease of certain lands the property of the Zeus of Labranda, of Apollo and of Artemis, to certain lessees, their heirs and assigns forever, to be cultivated as they would cultivate theu" own lands, on condition of paying to the treasurers of the demos a yearly rent of 100 silver drachmae (about £4), and a quantity, not specified, of incense. The witnesses in one of these leases are the treasurers of the four tribes of Olymos and the proprietors of the lands adjacent to the lands let. In the second lease seven citizens are sureties severally for a seventh part. In another inscription from Olymos in Karia^ we see the steps taken when land was purchased on account of a temple. By a decree of the demos it is ordered that certain lands be purchased out of sacred funds belonging to Apollo and Artemis. First the demos IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 147 is to elect Jctematonce or commissioners for tlio purchase and sale of sacred lands. These commissioners are to draw part of the purchase money from the bankers Sibilos and Euthydemos, and, taking the remoinder out of the treasury, to purchase the lands in question, of which a lease is to be granted in perpetuity to a certain person and his heirs, provided he pays the rent to the treasurers of the demos. After the purchase has been eflfected, the ktemafonce are to convey to Apollo and Artemis the title to the lands in question. The rent to be paid is not to be less than half the interest of the purchase money. Here a question arises — What precaution did the State take to insure the due cultivation of the land by the lessee to whom it was leased in perpetuity ? The answer to this question is to be found in the leases engraved on bronze which are commonly known as the Tahulce Ileracleenses, and which were found early in the last century near Heraklea in Southern Italy. These tablets contain the most complete and elaborate leases of sacred lands which have been handed down to us from Greek antiquity. The land to which these leases relate is to be let for life for four hundred and ten of the measures of wheat called medimni. As maps and terriers were not in use in the ancient world, the inscription first describes with great minuteness the boundaries of the land and its "measure- ment. The lessees are to give sureties for five years, and the persons as well as the goods of these sureties are to be liable, as was the case in the old Koman law. The leases are to be granted in the name of the city and of certain civic magistrates called polianomi. If the land is sublet or the crop sold, the sub-lessees are to 2 us ESSAYS ON ARCHxEOLOGY. [iv. give security in like manner as the lessees. Any one failing to produce sureties or to make due payment of liis rent is to pay double rent and a fine besides. The sureties are to make a declaration «is to the amount of property they can offer as guarantee for the payment of the rent, arrears, fines, and for the due execution of legal judgments. Then follow the con- ditions of tillage. In the part of the land suitable for the culture of the vine the lessee shall not plant less than ten of the land measures called sdiceni with vines ; on land where the soil suits olives, there must not be less than four olive trees in every schcenos. If the lessee shall plead that the land is not suitable for olives, the polianomi, taking with them any person from the demos whom they may select, shall survey the land, and deliver their report on oath to the public assembly. Trees de- stroyed by age or wind to be the property of the tenants. If they fail to plant the prescribed number of olive trees and vines, they must pay a fine of ten silver nummi for each olive plant, and two mince of silver for each schcenos of vines. The watercourses are to be carefully preserved. The roads are to be kept in repair ; no mounds of earth are to be raised on the land, nor any sand dug out except what is required in building. The tufa shall not be quarried out. The tenements to be erected on the land are to be a house, cowhouse, shed, and threshing-floor, of certain prescribed dimensions. If these are not pro- perly provided with roofs and doors within the time allowed for planting the trees, fines are to be paid. The timber on the estate may be used for building on it or for vine props, but it is not to be cut or employed for any other purpose. The earth round the olive trees and IV.] ON GEEEK INSCRIPTIONS. 149 fig trees must be dug and heaped up round tliem, Wlien vines or olive trees decay, tliey are to be replaced by planting fresh ones. The land and tenements are not to be mortgaged or pledged in any way. If any one of the tenants dies without issue or intestate, the produce of his land goes to the* city. In case the tenants are hindered by war from gathering in the crops, the con- ditions of the lease are to be modified as the Herakleans may decide. If the polianomi do not observe the con- ditions of the lease, they also are held res^Donsible. The entire lot of land sacred to Dionysos was 3320 2 schceni, which let for an annual rent of rather more than 410 medimni of corn. Of this, 738 i schceni let for 300 medimni. The date of this inscription is pro- bably towards the close of the fourth century b.c.'^^ It is probable that regular emphyteutic leases in perpetuity, like those granted at Heraklea, were preferred by the administrators of sacred lands. They may, how- ever, have granted leases for a term of years with a fixed rent, as the Attic demos and other corporations did. Of such leases we have several examples. They sometimes gave the tenant the advantage of exemption from such taxes as land was liable to. In leases contracted between individuals and the State on account of sacred or public lands, provision was generally made for the periodical supervision of the land by surveyors appointed for that purpose. Sureties for the due execution of the conditions of the lease were usually demanded of the tenant. From a decree passed by one of the Athenian tribes a survey is ordered to be made of certain lands twice a year. ^^ Within the hieron, or sacred precinct immediately adjacent to a temple, all cultivation of the ground, 150 ESSAYS ON AKOHiEOLOGY. [iv. cutting of timber, or evcu in some cases the gatlieriug of firewood, was strictly forbidden. The documents relating to tlie property of temples to which I have referred show very distinctly that in the Greek republics it was the State itself which undertook the charge and management of this sacred property, and that the ministers of religion who in various grades were attached to temples had very little, if any, administrative control over such endowments. The same principle was adopted in reference to the temples themselves, except in the case of those which, being the result of private endowment, were never considered as the property of the State. The contract for building a temple was made by certain officers duly appointed and empowered by the State, and the necessary disbursements on account of such works must have been sanctioned by the authority of the popular assembly. This may be inferred from the evidence of the few inscriptions relative to the building of temples which have come down to us. That recently found at Lebadea,''^ which, as has been already stated, contains a contract for the building of a temple of Zeus Basileus, is remarkable for its elaborate specifications as to the execution of the work, and the penalties to be enforced against the contractors, surveyors, and all other persons employed on the building for any shortcoming or trans- gression of the rules laid down. The celebrated inscrip- tion relating to the Erechtheion, to which I also referred in my former memoir, contains a survey of that temple while in course of construction, made in pursuance of a decree of the Athenian j^eople, B.C. 409. Among the Arundel marbles is part of a similar decree of the people of Delos, specifying the conditions IV.] ON GEEEK INSCRIPTIONS. 151 under wliicli contracts are to be made for tlie repair of the temple of Apollo. In a decree recently discovered at Athens permission is granted by tlie senate to tlie priest of Asklepios and Hygieia to restore at his own expense the temple of the God whom he served, and to put in new doors and roof.^^ The next class of inscriptions I have to deal with are those relating to the ministers of religion. When we speak of Greek priests, we must bear in mind that nowhere among the Hellenic States do we find a sacerdotal order so completely severed from the rest of the community as the priests and Levites of ancient Judsea, or the clergy of mediaeval Christendom. In Greek society we discover no such broadly marked division as is implied in the terms clerics and laymen, and in the relations between Greek priests and their fellow-citizens, so far as we know them, there are few traces of that antagonism which the history of other religions exhibits wherever the power and pretensions of a sacerdotal order are no longer in harmony with the general feelings of the community. As among the Greeks there was no regular sacerdotal order corresponding with our idea of a clergy, so it becomes very difficult to present a clear and definite statement of the authority of the ministers of religion in ancient Hellas, of their functions, grades, and social influence. We find from inscriptions that the titles by which these sacred functionaries are designated vary in different States. We have as yet insufficient data to enable us to define the duties and offices of the various ministers so designated. To begin, however, with the most prominent of these titles— the hiereus and the 152 ESSAYS ON ARCILEOLOGT. [iv. hiereia — there can be no doubt tliat in most Greek States tliese two represented the priest and priestess of highest rank attached to a temple. Now, such priests and priestesses were not appointed by any uniform system ; there was, so to speak, no fixed rule of ordina- tion. Some priesthoods were hereditary, some elective ; and in later times, when some Greek cities were autonomous only in name, we find an instance of the appointment of a priest by royal mandate ; and again, some priests were appointed for life, others for a term of years. Nearly all the information we possess as to the mode of appointment of priests and priestesses is derived from inscriptions. In a Halikarnassian decree we have a list of twenty-seven priests of Poseidon, from which it appears that the succession to this office did not pass from father to son, but from brother to brother ; the priesthood devolved to the sons of the eldest brother in the order of their seniority, then to the sons of the next brother, then back ao'ain to the OTandson of the eldest brother, and so forth. On the other hand we have from this same city, Halikarnassos, an inscription''^ which proves that priest- hoods were sometimes purchased by individuals under certain conditions imposed by the State ; and in an inscription recently found at Erythrse in Ionia, and now preserved in the museum of the Evangelical School at Smyrna, we have a long list of sales of priesthoods, in which the price paid, the name of the purchaser and of his surety, are duly registered. The sums paid seem small ; the priesthood of Hermes Agoraios commands the highest price, 4610 drachmae, equal to about £184 Ss^^ IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 153 The liereditaiy riglit to a priestlioocl was probably derived in most instances from the ancient gens from which the family sprang in whom this dignity was vested. Certain rites peculiar to that gens, and from which the members of other gentes were jealously excluded, were handed down from father to son in a particular family; audit was the unbroken tradition and continuous observance of these rites and the mystery attached to them that must in many cases have invested this family with a sacerdotal authority from time im- memorial. Thus, as Herodotos tells us, Telines, the ancestor of Gelon and Hieron of Syracuse, migrated from Knidos to Sicily, carrying with him the Triopia sacra, mysterious rites connected with the worship of Demeter and Persephone. Hence the sacred office of hierophant of these deities was claimed by the descendants of Telines as their peculiar privilege and dignity ; and it was in this capacity, according to Herodotos, that Gelon acquired in his native city, Gela, that ascendency which idtimately led to his rule in Syracuse. So again, the illustrious family of Eumolpidse at Eleusis, who claimed descent from a mythic ancestor, Eumolpos, were hereditary hierophants of the Eleusinian mysteries. The office of torch-bearer (daduchos) in the same hierarchy was hereditary in the family of Kallias from B.C. 590 to B.C. 380, when, this family becoming extinct, this dignity was transferred to the family of Lykomedes, to which Tliemistokles belonged. Sometimes in reward for some special service a priesthood was granted to some citizen and his heirs forever by decree of the people. In the Greek republics no person was eligible for the priesthood who was not a full citizen, and persons of 154 ESSAYS OX ARCHiEOLOGY. [iv. rank and birtli were preferred. Those who followed mean and degrading callings, or led immoral and dis- solute lives, were considered unworthy of so great an honour. The duties and obligations of the Greek ministers of religion must have varied as much as the rituals with which they were connected. In the earlier stages of Greek civilisation the hiereus of a particular deity was charged with the duty of looking to the repairs of the temple and with the general custody of sacred property, and we may infer from a passage in the Politics of Aristotle (vi. 5) that this was still the case in smaller cities in his own time. But from the period when inscriptions begin more fully to inform us as to the religious antiquities of the Greeks — that is to say, from the age of Perikles downwards — we find that in the more highly organised communities functions and dignities which may have been originally concentrated in the hiereus were distributed amonoj a number of officers appointed by the State. Thus all connected with the architecture and repairs of the temple was in the charge of the neopoies. The treasures of the God were confided to special treasurers called hierotamicp, and the accounts of expenditure and receipts were rendered to auditors, logistce, appointed by the State.' The great periodical festivals connected with particular temples, again, were managed by officers chosen ad hoc by the people. The special business of the hiereus in all pagan time was to be well acquainted with all the ritual of the temple to which he was attached, to see that the sacrifices were duly performed by authorised persons, and that the sanctity of the altar and sacred precincts was never violated by profane intruders. The ancient liturgies IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 155 consisted of a number of minute observances, which were prescribed in public laws and in sacred books with the most scrupulous accuracy. These books were the rubrics and kalendars of ancient paganism. We have in inscriptions several specimens of such ordinances. In a decree of the city of Mykonos''^ is a list of certain days on which certain victims are to be offered. On the 12th of the month Poseideon a white ram and a lamb are to be sacrificed to Poseidon. The senate is to provide these victims, which are to be paid for out of the customs levied on fish. As these fish must have been caught in the neighbouring sea, such sacrifices were probably a thank-off'ering to Poseidon for a good yield of the fishery or a propitiatory ofi'ering in anticipation of such a godsend. In the month Lenaion, again, the harvest was to be celebrated by the sacrifice to Demeter of a sow pregnant with her first litter; a boar was at the same time sacrificed to Persephone. It seems clear from the evidence of these inscriptions that the jniests attached to the temples were in no sense the makers of these laws, which are always in the form of decrees of the people ; but such ordinances may have been some- times framed by the civil government at the suggestion of the priests, and it was certainly their duty to put them in force and to exact the appointed penalties for their transgression. It is probable that at the entrance to every sacred precinct a notice was set up declaring throuoh what acts or throuo-h contact with what animals or things persons became impure, and so debarred from access to the hieron. Such ordinances were not, like the Mosaic law, consolidated in a general code to which all special cases could be referred, but varied in their 156 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. character according to the particular worship for which they were enacted, as we see by the few specimens which have been preserved in inscriptions. One of these, from Lindos in Rhodes,''^ begins with the decharation that the highest state of purity is to have a healthy mind, free from guilty conscience, in a healthy body. Then follows an iiidex cibonim pi^ohibitorum ; those who wish to enter the hieron must abstain from lentils and goats' flesh for three previous days, and from fresh cheese for one day. This last article, if made in Attika, was forbidden to the priestess of Athene Polias at Athens. The impurity contracted by contact with a dead body could only be purged by a quarantine of forty days. In the ancient silver mines at Lauriou. in Attica was found a similar inscription in reference to the worship of a deity called Men Tp-annos, which had been imported into Attica in Roman times. In this case garlic and pork are the proscribed articles of food, and the quaran- tine required after contact with a dead body is limited to ten days. No homicide is permitted to approach the precinct at all." An inscription from lalysos in Rhodes gives us a law relating to the sacred precinct round the temple of Alektrona.^^ No horse, mule, ass, or any other beast of burden is to be allowed to enter "\\'ithiu this precinct. No one is to tread on this *' holy ground " in shoes made of hog's leather, or to introduce anything else belonging to swine. Any one transgressing these rules is bound to purify the precinct, or he will be held guilty of impiety (asebeia). Any one introducing sheep into the sacred precinct must pay an obol for each sheep. Three copies of this law are to be engraved on marble and set IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 157 up in different places. In an Athenian inscription wliicli prohibits the taking timber or firewood from the hieron of Apollo, the proclamation is in the name of the hiereus of the god, who, in conjunction with the demarch, is to exact a fine of fifty drachmae from any trespasser if he is a free citizen, and to report his name to the Basileus Archon and to the Senate, in pur- suance of the decree of the people. If the transgressor is a slave, he is to receive fifty lashes, and his name, together with that of his master, is to be in like manner reported to the Basileus Archon?^ The wilful transgres- sion of any laws relating to a temple and its ritual was regarded as aseheia, " impiety," a crime which in its aggravated form was punished with the severest penal- ties, as we know from the instances of Alkibiades and Audokides, who were accused of having desecrated the Eleusinian mysteries. Such offences at Athens came under the cognisance of the Basileus Archon, who may be considered as the religious head of the community, exercising the jurisdiction which probably belonged originally to the kings of Attica. The duties of priestesses were analogous to those of the priests. We can form some idea of them from the Halikarnassian inscription already referred to, in which the oflice of priestess of Artemis Pergaia is offered for sale. The conditions under which a legal purchase can be effected are very different from those which English law imposes on the purchaser of the next presentation to a living. The priestess must be able to show an aristocratic descent for three generations on both sides. Her appointment is for life ; she has to perform the public sacrifices and those offered by individuals. Every 158 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [iv. new moon she is to make a solemn thanksgiving or siip- plicatio on behalf of the city. She is to put the hieron in order, whore a treasury for the goddess is to be pro- vided. In the month in which the public sacrifice is performed, she is to make a collection "in front of the island," i.e. in a quarter of the city which must have been one of the most frequented,^*' but this collection is not to be a quete from house to house ; the proceeds are to be for the priestess, who is also to receive a drachma for every monthly thanksgiving. She is also entitled to a joint and other parts of every victim in a public sacrifice. The treasure of the goddess is not placed in her charge, Ijut in that of certain officers called exetastce, scrutineers, who are to oj)en it once a year and take out what is required for the necessary expenditure on public worship. The principle of Mosaic law, that those who minister to the altar are to be fed from the altar, prevailed also among the Greeks. At every sacrifice certain parts of the victim were reserved for the officiating priest, and a small fee was probably always exacted from each private sacrificer. Besides these perquisites, the ministers of religion must have derived more or less emolument from the produce of sacred lands, and some percentage may have accrued to them from the interest of money lent to the temple. Their usual place of dwelling was within the hieron, and it is to be presumed that the deity whom they served exacted no rent. But the main ad- vantage of the sacerdotal office was the personal dignity and social authority which its holder enjoyed. Homer describes a Trojan priest of the Homeric age as " honoured by the people as if he were a god ; " and though in historical times the Greek Jiiereus hardly held so exalted IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 159 a position, there is no doubt that he was regarded as not merely the guardian of a temple, and as presiding over its sacrifices and rites, Ijut as the interpreter of the will and disposition of the God manifested through oracles, dreams, and other mysterious signs, the meaning of which could only he communicated to the profane out- side world throuo;h the authorised sacerdotal channel. Having alone access to the inner sanctuary or Holy of Holies of a deity, and being the exclusive possessors of the secrets connected with his worship, the priests re- garded themselves as the mediators between their fellow- mortals and the God whom they served. When pestilence or other manifestations of divine wrath smote their countrymen, the priests generally con- trived to account for the calamity, and to prescribe some sacerdotal nostrum as a remedy. Certain crimes had been committed, certain laws of ritual had been violated, either l;)y the generation then living or their ancestors, and the offended deity could only be appeased by specified expiatory off'erings or acts. When a sacrifice took place, it was the business of the priests to note all the signs and incidents which were held to indicate the approval or disapproval of the deity to whom the ofiering was made ; these portents and tokens formed a symbolical language which none but the ministers of the altar and the attendant soothsayers could rightly interpret, and through which they professed to read the future. Within their own hallowed precinct, the authority of the priests must have been very great, because they were armed with the power of excommunicating those who violated the local religious laws, and the imprecations which they could invoke against sacrilegious persons inspired a terror 160 ESSAYS OX AECH^OLOGY. [iv. wliich not even the philosophical sceptic could venture openly to defy, however secretly he may have sneered at pious frauds. In those temples which possessed the right of asylum, the priest seems to have exercised juris- diction in the case of fugitive slaves who were reclaimed by their masters, but who could not be given up without his sanction. In all the public festivals the priests had special posts of honour, and in the Dionysiac theatre at Athens may be seen to this day the chairs of the priests and priestesses of the Attic deities ranged co-ordinately with the seats as- signed to the chief civil magistrates. On certain public occasions the priest or priestess assumed the costume and attributes of the divinity whom they served. The decrees of Rhodes and of several of the Doric colonies of Sicily show us that in these cities the eponymous magistrate was a priest. It was these peculiar honours and privi- leo'es which made the sacerdotal office a special object of ambition to the rich classes in the Greek republics. Nor w^as it at any time a part of democratic policy to dis- courage such ambition. The kind of influence which the office of priest could confer on a citizen was not thought to be politically dangerous, or likely to lead to any attack on the liberties of the people. On the other hand, the rich men chosen for these sacred offices had it in their power to gratify public feeling, and at the same time to show their own piety, by conducting the religious cere- monies and festivals with a pomp and splendour which would have been impossible, had they not largely con- tributed to the expenses out of their private means. Evidence of such devout and public-spirited munificence is to be found in those inscriptions in which priests and IV.] ON GEEEK INSCRIPTIONS. 161 priestesses are publicly honoured for certain extraordinary services and gifts. Thus, an Athenian decree crowns the priest of Zeus Soter for his sacrifice in behalf of the senate and people, which he has performed with due honour and zeal. In an Athenian decree, to which I have already referred, the priest of Asklepios and Hygieia is allowed by the senate to inscribe his name as dedicator on the temple which he restores at his own expense.'*^ In an inscription from Aphrodisias in Karia, we find special honour given to Gaia, daughter of Diodoros, who is designated "the chaste priestess for life of the Goddess Here, and Mother of the City," and who also twice held the ofiice of Priestess of the Emperors, gave the entire people magnificent banquets, and supplied oil for the public baths in the most lavish manner ; and it is especially mentioned in her praise that in the dramatic contests she first introduced music so new and attractive that it drew all the neio-hbourino- cities to take part in these entertainments.®^ M. Foucart has recently published a Mantinean inscription in which Phaena, a priestess of Demeter, is honoured for the extraordinary zeal and munificence for which she was distinguished both before and after the term of her office. The decree in her honour is drawn up in the name of a synod or college of priestesses of Demeter, of which college Phaena was doubtless a member. The decree recounts the sumptuous munificence with which she performed all the liturgies required during her term of office, the magnificent banquets with which she entertained her sister priestesses, the endowment which 162 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [iv. she settled on tlieir college, and which she made a per- manent charge on her estate after death. In reward for all this pious liberality it is decreed that Phaena is to be invited to all the sacrifices and festivals held in honour of the Goddess, and this honorary decree is to be engraved on a marble stele. ^^ It appears from a decree of the city of Ilium that a priest presented to the city a gift of 15,000 drachmae, about £600, out of the interest of which a yearly sacrifice was to be provided. ^^ These in- scriptions in honour of priests become more frecjuent during the Eoman Empire, and we learn from them that it had then become common for the priesthoods of several temples to be held by the same person. There appears to be no evidence of such pluralism in the earlier republican period. Besides the hiereus or priest, and the hiereia or priestess, we find attached to Greek temples a variety of ministers whose ofiices are indicated by their names. Thus, the hierophantwas the priest who in the Eleusinian rites revealed the mysteries to the initiated ; the dadu- chos bore the sacred torch in the same worship ; the hleklophoros was the bearer of the Key in the rites of Hekate ; the hieroheryx, a title retained to this day in the Eastern Church, was specially charged with making proclamations and announcements in reference to the order of the rites. The loutroplioros and the liydrophoros were the bearers of sacred water used in the ritual. The Jcosmeteira was, as her name implies, the mistress of the robes or tirewoman of the Goddess whom she served, and it was her business to superintend the dress and orna- ments with which the sacred imao-e was adorned. The IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 163 neoJcoros, a term which originally meant the sweeper out of the temple, became in course of centuries a sacerdotal title of the highest distinction, as we know by the evidence of coins and inscriptions in Asia Minor. In temples where there was an oracle, the will of the God was declared by certain priests or priestesses,- to whom the title of mantis or 2^^^0'phetes was given. The projoJietes was not a prophet in our sense, but the functionary speaking in the name and authority of the God. The persons who professed the science of divination {mantike), and who were the interpreters of oracles, dreams, omens, and other means of prognosticating future events, were sometimes attached to temples, but oftener exercised the calling of soothsayer independently. In many cases the gift of prophecy was held to be hereditary. The influence of these diviners [manteis) was probably quite as great, if not greater than that of the priests, and if I only notice this class of religious functionaries with a passing allusion, it is because there are very few inscriptions which throw any light on their proceedings and authority. A curious Ephesian fragment relative to divination by the flight of birds is given in Bockh,®^ and a few oracles written in doggrel hexameters are preserved in inscriptions. Others, graven on plates of lead, have been found at Dodona in the recent excavations there by M. Carapano, and are published in the splendid work on his discoveries lately issued. ®° The sacred functionaries probably multiplied in proportion as the wealth of the temples and the fame of their worship grew, and accordingly we find from inscriptions that time-honoured and celebrated shrines M 2 131 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGy. [iv. such as that of Ephesos or Elensis were ministered to by a variety of fanctionaries. And here the question arises — AVere these functionaries co-ordinate, or in what manner were they organised ? On this point we have very scanty information. At Eleusis the hierophant chosen from the ancient family of Eumolpidee was certainly the chief priest, and next to him probably ranked the daducJios, who carried the torch in the mysteries, wearing a purple robe and a myrtle crown. The hieropliantis or female hierophant at Eleusis, who was also chosen from a sacerdotal fixmily, was also a great personage. On the base of the statue of one of these priestesses found at Eleusis is an inscription in which she thus addresses all future generations. " I am the mother of Marcianus, the daughter of Demetrius ; let no one utter my name which, when severed from the v/orld by becoming hieropliantis, I hid in inaccessible depths. I have not initiated the sons of Leda, nor Herakles, but the ruler of the world, Hadrian, who has poured so much wealth on Athens." This emperor was admitted to the novitiate in the Eleusinian mysteries A.D. 125, and to the final initiation in a.d. 135.^^ At Eleusis, at Delphi, at Ephesos, and other celebrated seats of worship, there must have been a local hierarchy, and it is to be presumed that the priest of highest rank had a certain authority over the others ; but whether these ministers formed a kind of sacred college over which a high priest presided, or whether all differences between them were referred to such a magistrate as the hasileus archon, are points about which we have no sure knowledge. In some of the Asiatic sacred communities, such as Strabo describes at both the Komanas and at IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 165 Zcla, tlie high priest may have been invested with theocratic authority, and in Roman times the title of archiereus appears in various cities of Asia Minor. Sometimes this title is given to the president of a college of priests, sometimes it is assumed l^y the minister of a dominant cult. It was probably the policy of the Romans to encourage centralisation in the religious organisation of their provinces, and the titles ^'Archiereus of Asia " and Asiarch were probably introduced by them into Asia Minor. I have as yet only noticed the higher ranks of the sacerdotal order. But we find in inscriptions mention of diahoni, whence our word " deacon," who were certainly a lower grade of the priesthood, and it is obvious that many offices of a purely menial nature, such as the hewing of wood and drawing of water, must have been required in temples. Hence it was that slaves were in many cases dedicated to the service of a divinity, and were consequently called hierodouli. In the temple of Apollo at Delphi was a host of such slaves, whose ranks were recruited from prisoners of war, and whose condition was very superior to that of ordinary slaves. Such hierodules formed a large part of the population of the sacred island of Delos. We are enabled by the evidence of inscriptions to distinguish two forms by which a slave was dedicated to the service of a divinity, and which both amounted to enfranchise- ment subject to certain conditions. According to the first of these forms the master dedicated the slave to the God, and released him from all future liability to servitude ; but in order to give this release a due guarantee, the newly enfranchised slave was placed 166 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [iv. henceforth under the protection of the priest of the temple and of the local magistrates, who were bound to punish with a fine any attempt to deprive him of his liberty. This form of dedication occurs in inscriptions from the temples of Sarapis at Orchomenos, Chseronca and Coronea in Bceotia, in that of Athene Polias at Daulis, and that of Asklepios at Stiris.^^ The other mode of enfranchisement was by a solemn act of sale, by which the ownership of the slave was transferred to a God on payment of a sum of inoney, which was in fact the ransom of the slave, and which he had to provide for himself. About five hundred inscriptions relating to this mode of enfranchisement have been discovered at Delphi, and from these we obtain very curious information as to the form of this sale. The master, accompanied by his slave, presented himself before the temple of Apollo at the principal entrance. There the two priests of the God met him to receive the slave, and, in the presence of three senators and of a certain number of witnesses, handed over the purchase money to the master. The transaction was not a simple act of sale, but was fenced round with many conditions. The seller had to furnish one or more sureties {hehaioteres), who undertook to maintain the validity of the sale and to defend the slave against all who sought to deprive him of his liberty. If the seller or his sureties failed to fulfil this guarantee, an action mie'ht be brouoht ao-ainst them in the name of the God, and they were liable, if condemned, to pay a fine equal to the j^rice of the slave and half as much again. The deed of sale, after having been duly certified by the priests, senators, and other attesting witnesses, was IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 167 handed over to the custody of a citizen designated for that purpose in the deed, and a copy of it was engraved on the walls of the temple. Under the protection of this instrument the person of the enfranchised slave was safe from all attempt to reduce him back to slavery ; he had a right to resist any such attempt by force, and to invoke the aid of any bystander, nor would any legal liability be incurred by such interference, which was regarded as having the direct authority of the God himself. While the slave was thus protected, we find associated with this form of enfranchisement certain provisions which were made in the interest of the master. The boon of liberty v\^as not an absolute but a conditional grant. The master, while selling the ownership of his slave to Apollo, often reserved for himself the right of his services for a term of years or for his own life, or even might bequeath such a right to another person after his demise. During this period of service the slave, though sold to the God, was still oblio-ed to execute the orders of his master, who could, in moderation, chastise him for disobedience, but could not sell him to another person. The particular duties which had to be performed during these years of mitigated servitude are sometimes specified in the instrument of enfranchisement. It is stipulated in the case of one slave that he must accompany his master on a voyage to Egypt ; another has to educate two children ; another, the slave of a physician, has to assist his master in his calling for five years ; but what is especially insisted on as a duty is the care of the master in his old ao-e and due attention to his funeral rites. If the slave declined to serve out 108 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. liis time of bondage, lie was bound to find a substitute, or to redeem his liberty by another payment. Another stipulation which we find in these deeds of sale was the right reserved by the master to inherit the slave's property, and sometimes this claim is continued into the second generation, if the children of the slave die with- out issue. Unless all the conditions specified in the deed of sale were scrupulously fulfilled, the enfranchise- ment was void. As disputes on these points between master and slave Avere likely to occur, a tribunal of three arbitrators was appointed, to which both parties could appeal.^ In the preceding remarks on the temples of the Greeks and their establishments of priests and other ministers, I have taken first in order those in which the public worship of the State was carried on. But there were many other temples and sanctuaries which were endowed and maintained by private citizens or by religious associations, and which had theii' estab- lishments of priests paid out of the revenues of sacred estates. Sometimes these pious investments were made under the direction of an oracle, sometimes at the promptings of a dream, or in honour of the dead. We have a familiar example of such a private endowment in the case of Xenophon, who devoted the tenth of certain spoil gained in war to the purchase of an estate in Lakonia, on which he built a temple in honour of the Ephesian Artemis, surrounded by a forest full of wild animals. The condition on which the tenant held the sacred land round this temple was that he was every year to devote the tenth of its produce to a great festival in honour of Artemis, to w^hich the IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 169 neighbours round about were invited, and also to keep the temple in repair. In an inscription from Santorin, commonly known as the w411 of Epikteta, the conditions under which the endowment is made are very fully and clearly stated. Phoenix, the husband of Epikteta, dedicated a temple to the Muses in memory of a son whom they had lost. Epikteta, becoming a widow and losing another son, erected sculptures and sepulchral shrines (heroa) in memory of her husband and children, and be- queathed 3000 di-achmss, about £120, in trust for pious uses. This sum of 3000 drachm£e is chargeable on certain specified real property of Epikteta. The temple of the Muses and the sacred precinct in which stood the heroa in memory of her husband and sons she bequeaths to her daughter Epiteleia, on the following- tenure : she is to pay every year 210 drachmas, rather more than £S, to the trustees of the endowment, who are described as the " Society of Kinsfolk ; " these trustees are to take care that the mouseion and sacred precinct are never sold or mortgaged ; no buildings are to be erected on the sacred ground, excej)t a portico, nor is this precinct ever to be lent to any one, except on the occasion of the nuptials of any descendant of Epiteleia. The son of this daughter is appointed to the first priest- hood of the Muses and heroes, and the succession to what we would venture to call the advowson is entailed on her eldest male descendant forever. Every year the " Society of Kinsfolk " is to meet in the mouseion at a fixed time, when the rent of 210 drachmae is to be paid to them. The society is then to appoint three of its members to preside over certain sacrifices which are to 170 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. be oflfered to the Muses and lieroes on particular days, on wbicli occasion there is to be a public banquet. The latter part of the inscription contains a number of minute provisions as to the time and nature of the sacrifices, the organisation of the society, the accounts and archives of the trust, etc.** "We see from this curious document how intimately rehgious observances were blended with social enjoyment among the Greeks. The object which Epikteta had mainly in view was to show due reverence for the dead by instituting solemn rites in their honour. For this end the ground on which their monuments stood was dedicated forever to pious uses, and an additional sanctity imparted to it by associating the worship of the dead with the cult of the Muses. But the rites with which these two cults were periodically celebrated had a convivial character, and the assembling of the society of kinsmen must have been a pleasant social gatheriug, while it fulfilled at the same time a religious obligation. The society thus founded by Epikteta very closely re- sembled those religious corporations called thiasi and erani, of which we have learned so much in recent years from inscriptions, and which have been so ably treated by M. Foucart in his Associations religieuses chez les Grecs. These corporations were severally devoted to the worship of some particular divinity. Their members held assemblies in which they passed decrees regulating all the details of their worship. They appointed priests and other sacred oflicers, they levied fines, and could proceed against defaulting or disobedient members before the ordinary legal tribunals, provided there was nothing in their decrees which militated against the laws of the IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIOXS. 171 State. Out of tlie funds bestowed by tlie pious founders and subsequent benefactors of these associations temples were built and priesthoods were endowed, and in their decrees we find recorded the names of those by whose munificence the sacred edifices were repaired and the festivals celebrated with becoming dignity. These decrees moreover give much curious information in reference to the election and duties of the priests and other officers of the societies. In all of them we find a system of management very similar to that by which the temples belonging to the State were administered. The priests, treasurers, and other officers are appointed by election, and their proceedings are subjected to the scrutiny and control of the popular assembly, which is the ultimate source of ail their authority. The form of the decrees passed by this assembly is modelled on that of tlie decrees of the State passed by the ehklesia. The due execution of these ordinances is enforced by heavy fines, and special penalties are directed against those who attempt to change the fundamental laws of the society. The deities to the worship of which the thiasi were devoted were for the most part foreign to the States in which these societies were established. At Athens after the Persian war the concourse of strangers caused l3y the development of a great maritime empire and the increase of commerce led to the importation of various foreign deities. These exotic cults did not become an integral part of the State religion ; they simply were allowed to obtain a footing through the agency of the thiasi. The evidence of inscriptions shows us very clearly the manner in which this was done. Thus, B.C. 333, the merchants of Kition resident at Athens petition the senate to be 172 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [iv. allowed a site oii wliicli to found a temple to Aplirodite ; and this petition is granted by a decree of the Athenian people, who had previously given a similar permission to certain Egyptians to dedicate a temple to Isis.°^ In the second century B.C. the Tyrian merchants established at Delos in like manner petitioned the Athenian people for permission to erect in that island a sanctuary in honour of their god, Baal Marcod.^^ The worship of the Karian deity, Zeus Labraundeus, was pro- bably introduced at Athens by a similar authorisation. In the second century a.d., a Lycian slave called Xanthos, employed in the silver mines of Laurion by a Roman master, founded a sanctuar}'- in honour of a lunar deity called Men Tyrannos, whose worship prevailed extensively in Asia Minor during the Roman Empire. This slave seems to have been too poor to build a temple himself, but was obliged to content himself with a de- serted lieroon which he adapted to the new worship. The inscription declares what persons were disqualified by contact with forbidden things from entering the sacred precinct, and how many days' quarantine will clear them from pollution ; but the rules laid down are not promidgated in the form of a decree, nor by the authority of any public assembly, but by the ipse dixit of the founder himself. He invites other qualified and piously disposed persons to form an eranos and take part in the sacrifices to Men Tyrannos, but it would appear that as yet no administrative body had been organised such as we find evidence of in the inscriptions relating to thiasi which I have already referred to.°^ As M. Foucart justly remarks, the inscription relating to the worship of Men Tyrannos is particularly interest- IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 173 ing as showing" us the germ out of which a relioious association might spring. That a slave should be capable of founding an eranos need not surprise us if we bear in mind that in such religious associations members seem to have been freely admitted without reference to their grade or country, provided they complied with the rules of the guild. Besides the ordinary periodical sacrifices in the temples and those from time to time contributed by individuals, there were certain great offerings on the occasion of the public festivals or some other extra- ordinary occasion. The nature, cost, and order of these ordinary and extraordinary sacrifices were regulated by decrees of the ehUesia. I have already referred to the fragments of calendars in which the victims to be off'ered to certain Gods on certain days are carefully noted. There are also extant several inscriptions which relate to the sacrifices at great public festivals. A decree re- lating to the Athenian Panathensea orders that at that festival the magistrates called liieropoioiy whose special function it w\as to manage the commissariat of sacrifices, are to purchase from the proper contractors the cattle which are required as victims, and for this purchase a sum of 41 minae, about £1G4, is provided. All this live stock is to be carefully chosen, as the Gods objected very strongly to animals who had any blemish. The victims are then to be conducted in solemn procession to the great altar of Athene Polias, to whom and to Nike they are to be sacrificed. Afterwards the meat is to be dis- tributed to the citizens assembled for worshi]3 in the Akropolis, according to their denies, each member of the demos having his allotted share. The sum of 50 174 ESSAYS OX ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. drachmre, £2, is to be provided for the expenses of the procession, the cooking, the fuel for the great altar, and the nightly ceremony called the Pannychis. The pro- cession is to start at sunrise.°^ A Delian inscription gives us the following items of the cost of one of these great festivals about b.c. 374 : For 109 oxen 8419 drachmse, rather more than £336. For gilding their horns (an operation described in a well-known passage in Homer), 121 drachmae. The price of these oxen at Delos was therefore at the rate of 77k drachmae, rather more than £3 per beast, while at Athens a few years earlier, about B.C. 410, oxen for sacrifice cost only 51 drachmae, about £2 each. But at Delos there was probably an additional charge for freight and custom dues, as the island was so barren that stock could hardly have been fattened on it.^^ Sometimes prize oxen were sent to be sacrificed ; w^e learn from an inscription that one of these prize oxen at Delphi cost 300 Attic drachmae, £12, and Jason, the tyrant of Pherae, rewarded wdth a gold wreath the city which contributed the finest ox to the Pythian festivals.*^ As w^e reserve our fattest beef for the festivities of Christ- mas, so doubtless the ancients made their great festivities in some sort cattle shows, and the hceuf gras annually paraded through Paris on Shrove Tuesday seems a remi- niscence of the Bous Hegemon or Boiis heros who was exhibited in the ancient festival, and who, while he was a token of the piety and wealth of the city by whom he was offered, was at the same time a source of legitimate worldly profit to the enterprising grazier by whom he had been reared, and who was thus encouraged to improve to the utmost the breed of cattle in Greece. IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 175 The piety of the ancients found its uttcrcance, not only in sacrifices, but in hymns in honour of the deities. Of these religious poems some beautiful specimens are extant in the collection of hymns commonly called Homeric, and we have one composed at a later period by Kallimac^lios. If the hymns actually chanted in the ordinary Greek worship resembled these, they must have been derived rather from poetical inspiration than from hieratic tradition. But probably each temple had its own peculiar hymns, and some of these may have been handed down from remote antiquity, and may have pre- served ancient liturgical formulae. In an inscription published by Bockh three hymns arc engraved on the same marble, that of Ariphron to the goddess of Health, Hygieia, which has been preserved to us in Athen?eus, and two anonymous hymns, one to Asklepios, the other to Telesphoros, both very dreary specimens of the lyric poetry of the third century, A D."'' The hymn to Isis published by Lebas, under Andros, is equally unattractive as poetry.°^ All through the period of Greek civilisation the training of choruses for the chanting of hymns at the festivals was accounted one of the religious obligations of the State. A decree of Stratonikea in Karia, of the second century a.d.,°^ shows us how carefully this part of the public worship was then provided for. The pre- amble of this decree sets forth how the tutelary deities of the city, Zeus Panamcrios and Hekate, have in times past saved it from many perils, and how, there- fore, it is the duty of the city to lose no opportunity of showing its piety and devotion. The statues of these deities, the decree goes on to say, are in the 176 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. senate house, where their presence is constantly in- viting the people to acts of devotion and stimulating their religious fervour. The senate accordingly orders that thirty boys of good family be chosen as chorus. These are to be brought to the senate house under the charge of the paidonomos and the paidophylahes, the officers who had the charge and training of youth. There, clad in white, crowned with wreaths, and bearing in their hands branches of laurel, they are to recite a hymn which is to be accompanied by the lyre, and which is to be selected by the secretary (gram- mateus) of the senate. "When any of these boys are enrolled among the ephehi, or if, which may none of the Gods cause, any should die before attaining manhood, others are to be chosen in their stead on a report from the paklonomos and the paidophylahes. Boys who are ill or kept at home by domestic sorrow are to be exempt from attendance. To make the law^ more stringent, it is added that, if any of these regulations are neglected, the archons and the paklonomos will be liable to a charge of impiety, and the paidophylahes to imprison- ment. Besides ordering this daily choral service the decree empowers the kiereus of Hekate to select every year a chorus of boys from the suburb round the temple of that Goddess, who are to sing the hymn in her honour, as has been the custom. In case of any irregularity in the attendance of these choristers the hiereus is empowered to punish the fathers by indict- ment, or in any other way which he prefers. FaiHng in this duty, the priest is to incur the same penalties as the boys. As has been already stated, all the j)ublic ritual in a IV.] ON GREEK IXSCRIPTIOXS. 177 Greek city was absolutely fixed by laws passed in the popular assembly. Thus it was the dogma of the ekJclesia which settled the ritual ; but this dogma was certainly not ecclesiastical in our sense, but emanated from the supreme will of the sovereign people. These decrees, judging from the few specimens which remain, were drawn up with a perspicuous minuteness of pro- visions and a sternness of purpose which could hardly have left room for recalcitrant dissent or quibbling evasion. I would here invite attention to the most complete of these documents — the inscription from Andania in Messenia, which records a law regulating the celebration of certain mysteries in honour of the twin gods called Kabiri. This document contains a variety of minute enactments, of which the follow- ing are the most important. The mystery [telete) is to be celebrated by a body of male and female votaries chosen by lot out of the tribes of the city, and designated hieri or hierce according to their sex. These celebrants are to swear that they will conduct the mystery in a reverent and proper manner and in conformity with the written ritual or rubric. Any hieros who refuses to take this oath is to pay a fine of 1000 drachmae, about £40, and another is to be chosen in his room out of the same tribe. The ladies (hierce), who are associated with the hieri as celebrants, are to sw^ear the same oath, with the additional clause that they have been faithful to their husbands. Any lady declining to take this oath is to be fined 1000 drachmae, and to be excluded from the mysteries and sacrifices. During the festival the hieri are charged with the custody of the sacred books and of the ark in which they N 178 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. {ix. lire kept. These sacred books doubtless contained the ritual ; such must have been the writings which, as Pausanias tells us, were read at the solemn gathering of Mysta3 at Pheneos in Arcadia. So in Apuleius the priest of Isis takes books out of the Holy of Holies to read out the rubric/°° Next come very stringent directions as to the vestments to be worn daring the festival. The ladies are not to wear transparent garments or stripes wider than half an inch. The married women are to wear the hdaseris, a kind of tunic introduced from Egypt, and a mantle, the cost of which must not exceed two mince. The dress of the maidens must not exceed in cost half this amount. The male votaries are to wear laurel wreaths, the women a wdiite hat. Their faces must not be painted, they must wear no a:old ornaments, their shoes must be either of felt or of the skins of victims. In order to insure the observance of these and other minute regulations, an officer duly sworn is appointed, whose special duty is to keep the ladies in order, and who is hence called the gynaihonomos. He it is who sees that they are attired according to the rubric, and who determines by lot the place of each in the procession, and, in case their attire is not perfectly en regie, has the power of confiscating it and dedicating it to the gods. Next come rules as to the order of the procession, which was a necessary part of most, if not of all, religious festivals. This pompe, as the Greeks called it, is to be headed by a certain Mnasistratos, who, though the inscription does not assign to him any sacerdotal title, is evidently a personage of very great importance. It is from him that the Meri received the sacred books and the casket or ark which contained them ; he IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 179 participated with them in the .sacrifices and in tlie mysteries ; the fountain named Hagna in the Sacred Books, and the statue near it, are placed under liis perpetual custody. He is entitled to one-third of the money offered by the visitors to the treasury of the fountain, and the skins of the victims sacrificed at this fountain were his perquisite. A gold crown of the value of 6000 drachmae, about £240, was conferred on him by the city. It seems probable that Mnasistratos owed these marked distinctions to his havino; recovered a copy of the sacred books in which the ritual of the mysteries was inscribed. Pausanias relates how, on the revival of similar rites in Messenia by Epaminondas and Epiteles, they were directed by a dream to the spot where the sacred books relating to them had been buried centuries before by the ancient Messenian hero Aristo- menes. They were found engraved on thin rolls of tin and packed in a vase which was concealed in the earth. Next after Mnasistratos in the procession come the priest and the priestess of the deities in honour of whom the mysteries are held ; then the president of the games (agonotlietes) ; the ministers of the sacrifices and the {hierothytce), and the Hute-players. After these come the sacred virgins conducting the cars on which are placed the arks (kistce) which contain the sacred mysteries ; then other j)riestesses connected with the worship of Demeter. Then follow the hierce, one by one, according to lot, and the hieri. The victims are also led in procession. The great multitude assembled at this festival dwelt in tents or booths. The dimen- sions of these tents must not be more than thirty feet square, nor may they be hung round with leather or K 2 180 ESSAYS OX AKCH^OLOGY. [iv. tapestry. The ground to be occupied by the hieri is to be fenced off, and they only are to pitch tents within this precinct. No uninitiated person is to enter the precinct thus marked off. No one is allowed couches in their tent or silver plate of a greater value than 300 drachmae, about £12. Articles in excess of this amount are to be confiscated to the Gods. When the sacrifices and mysteries are performed, due and reverent silence is to be kept ; any one disturbing the proceedings is to be scourged and excluded from the m3'steries. These scourg- ings are to be executed by the rhabdopliori, a body of twenty vergers or beadles chosen from among the hieri. All the financial arrangements of the festival are to be managed by five commissioners appointed by the demos. No person is eligible for this responsible ofiice whose fortune is rated at less than a talent. At their election a note is to be made of this, and also of the amount of fortune of those by whom they are proposed. The commissioners are to receive all moneys accruing from the festival, and very stringent regulations are laid down for the auditing of their accounts. If convicted of embezzlement, they are to pay double the amount in default and a fine besides of 1000 drachmae, £40, which the tribunal has no power to mitigate. Any balance that may remain after defraying the expenses of the festival is to go to the treasury of the State. The next provision of the law is in regard to the victims to be offered. The sacrifices were on a s^reat scale. Before the commencement of the mysteries two white lambs had to be furnished ; for the purification, a ram of the right colour ; for the purification in the theatre three little pigs ; for the irrotomystce, one hundred lambs. In IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 181 the procession a pregnant sow to Demeter, a two-year- old pig to the Great Gods, a ram to Hermes, a boar to Apollo Karneios, a sheep to Hagna. The hieri on taking office are to invite tenders for the supply of these victims, and are to give the contract to the lowest bidder. The contractor must find proper sureties for the due execution of this contract. He must produce victims sound and without blemish, and these must be inspected by the hieri ten days before the mysteries. After the inspection these animals are to be marked by the Ideri, in order that they may not be afterwards changed by the contractor. If the contractor fail to produce the victims for examination at the appointed time, his sureties are to forfeit the price agreed on and half as much again, and the hieri are to purchase victims with the money so forfeited. In order that the music required in the sacrifices and mysteries should be duly performed, the hieri are to enrol in a register every year the names of those skilled performers on the flute and lyre who undertake to play in the festival, and who evidently formed here, as at Eleusis, a guild or corporation with peculiar privileges. Any one convicted of theft or any other crime during the mysteries is to be judged by the hieri. A free man must repay double what he had stolen ; a slave must not only make good this amount, but have a flogging in addition. The same marked distinction between the slave and the free man is observed in the punishment enacted for those who cut wood in the sacred precinct. Within this precinct was a sanctuary in which fugitive slaves were allowed to take refuge, as was the case in many Greek temples. In all cases when the run- 182 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [iv. away belongs to Andania, tlie hiereus is to decide whether he is to be restored to his master or not, but no other person is to give these fugitives shelter or food. After the victims have been sacrificed, the portions not allotted to the Gods are to be consumed in the sacred banquet, which the hiei^i are to celebrate with the hierce and the virgins. To this banquet are to be invited the priest and priestesses of the Great Gods, the priestess of the Karneion, Mnasistratos with his wife and children, the musicians who performed in the festival, and the subordinate assistants who took part in conducting it. The cost of the banquet is not to exceed a certain sum, for which a blank space is left in the text. It is to be presumed that the amount had not been settled when the law was engraved on the marble. So great a concourse of people would of course require a market. This is to be held in a place appointed by the hieri, and the agoranomos of the city is to take care that the merchants give good weight and measure, according to the standards of the city, and that no charge is levied on them for the ground. They are free to sell at their own price. The agoranomos is, moreover, to take care that no one injure the conduits for the supply of water in the hieron. He is also to superintend the service of the public baths. No one is to be charged more than two copper coins for a bath. The fuel is to be supplied hj contract, and a sufficient heat is to be maintained. No slave is to be allowed to anoint himself with oil. At the close of the festival the hieri are to send in a report of all their proceedings to the prytaneion, which, like a modern hotel de ville, was the bureaucratic centre IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 183 of the city ; they are also to register on tlic walls of the building; in the hieron the names of all transs^rcssors whom they have punished. All through this law the hieri are referred to as the persons charged to con- duct the festival. But in order to insure prompt and concerted action, magistrates of the city arc to nominate for election an executive committee of ten, who are to be chosen from the same rank as the hieri, and who are to select the rhcibdophori and the mystagogues. This committee has power to convene an assembly of hieri on important matters which are to be decided by the vote of the majority. Minute as are the provisions of this law, the possibility of oversight and omission is not lost sight of in its concluding clause, which enacts that all such contingent defects are to be referred to a council called synedri, which appears to have served as a permanent board of control in reference to the management of the mysteries. This council is empowered to supplement any oversight in the law, but no such supplementary legislation is to be valid if it con- tain anything detrimental to the mysteries. This An- danian inscription is the longest and the most complete extant specimen of the laws relating to Greek ritual. It has been carefully edited and commented on by M. Sauppe, and subsequently by M. Foucart, to whom I am indebted for this abstract of it.^'^^ The date of the decree is fixed to the year 91 B.C. The mysteries to which it relates were held in honour of the Samothracian Kabiri, called in the text the Great Gods, and with their worship were associated Demeter, the tutelary deity of Messenia ; Apollo Karneios, in whose grove the mysteries were celebrated ; Hermes, whose statue bearing a ram on his 184 ESSAYS ON ARCRJEOWGt. [iv. shoulders was seen in this grove by Pausanias nearly three centuries after the date of the decree, and a local deity, Hngna, "the pure one," whose statue stood beside a fountain, and who was probably a local nymph, the personification of the fountain itself. These Andanian mysteries were, according to Pausanias, of remote antiquity, and, after having been interrupted by the Lacedaemonian conquest of Messenia, had been revived by Epaminondas when Messene was rebuilt. It would seem, however, by the evidence of this decree, that there had been a second suspension of the mysteries after the age of Epaminondas, probably due to the troublous times which followed. The decree which reiustitutes the festival was passed after the Romans had established a new order of things in the Peloponnese, and imposed on the cities of the Achaean League constitutions which transferred political power from the people to the richer classes. This timocratic bias is very evident in the decree. In the neighbouring territory of Arcadia was a temple dedicated to the Dioskouri, Demeter, and Persephone or Kore, where certain ceremonies called horagia were celebrated by a sacred college called the horagi. The members of this college undertook in turn the expense of celebrating the annual festival, but in one particular year no one could be found to fill this oftice. In this emergency a lady of illustrious birth, NikijDp^, the daughter of Pasias, came forward and voluntarily took upon herself this function. The decree passed in her honour acquaints us with some very curious details of the ceremonial. ^''^ First took place a procession and sacrifice in honour of the goddess Kore ; then came the sacred banquet ; after these preliminary ceremonies H'.] 0^ GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 185 came the mysteries in which there was a quasi-dramatic representation of the return of Persephone from Hades. The statue of the Goddess attired in a new veil was then carried through the city, and invited into the house of a mortal, who was supposed on this occasion to welcome and entertain the divine guest on her return from the nether region, after which the statue was taken back to the temple. On this occasion Nikippe was the hostess of the Goddess, and conducted the whole festival with a sumptuous magnificence and with an earnest zeal and piety which entitled her to the special honours granted in the decree. This seems to be the same Nikippe whose name Pausanias saw on the base of a statue of Aphrodite Symmachia at Mantinea which she had dedicated after the battle of Actium. The date of the decree is B.C. 61. If the same Nikippe erected the statue seen by Pausanias, she must have been living thirty years after she celebrated the koragia. It may be noted that the service she per- formed in reference to these mysteries is called in the inscription leitourgia, in the original sense of the word. The Greek liturgies were not, like our liturgy, set forms of religious worship mostly consisting of prayers, but public charges voluntarily undertaken by rich and aristocratic citizens, or imposed on them by law. I have given these two inscriptions as samples of the class to which they belong. Many other decrees relating to ritual are to be found in Bockh and later epigraphical collections, which in the Heortologie of August Mommsen, and in other recent works, have been skilfully combined with scattered notices in ancient authors, and especially with those in Hesychius and his fellow lexicographers. Since Meursius two centuries ago published his Grcecia 186 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. Fenata, great progress has been made in this branch of Archaiology, and as with the new light thrown by in- scriptions and other monuments we study Greek life in its festive aspect, we are struck more and more with the mixture of devout earnestness and genial sociability which is the characteristic of their religion in its best time. It was probably because their festivals had so strongly marked a religious character that they were so little marred, either by riot and disorder, or by morose asce- ticism. The remark of Froissart on the Eno-lish of the o fourteenth century that " ils s'amusent tristement " could never have been applied to the holiday of an ancient Greek. Their great festivals were arranged so as to minister to many tastes and sentiments ; the enjoyment was general, and shared not only by all grades of citizens, but by many aliens and strangers. But this was not all. In the conception of the Greeks, the tutelary Gods of the city were themselves present at the festival ; the altar at which victims were offered was, as it were, the high table at which the Gods dined ; the prime joints and choice dainties, which were practically the perquisites of the priests, were theoretically reserved for those divine guests whose portions their ministers ate vicariously ; and the sacred banquet provided for the mortal worshippers was but the sequel and echo of this divine entertainment. The strength of this belief w^ould perhaps in itself have been sufficient to prevent a festival from degenerating into an unseemly riot, but behind the religious sentiment lurked the terror of the law. Graven on the walls of the temple and on pillars in the sacred precinct was the stern rubric denouncing all brawlers and sacrilegious persons, and a police armed with special IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 187 230wers by the State was ever at hand to arrest ofTendcrs and punish them summarily, while graver cases of impiety were referred to a tribunal which, like the Inquisition, struck fearlessly and relentlessly, and sometimes chose for its victims the most conspicuous personages in the State. The religious festivals of the Greeks, with all their splendid pageantry of processions and sacrifices, have vanished from the living world, but we can form some idea of their effect on the eye by studying the frieze of the Parthenon, where we see represented the Panathenaic procession Avith its escort of cavalry, its long files of musicians, victims, and bearers of sacred vessels, its priests, magistrates, "and marshals, all moving onward towards the centre of the Eastern front, where groups of solemn seated figures typify the actual presence of the Attic deities at this great festival ; and if, with this beautiful sculptural composition before us, we turn to the vi^dd and graphic descriptions of religious proces- sions in two Greek romances, the Ephesiaca of Xenophon, and the vEthioj^ica of Heliodoros, Ave may picture to our- selves the gorgeous magnificence of such festivals cele- brated under an Eastern sky and in an ever-genial climate. But let us now turn from these ephemeral and evanescent manifestations of Greek piety to its more permanent memorials : I mean those inscriptions which record dedications to the gods or heroes. The objects so dedicated, called by the Greeks anatkemata, were very various in kind. Not only temples, but many other public buildings, were inscribed with a dedication to some deity, and this was the case too with the sacrificial vessels and other furniture of a temple. 1B8 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. The triumplis of war were commemorated by the dedication of armour and other trophies, and the victor in the public games showed his gratitude to the gods by consecrating to them sometimes the tripod or crown which he had won by his personal prowess, sometimes a statue of himself or of the horses whose lleetness had given him the prize in the race. On the other hand any one convicted of foul play in any of the agonistic contests at Olympia had to pay a heavy fine, and out of the pro- ceeds of those fines bronze statues were dedicated to the Olympian Zeus, with an inscription recording the name and transo-ression of the ofiender. The convalescent patient who had owed his cure to ^sculapius dedicated a model of the limb or part of the body which had re- quired medical treatment, the shipwrecked mariner hung up a picture of his escape from drowning in the temple of Poseidon. The evil-doer relieved his guilty conscience by an expiatory ofi"ering, which often took the form of a w^ork of art. While the critical incidents in the life of the individual furnished occasions and motives for dedi- cations, the articles which from long association had been endeared to the owner, such as garments or the imple- ments of a trade, were often finally consecrated in temples as relics worthy to be consigned to the sure custody of the Gods. In the epigrams of the Anthology we find many examples of such humble ofi"erings, and among the inscriptions from the Athenian Akropolis is a Ion or list of female o-arments dedicated to Artemis Brauronia. The objects thus hallowed were distinguished by inscriptions, sometimes placed on the objects them- selves, sometimes graven on their bases or written on labels, and these inscriptions contained, not only the IV.] ox GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 189 name of the dedicator and of the God to whom the offer- ing was made, but, in the case of works of art, the name of the scul^jtor or painter whose handiwork was thus consecrated. To these particulars was often added the motive or incident which led to the dedication. Thus it came to pass that in the course of ages an ancient temple became a Museum of Art and Archaeology, where, in the latter days of Paganism, the palaeographer might trace the progress of the art of writing from the earliest Kadmean specimens ; the historian of art might gather materials for the classification of sculptors and painters according to schools, and the cultivated tourist might gratify his curiosity by examining relics which local tradition attributed to the heroic age, or weapons and armour wrested from ''the flying Mede" at Marathon or Salamis ; even the progress of the industrial arts from century to century might be traced by examining minutely the implements and objects fashioned by the hand of man in a range of time which, in the case of some temples, may be calculated as not less than a thousand years. As these votive inscriptions or epigram- iimta multiplied in the course of ages, they became an object of interest to the polyhistoric students of the ancient world, and certain industrious Greek archae- ologists, such as Polemo and Philochoros, took the trouble to transcribe and publish collections of these epigrams, gathered from the ample stores of Athens, Delphi, and other celebrated cities. Some few, too, are preserved by Pausanias, whose account of the donaria at Olympia is the more precious, as its accuracy has been so strikingly confirmed by recent discoveries there ; for, though the statues and other works of art which he 190 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. describes have, it is to be feared, for the most part perished, tlie marble pedestals with their dedicatory inscriptions have been found in many cases not only intact, but in their original positions. Of this incal- culable wealth of votive epigrams the portion as yet rescued from the wreck of the ancient world would have ajipeared insignificant to Pausanias or to that Polemo whose indefatigable diligence earned him the title of Stelokopas ; but to us these few tahulce ex ncmfragio are much. If we have not the sabre of Mardonios taken at ]\Iarathon, or the silver-footed throne on which Xerxes sat at Salamis, both of which were once dedicated in the Akropolis at Athens, we may still see in the Hippodrome at Constantinople the bronze serpent dedicated at Delphi by the allied Greeks after the victory of Plataea. If again we have not the colossal bronze statue of Zeus, and the three linen breast-plates dedicated at Olympia by Gelon of Syracuse in gratitude for his victory over the Carthaginians B.C. 480, we have in the British Museum the helmet which once crowned the trophy offered to the Olympian Zeus by Hiero, the brother of Gelon, after defeating the Tyrrhenians B.C. 474. Time has also been pleased to spare us the dedication on marble of the temple of Athene Polias at Priene by Alexander the Great, and in the ruins of the Egyptian Kano23os was found a little gold plate which records the consecration of a temenos to Osiris by Ptolemy Euergetes the First and his queen Berenike.^^^ Scattered through Greece and Asia Minor are many votive inscriptions, which show how widespread was the influence of the Seleukidse, the Ptolemies, the kings of Pergamos, and other con- temporary dynasties — how greatly they contributed to IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 191 the embellishment of the Greek cities by noble archi- tecture ; and, with the same class of inscriptions as our guide, we may in many sites still trace out the changes which Roman despotism has wrought in the aspect of some of the most celebrated of the Greek cities. We tlius see how the imperial eediles of a conquered world made room for a growing population cand more extended traffic by sweeping away much that was beautiful and venerable, and constructing, in compensation, those bridges and aqueducts, those amphitheatres, gymnasia, and baths, on the shattered ruins of which the names of the emperors and proconsuls under whose direction they were built may still be read. If I were to enumerate here all the more remarkable dedicatory inscriptions which are extant, the list would be a very long one. I will only draw attention to a very few which may be taken as specimens of the several classes in which they may be arranged. Among the earliest discoveries which have resulted from the German excavations at Olympia was that of a beautiful torso of Victory in marble, on the base of which was inscribed the dedication of this statue to the Olympian Zeus by the Messenians and Naupaktians as a tenth from the spoil of their enemies. There is no doubt that this is the actual statue and dedication noticed by Pausanias, and it appears that in his time it was a matter of dispute who were the enemies over whom the triumph had been obtained. The Messenians themselves alleged that the particular victory to which the dedication had reference was that won from the Spartans at Sphakteria by the Athenians and Mes- senians conjointly, and that, to avoid giving offence to 192 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. such near and powerful neighbours as the Lacedae- monians, the wording of the inscription was purposely left vague by the authorities at Olympia. The third line of this dedication informs us that the sculptor of the Victory was Pseonios of Mende, and that he obtained the first prize for the ornaments on the pediments of the temple of Zeus. As Pseonios was a contemporary of Pheidias, the date of this dedication is fixed within narrow limits, and thus the Victory is one of the very few extant statues of which not only the age and school but the author is certainly known. Thucydides states that Peisistratos, the son of the tyrant Hippias and the grandson of his great namesake, filled the office of archon at Athens, and dedicated two altars. The inscription on one of these was afterwards erased by the Athenian people, but on the other altar, dedicated to Apollo Pythios, the inscription was c^uite legible in the time of Thucydides, who transcribes it in his text. It is equally legible to this day, the marble on which it was inscribed having been accidentally discovered in a courtyard near the Ilissos by Mr. Kumanudes in 1877.^°^ This dedication must have been made before the expulsion of Hippias, B.C. 510. Another curious memorial of a forgotten victory is the bronze spear- head dedicated at Olympia by the Methanians, an insignificant fraction of the Ionian race who remained in the peninsula of Epidauros after the Dorians had established their sway over that part of the Peloponnese. They too, in some unrecorded battle, must have obtained a victory over their powerful neighbours, for the spearhead bears the significant words, " From the Lacedaemonians. " ^°^ IV.] ON GEEEK INSCRIPTIONS. 193 In the British Museum arc two marble slabs brought by Lord Aberdeen in the early part of this century from Sklavo-khori near Amyklao in Lakonia. On both these are sculptured in relief various articles of female toilet, such as a pair of shoes, a hair-net, a mirror, combs, a shell for paint, and various little bottles for unguents. One of these slabs bears the name of a priestess, the other of a subordinate tirewoman attached to a temple. It seems probable that the objects dedicated in these two marbles represent the toilet of the priestess when she had to be attired in her sacred robes on solemn occasions. In connexion with the dedication of things to the Gods should be mentioned the dedication of persons. I have already noticed that form of enfranchisement by which a slave was dedicated to a God by his master. But there was another form of consecration or, we should rather say, of execration, by which the vengeance of one or more deities was invoked on an offender, and he was solemnly consigned to them for punishment in this world and the next. In order to make this curse more terrible and efficacious, it was drawn up in the form of a dedi- cation and engraved on marble or on metal tablets, and such written curses were hence called by the Romans devotiones, while both in the Eastern and Western Churches the name anathema, literally '' votive offering," is still applied to imprecations solemnly uttered by the priest. At Knidos, within a sacred precinct dedicated to Demeter, Persephone, Pluto, and other cognate deities, I found a number of leaden tablets on which were graven such devotiones. In these curious documents the j^erson against whom the curse was directed was always con- signed to the vengeance of the two Infernal Goddesses, 194 ESSAYS ON AKCH^OLOGT. [iv. Demeter and lier claugliter. " May lie or she never find Persepliono propitious ! " is the constantly recniTing formula, and in some cases the offender is duly con- demned to eternal torments, besides being excommuni- cated in this world. The most curious part of these documents is the statement of the offences which drew forth the anathema. The dedicators seem to be mostly ladies, who revenge themselves for various wrongs by doing their very best to send their enemy to the place " not named to ears polite." In the list of crimes specified is a curious jumble of larceny and felony. One lady denounces the person who has stolen her bracelet, or who has omitted to return her under-garments. Another has had her husband's affections stolen from her, and one much injured wife invokes curses on the person who accused her of having tried to poison her husband. The date of these tablets is probably about B.C. 150, and the careless spelling shows that they were engraved by a very ordinary scribe. Tacitus relates that, when Piso was accused of having poisoned Germanicus, the carmina and devotiones, " leaden tablets," which were found in his house were thought to confirm the suspicions entertained against him. The tablets discovered by me at Knidos are, as far as I know, the only ones which can be proved to have been found on the sites of temples : three have been discovered in tombs. We see a slightly different form of imprecation on a bronze plate found in Southern Italy.^'"' In this three gold coins, which had been stolen, are dedicated to the priestesses of Juno Lacinia, on whom would thus devolve the duty of recovering them from the thief How far these im- TV.] ON GEEEK INSCRIPTIONS. 195 precations had a salutary effect in reclaiming sinners and inducing them to offer atonement to offended parties is a question as to which the only evidence I can adduce is a curious dedication to a lunar deity of Asia Minor, Men Aziottenos, which declares how one Ai'temidoros, having been reviled by Hermogenes and Nitonis, denounced them in a votive tablet {pittahion) , and how Her- mogenes, having been punished by the god, had made a propitiatory offering and had amended his ways.^*'^ These ancient devotiones present a close analogy with the ' written spells which so powerfully affected the mediaeval mind, and of which the influence still lingers in Oriental countries. The protection which, as we have seen, was enjoyed by slaves by being dedicated to a god was extended to those animals which were consecrated to particular deities. Thus at Apollonia in Illyria, as Herodotos tells us, was a flock of sheep dedicated to the god Helios, and per- petually guarded by a priest chosen from among the most distinguished citizens. At Kyzikos heifers were reared in sacred lands in honour of Persephone.^"^ In an inscription found at Smyrna and recently published by the Greek Evangelical School at that place, the fish dedicated to some Goddess not named, and which are kept in a stew {iclithyotropliion) within her sacred precinct, are declared to be under her special protection. If one of these fish should haply die, it is to be immediately offered on the altar, but if any sacrilegious poacher should attempt to steal one of these sacred proUges, he is threatened, not with "man traps and spring guns," like the British poacher of a past gene- ration, but with the terrible imprecation, " May he be 2 196 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGy. [iv. devoured by fishes himself ! " The Goddess will, on the other hand, not forget to reward her faithful water bailiifs.^^'^ I have now arrived at the last division of my subject, the inscriptions relating to the dead, in which may be included not only epitaphs, but inscriptions which refer to funeral rites and places of sepulture. At lulls, in the island of Keos, has been recently found a sumptuary law reo'ulatino- the cost of funerals. It ordains that the dead are to be buried in three or fewer white garments, the total cost of which is not to exceed 100 drachmae, £4. They are to be carried on a bier. Not more than three of the measures called clioes of wine and one of oil are to be taken to the tomb. The vessels containing them are to be taken away. The dead are to be carried in silence and covered up. A victim is to be slain at the funeral according to the ancient rite. The bier and coverings of the dead are then to be taken back to the house of mourn- ing, which on the following day is to be sprinkled with branches of laurel to purify it from the pollution of the corpse. After the purification incense is to be burnt. In the return from the funeral the women are to walk before the men. The funeral banquet on the thirtieth day after the interment, so usual among the Greeks, is forbidden by this law. Before the purification no woman is to enter the house of mourning except those near of kin, who have already incurred pollution. ^^'^ It is interesting to compare this law with that of Solon relating to the same subject, the fragments of which have been collected from Demosthenes and other ancient authors. Both laws had the same object, the restricting unnecessary outlay and IV.] ON GKEEK INSCEIPTIONS. 19? extravagant display of grief at funerals ; and Kolilcr, the editor of this inscription, infers from the character of its enactments, and of the language in which they are drawn up, that it is the transcript of a law passed in the latter half of the fifth century B.C. Very full directions as to mourning are to be found in a law of the city of Gam- brion in Mysia. The mourning garments for the women must be dusky, the men have the option of wearing this colour or white. In the fourth month after the funeral the men are to cease mourning, and the women one month later, when they have to join in certain j)rocessions and purifications ordained by law. The strict observance of these regulations is to be enforced by the gynaikoiiomos, an officer whose functions I have already explained in my notice of the Andania inscription. He is ordered to punish all transgressors by excluding them for ten years from all sacrifices to the gods, while he is to invoke a blessing on those who are obedient. ^^^ The inscriptions on sepulchral monuments comprise not only epitaphs, but also those public notices which in the latter days of paganism were affixed to places of burial by their owners, in assertion of their freehold right, and to scare away the sacrilegious tomb-robber. These notices do not occur before the Koman period, but epitaphs were probably inscribed on sepulchral monu- ments almost as soon as the Phoenician alphabet was adopted by the Greeks. Probably the oldest extant sepulchral inscriptions are those in the island of Thera (Santorin), which contain merely the name of the deceased graven on the rocks in characters thought by Kirchhoff to be not later than Olymp. 40 (b.o. 620), and which L. Ross ascribed to an even higher antiquity. ^^^ 198 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [iv. Next iu date to these TlieraDan inscriptions may be placed the few specimens from Athens and -(^gina, of which facsimiles are given in Kirchhofif (Corpus, Parti.). These early epitaphs are very brief, containing little more than the name of the deceased and of his father. Some- times they are metrical, and the form of metre preferred is an elegiac distich. It was in the composition of these distichs that Simonides was so celebrated. His epitaph on those who fell at Thermopylae, " Stranger, tell Lacedaemou that we lie here in obedience to her laws," will be forgotten only when the memory of Thermopylae itself shall have passed away. The brevity and simplicity of these early epitaphs are quite in harmony with the law by which Solon enacted that no sepulchral monument should be permitted at Athens which could not be com- pleted by ten men in the course of three days, and with the rule proposed by Plato in his ideal laws, that the width of sepulchral marbles should not exceed the space required for four hexameter verses. After the Persian war we have some interesting Attic inscriptions, commemorating those Athenians and allies who fell in certain battles. The earliest of these relates to the expedition against Thasos, B.C. 465-464, when 10,000 colonists were killed by the Thracians at Drabeskos. Next in date is the epitaph of those who fell in Egypt, Cyprus, and other places in the years B.O. 461-460. In the battle of Potidaea, B.C. 432, one hundred and fifty Athenian citizens were slain. The names, once inscribed on their monument, have perished, but the lower part of the epitaph, containing twelve elegiac verses in their honour, is preserved in the British Museum. We should have been thankful if time had iv.J ON GEEEK INSCRIPTIONS. 199 also spared ns the epitaphs of some of the heroes of the Peloponnesian war, such as Periklcs or Brasidas. It is singular that auiong the many Greek epitaphs extant on marble, there is hardly one which can be attributed to any personage of historical note during the period of Hellenic independence, and yet the gratitude of the Greek republics, shown so strikingly in their decrees in honour of the living, could hardly have ignored the illustrious dead.^^^ The number of sepulchral inscriptions which have been discovered in Attica was nearly four thousand when Kumanudes published his collection of them in 1871, and is much larger now. The greater part of these are epitaphs containing merely names with the patronymic and tribe subjoined. One or two, however, deserve mention from their historical interest. On the monument of Dexileos, discovered some years ago in the Agia Triada, is repre- sented in relief a mounted warrior spearing a prostrate foe. Underneath is the epitaph, which informs us that Dexileos was born in the archonship of Tisandros, and that he fell in the battle of Corinth with four companions in arms, all in the Athenian cavalry. This battle took place B.C. 394, and from the special manner in which the epitaph refers to these five Athenians as "the five horsemen," it may be inferred that on this occasion they distinguished themselves among the Athenian cavalry by some signal prowess of which history makes no mention. This inscription has a special value, because it enables us to fix the date of an example of Athenian sculj)ture almost to a year, and it is also interesting because the mention of the archons gives the age of the person commemorated at the time of death. Though in the Roman period the 200 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [iv. age of the deceased is frequently stated in the epitaph, I am not aware that such an addition occurs in any other sepulchral inscription of so early a period as the monu- ment of Dexileos. Another warrior whose fame is only known to us by his epitapli is one Pythion of Megara, who, in some war which we cannot identify, -rescued three Athenian tribes, and with his own hand slew seven of the enemy."* The rarity of epitaphs of historical interest which can be referred to the republican period may be partly explained by the fact that the Greek sepulchral steU with its long slender shaft was very liable to be over- thrown and broken, while, on the other hand, its form was very well adapted for the masonry of military defences hastily built in time of war. This was the case at Athens when, under the direction of Themistokles, the city was fortified in great haste, and, as Thucydides states, many of the foundation-stones were stelcB taken from tombs. As wealth and luxury increased, and republican simplicity decayed, sepulchral monuments on a much larger scale became the fashion, and took the form of a small distyle temple, heroon, such as we see in the vase pictures after Alexander the Great's time. This tendency to erect more sumptuous sepulchral monu- ments was further developed after Roman luxury had invaded the Greek world, and, as the ground available for sepulture diminished in area, there must have been often the temptation to clear away the tombstones of former generations in order to make room for the last dwelling-place of some powerful and aristocratic family. If, as early as the time of Cicero, the tomb of so illustrious a philosopher as Archimedes had, as he tells, IV.] ON GEEEK INSCRIPTIONS. 201 been so completely forgotten by the Syracusans tbat lie bad some difficulty in discovering it in the brushwood with which it was overgrown, how much more must this have been the case with the obscurer herd of Greek dead. Hence the inscriptions on the tombs of the Roman period are constantly asserting the freehold rights of the family to whom the tomb belongs. To give greater emphasis to the assertion of ownership in these inscriptions, reference is often made to title- deeds registered in the archives of the city. The curses invoked on those who disturb or deface places of sepulture are of the most terrible kind. In an Athenian inscription,"^ the tomb is committed to the custody of Pluto, Demeter, Persephone, the Furies, and the rest of the infernal deities. ''For the violator of the tomb may the sea never be navigable nor the land traversable ! May he perish with all his race ! May he have tertian and quartan ague and every other calamity 1 " In an inscription from Aphrodisias in Karia,"'' the heirs of the deceased are appointed the guardians of his tomb, but, if they fail in this duty, their inheritance is to be forfeited to the goddess Aphrodite, the wardens of whose temple, neopoiai, are bound to prosecute any one violating the tomb. In another inscription"^ from the same city the tomb- robber is not only to be cursed in life and deprived of a burial-place after death, but he is to pay a fine of 5000 drachmae, £200, towards the adornment of the goddess Aphrodite, and the senate is charged with the duty of prosecuting, because the deceased has given them a large sum in trust on this very condition. A number of sepulchral inscriptions of 202 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv, the same character from Aplirodisias will be found iu Bockh's Corpus. It is curious to observe how carefully the builder of one of these large family vaults provided against all future domestic disputes by assigning the " berths " in the sepulchral chamber severally to the respective next of kin ; the freedmen and even the house slaves, thremmata, were sometimes admitted to this worshipful family-gathering after their death. Even at this distance of time it is touchinor to read in a O Smymaean inscription now at Oxford/^^ how Amilla, the wife of Asklepiades, provides room for her slaves in her tomb because they have co-operated in building it, and how the middle berth is reserved for the old man Hymnos, ''because he gave his labour without pay." I have already shown, in noticing the inscription called the will of Epikteta, how additional sanctity was given to a tomb by dedicating a precinct round it to some deity. In the temenos near Eome, which the cele- brated rhetorician Herodes Atticus dedicated to his wife HegiUa in the second century a. d., we have an analogous combination. We learn from a comparison of several extant inscriptions that the body of Regilla was buried in Attica in a stately tomb, but that, at the third mile- stone on the Appian Way, on land which had belonged to Eegilla, Herodes consecrated a temenos to Demeter, Athene, and Nemesis, which he called Triopion, in allusion to the Knidian cult of the Chthonian deities. Within this temenos was a temple dedicated to Demeter, with whom is associated one of the two empresses who bear the name of Faustina, and whom Herodes, in the adulatory language of his age, styles in his dedicatory inscription '' the new Demeter ; " and in IV.] ON GREEK IKSCRIPTIONS. 203 the same sacred edifice was a statue of Regilla, whose shade, as the dedication informs us, " dwells among the heroines in the islands of the blest." No one is to be buried within this hallowed ground except lineal de- scendants of Herodes. The inscriptions from this temenos consist of two lonsj dedications in hexameter verse, and two notices on columns, which were found at the third milestone on the Appian Way, at or near the actual site of the temenos, and which must have marked its entrance. The notices on these columns declare them to be dedi- cated to Demeter, Persephone, and the other Chthonian deities, and threaten all who violate the sacred precinct with divine vengeance. With the pedantic affectation of antiquity which was characteristic of his time, Herodes had the inscriptions on the columns graven in characters which may be called pseudo-archaic, and which could only have been legible to the learned in his day. We learn from Philostratos that on his wife's death Herodes covered the pictures in his house with black hangings or dark Lesbian marble, and that the extravagance of his sorrow was such that it provoked sarcastic remarks from his friends. Similar remonstrances on his ostentatious mourning were addressed to him on the erection of so many statues in Attica to his foster sons, whose names and virtues, how- ever, he has thus succeeded in handing down to modern times, for the inscriptions on several of these statues are extant. These figures appear to have been erected in the spots frecjuented by these young men for the chase. "^ The number of extant epitaphs of the Eoman period is, as might be expected, very large in proportion to what has survived from the previous centuries of Hellenic civi- lisation, and the greater part of these later sepulchral 204 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. tiv. inscriptions has been contributed by the populous cities of Asia Minor, and by Rome itself. AVhen we compare these epitaphs of the Imperial period with those of the age of Perikles, we miss the austere republican simplicity which thought the ordinary citizen sufficiently commemorated after death by the bare record of his name, patronymic, and deme on his tombstone, unless in the case of those who, havino- died fis^htinoj for their country, had earned the honour of a public funeral and a common epitaph by the Simonides of the day. There is in these early inscriptions hardly a word of sympathy for the mourners who survive, and but scant information as to the profession and character of the deceased, his social position, or his hopes or views as to the future world ; nor do we find the expression of that pride of race which in the later inscriptions glories in reference to distinguished ancestors. It is true that the epitaph on Archedike, daughter of Hippias, cited by Thucydides, tells us that she was the daughter, wife, and sister of tyranni ; but this statement only serves to point the epigrammatic turn of the closing lines, which declare that, notwithstanding these illustrious kinsmen, she was never elevated to undue pride. Very different is the tone of the later inscriptions. Already in the early part of the third century B.C. that acute observer, Theophrastos, notes it as a characteristic of the overbusy and fussy man, that, when a married woman dies, he inscribes on her tomb- stone not only her own name, but that of her husband, father, and mother, announcing to the world that all these were " worthy persons." This sort of domestic informa- tion, which to the sarcastic mind of Theophrastos seemed ridiculous, is a very common feature of the sepulchral IV.] ON GREEK mSCRIPTIONS. 205 inscriptions of the Koman period, and both in the praises bestowed on the deceased, and in the allusions to the grief of those who have to bemoan their loss, there is a constant tendency to hyperbole. The terse language of the ancient Simonidean epitaph was not compatible with these rhetorical compositions, and in its place we find a verbose and pompous jargon, full of afiected archaism and frigid conventionality. This is particularly the case with the metrical epitaphs, the best of which have been published in the Greek Anthology of Jacobs, and by Welcker in his Sylloge. One of the most elegant is an epitaph from Kyrene,^^° but generally they are inferior in terseness and pathos to the contemporary epitaphs in Latin, which, even under the Empire, seem the utterance of a truer and nobler domestic life ; indeed, in those few Greek epitaphs which are characterised by tenderness and depth of feeling, the persons to whom the inscription relates are generally Eoman, though the language is Greek. I would here draw attention to the inscriptions on the tomb of Atilia Pomptilla, which comprise several distinct epitaphs written some in Greek and some in Latin. ^-^ These in- scriptions tell us how Cassius Philippus, the husband of Atilia Pomptilla, after being banished to Sardinia by some emperor, was seized with a mortal illness. To save her husband, his wife Pomptilla, like another Alkestis, ofiered up her life to the gods. Her prayer was heard, and she redeemed Cassius Philippus from death at the cost of her own life. The date of these inscriptions is not ascertained ; the spirit of the Augustan age still lingers in them, and they are probably not later than the first century a.d. They remind us, longo intervallo, 206 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [iv. of the exquisite elegy in which Propertius makes Cornelia address her husband, jEmilius Paulus, from the tomb. In the earlier Greek epitaphs there is seldom refer- ence to a future life, but during the Roman Empire, when men were more prone to speculate on the future condition and destiny of the soul, we may trace the influence of different schools of thought in the epitaphs. Sometimes the dead, speaking in their own person, declare that theirs is the portion of the blessed, that they dwell in the shady bowers of the pious. Sometimes with a mocking irony the epitaph reminds the living that all things in this world are nought, that ''dust we are and unto dust shall we return," and that the best plan is " to eat, drink, and be merry." Thus, a certain M. Antonius Eucolpus informs the passer-by that "there is no Charon's boat, no Jilacus, the holder of the key, no Cerberus. We, the dead, are only bones and ashes ; waste no precious unguents or wreaths on our tomb, for it is only marble ; kindle no funeral pyre, for it is useless extravagance. If you have anything to give, give it while I am alive, but, if you steep ashes in wine, you only make mud, for the dead man does not drink." " I was not and was born, I am not and grieve not," is the laconic summary of an Epicurean graven on his tomb.^^^ In a Corcyrean inscription^^^ we have a curious contrast in the epitaphs of a husband and wife. The husband, one Euodos, died first, and left a parting recommendation to all future generations to let both body and soul enjoy the good things of this life as far as possible, for " when, after the spirit has left the body, it goes down to the waters of Leth^ in the nether world, it will behold nothing again IV.] ON GREEK mSCRIPTIONS. 207 of the upper world." The widow of this Epicurean, on the contrary, declares in the most positive manner that her soul is dwelling in heaven, while her body rests on earth. Reference to a future day of judgment is very rare, and the nether world of Hades is but sparingly alluded to. As every one was free to use his own land as a burial-place, there seems to have been no authority such as controls and reofulates the lans:uas;e and doctrine of sepulchral inscriptions in our modern cemeteries. The vast and motley throng of strangers which frequented imperial Rome for several centuries comprised personages and adventurers of every rank and nationality. Teachers of rhetoric, poets and philosophers, musicians, actors, mountebanks were for ever flocking from their native provinces to the imperial city, drawn thither by the craving for fame or gain, and at the court of the Masters of the World were never wanting dethroned princes and their heirs, praying to be reinstated in their dominions, detained as hostages, or kept in tutelage ; to these we must add envoys from foreign potentates and emissaries, secret or avowed, from the cities and great corpora- tions of the provinces. When we look over the long list of Greek sepulchral inscriptions found at Rome, we recognise amid the rank and file buried there many who in their day seem to have attained ephemeral celebrity in some science or art, and here and there we come upon a royal name, such as that of Artabazdes, son of Ariobarzanes, king of the Medes, and Abgarus, son of a king of Edessa of the same name, who died a.d. 217. We find, too, from an inscription, that Aurelius Pacorus, king of Armenia, who reigned probably a.d. 150, bought a sarcophagus in which to bury his brother Aurelius 208 ESSAYS ON AECHiEOLOGY. [iv. Meritliates, then resident at Rome. Perhaps this very sarcophagus may some day turn up in the scavi on the Via Latina.^'^ Honouring the dead in antiquity was not confined to human beings ; even fovourite animals were not thought unworthy of a sepulchral monument. At Agrigentum the horses who had gained victories in Olympic races were buried with due honour, and among the Roman epitaphs^"^ is one which records the many triumphs in the course won by such a steed. Theophrastos, in the well-known work which I have already quoted, notes it as one of the characteristics of an ostentatious trifler that he erects monuments to his canine i)ets, and that such a practice was not unknown in later times is proved by the epitaph on a dog who died at Rome.^^*^ But it is time to bring to a close this "talk of graves, of worms, of epitaphs." The sepulchral inscrip- tions which I have noticed may be regarded as the voice of the dead speaking to the passer-by for all future time. I will conclude with an inscription which we may suppose the deceased to have taken with him to the tomb for his own instruction and recreation there. At Petilia in Southern Italy was found a small plate of very thin gold, on which are engraved eleven Greek hexameterSj containing, as it would seem, directions for the guidance of the departed spirit on its descent to Hades. ^^' " You will find," says this legend, " on the left of the dwellings of Hades, a fountain, and growing by it a white cypress tree. Approach not too near this foun- tain. You will find another source of cold water flowing from the lake of Memory, and guardians stand in front IV.] ON GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 209 of it. Say to them : ' You are the son of earth and of the starry heaven, but I am of the heavenly race, as ye too know ; but I am parched with thirst and am perishing. Give quickly the cold water which flows from the lake of Memory/ and they will give the water, and then you will reign with the heroes." This plate, still preserved in the British Museum, was originally a roll kept in a gold cylindrical case, which was doubtless suspended round the neck as an amulet. To this day the Turkish peasants cherish as amulets rolls on which are written verses from the Koran, and which are preserved in cylindrical cases made, not of gold, but of humbler tin. DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS.* More than twenty-two centuries ago, in the year 356 before the Christian era, two remarkable events are recorded to liave taken place on the same night. The queen of Philip of Macedon gave birth to a son destined to be the conqueror of the East, and the Temple of the Ephesian Artemis was burnt by Herostratos. The Ephesian people were not long in repairing this great calamity, and the new temple which they erected far surpassed its predecessor in magnificence. It was this later temple which, when St. Paul visited Ephesos, ranked among the Seven Wonders of the ancient world, and of which the site, long sought for by travellers, was found by Mr. Wood in 1873. Before noticing the series of remarkable discoveries narrated in his book, it may be well to give some account of the earlier temples of the Ephesian Artemis, and of the city with which her world-famous worship was associated through so many centuries. The first event in the history of Ephesos which has any claim to be historical is the establishment there of a colony from Greece, under the leadership of Androklos, son of the Attic King Kodros. This event, which is said * "Discoveries at Ephesos," by J. T. Wood, F.S.A., "Edin- burgh Eeview," January, 187G. v.] DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS. 211 to have taken place B.C. 1044, is presented to us in that legendary garb in which the naked facts of Greek tradition were so constantly clothed before the beginning of regular history. Androklos, says the local legend, as Athensgus gives it, landed with his band of adventurers at a particular spot on the Ionian coast, to which they were directed by an oracle. Here, some fishermen having lit a fire to broil their fish near a fountain, startled a boar out of the brushwood, which was chased over the rocky ground near the shore, and killed by Androklos. This incident is commemorated on the coins of Ephesos, as late as the second century of our era, on which Androklos, with the title of Ktistes, " Founder," is represented slaying the'boar. In the time of the Antonines, the tomb of this hero was still to be seen at Ephesos, on the road leading from the Magnesian Gate to the Temple of Artemis. ^"^ Notwithstanding the legendary character of this story, there seems to be no just ground for rejecting the main fact which it embodies, that a band of settlers from Attica established themselves at Ephesos, some- where about the middle of the eleventh century B.C., when the Ionian immigration took place along the west coast of Asia Minor. But even at this very remote period, if w^e are to believe Pausanias, the worship of Artemis had been established at Ephesos from time immemorial, and this tradition is mixed up with the story of that mysterious product of Asiatic myth, the Amazons, who are said to have been the first attendants of the goddess, and whose reputed descendants in after time dwelt round her temple, blended with a population of Lydians and Leleges. These aboriginal races Andro- p 2 212 ESSAYS ON AKCH^OLOGY. [v. klos gradually drove before liim, so as to secure for liis colony a strong mountainous position called Koressos, and the command of a harbour communicating with the sea through the channel of the Kaystros. Then, by an arrangement very common in the early Greek colonies, there grew up side by side two communities, one com- posed of natives, who dwelt round the Temple of Artemis, the other of Greek new comers ; and at Ephesos, as at Halikarnassos and elsewhere on the Ionian coast, a friendly understanding was after a time established between these two populations. On reference to Mr. Wood's map we can easily recognise the site which must have been occupied by Androklos. It must have extended over the mountain formerly called Peion or Prion, but which JMr. Wood, for reasons which we shall have to explain, calls Koressos. The sacred harbour and the fountain Hypelaios, both of which figure in the legend of Androklos, must have been somewhere on the lower ground, at the foot of the mountain ridge which bounds Ephesos to the south, and which is called Prion by Mr. Wood. The native popula- tion must have dwelt in the plain round the Temple of Artemis, and probably fortified the hill on which the Byzantine Castle of Ayasoluk now stands. The goddess whose worship Androklos found so long established at Ephesos received the name of Artemis from the Greeks, from the resemblance which they dis- covered between her attributes and rites and those of the Huntress, daughter of Latona, whom they themselves worshipped. But the distinction between the Asiatic and Hellenic deity was never lost sight of in Greek art and literature. The Ephesian Artemis, whose original v.] DISCOVEKIES AT EPHESOS. 213 name is said to have been Upis, was one of several deities in Asia Minor, whose worship the Greek settlers found much too firmly established to l^e rooted out, and whom they therefore adopted into their own system of mytho- logy. Such were the Hera of Samos, the Zeus of Labranda, the Artemis Leukophryne of ]\Iagnesia, and the Artemis of Perga. The types of these primitive deities are barbaric and un-Hellenic. Most of them we know only from representations on coins struck by Asiatic cities under the Roman Empire ; but the type of the Ephesian Artemis, from the world-wide celebrity of her worship, has come down to us in several statues of the Roman period, all probably derived from the idol so long and profoundly venerated at Ephesos.^-^ The goddess in these Roman replicas is represented as a female figure, the body a mere trunk lessening to the base vdth. feet placed close together, as if copied from a mummy. On her chest are several parallel rows of pendulous breasts, whence she was called Polymammia ; below are various symbols, such as bees, flowers, fruit, rows of projecting heads of bulls and gryphons and other animals ; on her arms, which are supported on each side by an oblique strut or stick, are lions crawling upwards. How far these strange symbols are part of the original type, or which of them may have been additions due to the Pantheistic tendency of Paganism under the Roman Empire, we have no means of deter- mining ; nor do we know much as to the import of these s}Tnbols, though volumes of erudition have been written in the hope of explaining them ever since the revival of learnins;. The statement of St. Jerome that the Artemis of Ephesos, whom he carefully distinguishes 214 ESSAYS OX ARCHEOLOGY. [v. from the Greek Huntress, is the mother of all animal life, and that therefore her type was Polymammia, is probably well founded. The modius, or corn measure, which she wears on her head, is certainly an attribute of Chthonian or telluric deities, and so perhaps may be the flowers, fruit, and bees ; the disk or polos round the head, the signs of the zodiac on the breast, the gryphons, and the lions seem rather to embody a lunar myth. The symbol of the bees must be viewed in connection with the fact that the priestesses of the Ephesian Artemis were called Melissce, and certain of her priests Essenes, the name given by the Greeks to what, in ignorance of natui'al history, they called the king-bee. Curtius thinks that the worship of Artemis may have been founded at Ephesos by the Karians and the Phoenicians, to whom the abundance of springs here may have suggested the dedication of a shrine to the great goddess of nature, who makes the earth fertile by humidity. ^^*^ After the death of the founder Androklos, his sons were expelled from power by an antimonarchical move- ment, and the Ionian colony was strengthened by the importation of new^ settlers from Teos and Karene. The original division into three tribes was enlarged, and the boundaries of the city extended, spreading from Koressos to Peion.^^^ Some time in the seventh century B.C. a great host of Kimmerian invaders swept like locusts over Asia Minor, advancing as far as the west coast. The Ephesian Kallinos, one of the earliest elegiac poets of Ionia, tried in vain at this crisis to awaken by his verse the martial ardour of his fellow-citizens. The Kimmerians encamped in the plain traversed by the Kaystros, and partially burnt the Temple of Artemis, the v.] DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS. 215 plunder of which, however, is said to have been averted by the special intervention of the goddess. It is about this time that the history of Ephesos begins to be connected with the neighbouring kingdom of Lydia, then ruled by the dynasty which Gyges founded about B.C. 715-690. The tendency of this dynasty in the successive reigns of Ardys, Sadyattes, and Alyattes was to advance westward so as to menace the independence of the flourishing Ionic settlements. Sadyattes and Alyattes several times invaded the territory of Miletos, and the final subjugation of the Ionian cities was accomplished by their successor Crcesus, whose wealth, derived from the gold of the Paktolos, has become a proverb for all time. Ephesos contrived to make better terms with the conqueror than any other Ionian city. Its position on the coast made it the natural port of Sardes, and it was probably to strengthen commercial relations that Alyattes married his daughter to the Ephesian Melas, who was probably at that time the ruler of his native city. The issue of this marriage was a son called Pindaros, whom, in the reign of Croesus, we find described as a tyrannos, reigning in his father's stead in Ephesos. In the course of his invasion of Ionia, Croesus laid siege to Ephesos, and then it was that Pindaros is said to have saved the city over which he ruled by a singular device. He attached a rope from the Temple of Artemis to the city wall, from which it was distant nearly a mile. After this Croesus allowed the Ephesians to capitulate on honourable terms. The evident meaning of this curious story is that this was a solemn form of dedication by which the Ionian colony was placed under the protection of the Asiatic goddess, 216 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v. and such an act seems to have brought about a closer amalgamation between the Greek city in Koressos and the native community dwelling round the temple. More than one reason may have combined to induce Croesus to grant such favourable terms to the Ephesians. He is said to have raised money in the time of his father by means of a rich Ephesian merchant, and he may have thought that his commercial relations would be most securely developed liy favouring one Ionian city at the expense of the rest. Again, the Ephesian Artemis, as an Asiatic deity, was to him an object of special reverence ; and hence the protection of the goddess, which Pindaros invoked for the city by the solemn act of dedication, would not be without its influence on the conqueror.^^^ Herodotos states that some time during his reign, Croesus dedicated most of the columns in the Temple of Artemis, and also some golden bulls. We know therefore that it must have been in course of construction between b.o. 560 and 546. The date of its commencement is approximately fixed by the fact that it was Theodoros, the celebrated architect and sculptor of Samos, who recommended the laying the foundations on fleeces of wool and charcoal, because the site was marshy. The date of Theodoros is a matter of dispute, but he probably lived not earlier than B.C. 600 (see cmte, p. 75). The sixth century before the Christian era was a teeming age when Greek commerce and navigation were being largely developed, and much of the wealth thus suddenly accumulated was employed in building temples and in costly dedications. It was then that solid and sumptuous edifices built of marble and stone were sub- v.] DISCOYEEIES AT EPHESOS. 217 situted for tlie wooden structures of the earlier genera- tions, or for the rude altar and time-hallowed idol, sometimes preserved in a hollow tree. The Heraion at Samos, the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the Arte- mision at Ephesos were all begun between B.C. 600 and 500 ; and early in this century, according to Pliny, two Kretan artists had already attained eminence as sculptors in marble. The first architect of the Ephesian temple was Chersiphron, and it was continued by his son Metagenes, who is said by Vitruvius to have made an ingenious contrivance for transporting the huge architrave stones from the quarry to the temple. After these great blocks had been rough-hewn into beams, a wheel was so fixed to either end that the whole mass with each revolution of the wheels moved forward, clear of the ground. The architrave stones were then lowered into their place on the building by means of paniers of sand placed under them. As the sand ran out, the gradual collapse of the paniers gently lowered the stones on their beds. One block, however, which formed the architrave over the principal doorway, was too unwieldy for the mechanical ingenuity of the architect. In the vexation and perj)lexity of his spirit he fell into a state of desperation till the Groddess appeared to him in a nightly vision, and said : " Be of good cheer, for I myself will see to the placing of the architrave ; " and in the morning, behold, the great refractory mass had, proprio motu, subsided with the utmost nicety into its ap- pointed place. This temple, according to Pliny, took a hundred and twenty years to build, and was finished on an enlarged plan by Pseonios, the architect of the Temple of Apollo at Branchidse, and Demetrios. All 218 ESSAYS OX AKCHJSOLOGY. [v. tlie Ionian cities are said to have contributed to the building of tlie Artemision, which Brunn supposes to have been completed about 4G0 b.c.^^^ The long delay- in finishing it is accounted for, when we consider the momentous revolutions which troubled Asia Minor in the space of time between its founding and completion. In that interval took place the destruction of the Lydian monarchy and the subjugation of Ionia by Cyrus, the revolt of the lonians under Darius Hystaspes, the in- vasion of Greece by Xerxes, and the maritime ascendency of Athens, which was its result, and through which most of the cities of Ionia were finally reduced to a state of vassalage. On reference to the record of tribute lists in Attic inscriptions, we find the Ephesians paying tribute to Athens about the time when their temple was completed. ^^ This dependence lasted tiU the great Athenian disaster in Sicily, after which Ephesos sided with the enemies of Athens. The sympathies of the city had been more wdth Persia than with Greece ever since the time of Darius Hystaspes. After the taking of Miletos Ephesos became the chief port on the west coast of Asia Minor ; it was to the Ephesians that Xerxes entrusted his children during his expedition to Greece ; and the Artemision was the only temple in Ionia which he did not plunder and destroy, probably because it was dedicated to an Asiatic goddess. Thus again, when the Athenians invaded Ephesos in the latter part of the Peloponnesian War the Persian satrap Tissaphernes made a sumptuous sacrifice at the Temple of Artemis, and levied an army in her defence against the Greek invaders. Ephesos continued to yield more and more to Asiatic v.] DISCOYERIES AT EPHESOS. 219 influence till Lysander, and afterwards Agesilaos, made it the headquarters of their armies, and revived Hellenic spirit in the city. After this the struggle was not between Persian and Greek influence, but between the oligarchical party ruling by the aid of Sptarta, and the democratic party who invited the interference of Philip of Macedon. These parties contended with varying fortune till the invasion of Alexander put an end to the struo^gle. AVe have now brought the history of Ephesos down to the period of the burning of the temple by Herostratos, B.C. 356. The building of the new temple was probably commenced immediately after this catas- trophe. Some money was raised by the sale of the columns of the old temple and by the voluntary con- tributions of Ephesian ladies, who even sold their jewels for this holy purpose. Many of the columns of the new temple were the gift of kings. When Alexander the Great passed through Ephesos after his victory at the Granikos, he re-established the democracy, and after assigning to Artemis the tribute previously paid to the Persian king, tried to conciliate the goddess with a great sacrifice which was accompanied by a procession of his whole army in battle-array. It was probably on this occasion that he ofiered to defray the entire expenses of rebuilding the temple, provided the Ephesians would allow him to inscribe his name on it as dedicator. The priests, who probably still secretly favoured the cause of the Persian king, declined this munificent ofler, replying with an adroit cunning, that it was not meet for a God to make dedi- cations to the Gods. No such scruples occurred to the 220 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v. priests of Athene Polias at Prieue. On the walls of that temple Alexander set his name as dedicator, probably immediately after his visit to Ephesos. The block of marble on which this is engraved may be seen in the Mausoleum Eoom at the British Museum. The bold clear letters are fresh as the day they were cut."^ Deinokrates, to whom Alexander entrusted the build- ing of his new city Alexandria, was also the architect of the new temple at Ephesos, and one of the columns was sculptured by Skopas, one of the four artists employed on the Mausoleum. How long the new Artemision took to build is not recorded, but, if Pliny's statement that the roof, which was of cedar, was 400 years old when he wrote his "Historia Naturalis," ^^° about a.d. 11, is to be taken literally, the temple must have been finished about B.C. 323. It was probably on its completion that the celebrated picture w^as dedicated, in which Apelles painted Alexander the Great holding a thunderbolt in his hand. The sum which the painter is said to have received from the king for this picture is of fabulous amount. After the death of Alexander the Greek cities in Asia Minor were- the bone of contention among his successors. Above all they coveted the possession of Ephesos ; the security of its harbour, only to be ap- proached from the sea by a long narrow canal full of shoals at the entrance ; its central position on the west coast of Asia Minor, so convenient either for fitting out naval expeditions, or for the defence of Ionia ; its great trade and accumulated wealth, ill-guarded by a popu- lation too prone to luxury to be formidable in war ; all v.] DISCO YERIES AT EPHESOS. 221 marked out Ephesos as the prize of successive victors in the great contest for the possession of the Macedonian empire. Already, before the battle of Ipsos, B.C. 301, it had passed from Antigonos to Lysimachos, and then back to Antigonos and Demetrios. We find it again in the possession of Lysimachos, B.C. 295. His short occupation of Ephesos forms an epoch in the history of the city. He forced the inhabitants to abandon the plain round the temple, where they had gathered ever since the time of Croesus, and concentrated them on the original site of the colony of Androklos. The hill which former topographers call Prion, but to which Mr. Wood gives the name Koressos, was probably the akropolis of the city which Lysimachos rebuilt, and to which he gave the name of his wife Arsinoe. To him may with pro- bability be attributed the line of walls w^hich may still be traced on the summit of this hill, and the magnificent fortification which, following the heights of the higher mountain ridge on the south (Mr. Wood's Prion and the Koressos of former topographers), completely en- closed the Lysimachian city. It was thus that the peculiar connection between the Hellenic city and the temple which had existed ever since the time of Croesus was finally severed. The sword of the Macedonian conqueror cut through the tie of dependency by which priestcraft had attached the city to the temple of the Asiatic goddess ; and it is a significant fact in reference to this political change, that about the time of Lysimachos the silver coins of Ephesos have for the first time the type of the Greek Huntress Goddess, instead of the bee of her Asiatic namesake. We will not here attempt to follow the chequered 222 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [v. fortunes of Ephesos as it passed like a shuttlecock, backwards and forwards, from the Seleukidse to the Ptolemies, then back to the Seleukidffi. After the fall of Antioehos the Great, it was added by the Romans to the dominions of Eumenes, king of Pergamos, and it was in the reign of his successor, Attalos II., that we first hear of that silting up at the mouth of the Kaystros which, though very slow and gradual in its operation, ultimately destroyed the harbour of Ephesos. The mole by which Attalos tried to correct this tendency to silt up and which only aggravated the mischief, has been recognised by Mr. Wood in a massive stone em- bankment on the north bank of the Kaystros, of which he traced the remains to a distance of within four hundred yards of the present sea-board.^^^ In the war between Mithradates and the Romans, B.C. 88, the Ephesiaus actively sided with the king of Pontus, not so much, according to Appian, through fear of that formidable monarch, who, for the time being, was master of nearly all Asia Minor, as through hatred of the Romans, whom they ruthlessly massacred, even when they had invoked the protection of their o^vn Goddess. Soon, with the political inconstancy which characterises their history from the beginning, they chano-ed sides and became adherents of the Romans. It is curious to turn from Appian's statements to the plea put forth by the Ephesians themselves in an in- scription now at Oxford, which once probably formed a part of the cella walls of the Artemision. In this manifesto, in which the Ephesian people declare war against Mithradates, they state that they sided with him only by compulsion, having always secretly v.] DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS. 223 cherislied in their hearts their preference for the Koman alHance.^^^ This decree must have been passed after the great defeat of Mithradates at Cheeronea, and its date is probably about B.C. 86. The conqueror of Mithradates was not to be cajoled by the elaborate rhetoric of such documents, and Sylla made the Ephesians atone for the massacre of so many Roman citizens by a heavy fine. Here the history of Ephesos as an autonomous Greek state may be said to end. In the Roman civil war which followed, its citizens unluckily again chose the losing side, and, having too zealously supported Brutus and Cassius, were heavily mulcted by Mark Antony, who did not, how- ever, omit to propitiate the goddess with a great sacrifice. Looking back through the history of the Ephesians from Augustus to Croesus, we find abundant evidence of their commercial prosperity and of their adroitness in conciliating powerful neighbours, and choosing allies on the winning side ; but no heroic self-sacrifice, no daring spirit of maritime adventure, such as distinguished their ancient rivals the Milesians and the Phokseans. Their policy throughout is marked by selfishness and cunning; " the lions from Hellas have become foxes at Ephesos," was a familiar Greek proverb. But if their policy was thus ignoble, it was at any rate successful. The commerce of Ephesos, great even in the time of the Lydian kings, when the gold of the Paktolos was already flowing into the plain of the Kaystros, grew with each century, in spite of all the wars and revolutions which harassed the west coast of Asia Minor, and destroyed many of its most flourishing cities. And thus it came to pass that in the reign of Augustus 224 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [v. when the former greatness of Milctos had become a by- word ; when Lebedos, as Horace tells us, was more deserted than Gabii and Fidense, and the other cities which once formed the league of the Panionion had mostly dwindled into obscurity, Ephesos not only main- tained its ancient commercial supremacy, but was exalted above all the other cities of Asia Minor by the privileges and titles bestowed on it by Imperial favour. It was allowed to style itself First City of Asia and Neokoros or Minister of the great goddess Artemis, whose worship was thenceforth associated with that of the Emperor ; for as we know from Mr. Wood's discoveries, the Augusteum was dedicated within the same periholos as the Artemision as early as B.C. 6. These titles and privileges represented substantial political advantages. We learn from Ulpian^^^ that, when a pro-consul proceeded to his post in Asia Minor, he was by law obliged to select Ephesos as the port where he first landed, and it was the seat of the conventus juridicus or general assize, to which many neighbouring cities of Lydia had to refer their causes. When we take into account the concourse of strangers which must have been drawn to Ephesos, not only by commercial or legal business, but by the fame of the worship of their great Goddess, and the splendour of the festivals celebrated in her honour, we can understand why the great theatre was constructed on so large a scale, being capable, according to Mr. Wood's calculation, of holding upwards of twenty-four thousand persons. All through the Imperial period the wealth of the Artemision must have been steadily accumulating. The fisheries of the Selinousian lakes, which the kings who v.] DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS. 225 successively occupied Ephesos appropriated for their needs, were restored to the temple by the Romans. We know not the extent of the domain belonging to the Goddess, but it was probably very large ; and from Xenophon's description of the temple which he dedicated in Lakonia, in humble imitation of the Ephesian Arte- mision, it seems likely that a large park full of sacred deer and other beasts of chase was one of the appanages of the temple. Moreover, the Great Goddess had from time im- memorial kept in her temple a bank of deposit ; her credit was so good that for centuries the treasures of kings and of private persons were confided to her care.^*^ The re- investment of this money in loans, either on the security of real property or goods, must have enabled the Goddess to do a very good business at all times, especially if she often had to deal with deposits on such easy terms as in the case of that made by Xenophon. In an interesting passage in the " Anabasis " he tells us that, when about to join a warlike expedition, he deposited with the NeoJcoros,^^^ or chief minister of the Ephesian Artemis, a sum of money, the proceeds of spoils of war. In the event of his being killed in battle this money was to be employed in any manner most pleasing and acceptable to the Goddess ; if he returned safe he was to have the right of reclaiming his deposit, which he accordingly did, when he met this same Neokoros at Olympia some years afterwards. To these sources of wealth must be added the fines and confiscations imposed by the State on those who violated its laws, and the gifts and bequests, by which, from motives of gratitude or fear, devotees were for ever seeking to propitiate the Goddess. 226 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v. Mr. Wood's exploration of tlie Great Theatre brouglit to light a memorable specimen of such dedications. The inscription which records it, though unfortu- nately incomplete, is one of the longest ever found in Asia Minor. It tells us how one Vibius Salutaris,"^ a Roman of equestrian rank, who had filled very high offices in the State, dedicated to Artemis a number of gold and silver statues, of which the weight is given, and a sum of money to be held in trust, the yearly in- terest of which is to be applied to certain specified uses. On the 6th of the first decade of the month Thargelion (May 25th), on which day the mighty Goddess Artemis was born, largess is to be distributed to various public functionaries in the pronaos of the temple. The members of the Ephesian Boule, or senate, are to receive one drachma each. The six tribes of the city, the high priest and the priestess of Artemis, the two Neopoiai, or Surveyors of the temple, the Pcddonomi who had the charge of the education of the boys, and other fortunate personages, come in for a share of this munificent dole. The heirs of Salutaris were made liable for the due payment of the bequests in case he should die before paying over the principal or making an assignment of the rent of certain lands for the payment of the interest. The trust is guarded by stringent enact- ments. By a letter of Afranius Flavianus, pro-j)r8etor, which is appended to the deed of trust, a fine of 50,000 drachmae (rather less than £2000) is inflicted on any- one, whether magistrate or private person, who attempts to set aside any of the provisions of the trust ; one half of this fine is to go to the adornment of the Goddess, he other half to the Imperial Jiscus. The silver v.] DISCOVEEIBS AT EPHESOS. 227 and gold figures dedicated by Salutaris are called both eikones statues and apeikonismata, by which is probably meant replicas or copies of extant statues, and their weight ranges from two to seven Eoman pounds. In the list we find a golden Artemis with silver stags; two silver figures of Artemis bearing a torch; a silver figure of the Eoman people; a silver figure of the Equestrian Order, to which Salutaris himself belonged, a silver figure of the Boule, or senate of Ephesos; a silver figure of the Ephesian Gerousia, a council which seems to have had to do with the management of sacred property. The greatest care is to be taken of these figures. When they require cleaning, it is to be done with a particular earth called arguromatike by the custodian of the sacred deposits for the time being, in the presence of the two Surveyors of the temple. At every meeting of the popular assembly, ekklesia, and at all the gymnastic contests, and on every other occasion to be fixed by the BoitU and Demos, these figures are to be carried from the j'^'^'oncios of the temple to the theatre, duly guarded, and then back to the temple. During their transit through the city itself they are to be escorted by the Ephehi, who arc to receive them at the Magnesian Gate and accompany them after the assembly to the Koressian Gate. It is impossible to read these provisions in the inscription without being reminded of that memorable scene in the Great Theatre at Ephesos when St. Paul had to encounter an uproarious multitude, whose fanaticism, in behalf of theii' Goddess, had been stirred up by Demetrios, the maker of portable silver shrines of Diana, by whose guild probably the very statues enumerated in the inscription were manufactured. Q 2 228 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v. Indeed, Lead St. Paul preached half a century later at Ephesos, he would have seen the splendid gifts dedicated by Salutaris on their way to and from the theatre, or, if he attended the public games, in the theatre itself. But his visit to Ephesos took place about a.d. 54-57, and the inscription relating to Salutaris is at least as late as a.d. 102, when probably a great reaction had taken place against the new doctrines, and devout men like Salutaris did all in their power to foster and cherish old local superstition. It should be here remarked that it was this mention of the Magnesian and Koressian Gates in the inscription which gave Mr. Wood his first clue to the site of the temple. Having found the Magnesian Gate, he pro- ceeded to look for the portico, built by the Sophist Damianos in the second century a.d., which led from that gate to the temple, and of which the purpose was to protect from bad weather those who took part in the procession. Mr. Wood succeeded in tracing the line of this portico for some distance outside the city. It followed the line of an ancient road, and pointed in the direction of the plain at the foot of Ayasoluk. Another road tended in the same direction, starting from a gate near the Stadion, which Mr. Wood rightly assumed to be the Koressian Gate mentioned in the Salutaris inscrip- tion. Advancing northward towards the point where these two roads tended to converge, he came upon an ancient wall, an inscription on which showed that it was the Periholos of the Artemision ; ^^^ after which, to find the site of the temple itself was only a matter of time. It is interesting to compare the enactments in the Salutaris inscription which direct how the sacred statues v.] DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS. 229 arc to be carried in j^rocession through the city, under the escort of the Epliehi, with the description of a pro- cession in honour of Artemis in that curious Greek romance the " Ephesiaca " of Xenophon. He tells us in very graphic Language how at a certain festival at Ephesos the virgins of the city richly dressed, and all the youths, took a part in the procession, and how it was the custom in that festival to choose out of the ranks of the Epliehi bridegrooms for the maidens who appeared in public in the festival. The order of the procession was thus : first came the sacred objects, torches, baskets, incense ; then horses, dogs, and hunting weapons and gear. Each of the maidens was arrayed as if to meet her lover. Setting aside the sentimental details with which this florid description is associated in the romance, we may accept it as a poetical version of an actual procession, in which a beautiful maiden seems to have been selected to personate Diana as a huntress. We do not know the particular festival which the writer had in view, but it was probably one in the month Artemision, which corresponded in the Ephesian calender to the latter half of our March and the first half of April. This entire month was consecrated to the Goddess after whom it was named, and was one continuous festival in her honour. No more appropriate season could have been chosen for the wooings which the procession seems so greatly to have promoted. It is probable that there was also a great feast on the birthday of the Goddess, which, as we have already stated, fell on the 6th of Thargelion (the 25th of our May), and this may have corresponded in character with the Thargelia held originally at Delos, and afterwards transferred to Athens on the breaking up 230 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v. of the Delian Confederacy. It may have been in this month that tlieori from all the Ionian cities, anciently members of the Panionion, met in solemn festival at Ephesos. The supremacy of the chief priest of the Ephesian Artemis had probably in the earliest times that theocra- tic and quasi-regal character which is characteristic of certain priesthoods in Asia Minor, such as those of Komana and Zela, as described by Strabo.^^* For the priestesses of the Ephesian Artemis virginity was as necessary a condition as with the Vestals at Kome ;^*'' and if we are to believe two late writers, a law was once in force which forbade to married women or Hetairse all access to the temple under pain of death, unless in the case of a female slave persecuted by her master. ^^ The celibacy of the male priests was secured by the same irrevocable conditions which were imposed on the priest- hoods of Kybele and of several other Asiatic goddesses. Strabo says that the priests of the Ephesian Artemis were obtained from all manner of countries ; and the name Megabyzos, sometimes given to the high priest, seems to indicate Persia as the country which supplied this emasculate herd. The number of sacred ministers of both sexes employed in taking care of the temple and its dedicated treasures, and in conducting the festivals, sacrifices, processions, and other ritual, must have been very great, as we see by the variety of titles indicating special ofiices which have been handed down to us either in ancient authors or in Ephesian inscriptions. That relating to Salutaris has added to the list several titles not known to us through any other source ; such as the Theologi, who probably expounded sacred legends ; the v.] DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS. 231 Hymnodi, who composed or recited hymns in honour of the Goddess ; the Thesmodi, who may have been utterers of oracular responses or interpreters of the traditional rubric of the ritual. The female ministers of the Goddess were divided into three classes, the Mellierce or novices, the Hierce or priestesses, the Parierw, who, having passed the terms of active service, had to instruct the novices. We do not know whether all these grades were included under the general term Hierodoulce, or whether this name was limited to those who discharged lower menial duties, and whose ranks were recruited from fugitive female slaves, as we see by the curious story told in the Romance of Achilles Tatius.'^^ When we gather together the scattered facts which have been ascertained respecting the Artemision and certain other temples in Asia Minor, we see in their internal organisation not a few things which remind us of the monasteries of mediaeval Christendom. The great landed estates, the treasures and precious works of art accumulated through many generations of pious dedi- cators, the time-honoured privileges of the sacred ministers, their social isolation and perpetual celibacy, are features common to both, though the result of very different influences and circumstances. But there is one institution which was probably handed on directly from expiring Paganism to new-born Christianity : that is the right of sanctuary. The asylum at Ephesos is the prototype of our White- friars and of the sanctuary at Westminster. This privi- lege of protecting fugitives was very generally allowed by usage to Greek temples, but that which distinguished 232 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v. the Artemisiou and seveml other great temples in Asia Minor was the extension of this privilege beyond the walls of the fane itself to a precinct round it which varied in extent in different places and in different ages. The abuse of the privilege of sanctuary was so great under the Empire, that in the reign of Tiberius the Roman Senate examined the claims of various temples in Asia Minor to the right of asylum and disallowed several of them. But Ephesos pleaded that the right of their Goddess had existed from time immemorial ; indeed that it was Dionysos himself who, after conquering the Amazons at Ephesos, had spared those who seated them- selves as supjDliants on the altar of Artemis. The Ephe- sians might further have alleged, though Tacitus does not record the plea, that the potentates who had in turn prevailed at Ephesos, had all respected the asylum ; that Alexander the Great had increased its area to the distance of a stadium from the temple ; that, though Augustus reduced its limits after their undue extension by Mithra- dates and Mark Antony, he recognised the right of asylum, and fixed its boundary afresh by rebuilding the Periholos wall round the temple and marking off a certain distance outside it,^^^ This last fact we owe to the re- markable inscription alluded to, which Mr. AVood found in duplicate inserted in the angle of the Periholos, and the discovery of which enabled him, after another year of weary digging in the deep alluvial plain below Ayasoluk, at length to find there the remains of the Artemision under twenty-two feet of soil. The j)articu- lars of this discovery have been so fully and frequently published in various forms that it is hardly necessary to repeat them here in detail, or to follow Mr. Wood step v.] DISCO VEEIES AT EPHESOS. 233 by step and year by year in his painful and difficult ex- ploration of the site. Our business is rather to state the final results of these researches, which, for reasons which those who read Mr. Wood's book will readily understand, took more than four years, during which 132,221 cubic yards of earth were excavated. The restoration of the Artemision which Mr. Wood gives in his work as the result of measurement and study of the architectural remains in situ may be thus stated : The temple was an Ionic edifice, consisting of the usual cella, surrounded by a double row of columns. The length of this peristyle from east to west was 342 ft. Q\ in., and its width, 163 ft. 9 J in. The temple was octa- style, having eight columns in the front. The dia- meter of the columns was 6 ft. Q)\ in. at the base, and their height is calculated by Mr. Wood as 8 -J dia- meters, which, if the base is included, would amount to 55 ft. 8f in. The intercolumniation on the flanks was 17 ft. 1^ in., except at each extremity of the temple, where the intercolumniation was increased to 19 ft. 4 in. The reason assigned by Mr. Wood for this increased in- tercolumniation is that these end columns were sculp- tured in relief, which in some cases projected as much as 13 in. The central intercolumniation in the fronts was much wider than the others ; this Vitruvius states to have been usual in Greek temples, in order that the statue of the deity might be well seen through the open door. Mr. Wood assigns 28 ft. 8-^ in. for this central inter- columniation ; certainly a great length to be spanned by a single block of marble, which must have been strong enough to carry the chief weight of the superincumbent pediment ^^ ^^® central intercolumniation was equally 234 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v- wide in the earlier temple built by Chersiphron, we can well understand why it was necessary for Artemis herself to contrive the adjustment of the vast architrave stone. Mr. Wood spaces ojff the remaining columns in the fronts mth a gradual diminution of intercolumniation from the centre to the angles, so as to reconcile the eye more readily to the great width of the middle sj)ace. This arrangement is also followed in the great temple at Sardes. The eighteen columns at either end of the Artemision, which are severally marked with a dot on Mr. Wood's plan, are ornamented on part of their shafts with sculptures in relief, shown in the elevation. The cella Mr. Wood states to be nearly 70 ft. wide. The temple was raised on a platform formed by fourteen steps ; the length of this platform measured on the lowest step was 418 ft. 1^ in. by 239 ft. 4 J in. Thus far Mr. Wood. Let us now compare what the ancients say as to the plan and structure of the Artemision. Vitru- vius notices it as an octastyle, dipteral temple of the Ionic order. The Byzantine writer Philo states that it stood on ten steps. Pliny gives as the length of the iiniversum templum 425 ft. by 225 ft.-^^'' These dimen- sions are irreconcileable with those of the peristyle, 342 ft. 6^ in. by 163 ft. 9|-in., as measured in situ by Mr. Wood ; but his dimensions for the base of the plat- form, 418 ft. Ij in. English, is not very far oif Pliny's 425 ft. for the length of his universum templum, if we suppose that measurement is in Koman feet. His dimen- sion, 225 ft. for the width of the same temiolum, is how- ever hopelessly irreconcileable with the actual width of the platform, 239 ft. 4^ in., as given by Mr. Wood. Here, as constantly happens in texts of ancient authors when v.] DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS. 235 numerals arc given, a clerical error in the MS. lias probably been repeated by successive scribes. In the same passage Pliny states the height of the columns to have been 60 ft. Roman, which is not far off Mr. Wood's calculation of 55 ft. 8f in. English. Pliny states that thirty -six of the columns were ccdatce, sculptured in relief, and Mr. Wood found portions of five drums so sculptured. In the same passage Pliny gives the whole number of columns as 127, each the gift of a king. Mr. Wood, being unable to arrange so large a number of columns within his peristyle, j)ropose8, by inserting a comma in the original text, to make Pliny say that the number of columns in the peristyle was one hundred, of which twenty-seven were the gifts of kings. But by no ingenuity can such an interpreta- tion be extracted out of the passage in Pliny. ^^'^ Here again, if the passage is not corrupt, we must sup^^ose that Pliny, writing from memory or from ill-digested notes, has given, as one total, the columns dedicated through all time in the successive temples. AVe have already noticed that Croesus dedicated many of the columns of the temple which was building in his time. Between his date and that of the completion of the latest temple by Deinokrates, an interval which we may reckon as at least 250 years, there would have been time for many successive dedications by kings. The general fact that the columns of the temple were dedicated is proved by the fragments of votive inscriptions found by Mr. Wood, and given in his Appendix, No. 17.^^^ These inscriptions were deeply incised on the torus at the foot of the fluted columns of the peristyle. One of them is a dedication by some lady of Sardes ; a confirmation of 236 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v. Strabo's statement that, after the temple had been burnt by Herostratos, the Ephesian women contributed their ornaments to the fund for rebuilding it.^^^ In the explanatory remarks which accompany Mr. Wood's restoration of the temple, he would have done well if he had given a clear statement, once for all, of the data on which his restoration is based, and which we only know by gathering up scattered incidental notices. Thus we find, p. 178 and p. 217, that his intercolumnia- tion for the flanks was obtained by observing the but- tresses which united the steps of the platform with the foundation piers of the columns of the peristyle, and which recurred at regular intervals, corresponding, as Mr. Wood concludes, with the position of the columns of the peristyle. Again, the width of the cella, a very im- portant dimension, is proved, p. 190, by the evidence of a portion of the cella wall still in situ, combined with the traces it had left on the foundation piers of a build- ing composed of rubble masonry which had been built within the cella walls in Byzantine times. On these piers could be clearly traced the impression of the stones of the cella walls at the height of four courses. Mr. Wood places Pliny's thirty-six ccelatce columnw at the two ends of the temple ; an arrangement which, inde- pendently of other reasons, is fully borne out by the Ephesian copper coins of the Imperial period (engraved p. 266), which give a view of the temple. On this and several other Ephesian coins of the same period sculp- tured reliefs on the lower part of the columns are clearly distinguishable. On these coins the temple, as in Mr. Wood's restoration, is octastyle, and the great width of the doorway showing the statue inside is also roughly v.] DISCOVEEIES AT EPHESOS. 237 indicated. Mr. Wood found at Ephesos several frag- ments of blocks six feet high, on which are sculptured in very high relief life-size figures in violent action (see the plates, p. 188 and p. 214) ; five of these fragments are corner-stones, because the sculpture is on two adjacent faces of the block. Mr. Wood considers that these blocks belong to the frieze of the temple, and so applies them in his restoration ; he thus obtains a frieze six feet deep in combination with an architrave four feet deep, frao'ments of which were found in situ. But these blocks O appear to be too thick for a frieze. Moreover, on the upper surface of several of them there are marks which clearly show that a base column of 6 ft. 6 in. in diameter rested upon them. We are inclined therefore to adopt Mr. Fergusson's suggestion that they may have formed part of square pedestals on which the ccelatce columnce stood. We should thus have the combination of a richly- sculptured shaft resting on a richly- sculptured square pedestal, a combination which may have been the proto- type of Trajan's and other triumphal columns. ^^^ Of the cornice Mr. Wood seems only to have found the cyma- tium. The slope of his pediment is determined by two fragments of the tympanum found among the ruins (see p. 246). We have now noticed the principal points in Mr. Wood's restoration which rest on sure or probable evidence. We have no intention of criticising his arrangement of the interior of the cella, for which the remains he discovered gave him hardly any data, except the position of the altar, behind which he places the statue of the Goddess. It would have been well if Mr. Wood had described more fully the foundations 238 ESSAYS ON AECHiEOLOGY. [v. wliicli he discovered iu the part of the cella where he jDlaces this altar, and which he states (p. 271) to have been large enough both for the altar and the statue of the Goddess.^" Many fragments of the marble tiles with which the roof was covered were found lying on the pavement. Mr. Wood conjectures that the flat tiles were about 4 ft. wide ; the curved tiles, imbrices, which covered the joints were 10 J in. wide. After the earth had been entirely cleared away from the site of the temple, and a plan made of it, Mr. Wood took to pieces the Byzantine piers within the cella already referred to, and found in the rubble masonry about one hundred small fragments of archaic frieze, on some of which red and blue colour still re- mained. He also found remains of two marble pave- ments, the lowest of which was nearly 7 ft. 6 in. below the pavement of the peristyle (p. 262), and the intermediate pavement about halfway between the two. (See the plates which give the longitudinal and transverse sections of the temple.) It is evident that these three pavements belong to three different temples. The low^est must be the jDavement of the temple w^hich Chersiphron was building in the time of Croesus, with which it was identified by the dis- covery below it of a layer of charcoal 3 in. thick, placed between two strata 4 in. thick of a sub- stance of the consistency of putty, which was found on analysis to be a kind of mortar (p. 259). This is evidently the layer of charcoal which was laid in fleeces of wool under the foundation of Chersiphron's temple by the advice of Theodores of Samos. If the pavement under which this layer was found is that of Chersiphron's v.] DISCOVEEIES AT EPHESOS. 239 temple, it follows tliat the pavement next above it was that of a subsequent temple, which can be no other than that burnt by Herostratos, and thus we have a confirmation of Strabo's words, "The first architect of the Temple of Artemis was Chersiphron, then another enlarged it." It seems probable that by another Strabo referred to Demetrios and Pseonios. At a very low level in the excavations were found a number of remains of sculpture, which from their archaic character and their resemblance to the statues from the Sacred Way at Branchidse, and those recently found by MM. Eayet and Thomas at Miletos, evidently belong to the first of the three temples, that built by Chersiphron. Among these sculptures are a female head, on wdiich are still traces of colour, fragments of two other female heads, and portions of the bodies of several draped female figures under life-size. All these sculptures are in high relief, and attached to a curved background, with a moulding at the foot, from the curve of which was obtained a circle 6 ft. 8 in. in diameter. It seems more than probable, therefore, that these fragments have been broken from the ccelatce columnce belonging to the first temple, and that we may possess in them a relic of the very columns which Croesus dedicated. Among the fragments of inscribed torus are several which, from the archaic character of the writing, must belong to the same early period. ^^^ Mr. Wood also found a number of lions' heads from a cornice which probably belong to Chersiphron's temple. They are several inches smaller than the lions' heads of the latest temple, which measure nearly two feet across the forehead (p. 272). 240 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v. Such are tlie scanty tand mutilated remains of that once famous temple of the great Ephesian Goddess. And here perhaps the question will occur to the reader, Why should this temple more than any other have ranked among the Seven Wonders of the ancient world ? Not certainly from its great size, for the Temple of Apollo at Branchid^e, and several other temples, we know to have been larger. We can scarcely yet judge of the merits of the Artemision as an architectural desio-n, because w^e cannot be sure that Mr. Wood's restoration presents it in its true proportions, but we know that the ornaments exhibit the same rich com- bination of force of general effect with exquisite delicacy of finish which is the characteristic of the Mausoleum and the contemporary temple of Athene Polias at Priene. Any one who will take the trouble to compare the enriched cornice of the Mausoleum, the Priene Temple, and the Artemision, as they are exhibited in juxta- position at the British Museum, will see that the lions' heads and the floral ornaments of the cymatium in all three examples must have issued from the same school of architecture. With regard to the sculptured decora- tions of the Ephesian temple our knowledge is at present confined to the fragments of sculptured columns and the reliefs which Mr. Wood applies as a frieze, and our power of appreciating these remains is greatly impaired by their mutilated condition which makes it almost impossible for us to ascertain their subjects or to understand the particular action represented in each group. The most perfect of all these sculptures is the base drum, which forms the frontispiece to Mr. Wood's work. On one side of this drum, six figures, one of v.] DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS. 241 whom is certainly Hermes, are represented with a skilful contrast of draj^ery and nude forms, of seated and standing positions, and consummate ingenuity is shown in obtaining the requisite variety of planes with- out disturbing the general outline of the shaft by undue projection. The sculpture, in short, is quite worthy of the age of Skopas, to whom Pliny attributes one of the ccelatce columme. But whether these sculptured shafts of the Artemision, which we find nowhere else in Greek architecture, were an improvement on the more chaste and severe forms to which our eye is accustomed in the Ionic order, or whether this peculiar mode of embellishment was not rather an Asiatic tradition, derived perhaps originally from Lydia, than the genuine ofi'spring of Greek art, may be at present fairly con- sidered an open question. Mr. ^Yood places three tiers of these sculptured drums, one over another, in one of his fronts, while in the other facade the base drum only is sculptured, and he invites his readers to choose which they like best. We confess that sculptured drums piled on one another as they are drawn in his restoration are re- pugnant to our idea of Greek architecture, and seem more suitable to Herod's Beautiful Gate of the Temple at Jerusalem than to an edifice which Yitruvius cites as the standard example of perfect Ionic architecture. It is to be presumed that the pediments of the Arte- mision contained compositions in the round on a very large scale, but hardly a vestige was found in situ which could be referred to such figures. But it was not merely on account of the beauty of its architecture that the temple of the Ephesian Diana ranked •2^2 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v. amono" the Seven Wonders of the world. Like other ancient temples whose worship had attained a certain celebrity during many centuries, the Artemision had in Eoman times become a museum, so great was the number of precious works of art which had been dedicated in the temple itself and its surrounding Hieron. We have no such detailed description of these as Pausanias has given us of the treasures which he saw in the temples at Olympia, but we know that there were sculptures by Praxiteles and Skopas, and pictures by Apelles and other celebrated painters of the Ephesian school. The exceeding choiceness and variety of these works is attested by Vitru^dus, and Pliny says that it would require volumes to describe all the wonders of the temple. With this vague and general impression we must rest content. The statue of the goddess herself was probably made of wood plated with gold, and many precious offerings may have been attached to such an idol as personal ornaments. There was in the temple a priestess of high rank, the Kosmeteira, whom we must suppose to have been a kind of Mistress of the Eobes to Artemis ; and, as we know from the Salutaris inscription, fines were devoted to the adorn- ment of the goddess. From what we read of the great wealth of the temple and the magnificent luxury of the Ephesian people, we may be sure that gold was lavishly used in the ornaments not only of the goddess herself, but of the stately dwelHng-place in which she was enshrined. We have a proof of this in the frag- ment of moulding described by IVIr. AVood, p. 245, in which a narrow fillet of gold inserted between two astragali still remained. This discovery confirms the v.] DISCOVERIES AT EPHESOS. 243 ti'utli of Pliny's statement tliat in a temple at Kyzikos every joint of the masonry was ornamented with a narrow thread [filum) of gold. That gilding was nsed in the decoration of the Erechtheion we know from an Attic inscription. ^^"^ This external splendour, which suggested to the worshippers how great were the treasures within, ulti- mately drew down upon the Artemision the hand of the spoiler. About the year a.d. 262, when the Goths ravaged Asia Minor, they burnt and plundered the famous shrine which Artemis herself was said to have defended from the Kimmerians, which Croesus and Xerxes had spared, which Alexander had treated with special honour, and which all-conquering Rome had associated with the worship of her own emperors. With its destruction by the Goths the Artemision disappears from history. But what became of the enormous mass of marble which we know to have been employed in its structure, and which the Goths had no motive for destroying ? After the roof was burnt successive earthquakes probably threw down the columns, and the ruins must have been piled up in enormous masses, as the ruins of the temple at Branchidse are to this day. Then came a new set of spoilers quarrying out building materials for the great Byzantine edifices, of which the remains still exist at Ephesos. We know from Mr. Wood's discoveries that inscribed blocks from the walls of the cella were used in repairing the proscenium of the Great Theatre, and fragments of the temple may still be seen in the piers of the aqueduct, which was certainly built in the Byzantine times. As soon as Christianity got a permanent ascendancy at B 2 2U ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [v.' Ephesos, the destruction of the sculptures with the sledge- hammer aud the limekilu would be carried on con- tinuously as a labour of love ; and, as soon as the site was sufficiently cleared of ruins to admit of a church being built on it, this was done, by following, as w^e have shown, the lines of the ceJla walls. This church in its turn w^as destroyed by the barbarous invaders of Christian Ephesos. At length when the mighty mass of ruins of the temple had been reduced to the scanty remnants found by ]\Ir. AYood, the Kaystros and its tributaries, w^hich once, flowing in well- embanked channels, skirted the sacred precinct of Diana, covered up the wreck of the temple w^ith a thick mantle of alluvial deposit. Here, as at Olympia, the ancient river-god has done good service to archaeology by concealing what the spoiler had spared till a fitting time for its resurrection. And now we take our leave of Mr. Wood and his discoveries, commending his book, and above all his plan of Ephesos, to the study of all future travellers. If, transporting ourselves in thought to the jagged ridge of Peion, we look dowTi on the ancient city with the key to its topography which w^e have now obtained, w^hat a host of historical associations crowd upon our memories ! In that harbour at our feet, now a reedy swamp, rode the victorious triremes of Lysander ; in that agora hard by Agesilaos exposed the white effeminate bodies of his Persian captives to the scornful gaze of his hardy, much- enduring veterans. In that theatre, now^ so silent, once resounded the shouts of the tumultuous multitude who condemned St. Paul, and half a century later the ac- clamations of the popular assembly who rew^arded the piety of Salutaris with the highest honours the city v.] mSCOYERIES AT EPHESOS. 245 could bestow. And now let us leave the Theatre and follow the solemn procession on its return from the assembly to the Temple ; and, passing through the Koressian Gate along the paved road, lined on each side with the tombs of Ephesian dignitaries, we approach that sacred precinct where the Amazons dwelt in the prae- historic age ; where the army of Alexander, fresh from its first victory over the Persians^ marched in battle-array past the Temple of the great goddess of Asia, and where from time immemorial fugitives sought shelter in the hospitable sanctuary of Artemis. When we think how much history has gained by the exploration, partial and inadequate as it has been, of the ruins of Ephesos ; when we review the marvellous dis- coveries wdiich have recently taken place in Cyprus and the Troad, and which are actually now going on at Olympia and Mycenae, we feel bound to ask the ques- tion. Why, in a generation distinguished beyond all previous generations for historical research, for wealth, leisure, and facilities for travelling, so little has been done for the investigation of the sites of ancient cities ? The explorers of Greece and Turkey half a century ago had neither steam to convey them to distant coasts, nor the practical knowledge of archaeology which we now possess to guide their researches, nor photographers to record their discoveries, nor an electric telegraph where- with to maintain communication with a distant base of operations. We, with all these appliances, and with boundless wealth at the command of individuals, if not of governments, grudge for these great enterprises the money which is daily wasted on trivial and ignoble objects. Why has England no Schliemanns ? Dr. SGHLIEMANN'S DISCOVEEIES at MYCENiE.* Ix the ancient Hippodrome at Constantinople, better known to tourists as tlie Atmeidan, still' stands a relic saved from tlie wreck of precious offerings once stored up in the temple of Apollo at Delphi. After the Persian war the victors at Platsea dedicated as a thank-offering to the Delphic Apollo a gold tripod mounted on a bronze pillar composed of three intertwined serpents. The gold tripod has long since disa23peared in the crucible, but the bronze pillar was transferred by Constantine the Great from Delphi to his new capital, and has survived to our times. The three heads of the serpents — an attractive mark for Moslem iconoclasts — have been broken off, one by one, since the time of Mahomet II. ; but on the coils of the triple snake may still be read the original dedi- catory inscription graven on the bronze about the 76th Olympiad (476-73 B.C.). It contains the names of those Greek states which took part in the battle of Platsea, and among these names we find that of the Mycenaeans, whose city, once the seat of a mighty * " Edinbiirgli Eeview," 1878. The references in this article are made throughout to Dr. Schliemann's " Narrative of Eesearches, etc., at Mycente." London. 1878. VI.] DE. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCEN^. 247 dynasty, had, at the time of the Persian war, shrunk into comparative insignificance, overshadowed by the growing power of its j ealous neighbour, Argos. ^^^ When the Greeks of the Peloponnese first collected an army to defend Thermopylae, the Mycenseans refused to form part of the Argive contingent, and preferred associating their little band with the Lacedaemonians. They contributed eighty men to the heroic defence of Thermopylae, and, together with their neighl)our3 from Tiryns, mustered four hundred strong at Plataea ; but their refusal to serve under the Argive banner probably contributed to hasten the cata- strophe by which their city was soon after destroyed. Mycenae was taken by the Argives B.C. 468, and never again reappears in history as an independent state. That a city, only capable of sending so small a con- tingent to Thermopylae and Plataea, should have had such pretensions to independence as to provoke the jealousy of a powerful state like Argos may be accounted for, if we consider the strength of Mycenae as a military position at the time of the Persian w^ar. Its citadel was built on an isolated rock situated, as Homer truly describes it, ''in a recess" at the foot of hills which bound Argolis on the north. While its distance from the coast protected it from sudden inroads of pirates, its position near the Argive frontier gave it the command of the roads leading to Corinth and to the cities of Arkadia. The steep rock of the Akropolis had been rendered almost impregnable by fortifications which, though executed in that remote period, when the myth is the substitute for history, still excite our wonder and admiration by the massive solidity of their structure and the skill with which they are designed. Independently of its military 248 ASSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [vi. importauce, tlie fortress of Mycenae liad traditious which could well vie with those of its proud aud implacable neighbour. If Argos could boast of its long line of kings, beginning from Phoroneus, son of the river-god InachoS; its legend of Danaos, Akrisios, and Perseus, Mycenae could refer with just pride to that Pelopid dynasty which, under Agamemnon, " ruled over many islands and all Argos," and whose king commanded the mighty host with which united Hellas besieged and cap- tured Troy. If we look back through the long series of Argive myths which record the successive changes of dynasty from Phoroneus to Perseus, and from the Per- seidse to the Atreidse, we find from a very early period traces of that antagonism between Argos and Mycenae which lasted down into historic times. Both were strono- fortresses, overlooking the fertile plain which extends from the mountains to the coast, and the possessor of either would naturally appropriate as much of this plain as he could wrest from his neighbours. A third fortress which plays a part in this legendary history is Tiiyns, a place of great strength, which must have served to pro- tect Argolis from invaders landing at Nauplia, and which at times, according to the myths, was ruled by an in- dependent prince. Now, if the dynasty of xltreidse had the extended empii-e which Homer ascribes to it in the time of Agamemnon, it is to be presumed that the rulers of Argos and Tiryns and the other fortresses in Argolis acknowledged as their suzerain the king who ruled in Mycense. This wide spread sway of the Pelopidse on which Homer so emphatically dwells, though it rested only on tradition, and was not supported by what we should call historical evidence, was to the Greek mind VI.] DE. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCEN^. 2i0 a real fact, wliich the most sceptical of their historians would hardly have ventured to dispute. In their eyes Agamemnon was not, as one school of modern critics regard him, a mere shadow projected on the blank back- ground of an unknown past, and of which we shall never grasp the substance. This magni nominis uiiibra to the ancients suggested a real personality — a king whose disastrous fate, coming so soon after his triumphant return from Troy, served in after ages as the favourite theme of epic and tragic poetry ; his memory, embalmed in the immortal verse of vEschylos and his brother dramatists, still lives on, and it is not without violence to deep-rooted associations that an old-fashioned scholar can train himself to think of Agamemnon as merely a name representing a dynasty, still less as one of the dramatis personce in a solar myth. How much of the story of Agamemnon is really to be accepted as fact, and by what test we may discriminate between that which is merely plausible fiction and that residuum of true history which can be detected under a mythic disguise in this and other Greek legends, are problems as yet unsolved, notwithstanding the immense amount of erudition and subtle criticism which has been expended on them. At the present stage of the inquiry we may venture to assert that a solution of such problems is not to be found, if we confine our researches to Greek and Eoman literature. There remains the question. Is there any evidence other than that contained in ancient literature which is worthy of consideration in this case ? The recent discoveries on the site of Mycenae have led many students of history to believe that such evidence is at length obtained, and we now 250 ESSAYS ON AECBLfflOLOGY. [vi. propose to examine more closely tlie grounds for such a belief. Before discussino- tlie discoveries of Dr. ScUiemann at Mycenae, it may be well to notice the remains on that site which have been so often visited and described by travellers during the present century. Thucydides speaks of the remains at Mycence in his time as insignificant in proportion to the former greatness of the royal residence of the Atreida3. Strabo, who seems never to have person- ally visited the interior of the Peloponnese, and to whom archaeological information was only of secondary import- ance, states that in his day, at the close of the first century B.C., not a vestige was to be found on the site of this once famous city. About a century and a half after Strabo wrote, that diligent topographer Pausanias visited Mycenae, and noticed the walls round the citadel, the great gateway leading into it, and the lions surmounting the gateway. These walls, he adds, were the work of the Cyclopes, who built the walls of Tiryns for Proitos. He also mentions certain subterranean buildino-s in which Atreus aud his sons deposited their treasure. The tra- vellers who visited Mycenae early in the present century had no difliculty in recognising the ruins described by Pausanias. The Akropolis occupies a rocky height which projects from the foot of the mountain behind it in the form of an irreoular trianoie. The south flank of this natural fortress is protected by a deep gorge, through which winds the bed of a torrent usually dry in summer. On the north side is a glen stretching east and west. Between these two ravines the ground slopes down to the plain in terraces, through which may still be traced the line of an ancient way leading from the principal VI.] DE. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCEN^. 251 gate of tlie Akropolis to a bridge over the torrent, the foundations of whicli may still be seen. At intervals on either side of this road are the remains of five of the buildings called by Pausanias Treasuries ; and here, ex- tending over the space of about a square mile to the west, south-west, and east of the Akropolis, must have stood the lower city, connected with the Akropolis by a wall, some traces of which may still be seen near the great gateway. The walls of the Akropolis are said to be more perfect than those of any fortress in Greece, and range in height from 13 ft. to 35 ft., with an average thickness of 16 ft. Originally they were probably much higher. The area which they enclose is rather more than 1000 ft. in length. They exhibit several kinds of masonry, which Dr. Schliemann classifies in three periods. The masonry of the first period is composed of large unwrought blocks, the interstices being closed by smaller stones wedged in. This construction is identical with that of the walls at Tiryns, except that the blocks are smaller ; and this is certainly what the ancients meant by Cyclopean masonry. In the second period the walls are built of polygons with hewn joints, so well fitted as to seem one solid face of wall. Of this more skilful structure many examples may be seen in Greece and Etruria.^^^ In the third kind of masonry at Mycenas blocks almost quad- rangular are arranged in nearly parallel courses, but their joints are not always vertical. This masonry is used in the walls on either side of the great gateway. Near the north-east corner a gallery has been made in the thickness of the wall, and extends for rather more than 16 ft. At Tiryns we find such galleries on a much 252 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [vi. larger scale. One of these Dr. Schliemann states to be 90 ft. long and nearly 8 ft. broad. In its external wall it lias six recesses or window-openings, with tri- angular-headed roofs formed of approaching stones. These galleries evidently served as covered Avays leading from one guardroom or tower to another; while the openings may be regarded as embrasures where archers might be stationed. Such passages are, we believe, unknown in later Greek fortification ; indeed, the average thickness of the walls would hardly admit of them. The great gateway in the N.W. corner of the citadel, usually known as the Lions' Gate, stands at right angles to the adjacent w^all, and is approached by a passage 50 ft. long and 30 ft, wide, formed by that wall and another running parallel to it, which, according to Dr. Schliemann, forms one side of a large square tower erected as a flanking defence. The gateway is nearly 11 ft. high, with a width of 10 ft. below. The lintel is a single block 15 ft. long and 8 ft. broad. Over it is a triangular gap in the masonry, for the insertion of the slab on which the lions are sculptured. This slab is 10 ft. high, 12 ft. long at the base, and 2 ft. thick. The lions stand, like heraldic supporters, on either side of a column which rests on a base, thought by some to be an altar. The style of sculpture of these lions differs as completely from all other remains of archaic Greek sculpture as the column between them differs in type from the earliest specimens of Doric or Ionic architecture. On the lower ground lying to the south-west of the Akropolis are the so-called Treasuries. The largest of these is the building commonly called the Treasury of Atreus. The interior is a chamber 50 ft. high and of VI.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOYBRIES AT MYCEN^. 253 equal diameter, resembling in form a Ijeeliive. It is built of well- wrought rectangular blocks of breccia, laid in horizontal courses which approach gradually till they converge in the apex. This kind of vaulting, formed by approaching horizontal courses, may be called Egyptian, as the earliest example of it is found in a gallery in the interior of the Great Pyramid. Such a vault would of course owe its stability to vertical pressure, while the lateral thrust would be very much less than in any variety of the keystone arch, and at Mycenae any such lateral pressure was amply provided for by enormous masses of stone piled against the outer face of the courses of the masonry. Over these rude outside buttresses earth was heaped to the level of the apex of the chamber, so that it was completely subterraneous. The blocks of the lower courses are 1 ft. 10 in. high and from 4 ft. to 7 ft. long. As the courses ascend, the blocks of which they are built gradually diminish in size. From the fourth course upwards these blocks are seve- rally pierced with two holes bored in the breccia for the reception of bronze nails, several of which have been found entire. They have broad flat heads, and it is very generally agreed that they originally served to attach to the walls the plates of copper with which we may suppose the chamber to have been once lined.^^^ A dromos, or way, upwards of 20 ft. wide, and flanked by massive parallel walls of the same masonry as the chamber, leads up to the doorway, which is 18 ft. high, with a width of 9 ft. 2 in. at the bottom and rather less at the top. The lintel is formed of two immense slabs, of which the inner one measures 3 ft. 9 in. in thickness, with a breadth of 17 ft., and a length of 29 ft. 254 ESSAYS OX ARCHAEOLOGY. [vi. on its upper and 274 ^^- ^^ i^^ lower surfoce. This enormous block is perfectly wTouglit and polished. Above the lintel is a triangular niche, each side of which measures 10 ft., and which was probably filled up with a sculptured slab. It may be inferred from various holes pierced in the stones of the doorway that the entrance, like the interior of this building, was anciently decorated. The side of the doorway was originally ornamented with semi- columns, fragments of which were still lying about in situ when Colonel Leake visited Mycense at the beginning of this century. He describes them as having a base and capital not unlike the Tuscan order in profile, but emiched with a very elegant ornament, chiefly zigzag, sculptured in relief, which was continued in vertical compartments over the whole shaft. Other fragments which have been found at Mycen£e indicate that the doorway was ornamented with strips of stone, on which are sculptured in low relief spiral and other ornaments. The material of these fragments was green, red, or yellow marble. They are engraved in the fifth volume of Stuart's ''Athens." The recent excavations by Mr. Stamataki at the entrance to this tomb have brought to light many more fragments of these ornaments, which, it is hoped, will furnish the data for a more certain restoration of the doorway than has yet been possible. ^^ As has been often remarked, the character of these ornaments resembles nothing in later Greek architecture ; indeed, so strange is their aspect, that the authors of the French Expedition Scientifique were inclined to believe VI.] DR. SCIILIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MY0ENJ3. 255 that the fragments collected by travellers were of Byzan- tine orio'in.^^^ The three other subterranean buildino-s at Mycense are of smaller dimensions and are not so well preserved as the so-called Treasury of Atreus. We have now indicated the peculiar features of the site of Mycenae as it appeared to travellers before the recent discoveries were made by Dr. Schliemann. These features have been described again and again by Leake, Dodwell, Gell, Mure, E. Curtius, and other authorities, who nearly all agree in referring the ruins of Llycenas and Tiryns to the same period of remote antiquity to which, as we have already stated, not only Pausanias in the second century a.d., but Pindar and the tragedians, attributed them. The extent of the fortifications, the peculiar character of the masonry ; the huge blocks em- ployed at Tiryns and in the Treasury of Atreus, the transport and fixing of which must have been a very difficult and costly operation ; the style of the archi- tectural ornaments over the Lions' Gate and at the entrance to the Treasury of Atreus, so estranged from the associations of later Hellenic art, all j)i*edisposed the minds of modern travellers and archaeologists to accept generally the tradition of antiquity that at Mycense and Tiryns we have remains of the heroic age. There is no spot in Greece where the admonitus loci has acted more strongly on the imagination than Mycenae. The traveller, as he comes over the mountain- pass from the interior, looks down on the ancient kingdom of the Atreidae, as Orestes is invited to look down on it in the " Elektra " of Sophokles ; when again he stands within the Akropolis, and from its dismantled 256 ESSAYS OX ARCHEOLOGY. [vi. walls looks out on the plain of Argolis below him, with Tiiyns and Nauplia and the sea in the distance, and the Heraion and Argos on either side, he is reminded of that ancient Watchman who tells us at the opening of the ''Agamemnon" how long he had strained his weary eyes looking out for the beacon-light which was to tell of the capture of Troy. But it is in the Gateway of the Lions that these associations crowd on the mind with the greatest intensity. To the believer in the tale of Troy the very stones of this threshold seem to give back a faint echo of that far-off day when Agamemnon, in the first flush of dear-bought victory, entered that fatal gateway unheeding the warning voice of Kassandra in his ear. Thus it was that most of the travellers who visited Mycenae in the early part of this century gazed on its remains with a reverent faith, something like that with which pilgrims to some time-hallowed shrine regard the jealously guarded relics which they are at length per- mitted to behold. But, if the mere aspect of so famous a site suggested so much to the archaeologist, what mio'ht not be expected from its systematic exploration ? From the time of Gell and Dodwell to our owti gene- ration, the excavation of Mycenae has been earnestly desired by those who have most studied the antiquities and topography of Greece. We shall not now stop to inquire why so obvious an enterprise was not undertaken long ago, either by the Greek Government or by some private society ; our business here is to show how much has been accomplished by the untiring enthusiasm and liberality of one man, whose achievement entitles him to the grati- tude not of Greece merely, but of all civilised races, so VI.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCEN^. 257 long as the human Past shall have any interest fur mankind. In the year 1874 Dr. Schliemann first made some tentative diggings within the Akropolis at Mycenae. The results were encouraging ; but it was not till August, 187 G, that, having obtained the necessary per- mission from the Greek Government, he began the work of exploration on an adequate scale. The three objects to which he first addressed himself were the clearing out the Treasury nearest the" Lions' Gate, the removal of the ruins which blocked up the gate itself, and the digging a deep trench from north to south across the lower part of the Akropolis, where he had already sunk shafts in 1874. This part of the citadel falls with a considerable slope from the highest part of the Akropolis towards the north-west, 'and here Dr. Schliemann encountered a great depth of soil, partly due to the accumulation of detritus from the rocky ground above. In the upper part of this soil various specimens of archaic pottery, and implements, and other antiquities in metal, bone, or clay, were found in abundance. Soon lines of walls»built of unwrought stones in Cyclo- pean masonry began to appear ; then steke or tombstones of calcareous stone, on which were rude figures in relief ; four of these tombstones stood in a line north and south, and scattered about were fragments of others. The ground on which these tombstones stood was a circular area 90 ft. in diameter, enclosed all round by a double row of parallel rectangular slabs of calcareous stone. These slal)s were originally set on end in a vertical or nearly vertical position, and held together by cross slabs, which have been fitted on to their upper s 258 ESSAYS OX AECH/EOLOGY. [vi. ends with a mortice and tenon joint. The soutliern part of this enclosing circle rested on a massive rough-hewn wall of Cyclopean masonry, which was evidently built to bring the earth within the circular area up to a level, as the ground here falls abruptly towards the outer wall of the citadel. Immediately to the north and south of the circular area were a number of foundation w\alls of Cyclopean masonry, enclosing spaces which Dr. Schlie- mann calls the rooms and corridors of houses of a pre- historic period, and all these foundations lying round the circular area are bounded by a Cyclopean wall, which, starting from the north side of the Lions' Gate, runs for some distance nearly north and south, and then, turning at a right-angle nearly to the west, is continued to the western outer wall of the citadel. The whole space enclosed between this inner wall and the western outer wall appears on Dr. Schliemann's plan like a temenos, set apart from the rest of the Akropolis for some special purpose, while the dis- covery of the tombstones within the circular area at once suggested that it had been a place of sepulture. Going lower here Dr. Schliemann soon came on vestiges which confirmed this opinion. At the depth of 3 ft. below the level of the tombstones he found two oblong blocks of stone, 5 ft. 7 in. long, 1 ft. broad, and 7 in. thick, lying one on the other ; and at their south end a smaller slab in an oblique position ; below these occurred here and there small quantities of black ashes, in which were studs plated with gold, and other curious objects. On reaching the native rock a quadrangular tomb cut in the rock was discovered (No. 1 of Plan B, p. 293). This tomb at the brink was 21 ft. G in. long by 10 ft, 10 in. in VI.] DR. SO HLIBM ANN'S DISCO YERIES AT MYCENiE. 259 width, but this area was mucli reduced at the bottom by a wall faced with schistous slabs, which lined the four sides of the cutting to a height of 6} ft., and pro- jected all round 3 feet from the face of the rock. At the bottom of this grave, 15 ft. below the level of the rock, and 25 ft. below the surface of the ground before it had been opened by the excavations, Dr. Schliemann found a layer of pebbles, on which lay the remains of three bodies distant 3 feet from one another. From the marks of fire on the pebbles and round these remains, and from the undisturbed state of the ashes. Dr. Schliemann concludes that these three bodies had been partially burnt at the bottom of the grave. All three had been placed with their heads to the east, and ap- peared to have been forcibly squeezed into the space left for them between the lining walls, which did not exceed 5 ft. 6 in. The body which lay at the north end of the tomb had the face covered with a heavy gold mask (No. 473, p. 333), and on the breast was a gold breastplate, 15f in. long and 9|^in. broad (No. 458). On removing these a sight so marvellous presented itself to the astonished eyes of Dr. Schliemann that we must let him tell the tale in his own words : The round face, with all its flesh, had been wonderfully preserved under its ponderous gold mask; there was no vestige of hair, hut both eyes were perfectly visible, also the mouth, which, owing to the enormous weight that had pressed on it, was Avide open and showed thirty-two beautiful teeth. , . . The nose was entirely gone. The body having been too long for the space between the two inner walls of the tomb, the head had been pressed in such a manner on the breast that the upper part of the shoulders was nearly in a horizontal line Avith the vertex of the head. Notwithstanding the large gold breastplate, so little had been preserved of the breast that the inner side of the spine was visible in many places. In its squeezed and B 2 260 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [vi. mutilated state the body measured only 2 ft. 4i in. from the top of tlie head to the beginning of the loins ; the breadth of the shoulders did not exceed 1 ft. 1|- in. and the breadth of the chest 1 ft. 3 in. . . . . Such had been the pressure of the cZt'Z^ri's and stones that the body had been reduced to a thickness of from 1 in. to 1-J- in. The colour of the body resembled tliat of an Egyptian mummy. The forehead was ornamented with a plain round leaf of gold, and a still larger one was lying on the right eye. I further observed a large and a small gold leaf on the breast below the gold breast-cover, and a large one just above the right thigh {p. 296). These remains were of course in a very crumbling and evanescent condition, and Dr. Scliliemann, fearing that they would not long resist the impact of the external air, had a painting made at once, from which a cut is given in his book. The body, however, held out two days, when it was rendered hard and solid by the ingenuity of a druggist from Argos, who poured over it a solution of gum sandarac and alcohol. Across the loins lay a gold sword-belt (No. 455), in the middle of which the fragment of a double-edged bronze sword was firmly attached. On the right lay two bronze swords (No. 460), the handle of one of which is of bronze, thickly plated with gold, and richly ornamented. The handle of the other sword and the scabbards of both must have been of wood, as oblong and circular gold j)lates, ornamented with designs in relief, were l}^ng alongside the sword-blades, just where w^e might expect to find them, had they been attached to wood since decayed. Near the swords was found a tassel made of long shreds of very thin gold plate, which probably was attached to a sword- belt (No. 461). At the distance of little more than a foot to the right of the body were lying eleven bronze swords, mostly decayed. There were in the same part of the tomb VI.] DK. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVEEIES AT MYCEN^. 26l 124 round studs, plain or ornamented, of which the four Largest are the size of five-franc pieces ; and six orna- ments, which Dr. Schliemann calls crosses, but which might be better described as lozenge-shaped (No. 500). All these ornaments were of wood plated with gold. To the right of the body was a large gold drinking- cup, six inches in diameter, with one handle (No. 475), encircled with a row of arched ornaments in repousse work, which have a curious resemblance in outline to a Roman aqueduct. With the body at the south end of this tomb were fifteen swords, of which ten were placed at the feet, and between this body and the one in the middle of the tomb was a large heap of broken swords, which Dr. Schliemann calculates to have amounted to more than sixty, also a few bronze knives. The remains of the central body appeared to have been disturbed after interment. The layer of clay and the upper layer of pebbles with which the other two bodies and their ornaments had been covered had been removed from this one, which was moreover nearly desti- tute of gold ornaments. Dr. Schliemann thinks that some sacrilegious marauder of later times must have sunk a shaft in the centre of the tomb, and plundered this part of the grave. This would account for the gold studs and other objects which he found scattered in the upper soil in digging down to this tomb (p. 152), and which may have been dropped by the plunderer in his hasty raid. The catalogue of what was found in this wonderful tomb is not yet finished. Besides the objects already enumerated which were found on or near the three bodies. Dr. Schliemann mentions two more gold cups ; the remains of a vase partly of silver and partly 262 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [yj. of copper plated with gold, which must, when entire, have been 2 ft. 6 in. high, with a diameter of 1 ft. 8 in. at the shoulder ; eight large pommels for sword-hilts, of which seven were carved in alabaster, and one of wood, all ornamented with gold nails ; also a large ala- baster vase, of which the mouth was mounted in bronze plated with gold, and which contained a quantity of studs which had been originally of wood plated with gold. No less than three hundred and forty of the gold plates of these studs were found in the tomb. Many of them were richly embossed with patterns, which will be noticed farther on. This tomb also contained many fragments of wooden instruments and boxes, among which the most interesting were two sides of a small quadrangular casket, on each of which was carved in relief a lion and a dog. Food seems also to have been deposited in this tomb, as a number of oyster-shells, and among them several unoj^ened oysters, were found in it, also a large number of boar's teeth. As Dr. Schliemann continued to explore the ground within the circular enclosure, he soon came on other tombs, the contents of which were equally surprising. We will take the largest of these (No. 4 of Plan B). Digging through a part of the circular area where no tombstone stood, he found black soil, which had evidently never been disturbed since a remote antiquity, and at 20 ft. below the surface he struck upon an elliptical mass of masonry with a large opening like a well. At the depth of Gj ft. below was a tomb hewn in the rock 24 ft. long, 18jft. broad ; the bottom of this tomb was 33 ft. below the level of the upper soil. All round the sides was a slanting wall of schist 7 ft. 8 in. high, which projected VI.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOYERIES AT MYCE1T.E. 263 4 ft, and thus considerably diminishcci the area of the tomb at the bottom, on which lay the remains of five men, three with the head to the east, the other two with the head to the north. The bodies had evidently been burnt on the spot where they lay, as was proved by the abundance of ashes on and about each corpse, and the marks of fire on the pebbles and the schist. Upon the remains of the bodies lay a layer three or four inches thick of white clay, on which was a second layer of pebbles. On removing these layers a treasure equal in interest and value to that of the tomb already described was suddenly revealed. As the account of the contents of this one tomb occupies not less than seventy-four pages of the volume before us, we can only indicate here the principal classes of objects discovered. On the faces of three out of the five men here interred had been massive gold masks. Two of these bodies had a large gold breastplate, and close to the head of one was a mag- nificent gold band (No. 337). To the thigh-bone of one of the bodies was attached a gold strap, supposed to have served for fastening the greave, knemis. In the same precious material were three shoulder-belts ; ten plates to cover the pommels of sword-hilts ; the remains of a sceptre, or perhaps a caduceus (p. 287, Nos. 45 1, 452), richly inlaid with rock crystal ; an unusually large and massive armlet ; two large signet rings, on one of which a hunting scene and on the other a battle were engraved in intaglio (Nos. 334, 335) ; not to mention endless studs and smaller personal ornaments. This tomb, like the one already described, had its little armoury of weapons. No less than forty-six bronze swords, more or .less fragmentary, were taken from it. With these were found several 261 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [n. alabaster pommels of s\vorcl3 and fragments of wooden scabbards, together with the gold plates with which they were once ornamented, and the gold pins and nails with which these ornaments were fastened. Lances, too, w*ere not wanting ; the wooden shafts, though seeming entire on theii' first discovery, crumbled away on exj^osure to air. In one place thirty-five arrow-heads of obsidian lay in a heap ; their wooden shafts had perished either from decay or cremation. Oyster-shells and unopened oysters here, as in the tomb already describedj'indicated that the living had not forgotten to j)rovide food for the dead ; but this tomb contained in addition a whole hatterie de cuisine, in the shape of thirty-two large copper cauldrons, and other vessels of copper which stood upright along the walls of the tomb. The cauldrons must be among the largest w^hich have come down to us from Hellenic antiquity. Three of these have a diameter ranging from fourteen to twenty inches. Most of these vessels bore signs of having been long used on the fire. It might have been expected from the analogy of the famous Eoyal tomb near Kertch, caUed the Koul Oba, that remains of food would be found in these caulcbons. This does not seem to have been the case, but one of them con- tained no less than 100 large and small wooden studs, plated with gold. "We wiU conclude our Hst of the objects found in this tomb by drav^ing attention to the nine gold cups, one of which, No. 344, weighs four pounds Troy ; the two wine jugs, one of gold, the other of silver ; the ox's head of silver with horns of gold, No. 327 ; the silver vase in the form of a stag, No. 376, and the three-handled alabaster cup, No. 356. "We must now describe the contents of a somewhat V;.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCENiE. 265 smaller tomb (No. 3 of Plan B), rather more than 16 ft. long and 10 ft. broad, cut in the rock, and lined with sloping walls of schist and clay, like those already described. In this tomb were the remains of three persons, thought to be women, on account of the small- ness of the bones, and particularly the teeth, and the quantity of female ornaments. All had the head turned to the east. Under and above them was the usual layer of pebbles. The bottom of the tomb was nearly 30 ft. below the surface of the upper soil. The bodies had evidently been burnt as they lay, and had been literally laden with jewels, all of which bore marks of fire and smoke. The ornaments were for the most plates of gold with a design in repousse work. Of these no less than 701 were collected, some of which must have been strewn all over the bottom of the sepulchre before the funeral pyre was prepared, and the rest laid on the bodies before the fire was kindled. The subjects of the designs are a sepia or cuttle-fish, a flow^er, a butterfly, various spiral patterns, all contained within the circle of a disk. Other plates again were cut in outline, so as to imitate fan- shaped leaves. In another class of jewels animals or the human figure were not relieved on a ground, but em- bossed and cut out in outline, like the emhiemafa of later Greek art. Among these designs we find three Gryphons (No. 261), a crouching lion, a naked female figure with a dove flying from each shoulder, and another perched on her head (Nos. 267, 268), another draped figure, the hands joined in the middle of the bosom (No. 273), butterflies, cuttle-fish, lions. Hippocampi, Sphinxes, and other varieties of animal life. In some of these ornaments quadrupeds or birds are combined in pairs, and rest on a 266 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [vi. triple brancli growing like a palm. These seem to liave formed the heads of pins for brooches. On the head of one of the persons interred was found a magnificent ornament in the form of a band, 2 ft. 1 in. long, tapering to both ends, in which were set thirty-six large leaves, which must have stood upright (p. 185, No. 281). Dr. Schliemann describes this and other similar bands as crowns, but their scale seems too large for a headdress, and their form seems more like that of the mitra, worn as part of the Greek panoply. There were also five diadems similar, but much less rich in character, and a number of detached flowers and stars made in the same manner. The quantity of gold, agate, and amber beads in this tomb shows that many necklaces must have been deposited in it. Three small rectangular ornaments of gold (Nos. 253-55), of an ob- long form and perforated through their length, may have formed part of necklaces, if they were not mounted in swivel riuo's. On one side of each of these a design is rudely carved in intaglio. The three subjects are, a man, perhaps Herakles, fighting with a lion ; two w^arriors fighting ; and a lion kneeling on rocky ground and looking back as if wounded. Some curious orna- ments, composed of spirals of fine gold wire, may be parts of necklaces or bracelets, while other combinations of spirals may have been used, as Dr. Schliemann con- jectures, to bind together separate tresses and locks of hair. The provision for the toilet for the nether w^orld was clearly shown by the remains of a gold comb with teeth of bone, two small boxes of gold, and three large vases in the same metal, all with covers fastened on with gold wires in a very primitive manner ; an alabaster vj.] DE. SCHLIEMANN'S DiSOOVEEIES AT^ MYCEN^. 267 scoop (No. 325) fashioned as if to represent a hollow formed by two hands in juxtaposition. Such objects may be regarded as the prototypes of the pyxides and other miindus iiiidiehris so often found in Greek tombs, and of which they at once remind the archseologist ; but some of the other antiquities found in this tomb are quite new to us, as for instance the four rectangular boxes (see No. 323) made of sheet copper, each of which is 1 in. long, 5 in. high, and 4 J in. wide ; these were found jQlled with fairly preserved wood, and had, it is supposed, been covered with a thick wooden plate. They were lying near the heads of the dead, and Dr. Schliemann conjectures that they may have been pillows. Remains of wood were also found in twelve gold hollow tubes ; these probably belong to distaffs or spindles, and the two silver rods which have been plated with gold, and which terminate in crystal knobs, were probably used for the same purpose. The three other tombs, though not quite so remarkable as those which we have already noticed, contained much that is new to us, and worthy of a careful study. But no idea can be formed of the splendour and variety of these objects without reference to the cuts and engravings with which this volume is profusely illustrated. Such were the marvellous contents of the five tombs within the circular enclosure on the Akropolis. But the treasure was not yet exhausted, for, close to the circular area, was a rectangular cutting in the rock, lined with a roughly-built wall of stones on its eastern and northern faces. On excavating here no remains of bodies or evidence of cremation were detected, but several curious objects, similar to those deposited in the five tombs, were 263 ESSAYS OX ARCHEOLOGY. [vi. found at tlie bottom of the cutting. The most remarkable of these objects were a gold couching lion, evidently the ornament of a large Jibula ; four gold cups, of which the handles terminate in dogs' heads at their upper attachment to the rim ; and two laro-e oold riuojs. On ' O CD O the oval chaton of one of these (p. 35-4, No. 530) is represented a most curious scene. On the left a female figure is seated on rocks at the foot of a tree, possibly intended for a palm tree ; behind her a smaller figure appears to be gathering fruit from one of the branches ; in her left hand the seated figui-e holds out three poppy- heads ; before her stands another female fisrure advancins; her right hand as if to receive the poppy-heads; and between these two fio-ures another smaller female fifjure stands immediately in front of the knees of the seated figure, holding up a flower as if offering it. Behind the taller standino- fio-ure, and on the extreme rio-ht of the scene, is another female figure holding flowers in either hand. Between the seated fio-ure and the taller figure standinoj in front of her we see a double-edo-ed battle- axe, or, perhaps, a pair of such axes. Between the two taller standing figures is what appears to be a Palladium, in the hand of which is a spear held very much as it is shown in the ancient representation of the Palladium. Between this figure and the top of the tree on the opposite side of the scene we see the sun and crescent moon, below which is a double wa\y line bent round in a cur^^e, which may re^^resent the sea. Behind the standing figure on the extreme left six objects are ranged on the edge of the chaton, so as to follow its curve. These objects are thought by Dr. Schliemann to ])e masks representing Corinthian helmets. "We have VI.] DR. SCHLTEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MTCE^^iE. 269 examined them repeatedly with a powerful lens, and can only see in them the faces of lions or panthers ; the ears, which are distinctly visible, are entirely feline in character. The dresses of all the female figures are very curious. Across the skirts of the two standing figures are raised horizontal ridges which may be the edges of upper garments falling over the innermost garment. On the surface of the skirts zigzag lines may be traced which probably represent embroidered patterns ; on one figure this pattern looks like over- lapping scales. The intaglio on the oval chaton of the other gold ring presents an equally strange subject. Here we see two parallel rows of animals' heads, between which is a row of small disks or bosses. In the upper row an ox's head is placed between two heads which, on the whole, it is safest to consider as representing lions ; in the lower row there is a counterchauge ; between the heads of two oxen is a sinoie lion's head. On the extreme left is some- o tiling which seems like wheat-ears growing from a single stem, and opposite, on the extreme right, is a single plant or flower. We have now indicated the main features of Dr. Schliemann's memorable discovery in the Mycenaean citadel ; and here several C[uestions naturally jiresent themselves. To what race and period are we to assign the remains in these tombs ? Are they Hellenic or prse- Hellenic ? What is their relation chronologically to that ancient citadel within the walls of which they were found ? Did the lions over the gateway guard this im- mense sepulchral treasure, and for how long ? What, again, is their connection with the buildings popularly 270 ESSAYS ON ATICH.EOLOGY. [vr. called Treasuries, below the Akropolis ? Do the legends of the house of the Atreidae throw any light on these sepulchral remains within their citadel ? And, again, do these remains illustrate or corroborate these legends ? Before we attempt to deal with the complicated problem involved in these questions, it may be well to interroorate the remains themselves, and ascertain what evidence archaeology can extract from them. Now in the outset of such an inquiry we must bear in mind that the contents of these tombs show us, as might indeed have been expected, that the same custom which pre- vailed through the ancient pagan world generally pre- vailed also at Mycenae, The dead were regarded as personages deserving of pious attention from the living, and therefore their sepulchres were furnished with such things as in this life they took delight in. The sentiment conveyed in Virgil's well-known lines : Qufe gi'atia curmin Armorumque fuit vivis .... .... eadem sequitur tellure repostos — - was not confined to Greece and Italy. Modern research has shown how the Scandinavian, Celtic, or Scythian warrior was buried not only with his armour and weapons, but with his war-chariot, his horse, and some- times with abundant supplies of raiment, food, and wine for his banquets in the other world. We also know that, in proportion to the rank and wealth of the deceased, was the preciousness of the ofterings deposited with him in the tomb. Now it may be fairly inferred, from the large amount of gold found in the Mycenaean tombs, that the bodies so lavishly decorated were those of personages VI.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCEN^. 271 distinguished ia tlieir day for wealth and power ; and, if this was the case, it may be assumed that the art em- ployed in fashioniug all this gold into ornaments was the best art which was available in Mycenae at the time when the deposit of this treasure was made. If the criteria by w^hich we are in the habit of iudo-ius: of the art of the Greeks and other ancient races are applied to these Mycenaean antiquities, we shall find that they rank very low in the scale. They present to us, it is true, considerable vigour and invention in the designing of mere patterns and ornaments, but in almost every case in which the representation of animal life is attempted we see a feebleness of execution, the result of barbarous ignorance ; those qualities and proportions of visible nature, on the observation of which the repre- sentation of organic beings in art depends, are either not perceived at all, or are so rendered as to be unintel- ligible. In support of this criticism we would refer our readers to the illustrations in the work before us, which are sufficiently faithful to give those who have not seen the originals a fair impression of their merits. To begin with the gold masks. Two of these are so crushed out of shape that perhaps it is hardly fair to subject them to criticism, but the other two (No. 331, p. 220, and No. 474, p. 289) have suffered but little. After reading Dr. Schliemann's glowing description of these masks on the first announcement of their discovery, we confess that it was not without a shudder that we first beheld these hideous libels on the "human face divine." As representations of life, we can hardly rate them much higher than the work of New Zealanders and other savages. In No. 331 the width from ear to ear is so dis- 272 ESSAYS ON ABCH^OLOGY. [vr. proportionate tliat the whole mask takes the form of an oval, of Nvhich the longest diameter is at right angles to the nose. Let us hope that no race so repulsive as this specimen ever dwelt in the fortress of the Atreidae. The other mask, No. 474, is a little more comely ; the nose, though almost devoid of nostril, has the merit of being straight, and the moustache, beard, and eyebrows are tolerably rendered. But there is the same dispropor- tionate width from the outer corners of the eyes to the ears, and there is no attempt to model the features. Dr. Schliemann thinks that these masks are meant to be portraits of the persons on whose remains they were found. This is more than probable, and the artist may have had the assistance of a squeeze in clay or wax taken from the face after death. If he had sufficient skill to use this squeeze as a matrix, he may have obtained a cast in relief from it. Our belief is that, having obtained such a cast in some yielding material, he copied that by hand, carving it out in wood or some material hard enough to hammer gold upon. AYe may thus account for the curious realism in such details as the moustache and beard, the smooth surface of which suggests the notion that oil or grease had been applied to this part of the face to make the mould deliver, as is done now hj formatori}^^ AVe have already mentioned that on the tombstones above the sepulchres were subjects sculptured in relief. On one of these (p. 81) in an oblong sinking is a figure standing in a chariot drawn by a quadruped galloping, which we must assume to be a horse, in spite of his tail, which curls upwards like an angry bull's. Before the head of this quadruped a figure runs Yi.] DR. SOHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCENiE. 273 ])raEdisliing a falchion. Another tombstone (p. 86) has a similar design, and on a third below the fignrc in the chariot is an animal which Dr. Schliemann describes (p. 81) as a '' tolerably well-preserved dog," but which is more probably a lion chasing some quadruped, which, were it not for the inordinate length of his tail, we might call a deer (p. 52). These reliefs are hardly superior to the rudest specimens of sculpture over the doors of some of our Norman churches. Even Dr. Schliemann's enthusiasm fails him here, and he admits (p. 85) that " the men and animals are made as rudely and in as puerile a manner as if they were the primitive artist's first essay to represent living beings." The same incapacity for representing the forms of organic life appears in the smaller works where human fiojures are introduced. When we turn from the representations of the human figure to that of animals in these Mycenaean antiquities, we see that superiority in the treatment of the lower forms of organic life which is characteristic of very early art in many barbarous races. As a rule, quadrupeds are more correctly represented than men, birds than quadrupeds, fishes and insects than birds. This is certainly the case at Mycenae. Of animals, the lion seems to have been the most studied and the best understood. It is true that the gold mask of a lion, represented on p. 211, fails as much to express the true characteristics of the animal, and errs as much in pro- portion as the human masks already noticed ; l3ut the action of the lion springing on his prey in the embossed plate. No. 470, is expressed with a spirit to which the cut in the work before us by no means does justice. The lion (p. 178, No. 263) in repousse work, which was T 27i ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [vi. probably designed as an ornament to be worn on a garment, is also not without character, though rudely beat out and treated as mere decoration ; but in the couching lion (p. 361, No. 532) we have an animal that reminds us at once of the granite lions of EgyjDt and the bronze lion weights found by Mr. Layard at Nimrud. The style has something of the repose which is the characteristic of Egyptian lions, but in the modelling we trace the influence of an Asiatic school. Next in merit to this lion must rank the silver oxV*^ head w^ith the two lono- o-old horns and a o-old star on the forehead. The surface of the silver is so much corroded as to detract very much from the effect of this head, but the proportions are well preserved, and, judging from the muzzle, w^hich, having been plated with gold, has not equally decayed, the modelling must have been very fair. A stag (p. 257, No. 376) made of a base metal, of which the analysis yielded two-thirds silver and one- third lead, is chiefly interesting as a primitive attempt to represent a quadruped standing on his legs without any other support. The result is somewhat ungainly. The body of the stag is hollow, and on his back is a spout, showing that the form of this animal has been adapted for a vase. When we pass from the representation of cpiadrupeds to the lower forms of life, we find fish, probably intended for the dolphin and the sepia or octopus, which occur frequently both on the embossed disks (p. 166, No. 240) and also (p. 268, No. 424) as reliefs without a background, so that the outline of the cuttle-fish is left free. This is the mode in which the emblemata are made which we find in later Greek art attached as ornaments to mirror VI.] DR. SCHLIEMAXX'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCEX^. 275 covers and vases. No less tlian 'fifty-three of the cuttle- fish rej)resented (Xo. 424) were collected out of one tomb. Dr. Schliemann states that their perfect similarity can only be explained by supposing that they were all cast in the same mould. They may, however, have been all hammered out on the same model, and afterwards united in pairs, so as to present the same relief on both sides, as Dr. Schliemann sus:2:ests iu reference to a similar class of ornaments (p. 183). The spirals in which the arms of the octopus terminate would of course give facilities for fastening them as ornaments on gar- ments. Moths are another favourite subject with the Mycenaean goldsmiths. We find them on the disks and also separately cut out like the cuttle-fish. It is curious, on comparing these, to see how carefully some of them appeared to have been studied from nature, and how the same type reappears in a more conventional form. The patterns borrowed from the vegetable world are not so varied. Among the embossed disks, of which so large a number was found in the tomb of the women, were fan-shaped leaves cut out of gold plates in outline, with the inner markings of the leaves raised in relief, so that they seem like botanical diagrams. In another place are two pomegranates (p. 176, Nos. 257, 258) which have evidently formed the pendants of necklaces. In a large proportion of the ornaments, whether disks or crowns, the basis of the pattern is a ckcular flower, of which the leaves are sometimes pointed, and sometimes rounded at the ends. Sometimes again these leaves, radiating from a common centre, have their points bent in the same oblique direction, as if they were obeying T 2 276 ESSAYS ON AROHiEOLOGY. [vi. the force of a whirling movement. The effect of the Large detached flowers is exceedingly rich, though pro- duced by a process so simple that a modern goldsmith mioht despise it. The separate leaves of the flower are first cut out of thin gold plate ; each leaf is ornamented with bosses, spkals, headings, and other ornaments, all beat out of the plate in relief; these leaves are then imited by a central stud or plate, which forms the eye of the flower. Each leaf being covered with raised patterns, a great variety of light-reflecting points is obtained from a very small surface of gold, and the whole effect is very striking^. Where floral forms are not adopted, round bosses and other circular patterns and combinations of spirals are the basis of most of the patterns, and these combinations of spirals seem to have been first suggested by the facility with which gold wire can be worked into such a pattern, as is shown by the spiral bracelets and clasps (p. 196). In the ornaments which the Mycenaean goldsmiths produced in gold we are always reminded of its malleability and ductility ; and if they had been as skilful as later goldsmiths in the processes of casting, chasing, and soldering, to which this metal lends itself so easily, their ornaments would have had a different character, less broad and simple, but capable of greater refinement of execution and variety of composi- tion. Two fragments of Mycenaean goldsmith's work, of singular beauty and unique of their kind, must not be passed over here (Nos. 451, 452, p. 287). The original objects to which these t"\vo fragments belonged may have been a caduceiis, as one of the pieces represents a coiled snake, the other, part of a hollow cylinder which had enclosed a VI.] DR SCHLIEMANJSf'S DISCOVEKIE'S AT MYCENiE. 277 Avoocleu staff. The cylinclcr is formed of four-leaved flowers, united at the points of their leaves, of which the cdo-es all round are raised so as to form casemates or cloisons, in which pieces of rock-crystal are inlaid. The spaces between each pair of flowers are filled with pieces of crystal, all nicely adjusted to their places. In like manner the scales of the serpent are of crystal inlaid in gold cloisonne work. Of these crystal inlays one only had fallen out, though the surfiice had been exposed to the action of fire. The gold vessels found in the Mycenaean tombs are chiefly drinking-cups of several kinds. The prevading type is a one-handled cup taper- ing more or less from the mouth to the base, so that the form may be likened to a truncated cone inverted. In another type, the cup, in form something like a modern goblet, springs from a stem more or less taper, which again spreads out at the base into a circular foot. In cups of this type the foot, stem, and bottom of the cup arc hammered out of one plate of gold, into which the body of the cup is then fitted like an egg into an egg- cup, and riveted by gold nails. Two of these cups are loaded with some other metal at the junction of the stem with the body. The handles are rudely formed of strips of gold bent to the required shape, and riveted by gold nails. The forms of these gold cups arc somewhat clumsy, and the inelegance of their design is evidently due to want of skill in metallurgy. The great goblet (p. 234, No. 344) must, before it was crushed in, have been the finest of all the cups in design, as well as being intrinsically the most valuable, its weight being, as has already been stated, four pounds troy. AVe have already noticed the richly embossed gold 278 ESSAYS OX ARCHiEOLOGY. [vr. plates wbicli once decorated the wooden scabbards and the hilts and pommels of the swords. The blades of these swords are of bronze, and many of them are re- markable for their great length, which Dr. Schliemann calculates as more than three feet. These swords are double-edged, with a high projecting ridge or thread down the centre of the blade. It may be inferred, there- fore, that they were used like rapiers for thrusting or p-uardino". Other shorter swords seem to have been used like a falchion only for delivering a chopping blow, as they have only one edge. All these swords are beautifully made. "We have endeavoured to direct attention to the more striking characteristics of style and fabric in the Mycenaean antiquities. The exceeding strangeness of their aspect led to some mystification on their first exhibition. The extreme antiquity claimed for these olijects by Dr. Schliemann was strongly contested. It was said that many of them were as late as the Byzantine period ; the ornaments were said to be not Hellenic, but rather Celtic in character. It was even insinuated that they had been brought from other locali- ties, and dexterously inserted in the soil of IMycenge by their discoverer ; that he had, to use an American ex- pression, " salted " his tombs. These doubts and in- sinuations would be hardly worth noticing here were it not that more than one distinguished archaeologist helped to give them currency, misled, as they have since frankly acknowledged, by first impressions. That these antiquities nppear on their first aspect more barbarous than Hellenic may be admitted, but the patient student will not fail to detect many links by Yi.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCEN^. 279 Avliicli they may be coiniected with archaic Greek art as we have hitherto known it from extant specimens. In order to discover these latent affinities we must inquire what evideiice of the earliest stage of Greek art has been obtained from the islands in the southern part of the Archipelago, and especially from Rhodes, ]\Ielos, Krete, Santorin, and Cyprus, islands which lay in the track of the most ancient Phoenician navigation, and were colonised by the Greeks at a very early period. From these islands have been collected certain gems which have only lately received from archaeologists the attention they deserved, and a few samples of which have been published by M. F. Lenormant in the " Revue Archdologique," xxviii. p. 1, PI. 12, and also by Ludwig Ross, in his "Reisen," iii. p. 21. These gems are pebbles of crystal, sard, onyx, red and green jasper, steatite, and other stones which have been for the most part roughly wrought into the form of a lens ; some few are rhomboid. Both kinds are pierced, evidently to be strung on a necklace, or mounted on a swivel ring. On these stones are engraved, in the rudest manner, animals, monstrous combinations of human and animal forms, such as Sphinxes, Chimseras, etc., and lastly human figures, one of which probably rej^resents Herakles fighting with the lion, another perhaps Pro- metheus with the vulture. Tliese intaglios are cut with a rudeness which shows no trace of the influence either of the Egyptian scarab or the Assyrian engraved cylinder, both of which appear to have been imitated by the Phoenician and early Greek gem engravers. The rude gems from the Greek islands seem to carry us back to some remote time ^80 ESSAYS OX AECH^OLOGY. [vi. before Hellenic art had any style of its own ; before it was sensibly, if at all, affected by foreign influences, wlictlier Asiatic or Egyptiau, and tlie- majority of the subjects represented on these primitive gems arc such as would be taken direct from nature by a semi- barbarous people. In these designs, as in the similes of Homer, the lion, either alone or devouring cattle or deer, is a favourite subject ; we find, too, the wild goat with very large horns, which still inhabits Krete, and was once general in the mountains of the Archipelago. We would refer our readers to the interesting series of these intagli in the Gem Eoom of the British Museum, and invite them to compare their rude designs with those of the rings in gold in Dr. Schliemann's work ; the resemblances will be found most striking, not only in the subjects and general design and execution, but also in certain minute details. Thus, on a Museum gem is a female figure of which the dress and general type at once remind us of the strange ladies on the Mycena3an gold ring, No. 530 ; on another Museum gem are two warriors fighting, one of whom is armed with a very long oblong shield, with straight jDarallel sides, but curved at the top — just such a shield as is worn by one of the warriors on the Mycenaean signet ring, No. 335. We find, too, on one of the Museum gems, the same irregular wavy lines to represent water which occur below the sun and moon in the Mycenaean ring, No. 530. But the connection between these gems and the MycenaBan intagli in gold does not end here. In the tomb (No. 3) which contained the bodies of three females were found two of the very gems which we have been describing (Nos. 313 and 315, p. 202). It should VI.] DR SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCEN^. 281 be here noted that six gems of this class were found with other very ancient objects in the upper soil above the tombs, at a depth ranging from 10 to 13 ft. (p. 112), and three more were obtained by Dr. Schliemann from the neio'hbourhood of the ancient site where once stood the Aroive Heraion. Ruder and perhaps even more ancient than these gems are the little marble idols representing a naked female figure, which are occasionally found in the Greek islands. These fio-ures, which rano-e from 10 to 15 in. in height, remind us at once of the rude carvings of savage races, such as may be seen in ethnographical collections. The lower limbs are indicated by a variation in the outline, and by a deep line of demarcation cut in the marble to show that they are separable one from the other. The arms, marked off in like manner by a deep channel, are folded on the breast ; the face is featureless, save a projection which serves to represent a nose, and behind this face is no cranium, only a slight thickness of marble. The one peculiarity which distinguishes these figures from the idols of more recent savage races is that the pelvis is marked very distinctly by three incised lines which form an equilateral triangle. ^*^ Among the Mycensean anticpiities are two little gold ornaments representing a naked female figure, which, from the doves associated with it, is probably a very early type of Aphrodite. This figure, though a little less rude than the marble idols, has the arms folded on the bosom in the same manner, and the pelvis is in like manner marked ofi" as a triano-le, thous^h in the work before us (p. 180, Nos. 2G7, 2G8) the engraver, 282 ESSAYS ON AECH^EOLOGY. [vr. trusting to pliotograplis without seeing the originals, has failed to detect this peculiarity. We have now to call attention to certain equally rude representations of the human figure in terra-cotta, specimens of one variety of which arc given in Plates A and B and Plate xvii. Nos. 94-9G. These terra-cottas, which do not exceed five inches in height, are rudely fashioned in the form of a draped female figure, only to be recognised as such by the two slight protuberances which indicate breasts. From the waist downwards the draped body is represented as a round column which spreads outwards at the base. There are no indications of feet. The arms project on each side of the shoulder like the arms of a crescent, and are enveloped in a kind of tippet, which falls as low as the waist, and is distin- guished from the lower dress by stripes of colour. The face is as featureless as the little marble figures already described. This is the type which Dr. Schliemann believes to be an idol representing the cow-headed Hera, whose horns he recognises in the arms projecting on each side. That these figures are idols is very possible, that the position of the arms may have some Hieratic signifi- cance, and that it may possibly typify the crescent moon, may be conceded to Dr. Schliemann ; but, after a study of this type as it may be traced through the series of ancient terra-cottas from lalysos and Kamiros in the British Museum, we fail to recognise any horns at all, and consecpiently the ingenious identification of this fio-urc with the Homeric Hera falls to the oround. In another variety of this type (pi. C. fig. 1), the arms are folded as in the little marble idols, already noticed. The great antiquity of both these types might VI.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOYERIES AT MYCENiE. 283 ])0 iuferred from tliclr extreme rudeness, and the dis- covery of a single specimen by Dr. Scliliemann in one of the five tombs sliows that they were in existence as early as the date of those tombs, whatever that may be. As many as 700 of such terra- cottas were found in digging throuo^h the stratum of ancient soil above the tombs, and similar figures were found in digging through the passage to the Treasury, explored by Madame Schliemann. But such archaic types in terra-cotta are not limited to Mycenae and Tiryns. They have been found in tombs at Athens, and also at lalysos in Rhodes, and evidently belong to the same primitive class as the rude figures of horsemen found in the tombs of Cyprus, Rhodes, and Athens, of which one mutilated specimen occurred in the diggings of Mycenae, ^*^ In difi-fi^inof the strata of soil above the tombs, Dr. Schliemann found not only potsherds, such as earlier travellers had remarked on the surface, but whole vases, and in the tombs themselves were broken vases. One of the most frequently recurring types is that figured on p. G4 (Xo. 25), which may thus be described : The body is nearly globular, its neck serves as the support of the two handles which spring from either shoulder of the vase. The neck is closed at the top, the mouth of the vase is a spout on the shoulder. This type is so peculiar that its recurrence in various localities could not have been due to any chance coincidence. We find it in Eg}'pt, in Cyprus, and forty-three examples of it were obtained from lalysos in Rhodes. Another form which ^Mycenae has in common with lalysos is tlie goblet type (p. 70, No. 83), in which a shallow cup with one handle rises from a tall stem. In the ornaments painted on the 284 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [vi. lalysiau A'ascs we are still more reminded of Mycensean art. The cuttle-fisli, so favourite a symbol witti the goldsmiths of M}'ceu£e, recurs on several of the fictile cups from lalysos. We have too the same friezes of dolphins or lions encircling the body of the vases in both cases; the combination of spirals such as are found on the gold breastplates constantly recurs ; and when we compare the fragments of pottery from ]\Iycen83 with the vases from lalysos, the identity not only in the peculiar ornaments, but in the fabric, is so complete, that we are justified in concluding that the vases of both places, if not the actual products of the same school of fictile art, were made about the same period, and derived their ornaments from some common source. ^^'^ The J\lycena3an ornament seems derived not so much from traditional forms as from Nature herself, and flowers seem to have suggested many of the patterns, while shells and other marine products may have suggested others. This preference for floral ornament is equally marked in certain pottery from Santorin, on which leaves and tendrils are painted in a free, bold style. From the circumstance that this Santorin pottery was found with other remains under a stratum of lava, a very high antiquity has been claimed for it by M. Lenormant.-^^'' As his argument is dependent on certain geological assumptions which have not yet been confirmed by independent inquiry in situ, we shall only here remark that the pottery of Santorin presents strong resemblances to the pottery of the Mycenaean tombs and of lalysos, and that the fictile art of all three places is distinguished by certain peculiar characteristics. Not only is the pottery of lalysos almost identical VI.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCENAE. 285 with that of tlie Mjcensean tombs, but in both we find certain ornaments in a vitreous composition which present a most singukir coincidence both in material and pattern. There seems to be good ground for believing that these vitreous ornaments were originally covered with gold- leaf like some of the terra-cotta ornaments, which in later Greek art supplied necklaces for the dead. In one of the tombs at Mycen^ were several specimens of glass in a more advanced stage of the art. These are described by Dr. Schliemann as small cylinders pierced through their length, and square pieces composed of four such cylinders. Externally these cyHnders were cased with grayish-white matter which crumbled under the touch. ^Vithin that again was a hard blue transparent tube, which, according to Professor Landerer, is of cobalt glass, and wdthin this again another tube, with a lustre like silver, and which is pronounced by the same authority to be a vitreous substance containing lead. It would seem from this evidence that at the period when these tombs were furnished the art of casing cylinders with concentric tubes of glass, one over the other, was already known. No other specimens of glass were found by Dr. Schliemann at Mycense except a few beads in the soil above the tombs. One more point may be noted which connects the remains at lalysos with those at Mycenae — a peculiarity in the form of the gold rings. In the rino's from both sites, the back of tlie chaton is hollowed to fit the round of the finger, and the form and fabric of these rings are peculiar and unlike any other Greek rings with which we are acquainted. Simul- taneously with Dr. Schliemann's discoveries, tombs were found at Spata in Attika containing objects closely 286 ESSAYS OX ARCHAEOLOGY. [vr. resembling the autiquities from ]\Iycen?e, but apparently of rather a later date.^^^ These Attic antiquities are now being* carefully compared with the remains found in tombs at Mycenae, lalysos, and Santorin, but the in- quiry, to be complete, should be carried much fiirther. If certain ancient remains from Melos, Attika, Megara, the Rhodian lalysos and Kamiros, and Cyprus, were combined with the contents of the Mycenasan tombs, and arranged as far as possible in their presumed chro- nological sequence, a phenomenon which has for some years been recognised by arch£eologists would be more generally known and more easy of demonstration. This phenomenon is that the slow and painful advance of Greek art, from its first rude efforts, is interrupted at a certain stage by a foreign influence. When we examine that most interesting and varied collection of archaic objects found by Messrs. Biliotti and Salzmann in tombs at Kamiros, and now exhibited in the British Museum, we find but very few, if any, traces of the peculiar pottery of which the neighbouring city lalysos has furnished so many sjoecimens ; on the fictile vases of Kamiros we find zones of lions and other animals, drawn with great spirit and combined with ornaments which, since the discoveries at Nimrud, we know to have been derived from an Assyrian source. Again, while we find numbers of terra-cotta figures of which the earliest are as rude as those of Mycenae and lalysos, and of which the series exhibits so many successive stages of progress towards a truer representation of the human figure, we have other terra-cotta figures which, though still retain- ing certain archaic characteristics, seem the product of a more mature school of art ; and these later figures, when Yi.] DK. SCHLLEMANX'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCENiE. 287 compared with certain terra-cottas from tombs at Sidoii and other places in Phoenicia, are found to be identical in type, and to present only slight differences in style. ^*^^ When we turn to the gold ornaments of which Kamiros has yielded a rich collection, we see in the earlier specimens figures embossed on plates of gold, which, in their rudeness both of design and execution, remind us of the work of the Mycenaean goldsmiths ; but there are other specimens in which the art has made a decided advance, both in modelling and in technical skill ; and in this later style we meet with earrings ornamented with winged lions very similar to those so fiimiliar to us in Assyrian sculpture. The ornaments, too, both in gold and ivory, at Kamiros are constantly reminding us of Assyrian prototypes. On the other hand, we find many objects which seem to connect these remains with Egypt, such as a silver bowl and a gold ring, scarabs, vases, and many other objects in Egyptian porcelain, some with hieroglyphics ; and these hiero- glyphics are, in some cases, so incorrectly rendered and so blundered as to prove that the artist by v/hom they were copied had no real knowledge of Egyptian writing. ^'^^^ If we pass from Kliodes to Cyprus, we find that there, too, the early art presents the same curious mixture of Assyrian and Egyptian types and subjects. In General Cesnola's most interesting work, several bowls in gold, silver, and bronze are engraved, and two more, found many years ago in Cyprus, are to be seen, one in the Museum at the Louvre, the other in the Bibliotheque Nationale.^'^^ Inside these bowls are designs, either en- graved or embossed, representing battle scenes, in some of which a king takes a part, — hunting scenes, animals ; 288 ESSAYS ON AECn.EOLOGY. [vi. the predominating style is rather Egyptian than Assyrian, but there is a strange mixture of symbols and ornaments from both sources. If we pass from the Greek islands to Italy, we find that silver bowls very similar to those of Cyprus in style and subject were found in the celebrated Regulini Galassi tomb at Cer- vetri, and also in more than one ancient site on the west coast of Italy ; and if we go eastward we meet with the same curious mixture of Assyrian and Egyptian in- fluences in the bronze bowls and inlaid ivories discovered by Mr. Layard at Nimrud.^"^ Here, of course, the ques- tion presents itself, How can we account for these re- semblances in style and subject in the metallic art of countries so wide apart as Nimrud and Cervetri, and in an a^e when commercial intercourse and navis^ation were as yet restricted within narrow limits ? The answer to this question which has been generally ac- cepted by arch geologists of late years is that it was the Phoenicians who, in the course of their commerce, brought this particular class of art to the markets of Greece and Italy, and that these engraved and embossed bowls, and probably most of the early jewellery such as we find at Kamiros and Cervetri, were made by the artificers of Tyre, Sidon, and other Phoenician settlements. The correctness of this opinion has been strikingly confirmed by the recent discovery of a treasure at Palestrina, in which a bowl with pseudo -Egyptian hieroglyphics, and with an inscription in true Semitic characters, was asso- ciated with gold ornaments, which correspond in certain technical details with the jewellery of Kamiros. The examples which we here adduce are only a few links in a long chain of evidence, most of which will be Yi.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCENiE. 2S9 found in a recent dissertation by Professor Helbig on the Palestrina treasure.^ '^ The number of instances in which Phoenician and Greek remains have been found inter- mixed on the same site points to a period when the rude untaught instincts of the Hellenic artist were stimu- lated and developed by the importation of foreign works, the product of a more advanced civilisation, and it will be convenient for the present to designate this period as the Grseco-Phoenician. But what were its limits ? We can hardly conceive it to extend downwards later than B.C. 560, when the Assyrian Empire and its art had been swept away by the fall of Nineveh ; when Greek art had nearly freed itself from foreign influences, and was de- veloping a free independent growth ; when we begin to hear of celebrated Hellenic artists, some sculptors in marble, some excelling in the art of casting, embossing, and chasing works in metal ; when the Doric and Ionic styles of architecture had reached a certain maturity, and sumptuous temples in marble were being built. With regard to the limits of the Grseco -Phoenician period upwards, all that we can positively assert is that, in the time of Homer — whenever that was — the Greeks received from Sidon, Tyre, and Cyprus certain works of art which they greatly prized, and which they thought worthy to be laid up in the treasuries of kings. Such were the silver krater given by Achilles as an ago- nistic prize at the funeral of Patroklos, which, as the poet tells us, was made by the Sidonians, and brought over the sea by the Phoenicians, and the cuirass of Agamemnon, inlaid with many metals, presented to him by Kinyres, the king of the Cyprian Paphos. Homer too describes, in an often cited passage, the u 290 ESSAYS ON ARCBLEOLOGY. [vi. traffic between Pliceniciau traders and the Greeks on the coast, when the crafty Orientals contrived to kidnap Greek women, hiring them to the shore by the display of necklaces and other toys — athyrmata. Among such athyrmata may be reckoned the shells engraved with Assyrian subjects which have been found whole or in portions at Yulci in Etruria, at Kamiros, at Nimrud, and at Bethlehem. ^'^ The shells so engraved are known to naturalists as the tridaclina squamosa, and are found in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean, but not in the Mediter- ranean. It is to be presumed that, like other products from the more distant East, they were brought by Phoenician ships up the Red Sea, and thence to Greek or Etruscan marts. The ostrich eggs, covered with subjects carved in relief in an Asiatic style, which were found with other Gr^eco-Phoenician remains in the PoUedrara grotto near Yulci, are another example of athyrmata brought from a far country in the course of trade. ^'^ How early this Phoenician traffic in the eastern Mediterranean began, and whether on the coast of Italy . Carthage had any share in it, are questions which we have as yet no certain means of determining. That Tyrians were already eminent in metallurgy and other arts as early as the time of Solomon, B.C. 1000, we know from the Books of Kings and Chronicles, in which the varied talents of Hii'am, the artist sent to decorate the temple at Jerusalem, are described in terms which would be applicable to the Samian Theodores, that versatile genius to whom is ascribed so prominent a part in the development of Greek art some four centuries later. ^'^ When we compare the descriptions of works of art VI.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCEN^. 291 in Homer with those extant specimens which wc have assigned to the Gr?eco-Phoenician period, the corre- spondence is very striking. It is true that in the shield of Achilles the poet's imagination has evidently con- tributed some of the marvels of that famous composi- tion ; and, considering that this masterpiece was the work of the god Hephaistos, we could expect no less. But, allowing for a certain amount of poetic licence in the description, we find both in the design of the shield and in the technical method of its execution much that reminds us of the Phoenician bowls, of the great shield found in the Kegulini Galassi tomb at Cervetri, and of several other specimens of archaic metallurgy of the same period. ■^''^ The like observation applies to the description of the shield of Herakles in Hesiod. Now when we compare the Mycenaean antiquities with the description of works of art and handicraft in the poems of Homer and Hesiod, we find that in all that may be considered products of the mere craftsman, such as swords, scabbards, sword-belts, or the domestic utensils, such as cups or cauldrons, the descriptions in Homer tally sufficiently with the objects found by Dr. Schlie- mann to make it probable that, at the time when the Homeric poems were composed, the fashion of such pro- ducts of handicraft had not greatly changed. On the other hand the tombs of Mycenae have produced no work of art at all comparable in design and execution to the battles and hunting scenes which the Phoenician artists beat out in relief or engraved on bowls and other metallic surfaces. Still less do we find at Mycenae any composition which at all reminds us of Homer's shield. It is obvious that artists so ignorant of the human figure as the Mycenaean u 2 292 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [vi. goldsmiths would liave been incapable of producing com- positions with a sustained dramatic interest, such as the description of the Homeric shield implies, and of which the designs of the Phoenician bowls already referred to seem to contain the germ. We therefore do not hesitate to state our opinion that, viewed in relation to the descriptions in Homer, the art of Mycense seems of a prse- Homeric period ; viewed ao-ain in relation to the best extant works of the Gr?eco-Phoenician period, this Mycenaean art is certainly very much ruder and earlier in style, whatever may be its date. We cannot but believe that the masterpieces of those Sidonian artists whom Homer calls noXySaiSaXoL must have been very superior to what seems to us for the most part the uncouth product of a race destined ultimately to assimilate and to improve the arts and in- ventions of the Phoenicians and older races, but who had not yet entered into this rich inheritance. In the dim twilight of the mythic past the names of Kadmos and Daedalos stand out conspicuously. The first of these names marks the period when the Greeks adopted alpha- betic writing from the Phoenicians ; the name of Dsedalos, on the other hand, expresses the change from the rude, shapeless idol to a truer and more lively representation of the human form — a change wrought, as we conceive, by the quickening influence of foreign schools of art acting on the Greeks through the medium of the Phoenicians, Thus, as we may call the period before the use of writing among the Greeks the prse-Kadmean period, so the period before this quickening influence transformed their rude efibrts into a distinct style of art may be called the pr9e-Da3dalian period. In our judg- VI.] DE. SCIILIEMANN'S DISCOVERIES AT MYCENiE. 293 ment, the antiquities of Mycense belong to tliis prse- Dsedalian period, with the exception of some three or four objects, which appear to us to have been imported from some country in a more advanced stage of civilisa- tion. That country may have been Egypt, but the carriers were probably Phoenicians. It will be seen from the foregoing remarks that, in calling the antiquities from Mycenae pra3-D8edalian and prse-Homeric, we incline to the belief that they are of a very high antiquity. Dsedalos is so entirely a legendary personage, that we can only offer vague guesses as to the period which his name represents ; but the age of the Homeric poems, however much contested by ancient and modern chronologers, can hardly be later than the age assigned to them by Herodotos — namely, about four centuries before his own time, or B.C. 850. If, then, the Mycenaean antiquities are prse-Homeric, they must be regarded as earlier than the middle of the ninth century before our era. We have already set forth the general grounds for such an opinion, as deduced from a com- parison of the Mycenaean treasure with other extant examples of archaic art. In further support of such a view, it may be here noted that, on a well-known mural picture in a tomb at Thebes, tributaries of the Egyptian King Thothmes III., believed to be Cyprians or Phoeni- cians, arc bringing vases and other offerings, one of which is in the form of an ox's head, very closely re- sembling the silver ox's head of the Mycenaean treasure, while other figures bear cups, which have a strong family likeness to those found by Dr. Schliemann.-^''^ According to Egyptologists, the date of Thothmes III. falls some- where between b.c. 1400 and 1500 at the latest. 294 ESSAYS OX ARCHEOLOGY. [vi. We have already poiuted out that the close re- semblance between the antiquities of lalysos and those of Myccnse makes it probable that we ought not to sepa- rate the one series from the other by any long interval of time ; and here we must call attention to the fact that in one of the tombs at lalysos was found another Egyptian relic of remote antiquity — a porcelain scarab with the cartouche of King Amenoph III., whose date, according to the authorities on Egyptian chronology, is not later than B.C. 1400. Of course, neither this dis- covery nor the resemblance of the Mycenaean cups and ox's head to similar objects depicted in the tomb at Thebes are conclusive as to the date of the respective tombs in which they were found ; for a sepulchral de- posit cannot, of course, be earlier than the most modern objects it contains, and the Mycenaean cups and lalysian scarab may be somewhat older than the other objects found with them ; but we hardly think it likely that this possible greater antiquity would exceed three centuries. We should thus arrive at the eleventh century B.C. as an approximate date for the antiquities of ]\Iycen8e and lalysos. We have now endeavoured to answer the question. What can be inferred as to the ap-e and orioin of the antiquities found on the Akropolis at Mycenae by the study of the antiquities themselves ? From a com- parison with extant remains found on other ancient sites, w^e are led to infer that the contents of the Mj^cenaean tombs belong to the most remote period to which we can venture to ascribe any Greek antiquities as yet known to us, and the reasoning which has con- ducted us to this conclusion would, we conceive, seem VI.] DE. SCHLIEMAKN'S DISCOVEEIES AT MYCENiE. 295 equcally valid to any one trained in archaeological re- search, whether these antiquities had been found by Dr. Schliemann at Mycenas or on any other Greek site not so marked out by tradition and extant monuments, as the seat of a great monarchy in prse-Homeric times. On the other hand, it is not possible in the discussion on the discoveries at Mycenae to divest the mind of the associations which the very name of this site calls forth, and thus we are brought back to the question to which we have already briefly adverted in the earlier part of this article. Have those singular monuments, the so- called Treasuries, and the Lion gateway, that direct connection with the dynasty of the Atreidae which local tradition in the time of Pausanias ascribed to them ? Are they, as most archaeologists believe, almost the sole surviving specimens of the architecture of the heroic age, an architecture which has passed away like the fauna of that remote period to which geologists assign the Mastodon and Megatherium ; or are they, as ultra- sceptics have maintained, simply masses of ancient masonry of uncertified date and origin ? Henceforth, it is obvious, the discussion of this cjuestion cannot be separated from that of another cjuestion. What is the age of the antiquities discovered by Dr. Schliemann in the Akropolis at Mycenae ? Was this immense treasure deposited at a time when Mycenae still merited the epithet " much- golden," which Homer bestows on it ? Were the bodies with which it was found those of royal personages of the line of Pelops, or of some unknown fortes ante Agamemnona or 'post Agamemnona f At this stage of the inquiry we would state certain propositions which, we think, may be fairly as- 696 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. vi. sumed as postulates in all future discussions of tlic problem : 1 . There was a powerful Aclirean dynasty at Mycenae which in mythic tradition is represented by the three successive names, Atreus, Thyestes, Agamemnon, and which at some time was dominant in Argolis, and perhaps over much more of the Peloponnese. 2. This Achseau dynasty lost its ascendancy after the revolution commonly called the Eeturn of the Hera- kleidae, when the Dorians established themselves as the ruling race in Argos and other parts of the Peloponnese, and of which revolution the date is B.C. 1104, according to one ancient authority, or B.C. 1048 according to another. 3. The buildings which Pausanias calls Treasuries, and the Lions' Gate at Mycenae were erected during the period of Achaean supremacy in Argolis. 4. From the amount of treasure which the tombs discovered l^y Dr. Schliemann contained, it may be fairly inferred that these were royal tombs. 5. As we have no record, legendary or historical, of any kings reigning at Mycenae after the termination of the Achaean dynasty, it is to be presumed that the tombs in the Akropolis are not later than that dynasty. But admitting these premisses, have we any reason- able ground for supposing that the tombs found by Dr. Schliemann are those which Pausanias believed to contain the remains of Agamemnon and his companions ? It may be well here to cite the exact words of that author (ii. 16, §5): "In the ruins of Mycenae are the fountain called Perseia, and the subterranean buildings of Atreus and his children, in which they stored their VI.] DR. SCHLIEMANN'S DISCOVEEIES AT MYCENiE. 297 treasure. The tomb of Atreus is there, and also the tomb of Agamemnon and such of his companions as yEgisthos slew at a banquet on their return from Troy. The identity, indeed, of the tomb of Kassandra is called in question by the Lakonians of Amyklse, but one of the tombs is that of Agamemnon, another of his charioteer Eurymedon. Teledamos and Pelops, who are said to have been twin children of Kassandra, and to have been slain while yet infants with their parents by ^gisthos, are both in the same tomb, and there is the tomb of Elektra, for Orestes gave her in marriage to Pylades, and, according to Hellanikos, Medon and Strophios were the issue of this union. But Klytemnestra and JEgistlios were buried at a little distance from the fortress, being thought unworthy to be buried within it where Agamem- non and those slain with him were interred." We quite accept in this passage Dr. Schliemann's interpretation of the word Teixoer/6oZos was cleared out, remains of sculpture and inscriptions were found lyiug in two strata, separated from each other by a layer of sand. Among these remains was the base of a statue of the Athenian rhetor, Flavins Philostratos. This seems to be the periholos which Pausanias describes as on the left of the entrance to the great Gymnasion, and as having jpalcestrce for the athletes to exercise in. It is interesting viii.] DISCOVERIES AT OLOIPIA. 345 as showing us the arrangement of a Greek palcestra, and also because we find in the architecture a combination of the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian orders. The date is thouofht to be of the time of the Diadochi. The remains of a great gateway, with Corinthian columns, found near the north-east angle of the 2')eriholos, mark the entrance to the Altis at its north-west anole. O Between this Gateway and the Heraion the remains of the Prytaneion were discovered in October, 1878. The plan of this edifice might still be traced ; round a areat central hall were a number of rooms in one of which were two tessellated pavements, one laid over the other. On breaking through this 2Davement, the remains of an earlier Greek building with early Doric capitals were found below ; it was evident that the original Pnjtaneion had been replaced in Roman times by a larger edifice built on the same site. These ]-emains had not been completely explored at the close of the season 1878-79. East of the Heraion, at the foot of Kronion, is an interesting monument of the Roman period, the ephedra of Herodes Atticus. This is a brick structure, in the centre of which is a semicircular apse, recessed into the side of the hill. Below this apse is a terrace, bounded on either side l)y two w^alls, which in the plan form wings to the apse. A small circular Corinthian temple stood in either wing. In the middle of the terrace was a great basin lined with marble, which received a stream of water issuiuo- from two lions' heads. An aqueduct which passed from the east through the vale of Miraka, and part of which is still in working- order, supplied this water, which afterwards descended 346 ESSAYS ON AKCHiEOLOGY. [viii. through many channels into the Altis. Olympia owed this abundant supply of water to the provident muni- ficence of Herodes, by which Greece so largely benefited. On a marble bull which stood in front of the basin, we may still read the inscription which records that Herodes dedicated the aqueduct to Zeus in the name of Regilla, the beloved wife for whose loss he mourned so deeply, and in memory of whom he erected the sumptuous monument, the site of which may still be seen on the Appian "Way. In the interior of the ajDse, between the Corinthian joilasters, were statues, fifteen of which were found in situ. Though the heads of most of these have perished, we learn from the inscriptions on their bases that most of tliem were the portraits of the family of Herodes, whom the Eleiaus thus honoured in gratitude to their benefactor. The statues of the contemporary Imperial family, of which remains were found, were probably placed in the two small temples in the wings. These were dedicated by Herodes himself. Professor Adler has made a restoration of this exhedra, and remarks that its design shows, in spite of many shortcomings in the details, considerable invention, and that its efi"ect is picturesque, reminding us of similar works of the Renaissance period. The Byzantine church to the west of the temple of Zeus, which the French partially excavated in 1829, is in form like a basihca, and consists of a narthex on the west, opening by three doorways into a nave with two side aisles. The east end. of the nave is cut ofi" by a marble screen which separates it from the sanctuary. The east end terminates in an apse, round the interior vm.] DISCOVERIES AT OLYMPIA. 347 of which is a brick bench. The foundations of the altar and priest's chair are also marked. AVcst of the narthex are two small chambers ; on the south side was a porch. The date of this church, according to Professor Adler, is probably about the first half of the fifth century a.d. The apse he considers a later addition. Built into the walls are Ionic double columns and Corinthian pilaster capitals. These latter were taken probably from the exiled y a of Herodes. This church is built on the foundations of an ancient Greek edifice, the walls of which are still standing to the height of about six feet, and are built of blocks of poros. The masonry is of the best time. The doorway opens to the east. On measur- ing the lines of these foundations, they exhibited so remarkable a correspondence in scale with the cella of the temple of Zeus, that it has been ingeniously con- jectured that here stood the building called the work- shop of Pheidias, which in the time of Pausanias was still shown to the visitors of Olympia. It is obvious that the chryselephantine statue of Zeus could only have been executed in some permanent building where the precious materials of which it was composed could be properly guarded ; and if we suppose that this building- was made of the same size as the cella of the temple, and lit in the same manner, Pheidias would have had advan- tages which are seldom enjoyed by modern sculptors, who too often execute colossal works in cramped ateliers, where the conditions of light are wholly diff"erent from those of the site for which the statue is destined. The treasuries at the foot of Kronion, the position of which is so accurately marked by Pausanias, are so completely destroyed that nothing but the outline of the 34S ESSAYS ON AKCHiEOLOGY. [viii. foundations remains. They were built in a row extend- ing eastward from the exhedra of Herodes to the door leading to the Stadion. Several of them were in the form of small temples la antis, and probably resembled the heroa, or architectural tombs, which we see repre- sented on vases in the later period of fictile art. The first Treasury on the west had a Doric facade, the eighth and eleventh were surrounded with a small jyenholos. The row of Treasuries were intersected by two small streets which must have led to the temples of Eileithyia and Aphrodite Urania, placed by Pausanias higher up on the slope of Kronion. Pausanias only mentions eleven Treasuries, but the foundations of twelve have been found. The terrace on which they stood overlooks the Altis, and was approached from below by steps, beneath which, according to Pausanias, were the sixteen bronze statues of Zeus, called Zanes, which, as has already been stated, were dedicated out of the fines levied on account of foul play or other offences in the games. The bases of these figures were found in position, but no relic of the statues themselves, except some fragments of their thunderbolts and part of a colossal foot. The inscrip- tions on the bases which recorded the names of the offenders had likewise disappeared. The position of the Treasuries and of the Zanes having been once ascertained, the finding of the Stadion was inevitable, because its relative position is so clearly indicated by Pausanias. One of the latest discoveries at the close of the excava- tions in May last was that of the private entrance through which the judges who regulated the contests and the agonists entered the Stadion. This entrance is a vaulted passage which led through the earthen bank VIII.] DISCOVERIES AT OLYMPIA. 349 which encloses the Stadion on this side. In this j^nssage was found a small marble statue of the goddess Nemesis. The Stadion running from west to east was bounded on the north side by the natural rise of the ground at the foot of Kronion, on the south by an earthen embank- ment supported by a wall which may still be traced. The interior of the Stadion was full of sand to a dej^tli of more than fifteen feet, and, as the removal of this could only be accomplished at a great cost, it is probable that the German expedition will content themselves with partial exploration here by digging trenches. When the dimensions of the Stadion have been ascertained, the exact length of the Olympic foot will be a matter of certainty. On the east the remains of two Doric porticoes may be distinctly traced which must have formed the eastern boundary of the Altis. The more northern of these is evidently the Stoa of Echo mentioned by Pausanias. Outside the southern wall of the Altis, and apparently abutting on it, were the remains of a large edifice con- sisting of a central square, flanked l)y two oblong wings terminating in apses, so that the ground plan of the entire edifice nearly approximated to an ellipse. The architecture is Doric, and in his report of this dis- covery Herr Dorpfeld considers the wings to be of the first half of the fifth century b.c.^^^ If this attribution is correct, it would appear that the apse which we are accustomed to associate with later Eoman architecture was in use among the Greeks as early as the Persian war. In the southern wall of the Altis were the remains of a triumphal arch which in later Roman times formed the entrance for the processions. 350 ESSAYS ON AECHiEOLOGY. [vm. leading up to the eastern door of the temple of Zeus. Between that temple and the southern wall of the Altis was a road leading to the west gate. Along this road were the bases of many statues. Among the sculptures discovered at Olympia, the first rank must be assigned to the group found in the Heraion, which, as we have already stated, has been clearly identified with the work l)y Praxiteles seen by Pausanias in that temple. ^^^ The subject of this group he describes as Hermes holding in his arms the infant Dionysos. The mutilated condition of this group of course detracts greatly from its beauty. Of the infant Dionysos hardly anything remains except the lower half of the body and a much-battered fragment of the back. Hermes has lost both legs and the right forearm, but the head and the rest of the body are in admirable con- dition, and the features, even to the tip of the nose, are quite intact. Like the Satyrs, the Apollo Sauroktonos, and other figures which we may derive with more or less of probability from the school of Praxiteles, Hermes stands in an easy graceful attitude, the left knee slightly bent, the left elbow resting on the trunk of a tree. The left forearm is advanced horizontally from this 20011^1 cVappui, forming a supjDort on which the infant God is seated, round whose lower limbs drapery is wrapped. Part of the right hand of Dionysos still remains resting on the left shoulder of his protector, to whom he must have been looking up. The right hand of Hermes may have held the thyrsus, the attribute of the infant God, while in his left was probably the caduceus. Making due allowance for the mutilation VIII.] DISCOVERIES AT OLYI^IPIA. 351 wliicli this group lias uudergone, what remains of it seems, in our judgment, certainly worthy of the great master to whom Pausanias attributes it. The form of Hermes, which is almost entirely nude, presents that well-balanced combination of grace and strength which we should expect a priori in a work by Praxiteles.- The outlines are rich and flowing, but with no tendency to effeminacy. The arch playful features seem lit up by a smile, and we see here a subtle refinement of expres- sion which quite bears out what an ancient critic has said of Praxiteles, that his distinguishing excellence was the infusiuo- into marble the emotions of the soul — in O other words, that he developed the pathetic tendency of Greek sculpture. ^^° The mantle which hangs from the left arm of this figure over the trunk of the tree has an easy natural flow and a richness of efiect which remind us of the drapery of the so-called Artemisia from the Mausoleum. In both these figures the perfect mastery over the marble which the sculptor possessed is shown without any needless osten- tation. The hair of the Hermes seems rather roughly and sketchily treated, in comparison with the elaborate finish of the body generally; and this has led more than one German archaeologist to suggest that the group was not by Praxiteles himself, but by a later sculptor of the same name.-^*^ We are of opinion, how- ever, that there is no suflicient ground for such a theory. The value of this discovery in reference to the history of Greek art can hardly be overrated. Scattered about in the museums of Europe are a certain number of statues, in which have been recognised, with more or less of 352 ESSAYS OX AECHiEOLOGY. [viii. 2:>robability, copies of celebrated works of Praxiteles, either on account of the correspondence of their subject, as in the case of the Apollo slaying the lizard, whicli seems clearly a replica of the Apollo Sauroktonos mentioned by Pliny, or from their presenting certain characteristics of type and style which ancient critics would lead us to look for in works executed in the school of Praxiteles. It is obvious that the discovery of one undoubted work by a great sculptor must supply, as far as it goes, a test how far our preconceived notions of his style were well grounded. Such a test we consider to have been obtained in the case of Praxiteles b}' this discovery of one of his works in the Heraion at Olympia. Such a discovery renders our notions of his style much more distinct and real than they were before, and at the same time may aid us to detect echoes and replicas of his work still latent in Graeco-Roman art. One of the first fruits of the excavations at Olympia was the statue of Victory by Pseonios which is men- tioned by Pausanias, and which was discovered lying by its pedestal, part of which was still in its original position. This base, triangular in form, was composed of a number of massive blocks of marble which tapered upwards to a height of more than nineteen feet. The uppermost of these blocks was inscribed with a dedication to Zeus by the Messenians and Nau- paktians in gratitude for their succesess against their enemies. The inscription states that the statue was made by Paeonios of ]\Iende, who had ob- tained the victory in the competition for decorating the pediment of the temple of Zeus with sculpture. AVe viii.] DISCOVERIES AT OLYMPIA. 353 know Pseouios to have been a contemporary of Pheidias ; and the discovery of a statue which can be positively identified as being from the hand of a sculptor of the finest period of Greek art is certainly one of the most valuable results of the German expedition. The statue has suffered a good deal of mutilation. Both arms and the wings are wanting, but enough remains to enable us to understand the orio-inal motive.^°^ The Victory was represented newly lighted on earth. She is clad in a long chiton, the flying movements of which indicate the rapidity of her descent. The wings were doubtless nearly upright on the shoulders, and the body had a forward inclination, something like that of a ship's figurehead, resting on the light foot, with the left a little advanced in the air. To this forward tilt of the figure the skirts of the drapery flying behind must have acted as a counterpoise, while at the same time it helped to express the swiftness of the downward swoop. The ground on which the Victory is alighting is irregularly carved to represent rock, and at the side of the right foot is a head which has been thought to be that of an eagle, but seems more like the head of a gull or other marine bird. The design of this figure is very striking and original, and the composition of the drapery, though in some parts rather dry and meagre in execution, is not unworthy of the contemporary Athenian school. This being so, we might have expected a 'priori that in the sculp- tures from the eastern pediment of the temple of Zeus, which we know from Pausanias to have been executed by Pseonios, we should recognise the same style. This expec- tation has not been fulfilled. The fragments of this pedi- mental composition which have been discovered in the 2 A 354 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [viii. course of the recent excavations present to us a plieno- menon in the history of Greek art, for which archasologists ■were not at all prepared. Before giving a critical notice of these remains, it may be well to repeat from Pausanias the dcscrijDtion of this pediment as he saw it intact on his visit to Olympia. 202 In the front of the temple (i.e. in its eastern front) the subject of the sculptures in the pediment is the moment immediately preceding the contest between Pelops and Oinomaos, and the preparation on both sides for the race. In the centre of the pediment is the statue of Zeus, on the right of whom is Oinomaos wearing a helmet, with his wife Sterope, the Atlantid, at his side. Myrtilos, the charioteer of Oinomaos, is seated in front of the horses, which are four in number ; after him are two grooms, to whom names have not been assigned. In the angle of the pediment on this side reclines the Kladeos, who, next to the Alpheios, is most honoured among river gods by the Eleians. On the left of Zeus are Pelops and Hippodameia, and the charioteer of Pelops, his horses, and his two grooms. In the angle of the pediment on this side is the river god Alpheios. This subject was peculiarly appropriate for the decoration of the temple of Zeus from its connection with the early mythical associations of Olympia. The victory over Oinomaos, obtained by Pelops through the treachery of the charioteer Myrtilos, marked the epoch when, accord- ing to local tradition, the Olympic gathering first rose to the dignity of a great festival in honour of Zeus. It may be well here to compare the description which we have just quoted with three extant pedimental com- positions with which we have been long acquainted. Archaeologists long ago pointed out that, as in the eastern pediment of the Olympieion the scene of the contest was indicated by placing in the opposite angles the two rivers between which the Olympian plain lies, so in the western pediment of the Parthenon, where the VIII.] DISCOVEEIES AT OLYMPIA. 355 scene takes place on the Athenian Akropolis, the figures in the angle must be the two rivers of Attika, Ilissos and Kephissos. Again, in the two ^ginetan pediments now at Munich in which a battle is represented, Athene stands in the middle of the composition under the apex of the pediment, as if presiding over the contest. AVe know from Pausanias that this central position was occupied in the Olympian composition by Zeus himself, and we may assume that the moment of preparation for the contest chosen by Pasonios was that wdien the two contending parties, Pelops and Oinomaos, offered a solemn preliminary sacrifice to the chief deity of Olympia. The remaining figures and groups mentioned by Pausanias were so arranged on each side of Zeus as to correspond with and balance each other. This anti- thetical symmetry was a rule in ancient pedimental compositions which naturally grew out of the triangular form of the pediment itself In such compositions superior dignity was indicated by taller statues, and personages so distinguished were accordingly placed in the middle of the pediment, and subordinate figures on each side. In the autumn of 1875, a very few weeks after the commencement of the German excavations, the remains of the figures from the eastern pediment began to crop up. Some of these were found near the east front of the temple, but a few paces from the place in the pediment which they had occupied. These may have been undisturbed since the shock of an earthquake first flung them dowm. Other fragments were found built into Byzantine walls at some distance from the temple. The work of collecting and adjusting 2 A 2 355 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [tiii. these fragments has occupied much time, and, as the excavations advance, fresh fragments are from time to time added ; but unfortunately all the figures are at present more or less mutilated, and very few of the heads have survived. Casts of these sculptures are now arranged in a pediment at Berlin in the following order : The colossal male torso must, from its scale, have stood under the apex of the pediment. It may, therefore, clearly be identified with the Zeus which Pausanias places in the centre of the composition. Two male torsos of heroic size, both of which are helmeted, must, from their correspondence in scale, be respectively Pelops and Oinomaos. Oinomaos, on account of his regal rank, would naturally stand on the right hand of Zeus, rather than Pelops ; and this is the arrange- ment adopted in the official report on the excavations. The helmeted head of this fissure was not discovered till this year. By his side is placed the draped female torso, whose meditative attitude and general bearing would be very appropriate for Sterope, the wife of Oinomaos. On the left of Zeus stands Pelops, repre- sented by a helmeted torso, the features entirely de- fiiced. By his side we may place the draped female statue which was discovered in the first year of the excavations, and which, not being then recognised as one of the pedimental figures, was called Hestia, from its resemblance to the well-known Giustiniani statue of that goddess. These five fio-ures constitute the great central group. The position of two reclining figures, which represent River gods, in the angles, follows as a matter of course. Alpheios occupies the left angle, and Kladeos, whose head and lower VIII.] DISCOVERIES AT OLY^IPIA. 357 limbs have been added this year, the opposite angle. Between the angle figures and the central group we must look for the chariots, charioteers, and attendant grooms mentioned by Pausanias. The bodies and heads of three of the horses of PelojDs and a few fragments of those of Oinomaos have been found, but no indications of the chariots themselves, which, perhaps, were of metal. Between the central group of five standing figures and the River gods in the angles are six croucliing or kneeling figures, the positions of which are still matters of doubt. Amons: these we must look for two grooms, mentioned by Pausanias, and for Myrtilos, the treacherous charioteer of Oinomaos. The bald and bearded figure who is looking so intently towards the central group may be either a seer or mantis, or, as has been conjectured, a trainer. The kneeling female figure, not mentioned by Pausanias at all, may be a local Nymph ; her head has been found this year. Four of these figures are headless, and none of them have any attributes by which they can be identified, and thus the archaeologists who have had the arrano^e- ment of these sculptures at Berlin confess their uu_ certainty by exhibiting two sets of casts diff"erently arranged. It will have been seen on comparison of the extant remains of this pedimental composition with the description in Pausanias, that though the number of torsos (thirteen) corresponds with the number of figures which he mentions, these cannot all be identified with the statues noticed by Pausanias. But they correspond sufficiently with his description to vindicate its general accuracy, and to show the character of the composition. Throughout reigns that repose which, according to the 358 ESSAYS ON AECH.EOLOGT. [viii. principles of ancient art, ^vould be the most fitting ex- pression of so intense a crisis. The horses rest patiently; the five dominant figures of the central group stand detached from each other like a row of columns ; as the lines of the pediment converge to the angles, the figures sit or recline in the narrowing space in easy attitudes ; but if their heads had been preserved they would pro- bably have indicated something more of the watchful interest which we may discover in the countenance of the bald-headed old man. When we turn to the sculptures of the western pediment, we have much more difliculty in making out the scheme of the composition, because Pausanias has not described these works so fully. The subject, he tells us, was the battle between the Lapiths and Centaurs at the marriage feast of Peiiithoos, on which occasion the Centaurs, giving way to the brutal lusts of their semi-equine nature, insulted the wives of their Lapith hosts. Theseus, the friend of Peirithoos, took an active part in this fray, in which the Centaurs were finally routed. This subject was a favourite one with the Athenian artists of the Periklean and later periods, giving them an opportunity of celebrating the prowess of the Attic hero Theseus, the protagonist in this battle. In the centre of the pediment, according to Pausanias, was Peirithoos. Near him was on one side his bride struggling in the grasp of the Centaur Eurytion. On the other side of Peirithoos was Theseus, attackino- the Centaurs with his battle-axe. Of the Centaurs one was carrying off a virgin, the other a boy. This is all that Pausanias tells us of this composition. The remains of these pedimental sculptures which have been recovered Tin.] DISCOVERIES AT OLYMPIA. 359 have been as yet only partially published. Since the last series of photographs appeared, some very important fragments have been added, which go far to render possible the restoration of the entire composition. The figures are not, as in the eastern pediment, isolated, but cross each other in complicated groupings. We may resolve these combinations into six principal groups. The colossal male figure, the scale of which shows that its place was in the centre of the pediment, should, according to Pausanias, be Peirithoos. On the other hand the character of the head reminds us of Apollo. Hence the editors of the "Ausgrabungen" do not hesitate to claim this torso as Apollo, supposing that Pausanias has either by inadvertence failed to notice the principal figure in the pediment or been misinformed by his cice- rone — an assumption which, however, has not commanded unanimous assent among German archaeologists. This central figure extends his right arm towards a group which is now thought to be the Centaur Eurytion seizing the bride of Peirithoos, whose name, not given by Pausanias, was Deidameia. On the left a Lapith, who, if the central figure is Apollo, would probably be Peirithoos, hastens to her aid. Balancing this group on the right of the central figure is a group of a Centaur, a woman, and a Lapith, of which last figure only the foot remains. Next on the right is the group of a Centaur carrying off" a boy, and next on the same side, the best preserved of all the groups, a Centaur, from whom a woman strives to escape, is stabbed in the breast by a Lapith. The two groups on the left corresponding to these have not as yet been satisfactorily recomposed from the fragments which now remain. The two reclining female 860 ESSAYS ON AKCELEOLOGY. [viir. figures must have occupied the angles of the pediment. One of them (pi. xii.) has the head perfectly preserved, and the expression of her face is evidently that of a person watching the fray without being immediately concerned in it. There can hardly be a doubt that these two figures represent local Nymphs, and they would thus mark the natural features of the scene where the battle took place, just as the River gods in the other pediment indicate the site of Olympia. These two reclining figures are wholly unnoticed by Pausanias. Next to them are two female figures lying on the ground, whose barbaric and realistic features have been accounted for on the supposition that they are slaves. Such are the scanty remains of the compositions which Pausanias attributes to Pseonios and Alkamenes. Are they worthy of those names ? Are they equal to our preconceived hopes ? In order to answer these questions we will first discuss the sculptures of the eastern pediment. It might have been expected a priori that these would have presented some such similarity in style to the Nike of Pseonios as we generally find in works from the same hand ; but this is not the case. In the Nike we find nothinof at variance with the traditions of O the Athenian school, though the execution is inferior to the best contemporary sculptures of that school; but the pedimental figures attributed by Pausanias to Pgeonios seem the work of half-trained hands, attempting more than they had knowledge to execute. We miss in these figures that fine perception which so early led the Greek artist to discern the organic life under the surface of the body ; through which he gradually learned how to show the logical relation between the muscles and tendons. Yiii.] DISCOVERIES AT OLYMPIA. 361 which are the sources of motive power, and the bones which give them leverage ; the sensitive and elastic character of the skin, which masks and protects this inner organisation ; and the laws and conditions under Avhich drapery has to be represented. It is not to be denied that in the sculptures of the eastern pediment there is a certain rude force which here and there pro- duces striking effects ; but the artist seems only right by a happy chance, not by rule, and for the most part his anatomy is careless and full of shortcomings, the movements abrupt and awkward, and the draperies a mere confused mass of turgid bloated folds thrown together at haphazard, bearing about the same rela- tion to the finest examples of drapery in ancient sculpture as the ampullcB of bombast do to true oratory. How far these defects were atoned for by the aid of colour, and how far the ungainliness of the separate figures was modified by their position in a pediment of which the base was more than fifty feet above the eye, and by their relation to the whole pedimental compo- sition, we may perhaps be able to judge when the most favourable mode of exhibiting these sculptures has been ascertained by experiment. In the meantime the problem which the sculptures of Pseonios presents may be best studied by comparing these works with the remains of the composition by Alkamenes in the western pediment. The sculptures in this pediment have found far more favour wdth the critics than those of the eastern pediment, not only because they are in much better condition, the heads in several cases having been preserved intact, but because the groups have a more dramatic character, and produce a more 362 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [viu. stirring and lively impression. But do tliey correspond to our preconceived notion of the art of Alkamenes, the sculptor who, according to Pausanias, was reputed second only to Pheidias in the highest excellences of his art ? It must be confessed that the execution of these sculptures is not what we should have expected in an artist who was so greatly esteemed by his contemporaries and by the general judgment of antiquity. "We find in them the same faults, and shortcomings as in the sculptures of P^eonios in the eastern pediment, while, on the other hand, there are more decided marks of genius in their design. We would particularly draw attention to the group which was formerly thought to represent Eurytion and Deidameia, but is now identified with the group of a Centaur carrying ofi" a virgin described by Pausanias. The head of the female figure is perfectly preserved, and of the body enough remains to show the action of the group. The Centaur has with his right arm seized his prey round the waist, while his right foreleg is bent round, so that the hoof rests against her right hip. His right hand has torn her chiton from its fastening on the left shoulder, while his other hand invades the breast thus left bare. With either hand the captive vainly endeavours to unlock his brutal grasp. Her head inclined forward looks down with an expression in which shame and in- dignation seem blended with the hope of speedy rescue. Incidents in the Centauromachia such as this group represents were favourite themes with the Athenian sculptors of the Periklean age, as we see in several of the metopes of the Parthenon and in the Phygalian frieze. In none of these sculptures is the subject treated with such dramatic force as in the Olympian viii.] DISCOYERIES AT OLTMPIA. ^63 group, in wliicli the daring invention shown in the conception makes us forget the many shortcomings in the execution. But when we turn to the other groups in the pediment of Alkamenes we find in more than one of them an extravagance and strain which seems hardly compatible with the rhythmical balance of parts charac- teristic of Greek sculpture even when violent action is represented. If we suppose the figures in the western pediment to have been actually from the hand of Alkamenes, we should expect to find in their execution a much stronger affinity with the contemporary Athenian sculptures, and a greater contrast in style to the eastern pediment. This, however, is not the case. The sculp- tures in the two pediments not only fail to present such marked difi'erence in execution as to lead us to consider them works of difi'erent schools, but, on the contrary, they show on comparison a strong family likeness, such as would ensue if both compositions were carved by the same local school of sculptors working from designs furnished by Pseonios and Alkamenes. That it was the practice in antiquity to employ a number of subordinate artists on public works under the direction of a great master may be generally assumed. Pheidias, as we know from Plutarch, was the Director- general of the public works executed by Perikles at Athens, liaving under his command Avhole brigades of sculptors and craftsmen skilled in every branch of art. In the case of the frieze of the Erechtheion, an extant inscription tells us the names of the sculptors employed on the several figures and groups and the sums paid to them.^°^ It is evident that at the time of Perikles the grand scale of the public works and the intelligence 364 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [viii. which directed them must have drawn to Athens the best scul^itors from every part of Hellas, and hence the sustained excellence which is so remarkable in all the Athenian sculptures of the Periklean age. But it would appear that at Olympia no such school of skilled artists existed when P[fionios and Alkamenes were employed on the two pediments of the temple of Zeus. These masters had to carry out their designs as best they could with the aid of such half-trained craftsmen as they could obtain on the spot, and hence the strange mixture of knowledge and ignorance in the sculptures of these pediments. Hence, too, when we examine the many lions' heads from the cornice of the temnle, we find some of these sculptured with the force and delicacy which are characteristic of Greek architectural ornament in its best time, while others are so barbarous that they are hardly superior to the work of the rude provincial masons who carved the gargoyles of our Norman and Gothic churches. The immense disparity between the design and the execution which we find in the Olympian pediments cannot, in our judgment, be satisfactorily accounted for on any other assumption than that here adopted. A difi'erent view, however, has been advanced by Professor H. Brunn. In an elaborate memoii*, which deserves the attention of archteolosiists not less for the subtlety of the argument than on account of the great reputation of its author, he maintains that the pecu- liarities of style in the pedimental sculptures of Olympia are due to the fact that Pseonios, who was a native of Mende in Thrace, imported to Olympia the style then prevalent in Xorthern Greece ; that Alkamenes, who was by origin an Athenian colonist of Lemnos, was trained VIII.] DISCOVEEIES AT OLYMPIA. 365 in the same school ; and that both these sculptors afterwards entirely cliangcd their style under the influence of Pheidias."°* This theory is based on the assumption that there was in Northern Greece a school of sculpture differing essentially from the ^ginetan and Athenian schools, and presenting certain peculiar characteristics which may be recognised in the Olympian pediments. But was there such a northern school at all ? We must confess that the evidence adduced by Professor Brunn to prove this appears to us to be so scanty and inconclusive that his elaborate argument may be said to rest on a j^e^i'^/o principii. In the course of the recent excavations portions of several of the metopes of the temple of Zeus have been recovered. We know from Pausanias that these metopes were twelve in number, and that they decorated the fronts of the pronaos and posticum over the columns in antis. Their subjects were the labours of Herakles, the hero who is connected with the earliest traditions of Olympia. Of these twelve metopes four were discovered in the French expedition in 1829. The subjects of those now extant are as follows : (1) Herakles subduing the lion. (2) His contest with Geryon. (3) His contest with the Kretan bull. These three are at Paris. (4) Heraldes sustaining the heavens ; Atlas stands by. (5) King Eurystheus and the Erymanthian boar ; the figure of Herakles is wanting in this metope. (6) Athene standing ; the comj)anion figure is wanting. The sub- ject of this metope is unknown. (7) Athene or a Nymph, sitting on a rock ; the companion figure is wanting. This figure is in the Louvre. ^°° These metopes vary in style. Two of those found by the French, the 366 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [viii. Heraldes with the bull and the Athen^ secated on a rock, remind iis in their modelling of the sculptures in the eastern pediment. On the other hand, the metopes of Herakles and Atlas and the sinQ^le fisfure of Athene found o o by the German expedition seem the work of a mature and well-trained school. In these two metopes the architectonic severity of the drapery is skilfully con- trasted with rich and flowing lines in the modelling of the nude, and as compositions they seem admirably adapted to their place in the temple. Pausanias does not inform us by whom the metopes were designed. From the traces of archaism in these sculptures, we incline to the belief that some of them may be the work of a Peloponnesian school which had been very carefully trained, but had not yet attained the perfect freedom and mastery over material which distinguish the school of Pheidias. In this notice of the Olympian sculptures we have not attempted to describe in detail all that have been disinterred in the course of the German expedition. Such a complete list will not be pos- sible till we have become better acquainted, through casts and photographs, with the fruits of these dis- coveries, and till the many stray fragments have been examined with a view to their readjustment. Near the Metroon were found two marble torsos of Zeus. One of these, inscribed with the names of two Athenian sculptors, Philathenaios and Hegias, seems rather mannered in style, and is probably of the Eoman period ; the other, which is on a colossal scale, is of an earlier date, and is said to be a work of great merit. ^°® A colossal female head in archaic style, and sculptured in vm.] DISCOVERIES AT OLYMPIA. 367 sandstone, is thought to have belonged to the seated figure of Hera which Pausanias describes as phxced in the Heraion near a Zeus and a hehneted Deity. This head was found not far from the Heraion. In the western wall of the Byzantine fortress built round the temple were found many fragments of a series of figures half life-size, sculptured in very high relief and representing in cal- careous stone a battle-scene. The style is archaic, and all the figures had more or less of colour. The hair, lips, eyes, and eyebrows were painted red, the rest of the body without colour, the ground of the relief deep blue. These figures are described as having a very life-like character, but the discoverers were uncertain whether they originally belonged to a frieze or a pedimental composition.^*^^ It is disheartening to think that as yet only insignificant fragments of the great host of bronze statues which once decorated Olympia have survived ; but, as the ground below the ancient level of the Altis is being gradually explored, several archaic bronzes of great interest have come to light, and further excavations in this ancient subsoil may discover many more waifs and strays. Pausanias tells us that, while he was at Olympia, he saw pieces of ancient armour and other relics thrown up in the course of digging a foundation for the base of a Roman statue then about to be erected ; and if there is any foundation for the story told by Suetonius, that Nero threw some of the statues of the Victors into the sewers, relics of these may yet be found when all the subterraneous passages have been cleared out.^°^ This wlQ be one of the last labours of the German expedition. The Greek inscriptions found in the course of the 368 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [viii. excavations, range in date probably from the seventh century B.C. to the third century A.u., and thus exhibit specimens of Greek pah\30graphy in various stages, while in many cases the date of the inscription is fixed by internal evidence. The philological interest of many of these inscriptions is very great, from the number of local peculiarities of dialect and orthography which they contain. The digamma occurs in several combinations previously unknown, and the curious substitution of p for a in the final syllable, which the ancients called rhotakismos, and which is characteristic of the -^olic dialect, prevails as late as the second century B.C. A large proportion of the inscriptions record the names of Olympic victors, many of whom are of the Roman period. We find too here and there interesting dedica- tions, some of W'hich are inscribed on pedestals on which once stood the statues of historical personages. Our space will not permit us to do more than allude here to the new and promising field of inquiry which these texts present to the student. We cannot, however, pass over one inscription of peculiar interest. It relates to a long pending dispute between the Lacedaemonians and Messenians about a certain territory on the west slope of Mount Taygetos, called by Tacitus the ager Dentheliates. The contention about this territory began in a very remote period of Spartan history, and was probably the cause of the first Messenian war. After the conquest of Messenia the territory in question remained in the hands of the Lacedaemonians till the victory of Chseronea enabled Philip of Macedon to interfere in the afi"airs of the Peloponnese. Setting aside the claim of the Lacedsemonians, he restored the ager to the VIII.] DISCOVERIES AT OLYMPIA. 369 Messenians, who were afterwards confirmed in possession by Antigonos Doson, and later by Mummius, the con- queror of Corinth. The Lacedtemonians, not content with tlie award of Mummius, persuaded the Eoman senate to let them refer the long-standing dispute for arbitration to the Milesians. The proceedings in this arbitration are set forth in the inscription with which we are now dealing. After the reference to a third party had been duly authorised by a senatus consultum, the Milesians convened a special assembly of the people in the theatre, and chose by lot six hundred citizens to judge the question referred to them, which was : Which of the contending parties was in possession of the land when Mummius was in office in the Pelo- ponnese ? Advocates on both sides were allo^ved to plead for a given space of time measured by the klepsydra, or water-clock, which, to prevent any unfair play, was placed in the charge of two officers apj^ointed severally by the LacedcEmonians and Messenians.^''^ The decision of this multitudinous jury was again in favour of the Messenians, only sixteen out of the six hundred voting for their antagonists. In order to place this matter beyond question for all future time, the Messe- nians obtained from the Milesians a duly attested copy of the judgment, and then, by special permission of the Eleians, had it engraved on marble at Olympia. In their hope thus to perpetuate the record of this judg- ment they have not been disappointed ; for this in- scription, engraved on the immense triangular blocks which formed the pedestal for the Victory of Peeonios, has by an extraordinary chance survived almost intact from the time of its setting-up, about B.C. 140, to our own 370 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [viii. day. It might be thought that a judgment so solemnly delivered and recorded would have settled for ever the long-})endiug dispute ; but about a century later the disturbing- influence of Kome ao;ain comes into play. Augustus, in gratitude for assistance rendered at Actium, gave back the territory to the Lacedae- monians ; and a few years afterwards, in the reign of Tiberius, both parties again appealed to the Eoman senate. The result is recorded by Tacitus. -^"^ The land was once more restored to the Messenians ; and this decision, which took place a.d. 25, we may assume to have been final. In order to prevent any possible mis- understanding, two pillars were set up on Mount Taygetos, with the inscription, " Boundary of Lakonia on the side of Messenia." About forty- six years ago the Lakonian peasants of the district where these pillars still stood, fearing that they might be cited against them as an argument for including their villages in the modern pro- vince of Messenia, to which they had strong objections, threw down and displaced these boundary stones, which must have remained in their original positions for 2000 years."^^ Those who have studied Greek inscriptions will, on reading this history of the long-contested ager Dentlie- liates, be reminded of the dis^Dute between Samos and Priene for a similar cause. In that case, too, the rival claims to a piece of territory had lasted from a very early period, since we find one of the Seven AVise Men taking a part in it. Award after award had been made to no purpose by friendly states or by Macedonian kings, glad of an opportunity of intermeddling, till the matter waa finally settled by the Roman senate. In that case, too. VIII.] DISCOVERIES AT OLYMPIA. 371 the several awards and final adjudication were solemnly- recorded by being engraved on tlie walls of the temple of Atlicnt^ at Priene. The shattered remains of these curious documents were rescued from impending de- struction by the Society of Dilettanti, some few years before the German expedition brought to light the interesting contribution to the history of the Pelopon- nese of which we have given a precisr^^ If the narratives of ancient historians rather give us the impression that the Greek cities were constantly at war with each other on petty or needless grounds, the evidence of inscrip- tions, on the other hand, show^s us how often wars must have been prevented by reference to friendly arbitration ; and the records of such pacific triumphs at Olympia must have contributed to the civilizing and humanizing influence of the solemn festival, during which for a brief space every five years the din of arms ceased. This great enterprise, which has now entered on its fifth season, has been carried on by the German Government with an energy and disinterested liberality without j)arallel in the annals of Arclia3ology. During the three first seasons, the annual sum voted by the German Reichstag for this expedition has averaged 7500?. Through this liberal provision, the excavations, planned in the first in- stance on an adequate scale, have been conducted with the despatch needed to complete the original scheme within the time accorded by the Convention. By the constant presence at Olympia of a stafi" of active and intelligent archaeologists, the record of the operations has been kept from day to day with a keen exactness of observa- tion which insures the due appreciation of every detail of the discoveries, however minute. 2 B 2 372 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [viii. Is it too much to hope thcat some other nation may come forward to emulate the enlightened spirit which has undertaken this arduous and costly enterprise, not for the advantage of the German nation alone, but for the common benefit of all to whom classical archaeology is matter of interest? Many sites could be named, both in Greece and Turkey, which promise a rich field for archa3ological research ; it seems strange that in this nineteenth century, which claims to be the ''' heir of all the ages," there should be so few labourers to gather in so ripe and abundant a harvest. It may be alleged that the delays and difiiculties which both the Greek and Turkish Governments raise whenever permission to ex- cavate is applied for, are a great hindrance and dis- couragement to such enterprises. But there is a corner of the Levant where no such obstacles would stand in the way of an exploration undertaken by the British Government. That corner is the island of Cyprus, an island which, though as yet only cursorily examined, has proved so rich in antiquities that the Museum of New York has already been created out of its spoils. GREEK ART IN THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOROS.* In an article which appeared in the "PortfoHo," of July 1874, I drew attention to a series of sculptures which bring down the history of Greek art as late as the accession of Alexander the Great, from which period onward, there is a want of emphatic and well- authenticated examples of sculpture, till we approach the Augustan age, when the antiquities of Hercu- laneum and Pompeii can be used as illustrations. But if this intermediate period of Macedonian ascen- dancy — say from B.C. 330 to B.C. 100 — is deficient in examples of monumental sculpture, it is singularly rich in smaller works of art, such as coins, gems, vases, terracottas, gold ornaments ; and in the Second Vase Room and in the Gem Room of the British Museum may be seen some exquisite specimens of these classes, derived principally from Southern Italy, but also from Athens, the islands of the Greek Archipelago, and Kyrene. Among the vases of this period the amphora from Rhodes, on which is painted the capture of Thetis by Peleus, is, perhaps, the finest extant specimen of the later school of ceramography. The fictile art of Southern * The " Portfolio," Xos. 58 and 60. 374 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [is. Italy is nobly represented by tlie series of vases and rhytons from Capua, recently purcliased from Signor Castellani, the celebrated Meidias vase from the Hamilton Collection, and by many other choice specimens which once adorned the Pourtales and Blacas Museums. We have, too, thanks to the zeal and intelligence of Messrs. Werry, Crowe, and Dennis, successively consuls at Benghazi, a most interesting collection of later vases from the Kyrenaica, including several of which the dates are fixed by the names of Athenian archons inscribed on them ;"^^ and the later ceramography of Athens is well represented by a series of polychrome lekythi, and smaller vases. In connexion with these vases of the Macedonian period should be mentioned the later terracotta figures from Athens, Tanagra, Southern Italy, and the Kyrenaica, in which the national collection is very rich. The collection of o'old ornaments in the British o Museum has only lately been developed in sufficient extent to admit of instructive classification. The many fine specimens of the later Greek goldsmiths' work and jewellery are one of the most striking features in this arrangement. I would particularly mention here the Melos necklace and the series of earrings, which have been obtained partly from the Greek islands and the West coast of Asia Minor, and partly from Southern Italy. Among the gems will be found some portraits of kings in the Macedonian period, which may be best studied in con- nexion with the regal coins of the same period, electro- types of which are now exhibited. -^'^ But, if it may be said that the history of later Greek art is amply illus- trated in the British Museum, such illustration is IX.] C4REEK AET IN THE KIMMEETAN BOSPOEOS. 375 certainly uot sufiScient for the student, unless taken in relation to the treasures of other museums. Thus, as might naturally be expected, it is in the Museum at Naples that the later fictile art of Southern Italy may be best studied ; and through the purchase of the Campana Museum, and the excavations made by M. de Bourville at Kyrene, the collection of terracottas in the Louvre has become one of the finest in Europe. The Museums of France and Italy lie on the great highroad of European travel, and are familiar to most students of art. But, if we want to trace out the history of ancient goldsmiths' work and gem-engraving through the splendid and luxurious period ushered in l^y the conquests of Alexander, and if we would follow Athenian fictile art through the successive phases of its decadence, we must turn from the beaten track of tourists and go north. In the Museum of the Ermitage at St. Petersburg are treasures of Greek jewellery, metallurgy, and fictile art, of matchless beauty and surpassing interest. These treasures have been, for the most part, obtained from the excavations which the Russian Government has so perseveringiy and intel- ligently carried on for many years in the district round Kertch, once the seat of Hellenic civilisation ; and the same enlightened policy which initiated those explora- tions has made their results known to Europe in two magnificent publications, not so much studied in this country as they deserve — the " Antiquites du Bosphore Cimmerien," edited by Gilles in 1854; and the^Compte rendu de la Commission arch^ologique St. P^tersbourg,'' now being published by M. Stephani. As these costly volumes are probably in very few private or public 37(5 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [ix. libraries iu tins country, it may be worth while here to draw attention to some of the remarkable dis- coveries which they record and illustrate. And first it may be well to say a few words about the region from which the treasures of the Ermitagc have been mainly derived — that remote outpost of Hellenic civilisa- tion where a Milesian colony held its ground for several centuries in immediate contact with the fierce hordes of Scythia — the country anciently called the Tauric Chersonese, now the Crimea. It was here that some time in the sixth century B.C. the adventurous Milesians founded one of the earliest of their colonies on the north shore of the Euxine, the city of Pantikapseon, a place which, under its modern name — Kertch— will ever be associated in our memories with one of the most striking episodes of the Crimean War. The position of Panti- kapseon, at the extremity of the little peninsula which forms the western side of the Kimmerian Bosporos, was chosen with that judgment which the early Greek colonists generally showed when they had to get a foot- inir on a coast liable to the sudden inroads of barbarians. A dyke cut through a narrow isthmus separated the little territory round Pantikaj^seon from the rest of the Tauric Chersonese ; and the maritime supremacy of the Milesian colonists enabled them to command the narrow straits leading into the sea of Azoph, and to get possession of the peninsula on the Asiatic side of the strait^ on which Phanaa;oria and other Greek cities were founded. Over this little territory, bounded on the west by Theodosia, an hereditary dynasty of Greek princes reigned from B.C. 438 onwards till the great Mithradates absorbed their territory into his Pontic empire, about three IX.] GEEEK ART IN TUE KIMMERIAN BOSPOllOS. 377 centuries afterwards. The position of these princes of Bosporoswas jDeciiliar. As regarded their Greek subjects they claimed no higher title than that of Archon, though their rule was despotic, and they styled themselves kings of all the barbarous tribes in the Asiatic part of their dominions. But on the European side of the straits their authority was less firmly established, and they had to pay tribute to the powerful Scythian tribes who bounded them on the west of Theodosia. The land lying between Pantikapseon and Theodosia was fertile in corn, while the Palus Moeotis su]3plied abundance of fish, as well as of salt ; and these commodities, as well as salted meat, hides, and barbaric slaves, found their way to the markets of the Greeks round the ^gean, where they were exchanged for the oil, wine, and other products of the more genial south. This trade was mainly carried on with Athenian capital and under the Athenian flag, and hence arose that close alliance between the kings of the Bosporos and the Athenian people to which we have frequent allusions in Demosthenes, and other Attic orators, and of which, as I shall show, other evidence is afforded by the tombs near Kertch."^'^ The first explorers of the Kimmerian Bosporos were ]M. de Stempkovski and a French employe of the Russian Government, Paul Dubrux. It was in 1831 that Dubrux examined the celebrated tumulus called by the Tartars Koul Oba— "the Hill of Cinders." ^^^ Within this mound was a square chamber surmounted by an Egyptian vault, and containing three human skeletons and the skeleton of a horse. Of these, one, which had belonged to a man of large stature, lay in a wooden coffin, in one compartment of which were the remains 378 ESSAYS ON ARCHiEOLOGY. [ix. of an iron s^Yord, a whip, and a bow-case, all mounted in gold or electrum. On the head were two hoops of gold, which had probably supported the tall Oriental helmet called kid art s. Round the neck was a tore ; the arms were encircled by armlets and bracelets of gold. In front of this coffin was a female skeleton, adorned with magnificent gold ornaments. The third human skeleton was found near that of the horse, and was probably that of a groom. The sepulchral chamber, in accordance with the general custom of pagan antiquity, was furnished, as if for the use of a living person, with silver jugs, drinking-cups, and other vessels for a banquet, and with bronze vases in which food had been stored up. One of these vases was found full of mutton- bones ; and an earthen amphora, with the stamp of Thasos on the handle, showed that then, as now, the whines of the Archipelago were imported to the Crimea. The lady interred in this tomb wore on her head a broad diadem of the pale gold called electrum, on which were embossed fantastic monsters and Greek floral ornaments. A necklace, composed of fine chains with pendants, and a tall collar embossed with figures and arabesques, both of gold, encircled her neck. Lying on her breast were found two large medallions representing the head of Athene, whose helmet was ornamented with Sphinxes and Gryphons, as in the chryselephantine statue by Phidias. These medallions are in the form of pendants of earrings, but are too large to have been so worn. Near her feet was found a vase of electrum, ornamented with a frieze of Scythian warriors ; one of whom, seated on the ground, is undergoing the operation of having a front tooth extracted. Some fragments of IX.] GREEK ART IN THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOROS. 379 ornamented wood-work, on which was painted a frieze of birds and chariots, were found near the female skeleton, and are supposed to be the remains of a cata- falque over her bier. There were also many fragments of boxwood, on which were designs of exquisite beauty, drawn with the point. Among these compositions M. Stephani recognises the judgment of Paris.^^^ Equally rich were the ornaments of the principal male figure. The hoop of gold which had supported his tall cap was ornamented with Gryphons and arabesques ; the ends of the tore of solid gold round his neck were fashioned in the form of two Scythian horsemen riding at each other ; his bracelets terminated in two Sphinxes, modelled as none but a Greek goldsmith could model ("Antiq. du Bosphore," PI. xni. fig. 1). On his right arm was an armlet, ornamented with lions and warriors richly enamelled on the gold. At his left side were the remains of his sword, the hilt of which was plated with gold wrought with reliefs. In his leathern whip strands of fine gold wire had been intertwined. His other arms were a bow, the case of which was richly ornamented with lions, and a small round buckler, from which Gorgons' heads frowned defiance on his enemies. These two arms were of gold. In the tomb was found quite a little armoury of more ordinary weapons, among which were bronze arrow- heads, so hard that the file made no impression on them. A hone for sharpening arms, made of a greenstone mounted in gold, was found near the principal figure. The floor of the tomb was strewn with buttons and embossed plates of gold, which had once ornamented garments ; and in a second and lower tomb, the contents 380 ESSAYS ON ARCILEOLOGY. [ix. of wliicli, having been rifled clandestinely in the night, can never be known, it is said that even a larger quantity of gold was found.^^^ The richness of the treasure and furniture deposited in the Koul Oba make it almost certain that one or more of the Greek royal Archons of the Bosporos was buried here with his queen, his horse, and probably his groom. In a tomb opened at Paulovskoi Kourgan near Kertch in 1858, were found the remains of a young Greek lady. She had been attired in a garment richly embroidered, fragments of which still remained. It appears to have had a deep fringe, on which were wrought Amazons and arabesques, a fashion which we often see in figures in the later vase pictures. Her boots, made of fine leather and coming up to the calf, were perfectly preserved. Though it has been said that there is " nothing like leather," M. Stephani is probably right in his statement that this is the only pair of Greek ladies' boots which has survived to gratify the restless curiosity of the 19th century. It is evident from the size of these boots that the fair Pantikapjean had very small feet, and we have a right, on the ex pede Herculem principle, to assume that the rest of her person was delicately formed and finely proportioned. On her head she wore a gold ampyx. The bronze mirror, which she had so often consulted in life, accompanied her to the tomb. Her coffin, probably of cypress wood, had ornaments painted in red and gilt. A silver coin of Pantikapseou, found amid these remains, must have been the naulon, placed according to Greek custom in the mouth to pay the grim ferryman of the Styx. But the most precious object found in this tomb was an amphora, IX.] GREEK ART IN THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOROS. 381 on wliicli is painted on one side the return of Persephone from Hades; on the reverse the subject is Triptolemos, the mythic inventor of the plough, setting forth, under the auspices of Denieter, to till the soil of Attika — a legend peculiarly congenial to the corn-bearing region of the Bosporos. This beautiful vase is very similar in style to the celebrated Thetis vase from Kamiros in Rhodes, which has been already referred to.^^^ Near Nikopolis, on the right bank of the Dnieper, in the province of Ekaterinoslaf, a tomb was opened in 1862-63, which M. Stephani believes to be that of a Scythian king, buried with his queen and some of his retinue. In this tomb was a magnificent silver-gilt amplioixi, certainly the finest extant specimen of Greek repousse work in silver. The body of this vase is richly ornamented with birds and floral arabesques ; round the shoulder is a frieze of Scythians breaking in and grooming their horses (" Compte rendu," 1864, Pll. I. X.). The mouth of the vase is closed by a strainer, after percolating through which, the wine or other liquor poured into the amijliora escaped through three spouts, projecting like gargoyles from the sides of the vase. Two of these are fashioned as lions' heads, the third as the head of a horse. We learn from the spirited composition of the frieze most curious details respecting the type and costume of the Scythians, and their breed of horses. In the same tomb was found a gold plate which, from its form, had evidently ornamented the gorytos, which served at once as bow-case and quiver for the Scythian, and is characteristic of a race whose life was chiefly passed in the saddle. On this gold plate are two mythological 382 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ix. compositions in relief in tlie finest style (^'Compte rendu," 1864, PI. iv.). That these reliefs care from the hand of an Athenian artist is probable, not only from the beauty of the design and execution, but also from the subject, in which M. Stephani recognises the Attic legend of Alope, the daughter of the Eleusinian Kerkyon and the beloved of Theseus. On another gold plate, which had ornamented the scabbard of a Scythian sword, the akinahes of the Medes and Persians, is a rich composition in relief, representing a combat between Greeks and Scythians C'Compte rendu," 1864, PI. v.): The artist, probably an Athenian, has so arranged his groups as to leave the victory undecided, as if the desire to please his barbaric patron had not overcome the pride of race so justly cherished by the freeborn Hellene. Not less marvellous as a work of art is the handle of the royal sword, which is made of solid gold, terminating in two bulls' heads, back to back, and ornamented with hunting-scenes in relief, in which mounted Scythians are shootino- the steinbock of the Caucasus.^-*^ On the fingers of the queen were ten gold rings, the hoops of which were not continuous, but open like bracelets to admit of elasticity. Up to the year 1864 the researches made in the Asiatic part of the kingdom of Bosporos had not yielded much fruit, but in that year an excavation was made in the twin tumuli called Bliznitsa, in the jDeninsula of Taman. In one of these mounds was discovered in a vaulted chamber the remains of the richly attired lady whom M. Stephani believes to have been a priestess of Demeter. These remains were found lying in a wooden IX.] GEEEK ART IN THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOEOS. 383 coffin, which had been inlaid with figures in ivory, and ornamented with Ionic piLasters, the capitals of which had the eye of the volute inlaid with glass, as was the case also in the architecture of the Athenian Erechtheion. The ornaments of the priestess formed a treasure rich and beautiful beyond description ; I must therefore refer the reader to the Plates in the " Compte rendu " for the year 1865, where he will see delineated the great halathos, ornamented with a frieze, representing a battle of Scythians and Gryphons, which the priestess wore on her head ("Compte rendu," PL i.) ; the frontlet in which Stephani recognises the head-attire called by the Greeks stlengis, the immense earrings, the two exquisite necklaces, all of gold, and the bracelet of which the ends terminate in lions springing in antagonistic movement. The earrings resemble those of the queen buried in the Koul Oba, and consist of large medallions representing Thetis carrying the armour of Achilles on a dolphin, from which hangs an intricate net of chains and pendants. M. Stephani justly remarks that these earrings were much too large to have been worn in the ears, and must have been attached to the ends of the halathos, and worn as pendants covering the ears. It is probable that these magnificent ornaments and the larger of the two necklaces were reserved by the priestess for the solemn functions and processions of the worship in which she officiated, as they were clearly quite unsuitable for the wear and tear of daily life. The gold sceptre and earrings from a tomb at Tarentum, now in the Gem Koom of the British Museum, were probably also part of the state attire 384 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [ix. of a priestess. In the tomb of the Pantikaprean lady must have been a whole wardrobe of sumptuous embroidered dresses, such as we find enumerated among the dedications to the Brauronian Artemis in a Treasure-list from the xA.thcnian Akropolis."^ Of these precious fabrics of ancient looms nothing re- mained in the tomb of the priestess but some hundreds of gold embossed plates, rosettes, and studs, among which busts of Demeter, Persephone, and Hcrakles, heads of Medusa, Sphinxes, Gryphons, and other mythical subjects, occur abundantly. Valuable evidence as to the as^e of these remains is afforded by the discovery of a gold coin of Alexander the Great, in very fine preservation, in the tomb of another lady buried side by side with the priestess."^ This second tomb had been opened and plundered, but the rich architectural ornaments of the chamber remained, and here, on the covering-stone of the roof, was a painting, which is of surpassing interest, not only from its beauty, but because it is believed to be the oldest Greek mural painting, which has come down to us. It represents a female bust, her head surrounded by flowers. A coloured facsimile of this unique picture, on a reduced scale, forms the frontispiece to the " Compte rendu " for 1865. It will be seen by reference to the Plates of the two Eussian works to which I have already referred, that of the antiquities found in the tombs in the Crimea a large proportion belong to the period when Greek art was still in its bloom — say from B.C. 350 to B.C. 320. Some few objects may be ascribed to the earlier part of the fourth century B.C. ; but, with the exception of a IX.] GREEK ART I^ THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOROS. 385 single archaic vase found at Temir Gora, near Kertcli ("Compte rendu," 1870-71, Plate iv.), none of the antiquities from these tombs can be considered earlier than the age of Pheidias. The three principal classes under which these anti- quities may be arranged are Fictile Vases, Jewellery, and other works in gold, silver, and bronze, and Gems. There are also Terracottas, remains of furniture inlaid with ivory and otherwise richly ornamented, and various other miscellaneous antiquities. From the great care which has been taken by the Eussian excavators to note, in every instance, what objects were found together in each tomb, and from the admirable exactness of the Plates and descriptions in the two Russian works already referred to, much light is thrown on the history of several branches of Greek art, respecting which our information up to the date of those Crimean discoveries was very imperfect. I shall endea- vour in the followino- remarks to show how those several o branches, and especially Fictile Art, Metallurgic Art (Toreutike), and Gem-engraving, were developed con- temporaneously in the fourth century B.C., and what characteristics they had in common. To begin with Fictile Art. It is hardly necessary here to state that the interest of a Greek vase depends mainly on the picture with which it is adorned, and which was originally painted in black on a red ground, afterwards in red on a black ground. It is convenient to call both these primitive modes of painting mono- chromes, because, though other colours are sparingly introduced in the accessories, black or red constitutes the dominant colour of the figures. After a certain 2 c 386 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [ix. perfection of drawing had been attained in the later of these two styles, that in which the figures are painted in red, a great innovation took place in Greek Cera- mography. White and other colours were introduced into the picture, not, as heretofore, sparingly and in subordinate details, but so prominently as to attract the eye and challenge comparison with the red ; and the accessories were picked out with gold. It is evident that this innovation was due to the general develop- ment of the art of painting, which was brought about by Zeuxis and Parrhasios in the fifth, and by Apollodoros and Pamphilos in the fourth century. Through the influence of these great masters, aerial perspective and chiaroscuro came to be more generally studied, and more complicated foreshortenings and groupings were introduced. At first the change only afi'ected mural and easel painting, but it would not be long before the subordinate art of Ceramography became subject to the same influence. Up to the age of Pheidias, and probably for nearly a century after his time, the vase-painters kept strictly within the limits imposed on them by the technical conditions under which they worked on fictile surfaces, and abstained, as a rule, in their designs from all com- binations and groupings which could not be expressed without more chiaroscuro than was compatible with their simple monochrome outlines. Hence, in the earlier vases with red figures, we seldom see any part of the body foreshortened ; and there is a marked pre- ference for the profile view of the face, and for isolated figures rather than for groups where the limbs cross each other. It was probably about B.C. 350 that the IX.] GREEK ART IN THE KIMMERDUST BOSPOROS. 387 vase-painters began to adopt the new style of drawing introduced by the great contemporary masters, and it is worth noting, that about the same time we find much bolder foreshortenings introduced in sculpture in relief, as, for instance, in the frieze of the Mausoleum ; and in contemporary coinages some of the finest specimens of the engraver are heads in full face, as, for instance, the silver coins of Syracuse with the heads of Arethusa and Athene, those of Alexander of Phera3, Amphipolis and Klazomenae. So soon as the vase-painter began to introduce difficult foreshortenings and more intricate groups in his compositions, he was obliged, in order to make his design intelligible, to introduce more pro- minently colours which up to this time had been only applied to accessories, and thus it was that his style became polychrome instead of monochrome ; and to heighten the effect he used gold, not as the mediaeval painters used it, for a background, but to heighten the efiect of subordinate details. The new opaque colours and the gilding superadded to the orio-inal monochrome desio-ns were much less o o permanent than the primitive red of the preceding style, and it is difficult in their present evanescent condition to judge of their original efiect. It happens, however, that the British Museum possesses a specimen of this style, which, for beauty of composition and perfection of condition, is probably unsurpassed. I mean the vase found by Messrs. Biliotti and Salzmann in Kamiros, in Ehodes, which has been published by me w^ith a Plate in the " Fine Arts Quarterly " of 1864. The polychrome picture on the obverse of this pre- cious vase represents a well-known incident in the myth 2 c 2 388 ESSAYS OX ARCHEOLOGY. [ix. of Peleus and Thetis — the moment when Peleus, having succeeded in surprising the sea-goddess, seizes her in spite of her efforts to elude his grasp by sudden transformations. The central figure in this composition, Thetis herseK, is painted in opaque white, and the mantle which she is about to throw over her naked form is a kind of sea- green. Above her head flutters Eros, crowning Peleus with a diadem, the usual symbol of victory. This flying being has his body painted in opaque white, his wings are blue picked out with gold. The cap of Peleus is gilt, but his body, and that of the several subordinate female figures on each side of the central group, are painted red, with no gilding except on the necklaces and armlets. By thus reserving the white colour for the two figiires round whom the main interest of the subject centres (Thetis and Eros), the painter has given due prominence and emphasis to the principal group ; and this brilliant mass of colour in the centre of the composition may be considered as a sort of foreground, which helps to send back the eye to the two subordinate fio-ures in the distance. Here we see the rude and simple expedient by which, to atone for the want of aerial perspective, the vase -painters indicated the background of their compositions. Figures more distant from the eye are always represented seated or standing on a hio-her level than fio^ures in the forcOTOund. Turning o o o o from the Kamiros vase to the polychrome vases engraved in the " Compte rendu," we cannot fail to be struck with the remarkable resemblance, not only in the technical means employed, but also in the composition. I would IX.] GEEEK ART IN THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOROS. 389 here particularly invite attention to the following : (1) The beautiful amphora which I have already men- tioned, on which are two kindred subjects, Triptolemos sent forth by Demeter to till the ground, and the ascent from Hades of her daughter Kore, or Persephone, and the youthful lacchos ; which latter subject probably typifies the self-renewal of vegetation in the spring, and is thus obviously connected with the subject of Triptolemos on the obverse (" Compte rendu," 1859, PL iii.). (2) The amphora ("Compte rendu," 1865, PI. iv.), of which the subject is Herakles killing a Centaur. This vase, which was found at Blitnitza, in the tomb of the priestess, is in the finest condition. Green colour appears on the garment of a female figure, and here, as on the Kamiros vase, Eros is represented with blue wings. (3) The amphora (" Compte rendu," 1860, PL ii.), having on one side Zeus on his throne, Athene, Nike, and Hermes. The vases here compared are amphorw of that particular form to which some archaeologists assign the name PeliJce ; in the Plates of the " Compte rendu " will be found many other specimens of polychrome vases of different forms. I would particularly draw attention to the two circular vases of the kind c^iiled Lehine (" Compte rendu," 1860, PL i., and 1861, PL i.). On the covers of both are painted exquisite groups of female figures eno-ao-ed in their toilette, with Loves flutterino- about them. The nude forms, which are drawn with wonderful mastery and refinement, are painted white, some of the garments blue or variegated, and the wings of the Cupids blue. In connexion with the polychrome vase pictures I would here notice another class of polychrome vases, 390 ESSAYS ON ARCBJEOLOGY. [re. which may be ascribed to the same period; those, namely, in which the composition was modelled on tlie vase instead of being coloured and gilt, or in which the vase itself was fashioned in some, animal form more or less fantastic. The tombs near Kertch have produced two marvellous examples of this class. One of these is a vase inscribed with the name of the artist, Xenophantos, an Athenian ("Compte rendu," 1866, PL iv.), with a hunting-scene in relief. The figures, painted in several colours and gilt, are in Persian costume, with Persian names -^Titten over them. The other vase is a drinking- cup, fashioned in the form of a Sphinx {'' Compte rendu," 1870-71, PL 1.). This appears from M. Stephani's description to be a most exquisite work, and in the finest condition. The colour of the body is a rich white, which, in the neck and face, passes into flesh colour by delicate gradations, so as to show a faint blush in the cheeks. The Hps are dark red, the iris of the eye dark blue. The hair and tail are gilt. The head is encircled with a stephane ,'^ith. gilt rosettes on a dark red ground. The wings are painted in transition shades of dark blue, light blue, and white. The ground on which the figure is seated is red. M. Stephani considers this to be the most beautiful representation of the Greek Sphinx which he has ever seen. The eyes, he remarks, have an in- describable charm, and the whole expression corresponds vaih. the conception of the Sphinx as a being luring men to destruction by her fatal gift of beauty, which led the Greeks to liken her to those human Sirens, the lietaircp. It is interesting to turn from this description of the Crimean Sphinx to an example of the same type in the British Museum. In the s]3lendid collection of rliytons IX.] GEEEK ART IN THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOEOS. 301 recently purchased from M. Castellani is a drinking-cup, fashioned in the form of a Sphinx, which was found in a tomb at Capua. This, too, has the body painted white, the ornaments gilt. It is exquisitely modelled and in the finest condition, but the style is rather more severe than that of the Sphinx in the Ermitage, and presents slight traces of archaicism.^'"^ Besides the vases which I have noticed are many others engraved in the " Compte rendu," for a notice of which I would refer the reader to the admirable memoir of the late Otto Jahn on polychrome and gilt vases.^-* That distinguished archaeologist agrees with M. Stephani in considering these vases to be of Athenian fabric, and to have been exported to the Crimea, Rhodes, and other places with which Athens traded, in the fourth century B.C. This opinion is grounded on the following- reasons : In Athenian tombs are often found vases with similar polychrome and gilded designs, though these are generally on a smaller scale and less magnificent in their ornaments, as might be expected in vases not intended for exportation but for home use. Again, one of the vases from the Crimea is inscribed, as I have stated, with the name of an Athenian artist, Xenophantos. Moreover, vases similiar in character have been found in the Kyrenaica, and the same class of tombs there yielded a remarkable series of Panathenaic amijliorce, which bear the names of Athenian archons, and can hardly, therefore, be the product of any but Attic potteries. The date of these Panathenaic amplioixe, fixed by the names of the archons inscribed upon them, ranges from B.C. 367 to B.C. 313.''' If we admit the polychrome vases to be probably 392 ESSAYS ON AllCHiEOLOGY. [ix. of Athenian origin, the next question is their date. I am inclined to think that this style reached its acme about B.C. 350, and that seme of the finest specimens published in the " Compte rendu " may be of an earlier period, as M. Stephani believes. On the other hand, many of the smaller polychrome vases from Athens and Southern Italy are very inferior in their designs, and have a certain mannerism and effeminacy in the drawing, which belongs to the latter part of the fourth century b.c, when the decadence had commenced. This class of vases may for the most part, therefore, be assigned to the period between B.C. 350 and B.C. 300. If this date for the polychrome vases be admitted, we are justified in assuming that the greater part of the objects, such as terracottas, gold and silver vases, jewels, carvings in wood and ivory, which were found with them in the Crimean tombs, are of the same period. And here I must notice the great service which has been rendered to archseology by the Russian Government in entrusting these excavations to competent directors, who carefully registered the contents of each tomb ; a record which, unfortunately, has been seldom kept when tombs are explored by private enterprise. In the " Compte rendu " we have, in the case of nearly every tomb, an exact description of all the objects found together ; and the enlightened vigilance of a despotic government seems to have been very successful in pre- venting that dishonesty on the part of the workmen em- ployed which all excavators know to be a source of great anxiety and risk whenever the cmri sacra fames is awakened by the sudden discovery of treasure in a tomb. IX.] GREEK AET IN THE KnOIERIAN BOSPOEOS. 393 The record of tlic Crimean discoveries given in the " Compte rendu " throws a new and welcome light on the history of ancient goldsmiths' work and jewellery, and also on that of gem- engraving. The personal ornaments found with the polychrome vases are certainly the finest specimens of ancient jewellery now extant. I have already noted some of the more striking objects, and it remains for me to point out the general characteristics of these ornaments. The gold is wrought with a delicacy which shows how^ well the artist understood its distinctive qualities of ductility, malleability, and incorruptibility ; it is constantly inlaid with vitreous pastes, or enamels of various colours, bi%t it is not so much the exquisite taste in the ornaments, or the delicate manipulation and incredible minuteness of the work, which calls for our admiration, as the con- summate mastery of the modelling whenever repousse w^ork — the toreutike of the Greeks — is used. I can best illustrate these remarks by reference to examples of ancient jewellery in the British Museum, which we may assion to the same ao-e as the treasures of the Ermitae^e. The Melos necklace, and the sceptre from a tomb at Tarentum, are admirable specimens of that fine com- bination of filagree and vitreous enamels which charac- terises the Greek goldsmiths' art in the middle of the fourth century, and the bracelet and earrings from Capua, ornamented with lions' heads, are still more precious, as examples of repousse work in its perfection. Turning from these masterpieces of our own collection to the treasures of the Ermitage, we find (PI. xii. a of the "Antiq. du Bosphore," and PL ii. of the " Compte rendu" of 1865) two necklaces very similar in style to 394 ESSAYS ON AECH^OLOGY. [ix. the Melian one in the British Museum. In these necklaces are one or more rows of pendants hanging from fine intersecting chains. The fertihty of invention of the Greek jeweller is shown in nothing more than in the variety of beautiful forms o-iven to the earrings. Of these the Ermitage possesses an unrivalled collection, presenting so many different types that a systematic classification of them w^ould be difficult. I would, however, mention two kinds which occur more constantly than the rest — the earrings formed of twisted wire, terminating at one end in the head of a lion or other animal, and the earrings attached to the ear by a hook, which is masked by a round disk. This disk bears generally a full face in relief, or some other subject suitable for a medallion. From the disk hang one or more little figures, which form the pendants. The figure most frequently preferred for these pendants is the little God of love ; sometimes holding a ^;/i2«/eand oinoclioe in his hands, as if pouring a libation ; sometimes playing on a musical instrument or unrolling a roll. Victories are also not unfrequently used as pendants. I have already noticed the magnificent earrings of this class found in the Koul Oba ("Antiq.du Bosphore," PI. xix.),in which the disk is ornamented with the head of Athene, and those of the priestess (" Compte rendu,'"' 1865, PL ii.) ; both pairs are too large to have been worn except on solemn occasions, when they must have been suspended to the head-dress. I would also note as exquisite specimens the pair ("Compte rendu," 1870-71, PI. vi. figs. 11, 12) composed of a rosette, from which hang three chains, the tw^o outermost of which terminate in pendants ; from the middle one hangs a goose, inlaid with granulated w^ork IX.] GEEEK ART IN THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOROS. 395 about the feathers. In the centre of the rosette is a garnet, from which radiate leaves in blue enamel forming a star pattern. Another variety of this type is given (" Compte rendu," 1868, PI. i. figs. 1-3), in which the pendant is the goddess Artemis on a goat, with a torch in her right hand ; the whole is so finely wrought, that the cunning hand of the goldsmith has not forgotten to adorn this minute figure with a necklace, a chain, and earrings : but perhaj^s the chef-cV ceuvre of these exquisite subtleties is the earring ("Antiq. du Bosphore," PI. XIL a. fig. 5a), in which, below the disk, are two figures in a chariot with four horses, flanked by Victories, ancl below this group a crescent-shaped ornament, from which hang chains and pendant vases. The same combination of the crescent-shaped ornament is seen in the earring, PI. XIX, fig. 4, of the "Antiq. du Bosphore." Of the two classes of earrings here noticed, those terminating in lions' heads seem rather earlier than those with disks and pendants. Good specimens of both classes may 1)c seen in the Gem Room of the British Museum. In these personal ornaments the main efiect is due to the combination of small figures and flowers in repousse work, with fine filagree, granulated patterns, and vitreous inlays. Garnets are sometimes introduced, but in the best age of Greek art the jeweller obtained varied efiects by his perfect mastery over the gold itself, and made comparatively little use of such precious stones as were then known, except in rings. From the Crimean tombs we learn that the favourite form of sio'net-riuo- in the o O fourth century was a scarab or scaraboid, mounted in a gold swivel-ring, and having a subject in intaglio on the under side. 306 ESSAYS ON ArvCIIiEOLOGY. [ix. The collection of these in the Ermitage, which has been obtained from Greek tombs of the best period, furnishes a link in the history of gem-engraving which cannot be adequately supplied from other cabinets. This lacune in the chronological sequence of gems is in some desfree due to the fact that hitherto collections o have been formed principally from Italian sources, and contain for the most part only archaic scarabs or gems of the Roman and late Macedonian periods. The gems from the Crimean tombs, from the fact that the circumstances of their discovery have been truly recorded, and that they have never been tampered with by modern engravers, have a special value from their authenticity, as well as from the beauty of their work. So far as I can judge from the few engravings in the "Compte rendu," these intaglios are characterised by a grace and simplicity of treatment such as might be expected in the best age of Greek art. I would particularly draw attention to the celebrated gem ("Compte rendu," 1861, PL vi. fig. 10) on which a flying crane is . cut in intaglio, with the name of the engraver, Dexamenos of Chios, inscribed over it, and the companion gem (" Compte rendu," 1865, PL iii. fig. 4o), on which the crane is represented, after the habit of these birds, standing on one leg, and the same name is inscribed. The signatures on gems are so liable to forgery, that these two inscriptions from their perfect authenticity are of special interest. Another charming design is the Aphrodite suckling Eros, on a gem, which has unfortunately sufi'ered from fire ("Compte rendu," 1864, PL vi. fig. 1). The more remarkable objects in repousse work in the IX.] GREEK ART IN THE KI:MMERIAN BOSPOROS. 3U7 precious metals which have been obtained from tombs iu the Crimea have akeacly been noticed in this memoir, and therefore I will only refer the student of art once more to the buckler and quiver cover, from the Koul Oba, the Sphinxes which terminate the armlet from the same tomb ; the magnificent silver vase, with the frieze of Scythians taming horses, the gold scabbard, and, the quiver, all from the tomb of a Scythian king, and the kalathos, which formed the head-attire of the priestess of Demeter, on which a battle between Scythians and Gryphons is represented in relief. Considering how liable repousse work in gold is to be crushed in tombs, by the falling in of the roof and other accidents, it is marvellous that so many large works in this material should have been found in such fine condition. Of toreutic work in bronze these tombs seem to have yielded very little : at least, the only remarkable work in this metal, published by M. Stephani, is the relief on the mirror cover (" Compte rendu," 1865, PI. v.), repre- senting Aphrodite embracing Eros. This seems to be beautiful work, more severe in style than any of the goldsmiths' work, and therefore probably of an earlier period ; but it is difiicult to judge of the character of this bronze, because the Plate is too much a facsimile of mere surface. 1 have now noticed the principal heads under which the varied contents of these Crimean tombs may be arranged ; but here and there in the Plates of the two Russian works which I have cited we get glimpses of other branches of Grreek art, of which our knowledo-e hitherto has been little more than mere conjecture. Thus all students of ancient art have read how, about 398 ESSAYS ON ARCHAEOLOGY. [ix. tlic middle of the fourth century B.C., Pamphilos, the great master of the Sikyoniau school of painting, gave lessons in drawing on boxwood ; but no such drawings had been seen by modern eyes till the discovery of the Koul Oba, where, as I have mentioned, fragments of an ex- quisite composition, graven in outline on boxwood, were found. (See "Antiq. du Bosphore/' PI. lxxix.). Again, there are some tantalizing notices of the lost works of the Greek painters in Pliny, and other ancient writers, but it has been reserved for Kussian explorers to reveal to us what is believed to be an unique specimen of Greek mural painting in the fourth century B.C. ; the female bust, surrounded by flowers, all painted in the natural colours on blue ground, a reduced facsimile of which forms the frontispiece to the "Compte rendu" for 1865. Greek furniture, again, has been only hitherto known to us through the representations of scenes of domestic life on vases, but in the Crimean tombs have been found many precious fragments, showing how ivory inlays, gilding, and colour, were applied for the decoration of wood. (See "Antiq. du Bosphore," PH. lxxxi.-iv., "Compte rendu," 1866, Pll. i. ii.). In the foregoing remarks I have drawn attention only to the more beautiful and interesting objects in the collection of the Ermitage, without noticing the many rare and curious antiquities, of inferior merit as works of art, and evidently of later date, which are engraved in the two great Russian works here referred to. If, in studying these volumes, we confine our attention to those exquisite works of art which M. Stephani — justly, as it seems to me — assigns to the fourth century B.C., and to an Athenian source, we shall find in them IX.] GREEK ART IN THE KIMMERIAN BOSPOROS. 399 characteristics due, as it would seeai, to the influence of two contemporary schools, which, with much in common, had, in the judgment of ancient critics, essential dif- ferences. Throughout the Crimean antiquities here noticed, whether vases, terracottas, gems, or toreutic work, may be discerned the same perfect mastery of execution, the same refined taste, the same tempered luxury of ornament and self-contained richness of fancy, ever on the verge of the extravagant, but ever stopping- short of it, as if restrained by some secret inner sense ; but amid these common characteristics we may re- cognise differences in choice and treatment of subject which seem due to the influence of distinct, though not antao-onistic, schools. Thus the ffreat silver vase from the tomb near Nikopolis, with its frieze and projecting heads ; the battle-scenes wrought in bold relief on the quiver and scabbard from the same tomb ; the lions' heads, so nobly adajDted as the general ornament of tores and bracelets ; the representations, in a word, of war and of animal life which so constantly recur in the works in metal from Crimean tombs, remind us of the characteristics of the school of Skopas, as we know them in the sculptures of the Mausoleum ; while in the vases, the terracottas, and many of the smaller jewels, we seem to recognise that tender pathos of expression, that beauty of form, refined but not effeminate, appealing to the senses but not meretricious, which we believe to have been the attributes of the other great Athenian sculptor, Praxiteles, and which the painters, his con- temporaries, probably shared with him. THE BRONZE HEAD IN THE CA8TELLANI COLLECTION." About tins time last year the House of Commons, with a Avise liberality, completed the purchase of the celebrated collection of gold ornaments and gems formed by Signor Alessandro Castellani. xlnother collection, of works not in the precious metals, but in marble, bronze, terracotta, and glass, accumulated during years of unwearied zeal and keen enterprise, and chosen with consummate judgment, is again offered by Signor Castel- lani to this country, and the greater part of it is now to be seen in the British Museum. It is not our present purpose to give a general notice of this collection, which cannot be duly appreciated till the remainder of it has aurived in this country, and has been properly exhibited. But it contains one work of art of such transcendent merit that the attention of the public cannot be too soon or too strongly called to it. "We mean the bronze head of a Greek goddess, said to have been found somewhere in xVrmcnia. This head is of heroic size, and has evidently belonged to a statue from which it has been torn away. The back of the * Times, April 10, 1S73. X.] BRONZE HEAD IN CASTELLANI COLLECTION. 401 head has been wrenched off, a blow has depressed tlie hair over the brow, and only the front of the neck has been preserved. But, by a good fortune which rarely attends ancient bronzes, the face has escaped with very little injury, and the nose and mouth are absolutely intact.22« Of the eyes nothing now remains but the deep cavernous sockets from which once flashed the light of precious stones or enamels. But, though the eyes arc thus represented not positively by lustre, but negatively, by deep shadow, this want is hardly felt when we look at the face, such is its transcendent charm. Those who have studied Greek art feel at once that we have here one of those finely balanced ideal types in which the ancient sculptor sought to blend superhuman majesty and superhuman faultlessness of proportion, with a beauty so real and lifelike that the whole conception of the work is kept as it were within the pale of human sympathy, and the religious impression, which was the main purpose of Greek art, is enhanced, not impaired, by the sensuous charm. The first impression, in short, produced by this bronze head is that of majestic godlike beauty, simple, but not too severe, with just enough of expression to give the face a human interest, and make us feel that the conception is a product of a human imagination inspired by a divine theme, of a mortal striving to body forth his idea of the immortal. It is hard to define the subtleties of Greek art, veiled as they are 1)y a seeming simplicity which is for ever eluding the analysis it invites and challenges. But it may make our meaning clearer if we add that a very little more expression would have made this head less 2 D 402 ESSAYS ON ARCHEOLOGY. [x. divine, and given it more of the characteristics of wliat lias been called the Pathetic or later school of Greek sculpture, wliile, on the other hand, a very little less expression might have converted it into a cold, tame, lifeless ideal, such as the uninspired artist or rather mechanic of later times made by rule and compass to the order of his Roman master. AVhen we look to the means through which the subtle beauty of this head has l)een wrought with such marvellous success, we find that largeness and simplicity of style which characterizes the best age of Greek art, but which was only maintained for about a century. This largeness of style is the result of that long and profound study of nature which teaches the artist how to select and to give due prominence to the parts which are essential to the main idea, every detail not so essential being subordinated, or, if necessary, omitted. This style we see in its perfection in the works of Pheidias, as we know them in the remains of the Parthenon, but up to this date we have looked in vain in the museums of Europe for a cardinal example of the same style in bronze. The reason for this is obvious. Bronze decays under influences which do not aftect marble, and the intrinsic value of this metal has caused thousands of statues to be melted down, which, had they been in marble, might have been disinterred, and even reconstructed out of many fragments like the statue of IMausolos. Thus the great works in bronze of Pheidias and Scopas, fused in the mints of barbaric conquerors, must have furnished the coin by which their mercenaries were paid, and, for aught we know, may still be cir- culating in the copper currencies of the Eastern world. X.] BROXZE HEAD IN CASTELLANI COLLECTION. 403 The disappearance of the Greek masterpieces in bronze is almost as mneli to be deph^red as the loss of their paintings. Neither the bronzes of Hercnlancum nor the Roman copies in marble of bronze chefs-d'oeuvre which may here and there be detected in sculpture galleries have as yet given us more than a feeble and inadequate idea of those " spirantia cera" which, as the candid Virgil admits, it was the special gift and prerogative of the Greeks to make, and we have had to imagine what the style of bronze statuary in the great age was like, by the study of Greek coins, and of a few precious relics of i^epousse work, such as the bronzes of Siris. Therefore it is that the Castellani bronze head has such surpassing interest. It comes nearer to our con- ception of the work of a great master than any bronze yet discovered ; we learn from it more than from any other extant bronze what perfect mastery the ancient sculptor attained over this material, how in his plastic hands it l^(?OdAOwoiHj oii: M3NHJOJ-VldU3 5 0VIXV0 U MH?llHlU?N\rdiN3 3 0NUW3XdV0i1OXN Oi.Vldul3?OVl?dVawlNUINHOV:JVVVVX.X ioVinVdaWlO-LOQA.^lWNHXlTJ?JMAvN3r. TOI??3VN3J_?OyiOWHJV^VValHHOVVl. 50'v710VVAO>|NHXtMHlM100VVUJ:5 J.NOuJ5H91V/ JOINVJVV OJ.OdUVIW31dVNHXNHlMIOOxVldJ ^^^'^f^'^ H JVfflOlJONlXJ>-Ox l>.|WWHXNHI^IOOXVIdJ3U30A^?JVjaiMV;HHHuliOJJ, NVXI3jYHJOM.JXVdXSNHxNHM.OO,dXH.^HV5,5WANV HHX.^HVIXNOd3JlVX • ,AjVVIlV>t30iMOVOJOuWUXl3JlHl3JdVN3NHX)OMUO dOdoaOX>l3iVAXdVN3X.3NHl3VOJW3NHM100VUAdX NHXlV>l?OVVd>1V>,NH.,xH,UNNOVd^iUN3NHxOVVY^ AdViXOXOWlJ.OIVNHXNHJOXVldj350liH9dV?HlU?%A olvTIa3owuJSvJ^.uvv^5-iAVX>,v:vvvvHX?oil -lNyvMHH-5MVWd3N3Xl3NHlUjNVrlV-SNJ3NHJ^OlV Ua J3^UW 3X d V •.HHuNHlXIWAOi.iONUXVavjHXlHVIVN3 NHj?oo?3VN3x?oxjow. ^^^^ul\7VV^H i3vouw3nh NHI>1lONHXIV^U31V8VJ3WOLAOdUVOXHVNH±NHJV3 ^jVKdVJOWH7 3dlVXl^]H,dONHV|-JAOxJONUV3WWHX 31V5V^j3NHjOUUlXdV? HXNA.WV KVVWaJX I3VOLJW3NHXAONMVI3AOXJOINUV3WWHXNH1XIO ^iWUdlM'JHVldAOX JOlV:Hti)>^XVOIVIi"ilAOX,>OdA J VJNHXlUJ1ldAVV3NHJ OdUVXJHSI JOXVdXj IVVV lttlONHVI?AOX50N-u V 3WWHXNH IXIOOXO VixN VMv/N V V^HHj01dXHWHVOXOdUVOOAjWHXlUj3ldAVV3NH j.HWHV?01NUV13J0J HHHHal yv 3d JIOAOXU3 I AVI -.AOX j3NHJ?OIJ33VN3XiO y30WiHVOd3dAx?3AJA AXNHXIU-5.VA??UINUN3NH JC xNXWVNUJidJ :V HHHlVx\3NXINUlV>iJOXAVIVXOWUlVdVAOXAOX?C MHXlVlxVWVVSN3NHXNHMiOiolWHV3dXA^?OV IVdV.VuJHHHulJolWHvgVNVdAOX^ONO-JVINHXNHJ 3yi3'v>|VdH>HdOjVXTJdu; .JJ ONX/JdAJ AOX AOW UIV H X3 IOAOWONAOdW3NHJ.NH J JONUW 3 XdVMU3VVi.NV HioNUjdAd AOX AO WUIVdVNHXtU? :JVA0N3NHXN OIJ>VANVU 20VVUJ? AVdVd VVVHHHilJ O NUJdA 5l3JdVNHXMVXVJlUd VA3 H J 3NH J J Ol WUd UiH V >OlVlV5lio3yVlVAO?0>CJIXN03V:ViJ^ONVJJd A OWUIVdVNH X510X0 H j3NJHJ$ONUW3xdVNU3VV VVVValHHXVd VlHl>ll01HlJOduOXNOI JHMO XI V ^ I 3Xl3 I -OduWHX^ONUJdAJAOXOWUlVdVNHXNHMIOAOWO AX5VNU020a WVVHHHVdVIVMVWVV^JOdUWH ■u-3VIMUVV0dVA0X?0 1?JHad VNJHXNJH jU3V13VXVd JOXVWI5I3J.: izlHHHVdVlVlHVWVViN 3NHXUAWVKJVJ AOX50NUW3XdV^4HX^JHl>^loi0 1?^VAdV^OdUVONH HHHXyVdVlH X AVX IHVAVIHXJOdJVSOIVIiXldJO )-ylHXN3VXIV^IU53ldAVV3NHXU3d OJVydvAOXOIiJ JIVNHiNHJOWUIVdv^WVVJVNOMi VXO VXVXV>( I VO ^XMdOI31V>12VXNOI3IVJAOXNU30NUJ.3VIOUU3N •^X3 VNAOI vaaawAlNONOdXMOIVIVNOX? A03 ■■iNAOl V8 3a5IOXAOX3103G?IOXNUXMOVI 3 4>0 JV1^101V^5V3JAOM30dVJIV>(SHIVNHOV V>15 0NUVVOJVAOXVdVJOXNVIdj3 3V APPENDIX. A. (PL. I.) ee[ot Ot]Se eTrptavTO irapa tov ' Att6\\covo<; Ka\l r/^? ' AdrjvaCr]'; kol YlapOevov yea? kol ot/cta? \_Ta)v 6cf)ei\6vTCL)v rots 9eot? roi^rots* /^e/Satovp t[^ov? Gjeous TOi' dtStoz^ '^povov, crvji^e/BaLovp Se to [us (o ve(x)7roLa<; tcov Qean' tov<; alei 6uTa<5 kol efop/CL^€[cr- 0aL Kara rdoTa: Koi^S/xaXa? ^ApXicofJio yrjv rr]u AL'y[i;- TTTio TOV 'Ap-^ayopeoj ttju ik Avpicrcrio Ka\ tol iv rfj Kv- oirpLacriSi ocra npo^ rfj avXfj ravTrf Spa. AXHHH Z]'r)p6Scopo<; \\pvd(r(rLO<; oiKirjv rr]v ^ ApTe}xoiVO<^ rov (lO Tlavap.vco Trjp iv SaX^aKtSt hpa. HHHP': Tetcrt/^a^os 'H]/3a/c\etSea> yriv Trjv ^ Ap^-q erenow tov ^ AiroWoiviheo} T~\r]yi. 77/309 SaXjMttKtSt hpa. HHHAAAA: B6a6(oi> 'Acrru- v]6fiov olKLr)v TTjv 'ApXicofjio TOV Ylvpycovog T7]}x 77po9 [t- w] Tei^et /cat to KrjTriov to tt/oos tt^ otKti) Spa. XHHP'AAAA nai'T]aXe&JZ^ ' AprejJLCovos yrju iy Kotols ttjv ^ApXicojxo [(l5 TOV n]upycuf09 fFIA: Aeot'Tto'/co? OuXtaSeo? Kal Atocr- KovpcJS'/ys TlipcojJLLOs yrjv iy Kevdpqj irdcrav ttjv *Apyeto[i; TOV U^vpycjvos rRHHHAAA: napauo"(TwXos naz^uao"o'to[9 yij- V TTjv iv Q?vaacr^ TYjv ApXtwjaov tov 11 i;py 'Ap- XiwfJLOv TOV Tlupyajvo? P": npcxJTay6py)tto[s OLKLrfu Trjfi Me\(ovo<; tov '2L\r)vov ttjv e/x 77oXet Xr^AAAA: | = ^AfJivvTr) TTJIM MeXcoz^os TOV "^Ukrjvo fRHP": XatpeSr^/xo'? 'Ap^ayo- (.35 pjew yrjv Tr)i^ Ar^roSwyoou to Meya/3aTeaj Kal Trjv OLKLrjv T~\rjv ijx TToXet [XjHP'AAAFf-hhl-: INIoo-^os Tei/SeVo-tos yrjv iv AlSy) TrjiM BctTcoj'os tov Mlklvvo) HH: 'ApTeixojI NOJd X>01'J3>| ^ J 3:D /VsioWHV j.>iV wl l"JOJ.|slO ''"' 3VVXM VU N HV I MUV VO JV ^H| U3dOJVX dVjOVJHV Idi Vx ■50\5^3VN3XJOX^OW:IIID JOIJ"JVlVNOa MNHVI3VX '-11 VdHU3dOJVXdV?OWHV 3dlVX:V U3VuaiNlXVW UadOJVxdV^owHV 3dlVX ri D :30V A J.1JW3XNONI I j avuBdojvxdvjowHwad *' jfl IVX :-lng ^4■u>l5v5>HVUAdJ. | Hllia:gOIVj.V>t3MOdU70x HVOJIVAVdVU?Ha.N AWV IHH O NUdX V WNOJ A J VV «« 7U?dVVNV"JHdJIJ:3 N oi:sJvAvixvNoai vAVd ViJ?0!^?3VN3X>o>c50W inaOJAjNovvu^Advi 5olVIX23: zllllD3^"U3dOJVN "-» HOVNONHVIlJONUWBXdV NU3VVXNVJ S||lin3-U3d 1 HOVNONHVIJOVJU>l L NUHVViNVu rl|||03ia3 f> dOJVN(HOVNONHV/JOd3 '"* r VdVjOWuJiAVg U3dO I NHGVNONHVIiUBXIVC' duvovvotjv -V - • LjijixdV-iinvNUidxiwiu (^ J MUVVOJViVVAXJV.Od •" ^ V>(NHdOJVNHOVU3dOJ V>OLjLjlXdV:V:OW3dVA>| HluiiAU3dojVKdVjOWH 3dlVx:v:u>IHVV3jM(j5 0|U?3A3.OldXHWH '" :) IIV 50VIV0X OlNOXiO WJ01WHV3dX >t30WUIVdV:iZJHtij:?0x AVN3x|3NH3IOXOi1 J3 >Oll3 VVNHJSOVi ?>VW \ i?U>ltVdVJIl IJVVVV I : N UX N Vul I VX I 3 N X I N u NHdO JV? HX?IV>| Nli>AU3dOjV3H oVOWd3 :V>|IV MNUl'^^Od 38 AVd Hd XHWH VOXVId J axvA>lNUdjo»:V X AVN 3X1 3NH30I NHXjloxox J 3ni- ,0Vli^VWV?5OVVUi V >i-|VXl 3N>(1NU l3aAVdVN0^ T.\ XNO APPENDIX. 429 IIavTa\€O^VTO<; to * AprefKovos eV '2(a)poiv(Tco 17715 rjv : rioXvtSos iirpCaTO yr\v iv ririv iKveirai iravTOiv '. [1"^ or W AAAAPIII : ITapacr/cws 2a- ftacrcrtSos yrji' 'AXe^tos (so ey Korots '^i' ^^X^^ *^" tos: mHP': "ApXicoixo? K[v- TpeXiJiJiLO^ Mocr^o^' to ToXtSos: AI=C Five lines cut out. Ajr^/jiT^T/atos 'Y(ra"a)to= B. (Pl. IL) avo^ StXi^i/ov A6r)- vayopeoi : linilll= : 'Ecrrtatos (100 2a/ovo'a'&)XXov Fuyo BDI Mocr^os TevSeVcrios Ha- pauStTTOV 'AKrai;acro'to[s NE : Iltypr/S ^AvSdpcro) A .Sctyvyoz^ MaK-pwz^o[s ( 105 KHS: •130 APPENDIX. Aixvi'Tr)7/\8ox' Motjpuo : DII MoLTLv K^cJSeo) A : Xaipe- 'ATrJoWoSoj/DOs'Icre/xei^Sa- (1-25 Brjixoq ^ Ap^ayopeo) 'Hpa- p\o UacrcrLhripov Kapa/xa KXeCSrjp K/3op'Stao-crio§ (ll5 .. o : D: XaipsBrjfxo^ 'Ap^ayo- nill- Mocrxo^ Tez/Secrcrto? peo) Ojop/Atwi'a : AIIIIl h : ^ C (reverse). (Pl. III.) Tol'^ Geots K]at Sz^ iKveovrai [XaLpeSr)iJ.- (l30 OS ? Ap^ayopoi 'ATToXXoScopov ^ Ap^ayopoi KAI vanovKO) : E : Aeoj'TtcrK[os Xo : AIII : ATroXXdSwpo? 09 UeSojXSo : AIII : Bpvco Ycro-wXjPSo : §A : 'AprejatSwyoos 'NevjjLrji'^Lo (i35 'Hjpa/cXtST^S 'YcrcrcuXSaj aX.XSos: HCypeco \ov YIoLO) : EIII : Fdoyos AvTL7raTpoo : AIIIII ['AjTTTOtr;- T09 KaXXtcrrparo Oapau- o-wXXoi^ 2eX Aim ovyev<; kol Aloctkovpi^l- h~\r][X')7]t' 2tSvX>fjU.to9 'A- 0"TU.... 'A7roXXajt'tSe[cu 2ajLtcu[uo]i/ BpwXw : IIIIi= (205 Line cut out. rr=^= Ko .wXSos Apvacra"tos A t(rtv 'ApXtC(j/>to : A A : 11111= *Ycr]cra)t'»^s 'iSayvyo 'Apre)Lt[w- ra Te/optro : BDI: 0eoSoro[9 (210 'Ycrcricrtos Kal Bpa7a;)(os /cat riapTTts TacrddXo AXot- *YcrcreXSaj/xo : AAD AtoTt/xo- 5] SapvcrwXXo Kaxpav 'Yo"cr- o ilO:Alll A /\o An J AAOYAEniE ■l' 'n OPE AAiEY? BOI AAIN^BI «AP APAlS:Cl°?KAi MO TENAEitIO? l.PTIA BOIAMOIAIIIII : 'PTOIH TO^KAAAItTPATO PAPAV (C\\/\ON<\/ l-A^NAO€Anil ONTE KAIAlO IKQYP 4?rAlAr AOPAkI iNr^fE,*/ i/\-)i;8BnAN ?iltAFTE/nANOtKYATB PT£IAnN05::A|lll:r:kA An OJAPYAiilOtYCiniH NIII=:AOHNOk ~Ot, A AaAAONVttAI III": I lAIOlAAlDNJoX £eCj-i NCI ayah miopia iTY APOAAnNIAC XAr^n NBPxi.AO:iiiit= KO "iAAOlAPYAliioiA '5:-lrNAPAIDMo:AA:illll = .?;niHz:iAArrroAPTEA\ ' ' ATE Pp ITO;8Di:OEOAOTO yt till OX kaibPataxoc k Ain APni t TAioAAo aaoi ^1? Ea An/nOAAD AIOT(/»» t;APYtnAA0KAKPANy<^ AnAiorAHNEkATAlHi AIANhAaE AHEKPATH VENTEPa^EPOUKaiTo POiToYkHPO'KA-. AAIOJAYI EnctAN o ONNEOA^HNIOgOEI THtPlNAAPOkAIJ- tsnio AnoA HNSTPATANOiAD PANYASltlOiNEO xANYAoiPAHN CkAIXAITANOS OX Ea:koN^n PnONPAPA EPIkAHtlAP APEnrAHN ^EA0: H t E / E ir p H i irA L APPENDIX. 433 e\]8a;/xo ttXtju 'EKaTaLr)<; (215 K]al o)v Tj dSeX^i^ eKpaTfj- (T\ev iu TepfxepoL^ Kat to ju,e]/DOS Tov KrfiTO '. KA : . . Sat09 Av^eo) (I^ai^d- KpLT]ov ^€.0}xy)vio I S Ge (220 Tf^^i U.Lvhdpo Koi 2t 'Y]o-a"6Jto - 'AttoX- a>^^tS]T7v ISrparw^'og AD .... naz^i-acrcrtos Neo- .... ai^fSos ttXi^z^ (225 9 /cat X ? aLT(ouo<; OS : ED : KovSco- lJttttov Ylapa- 'EttlkXtJs 2ap- Aarjctpew ? ttXt)!^ (230 aJoeX<^o : 19 : Exe U\[ypr) (TLfJL This inscription was discovered some years ago, in the Castle of St. Peter, at Budrmn, by Mr. Alfi-ed Biliotti, H.M. Consul at Trebizond. It is engraved on the four sides of a stele of blue marble, which measures 4 ft. by 1 ft. 7 in. by 9 in., and which is built into the parapet of a water-tank inside a small powder magazine in the outer Baylee of the Castle. All the words underlined in the cm'sive text are cut about a quarter of an inch deep into the marble, and have evidently l3een substituted for other words. After hues 48, 51, and in several subsequent places, lines have been cut out. The purpoi-t of the 2 P 431 APPENDIX. inscription is the registration of sales of lands and houses ■which had been confiscated to Apollo, Athene, and a Goddess, called here Parthenos, and which are sold to individnals with a title guaranteed by these Deities, and therefore indefeasible. The dialect is Ionic, and the writing so similar to that of the Lj'gdamis inscription originally published in my " History of Discoveries," I. PL i. No. 1, as to suggest the possibihty that the two documents are nearly contemporary. The process by which, in the inscription before us, a good title for ever is insured, is a very simple one, and was probably commonly in use among the Greeks when real property confiscated to a Deity was re-sold. The preamble states that the lands and houses having been forfeited to certain divinities by those who were their debtors, ro)v o^eik6vTO)v rots Geot? rovTOL0VS Ko0O) '. iKUTO. \- 'Qvr], MvrjaLfJLa)(oav6- TToXis MepeK\eLov<5 . . HH, iiroiviov T. The relative portions of the iyyvrjT'rj's and the eiroiVLov in these entries would thus correspond very nearly with the relative positions of the names in the accusative case in our inscription which I U2 ArPENDIX. suppose to represent iyyvr)Tai, and the sigJa which follow them ; there is, however, this difference, that in the Er}'- thraean inscription, the price, tlixtj, always precedes the eirdjviov, whereas in our inscription the entries which note the price paid make no mention either of iyyvrjraC or inoiviov. I am disposed to infer from this that in the sales in our inscription no Itt^viov was paid, and that, if the sigla represent money, they do not denote an incoyLov, but possibly the pajanent of an appa^coi/, or earnest-money. It is obvious that if all the purchase -money was not paid down at the time of sale, some payment in the nature of an appa^ojv would be necessary to complete the napoiSoo-L^, which, according to Theophrastos, preceded the KTrj(TLuo<; or ov, 1. 43 ; Kevapoq or ov, 1. 18 ; "Apyo^, 1. 47 ; APPENDIX. 419 Kao-ato? or ov, 1. 34; Te/)/xe/50t, 1. 217; Korot, 11. 16, 27, 70, 81 ; Hovvojmovol, 1. 21 ; KvoTrpicrcris or Kvp- TrpL(TcrU, 1. 9 ; AiSt;, 1. 38 ; 'OpKvveiov, 1. 44, is pro- bably a tunny fishery; 'EKarairj, 1. 215, may be territory originally sacred to Hekate. The 'A7ro\[X&ji/toi'], 1. 64, is the temple of Apollo mentioned in the last line of the Lygdamis inscription, ^paua-cp, 1. 58, is pro- bably a blunder of the lapidary for ^apdvaco. The two first of the above names have terminations which are very common in Karia and Lykia, as 'AXt/capi^aa-o-o?, TvfjLi>r)(Ta6<;, ^AKa\r)cra6 Smyrna, 1875, Pt. 1, No. 108. 75 P. 155. 'hei)vaiov, II. p. 237. 76 P. 156. Leljas-Foucart. Inscriptions de la Grece. Ptie. ii. §6, p. 171. 77 P. 156. Corpus Inscript. Attic, iii. Pt. 1, Nos. 73, 74. Eoucart, Associations Eeligieuses chez les Grecs, p. 219, No. 38. 78 P. 156. Newton in Transactions of Roj-al Soc. Lit. xi. p. 443. 79 P. 157. Epbemeris Arcliaiol. No. 3139. 80 P. 157. Newton, Hist. Disc. ii. Pt. 1. p. 273, for tlie position of this island at Halikamassos. 81 P. 161. See ante, p. 151, note 72. 83 P. 161. Bockh, C. I. 2820. 83 P. 162. Lebas-Foucart, Inscriptions de la Grece. Ptie. ii. § 6, p. 215. No. 352«. 84 P. 162. Bcickh, C. I. 3599. 85 P. 163. Ibid. 2953. 815 P. 163. Carapanos, Dodone, Paris, 1878. Boucbe-Leclercq, Histoire de la Divination, Paris, 1880, ii. treats very fully of oracles and soothsayers. 87 P. 164. Bockh, C. I. 434. Lenormant, Eecherches a Eleusis, p. 177. 88 P. 166. See the article A^yeleutlierol by Foucart in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquites. •« 89 P. 168. Ibid. 90 P. 170. Bockh, C. I. 2448. 91 P. 172. Corpus Inscr. Attic, Berlin, ii. Pt. 1. No. 1G8. Foucart, Associations Eelig. chez les Grecs, p. 128. 92 P. 172. Bcickh, C. I. 2271. Foucart, Associations Kelig. p. 130. 93 P. 172. Corpus Inscr. Attic, Berlin, in. Pt. 1, Nos. 73, 74. Foucart, Assoc. Eel. pp. 119-27. 94 P. 174. Corpus Inscr. Att., Berlin, ii. Pt. 1, No. 163. Eangabe, Ant. HeU. ii. p. 439. No. 814. 95 P. 174. Bockh, C. I. 158. 456 NOTES. oep. 174. Boclcli, C. I. 1688, p. 810. Staatsliaiish. i. p. 105. Rangabo, Ant. Hell. ii. p. 443. Corpus Insor. Att. ii. Ft. 1, Xo. 545. »' P. 175. Bockh, C. 1. 511. ^'^ P. 175. Lebas, Inscriptions des lies de la Grece, iv. § 2. No. 1796. «> P. 175. Bbckh, C. I. 2715. i<»P. 178. Pausan. viii. 15. 2. Apul. Metam. xi. 16. 101 P. 183. Sauppe, Die Mysterien-inschrift von Andania. Lebas-Foueart, Inscriptions de la Grcce, ii. § 5. p. 161. Xo. 326a. 1^- P. 184. Lebas-Poucart, Inscriptions de la Groce, ii. § 6. Xo. 352/^ 1*^3 p, 190. Bocldi, C. 1. 4694, -where it is stated erroneously that this gold plate is in the British Museum. ^'^^'P. 192. 'Adrjvaiov. vi. p. 149. Corpus. Inscript. Attic, iv. p. 41, X"©. 373rt. i-^s p. 192. Curtius in Archaol. Zeitung, BerHn, 1876, p. 181. 106 p. 194. Bockh, C. I 5773. For the Knidos Dirte, see Xewton, Hist. Disc. II. Pt. 2. jip. 720 sqq. 10" P. 195. Bockh, C. I. Xo. 3442. 108 P. 195. Herod, ix. 93. Plutarch, Lucull. x. Diodor. iv. 18 and 80, xiv. 116, xvi. 27. Pausan. ii. 35. Kreuser, HeUenen Pries- terstaat, p. 201. 109 P. 195. Mova-elov -njs Evayy. S^oX^r, Smyrna, 1875, I. p. 102. No. 104. Diodoros, v. 3, mentions sacred fish in the fountain Arethusa, at Syracuse, see ^lian, De nat. Anim. xii. 30. 110 P. 196. Kohler in IMittheilungen d. Deutsch. Arch. Institutes in Athen, i. j). 139 and p. 255 ibid. 111 P. 197. Btickh, C. I. 3562. 112 P. 197. Kii-chhoff, Studien, 3rd ed. p. 50. 113 P. 199. In Keil, Analecta Epigraph. Lips. 1842, pp. 1-39, a fragment of an inscription (C. I. 1536) is interpreted as belonging to the tomb of Philopoemen. The epitaph of Timoleon is given by Plutarch, vit. Timoleon, c. 39. 114 P. 200. Bockh, C. I. 175. 115 P. 201. Ibid. X'o. 916. 116 P. 201. Ibid. Xo. 2824. 117 P. 201. Ibid. Xo. 2826. 118 P. 202. Ibid. Xo. 3270. 110 P. 203. Ibid. Xo. 989, Xo. 6280. 120 P. 205. Ibid. 5172. 121 P. 205. Ibid. 5759tf. 122 P. 206. Ibid. 6298 and 6745. Kaibel, Epigi-ammata Grfeca, BerHn, 1878, X'o. 1117. 1^3 p. 206. Bockh, C. I. l\)07 hb, ii. p. 986. 124 P. 208. Ibid. 63427a 6196. 6559. NOTES. 457 125 p. 208. Buckh, C. I. G311. 126 p. 208. Ibid. 6310. 127 p. 208. Ibid. 5772. 128 P. 211. Paiisan. vii. 2. 6. Gulil, Epliesiaca, p. 5 and p. 131. 120 p_ 213. See these uu-Hellenic types in Gerhard, Antike Bildwerke, Pll. 305, 307, 308. 130 p. 214. E. Curtiiis, Eeitrage z. Geschichte Kleinasiens. 1872, p. 7. 131 P. 214. Ibid. pp. 1.3-15. 132 p, 216. Ibid. p. 16. Guhl, Ephesiaca, p. 36; for other examples of dedications by attachment of a cord, see Tylor, Primitive Culture, I. p. 106. 133 P. 218. Brunn, Geschichte d. Griech. Ktinstler, ii. pp. 345, 383. Pliny, xxxvi. c. 14. § 21, attributes to Chersiphron rather than to Metagenes the contrivance by Avhich the architrave stones were lowered on to their beds. But it seems more probable that Metagenes, to whom Vitruvius, x. 6, attributes the invention for con- veying the architrave stones from the quarry, should have also had the lowering of them into their place. 13^ P. 218. Corpus Inscr. Att. i. pp. Ill, 112. 135 p_ 220. Lebas-Waddington, Inscriptions de I'Asie Mineure, p. 73, ^V 187. 136 p. 220. Plin. Hist. N"at. xvi. 79. 137 p. 222. Strabo, xiv. p. 641. Wood, Ephesus, p. 10. 138 p_ 222. Lebas-Waddington, Inscriptions de I'Asie j\Iineure, p. 56. Xo. 136«. 139 P. 224. Ulpian, Lib. i. Digg. Tit. xvi. 1. 4, § 5, De Offic. Pro- consul. Plin. Hist. Xat. v. 31. 140 p, 225. Dio Chrysostom. Orat. xxxi. p. 595. ed. Eeiske. 141 P. 225. Xenoph. Anab. v. 3. 9. 142 p_ 226. Wood, Ephesus, Appendix, Inscriptions from Great Theatre, pp. 2-43. 143 p_ 228. Waddington, Fastes des Provinces Asiatiques, p. 94, No. 58. 144 P. 230. Strabo, xii. pp. 535, 557, 559, 560. 145 P. 230. Plutarch, An. seni. 24. Guhl, Ephesiaca, p. 109. 146 P. 230. AchiUes Tat. vii. 13. Artemidor. Oneirocritica, iv. 4. Guhl, p. 111. 147 p. 231. Achilles Tat. loc. cit. 148 P. 232. Strabo, xiv. p. 641. 149 P. 234. Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 14. § 21. Universo templo longitude est ccccxxv pedum, latitudo ccxxv. 150 p_ 235. Plin. Ibid. Columna3 centum viginti septema singulis 458 NOTES. regibxis factie, Ix pedum altitudine, ex iis xxxvi calata?, uua a Scopa. 151 P. 235. Fii-st published by H. Eohl, Scbedic Epigrapliicoe, Berlin, 1876, p. 1. 152 p. 236. Strabo, xiv. p. 64:0, At lakly (Eiu'omos) iu Karia still remain standing the columns of a temple of the Eoman period, on each of which the name of the dedicator is inscribed on the shaft. See Ionian Antiquities, Pt. r. p. 57. 153 p. 237. Fergusson on the Temples of Ephesus and Didymi (read at the Institute of British Architects, Jan. 22, 1877), p. 85. i5i P. 238. See "Wood, p. 258, where he states that the great altar was nearly 20 feet square. 155 P. 239. Etlhl, Schedie Epig. p. 1. 156 P. 243. Corpus Inscript. Attic. Berlin i. Xo. 324. 157 P. 247. Xewton, Travels and Discoveries, ir. p. 29. Frick in Jahrbiicher fiir Classische Philologie, Leipzig, 1859, in. Supp. Bd. Heft 4, p. 554. Kirchhoff, Studien, 3rd ed. Taf. ii. i^** P. 251. Dodwell, Yiews of Cyclopean remains in Greece and Italy. K. O. Miiller, Archaologie d. a. Kunst. p. 29, § 48. 159 P. 253. In the ruins of the vast chamber at Orchomenos, which Pausanias caUs the Treasury of ]\Iinyas, Dr. Schliemann foimd blocks similarly pierced, and here and there remains of the bronze nails (see liis Mycena;, p. 45). 1^ P. 254. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique, Paris, ii. p. 181. 161 p_ 255. Blouet, Expedition scientilique de la Moree, ii. p. 154, PI. 70. 162 p_ 272. For other instances of sepulchral masks, see Benndorf Antike Gesichthelme, T\"ien, 1878. 103 p_ 274. Dr. Scliliemann calls this a cow's head, but 1 am assured by naturalists that he has mistaken the sex. 1^ P. 281. F. Lenormant, Premieres Civilisations, ii. p. 376. It is a curious illustration of this primitive anatomical diagram that the Greeks called this part of the female body Delta, from its supposed likeness to the foiurth letter of their alphabet. 165 P. 283. Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 51, 93, 150, 164, 203, PI. vi. 166 p_ 284. For the patterns on the Mycenae pottery, see the beautiful work, Mykenische Thongefasse, by A. T. Furtwaugler and G. Loschcke, published by the German ^ircha^ological Institute at Athens, 1879. For the lalysos pottery, see Salzmann, Xecropole de Camire, Paris, 1871. ic- p_ 284. Lenormant, Eevue Archeologique, xiv. p. 430, and Academy, 1874, p. 315. NOTES. 459 1C9 p. 286. Milclxhufer iu Mittlieil. d. Dcutsch. liistitiiles iu Atlicn, II. pp. 82-84. Bullet, de Corresp. Helleu. i. p}). 2G0-2G3, and ii. pp. 185-228. 109 p_ 287. Longperier, Musee Napoleon iii. Pll. xxiv. and XXVI. ^'^^ P. 287. Helbig, Ccnui sopra I'artc Pcnicia, iu the Aiiuali of the Koman Institute, 1876, pp. 197-257. 1^1 P. 287. Longpcrier, Musee Napoleon in. Pll. x. xi. 1^2 p. 288. Layard, Discoveries in Nineveh, p. 182 ; and Monu- ments of Nineveh, 2nd series, PU. 57-68. 173 p^ 289. Helbig, Cenni ; Longperier, Journal Asiatique, 18o5> p. 407. 174 p. 290. NeAvton, Guide to 2nd Vase Eoom in Brit. Mus. 1878, Pt. 1. p. 70, No. 5. 175 P. 290. Micali, Monum. Ined. Firenzi, 1844, PL vii. Newton, Guide to Bronze Eoom in Brit. Mus. 1871, p. 8, No. 5. 17C p. 290. 1 Kings vii. 14. 177 P. 291. Massimi, Mus. Gregor, i. Pll. 18, 19, 20. Millingeu, Anc. Uned. Hon. ii. PI. 14. Newton, Guide to Bronze Room in Brit. Mus. 1871, p. 34. 178 p_ 293. Hoskins, Travels in Ethiopia. Pll. xlvi. xlix. 179 P. 298. Pausan. ii. 16. 6. in. 19. 6. In the latter passage the integrity of the text has been doubted by recent editors, but as it appears to me on no sufficient ground. 180 p_ 299. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellen. ii. p. 64. 181 P. 300. NeAvton, Hist. Disc. ii. pp. 202, 487, 488, 581-88. 182 P. 301. K. F. Hermann, Privatalterthiimer, 1870, § 18. 11. Pyl, Die Griech. Eundbauten, p. 88. 1^3 p. 303. De Luyiies, Numismatique et Inscriptions Cypriotes, Paris, 1852 ; and Eoss, Eeisen, iv. pp. 81-212. Ccccaldi, Decouvertcs en Chypre, in Eevue Ai-cheologique, N. S. xxii. p. 361 ; N. S. xxiv. p. 221. Lang in Transactions of Eoj^al Soc. Literature, 2nd series, XI. pp. 30-54. E. S. Poole, ibid. 54-70. 184 P. 304. Longperier, Musee Napoleon in. PI. xvi. 185 P. 306. Kevue Archeologique N. S. v. p. 347, vi. p. 244. 186 P. 307. Doell, Sammlung Cesnola, St. Pctersbourg, 1873. 187 P. 308. Doell, Ibid., PL iii. figg. 9, 1-6. 188 P. 312, Sayce on Babylonian cylinders found by Gen. Cesnola, Transactions of Soc. Biblical Archteology, v. p. 441. 189 P. 313. Ibid. p. 442-44. 190 P. 317. Newton, Hist. Disc. ii. p. 327. 191 P. 317. Annali of Eoman Arch. Institute, 1835, p. 50. Bullet, of same Institute, 1829, p. 189. 4G0 NOTES. 1^- P. 333. Blouet, Expedition scientifique de la Moree i. pp. 56-72. 193 p. 333. Olympia, Ein Vertrag von E. Curtius, Berlin, 1852. 19^ P. 334. :Macmillan's Magazine, Xovember, 1877, p. 59. 1^* P. 339. Professor Adler calculates from the measurement of tlie temple that an Olympic foot, averaging from 0-3206 to 0-3210 metre, is the unit on which the proportions are based. Ausgrabungen, III. p. 26. ^^^ P. 340. Ausgrabungen, ii. PI. 35, pp. 14-16. 196 p. 342. Elouet, Expedition scientifitiue, i. PI. 63, 64. 197 P. 349. Archaol. Zeitung. Berlin, 1879, pp. 119, 120. This building is thought to be the Senate House, Bouleutenon, of the Eleians. 193 P. 350. Pausan. v. 17, 3. G. Treu, Hermes mit dem Dionysos- knaben, Berlin, 1878. One of the feet of this statue has been recently discovered. It is described as exquisitely modelled, with a sandal of bronze gilt. 199 P. 351. Diodor. Fragm. XXVI. npa^ire'Xrjy, 6 Karafxi^ai ciKpas rot? Xidiuois epyois ra ttjs "^vx^s nddr]. 2^ P. 351. Benndorf, in Beiblatt z. Zeitschrift fiir bildende Kunst. 1878, Xo. 49, pp. 778-785. 201 P. 353. Ausgrab. i. PU. 10, 11, 12. The back of the head and the left leg have been recently discovered. 202 p. 354. Pausan. v. § 10, 2. Eor the remains of the two pedimental compositions, see Ausgrabungen, i. Pll. 13-25, ii. Pll. 4-25, III. Pll. 10-16. 203 P. 363. Kangabe, Ant. HeUen. i. p. 45, :N"o. 56. 20i P. 365. Brunn, Paeonios u. die Xordgriech. Kunst, Munich, 1876 ; and Die Sculpturen von Olympia, in Sitzungsberichte d. Phil. Hist. Classe d. k. b. Akad. d. AVissenschaften z. Miinchen, 1877, pp. 1-28, and 1878, pp. 442-471. 205 p. 365. Blouet, Expedition Scientifique, i. Pll. 74-78. 206 p. 366. Ausgrab. iir. Pll. 18, 19. Treu in Archaol. Zeitung, 1878, p. 136. 207 P. 367. Furtwangler in Archaol. Zeitung. 1878, pp. 172, 173. 208 p. 367. Pausan. v. 20. § 4. Sueton. Xero. xxiv. 209 P. 369. In an unedited inscription from the island of Kalymna which is now in the British Museum, the amoimt of time to be allowed for pleadings in a trial is measured by the same instrument. 210 P. 370. Tacit. Annal. iv. 43. 211 P. 370. L. Ross, Eeisen u. Eeiserouten, i. pp. 1-24. Curtius, Peloponnesos, ii. pp. 157, 193. 212 p. 371. See ante, p. 120, note 39. NOTES. 461 . 213 p. 374. De Witte in Annali of Inst. Arch. Roman, xlix. pp. 294-332, L. pp. 276-284. Monum. x. Pll. 47, 48. 214 P. 374. See Mr. Head's Guide to select Greek coins exhibited in electrotype in Brit. IMus. 1880. 215 P. 377. Grote, Ilist. Greece, xii. pp. G49-GG1. 216 P. 377. Gilles, Antiquites du Bosporo, i. pp. xv.-xxxv. 217 P. 379. Ibid. II. PI. Lxxix. p. 131. 218 P. 380. Gilles, Antiq. du Bospore, i. pp. xxxi.-xxxv. 219 P. 381. ComptePtendu, 1859, pp. 1-125. Pll. i.-iii. Seean^c, p. 373. This vase is published in Falkener's Pine Art Quarterly, 1864. 220 p. 382. Compte Eendu, 1864, PI. v. fig. 2. 221 P. 384. Newton and Hicks, Greek Inscriptions in Brit. ]\Ius. Pt. 1. xxxiv. p. 77. 222 P. 384. A coin of Alexander the Great was found with a collection of gold ornaments similar hi style and date to those from Kertch which have been recently discovered at some place on the west coast of Asia Minor, probably Kyme in yEolis. These are now in the British Museum. 223 p. 391. For the Sphinx in the British Museum, see Newton, Castellani Collection, 1874, PI. xii. 221' P. 391. Ueber bemalte Vasen mit Goldschmuck, Leipzig, 1863. 225 P. 391. See ante, Note 213. 226 p_ 401^ Published by Eugclmann, Archliol. Zeitimg, Berlin, 1878, p. 150, PI. 20, who attributes this head to Praxiteles. See also Newton, Castellani Collection, 1874, PI. 1 (a Photograph by INlr. S. Thompson). 227 p_ 414_ Head, On the chronological sequence of the coins of Syracuse, London, 1874. 22S P. 417. Numismatic Chronicle, 1876, p. 1. 229 P. 419. Transactions of Eoyal Soc. Lit. N. S. xi. p. 173. 230 P. 426. Grote, Hist. Greece, 1st ed. iii. p. 495. INDEX. Agate sceptre liead, 315. "Agei- Dentlieliates" cause of first Messenian War (?), 368; restored by Philip to Messenians, 369 ; awards of, by Antigonos Doson and Mummius, ihid.; by Milesians, ifciV?. ; by Augustus and Tiberius, 370. Agonistic types on coins of Sicily, 420, 421, 422. Alektrona, temple of, at lalysos, 156. Alldhlades, advised doubling tribute of Athenian allies, 109; an instance of aseheia, 157. Altar of Zeus at Olympia, 327 ; " to the Unknown Gods," 328. Amyhla;, marble slabs from, scul^Dtured in relief, 193. Anathema, See Dedication . Word still applied to imprecations, 193. Aphrodite, Symmachia, statue of, 185; early type, from Mycense, 281 ; Cyprian type (?), 308. Apollo Karneios, boar dedicated to, 181. Architects: Chersiphron, began Artemision B.C. 580, 81, 217; Pythios, made Mausoleum chariot group (?), 90 ; " who superintends sacred things," at Athens, 139 ; Metagenes, son of Chersiphron, 217; Deinokrates, builder of later Artemision, 220; Libon, engaged on Olympieion, 341. Architecture : " Polyandrion," a form of tomb, 83 : Cyclopean masonry, 251, 257; Egyptian vaulting at Mycenje, 253; semicolunins and stone ornamental work at Mycenfe, 254. Argos, feud with Mycenae traceable in legends of, 248. Arh for sacred books, in Andanian Inscription, 177, 179. Artemidoros of Knidos warned Julius Csesar, 130. Artemis: Pergaia, 157, 213; Greek and Asiatic types distinct, 212; Leukophryne of Magnesia, 213 ; Polymammia, ihid. ; on a goat, from Kertch, 395 ; on coins of Selinus, 423. Artemisia, wife of Mausolos, 88. Artemision : its discovery by Mr. Wood, 210 ; the earliest temple built in time of Croesus, 216; burnt by Herostratos B.C. 356, 219; INDEX. 463 rebuilt, ibid.; notices of its architecture and sculpture in Pliny, Vitruvius, and other ancient authors, 217, 24.1 ; reckoned one of the seven wonders of the world, 240 ; its coluvinu} ccdaUe, 2'-'>'>, 240; its Treasuries of votive objects and sacred deposits, 225; wealth of the temple from land audother sources, 225; privileges as an asylum, 231 ; the 'periholos repaired hj Augustus, 232 ; final destruction, a.d. 262, 243. As, 409, 410. Asebeia, fine for, 138. " Asiarch," title introduced by Romans (?) into Asia Minor, 165. Baal Marcocl, worship of at Delos, 172. Baths, public, 182. Battles: of Knidos, 83; naval, off Epirus, 103; at Sphakteria, 101; Potidfea, b.c. 432, 108; Draboskos, ihld.; Corinth, B.C. 394,199; Cha^ronea, 223. Behaiotai, sureties, 146. Bias of Priene, 120. Bilingual edict, 133. Bliznitsa, antiquities found at, 382. Boohs, sacred, in Andaman Inscription, 177. Boots of Pantikapa3an lady, found in tomb near Kertch, 380. Bosporos, Kimmerian, 376 ; Greek princes of, 377 ; alliance with Athens, ibid. Boxwood, design graven on, from Kertch, 379, 398. Branchidce, sculptures from, 75-79, 81. Bronze .- throne from Cypi'us, 311 ; chamber dedicated liy Sikyonians, 327. Cervetri (Caere), shield found at, 291, Chariot groups on Sicilian coins, 420. Coins : Rhodian, with head of Sun-God, 94 ; issued by temples, 137 » tetradrachm as votive offering, 140; silver, of Cyprus, 144; of Pantikapaeon, 380 ; gold, of Alexander the Great, from Bliznitsa, 384 ; of Siris, 406 ; Kaulonia, 407 ; as evidence of Greek Art in Magna Grsecia, 408 ; Gr^co-Italian , ces grave, 409 ; of Po23ulonia, only silver Etruscan extant, 410 ; of Dionysios the Elder, 421 ; Agonistic and Fluvial types, 422 ; local features symbolized in, 423 ; Punic of Panormos, witli Greek legend, 425. Commissionei's, specially appointed by emperors for inquests, 130; in Oropos decree, 138. Communities, sacred : local, at Eleusis, the Komanas, Zela, how con- trolled ? 164, 165 ; thiasi and erani, their management I)y popular assembly, 169, 171 ; foreign cults imported by, ibid. Contract for repairing Long Walls of Athens, 112; for rebuilding a temple of Zeus, from Lebadea, 113 ; for repairing Delian temple of Apollo, 150, 151 ; for supplying victims for sacrifice, 181. 464 INDEX. Croesus, consnltcd Branchicla3 oracle, 77, 101 ; dedicated silver l;rater at Delphi, 75; columns in Artemision, 235. Crystal phial, with golden lid, from Cyprus, 315. Cyclopean masonry. See Architecture. Cyprus: excavations at Kition, 301; Idaliou, 305; Phoenician temple at Idalion, 306 ; temple at Golgoi, 306, 307 ; gold, silver, and bronze objects from Kourion, 310-312; engraved cylinders, from Kourion, 313 ; scarabs, 314 ; jDrobablo age of Kourion treasure (?), 317; Greek art never wholly developed, 819; subjection to foreign influence, 319. Decrees : from Halikariiassos, relating to Lygdamis, 106 ; Athenian, protecting Arybbas, 116 ; of Mylasa, punishing conspirators against Mausolos, 117; granting proxenia, 118; relating to arbitration, 120, 121 ; in honour of Protogenes of Olbia, 124 ; in honour of physicians, 125 ; Halikarnassian, in honour of a poet, 126 ; from lasos, in honour of a dramatic poet, Dymas, ihicL; Athenian, relating to treasure of Hei'O Physician, 139, and to survey of Erechthcion, 150 ; from Lebadea, relating to contract for building a temple, 150; from Delos, conditions of contract for repairing temple of Apollo, Ihtd. ; of Halikarnassos, regulating sale of priesthood, 152, 157 ; of Erythras, register- ing sale of priesthood, 1 52 ; from lalysos, relating to precinct of Alektrona, 156; from Ilium Novum, 162; Athenian, relating to Panathentea, 173; Delian, relating to sacrifice, 174; from Andania, relating to ritual, 177; of lulis, relating to funerals, 196, 197. Dedications (anatliemata) : of bronze helmet, by Hiero I., 69, 106 ; by Alexander the Great, of temple to Athene at Priene, 90, 220; of bronze hare, to Apollo, from Samos, 102 ; of porcelain dolphin, from Kameiros, 102 ; of tenth of spoils of war, to Athene, 113 ; to Athene, from tribute, 109 ; of tenth as fine, to Zeus, 115 ; of gold tripod and bronze serpent, to Delphic Apollo, 105 ; of statue at Ilium Novum, from melted metal, 138 ; to Hero Physician, from melted metal, 139 ; of models of parts of body and of disease, 140 ; of temple by priest of Asklepios, 161 ; of slaves, 165 ; of temple to Artemis by Xeuophon, 168 ; of statue, by Nikippe, after Actium, 185 ; to Poseidon, 188 ; to Artemis Brauronia, 188 ; of linen cuirasses at Olympia, by Gelon I., 190,327; of sabre of Mardouios, 190 ; of persons to Gods, 193 ; of statue of Nike by Messenians and Naupaktians, 191, 352 ; to Apollo Pythios, 192 ; of spearhead by Methanians, 192 ; of stolen coins to Juno Lacinia, 194 ; of flocks to Helios, 195 ; of heifers to Persephone at Kyzikos, 195; of fish at Smyrna, 195; of tombs to Infernal Deities, 201 ; of Triopion, by Herodes Atticus, 202 ; of golden bull at Delphi and columns in Artemision, by Croesus, 215, 216, 235; by a lady of Sardis in Artemision, 235; of gold tripod, after Plata3a, 246 ; of bronze chamber by INDEX. 465 Sikyoniaus, 327 ; of Zanes, 329 ; of shields by Mummius, 340 of marble bull by Herodes Atticus, 3i6. Delos : majority of population liierodulcs, 165. Demarato, queen of Gelon I., 415; decaclrachm in honour of, ihid. Dometer : tutelaiy deity of Mcssenia, 183; Paralia, worship of, at Cyprus, 304. Demos : deci'ees of, 146 ; treasurers of, 147. Diadochi, 119. Bifjamma in Olympian inscriptions, 368. Disputes of land: between Samos and Pricne, 120, 370; between the Lacedtemonians and Messenians, 321, 368. Doclona, excavations at, 163 ; oracles inscril)ed on lead found at, ihid. Dramatic contests with music, 161. Diimnovclannus, a British king named in testament of Augustus, 131. Eggs, ostrich, carved in relief, from Vulci, 290. Emj^erors ; Constantino the Great removed the Delphic serpent, 105 ; Trajan, 127; Julius Cjesar, 130; Tiberius, 130 ; Diocletian, 138 edict of, 132 ; Maximian, 138 ; Gallienus, letter of, 145 ; Hadrian , initiated in Eleusinian mysteries, 164 ; Faustina, ^202 ; Theo. dosius, suppressed Olympic Games, 330. Bmi-iliyteutic tenure. See Leases. Epaminondas, revived sacred rites in Messenia, 179, 184. Ei^igrams (ejngrammatct) : the earliest adaptation of inscriptions, 100 ; votive, 189 ; by Simonides, 198. Ejiita'jTils : on monument of Dexileos, 199 ; from Aphrodisias, 201 ; from Smyrna, of Amilla, 202 ; of Herodes Atticus, 202 ; on horses at Agrigentum, 208 ; on dogs, ibid. Eranoi. See Comvmnities. Eteandros (Ithuander), King of Paphos, 312. Eumolpido::, hereditary hicrophauts of Eleusinian mysteries, 153. Execratinns {devofiones), engraved on tal)lets, 193, 195. Fines: a tenth from treaty-breakers, paid to Olympian Zeus, 115; to Apollo, 137 ; dedicated to temple building, 136 ; list of, in Marmor Sandvicense, 137 ; for asehela, 138. Flute-players, guilds of, at Eleusis and Andania, 181. Fluvial types on coins, 422. Food : list of prohibited, 156 ; found in Mycentean tombs, 262, 264. Funeral rites : convivial character of. among Greeks, 169 ; purification necessary after, 196, Gallus Asinius, sent by AugUfstus to Knidos, to make a judicial inquiry, 130. Gems : Intagli from Mycenfe, 268, 269, 279; compared with early Greek gems, 279, 280; Cypi'ian scarabs, 312; and scaraboids witli Intagli, 315 ; Crimean scarabs, 395. Gold: Cyprian anathcmatOjlM; objects from Mycenae, 259-272 ; mask 2 n 466 INDEX. of a lion, 273 ; peculiarity of Mycenasan signet-rings, 285 ; objects from Cyprus, 311, 312 ; from Kertch, 378; toreutic work from Bliznitsa, 383 ; in British Museum, 393. Hagna, a sacred fountain, 179. Hekail', tutelary deity of Stratouikea, 175. Helios, sheep dedicated to, in ApoUonia, 195. Hera of Samos, 213 ; cowheaded (?) from Myceua?, representing crescent moou (?), 282. Herodes Atflcus: dedicated Triopion, 202; oxhedra of, at Olympia, 34tj. Hero Physician, cult of, at Athens, 139. Hieratic style of sculptui'e, 87. Hiero I., dedicated bronze helmet at Olympia, 106. Homicides declared impure, 15(3. Hymns to deities, 175; training of choruses for, Hid. lasos, judges sent from, to Kalymna, 120. Infei-nal deities, Knidian cult of, 85. Inscriptions: Kadmeiau, ^'^■, Phoenician, 99, 305, 318; archaic Greek at Abou-Symbul, 100; Sigean, contemporary with Branchidte, 102 ; on bases of columns under Artemision, 102 ; from Santoriu, ibid.; from Budrum, 106; honorary, 125; senatus- considtum, B.C. 170, 128; testament of Augustus, 131; Marmor Adulitanum, 132; Marmor Sandvicense, 137, 14-3; of Salutaris, 142, 226, 242 ; from Lindos and lalysos, 156 ; from silver mines of Laurion, 156 ; dedications of slaves, from Deljohi, 165 ; from Smyrna, relating to sacred fish, 195 ; sepulchral, from Santoriu, 197 ; fi'om Andania, 177, 197 ; from cella walls of Arte- mision, 222 ; Cyin'ian on armlet, 312 ; Accadian, from Cyprus- 313 ; concerning Erechtheion, 363. Interest paid by states for loans, to temple of Delian Apollo, 143. Isopolity, a privilege of s, pro.->:enos, 123. Jason, of Pherre, 174. Juno Lacinia, stolen coins dedicated to priestesses of, 194. K(d)iri, mysteries in honour of, 177. Kalendars of victims to be offered to certain Gods on certain days, 173. KaJliadce hereditary torchbearers (dadnclii), in Eleusinian hierarchy, 153. Kanopos, gold inscribed plate found in, 190. Kaidonia, coin of, 407. Kertch (PantikapEeon), excavations near, 375 ; " Koul Oba " mound ex- plored, 1831, 377 ; jugs, gold and silver ornaments from, 378- 380 ; " Paulovskoi Kourgan," tomb of Greek lady at, 380. Kome (a village), granted to a temple, 145. Knidog, statues from, 85 ; lion from, 84. Koroibos, gained first historical Olympic victory, 322. Korarjia, mystic procession in honour of Kore, 184. INDEX. 467 Lacedcemonians, dispute of, with Mcsscniaus, 121. Lands, sacred: Kiiidian tcme/ms of Demcfcer, 88; title-deeds of, 146; of Zeus of Labrauda, Apollo, Artemis, leased, 1 tC! ; of Diouysios, 149; tem<:nos of Alcktrona in lalysian inscription, 15G; fi:m<:nos at Mycena!, 258 ; Altis at Olympia, 3o7. Land, tenure of, See Leases ; conveyance of foreign laud to Athenians prohibited by league, 116; form of conveyaucc of, on Petilia bronze plate, 105. Laurlon, silver miues at, 114. Leases : of mines, 114 ; of sacred lands, 145 ; emphyteutic, from Olymos and Mylasa, 145 ; on Tabula? Herakleeuses, 147. Leitourgiai : fitting out of war-ships, 110; service in mysteries, 185. Lenalon, the month, 155. Lt'ttcrs from Kings to Greek States : in Diodoros, 119 ; from Alexander the Great, ibid. ; from Philip Arrhida30s, ordering return of exiles, ibid.; from Antigonos, incorporating Teos with Lebedos, ibid. ; from Seleukos II. to Milesians, 142. from Eoman Emperors and official personages : from Augustus to Knidians, 130; from Antoninus Pius to Ephesos, 129; from Mark Antony to Aphrodisias, 129 ; fi-om Messalla to Teos, ibid. Lion of ChjEronea, 84 ; of Knidos, ibid. ; gate of lions at Mycenae, 252, 301. Loana at Interest : from Artemision, 143 ; from Delian temple of Apollo, 143 ; on what security, ibid. ; to Athenian people from Trea- suries of Gods, 144. Lysimachos, 93. Mantike, divination, professors of, attached to temples, 163. Mausoleiini, sculptures of, 88, 89. Men AzloHenos, a lunar deity of Asia Minor, 195. 2Ien Tyrannos, an imported Attic Deity, 156, 172. Messalla, letter of, declaring city of Teos sacred, 129. Metropolis, honorary title conferred on cities of Asia Minor, 129. Modius, an attribute of Chthonian deities, 87. Mural painting at Thebes, 293 ; at Kertch, 384. Myceme, its ancient history from the mythical period to historic times, 246 ; contingent from, at battle of Platjea, 247 ; named among Greek states on bronze serpent of Hippodrome at Con- stantinople, 246 ; Homeric notice of, 248 ; final destruction of by Argives, B.C. 468, 247; description of ruins by Pausanias, 250 subterranean chambers called Treasuries, ibid.; Dr. Schlic- mann's excavation within and without the Akropolis, 257 ; tombs discovered within Akropolis, 258 ; their contents : gold ornaments, weapons, gems, pottery, 259-269, 275-278 ; of what period and race, 269; distinction between articles of native manufacture and articles imported, probably through Phoenician agency, 288; probable date of these antiquities, 293; their connection with the dynasty of Agamemnon not proved, 295 ; 468 INDEX. Treasuries probably tombs, 300 ; recent discoveries at the entrance of the Treasury of Atreus, 299 ; Lions' Gate, 2o2, 301. Jlijron, tyrant of Sikyonia, u.c. 6i8, 327; bronze chamber dedicated by Sikyonians to, ihid. Ncol-oros, 163, ■224f. Neopoiai, 138, 1-1-3, lo^. NiJcopoUs, tombs discovered at, 381. Ohjmpia, excavations at, 321-372. Ohjnijnc games: mythical origin, 321; two legends, 322; revival by Iphitos, ihid. ; first historical victory of Koroobos, ibid. ; com- pared with modern games, 323 ; religious character of, ibid. ; finally supjiressed by Theodosius, B.C. 394, 330. Oracles, 101, 163. 0x671: price of in Delian inscription, 17-1; prizes for rearing, iZ/ id. ; Buus Heros or Hegemon, ibid. Painters : Mikon and Pana3nos, 27; Polygnotos, 53; Apelles, his picture in Artemisiou, 220 ; Zeuxis and Parrhasios, their influence on Ceraraography, 386 ; Apollodoros, 386 ; Pamphilos, 386 ; gave lessons in drawing on boxwood, 398. Falladiurn on Mycenaean relief, 268. Pa/ia^/iejzaic procession, 113; expenses of, 174. PantikapceoH. Hee Kerfcli. Peisistratos, son of Hippias, 192. Pentathlon, 323. P'lsian inscription, 3i'0. Pldlolcaisares, 130. Pholcians, 106. Picftires: Darius setting out on Scythian expedition, 27; battle of Marathon, ibid. ; of Alexander in Artemision, 220. Piiidaros, tyrannos of Ephesos, 215 ; his device for raising siege, ihid. Polerno, surnaraed Stclnlcopria, an ancient archaeologist, 189. Politeia, 123. Polianomi, 147. Po^iidonia, coins of, the only Etruscan extant, 410. Poseideon, the mouth, 1?5. Potamon, son of Lesbonax, friend of Tiberius, 130. Prices: of sculptured groups in Erechtheion, 112; of lead, ihid.; of fluting columns, ibid. ; of commodities fixed by Edict of Diocletian, 133; of oxen in Delian Inscrijition, 174. Priest of Zeus Soter honoured with a crown, 161 ; sometimes the Eponymous magistrate, IGO ; of Asklepios and Hygieia, 151 ; Hiereus, title of highest rank, 152 ; qixalifications and duties of Hiereus, 153, 154; high priest of Ephesian Artemis, 230; celibate priests of Kybele, 230 ; " Essenes " in Ephesian Artemision, 214. INDEX. 460 l'rir)ile8s, Hiercia, title of highest rank, lo2 ; of Jrlero, 161 ; of the Emperors, Hid. ; jiriestesses of Denieter, college of, ibid. ; Hienn in Artemision, 231 ; ileli^sce, ibid. ; Mtllienu, novices, •231; PrtJvVne, teachers, 231. Fricbthoods : list of saleable, from Erythrie, 152 ; hereditary, 152 ; elective, ibid.; appointed by kings, /tu?. ; Eleusinian, hereditary in family of Lykomedes, 153 ; priesthood of several temples could be held by same person, 162 ; local hierarchies at Eleusis, etc., how controlled, 164 ; dignity of in Homeric times, 158 ; of Artemis Pergaia, conditions of sale at Halikarnassos, 157 ; college of priests at the Komanas, 230; at Zela, ibid. Protogenes of Olbia, 121. Proxenia, deci-ees of, 118, 123. Proxenos: antiquity of institution, 104; office of, 121; privileges of, 122, 123. Registers: Athenian Tribute and Treasure lists, 108; of Athenian dockyards, 110 ; of tribute in Parthenon, 113 ; issued every five years by treasurers, 113; Oropos decree, 138; accounts of temple of Deliau Apollo, 138; of Hero Physician at Athens, 139-141 ; of Asklepieion at Athens, 141 ; of Branchidaj treasure, 142. Royal personages; Psammetichos, 100; Croesus, consulted oracle at BranchidiB, 77, 101 ; Alketas, Prince of Molossians, 116 ; Xeop- tolemos, king of Molossians, 116 ; Arybbas, king of Molossians, 116; Olympias, 116; Alexander the Great, 116, 219 ; Tharytas. first mler of Molossians, 116 ; Mausolos, conspiracy against 117; Dionysios the elder, 117; Perseus, 128; Antiochos, 128; Demetrios Poliorketes, 120; Lysimachos, 120; Mithradates, - 122, 222, 232 ; Antiochos Hierax, his dedication at Branchida?, 142 ; Ptolemy Euergetes I., 132, 196 ; Antiochos XIII., letter of, 145 ; Gelon, 190 ; Hiero, 190. Shells found in tombs, 290. Sikyomans dedicated Treasuries, 327; bronze chamber to their tyrant, Myron, ibid. Silver antiquities : figures of Artemis at Ephesos, 142 ; spoons at Lampsakos, 144; coins and votive objects from Cyprus tombs, 144 ; vases and statues from temple of Mercury, ibid. Slaves: dedicated to Gods, 165 ; sold to Gods, 166; fugitive, judged by priests of asylum, 160; house slaves, thremmata, admitted to family sepulchre, 202 ; Phoenician trafiic in, 290. Statues : Ephesian, of goddess called " Xight," 74, 81 ; Ephesian Leto, iUd. ; Pythian Apollo, by Theodores, 75 ; from Branchida?, 81, 101 ; of Apollo in British Museum, 81 ; from Anaphe, ibid. ; of Amazons, 82; of Knidos lion, 82; Chseronea lion, 81-; of Aphrodite, at Knidos, by Praxiteles, 85 ; of Demeter, at Knidos, ibid.', of priestess of Demeter, from Knidos, ibid.; of A^ictory, from Samothrace, 90 ; of Athene, at Pricne, 91 ; Colossus of 470 INDEX. Rhodes, 0-1; of Aplirotlito Sj'ininacliia, at Mautiiica, 185; of Nike, lit Olymjiia, l!'l, 336, 310; of Heiakles, archaic, from Cyprus, 308; Cyprian type of Aphrodite, ibid.; of Geryon. archaic Cyprian, ibid. ; of Hermes with Dionysos, by Praxiteles, 350. Santorin, pottery tVom, 284; inscription from, 102; sepulchral inscription from, 197. Saritpis, temples of, in Bceotia, 166. Sarcophagi, 304, 318. Scidjjfors : first Greek sculptors, Dipoenos, 74; Skyllis, ibid.; E-hoekos, a Samiau, ibid. ; Theodoros, 74, 75, 216 ; Telekles, a Samian, 74; Paeonios, engaged on Arteraision, 81, 217; Olympian statue of Yictory by, 192, 352 ; Demetrios, engaged on Artemisiou, 81, 217; Pheidias, statue of an Amazon by, 82 ; Polykleitos, statue of an Amazon by, ibid. ; Kresilas, statue of an Amazon by, ibid.; second Athenian school, represented by Skopas and Praxiteles, 83 ; characteristics of Skopas in Mausoleum sculptures, 89, 220; of Praxiteles in those of Artemision, 242 ; Lysippos, " Animosa signa " of, fiO ; Chares of Lindos, sculptor of Colossus of Ehodes, 94; Philathenaios, name inscribed on torso from Olympia, 366 ; Hegias, ibid. Sciilpturci-, pedimental : from iEgina, in British Museum, 81 ; Selinus metopes, ibid.; of Parthenon, in the British Museum, 82; Phygalian, ibid. Scidptnres in relief : Gigautomachia on Priene frieze, 91 ; from Antce of Artemision, 92 ; Doric metope from Ilium Novum, 93 ; Ccelatoj coluiiviue at Ephesos, 92, 235, 240; on base of Cyprian statue, 308 ; Metopes from Olympieion, 333, 340. Scgthiaii figures, 378. Syracuse, coins of, as illustrating history of city, 414. Telesphoros, 175. Temples, Greek : of Zens at Lebadea, 113 ; Erechtheion, survey of. 111 ; of Athene Polias at Priene, 90, 120 ; of Apollo at Branchida3, 92; destroyed by Persians, 101 ; treasure in, 142; Parthenon, treasure in, 113; at Labranda, 118; Egyptian at Abou-Symbul, 100; in honour of Augustus, 127; of Asklepios and Hygieia, dedicated by Herakleitos, 125 ; at Lampsakos, ibid. ; Odeion at Ephesos, 129; mints belonging to, 137; Amphiaraion at Oropos, 138, 140 ; of Apollo at Delos, 138, 143 ; repair of, 151 ; of Aphrodite at Aphrodisias, 201; Asklepieiou in Kos, 140; at Athens, 141 ; of Aphrodite in Cyprus, 144; of Mercury near Bernay, 144 ; of Zeus Baitokaikeus. 145; of Zeus Basileus, 150; ministers of, 154; of Sarapis in Boeotia, 166; at Stiris, 166; of Athene Polias at Daulis, 166 ; of Muses in Santorin inscrip- tion, 169 ; of Ephesian Artemis in Lakonia, 168 ; of Aphrodite at Athens, 172; of Isis at Athens, 172; of Men Tyrannos at Athens, 172; Karneion, 182; Ai'temision, 232; Heraion, Argive, 281 ; of Demotor Pavalia at Cyprus. 301.; Pli.crniciau INDEX. 471 in Cyprus, 306 ; Heraiou at Olympia, 326, 342 ; of Eileitliyia at Olymiiia, 348 ; of Aphrodite Urania at Olympia, 348 ; Pliilippeion at Olympia, 327, 343 ; Olympieion, 327, 338. 343, 354 ; pedimeutal sculptures of, 358, 364, 365. Tonplo building, contract for, 113 ; building funds, bow ])rovided, 136 ; notices of, 150. Teos, city declared sacred by Roman Prfetor, 129. Thargellon, the month, 229. Theophanes of Miletos, friend of Pompey, 130. Thiasi. See Cominuiiifies. Timoleon of Syracuse, 415. Toreutiht'. See Gold, Silver, Bvoirie. Treasuries at Mycenre, (?) tombs, 252, 299, 347. Treasure lists. See Rerjhters. Treaties: on disk of Iphitos, 100; between Oianthe and Chaleion, 107; between Eleans and Herfeans, 104 ; between Athens and Keos relating to export of vermilion, 117 ; between Amyntas I. and Chalkidians regulating exp6rt of timber, 118; between Erythra3ans and Hermias of Atarneus relating to customs dues, i'iiH?. ; between Halikarnassos and Lygdamis, 137; texts of, in Thukydides, between Athenians and Chalkidians, 114. Triopia sacra, rites connected with cult of Demeter and Persephon5, 153. Triopion, dedicated by Herodes Atticus on Appian Way, 202. Tyrrhenians, defeated by Hiero I., B.C. 474, 106. Upis, name of Ephesian Artemis, 213. Vases : Mycenasan, 283; compared with lalysian, ibid.; with pottery from Santorin, 284 ; from Rhodes, with design of Thetis and Peleus, 373, 387 ; ximpliora. from Kertch, with stamp of Thasos, 378 ; ampliora with design, Triptolemos, Demeter, Kore, from Kertch, 381 ; silver-gilt, with repousse work, from Nikopolis, 381 ; polychrome from Kertch, 389 ; with design in relief, 390 ; in form of sphinx, 390; Panathenaic, from the Kyrenaica, 391. Vermilion : trade in, between Athens and Keos, 117. Victims, See Kalendar : two white lambs, 180; a ram and three pigs for pui'ification, ibid. ; a hundred lamljs for the protomysta^, ibid. ; a pregnant sow to Demeter, 181 ; a two-year-old pig to the Great Gods, 181 ; a ram to Hermes, 181 ; a boar to Apollo Karncios, ibid. ; a sheep to Hagna, ibid. ; tenders for contract of, invited by hieri, ibid. Wages paid to artists employed on Erechtheion, 112 ; to workmen engaged in fluting columns, ibid. Well in Amphiaraion, for votive offerings, 140. Wines, list of, in edict of Diocletian, 133. Woodwork, ornamented, from Kertch, 379. 472 IIvDEX. Xantlios, antiquities from, 80; sarcophagos from, 418. Zanes, dedicated from produce of fines, at Olympia, 329. ZanTile, " a sickle," coin of, 423. Zf^ufi Baltol-aikeus, 145 ; of Labranda, 146, 213 ; Labraundos, worship of at Athens, 172 ; Soter, IGl ; Panamerios, tutelary of Strato- nikea, 17"> ; Olympian, fines for treaty -breaking dedicated to, 11.5, 137. CHiBLES DICKENS AKD EVAXS, CBrsm PALiCB PBESS, 'A GETTY RESEARCH INSTITUTE 3 3125 01069 7874 ZENO BOOKSELLERS & PUBLISHERS 6. DENMARK STREET, LONDON. W.C.2. f ;• ■■''.A?:''.: -vft-'/j mmm-^ :};>•-:>: ^^:^ :'^;'^ ,: I ..:•^;^xx■.■■.■^^x