Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2019 with funding from 
 Getty Research Institute 
 
 https://archive.org/details/ancientuneditedmOOmill 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ANCIENT 
 
 UNEDITED MONUMENTS. 
 
 SERIES I. 
 
 PAINTED GREEK VASES. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ANCIENT UNEDITED MONUMENTS. 
 
 GREEK 
 
 FROM 
 
 COLLECTIONS IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES 
 
 PRINCIPALLY 
 
 IN GREAT BRITAIN, 
 
 ILLUSTRATED AND EXPLAINED 
 
 By JAMES MILLINGEN. 
 
 LONDON. 
 
 M. D. CCC. XXII. 
 
TO 
 
 WILLIAM HAMILTON, ESQ. 
 
 AUTHOR'OF iEGYPTIACA, 
 
 SO EMINENTLY DISTINGUISHED 
 
 BY HIS CONSTANT ENDEAVOURS TO PROMOTE 
 
 IN GREAT BRITAIN, 
 
 THE LITERATURE AND THE FINE ARTS. 
 
 TO WHICH ANCIENT GREECE 
 
 IS INDEBTED FOR ITS CHIEF AND LASTING GLORY. 
 
 AS A TRIBUTE OF GRATITUDE, 
 
 AND A MEMORIAL 
 
 OF THE SINCEREST REGARD AND FRIENDSHIP, 
 
 THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED, 
 
 BY 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In a former discourse on the usefulness of the study of Fictile Vases (1), I 
 exposed at some length the advantages to be derived from this interesting class 
 of ancient monuments. 
 
 During the interval of ten years which have since elapsed, the farther experi¬ 
 ence acquired, by visiting various existing collections, and by the numerous 
 discoveries which have taken place in Italy and Greece, fully confirms the opinion 
 expressed; and enables me to add, that Fictile Vases are of all the classes of 
 ancient monuments, the most important to the advancement of Archaeology. 
 
 Every production of genius must, to a great degree, bear the stamp and 
 character of the age and country to which it belongs. The pencil of the artist 
 traces the images of objects as they appear to the mind of the poet, or the 
 historian, his contemporaries. Hence, the advantage of vases which are original 
 productions of Greek art, whereas the far greater number of other monuments 
 which have reached us, belong to the imperial times of Rome; and though the 
 latter generally present the same mythological or heroic subjects as the former, 
 yet, owing to the alteration produced by time in manners and opinions, they 
 differ from one another in character, as much as the Achilles of Statius differs 
 from the Achilles of Homer. 
 
 The most splendid period in the annals of mankind, is that which Grecian 
 history affords from the Persian invasion till the fatal battle of Clueronea. 
 Many of the designs of vases are of the same age, and, accordingly, present to 
 our view men and things, with the form, dress, and circumstances peculiar to 
 this memorable epoch. Though Homer flourished several centuries before, as 
 the state of things experienced little alteration in the interval, we probably see 
 
 (1) Peintures Antiques Inedites de Vases Grecs, 
 par J. Millingen, Rome, 1813, Introduction. See 
 
 also, Millin., Introduction a la connaissance des Vases 
 Peints, tom. i. 
 
II. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Achilles, Hector and the heroes of Troy, as they appeared to the imagination of 
 the divine poet. Of the warriors who fell so gloriously at Thermopylae, we can 
 form a just image from these contemporary productions of art; which shew us 
 the victorious bands of Marathon and Salamis as they appeared to their fellow- 
 citizens, when returning triumphant and crowned with laurel, they were hailed 
 as the deliverers of their country. We view them clad in their splendid armour, 
 breathing forth valour (1), with an expression of grandeur and a noble simplicity, 
 characteristic of heroic virtue (2). From the connection naturally existing 
 between poetry and painting, it seems indeed strange, that the admiration 
 excited by the rapturous strains of Homer and Pindar, should not awaken a 
 kindred feeling for the productions of art in which such glowing images are 
 embodied under a sensible form. The prevalence of a Gothic taste, can alone 
 account for the indifference with which ancient monuments are commonly viewed. 
 
 The designs which embellish Fictile Vases, are often taken from sculpture, 
 but that pictures have furnished many (3), is evident from the manner in which 
 the figures are disposed in different plans, from the grouping, and other circum¬ 
 stances unsuited to sculpture. Hence, in the deficiency of more ample means 
 of information, V ases give the greatest insight into the state of painting, when 
 it flourished in the schools of Athens and Sicyon. They display all the essential 
 qualities of the art, and prove that the admiration entertained by the ancients 
 for many of its productions, was not undeserved. The invention and composi¬ 
 tion are always happy and elegant, the expression suited to the characters, the 
 attitudes peculiarly graceful, and the drapery skilfully disposed. It may 
 ceitainly be legietted, that they do not equally present the colouring, scenery, 
 perspective, and other accessories, but these the imagination may, in great 
 measure, supply from analogy. 
 
 It could not be expected that artists of the first order should have been 
 employed in such designs ; which accordingly, are for the most part, deficient 
 in correctness, and carelessly executed. Still, however, they exhibit a spirit 
 and fieedom denoting considerable talent; and always have a certain 
 grandeur which is inseparable from ancient productions, even of the lowest 
 order. Considered therefore, as prints of indifferent execution from pictures 
 
 (1) M&<ea TTveiovres ’Axaiot, Homer. 
 (’2) Mcya.0vfj.OL 'Axaioi, Homer. 
 
 (3) See Plates x., xvi., xvii., xxi., xxii., 
 xxvii. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in. 
 
 of eminent merit, they are an invaluable treasure, whence artists may derive 
 motives for their compositions, and they never can be too much studied by 
 those who wish to raise the art to a higher degree of excellence. 
 
 The subjects of sculpture are usually of an elevated nature, the representa¬ 
 tion of divinities, heroes, or great historical events. Painting of which the 
 powers are more extensive, diversifies its objects, and presenting scenes taken 
 from ordinary life, introduces us to a more familiar acquaintance with ancient 
 times. It brings to our view festivals, entertainments, marriages, theatrical 
 representations, and a great variety of manners and customs highly interesting, 
 as characteristic of so elegant and refined a people. 
 
 This class of ancient monuments is of particular service in illustrating the 
 history of the Fine Arts, and enabling us to trace their progress through the 
 different stages, from the feebleness of infancy to the decrepitude of age. The 
 inscriptions which accompany the figures, present another essential advantage. 
 Making us acquainted with the principles which directed artists in their 
 compositions, and with the symbolical language of antiquity, they facilitate by 
 analogy the explanation of other compositions, which, without such assistance, 
 would have remained uncertain. The inscriptions are likewise of material 
 interest to philologists, exhibiting characters of the most ancient form, and 
 varieties of local dialects unnoticed by grammarians. 
 
 For the sake of those who still continue to bestow on vases the name of 
 Etruscan, it may be proper to repeat what has been so often said, that this 
 erroneous denomination is solely due to those authors who first introduced 
 them to public notice, and who being Tuscans, were induced by an unwarrant¬ 
 able spirit of patriotism, to attribute to their ancient countrymen the invention 
 of almost all sciences and arts (1). This Etruscomania so .long prevalent, is, 
 however, now completely exploded (2), and it is universally acknowledged, 
 that the vases in question are Greek, or of those countries where Greek 
 manners and institutions prevailed. 
 
 That an erroneous denomination is particularly dangerous, as being often 
 prejudicial to the advancement of science, is strongly exemplified in the 
 present case, where, owing to the scarcity of information respecting ancient 
 
 (1) Winckelmann first noticed the fallacy of this (2) Lanzi de Vasi Antichi Dipinti, Firenze, 1806, 
 
 appellation : Storia delle Arti, tom. i., jp. 212. 'page 
 
IV. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Etruria, it has induced many of the learned, to consider hopeless any attempt 
 to explain monuments attributed to that country. Another cause of the little 
 progress in the study of this branch of antiquity, may be ascribed to the 
 opinion, that all the painted Fictile Vases we possess, were originally intended 
 for use in the mystic ceremonies of Ceres and Bacchus; that the subjects 
 represented on them, related to such ceremonies; and that they were placed in 
 tombs as symbols that the deceased had been initiated. The number of Diony- 
 siacal subjects, with which vases are adorned, gave rise, in great measure, to 
 this opinion, which, though totally unsupported by any ancient authority, 
 has, most unaccountably, become so prevalent, that it extended even to 
 Winckelmann, Visconti, and Zoega, and probably induced those great 
 luminaries of the archaeological science, to neglect a class of monuments 
 which offers so much interest. 
 
 As the removal of this opinion is most essential, in addition to what I said 
 on a former occasion (1), I have discussed it at some length, among other 
 points, in an essay, intended for future publication, on the origin and nature 
 of the worship of Dionysus or Bacchus, and have endeavoured to prove its 
 erroneousness by the following arguments: 
 
 1° That Dionysus or Bacchus was originally a local divinity of the Thebans, 
 of a very inferior order; that his worship was unknown to the rest of Greece 
 in the time of Homer and Hesiod, and did not become general, till several 
 centuries afterwards. 
 
 2° That the mysteries, in general, were not of a remote antiquity, and no 
 mention of their existence is found in Homer and Hesiod. That no mysteries 
 in honour of Bacchus were ever established in Greece under the sanction of 
 public authority (2): those called Sabazian and Bendidian were peculiar to the 
 Orphic sect, were introduced at a late period by needy and crafty adventurers, 
 and were always esteemed disreputable (3). In many countries, they were 
 even prohibited by the state. 
 
 (1) Peintures Antiques Inedites de Vases Grecs, 
 Rome, 1813, Introduction, page 4, and Infra, page 
 60. 
 
 (2) The secret ceremonies of Dionysus were 
 performed at Athens by fourteen women called 
 -yepaipai, or venerable, appointed by the Archon 
 
 No other persons were admitted. It is 
 
 probable that in other places the same usage 
 prevailed. 
 
 (3) Demosthenes, de Coron.—Theophrast. Charact. 
 cap. 16. See, Freret, Mem. sur le Culte de 
 Bacchus, Acad, des Inscrip., tom. xxiii., page 262, 
 and Saint Croix, Rech. sur les Mysteres du Paganisme, 
 tom. ii., page 51. 
 
 lung. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 v. 
 
 ,3° That the use of Vases at funeral ceremonies, and the custom of interring 
 them with the dead, is anterior to Homer (1), and, consequently, could have no 
 relation to the worship of Bacchus. 
 
 4° That the most ancient Vases do not present Dionysiacal subjects, but 
 warriors, races, hunts, and other scenes of the kind. 
 
 5 ° To the assertion that Vases were symbols of initiation in the mysteries 
 of Eleusis, it is observed, that the mystic Iacclius was a divinity totally distinct 
 from Dionysus ; he was worshipped in common with Ceres, and his symbols and 
 attributes were entirely different from those of Dionysus. If these divinities 
 were ever confounded, it was only by the Orphic sect, whose opinions were 
 never received in the theology of the state, at least, during the period to which 
 these monuments may be referred. 
 
 6° To this it may be added, that all the ceremonies and rites of Eleusis were 
 performed with the greatest secrecy, and that the representation of them on 
 works of art exposed to profane eyes, would have been deemed highly impious. 
 Any mention of what passed at the mysteries was prohibited, and even as late 
 as the age of Pausanias, the same secrecy was maintained. This is so true, 
 that although we have such numerous representations of Dionysiacal ceremonies, 
 those relating to Ceres very rarely occur (2). Of the mystic Iacclius, even the 
 figure is unknown to us. 
 
 These facts, and the inferences drawn from them, must, on an impartial 
 investigation, appear evident. They have been overlooked, because the question 
 has hitherto been discussed by those, who entertaining preconceived notions, 
 only sought arguments favourable to their systems. Some of these authors have 
 even gone so far, as to claim a greater knowledge of the early history of Greece, 
 and of its religion, than the Greeks themselves, whom they accuse of ignorance 
 and prejudice (3). The character of this systematic school of writers cannot be 
 expressed better than in the very words, which, one (4), perhaps the most 
 extravagant of all, applies to those from whom he differs: “ Many in the 
 “ wantonness of their fancy, have yielded to the most idle surmises, and that 
 “ to a degree of licentiousness, for which, no learning nor ingenuity can atone.” 
 
 (1) On the use of vases at funeral ceremonies, See (3) D’Hancarville, Recherches sur les Arts de la 
 
 Homer, Iliad. *. vers. 170, 219, 220, 250. Odyss. Gr£ce, tom. i., •page 63, 359. 
 
 i2. vers. 74. (4) Bryant, Analysis of Ancient Mythology, tom. i., 
 
 (2) Infra , page 59. page 129. 
 
 b 
 
VI. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Truth is frequently obvious, while we wander in search of it with great 
 labour and fatigue. The vases, of which the origin is supposed to be so 
 mysterious, are no others than the common pottery intended for the various 
 purposes of ordinary life, and for ornament, like the China and Staffordshire 
 ware of the present day. Conformably with a custom almost universally 
 prevalent, of burying with the dead, objects which had been useful to them 
 when alive, many of these vases were deposited in tombs, and contained wine, 
 milk, oil, fruits, and a variety of similar offerings (1). Such only as were thus 
 deposited in the earth could be preserved, and for this reason, they are scarcely 
 ever found entire, but in tombs, which, from religious motives, were held sacred 
 and inviolate. All those which served for common use, experienced the 
 inevitable fate of such fragile objects, and accordingly, great quantities of 
 fragments are usually found in the neighbourhood of ancient Greek cities. At 
 Tarentum, the sea is continually washing on shore innumerable remains of 
 similar vases, which were probably thrown into it, with other rubbish belonging 
 to the ancient inhabitants of the city. 
 
 Those vases, which, like that, Plate I., are occasionally found simply deposited 
 in the earth, are always in the vicinity of tombs; a circumstance which shews 
 that the spot was a cemetery, and consequently esteemed of equal sanctity. 
 Sometimes they contain ashes, the remains of those who preferred that their 
 bodies should be burned, rather than interred : both customs having prevailed 
 at the same time. It happens also, that vases are discovered on the outside of 
 tombs, where they were placed subsequently, at ceremonies performed to 
 appease the souls of the deceased, or to evoke and consult them respecting 
 future events (2). On these occasions, a pit was dug, and the ceremonies took 
 place on the tomb. All vases that had been used in washing and anointing 
 the dead, or in any funeral rites, being esteemed impure, were deposited with 
 the body. 
 
 Some authors have supposed that a relation existed between the subjects 
 figured on vases and the circumstances of the person in whose tomb the vases 
 were placed. This may be true to a certain degree ; but in general, the choice 
 of subjects seems to have been made in an arbitrary manner, according to the 
 fancy of the artist. The same is observable likewise on public monuments, 
 
 (1) Krepia/iara, Xoal, 'Evayla/xara. 
 
 (2) ’NtKvofj.avrela., Homer. Odyss. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 VII. 
 
 and celebrated works of art dedicated in temples, such as the throne of Bathycles 
 at Amyclse, and the chest of Cypselus at Olympia, on which the subjects 
 represented are unconnected with the circumstances of the donor (I). 
 
 That the Fictile Vases of which it is here question, were used for the ordinary 
 purposes of life, is evident from the paintings represented on some of those we 
 possess (2). Many served only for ornament, such as those obtained as prizes 
 at public games, or in gymnastic exercises; or those given as presents at 
 marriages, or on other occasions, and which are usually distinguished by the 
 acclamation kaaos or kaah. In later times, vases were manufactured specially 
 for funeral purposes, and embellished with appropriate subjects (2). 
 
 The manufacture of painted vases ceased, it may be presumed, at least 
 a century previous to the establishment of the Roman Empire. The gradual 
 deterioration which is observable in their quality, was probably the principal 
 cause. The alteration in manners and customs (3), the greater frequency of 
 silver and copper utensils, and the introduction of the new Roman pottery, 
 may have contributed also to their disuse. 
 
 It may be requisite to say something of the principles which have guided me 
 in the explanation of the various subjects. In the course of my observations on 
 these and other ancient monuments, I have carefully avoided all spirit of system, 
 being fully convinced that the religious opinions and rites of the Greeks were 
 not founded on any single and fixed principle, but composed of separate and 
 unconnected parts, which varied with the progress of civilization, the intercourse 
 with other nations, and the introduction of new philosophical doctrines. My 
 object has been constantly a conscientious research of truth. In some cases, I 
 have confessed my inability to offer any opinion, and in others, I have proposed 
 my sentiments with proportionate degrees of doubt and reserve. The most 
 judicious writers of antiquity often confess their uncertainty respecting monu¬ 
 ments of preceding ages. Can we, at this distance of time, and with means of 
 information so much inferior, pretend to a greater degree of knowledge ? 
 
 The study of this branch of antiquity is susceptible of great improvement. 
 
 (1) Pausan. lib. iii., cap. 18, lib. v., cap. 17. and manners were only preserved in Naples, Taren- 
 
 (2) Peintures de Vases Grecs, Plates ii., liii., Idem, turn and Rhegium. All the other cities of Magna 
 
 page 33. Gracia, had fallen into barbarism, Strabo, lib. vi., 
 
 (3) In the time of Augustus, Greek institutions cap. i. 
 
VIII. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Notwithstanding the various publications relating to it, scarcely half the 
 number of vases existing in different collections have been made known ; and 
 their number is continually increasing by successive discoveries. 
 
 A most useful undertaking would be a general collection of all the interest¬ 
 ing subjects represented on vases, including those already published. Disposed 
 and classified in proper order, they would afford each other mutual illustration, 
 and greatly facilitate the progress of the study. For greater facility, such a 
 work might be of a reduced size, in-8°, and the engravings in outline only. The 
 plan followed by Eckhell in his elementary Numismatic work, offers the best 
 example, and would, without doubt, produce the same favourable results. 
 
 A similar undertaking, in which it would be requisite to visit different 
 countries, would require time and expense, which few private individuals 
 could afford, especially, if we consider the little encouragement offered in 
 England to researches of this nature. It could only be effected by one of the 
 Learned Societies, to which it would be highly honourable, as contributing to 
 promote a taste for the arts, and those pursuits, that are the object of their 
 institution. 
 
//V) 3; 0 y 0 ^ 0 313 M1 0 T 
 
 PL.I 
 

PL. III. 
 
ANCIENT 
 
 UNEDITED MONUMENTS. 
 
 PAINTED GREEK YASES. 
 
 PLATES I., II., III. 
 
 [THE vase of which the paintings and form are given in these plates (1), has 
 been selected to appear the first in the present collection, as entitled to 
 such a distinction, from the feeling of veneration its remote antiquity inspires, 
 its importance in illustrating various points of history and mythology, and the 
 peculiar interest arising from the knowledge of its original destination. 
 
 This singular monument of early Grecian art was discovered in an excava¬ 
 tion made by Mr Burgon in 1813 near Athens, on the left side of the road 
 leading from that city to Thebes, about 70 yards from the ancient gate (Portm 
 Acharnicm) (2), or 170 yards from the modern gate called Gribos Kapesi. The 
 vase was merely deposited in the earth, about three feet deep, without any 
 appearance of a tomb near it; however, some remains of burnt bones were 
 found in it, that proved it had served funereal purposes : it contained also 
 six small earthen vessels of various forms, and its mouth was covered with a 
 square piece of stone. 
 
 (1) This interesting monument is in the col¬ 
 lection of Thomas Burgon, Esq. Height of the 
 vase, 2 feet. Greatest circumference, 4 feet 
 4J inches. The figure of Minerva, reduced 
 in the engraving, is 9J inches high in the 
 
 original: the other figures are in the same pro¬ 
 portion. 
 
 (2) This gate derived its name from its leading 
 to Achamse. See Topography of Athens, by Lieut.- 
 Col. Leake, page 371. 
 
 1 
 
Tlie form of the vase is that called Amphora (see Plate III.). It is of a fine 
 yellowish earth, on which the figures are painted in black, with accessories in 
 red and white. 
 
 The principal side, Plate I., represents Athena or Minerva, tutelary divinity 
 of the city to which she gave her name; she appears in a warlike character, 
 as described by Homer and Hesiod (3). Her dress consists in a long Doric 
 tunic (4) of a red colour; the border of which is black, and embroidered with 
 a mseander-shaped ornament. Over her tunic, is the aegis of the same colour, 
 and of the primitive form, being simply a goat-skin fringed with thongs. 
 Her head is covered with a helmet, on which rises a lofty crest (5). 
 Her hair collected and plaited in a manner peculiar to this divinity, 
 hangs on her back (6). In one hand she holds a spear, which she 
 is preparing to dart (7) against the enemy (8); in her other hand she 
 bears a shield ornamented with the figure of a dolphin: this attribute 
 of a marine deity is given to Minerva as daughter of Neptune and the 
 lake Tritonis. 
 
 It is necessaiy to the explanation of some paiticulais of this painting, to 
 relate here the early traditions respecting Minerva, since they differ widely from 
 those of a later period, which are commonly received. The Minerva venerated 
 at Athens, was a divinity of Libyan origin, probably introduced into Greece by 
 the colony which the Phoenicians established in Libya, sent into Boeotia (9). 
 What gives weight to this opinion is, that we find in these two countries, the 
 
 (3) Homer. Iliad. E, vers. 333 et 430, etc. 
 Hesiod. Theogon. vers. 925—6. 
 
 (4) XcTLbv TroSwpTJS. 
 
 (5) — Seivov St \6<pos Kad)jTrep6ev Svevev. 
 
 Homer. Iliad, r, 337. 
 
 (6) HapaweTr\eyp.tvri ’A dpvrj. Pollux, lib. 11, segm. 
 35. Winckelmann. Monum. Ined. pag. 19. Taylor 
 Combe. Ancient Marbles in the British Museum. 
 Part 1, plate 1. 
 
 (7) Some etymologists derive the name of Pallas, 
 given to Minerva, from IldXXe^, “to vibrate,” allud¬ 
 ing to this action of vibrating the lance. Schol. 
 in Homer. Iliad. A. 200. 
 
 (8) This was the most ancient mode of represent¬ 
 ing Minerva, and probably the painting offers a copy 
 
 of the principal statue of the goddess placed in the old 
 Parthenon burnt by the Persians, and which, like 
 most early works of art, may have been of wood. 
 Minerva is figured in a similar attitude on the coins 
 of Argos, and on those of Thessaly which offer the 
 Itonian Minerva, the most ancient in Greece. 
 
 On the peplos or veil, carried in the Panathenaic 
 procession, the exploits of Minerva were represented 
 in embroidery, especially her victory over the giant 
 Enceladus; the same action is probably alluded to 
 here. 
 
 Minerva is described in a similar attitude by 
 Hesiod. Scut. Hercul. vers. 196—200. 
 
 (9) Herodotus, lib. iv., cap. 180. Pausanias, Attica, 
 cap. 14. 
 
worship of Minerva established in places of the same name (10). According to 
 the tradition of the Libyans (11), Minerva was the daughter of Neptune and 
 the lake Tritonis; having received an injury from her father, she implored 
 the assistance of Jupiter, who afforded her protection, and adopted her as his 
 daughter. From this account, we may trace the subsequent fables, of the birth 
 of Minerva from the head of Jupiter, and of her contest with Neptune for the 
 possession of Attica. With the worship of this divinity, the Athenians adopted 
 the opinion of the Libyans respecting her parents, as we see by the dolphin 
 painted on her shield, and by various concurring testimonies. Herodotus (12), 
 as a proof of the Libyan origin of Minerva, says, that the Grecian artists in his 
 time, took from the women of that country, the costume in which they 
 represented the statues of the goddess, except that the dress of the Libyan 
 women was of skins dyed red. The aegis, as we see it here, and as its name 
 implies, was a goat-skin worn over the shoulders like a mantle ; the tassels (13) 
 with which it was fringed, suggested to the lively fancy of the Greek artists, 
 the notion of surrounding the aegis of Minerva with serpents. The Gorgonian 
 head (14), usually placed on the aegis, but which is not seen here, was an 
 addition probably made at the same time. 
 
 Before the figure of Minerva, in letters of a very ancient form, and 
 written from right to left according to the custom prevalent before the 
 Peloponnesian war, is the inscription ton ageneon agaon emi ; or, according to 
 a more recent orthography Tow Kdr]vr)wv 3.6\ov dfxi (15). “ I am the prize of the 
 
 Athenae.” 
 
 (10) The Boeotians pretended that Minerva was 
 born near the river Tritonis in Boeotia, and not near 
 the lake of the same name in Libya. Hence the 
 epithet of Tritogeneia given to Minerva by Homer 
 and the early poets. That of Alalcomenais was like¬ 
 wise taken from a city of the name of Alalcomeme, 
 situated near the river Tritonis, in Boeotia. Pausan. 
 lib. ix., cap. 33. 
 
 There was also a fountain Tritonis, at Aliphera, in 
 Arcadia, where it was supposed that Minerva was 
 born. Pausan. lib. viii., cap. 26. 
 
 (11) Herodotus, lib. iv., cap. 180. 
 
 (12) Herodotus, lib. iv., cap. 189. 
 
 (13) Gi j<mvoi,—alyls ducravoeaaa. 
 
 Homer. Iliad. E, v. 738. 
 
 (14) The notion of the Gorgonian head has been 
 suggested by Homer (Iliad. E, v. 741), who places 
 it with Terror, Discord, Force, and Pursuit, round 
 the Eegis of Minerva. The poet here describes the 
 moral qualities possessed by the Eegis, but it is 
 not to be inferred that they were personified 
 and represented. By the Gorgonian head is 
 meant the power of repelling fascination, avert¬ 
 ing evil omens, and, in general, of inspiring 
 terror. See Dissertation on the Evil Eye. Archte- 
 ologia, vol. xix., page 70—74. 
 
 (15) It was customary on early works of art, 
 statues, tripods, or offerings dedicated in temples, 
 to place an inscription, in the first person, in 
 
Iii this inscription, as in others of an early age, we find the e and o em¬ 
 ployed instead of the h and n. As in the Sigean (16) inscription, emi is 
 written for eimi (17). The single letter e employed for h, is substituted 
 for the diphthong ai ; this form not uncommon in the Aeolic, is new 
 in the Attic dialect (18), and shews what variations the latter (19) 
 gradually experienced. From the ignorance or negligence of the painter, 
 the second o might be confounded with a e, from its having a dot in the 
 middle. 
 
 This inscription has been already published several times (20), and 
 elucidated b}^ various learned palseographical observations, to which the 
 reader is referred. A difference of opinion exists respecting the word 
 Atliemea, but there can be no doubt, that it implies the festivals in 
 honour of Minerva, so celebrated in antiquity under the name of Pana- 
 thensea. 
 
 We know that these festivals were originally called A then sea (21); and 
 
 which the object was supposed to address the 
 spectator, as in the present instance. 
 
 The most ancient monument in Greece, a tripod 
 dedicated by Amphitryon, father of Hercules, in 
 the temple of Apollo Ismenius at Thebes, contained 
 the inscription in Cadmaean letters: 
 
 ’A/i0iTpiW fi avt6r)Ke vtwv airo Ti/Xe/Sodwv. 
 
 Herodot. lib. v., cap. 59. 
 
 A bronze astragalus, in the collection of Baron 
 Recupero, at Noto in Sicily, offers the inscription 
 in archaic characters. TOX EEAOION EMI. It was 
 probably a tessera of hospitality (ai^oXov), given to 
 a public guest ($ev6s) of the City of Gelas. 
 
 In early times, before the use of writing became 
 common, astragali were cut in two, and served as 
 a kind of tally for various purposes, such as tesserae 
 of hospitality, etc. (Schol. in Eurip. Med. v. 613). 
 It appears that they were employed afterwards for 
 the same purpose, but entire and inscribed. 
 
 (16) Chishull. Antiquitates Asiatic®, page 4 . 
 
 (17) On the derivation of el/d, from i/d and see 
 Etymologicon Magn. 307—50. 
 
 (18) The letter H is used instead of the diphthong 
 
 AI in various Boeotian inscriptions published by Lt.- 
 Col. Leake. Classical Journal, n° XXVI., page 331. 
 
 The Athenians inhabited for a long time the same 
 country as the Boeotians, whence it is likely that 
 their language was originally the same. Strabo, 
 lib. viii., page 333. Raoul-Rochette, Hist, des 
 Colonies Grecques. 
 
 (19) A remarkable difference existed between 
 the old and new Attic dialect. An ancient gram¬ 
 marian argues the falsehood of a letter attributed 
 to Epimenides, from its being written in the new 
 Attic. Bentley on Phalaris, page 401. 
 
 The present inscription is of the time of Epi¬ 
 menides and Solon. 
 
 (20) It was first published by the author, Pein- 
 tures de Vases Grecs, Rome, 1813, Introduction, 
 ix., note 2. It has been since given by Dr Clark. 
 vol. iv., Preface, page 9. Travels in various 
 Countries, etc. by the Rev. Robert Walpole, page 
 597. 
 
 (21) Apollodorus, lib. iii., cap. 14.—6. Pausan. 
 lib. viii., cap. 2. Marm. Oxon. Chron. Par. Ep. 
 10. Harpocration. Suidas. Meursius. Pancithencea. 
 
their institution is commonly ascribed to Erichthonius (22), son of Minerva 
 and Vulcan. At a later period, when Thesens (23) had united the twelve 
 districts of Attica under the sovereignty of Athens, he solemnized these 
 festivals with additional splendour, and called them Panathenaea, from the 
 union of all the Athenians. 
 
 Such at least was the opinion of the Athenians, ever fond of the marvellous 
 and of giving to their institutions a remote and illustrious origin. But the 
 life of Theseus, as well as all the early part of Grecian history, is involved 
 in such obscurity and uncertainty, as to inspire little confidence. We know 
 too, that the veneration of the Athenians for the memory of Theseus com- 
 menced at a late period only, as no traces of it appear before the time of 
 Cimon (24), who, in obedience to the injunctions of the Delphic oracle, collected 
 the remains of tha,t hero in the island of Scyros, and conveyed them to Athens, 
 where they were received with great honours, and the temple called Theseium 
 was erected to him. The tradition of the establishment of the Panathenaea by 
 Theseus, may therefore be rejected as fabulous. 
 
 The Panathenaic games were of two sorts, the greater which were celebrated 
 every five years, and the lesser solemnized annually (25). The latter were 
 the most ancient, and, as it has been said, were called Athenaea: but when 
 the greater were established, and called Panathenaea, the same name became 
 common to the minor festival. The authority of the ancient and respectable 
 historian Pherecydes (26) determines the true epoch of the institution of the 
 great Panathenaea; he places that event under the archonsliip of Hippoclides. 
 His testimony is confirmed by Eusebius (27), who relates the same event in 
 the third year of the fifty-third Olympiad, about which time we know the age 
 of Hippoclides must be referred. 
 
 It has been thought that the establishment of the great Panathenaea was due 
 to Pisistratus, whose magnificent disposition is so well known, and under 
 whose government, and that of his sons, these games were celebrated with 
 uncommon splendor. The epoch assigned by Pherecydes and Eusebius fully 
 
 (22) Pausan. lib. i., cap. 14. Hyginus, Fab. 166. 
 
 (23) Plutarch. Vita Thesei. Pausan. lib. viii., 
 cap. 2. 
 
 (24) Plutarch, in Theseo. Pausan. lib. i., cap. 17. 
 
 (25) Meursius, Panathenaea. 
 
 (26) Marcellinus, in Vita Thucydidis; edit. Duker. 
 pope 1. 
 
 (27) Eusebius, Canon Chronicus, page 162. 
 
confirms this opinion. It is true that the commencement of the usurpation of 
 Pisistratus is generally dated a few years later (28), in the first year of the fifty- 
 fifth Olympiad; but this objection has little weight, if we consider that 
 Pisistratus (29) possessed great influence in the government of the state, before 
 he usurped ostensibly the tyranny. 
 
 There might be reasons to place perhaps a few years later the date of the 
 archonship of Hippoclides (30); but as a discussion of this sort is foreign to 
 the object, Avhicli is solely to determine approximatively the age of the vase, 
 we shall adopt the epoch of the origin of the Panathenma, assigned by 
 Eusebius. It follows then, that the vase on which the old name of Athenma 
 is related, must be anterior by some few years at least to the third year of the 
 fifty-third Olympiad, 562 years before the Christian sera. In fact, the rude 
 style of design, the archaic form of the letters and dialect of the inscription, 
 and the indication of various early customs, correspond perfectly with such 
 a remote origin. 
 
 The inscription previously referred to, shews that the vase was a prize 
 given at the Atheneea, or minor and more ancient Panathencea. Numerous 
 ancient testimonies relate (31), that a vase filled with oil was the prize 
 
 (28) Corsini, Fasti, Attici, tom. iii., page 91. 
 
 (29) Meursius, de Archon. Athen. lib. i., cap. 14; 
 et in Pisistrato, cap. 3. 
 
 (30) The Hippoclides, under whose archonship 
 the Panathensea were established, is the same who 
 was one of the suitors of Agariste, daughter of 
 Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, and rejected on account 
 of his having danced in an indecorous manner. 
 Herodot. lib. vi., cap. 126-130. Athenseus, lib. xv., 
 cap. 25. 
 
 Chronologists place this occurrence in the third 
 year of the fifty-second Olympiad, but as Hippoclides 
 was then very young, it is not probable that he 
 should have been elected chief archon only fom- 
 years afterwards, as he would not have had the aee 
 required. It is necessary therefore to suppose the 
 journey of Hippoclides to Sicyon some years sooner, 
 or his archonship later: in which case it would 
 coincide with the tyranny of Pisistratus. 
 
 Some refer the commencement of the usurpation 
 of Pisistratus to the fiftieth Olympiad. A singular 
 instance of the uncertainty and obscurity of the 
 
 Athenian annals, is given by Thucydides (lib. i., 
 cap. 20, and lib. vi., cap. 54) who says, it was the 
 common opinion of his time, that Hipparchus, who 
 was killed by Harmodius and Aristogiton, was at 
 the head of the state ; whereas in fact, it was Hippias, 
 who as eldest of the brothers, succeeded to the 
 tyranny of Pisistratus. Yet Thucydides wrote little 
 more than a century after the event, and at a time 
 when many persons still living, must have received 
 a true relation from their fathers, who had been 
 witnesses of it. 
 
 What should we think of the history of our 
 country, if it were matter of contestation at the 
 piesent day, whether Edward VI. or Mary suc¬ 
 ceeded to the crown on the death of Henry 
 VIII. 1 
 
 (31) Suidas. Harpocration. Schol. in Pindar. Nem. 
 Od. x. Plutarch, in Solone. 
 
 On the silver coins of Athens, the amphora on 
 which the owl is placed, is a symbol of Minerva, 
 and alludes to those given at the Panathensea; 
 and to the invention of oil ascribed to the Goddess. 
 
(S 0 \<»o given to those who had been victorious at the various contests that 
 took place at these festivals. The oil was from the sacred olive - trees 
 called mo/hcu, in the grove of Minerva, situated near the Academy ; it 
 was held in the highest esteem, and reserved for solemn and sacred 
 purposes. But the present subject receives more particular illustration 
 from a passage of Pindar (32); in which he congratulates the Argian 
 Thirnus, on having twice carried away from the Panathensea, the sacred 
 oil contained in vases of baked earth, surrounded with paintings of various 
 colours. 
 
 This passage was not understood by the scholiasts or the modern editors 
 of Pindar, till Winckelmann (33) afforded the proper explanation of it. His 
 opinion, unjustly censured by Heyne, is fully confirmed by the present 
 monument. It is thus that a knowledge of ancient works of art is often 
 necessary to attain a proper understanding of authors. 
 
 The vase having been found broken in pieces, several of which were 
 missing: the painting on the reverse, Plate II., is deficient in some parts; 
 fortunately however they were not essential. It offers some curious par¬ 
 ticulars which indicate a rude and imperfect state of horsemanship, and 
 appear for the first time. 
 
 A young man dressed in a long red tunic, is seated in a car drawn by 
 
 The amphora recalls likewise the invention of the 
 art of pottery, which was claimed by the Athenians. 
 Athenaeus, lib. i., cap. 50. 
 
 The Panathenaic amphorae were celebrated in 
 antiquity, and we find that a number of them 
 were carried in the Dionysiac procession of Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus. Athenaeus, lib. v., cap. 29. 
 
 The custom of giving vases as prizes at the 
 Panathenaea is attested by Callimachus. 
 
 Kat nap 'Adrfvalcns ydp ini aiyos iepbv fjvraL, 
 
 KdXnides, 06 nbapov atipfioXov, dXXd ndXys. 
 
 Scholiast. Pindar. Nem. Od. x., v. 64. 
 
 Many other examples may be alleged of the 
 custom of giving vases as prizes at public games. 
 On a coin of the city of Camarina, three vases 
 of the same form as the present, represented in 
 the exergue, are the & dXa of the games, which 
 are indicated by a quadriga guided by Victory. 
 Hunter. Cat. Tab. 14, n° 8. 
 
 On a vase published by Tischbein (tom. ii. pi. 26), 
 Victory presents a vase to a young man victorious 
 at the horse-race. See likewise, Tischbein, tom. iv., 
 pi. 46. 
 
 (32) 'ASei- 
 
 al ye piv apfioXddav 
 ’Ey reAerais 5ij ’A Bavatuv p-LV dpcpal 
 ~K.bjp.aaav • yalp Bi Kav- 
 
 delag. nvpl Kapnos iXalas 
 "E poXev "Hpas tov ivd- 
 
 vopa Xabv, iv dyyiajv 
 "EpueaLv napnoLtclXois. 
 
 Pindar. Nemea, Od. x., v. 61-68. 
 
 Heyne in his translation of this passage, supposes 
 that the vases of earth containing the oil, were 
 placed in brass cases adorned with embossed or 
 sculptured bas-reliefs. 
 
 (33) Storia dell’ Arte, t. I., p. 225. Edit. Rom. 
 1783. 
 
two horses (34) at full speed. The car is of a very slight construction, 
 such as those used for chariot - races. The wheels are of a singular form, 
 without nave or spokes, instead of which, are three bars ; one stronger than 
 the others, placed diametrically, and perforated to admit the extremity of 
 the axle-tree, is crossed at right angles by the other two bars. The horses 
 have neither reins nor harness : but are yoked to the car like oxen. 
 Instead of bridles, they have head-stalls (35) probably intended to keep 
 them close together: their collars support the yoke, which is a transverse 
 bar fastened to the extremity of the pole (36). The driver is seated, con¬ 
 trary to the general custom at races. Instead of reins, he holds a lonp- 
 
 ' O 
 
 wand bent at the extremity like a shepherd’s crook (37), and such as is 
 used at present for driving oxen in Italy and in eastern countries. At the 
 end of the crook are two objects, apparently of metal, which by producing 
 a noise were intended to animate the horses, in the same manner as 
 bells (38) were afterwards used. In the other hand of the driver is a e'oad • 
 and a led spot on the flank of one of the horses (39) is perhaps intended 
 to mark its effects. The mode of driving seen here, was taken from 
 the Libyans and other African nations (40); even in later times, the 
 Numidian cavalry would never adopt the use of bridles, but directed their 
 horses with a wand and the voice. 
 
 The subject of this painting alludes in all probability to the chariot- 
 races which took place at the Panathenaic games, where they held the 
 highest rank among the various contests, and entitled the victor to the 
 greatest honours. Other motives may have concurred in the choice of this 
 
 (34) Zvvupls, ZeOyos, Aleppos, were the names given 
 to cars with two horses. 
 
 (38) Phavorinus, KuSuves. Pollux, lib. x.,cap. xiii.,56. 
 
 (39) K IvTpov — liriroL KevrpyveKees. Homer. II. E. 752. 
 
 A wheel of this form is seen on an early coin, 
 probably of Boeotia. Mionnet. Descrip, de Medailles 
 Grecques. PI. XL. N° 4. 
 
 (40) The Greeks learnt from the Libyans to 
 harness horses to chariots. Herodotus, lib. iv., 
 cap. 189. Hesychius, Bap/caiois oxois. Stephanus 
 Byzant. B d/w??. 
 
 (35) fyoppaa, <lHp.bs, Krjpos. Pollux, lib. i., cap. xi., 
 184. Xenophon, de Be Equestri. 
 
 ‘ ,7r7r0is XP^P-cvol (M a<n><mi\oi) 6£<!cri Se ko. 1 eimeidiaiv, 
 (is airb p&fiSou oiaKijblcrdcu. Strabo, lib. xvii. 
 
 (36) Zvybs, the yoke; 'Pr^os, the pole. 
 
 Pollux, lib. i., cap. x., 146. 
 
 AvtI Se x a A‘- v & v <pipois xPV (T ^ al - 
 
 Strabo, lib. xv. 
 
 Ora levi flectit frenorum nescia virea. 
 
 O 
 
 Lucan. Phars. lib. iv. 
 
 (37) Ka\aipo\f/, a long wand bent at the end and 
 used to drive oxen. Eustathius in Homer. Iliad. 
 'P v. 845. 
 
subject on a monument in honour of Minerva. The invention of cars was 
 attributed to her (41), on which account she was venerated at Athens and 
 various other places in Greece, under the name of Hippia (42). The honour 
 of the invention was shared by her son Erichthonius, supposed to 
 have first harnessed horses to a car (43), and to have introduced chariot- 
 races at the Panathenaea, which, as we have seen, were established b}^ 
 him. It may be doubted, whether the personage in the car is simply a 
 charioteer victorious at the games, or if the artist intended to represent 
 Erichthonius. On a vase intended for a prize at the Panathenaic games, 
 it would be natural to represent the hero to whom their institution was 
 ascribed. This last opinion, though probable, can be only offered as a 
 conjecture. 
 
 The neck of the vase is ornamented on one side with an owl, the usual 
 attribute of Minerva (Plate III., n° 1). On the other side is a compound figure 
 of a bird with a human head (n° 2). Such figures are not uncommon on 
 monuments of an early age (44), and are called Harpies, but they have none 
 of the ferocious characters that the poets ascribe to these monsters (45), and 
 they might with equal reason receive the name of Sirens. Either denomina¬ 
 tion, however, is doubtful, and it is perhaps merely a symbol of Minerva (46). 
 A similar figure, with the helmet, shield, and lance of that goddess, is repre- 
 
 ( 41 ) 1 1 1 Kory] tIktovos dvdpas tdioa^e ( 11 ) 1 1 anCUrville V.XSCS (1 Hamilton i tOVl. i., pi. 
 
 JIoi?;<rai cdripas icai appara noud\a x a ^ K V- 
 
 Homer. Hymn, in Veil. vers. 12-13. 
 
 99 ; tom. ii., pi. 86. Tischbein : Vases d’Hamilton ; 
 tom. iii., pi. 59, etc. 
 
 Ka\Ai5«/>pos ’ Ad-qvala.. Euripides. Hecuba, vers. 467. 
 
 (45) The Harpies were originally assimilated to the 
 Furies and the Gorgons, and considered as the ministers 
 of divine wroth. Thus Homer, speaking of several 
 persons who died an untimely death, says, they were 
 carried away by the Harpies. Odyss. r, vers. 77 ; 
 A, vers. 241 ; E, vers. 271. 
 
 Quarta Minerva, Jove nata et Coryphe, Oceani 
 filia, quam Arcades Coriam nominant, et quad- 
 rigarum inventricem fecerunt. Cicero de Nat. 
 Deor. lib. iii. 
 
 (42) Suidas et Harpocration. v. 'Innda 'Ad^a. 
 Pausan. lib. i. cap. 30; lib. viii. cap. 47. 
 
 (46) The owl being considered an attribute of 
 Minerva, a human head, symbol of the divine intelli¬ 
 gence. was added to it. Hence, from the custom of 
 personifying rivers, the bull, which was their symbol, 
 was represented with a human head. A goat conse¬ 
 crated to Diana was figured in the same manner. 
 (Plutarch : de Fluviis, in Caico.) 
 
 (43) Primus Ericthonius currus et quatuor ausus. 
 
 Jungere equos, rapidisque rotis insistere 
 victor. 
 
 Virgil. Georg, lib. iii. vers. 113. 
 
 2 
 
( 10 ) 
 
 sen ted on a denarius of the Valerian family (47); and its appearance on the 
 present monument, entirely relative to Minerva, fortifies this conjecture. 
 
 The figure of Minerva in a rude and rigid style, is probably a copy of some 
 more ancient work; as the figures of the charioteer and horses drawn with 
 much more ease and action, indicate considerable progress in the arts. 
 
 An ardent passion for glory was the peculiar characteristic that will ever 
 distinguish the Greeks from all other nations. It is to this cause, that their 
 superiority in every sort of merit must be ascribed. In the absence of war, 
 and those great events which furnish occupation to this restless passion, the 
 public games celebrated in various parts of Greece, nourished and kept alive 
 a constant spirit ol emulation. A prize obtained on these occasions was 
 esteemed as honourable as a victory over the enemy (48): the fortunate com¬ 
 petitor was crowned, in presence of the whole nation assembled. On his return 
 to his native city, he was received with the greatest honours, and maintained in 
 the Prytaneum at the public expense: a distinguished place was assigned him 
 on all occasions, and the year in which he conquered was marked by his 
 name. 
 
 The piesent vase received as a prize at the Panathenaic games, where 
 a victory was esteemed as glorious as at the Olympian or Pythian, must have 
 been of the highest value to the possessor. Preserved with anxious care and 
 aftection as a monument of glory, and unwilling to part from it even in death, 
 it contained his ashes when committed to the earth. This custom of interrim- 1 
 with the dead those objects dearest to them in life, proceeded from the opinion 
 received, that the soul retained in a future state, the same affections and 
 inclinations as when united to the body (49). 
 
 The name ol the owner was doubtless inscribed on a column or stele, 
 placed on the spot under which his remains were deposited. We must regret 
 that its omission on the vase, has prevented the perpetuation of his fame. 
 
 (47) Morel. Thes. Fam. pag. 424. A bird with 
 a human head is also represented standing on a 
 shield, on the coins of Gabala in Syria. 
 
 Sicilian coins is a biga or a quadriga, alluding to 
 successes obtained at the races by inhabitants of the 
 respective cities. 
 
 In a subsequent part of the work, the 
 
 a, the ques- 
 
 (49) 
 
 Quae gratia currum, 
 
 t'on relating to these figures shall be further 
 investigated. 
 
 Armorumque fuit vivis, quae cura nitentes 
 l’ascere equos, eadem sequitur tellure repostos. 
 
 (48) The type of the far greater number of 
 
I'L.IV 
 
PL.V. 
 
( 11 ) 
 
 PLATES IV., V. 
 
 I he subjects of these plates are taken from a vase (1) found in the neigh¬ 
 bourhood of Agrigentum, and probably manufactured in that city, so celebrated 
 for the magnificence of its inhabitants (2) and their elegance and taste in the 
 fine arts. 
 
 The first, plate IV., represents two warriors engaged in single combat. 
 The object of their contest is the possession of the body of a third warrior, 
 who has fallen to the ground mortally wounded, and who already stripped of 
 his arms, appears on the point of expiring. The inscriptions placed near the 
 two combatants (3) present the names of the principal heroes of the Iliad, 
 Achilles and Hector. 
 
 There is reason to be surprised that the description of this memorable 
 event given by Homer (4), should be so different from the circumstances 
 expressed in the painting. It might be presumed that the painter had 
 followed some other account of the Trojan war, unknown to us: but notwith¬ 
 standing the license assumed by the lyric and tragic poets of altering the 
 ancient traditions, yet the authority of Homer was generally respected, and 
 the contest between Achilles and Hector was an historical event too well 
 known to have experienced any alterations. 
 
 These first doubts acquire more and more force on a further investigation 
 of the painting, and though it may appear too hazardous to reject the testi¬ 
 mony of the inscriptions; yet, there is every reason to presume that the 
 original, from which this composition was taken, represented the combat 
 between Achilles and Memnon, instead of whose name that of Hector has been 
 substituted (5), from motives for which it is impossible to account. 
 
 (1) The vase is in the possession of William 
 Hamilton, Esq., His Britannic Majesty’s minister 
 plenipotentiary at Naples. The form is engraved 
 Plate V .; height, 14 inches ; greatest circumference, 
 32 inches. 
 
 (2) Diodorus Siculus, lib. xiii., S9. 
 
 (3) In the name of AXIAAET2, the letters are 
 indicated in a very slight and hasty manner, whence 
 some are not entire, and the second A appears 
 an E. 
 
 (4) Iliad. X., vers. 248 et seq. 
 
 (5) Pausanias (Attica, cap. 3) describing a group 
 
( 12 ) 
 
 The circumstances expressed in the painting agree perfectly with this 
 explanation, which is confirmed almost to a certainty, by the subject of the 
 opposite side of the vase, Plate V., where Aurora is seen carrying away the 
 body of her son Memnon, after the battle. One action is the sequel of the 
 other, and there is a natural connexion between them. It would be other¬ 
 wise difficult to account for the union of two subjects without any reference to 
 each other. 
 
 The exploits of Memnon formed the subject of several ancient poems, now 
 lost. The most famous was the iEthiopis by Arctinus of Miletus (6), who has 
 been supposed anterior to Homer. He was also celebrated by iEschylus, 
 Sophocles, and other tragic poets. The combat between Achilles and Memnon 
 was a favourite subject with artists, and was represented on the chest of 
 Cypselus, on the throne of Hyacinth, and on various other monuments (7) of 
 a remote antiquity. 
 
 In the Iliad no mention is made of Memnon, but in the Odyssey (8) 
 Homer attributes to him the death of Antilochus. AMe possess various 
 accounts respecting Memnon (9), the most circumstantial is that given by 
 Quintus Smyrnaeus (10), taken probably from the ^Ethiopis of Arctinus. 
 According to this writer, Memnon son of Aurora and Tithon (11) the brother 
 of Priam, came to the assistance of Troy, after the death of Hector, and 
 assumed the command of the Trojan army. In the first engagement, Memnon 
 distinguished himself by his valour and killed several of the enemy. The 
 
 of Neptune hurling his spear at the giant Poly- 
 botes, says, that the inscription on the figure 
 ascribed it to another person and not to Neptune. 
 Many other instances of a similar license might be 
 added. 
 
 (C) Dionysius Halicarn. Ant. Rom. lib. i., cap. 
 68. A short summary of the ./Ethiopis of Arctinus 
 is given by Proclus. Chrestomathia. Hephsestion. 
 Edit. Gaisford. pay. 478. 
 
 (7) Pausan. lib. iii., cap. 18. Idem, lib. v., 
 cap. 22. 
 
 The combat between Achilles and Memnon is 
 represented on two painted vases. Millin. Pein- 
 tures de Vases Grecs, tom. i., pi. 19. Millingen. 
 Peint. Ant. Ined. pi. 49. 
 
 On the Iliacal table in the Capitol, Achilles and 
 Memnon are figured combating over the body of 
 Antilochus. Fabretti, de Tab. Iliac. 
 
 (8) Odyss. A, vers. 188. 
 
 (9) Pind. Pyth. Od. vi., vers. 31. Dictys Cretensis, 
 lib. iv. Philostrates. leones, lib. i., cap. 7. 
 
 (10) Quintus Smyrmeus, lib. ii., vers. 100-570. 
 
 (11) Tithon and Priam were sons of Laomedon 
 by Strymo, daughter of the river Scamander. Tithon 
 was carried away by Aurora on account of his great 
 beauty. Several other youths, as Cephalus and 
 Orion, were supposed to have been carried away by 
 Aurora for the same reason; these fables probablv 
 contain an elegant allegory of youths who died in 
 the dawn of life. 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 Greeks giving way, Antilochus comes to their support, and lighting valiantly, 
 is slain by Memnon, who strips him of his arms. Nestor (12), seeing the 
 fate of his son, attempts to avenge his death and recover his body; but 
 Memnon respecting his old age, refuses the unequal contest, and engages 
 Nestor to retreat. Nestor then solicits the assistance of Achilles, who 
 hearing the fate of his friend and companion Antilochus, is anxious to 
 avenge him. Achilles goes in search of Memnon, who seeing him advance, 
 is equally desirous of encountering him, and leaps from his chariot. The 
 two heroes, both sons of goddesses, and clad in armour made by Vulcan (13), 
 meet: they throw their spears, and Memnon is slightly wounded. They 
 then draw their swords and engage in close combat. The encounter is 
 a long time doubtful. The Gods assembled on mount Olympus are spec¬ 
 tators of it, and solicit Jupiter respectively in favour of the heroes. 
 Jupiter unable to determine, sends two fates (14), one good, the other 
 evil, who decide the contest in favour of Achilles, and Memnon is slain. 
 
 All the circumstances of the painting coincide with this description : 
 and the fallen warrior whose body is the object of the encounter, is Anti¬ 
 lochus, whose armour has been taken by Memnon. 
 
 It might be objected that the beard and aged appearance of this figure 
 do not agree with the youth of Antilochus, but the same objection would 
 equally apply to the figure of Memnon (15) on the reverse of the vase. 
 Ancient artists varied in their mode of representing personages of the heroic 
 ages, as we see by many examples from Pausanias (16) and in works of art. 
 
 (12) According to Pindar, one of the horses of 
 Nestor being wounded by Paris, the venerable 
 warrior attacked by Memnon, called Antilochus, 
 who coming to the relief of his father, was killed 
 by Memnon. Pyth. Od. vi., vers. 28-42. 
 
 (13) The JEthiopis of Arctinus contained probably 
 an ample description of the armour of Memnon, 
 like those of the armour of Achilles and Hercules 
 by Homer and Hesiod. 
 
 Virgil had in view this description in the 
 verse 
 
 Nunc, quibus Aurorae venisset filius armis. 
 
 HCnid. lib. i., vers. 751. 
 
 (14) The tragedy of JEschylus was entitled Psycho¬ 
 
 stasia, in which Jupiter was introduced weighing 
 the destinies of Achilles and Memnon. This scene 
 was imitated from Homer, who describes Jupiter 
 balancing the fates (K%>es) of Achilles and Hector. 
 Iliad, X., vers. 209 et seq. 
 
 On the vase piiblished by Mr Millin (see note 7), 
 and on a pattern given by Winckelmann (Monum. 
 Ined. n° 133) Mercury, instead of Jupiter, holds 
 the scales. 
 
 (15) The beauty of Memnon was remarkable. 
 Homer, speaking of Eurypylus, says: 
 
 K eivov dij koWlgtov idov /xera M efxvova biov. 
 
 Odyss. A. vers. 521. 
 
 (16) In the picture of Polygnotus in the Leschc 
 
( 14 ) 
 
 The two warriors are represented completely armed with helmets, cuirasses, 
 and greaves (17): they have thrown away their spears, and are attacking each 
 other with swords according to the description of Quintus Smyrnseus. Their 
 helmets are those called Corinthian, and are seen on coins of that city, 
 they have no visors, but are drawn forward in order to cover the face and 
 neck. Their shields are round like those of the Argians; that of Memnon is 
 distinguished by the trinacria. As the vase was found in Sicily near Agri- 
 gentuin, and probably manufactured in that city, the painter was willing to 
 adorn his work with the emblem of his country. 
 
 The execution of this painting presents the negligence and incorrectness 
 so often observable on vases of this description, where the figures are black on 
 a yellow ground (19). The shields of the combatants are on their right arms, 
 and they hold their swords in the left hand : the left arm of Achilles seems 
 distorted, and to pass on the right side. The general outline, however, is good, 
 and taken from a model of merit; but all the interior details expressed with 
 the dry point, seem executed by a different hand, and attest excessive precipi¬ 
 tation and inattention, or total ignorance of the principles of design. 
 
 On the opposite side of the vase, Plate V., Aurora is represented carrying in 
 her arms the body of Memnon. The names of these personages are attested 
 by the inscriptions memnon and heos in letters of an ancient form. The 
 latter word, contrary to the general custom, is aspirated, probably according 
 to an ancient pronunciation. 
 
 After the death of Memnon (20), Aurora overwhelmed with grief, and 
 anxious to preserve his remains from further insults, solicited and obtained 
 from Jupiter the body of her son, which she carried away in the air to Susa 
 
 at Delphi, Memnon was represented with a beard 
 (Pausan. lib. x., cap. 31), while Philostratus describes 
 him without (leones, lib. i., cap. 7). 
 
 On the throne of Bathycles, at Amyclie, Hyacynth 
 was bearded, whereas Nicias represented him in ex¬ 
 treme youth. Pausau. lib. iii., cap. 19. 
 
 (17) Kv^/uiSes. 
 
 (18) Herodotus, lib. iv., cap. 180. 
 
 (19) See on this subject: Lettres de M. le cheva¬ 
 lier de Rossi; Vases de Coghill, par J. Millingen, 
 Rome, 1817, page x. 
 
 (20) According to some writers, Thetis and Aurora 
 
 were present at the assembly of the Gods, and 
 solicited Jupiter in favour of their sons. 
 
 In the Altis of Olympia, where the combat of 
 Memnon and Achilles was represented, Thetis and 
 Aurora were seen imploring Jupiter. Pausan. lib. v., 
 cap. 22. 
 
 On the chest of Cypselus, the mothers of the two 
 heroes are present at the combat. Pausan. lib. v., 
 cap. 19. 
 
 They assist, likewise, on the painted vase pub¬ 
 lished by Millin. Peintures de Vases Grecs, tome i., 
 pi. xix. 
 
( 15 ) 
 
 in Persia (21) where it received due honours (22). The fable adds, that his 
 followers were metamorphosed into birds, who every year on the anniversary 
 of his death, visit his tomb, where they celebrate funeral rites to his 
 memory. 
 
 Aurora is here represented in the usual manner, with wings : she is dressed 
 in a long tunic with ample sleeves: over the tunic is a long mantle folded : 
 her head is covered with the Persian tiara or Kvppaaia (23) characteristic of the 
 Amazons and of all personages of Oriental origin. 
 
 The age of this interesting monument may be referred to the first half of 
 the fifth century before the Christian sera. 
 
 (21) Ancient authors differ respecting the country 
 of Memnon; some suppose it to have been /Ethiopia, 
 others /Egypt. Herodotus, whose authority is always 
 of greatest- weight, says, he reigned at Susa in Persia; 
 which is confirmed by Strabo (lib. xv.) and Pausanias 
 (lib. ii., cap. 31). 
 
 (22) The inhabitants of Troas asserted that Aurora 
 
 conveyed the body of her son to Susa, where it was 
 buried. They shewed however the tomb of Memnon 
 (probably a cenotaph) near the /Esepus, where they 
 pretended that the birds called Memnonides came 
 annually and celebrated funeral rites. /Elian, de Nat. 
 Anim. lib. v., cap. i., Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. ii., cap. 26. 
 
 (23) Pollux, lib. vii., cap. ix. 
 
( 16 ) 
 
 PLATE VI. 
 
 In the preceding painting we have seen Aurora performing the last sad duties 
 to her son. The rosy goddess now appears (1) discharging the more agreeable 
 functions of announcing to the universe the return of day. 
 
 In the ancient theogony of Hesiod (2), this goddess is supposed to be the 
 daughter of Hyperion and Thia, and the sister of Helios (the sun) and 
 Selene (the moon). She was generally described as preceding t her brother, in 
 a chariot (3) drawn by two or four horses, and she is figured accordingly on 
 works of art. 
 
 Aurora, whose name ’hu* is expressed in the Doric form aos, is here repre¬ 
 sented in a manner entirely new. She is borne on wings in the air, and holds 
 in each hand an urn : from one of which she is pouring the contents. These 
 urns are doubtless allusive to the dew which the morning (Aurora) sheds on 
 the earth, and which she had collected in the ocean from whence she was 
 supposed to rise. From the same motive, Notus and Seyron, winds productive 
 of rain and dampness, are figured with urns (4) on the tower of Andronicus 
 Cyrrestes at Athens (5). 
 
 In the former painting, Aurora appeared in the Persian attire, expressive 
 of her Oriental origin, but here she is dressed in the Grecian manner, with a 
 tunic, over which is a peplos and a mantle; her action and attitude are 
 remarkable by their gracefulness. 
 
 The form of the vase is that called Lecythus and is figured under the 
 plate. Ilie inscription kaae for (6), placed on one of the urns, shows that 
 
 the vase was a present to a lady. Vases of a similar form were destined to 
 contain perfumes, and from the nature of their destination, were generally 
 adorned with graceful subjects. 
 
 (1) From a vase of the fabric of Nola, in the 
 collection of Mr Durand, at Paris. 
 
 (2) Hesiod. Theog. vers. 371-3. 
 
 Apollodorus, lib. i., cap. 2. 
 
 (3) Homer. Odyss. 'E, vers. 243-246. 
 
 Virgil, lib. vii., vers. 26 ; lib. vi., vers. 
 535. 
 
 (4) Stuart’s Antiquities of Athens; tom. i., pi. 
 xvi. and xix. 
 
 (5) The winds were supposed by some to have been 
 produced by Aurora and Astrseus. Hesiod. Theogon. 
 vers. 378, 379. Apollodorus; lib. i., cap. 2. 
 
 (6) See Peintures Ant. Ined. des Vases Grecs, par 
 J. Millingen ; Introduction, page xi. 
 
PL, VI. 
 

i V°J. 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 PLATES VII., VIII. 
 
 The war of the giants was one of the most popular fables of Greek mytho¬ 
 logy, and celebrated in various poems called Gigantomachice; some of which 
 have been supposed of a very early date (1). It is probable, however, that this 
 fable was subsequent to Homer, who simply describes the giants as a lawless 
 and impious race of men, of uncommon size and strength (2), but makes no 
 mention of their war against the gods. He speaks, it is true, of the attempts 
 of the Aloides and of Typlioeus (3) to invade heaven ; but they are distinct from 
 the giants, with whom they have been erroneously confounded by writers 
 of a later age. To render the giants more terrific, the same writers have 
 described them as having a hundred arms and serpents instead of legs (4), 
 and accordingly, in a great number of ancient monuments, we see them 
 represented terminating in serpents (5). 
 
 The painting (6), Plate VII., is highly interesting, as being one of the few 
 works of art, that shew the primitive manner of figuring the giants (7), con¬ 
 formably to the description of Homer: it has also the merit of presenting an 
 ancient and recondite tradition, which occurs on no other monument hitherto 
 published. Neptune, distinguished by his trident and the inscription iioseiaon, 
 is represented uplifting a huge mass, apparently of rock, with which he over¬ 
 whelms a warrior, who is falling under the enormous weight, and attempts in 
 
 (1) The poem ascribed to Thamyris, the supposed 
 contemporary of Orpheus, was the Titanomachia and 
 not the Gigantomachia. The first of these fables was 
 extremely ancient, and anterior to Homer and Hesiod. 
 See, Heeren. Expositio Fragm. Tabulae, Marmor. Musei 
 Borgiani. Roma, 1786. Visconti Museo Pio Clem. 
 torn, iv., pi. 10. 
 
 (2) Odyss. H, v. 59 et 206 ; K, v. 120. Hesiod. 
 Theogon. vers 50. 
 
 (3) Iliad. B, v. 782; E, v. 385. Odyss. A, v. 304 
 —319. 
 
 (4) Femorum qua fine volutus 
 Duplex semiferis connectitur ilibus anguis. 
 
 Claudian. Gigantomachia. v. 80. 
 
 Mille manus illis dedit, et pro cruribus angues. 
 
 Ovid. Fast. lib. v., v. 37. 
 
 (5) Museo Pio Clem. t. iv., pi. 10. Monum. 
 Mattheeiorum. t. iii., pi. 19. Winckelmanu. Mon. 
 Inedit, page 11. Tassie. Catal. n° 985— 1001. 
 1752—4. Millin. Gall. Mythol. n° 128. 143. Eck- 
 hell. Num. Anecd. Tab. xiii. 
 
 (6) From a vase formerly in the collection of Count 
 Lamberg, but now in the Imperial Cabinet of Antiqui¬ 
 ties at Vienna. It is apparently of Sicilian fabric. 
 
 (7) The only other monument known is a vase 
 published by Tischbein, where Hercules, assisted by 
 Minerva, is represented killing the giant Alcyoneus. 
 Tischbein. tom. ii., pi. 20. 
 
 3 
 
( 18 ) 
 
 vain to resist the superior power of the deity. The inscription placed near this 
 figure gives the name of ewaates, Ephialtes. 
 
 We see by several ancient authors that, after the defeat of the giants, one 
 of them named Polybotes (8), endeavouring to escape, fled across the sea to 
 the island of Cos. Neptune pursued him there ; and, detaching a part of the 
 island, hurled it against Polybotes, who was precipitated and buried under 
 it in the sea. The part thus detached formed the island since known by the 
 name of Nisyros. 
 
 The painting before us evidently presents the same subject; only the artist 
 has attributed to Ephialtes what the authors above mentioned ascribe to 
 Polybotes; perhaps in conformity with some tradition now lost. All the 
 accounts respecting these fables are indeed full of variations ; thus Homer (9) 
 supposes Typhoeus to have been fulminated and buried under a mountain 
 in Cilicia ; while Pindar (10) places him under mount iEtna; where, according 
 to others, Briareus (11) or Enceladus (12) were confined. 
 
 According to Homer (13), Iphimedia, daughter of Triopas and wife of 
 Aloeus, was seduced by Neptune and had two sons by him, Otus and Ephialtes, 
 called Aloides from the name of their supposed father. They grew rapidly, 
 and were only nine years old, when daring to wage war against the gods, and 
 attempting to invade heaven, they were killed by Apollo and Diana. 
 
 The author of the painting has followed, however, a different tradition, 
 probably that recorded by Eratosthenes (14), who makes no mention of the 
 relation of Otus and Ephialtes to Neptune, but supposes them to have been 
 giants, sons of the Earth, and who educated by Iphimedia, were called Aloides 
 from the name of her husband Aloeus. 
 
 Neptune is represented with a long beard, his head is encircled with a 
 crown or garland of leaves, probably of the pine, a tree consecrated to this deity. 
 His hair is very long and hangs down in curls. According to the ancient 
 
 (8) Pausan. lib. i., cap. 2. Apollodorus. lib. i., 
 cap. 6. Stephan. Byzantin. vox mavpos. Strab. lib. x., 
 page 489. 
 
 (9) Iliad. B, vers. 782. Apollod. lib. i., cap. 6. 
 
 (10) Pindar. Olymp. Od. iv., vers. 11. Hyginus, 
 Fab. 152. 
 
 (11) Callimachus. Hymn in Del. v. 141-143. 
 
 (12) Apollodor. lib. i., cap. 6. Virgil. iEneid. 
 lib. iii., vers. 578-582. 
 
 (13) Odyss. A, vers. 304-319. 
 
 (14) Schol. in Apoll. Khod. lib. i., vers. 482. 
 Hyginus. Prsef. Fab. pag. 5. 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 custom of representing divinities dressed (14*), not naked, as at a later period, 
 Neptune wears a long and ample tunic, over which is a mantle (xxaw). In 
 one hand, he holds the trident, and with the other he grasps the rock, on 
 which several animals are figured. The dolphin, polypus, and crustaceous 
 shell-fish, as marine productions, are emblems of Neptune. The goat, scorpion, 
 and serpent are supposed adhering to the rock when detached. A sinuous 
 line seems to indicate a stream flowing through the island. 
 
 Ephialtes is completely armed in the Greek manner; his cuirass is 
 apparently of leather (15), with plates of brass to protect the shoulders and 
 neck ; his helmet is provided with flaps to defend the sides of the face (16), 
 and a part that projects covers the nose. The emblem of his shield is a horse. 
 The inscription kaaos, placed on the shield, is the usual acclamation addressed 
 to the person for whom the vase was intended. The artist, in representing 
 Ephialtes with a beard and advanced in age, has deviated from the account 
 of Homer, who supposes the giant to have been only nine years old, and as 
 not having attained the age of puberty. 
 
 The style of design, in which much of the early rigid manner is observable, 
 combined with the form of the characters, and the use of the simple letters e 
 and o instead of h and o, afford motives to place the age of the vase about the 
 eightieth Olympiad, or the middle of the fifth century before the Christian 
 sera. The figure of Neptune displays much dignity of character; it retains 
 all that serenity and calm inseparable from a deity under every situation, and 
 notwithstanding the violent action in which he is engaged. This tranquillity 
 forms a happy contrast with the agitation and terror expressed in the figure 
 of Ephialtes. The figures are grouped with much skill and judgment: the 
 story is well related, and all the circumstances properly expressed. The design, 
 without being correct, is executed with great spirit and freedom, and there 
 is every reason to suppose that this composition presents a copy of some 
 celebrated work of art. 
 
 The story of the giants, like those of the Centaurs and the Amazons, was a 
 
 (14*) Neptune is generally represented dressed (15) A similar cuirass formed of leather was 
 
 on ancient works of art; there are, however, some called <nro\as. Pollux, lib. i., cap. x., 135 et lib. vii., 
 
 exceptions, as the coins of Posidonia, and those of cap. xv., 70. 
 
 Rhancus in Crete. (16) K wit] xa^oirdpaos. 
 
 Horn. Iliad. H, 182. 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 favourite subject with Greek artists. It was represented on the eastern 
 pediment of the celebrated temple of Jupiter at Agrigentum (17); on the walls 
 of the Acropolis at Athens (18); on the Hermum or temple of Juno near 
 Mycenae (19), and in several other places. Near the temple of Ceres in the 
 vicinity of the Peiraic gate at Athens (20), Neptune was represented on horse¬ 
 back, hurling his spear against the giant Polybotes. Pausanias, who describes 
 the monument, adds, that the inscription ascribed the figure of Neptune to 
 another person. 
 
 The greatest number of ancient fables are the productions of superstitious 
 fears, of a wild imagination and fancy, or of the natural propensity of mankind 
 for the marvellous: consequently, all attempts to explain them must be 
 fruitless. Some however may be excepted, that are evidently founded on 
 moral or physical truths. In this number, may be reckoned the war of the 
 giants against the gods, of which earthquakes and volcanic eruptions were 
 doubtless the origin. At an early period, these calamitous events were frequent 
 in the Grecian states; several islands were raised out of the sea, while others 
 disappeared under it. An ancient tradition (21) stated that the islands of 
 Cos and Nisyros had been once united, but separated by an earthquake; a 
 calamity to which the latter island seems to have been extremely subject, and 
 which at one time destroyed all its inhabitants (22). These physical revolutions 
 may be considered as the origin of the present fable ; and hence Neptune, the 
 supposed cause of all concussions of the earth (23), was the divinity peculiarly 
 revered at Nisyros (24). 
 
 The form of the vase is represented plate VIII., n° 1. The reverse, n° 2, 
 offers the figure of a warrior armed only with a helmet, spear and shield; 
 the latter is ornamented with a tripod, emblem of the warrior. This subject 
 has no leference to that on the opposite side, being merely intended to occupy 
 the vacant space, and requires no explication. 
 
 (17) Diodor Sicul. lib. xiii., cap. 82. 
 
 (18) Pausan. lib. i., cap. 25. 
 
 (19) Idem. lib. ii., cap. 17. 
 
 (20) Idem. lib. i., cap. 2. 
 
 (21) Strabo, lib. x. Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. v., cap. 36. 
 
 (22) Diodorus Siculus, lib. v., cap. 54. 
 
 (23) Whence the epithets of ’Ewoalycuos and 
 ’E i>o<rl x 9uv so frequently given to Neptune by Homel¬ 
 and other authors. 
 
 (24) Haym. Tes. Brit. tom. I, page 229. 
 
P-L. IX. 
 
 iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiitiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 PLATE IX. 
 
 These paintings are taken from the two sides of a vase (1). The first, 
 by a singular concurrence, offers the same subject as the preceding vase, 
 only executed in a different manner. The figures are black, on a yellow 
 ground : and, as is usual on vases of this kind, the design is extremely 
 rude and incorrect, without any regard to proportions. The attitudes and 
 action of the figures denote, however, a considerable degree of advance¬ 
 ment in the arts: and this contrast between the invention and execution 
 shews that similar paintings are imitations of the archaic style (2); and that 
 the design is purposely incorrect, in order to give the appearance of remote 
 antiquity. 
 
 Neptune is here represented as in the preceding composition, holding 
 with one hand his trident, and with the other a huge rock: his dress is 
 different, and consists simply in a short tunic. Ephialtes is figured as a 
 warrior, and combats with a spear instead of a sword: two globes form the 
 emblem of his shield. 
 
 Though the attitudes and accessories offer some variations, yet the 
 general movement and composition in the two paintings is so nearly similar, 
 that there can be little doubt of their having been taken from the same 
 original (3): a clear proof that the rude style of the present is a style of 
 imitation. 
 
 The painting on the opposite side of the vase represents Diana engaged 
 in combat with a warrior, who, from the natural connection of the two 
 subjects, is probably Otus, brother of Ephialtes. In fact, we are told that 
 when the Aloides made their impious attempt against heaven, Ephialtes 
 
 (1) This vase, formerly also in the collection of 
 Count Lamberg, is now in the Imperial Cabinet of 
 Antiquities at Vienna. The form is that called 
 Lancella, nearly similar to that engraved on Plate V. 
 
 (2) See page 14. 
 
 (3) An example of two compositions taken from 
 the same original, but executed in different styles, 
 may be seen in a former work of the author. 
 Peintures Antiques de Vases Grecs, de Sir John 
 Coghill , Bart. PI. xxxv. and xl. 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 pretended to espouse Juno, and Otus, Diana: the same author adds that 
 they were at length killed by a stratagem of this goddess (4) in the island 
 of Naxos. 
 
 The artist has here represented Diana inflicting personal revenge for the 
 insult offered her (5), while on the other side he has followed a different 
 tradition, and ascribed to Neptune the chastisement of Ephialtes. 
 
 (4) Diana sent a stag between the Aloides, who 
 throwing their javelins against it, pierced one another. 
 Apollod., lib. i., cap. 4; Hygin .fab. 28. 
 
 (5) The death of Otus and Ephialtes was not the 
 only exploit of Diana. We are told that two other 
 
 giants, Orion and Gration, fell by the arrows of this 
 goddess, in Delos and in Phlegra. Diana is repre¬ 
 sented killing Gration on a bas - relief published, 
 Monum. Mathaeiorum. Tab. 19. The giant is there 
 figured terminating in serpents. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
PL . X. 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 PLATE X. 
 
 This composition has been published by Passeri (1) who explained it as relating 
 to the marriage of Hercules and Dejanira : but a slight examination suffices 
 to shew that this opinion is entirely void of foundation. 
 
 In a former work on painted Greek vases, I published a composition relating 
 to the marriage of Thetis and Peleus (2) and among the various works of art 
 illustrative of that subject, I cited this painting, of which I proposed a new 
 explanation. As it was only known to me, at that time, by the engraving 
 of Passeri, in which little confidence could be placed; my opinion was 
 naturally accompanied by some degree of reserve. However, having since 
 had an opportunity of seeing the original vase, I discovered many 
 particulars omitted in the copy of Passeri, which fully confirmed my 
 former conjectures on the subject of the painting; I thought therefore, 
 it would be useful to give an accurate representation of such an interesting 
 monument. 
 
 The principal group, which is nearly in the centre of the picture, represents 
 Peleus seizing Thetis in his arms and carrying her forcibly away. Two 
 serpents, coiled round the body of Peleus, are indications of the forms 
 assumed by Thetis in order to escape his pursuits (3). One of the serpents is 
 of the marine kind, the head of the other is not seen. An Iris or rainbow, 
 encircling the heads of the principal personages, is another of the forms 
 assumed by Thetis. The omission of these details in the engraving of Passeri 
 induced me to think that the artist had deviated from the tradition generally 
 received, and had followed that of Plierecydes, who relates simply (4) that 
 
 (1) Pictura Etruscorum in Vasculis, tom. 1, tab. 8 
 et 9. 
 
 The form of the vase, and the other paintings with 
 which it is ornamented, may be seen on the same 
 plates, but as they offer no sort of interest, it was 
 thought needless to reproduce them. 
 
 This vase was among the objects of art sent from 
 
 Rome to Paris in 1798; but restored in 1815, and is 
 now replaced in the Vatican library. 
 
 (2) Peintures Antiques Inedites de Vases Grecs. 
 Rome ; 1813, page 7, note 3. 
 
 (3) Apollodorus, lib. iii., cap. 13. Ovid. Meta- 
 morph. lib. vi., vers. 243. 
 
 (4) Tzetzes. Schol. in Lycoph. vers. 175. 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 Peleus carried away Thetis; but without making any mention of her different 
 transformations. 
 
 A young man placed near Peleus is Telamon, his brother, or one of his 
 companions. The centaur Chiron, who follows, appears giving instructions to 
 Peleus, to enable him to defeat the artifices of Thetis. It was, in fact, by his 
 advice (5) that Peleus succeeded in the undertaking, and Pindar relates (6) 
 that Chiron by order of Jupiter affianced Thetis to Peleus. 
 
 On the other side of the principal group are two Nereids, sisters of Thetis, 
 who see with surprise and grief the injury offered to her. At the extremity 
 of the composition is Venus, who appears both on account of her marine 
 origin, and as the goddess who ensured the success of all amorous enter¬ 
 prises ; she is seated, holding in one hand a mirror, her usual attribute, and 
 with the other raising, in a very graceful manner, the extremity of her tunic, 
 so as to discover her left breast (7). Love, who is hovering over his mother’s 
 knees and holding her hand, views the scene with delight, and endeavours 
 to interest his mother in favour of Peleus. A tree and a broad rugged line 
 indicate the forests and rocks of Mount Pelion (8). 
 
 Under the picture is a broad band, on which various marine productions 
 are figured; among these are three polypi or sepice, allusive to the last form 
 assumed by Thetis, before she consented to give her hand to Peleus, from which 
 circumstance the gulpli (9) where the scene took place was called Sepias. 
 
 The drawing is deficient in correction ; but the composition and invention 
 display extreme elegance, and shew that the original from which it was taken 
 must have been a production of the highest merit. 
 
 Ancient monuments are frequently difficult to explain, when considered 
 separately, but when compared together they afford each other mutual eluci¬ 
 dation. Thus the ]3ainting published on a former occasion led to the 
 interpretation of the present composition, which in its turn throws great light 
 on another work of art. 
 
 (5) Apollodorus. Loc. cit. Visconti Museo Pio Clem. tom. iii., pi. 8. 
 
 (8) Apollodorus. Loc. cit. 
 
 (9) Herodotus; lib. vii., cap. 191. 
 
 Tzetz. ad Lycoph. vers. 175. Schol. ad Apoll. 
 
 Nem.; Od. iii., vers. 97. 
 
 (7) Apollonius Rhodius; lib. i., vers. 742—745. 
 
 Rhod. vers. 582. 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 A painted vase found near Athens, lias been published by Mr Wilkins (10), 
 who thinks that it represents the contest between Minerva and Neptune for 
 the possession of Attica: and he adduces it in support of a new opinion 
 respecting the sculptures of the western pediment of the Parthenon. Col. 
 Leake (11), who in refuting the sentiment of Mr Wilkins, has cited this 
 interesting monument, has proved that the subject relates solely to the 
 marriage of Thetis and Peleus: but as his object went no farther, he has not 
 proposed any explanation of the other figures. 
 
 A copy of the engraving given by Mr Wilkins may be seen Plate An 0 1 : 
 but the figures are disposed in a different manner, as it seems to have been 
 originally intended. The tree placed behind Neptune, indicates the point 
 where the two extremities of the composition meet; according to a custom 
 frequently seen on painted vases. 
 
 Proceeding on this principle, to the explanation of the subject, the group 
 which, though not exactly in the centre of the picture, attracts principally the 
 attention, represents Peleus with his arms extended, endeavouring to grasp 
 Thetis, who flies to avoid his pursuit. To the right of Peleus, are a lion and 
 marine monster (12), alluding to the various forms assumed by Thetis. Of the 
 two female figures which follow, but little remains: the inscription 'J'Amagh 
 shews that one of them is Psamathe, a sister of Thetis and mother-in-law of 
 Peleus : the second figure which Mr Wilkins supposes to be Minerva, is another 
 Nereid, and formed a group with Psamathe, precisely in the same manner 
 as the two Nereids in our painting. The letters inscribed on vases are generally 
 traced so slightly that it is easy to mistake them; and a more attentive 
 examination would perhaps prove that those taken for ag, should be read 
 differently. The composition is terminated on this side by Neptune, of whose 
 name iwus^, the last letters aon are only visible. As chief divinity of the 
 Ocean, his consent was necessary, and he naturally assists at the nuptials of a 
 
 (10) Memoirs relating to Turkey, by the Rev. 
 Robert Walpole, page 409. 
 
 (11) Topography of Athens, })age 256 and 
 426. 
 
 Ti's 7 dp fxe fj.6x9os ouk iwarT&Tei ; A tuv, 
 
 ApaKwv re, irvp, iiSwp. 
 
 Sophocl. Fragm. Tome iii., page 404, Ed. 
 Brunck. 
 
 4 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 marine goddess (13). Neptune, at the solicitation of Jupiter was peculiarly 
 favourable to Peleus, and presented him with two fiery steeds Xantlius and 
 Balius (14) on the occasion. 
 
 The tree placed behind Neptune, indicates the term of the composition, 
 and, at the same time, the nature of the place; had it been the olive tree, 
 according to the hypothesis of Mr Wilkins, it must necessarily have been 
 placed between Neptune and the supposed Minerva. 
 
 Passing to the other side: on the left of Thetis, is a chariot, probably 
 that of Peleus, in which he conducted Thetis to Pliarsalus, after the 
 nuptial ceremony. The figure in the chariot has been taken for Apollo (15), 
 but it has none of the attributes of that god, and it is rather the 
 charioteer of Peleus (16): his name was doubtless expressed by the 
 letters which have been supposed to indicate Apollo. A female figure 
 precedes the car: over her is written ktmo, which is followed, at a short 
 distance, by oxh : it is probable that an intervening letter a is obliterated 
 and that instead of x there is a k, in which case we should read ktmoaokh 
 which, in fact, is the name of one of the Nereids (17), sisters of 
 Thetis. 
 
 This reading is more natural than to consider oxh as a separate word. The 
 names of personages were frequently expressed by the ancients, but no instance 
 occurs with respect to inanimate objects. It may be added that the word °xv 
 never occurs in the Greek language, and is not to be found in any lexicon. 
 The nymph Cymodocea is preceded by Pan, represented with horns, as on the 
 
 (1J) Tafx^pov Tioaeibaoiva iretacus. 
 
 Pindar, Nem. Od. v., vers. 67. 
 
 Jupiter, to reward the virtue of Peleus who 
 had rejected the advances of Hippolyta, wife 
 of Acastus, gave him one of the Nereids, and 
 engaged Neptune to give his consent to the 
 marriage. 
 
 Schol. in Pindar. Nem. Od. v., vers. 67. 
 Nereaque et natas, et totum temperat sequor. 
 
 Ovid. Metam. lib. xii., vers. 93. 
 
 Cui Thetis. 0 magni rector genitorque profundi 
 Stat. Achill. lib. i., vers. 61. 
 
 Tene Thetis tenuit pulcherrima Neptunine 
 
 Tene suam Tethys concessit ducere neptem 1 
 Oceanusque mare totum qui amplectitur orbem. 
 
 Catull. Epith. Thet. et Pel. vers. 28-30. 
 
 (14) Apollodorus., loc. cit. Schol. in Pindar. 
 Pyth., Od. iii., vers. 160—168. 
 
 (15) At the time this painting was executed, 
 Helios or the Sun, and Apollo, were separate 
 divinities, though afterwards confounded. 
 
 (16) On many ancient works of art described by 
 Pausanias, heroic personages were represented accom¬ 
 panied by their charioteers ' Hvloxot. 
 
 (17) Homer, Iliad, s, vers. 39. Hesiod. Theogon. 
 vers. 252. Virgil. Georgic. lib. iv., vers. 330. 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 coins of Arcadia and Messana (18.) It is difficult to account for the presence 
 of these personages: they may have been introduced as the local divinities of 
 the cavern and gulph where the nuptials took place, or the artist may have 
 followed some epic or dramatic poem unknown to us. The composition is 
 terminated on this side by Venus, Peitlio (19), or the goddess of persuasion, 
 and Love, who holds an apple. In the description of Coluthus (20) these 
 divinities honoured with their presence the nuptial ceremony. 
 
 The examination of these several compositions naturally calls the attention 
 to a celebrated work of art, the Barberini or Portland vase. Various contra¬ 
 dictory explanations (21) have been advanced: but those writers, whose 
 opinions deserve most attention, concur in supposing it relates to the marriage 
 of Thetis and Peleus. The recumbent female figure on the principal side of 
 the vase is Thetis, who is represented giving her hand to Peleus and consenting 
 to the marriage. The serpent (22), emblem of her transformations, and which 
 she holds in her left hand, is of the marine species alluding to the marine 
 origin of Thetis. In the several compositions which have been noticed, the 
 same kind of serpent is always represented near Thetis, and may therefore 
 be considered as her distinguishing attribute (23). This circumstance, not 
 observed before, removes all doubt with respect to the subject; and, all the 
 other particulars expressed, combine perfectly with this explanation. The 
 young man to the left is Peleus, who advances, guided by Love. The bearded 
 figure to the right is Neptune, the principal divinity of the Ocean, who 
 appears also on the Athenian vase, and who, according to the description of 
 
 (18) Pellerin, Peuples et Villes. Tab. xxi., fig. 3. 
 Eckhell. Syllog. i., pi. 4. 
 
 (19) On a bas-relief of the Museum at Naples, where 
 Venus is represented engaging Helen to receive favour¬ 
 ably the addresses of Paris, she is accompanied by Peitho 
 and Love. Winckelmann, Monum. Ined .page 157. 
 
 Venus and Peitho were venerated in common at 
 Athens. Pausau. Attica, cap. 22. 
 
 (20) Coluthus, describing the nuptials of Thetis 
 and Peleus, says: 
 
 Oi)5’ aiJTT] ftacriXeca sal A pp.ovl-r)s 'AfppoSlrr] 
 
 ’EpXOfJ.b'y] b’fjdvvev is aXcrca Kcvraitpoio 
 Kai sicpo s a.<jKr}<raaa yap.7jX1.ov ijXvde IIa(?<3 
 To^evrijpos "E pwros iXa<ppl<rovaa (papirp-qv. 
 
 Rapt. Hel. vers. 26-29. 
 
 Thetis, on her marriage, received from Venus a 
 crown enriched with precious stones. This crown, 
 given by Thetis to Theseus, and by him to Ariadne, 
 was placed amongst the constellations. Hygin. Poet. 
 Astron. V. 
 
 (21) Winckelmann, Storia dell’ Arti; tom. ii., 
 page 404. Visconti. Museo Pio Clem. tom. vi., 
 page 71. Zoega Bassirihevi Ant. tom. i., page 249. 
 
 (22) See Plate A, n° 1. On the chest of Cyp- 
 selus, Thetis was represented in a similar manner, 
 darting a serpent at Peleus. Pausan. lib. v., 
 cap. 18. 
 
 (23) A marine monster of this kind is often seen 
 near Neptune, on ancient works of art. Zoega, 
 tom. ii., pi. 55. 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 the Roman poets, disposed of the hand of Thetis ; though without a trident, 
 he is distinguished by his attitude (24), which was peculiar to this deity. The 
 portico before which Peleus stands alludes either to his palace, or to the Theti- 
 deium, where Thetis received divine honours. 
 
 The subject on the other side of the vase (25) is another scene of the same 
 story. Thetis is represented holding a torch inverted, emblem of sleep. The 
 male figure who sits contemplating Thetis is Peleus, who, according to the 
 tradition before cited, surprised her when asleep, by the instructions of Chiron. 
 The other female figure holding a spear is the nymph of mount Pelion (26). 
 The stones on which the several personages are placed, and a tree on the 
 back ground, indicate the rocks and forests of that mountain. 
 
 It may be matter of surprise that the same subject should be treated in so 
 different a manner in the compositions before mentioned, or on the Barberini 
 vase : but the difference arises from the distance between the periods to which 
 these productions may be ascribed. The painted vases are of an epoch when 
 the arts were in their splendour, and the early traditions still in force; 
 whereas, the Barberini vase is probably of the age of the Antonines, when 
 the mythological opinions had experienced great alterations, which produced 
 a similar change in the manner of representing the ancient fables. 
 
 (24) Neptune is generally represented on Roman 
 coins, with his foot raised and resting on a rock : 
 an attitude emblematical of the stability of the 
 earth, which was ascribed to Neptune. See page 20. 
 
 Neptune appears in this attitude, and without 
 his trident, on the coins of Brettium. 
 
 Magna Bruttia Num. tab. \.,fig. 12. 
 
 (25) See Plate A, n° 2. 
 
 (26) This figure holds a spear, to indicate that 
 mount Pelion was suited to the chase. On a vase 
 representing the death of Actmon, a similar figure 
 which has been taken for Autonoe, is the Nymph 
 of mount Cithmron. 
 
 Millin. Monum. Ined. tom. i., pi. v. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 PLATE XI. 
 
 One of the labours imposed on Hercules by Eurystheus, was to gather the 
 golden apples of the Hesperides. The tree that produced this marvellous fruit, 
 had been presented by the Earth to Juno (1) on her marriage, and was care¬ 
 fully guarded by a dragon in the garden of the gods near Mount Atlas. 
 
 Ignorant of its situation, Hercules wandered a long time in search of this 
 garden; at length enquiring of the nymphs of the Eridanus, he learnt from 
 them that Nereus alone could give him the information he required. They 
 acquainted him at the same time of the difficulty of the undertaking, that Nereus 
 when consulted would refuse to disclose the important secret, and that if force 
 was employed, he would escape by converting himself into various forms; they 
 added, that the only means of succeeding, would be to surprise Nereus when 
 asleep, to bind him with chains, and notwithstanding all the artifices to which he 
 might have recourse, to hold him till he gave the information required. Provided 
 with these instructions, Hercules proceeded on the undertaking and was successful. 
 
 In a former work (2), the author published a painting representing the 
 contest between Nereus and Hercules. In the present composition (3), the 
 artist has chosen another instant of the action: when Hercules having 
 overcome the resistance of Nereus, has enchained him and is dragging him, 
 probably, out of the cavern in which he surprised him. 
 
 Hercules is represented as usual with the lion's skin and club. Nereus 
 seems bound with cords, and like other marine deities, terminating in a fish. 
 A female figure which precedes, and another which follows, are probably the 
 nymphs of the Eridanus, who informed Hercules of the residence of Nereus. 
 
 This fable is an imitation of the story of Menelaus and Proteus, recorded 
 by Homer (4). The divinities of the ocean were supposed to have the power of 
 predicting events, to possess all sorts of knowledge, and to be able to assume 
 a variety of forms. 
 
 The painting is executed in the rude style of imitation so frequently seen 
 on Vases, and intended to give them an appearance of remote antiquity. 
 
 (1) Pherecydes in Schol. Apoll. Rhod. lib. iv., (3) Taken from a vase in the collection of 
 
 vers. 1396. Apollodorus, lib. ii., cap. 5. M. Durand at Paris. The form of the vase is 
 
 (2) Peintures Anticp Ined. de Vases Grecs. Rome. represented underneath. 
 
 1813. PI. 32. (4) Odyss. A, vers. 365. 
 
( 30 ) 
 
 PLATE XII. 
 
 The ancients had various games to which they gave the common appellation 
 of <r<pacpa or ball (1). These games resembled in many respects those of tennis, 
 fives, foot-ball, and others of this kind, that are in use in modern times. 
 There was also a favourite dance called the sphcera, executed with a large ball 
 of inflated leather, and of which the figures and attitudes were considered 
 extremely graceful. 
 
 The game of the sphsera is mentioned by Homer (2). When Ulysses 
 discovers himself to Nausicaa, she was engaged with her companions in this 
 amusement. At the entertainment given by Alcinous to Ulysses, the dance 
 of the sphcera was executed by the most skilful dancers of Phseacia (3). 
 
 The subject of the composition before us (4) relates to this game. A winged 
 
 youth, probably the god of Love, is represented preparing to strike a 
 
 ball as it bounds from the ground (5). A female figure to the left, who is 
 
 leaning on a column and appears to be conversing with Love, is probably 
 
 » 
 
 Venus. Though without the rich dress usually ascribed to this goddess, she is 
 distinguished by her attitude (6) and by her attributes, a mirror and girdle 
 (7), which are held by one of her attendants who stands on the opposite side. 
 
 The column or cippus on which Venus leans, bears the inscription + ihsan moi 
 TAx\ 2*1 PAN (8), which may be translated “ They sent me the ball.” Unfortunately 
 the name of the agent being omitted, the inscription affords no assistance to 
 the explanation of the painting. A similar omission implies however that the 
 subject was obvious and generally known. 
 
 (1) Athemeus, lib. i., cap. 25. Pollux, lib. ix. 
 cap. vii., 104—107. 
 
 (2) Odyss. z vers. 100. 
 
 (3) Odyss. 0 vers. 372. 
 
 (4) Taken from a vase in the collection of 
 
 the Studii at Naples. Its form is represented 
 
 underneath. 
 
 (5) This mode of playing with the ball seems to 
 be that called Airifipafa by Pollux, lib. ix. 
 
 (6) One leg crossing the other was consi¬ 
 dered as an attitude implying repose, and 
 
 accordingly was often attributed to figures of 
 
 divinities. 
 
 The column was also frequently employed as the 
 attribute of a divinity. See my observations on the 
 
 subject, Peintures de Vases Grecs, page viii., note 
 3. 
 
 (7) See Plate XIII., page 33. 
 
 (8) The first character in this inscription 
 
 might be taken for a X or a g of a very ancient 
 form; but in the present instance it is probably 
 the aspirate 0 in w r hich the horizontal line 
 
 has been extended on both sides of the perpen¬ 
 dicular, instead of being on the right only. 
 
 In consequence, we may read "l-qaav written for 
 
 "leaar as a<pipa is written for cripalpa, probably, 
 according to some local dialect prevalent in 
 
 that part of Magna Greecia where the vase was 
 manufactured. Numerous examples of the kind 
 are to be found. 
 
1LY Td 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 We find mention of a sphcera celebrated in ancient mythology. Apollonius 
 Rhodius relates (9) that on the arrival of the Argonauts at Colchis, Juno and 
 Minerva being anxious for the success of the enterprise, solicited the assistance 
 of Venus, and engaged her to inspire Medea with, a passion for Jason. Venus, 
 in compliance with their wishes, proceeds to Olympus, where she finds her son 
 playing at osselets with Ganymede, in the garden of Jupiter; she tells him the 
 object of her coming, and as a reward for his immediate obedience, promises 
 him the golden sphsera made by the nymph Amalthea for the infant Jupiter 
 in the Idsean cavern. Love, ea.ger to possess the splendid toy, instantly obeys 
 his mother’s orders, flies to Colchis and pierces with one of his arrows the 
 heart of Medea. This fable formed also the subject of a picture described by 
 Philostratus (10), in which the three goddesses were represented applying to 
 Love for his assistance (11). 
 
 The present composition, in which we see Venus and Love with the sphaera, 
 seems to relate to this story; in which case the word implied in the inscrip¬ 
 tion might be (the goddesses), alluding to the means by which Love 
 obtained the ball. This explanation, however, can only be offered as a 
 conjecture, and we must wait till the discovery of further monuments may 
 confirm or disprove it. 
 
 This painting is at all events of very great importance to the study of one 
 of the most interesting branches of antiquity, as it proves that the circular 
 object so frequently seen on the reverse of vases (12), and of which such 
 contradictory and absurd explanations have been given (13), is simply a sphsera 
 or ball. 
 
 (9) Argon, lib. iii., vers. 25—175. 
 
 (10) Philostrat. Jun. leones, lib. ii., cap. 8. 
 
 (11) The Sphsera was a toy which seems to have 
 been often attributed to Love; who is described by 
 Anacreon as throwing him a ball and engaging him 
 to play. 
 
 2</>cu'p5 Sevre p.e irop4>vptrt 
 BaWwv x/TOtro/ciijUT/s "E pus, 
 
 Nwi 7roi/ci\os Xapifidvio, 
 
 'Zvp.ira.L^eLV irpoKa\eiTcu. 
 
 Fragm. ex Athenseo, lib. xiii., cap. 72. 
 
 Sophocles composed a drama called nMrrpiai, in 
 which he introduced Nausicaa and her damsels play¬ 
 ing at this game. 
 
 (12) Tischbein, Vases d’Hamilton, tom. ii., pi. 61 
 and 62. Millin. Peint. de Vases, tom. i., pi. 20, 
 tom. ii., pi. 8. 
 
 In another painting published in the same work, 
 tom i., pi. 25, representing zEgina carried away by 
 an eagle, is a sphsera. The object under it seems 
 also to be intended for juvenile amusements, being 
 very similar to our chess-board, and used by the 
 ancients for a game of the same kind called 
 Siaypap.p.iap.b's. Pollux, lib. ix., 101. Eustath in Homer, 
 663—64. 
 
 (13) A learned writer taking the seams of the ball 
 for a cross, has supposed that these objects were 
 symbols of the vivifying principle that animates the 
 
( 32 ) 
 
 This game was considered not as an amusement only, but as an exercise 
 greatly conducive to health ; on which account a place called Sphseristerium 
 (14) was reserved for it in every gymnasium; and at Sparta the ephebi who 
 were near to the age of manhood, were called *<p«‘p& or sphmristas (15). Hence 
 on so many vases intended as presents to youths who distinguished them¬ 
 selves in the various gymnastic exercises, and on which the ephebi are usually 
 represented with the gymnasiarch, a sphcera or ball is suspended as the indica¬ 
 tion of a gymnasium. 
 
 "e p^, or the passion of love personified, was a divinity venerated at a very 
 early epoch at Thespise, but whose worship became common in Greece at a 
 period of no very great antiquity (16), and it is difficult to say how he was 
 represented by artists before the celebrated statue of him was made by Praxi¬ 
 teles for the city of Thespise. This statue of which the beautiful Love in the 
 Vatican is probably a copy (17), represents him as a youth, and he appears 
 under the same form in the bas-relief published by Winckelmann (18), and 
 on the most ancient monuments, such as Vases. Love is also frequently 
 represented as an infant, but this manner is less ancient than the other just 
 mentioned. 
 
 Besides ”e pm the divinity of Love, ancient artists whose imagination was 
 always highly poetical, graced their compositions with a number of little 
 winged figures to which they gave the name of or Loves. In the descrip¬ 
 tion of the picture of the marriage of Alexander and Roxana (19), in that 
 of one of the pictures given by Philostratus (20), as well as in numerous works 
 of art which have reached us (21), we see a great number of these figures 
 with a variety of attributes, probably intended to express the universality 
 of the power of Love. It should be observed here, that the modern name 
 of genii given to these figures is erroneous, and founded on no authority 
 whatever, as they are uniformly called "E^res or Loves, in all ancient descrip¬ 
 tions. 
 
 universe; which according to Proclus, was figured by 
 a cross placed within a circle. 
 
 (14) Mercurialis de Gymn. lib. ii. 
 
 (15) Pausan. lib. iii., cap. 14. 
 
 (16) Pausan. lib. ix., cap. 27. 
 
 (17) Museo Pio Clem. tom. i., pi. 12. 
 
 (18) Monumenti Inediti, N° 115. 
 
 (19) Lucian in Herodoto, <o?>ii.,Edit. Reitz. par/. 835. 
 
 (20) leones, lib. i., cap. 6. 
 
 (21) Pitture d’Ercolano, tom. i., tav. 30 — 39. 
 Museo Pio Clem, tom v., tav. 38 — 41. Tassic, 
 Catalogue n° 6553—7241. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
vi. xni. 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 PLATE XIII. 
 
 This singular and elegant composition (1) represents Venus supported by 
 two Loves or Cupids, who convey her through the air. The goddess holds in 
 one hand a mirror, her usual attribute (2), and in the other, a cup or patera 
 (3), intended to receive the offerings presented by her votaries. Her dress 
 consists in a Doric tunic, over which a light mantle is gracefully thrown ; 
 she wears sandals on her feet; and a sort of diadem ( ainpyx ), enriched with 
 white ornaments, encircles her head. 
 
 The two figures who support her are androgynous; the form of their limbs, 
 their features, head-dress, and ornaments on the arms and legs (4), are those 
 of females. With one hand they support the goddess, and in the other hold 
 a basket (5) called talaros, usually carried by women, and intended to contain 
 various objects for their use. The ornament underneath, which imitates the 
 undulation of the waves, is probably intended to indicate the sea (6) over 
 which Venus is conveyed. 
 
 A wreath and two fillets or girdles (7) suspended on the wall, are offerings 
 consecrated to the goddess of beauty. 
 
 (1) From a vase in the collection of M. Durand, 
 at Paris. 
 
 Venus is represented seated in a chariot drawn by 
 two androgynous figures like the present, in a 
 painting published by Tischbein, tom. iv., pi. 26. 
 The same subject appears on the coins of the Julian 
 family, who pretended to descend from Venus. 
 Morell. Thes. Famil. Julia, tab. i., fig. 4. 
 
 (2) KiVpis St Siavyta x a ^ K ° v cXotaa, 
 
 IIoAAd/a rav avrau Sis fcereO-pKe Kdfxav. 
 
 Callimachus. Hymn in Pall. vers. 21—22. 
 Athenseus, lib. xv., pay. 687. Anthologia, lib. 
 vi., cap. 8. Philostratus, leones, lib. i., cap. 6. 
 See Plates X. & XII. 
 
 (3) <t>idAa. 
 
 (4) \lepi<TKe\lSes. 
 
 (5) In ancient Greek monuments a similar basket 
 is often seen in the hands of women; and served 
 
 to contain various objects for their use. Some¬ 
 times the talaros , though it retained the form 
 of a basket, was of gold. Europa and her 
 attendants are described as gathering flowers in 
 similar baskets; that of the princess was of gold, 
 and the work of Vulcan; it was richly ornamented 
 with bas-reliefs, and had been given by Neptune 
 to Lybia as the price of her favours. Moschus. 
 Kapt. Europ. v. 62. 
 
 (6) On the coins of Tarentum, the sea is indicated 
 by a similar ornament. Hunter, tab. 55, n° 15 
 & 20 . 
 
 (7) The girdle or cestus of Venus was celebrated for 
 its property of imparting beauty and every charm to 
 the wearer. Homer. Iliad. £, vers. 214. 
 
 Hence the girdle became a peculiar attribute of 
 Venus, and was among the offerings presented by 
 her votaries. 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 A winged androgynous figure, like those before us, is frequently seen on 
 painted vases, especially on those found in the provinces of Puglia and 
 Basilicata, in the kingdom of Naples, and which the style shews to be of a 
 late period. As this figure appears principally in Dionysiacal subjects, it 
 has been hitherto called the genius of the mysteries; but there is no authority 
 whatever for a similar appellation, and two very powerful reasons militate 
 against it. 1. The compositions alluded to seldom or never bear any reference 
 to mysteries. 2. The name of genius was totally unknown in Greek mythology, 
 though common among the Romans after the overthrow of the republic (8). 
 
 The androgynous figures in question represent certainly Love or Cupid, 
 who, according to the Orphic doctrines, was supposed to be of two sexes (9). 
 These doctrines were the same as the Pythagorean, which prevailed in their 
 greatest force in that part of Magna Grsecia, where the vases that offer these 
 figures, were manufactured. 
 
 But besides Love, these figures may sometimes represent noeos and imepos (10), 
 two modes of the same passion; or tamos and tmenaios the personifications of 
 marriage. 
 
 Love, as it has been already observed (11), was introduced into various 
 compositions, as contributing by his presence to embellish every scene of 
 life. His appearance in the Dionysiaca was particularly appropriate, as they 
 were the most popular of all the festivals, and wholly devoted to joy and 
 pleasure. Ancient poets allude constantly to the union between Bacchus and 
 Love, and they have been followed by artists, as we see by numerous works 
 of art, which present the association of the two divinities (12). 
 
 (8) On the impropriety of the name of Genii 
 given to such figures, see the observations of 
 Zoega, Bassirilievi di Roma. Tom. ii., pag. 184, 
 note 4. 
 
 (9) Kal Supyr/, TrepLU-rrea, KvSpbv ”E pura. 
 
 Orpheus. Argon, vers. 14, et Hymn. Ivii. vers. 
 4. 
 
 (10) Peintures de Vases Grecs de Sir John Cogliil], 
 page 19. 
 
 (11) See page 32. 
 
 The Loves or Cupids were supposed to lie 
 very numerous, but there were two, who 
 
 superior in dignity, "Epos and "l/xepos. Lucian. 
 Deor. Dial. cap. 20. Venus was the mother 
 of them all, and hence is frequently called 
 p.-l]T-r\p ’E pJiTGiv. Orpheus. Hymn. 54. Pindar ex 
 Athenreo. lib. xiii. pag. 574. 
 
 The two Loves or Cupids at the feet of the 
 Venus of Medicis, are not Eros and Anteros, 
 as some antiquarians have thought, but Eros 
 and Himeros. Visconti, Notice des Statues du 
 Musee Napoleon, pag. 102. 
 
 (12) Anacreon. Od. 17, 18 et 41. Pausan. lib. i., 
 cap. 20. 
 
 were 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 PLATE XIV. 
 
 This composition is taken from a vase in the British Museum, and which formerly 
 belonged to Sir William Hamilton. It has been engraved in the collection of 
 his vases published by D'Hancarville (1), but without any explanation. 
 
 The subject represents the death of Procris, inadvertently killed by Cepkalus, 
 one of the most popular Attic fables (2), and a story highly romantic and 
 affecting. 
 
 Cephalus, one of the descendants of Hellen (3), married Procris, daughter of 
 Erectlieus, king of Athens. They resided at Tlioricos in Attica, and lived in 
 perfect union for some time, till Aurora enamoured of the beauty of Cephalus, 
 carried him away. Finding him constant in his affections to Procris, the 
 goddess suffered him to return. Her insinuations, however, inspired Cephalus 
 with jealous doubts, and his rash attempt to ascertain the fidelity of Procris 
 proved fatal to their mutual happiness. After a long separation, and various 
 adventures, tlie}^ were, however, again reconciled, and returned to their former 
 residence. 
 
 Cephalus, always passionately fond of the chase, rose daily with the sun, 
 and ranged the neighbouring forests of Hymettus in pursuit of game. His 
 frequent absence at length excited the jealousy of Procris, and her suspicions 
 being increased by insidious reports, she one day followed him secretly to 
 observe his steps. Cephalus after the fatigue of the chase, was wont to retire 
 for shelter and repose into a shady valley. Here as he was lying, oppressed with 
 toil and heat, he frequently, in the figurative language of antiquity, invoked a 
 cloud (Nephele in Greek) (4), to temper the ardour of the sun, and refresh the 
 
 (1) Vases d’Hamilton, tom. ii., pi. 126. 
 
 (2) Pherecydes. Fragm. pag. 122. Apollodorus. 
 lib. i., cap. 9. et lib. iii., cap. 15. Pausan. lib. i., 
 cap. 37. Hyginus. Fab. 189. Ovid. Metamorpli. 
 lib. vii., vers 800. 
 
 Sophocles and Eubulus composed tragedies of which 
 the title was Procris. 
 
 (3) The ancients vary in their accounts of the 
 parents of Cephalus ; some suppose him to have been 
 the son of Deion, others of Mercury and Herse ; hence 
 
 some modern authors have supposed, but without 
 sufficient reasons, the existence of two personages of 
 the name of Cephalus. See Heyne, observationes ad 
 Apollod., torn, ii., pag. 58 and 323. Clavier, Notes 
 sur Apollodore, torn, ii., pag. 479. 
 
 (4) Ovid in his description of this story, has sub¬ 
 stituted Aura, or the gentle breeze, instead of 
 Nephele; doubtless from the necessity of preserving 
 in the Latin language the ambiguity of expression 
 which occasioned the catastrophe. 
 
( 36 ) 
 
 air with gentle showers. Procris who was concealed in a neighbouring thicket, 
 hearing him exclaim “Nephele ! Nephele !” was deceived by the ambiguity of 
 the word (5), and thought that he was calling a nymph whom he expected to 
 meet on that spot. Frantic with jealousy, Procris could no longer restrain her 
 impatience, but started from the place of her concealment to reproach Ceplialus 
 with his infidelity. Hearing the rustling of the leaves, and thinking it was 
 occasioned by some wild beast, Ceplialus imprudently threw his unerring 
 dart (6), and pierced the unfortunate Procris (7). 
 
 The painter has selected the point of time when Procris, having received 
 the fatal wound, has fallen to the ground, and endeavours to extract the 
 javelin (8). Ceplialus, who has discovered his error, is standing by her, and 
 appears in deep affliction. An aged personage on the opposite side, is Erec- 
 tlieus, the father of Procris ; he seems hastening towards the distressing scene, 
 and to reproach Ceplialus with his daughter’s death. It was, in fact, at the 
 
 In other respects his account agrees with that of 
 Pherecydes. 
 
 Sed cum satiata ferinse 
 
 Dextera cadis erat; repetebam frigus, et umbras, 
 
 Et quse de gelidis halabat vallibus, auram. 
 
 Aura petebatur medio mihi lenis in testu, 
 
 Auram exspectabam : requies erat ilia labori. 
 
 Aura (recordor enim), venias, cantare solebam, 
 
 Meque juves, intresque sinus gratissima nostros. 
 
 Utque facis, relevare velis, quibus urimur, jest us. 
 Forsitan addidcrim (sic me mea fata trahebant) 
 Blanditias plures ; et, tu mihi magna voluptas, 
 
 Dicere sim solitus ; tu me reficisque fovesque ; 
 
 Tu facis, ut sylvas, ut amem loca sola, meoque 
 Spiritus iste tuns semper captetur ab ore. 
 
 Vocibus ambiguis deceptam prabuit aurem 
 Nescio quis; nomenque aura tam sape vocatum 
 Esse putans nympha, nympham mihi credit amari. 
 
 Ovid. Metam. lib. vii., vers. 808—823. 
 
 (5) It should be recollected that the ancients 
 personified the various arial bodies, and offered sacri¬ 
 fices to them, or rather to the divinities who presided 
 over them. Among the hymns ascribed to Orpheus 
 is one in honour of the clouds (Hymn 13). Altars 
 were erected to the winds in various places; and 
 Xenophon speaks of a sacrifice offered to Boreas. 
 De Cyri Exped. lib. iv. 
 
 Hence, the invocation to Nephele, which appears 
 
 to us a quaint and puerile conceit, was seen anciently 
 in a different light. 
 
 Nephele was a name used in Greece, and among 
 others, that of the wife of Athamas, mother of Phrixus 
 and Helle. 
 
 (6) This dart, and the celebrated dog Ltelaps, 
 were given to Ceplialus by Procris, who received 
 them from Diana, or according to some traditions, 
 from Minos. The dart had the property of never 
 missing the object at which it was aimed; the dog, 
 that of never suffering its prey to escape. Antoninus 
 Liberal, cap. 41. 
 
 (7) Ancient authors vary somewhat in their accounts 
 of the circumstances; Apollodorus and Pausanias 
 mention simply that Ceplialus killed Procris acci¬ 
 dentally, as they were hunting together. Hyginus 
 says, that Procris, from her jealousy of Aurora, was 
 induced to follow Ceplialus to the forest. 
 
 (8) Fronde levem rursus strepitum faciente ca- 
 
 duca, 
 
 Sum ratus esse feram : telumque volatile misi. 
 
 Procris erat: medioque tenens in pectore vulnus, 
 
 Hei mihi! conclamat. Vox est ubi cognita fidm 
 Conjugis, ad vocem pneceps amensque cucurri. 
 
 Sem animem, et sparsas feedantem sanguine vestes, 
 
 Et sua (me miserum!) de vulnere dona trahentem 
 I n veil io. 
 
 Ovid. Metam. lib. vii., vers. 840—847. 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 pursuit of Erectheus (9), that Cephalus was summoned before the Areiopagus, 
 and condemned to exile. 
 
 A bird with the head of a woman, which hovers over Procris, seems 
 intended to represent Nephele, or a cloud. This figure is introduced into the 
 composition, not only to express the cause of the catastrophe, but also the 
 explanation which took place previously to the death of Procris, when she 
 recognised, though too late, that her jealousy was unfounded (10). All the 
 circumstances of the story are thus implied, according to the elegant descrip¬ 
 tion of Ovid. 
 
 The usual manner in which Greek artists represented the Winds (11), 
 Iris (12), Aurora (13), and other meteors, was under the human form, to 
 which wings were added. It would seem, then, that the personification of a 
 cloud should be figured in the same manner; but the painter has deviated 
 from the general rule, and has expressed the aerial nature of the clouds, 
 not by wings only, but by the entire figure of a bird, the head excepted. 
 It is probable that Aristophanes alludes to this innovation, and that he 
 had in view a similar figure, when in a passage of his comedy entitled 
 “ The Clouds ” (14), he ridicules the new religious opinions introduced by 
 philosophers, and the new forms they attributed to the clouds and other 
 meteors. 
 
 A figure so devoid of grace, so inelegant in its proportions, and which 
 could never be presumed the invention of Greek artists, is easily distinguished 
 
 (9) Schol ad Euripid. Orest, vers. 1643. 
 
 (10) Viribus ilia carens, et jam moribunda, coegit 
 Hrec se pauca loqui: Per nostri foedera lecti, 
 
 Perque Deos supplex oro, superosque, meosque, 
 
 Per si quid merui de te bene, perque manentem 
 Nunc quoque cum pereo causam mihi mortis, amo- 
 rem; 
 
 Ne thalamis Auram patiare imiubere nostris. 
 
 Dixit, et errorem turn denique nominis esse 
 Et sensi, et docui. Sed quid docuisse juvabat? 
 Labitur; et parvse fugiunt cum sanguine vires. 
 Dumque aliquid spectare potest; me spectat: et in me 
 Infelicem animam, nostroque exhalat in ore. 
 
 Sed vultu meliore mori secura videtur. 
 
 Ovid Metam., lib. vii., vers. 851—862. 
 
 (11) Stuart. Antiq. of Athens, tom. i., pi. 12-19. 
 
 (12) Peintures de Vases Grecs, par J. Millingen, 
 pi. i. 
 
 (13) See Plate VI. 
 
 (14) TaOr’ dp' iwolovv vypdv iHerpeXdv arpcwTalyXav Satiov 
 
 oppav, 
 
 \lXowdpovs 6' eKaroyKecpdXa Ti ’<pw, -wprip.ai.voti a as re dvfKXas, 
 Eir’ deploys, Siepotis, yap\f/otis oiuvovs dfpov-qxdis 
 "Qpfipovs 6' vSaruv Spocrepav 'SerpeXdv. 
 
 Nubes., vers. 335—8. 
 
 The expressions yap^otis oiWoi's imply that the 
 general form was that of birds of prey; the 
 UXoKdpovs eKaroyKetpaXa 1V0<3 probably refer to mon¬ 
 strous heads, with serpents instead of hair, which 
 were added to these figures. It should be recol¬ 
 lected that in this passage, allowance is to be 
 made for the figurative language of poetry. 
 
( 38 ) 
 
 as one of the monstrous productions of Egyptian mythology. In fact, on 
 monuments of that country (15), the soul (16) and aether, or the divine principle, 
 are both represented under the form of a bird of prey, to which a human head 
 is sometimes added. A belief that the soul was an emanation from aether 
 was perhaps the motive of this identity in the manner of representing one 
 and the other. This doctrine, which prevailed also in Greece (17), was derived 
 from Egypt. 
 
 Figures of this kind are often seen on vases (18), particularly on those of an 
 early epoch, where they are introduced, as in Plate IIP, merely as ornaments, 
 without any definite signification. At a subsequent period, when the innova¬ 
 tion in religious opinions took place, they were applied in the same manner 
 as in Egypt, to represent aerial bodies. The present monument affords an 
 example of this application. 
 
 The forms attributed to the Harpies by later poets were taken from these 
 
 (15) On mummies a similar figure is seen hover¬ 
 ing over the body of a deceased person, and has, 
 with reason, been supposed to represent the soul 
 that takes its departure. Descrip, de l’Egypte. 
 Antiq. tom. iii. pi. 64. tom. iv. pi. 23, n° 2, et pi. 
 27. n° 9. 
 
 (16) Horapoll. Hieroglyphica. cap. 7 and 11. 
 
 Anaximenes aera Deum statuit—Inde Anaxagoras, 
 
 qui accepit ah Anaximene disciplinam.—Nam Pytha¬ 
 goras, qui censuit, animum esse per naturam rerum 
 omnium intentum et commeantem, ex quo nostri 
 animi carperentur. 
 
 Cic. de Nat. Deor. lib. i., cap. 10 and 11. 
 
 The opinion of the return of the soul to aether 
 after death is expressed in an elegiac inscription 
 formerly placed on the tomb of the Athenian 
 warriors who were killed before Potidsea, in the 
 year 432, before our eera. This interesting palseo- 
 graphical monument, which is now in the British 
 Museum, has been illustrated by Visconti in his 
 Memoir on the Elgin marbles, page 179. 
 
 (17) 'Op.oXoytovai 8e ravra rotai 'Op(f>LKOi<Ti KaXevfxei'oun Kal 
 
 .eova'L 8e MyvKTloicn, Kal Hudayopeloim. 
 
 Herodot. lib. ii., cap. 81. 
 
 (18) Figures of this kind, with various other 
 animals, are often found on those vases, which 
 from the early and rude style of design, are called 
 Egyptian. The ground of these vases is of a 
 
 light yellow, like box - wood, with black and red 
 figures. 
 
 It has been thought that these may be the Theri- 
 clean vases, which some ancient writers assert to 
 have derived their name from the figures of animals 
 {drtpe s) represented on them. Athenreus, lib. xi., 
 cap. 41. 
 
 In these figures, the bird is not always of the same 
 species; sometimes it is a hawk or owl; at other 
 times a swan; among those published, the following 
 varieties may be remarked. 
 
 1. Of the owl species; in the company of a lion, 
 goat, stag, and other animals. D’Hancarville, tom. 
 ii., pi. 86. 
 
 2. A bird (perhaps an eagle) with human head and 
 arms, is represented playing on the double flute; 
 opposite to it is an eagle Hid. tom. i., pi. 99. 
 
 3. A swan with the head and arms of a woman; 
 before it is a cygnet. Tischbein. tom. iii., pi. 59. 
 Vases de Coghill. pi. 36. 
 
 It is evident in these compositions, that the figure 
 in question is merely a fanciful ornament. In the 
 Panathenaic vase (see Plate IIP, n° 2), it is the owl, 
 the usual emblem of Minerva, with the additional 
 attribute of intelligence. It is the same on the coins 
 of the Valerian family, where it appears with a 
 helmet, shield, and other attributes of Minerva. See 
 page 10. 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 figures; but modified, and with the addition of arms; probably too, the 
 whole of the body as far as the waist was human, in the same manner as the 
 Sirens, who we see represented on various works of art, and whose forms 
 were derived from the same origin (19). Hitherto, however, no figures of 
 the Harpies under this form have been discovered. 
 
 The examination of this question suggests a very important remark, and 
 which throws great light on the symbolical language of antiquity. On the 
 Egyptian monuments just mentioned, we see that the human head added to 
 the figure of a bird, did not alter the signification of the emblem, but merely 
 implied an accessary attribute of intelligence. 
 
 This point ascertained, leads to an easy explanation of the other figures that 
 unite the human and animal natures ; among these, is the figure that forms the 
 usual type of the coins of Naples, and other cities of Campania. The name of 
 Hebon or Bacchus given to this figure, is entirely arbitrary and without founda¬ 
 tion, and we should consider it solely as the emblem of a river or of agriculture 
 (20), which are in general represented by the simple figure of a bull. 
 
 But to return to the description of the painting (21), Cephalus is represented 
 with a chlamys, and the causia or Thessalian hat; he carries the club (p6-Ka\ov) 
 used by huntsmen, and holds in leash the celebrated dog Lselaps (22). Procris, 
 who shared the passion of her husband (23) for the chase, and who during her 
 separation from him, was received among the nymphs of Diana (24), is clothed in a 
 short tunic (25), such as is usually worn by that goddess, and by the Amazones. 
 
 This composition, interesting by the illustration which it affords to various 
 points of archaeology, has the merit of presenting a subject that appears 
 for the first time on works of art. The origin of the vase is not known, 
 but it appears to be Sicilian. 
 
 (19) Winckelmann, Monum. Inedit. tav. 46. 
 
 (20) See Receuil de qnelques Medailles Grecques 
 Inedites, par J. Millingen. Rome. 1812. p. 8. 
 
 (21) Visconti, who had not paid sufficient attention 
 to Greek Vases, has proposed an explanation of 
 this composition, which is, by no means, admissible. 
 He thinks, that the bird with a human head is 
 Minerva, who protects Hercules against Theodamas. 
 The female figure, he supposes to be Deianira, 
 who, armed in defence of her husband Hercules, 
 was wounded by Theodamas. 
 
 Mus. Pio. Clem. tom. iv., page 83, note a. 
 
 (22) This dog was placed in the heavens by 
 Jupiter, and is the same as Sirius, or the dog star. 
 Eratosthenes Catast. cap. 33. See note 6. 
 
 (23) ’Hi' yap 0-qptvTLK-q. Apollodorus. lib. iii. cap. 15. 
 Xenophon de Venat. lib. iv. 
 
 (24) Callimachus. Hymn, in Dian. vers. 209. 
 
 (25) A tunic of this form was the efapls or 
 irepofj.iia-xa'Ko s x LT ^ v Pollux, lib. vii. 48. See my 
 observations on the subject. Peintures de Vases 
 Grecs. page 11, note 1. 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 PLATE XV. 
 
 This Vase (1), which was discovered in the vicinity of Athens, is entitled 
 to peculiar attention, as it is probably a production of the celebrated potteries 
 of that city. It is likewise remarkable for the subject, which is hitherto 
 unedited. 
 
 Phineus, king of Thrace (2), having incurred the anger of the Gods, 
 was deprived of sight, and condemned to suffer the horrors of continual 
 famine. To this effect, the Harpies were sent to hover round him, and to 
 seize all the food that was offered to him. 
 
 According to the decrees of fate, the Argonauts alone could deliver him 
 from this punishment. In consequence, on their arrival at Salmydessus (3), 
 Phineus went immediately to meet them, and implore their assistance. 
 They were touched with his sufferings, and the sons of Boreas, Zetes and 
 Calais, who had wings like their father, attacked and drove away the 
 Harpies. 
 
 This ,story, which belonged to the Attic as well as the Argonautic fables, 
 was a subject often treated by the early poets and artists. It is related by 
 Hesiod (4), and was represented on the chest of Cypselus (5), and on the throne 
 of Batliycles (6), two of the most celebrated productions of the infancy of art. 
 Phineus was also the subject of dramatic compositions by ZEschylus and 
 Sophocles. 
 
 As this painting is the only monument yet discovered that offers a 
 representation of the Harpies, it is requisite to premise some observations 
 respecting them. 
 
 I he Harpies were personifications of violent storms and whirlwinds, of 
 the same kind as the Egyptian Typlion. They are mentioned several times 
 by Homer (7), who considered them as ministers of divine vengeance, like 
 
 (1) In the collection ofSandford Graham, Esq. M.P., 
 by whom it was brought from Greece. The clay 
 is of the finest quality, and the varnish similar to 
 that of the Nolan vases. 
 
 (2) Apollodorus. lib. i., cap. ix. 21 ; et lib. iii. 
 cap. xv. 4. Apollon. Rhod. lib. ii. vers. 178. Hygin. 
 fab. 19. 
 
 (3) Apollon. Rhod. lib. ii., vers. 202. 
 
 (4) Strabo, lib. vii., pay. 463. Schol. ad Apollon. 
 Rhod. lib. ii., vers. 181 et 297. 
 
 (5) Pausanias. lib. v. cap. 17. 
 
 (6) Pausanias. lib. iii., cap. 18. 
 
 (7) Odyss. A. 241. £. 371. T. 77. 
 
 Heyne has committed an oversight in asserting 
 that Homer gives to the Harpies the appellation 
 of K ovpcu. (Odyss. T. vers. 77). In the passage 
 



 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 the Furies and the Gorgons; and he attributes to them the death of persons 
 who were carried away in an unknown manner. Homer gives no notion of 
 their figure; but it may be inferred from the expressions of Hesiod (8), that 
 they were supposed to be of the human form, and winged. Such also was the 
 most ancient manner of representing them on works of art, as is evident from 
 a passage of iEschylus (9), where the Pythia, describing the Furies who 
 pursued Orestes, says, that they were more hideous in their appearance than 
 the Gorgons, or than the Harpies which she had seen in a picture, carrying 
 away the food from the unfortunate Phineus. 
 
 From this comparison it may be deduced, that in the picture alluded to, 
 a hideous character was given to the Harpies, like that of the Gorgons (10), 
 or that of Discord (*Epis), and Fate (k%>), who on the chest of Cypselus (11), were 
 figured with teeth projecting, and long nails like the claws of wild beasts. 
 This practice seems to have been common in the first stages of art, when by 
 a simple and natural allegory, noxious and odious moral qualities were 
 expressed by physical deformity. 
 
 But as the arts advanced, and taste became more refined, Greek artists, who 
 considered beauty as their principal object, rejected all such monstrous repre¬ 
 sentations, and substituted graceful forms in their stead. The terrible attributes 
 of the Furies and Gorgons were indicated either by serpents in their hair, 
 disposed in such a manner as to become ornamental; or by torches and serpents 
 in their hands, or some emblem of the kind. In consequence of this principle, 
 the Harpies in the composition before us, appear simply as females with wings. 
 Their violent attitude alone is characteristic of their properties. 
 
 When the arts were on the decline, a third manner of figuring the Har¬ 
 pies was introduced, and they were represented as birds of prey with the 
 head and arms, and probably, the body of a woman; as they are described 
 
 alluded to, the poet applies this expression to the 
 daughters of Pandarus, who were carried away by 
 the Harpies. Heyne, Excurs. I. ad. Iliad, n. 
 
 (8) ’Hiko^ous 0’ "Apirutas, ’AeWdi r, re, 
 
 A'i p’ avtpuov irvot.rj<Ti sal oluvoh Up.’ 't-rrovrai, 
 
 ’Qicd-ps irreptiyeacn peTa.xpovi.cu yap taWov. 
 
 Hesiod. Tlieog. vers. 267-269. 
 
 (9) Eumenides. vers. 46-48. 
 
 On the various modes of representing the Furies 
 and Gorgons, see the learned observations of M. 
 Boettiger, in a dissertation entitled, Les Furies, 
 Paris 1802. 
 
 (10) For the most ancient form of the Gorgons, 
 see Millin. Peintures de Vases, tom. ii., pi. iv.; and 
 the coins of Abydos, Neapolis, Parium, etc. 
 
 (11) Pausanias, lib. v., cap. 19. 
 
 6 
 
( 42 ) 
 
 by Virgil and the Roman poets (12). Hitherto, however, no monument of 
 this sort has been discovered (13), except a painting of the 4th or 5th 
 century. 
 
 In the early theogonies (14), the Harpies are supposed to be the daughters 
 of Thaumas and Electra, and the sisters of Iris. They were originally only 
 two in number, Aello and Ocypete; afterwards a third, named Celoeno was 
 added. 
 
 Mention is also sometimes made of one called Podarge; but this name 
 given to a Harpy, is, without doubt, an error of the commentators on Homer, 
 arising from their not having properly understood the expressions *a pma 
 nosdpyr,, which the poet uses in speaking of the mother or dam of Balius 
 and Xanthus, the horses of Achilles (15). The word "a pm in this passage, is 
 merely an epithet (16) denoting swiftness. As such, it is applicable with great 
 propriety to a mare of noble breed, remarkable for her speed. In fact, in a 
 subsequent passage (17), the poet calls her solely Podarge, a name given 
 on account of the whiteness of her feet. For this reason, Podargos was a 
 common name for horses; and we find two among those of Hector and 
 Menelaus that were so called (18). To this it may be added, that the expressions 
 poffKofxtvr) x«/u3rc, “grazing in a meadow/' would never have been used by Homer 
 in speaking of a divinity. The explanation here proposed of the passage 
 in question, is indeed, not new, but is related by the scholiast (19), though 
 he adopts a contrary sentiment. The fabulous opinion that mares were 
 impregnated by the winds, seems to have been taken by Virgil (20), from this 
 passage of Homer. 
 
 (12) Tristius baud illis monstrum, nec ssevior ulla 
 Pestis et ira Deum Stygiis sese extulit uudis. 
 
 Virginei volucrum vultus, focdissima ventris 
 Proluvies, uncseque manus. 
 
 Virgil. /Eneid. lib. iii., vers. 214-17. 
 
 (13) Iu a painting of the Vatican Virgil, is 
 a figure probably intended for a Harpy. It has 
 the body, head, and arms of a woman, united 
 with the body of a bird. Fr. xxxi. JZneid. lib. vi., 
 pag. 108. Edit. Romse. 1741. 
 
 (14) Hesiod. Theogon. vers. 265-269. Apollod. 
 lib. i., cap. 11-6. Hyginus. pag. 14. 
 
 (15) Iliad. II vers. 150. 
 
 (16) Clarke in his edition of Homer, reads 
 &pir€La from tip™*. But admitting the present 
 reading, &pwia may be considered as a participle 
 formed from &piru, in the same manner as tidCia, and 
 others of the kind. 
 
 At all events, Harpyia is a name perfectly suitable 
 to a horse, since we find it given to one of the dogs 
 of Actaeon. Hyginus. Fab. 181. 
 
 (1/) >8e re, Kai BaXIe, •njXe/cXi'rd risva TLoddpyyjs. 
 
 Iliad. T. vers. 400. 
 
 (18) Iliad. 0. vers. 185. et 'B. vers. 295. 
 
 (19) Iliad. II. vers. 150. 
 
 (20) Georgic. lib. iii., vers. 273. sq. 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 In the composition before us, Phineus is represented as advanced in years, 
 and holding a sceptre or staff; an ample mantle covers the lower part of his 
 body: he is sitting on a couch near a table covered with a variety of provisions. 
 Of these, the Harpies have already seized a portion, but terrified at the approach 
 of the Boreadre, they are flying in various directions. On the left, two of them 
 who endeavour to escape, are pursued by one of the brothers armed with a 
 spear. Unfortunately, the vase having been broken, and some of the pieces 
 missing, the greatest part of this figure is wanting, but enough remains to 
 ascertain its form and action. 
 
 The third Harpy cut of from her sisters, is running in a contrary direc¬ 
 tion ; she is looking behind her, and does not seem to perceive the other 
 brother, who crouched, and in concealment, is preparing to seize her by 
 surprise. 
 
 The Harpies, three in number, according to the accounts of later poets, 
 are represented as young women, with wings fixed to their shoulders. Their 
 dress consists of a Doric tunic, over which is a peplos. Zetes and Calais are 
 winged like their father Boreas (21). Phineus appears to be speaking with 
 vehemence, and expressing his gratitude towards the heroes who have delivered 
 him from so dire a calamity. 
 
 Though deficient in point of correctness, the composition displays much 
 spirit and animation. The violent attitude of the Harpies, which contrasts 
 with the composure and gravity of deportment so remarkable in ancient 
 productions of art, especially in female figures (22), was intended to express 
 the baneful attributes of these vindictive Deities. 
 
 In considering the obscurity and difficulties in which the question relating 
 to the Harpies was heretofore involved (23), and which are elucidated by this 
 interesting monument, its merit will be more fully appreciated. 
 
 (21) Stuart. Antiq. of Athens, vol. i., plate 14. 
 Millin. Peint. de Vases, tom. ii., pi. 5. 
 
 (22) The great attention to propriety observed by 
 ancient artists in the attitudes and action of all their 
 
 figures is noticed by Winckelmann. Storia dell’ Arte 
 tom. i., lib. v. c. 3. 
 
 (23) Heyne, Excurs. I. ad. Iliad, n. Boettiger. Les 
 Furies, pay. 13 and 101. 
 
PLATE XVI. 
 
 A part of this elegant composition (1), is engraved in the collection of Sir 
 William Hamilton’s Vases, published by Tischbein (2). Whether it was from 
 the present vase, or from a fragment that offered a repetition of the subject, 
 cannot be ascertained. In the former case, it seems difficult to assign a reason 
 for the omission of the other parts, without which, the subject is perfectly 
 unintelligible. 
 
 The fable of the rape of Proserpine by Pluto is so generally known (3), that 
 it is needless to relate the particulars. It forms a subject extremely common 
 of works of art, especially of sarcophagi (4), being particularly appropriate to 
 funereal monuments, from its obvious allusion to the fate of persons who were 
 carried away by an untimely and premature death. It occurs likewise on a 
 great number of coins and gems. 
 
 All the monuments hitherto known represent Pluto in a chariot drawn 
 by four horses, and carrying away Proserpine in a violent manner (5). The 
 composition before us offers a different scene relating to the same story. 
 Pluto by the interference of Jupiter, has been reconciled with Ceres, who has 
 consented to his marriage with her daughter. After the celebration of the 
 nuptials in the presence of the Gods assembled on Olympus, Pluto is return¬ 
 ing with his bride to the infernal regions. They are mounted on a chariot 
 drawn by four horses, who are at the instant of starting at full speed. 
 
 (1) From a vase in the possession of Thomas Hope, 
 Esq. The form of the Vase is figured; Plate B. 
 n° i., Height, 2 feet, 7 inches. Greatest circum¬ 
 ference, 3 feet 2 inches. 
 
 (2) Tome iii., pi. i. 
 
 (3) Homer. Hymn, in Cererem.—Claudian. Rapt 
 Proserpina}.—Ovid. Metam. lib. v. vers. 341. 
 
 (4) Visconti, Museo Pio Clem. tom. v. tav. 5. 
 
 (5) From the little variety that may be remarked 
 in the manner of representing this subject in the 
 numerous works of art which have reached us, it 
 appears that they were taken from a common 
 original ; perhaps from the group in bronze by 
 
 Praxiteles, or the picture by Nicomachus, which Pliny 
 enumerates among the most celebrated productions 
 of those artists. Hist. Nat., lib. xxxv., cap. 10. 
 xxxiv., cap. 8. 
 
 Pluto is always represented and described in 
 a chariot drawn by four horses. Hence the 
 epithet xp v<t ^ vlos > given to him by Pindar in his 
 hymn to Proserpine (Pausan. lib. ix. 23). The 
 chariot seems to have been considered as an attri¬ 
 bute of Pluto, since in a painting, where he is repre¬ 
 sented on his throne in Hades, two wheels are 
 suspended on the wall (Millin. Vases de Canosa. 
 pi. iii.). 
 
PL XVI 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 Proserpine oilers no longer any resistance; the charms of empire, and the 
 splendour of a throne have reconciled her to her destiny (6). Ceres is standing 
 near the chariot, and grieved at the departure of her daughter, is taking leave 
 of her. Proserpine extends her arms towards her mother, whom she 
 endeavours to console. It would be difficult to determine who is the female 
 figure preceding the car and holding a torch in each hand, if the Homeric 
 hymn to Ceres did not inform us that it is Hecate, the faithful companion of 
 Proserpine. This hymn, which was discovered at Moscow, in 1784, illustrates, 
 in fact, in a peculiar manner, the whole composition. 
 
 When Proserpine was carried away, Hecate (7), who heard her cries, 
 informed Ceres of the event, and accompanied her in her enquiries after her 
 daughter. On the return of Proserpine to her mother, Hecate was the first 
 to meet her, and became her inseparable companion (8). The last figure on 
 this side of the picture is Mercury, the minister of Pluto, and who was sent 
 by Jupiter (9), to bring back Proserpine to her mother. 
 
 Love hovering in the air on expanded wings, accompanies the nuptial car ; 
 he is preceded by the favourite bird and messenger of his mother (10), a dove, 
 who carries a myrtle wreath in its bill, and points out the way; Love holds in 
 one hand a cup of libation, and a myrtle wreath ; while in the other hand is a 
 
 (6) Ilia quidem tristis, nec adliuc interrita, vultu, 
 Sed regina tamen, sed opaci maxima mundi, 
 
 Sed tamen inferni, pollens matrona tyranni. 
 
 Ovid. Metam. v., 506-8. 
 
 (7) No mention of Hecate occurs in Homer. 
 According to Hesiod (Theogon. vers. 411, 452, et 
 Sckol. in vers. 411), she was one of the principal 
 and most ancient divinities of the Boeotians. Her 
 power extended over the earth, the sea, and the 
 heavens; and her attributions were multifarious. 
 He is silent, however, with regard to her functions 
 as an Infernal Deity, whence we may conclude, that 
 they were attributed to her subsequently, as in 
 the hymn to Ceres, ascribed to Homer (but which 
 is of a much later age); or that the traditions of 
 the Boeotians diffei’ed from those received in other 
 countries. 
 
 Hecate was afterwards confounded with Proserpine, 
 Selene (or the moon), and Diana, and represented 
 with three bodies and heads, La Chausse. Mus. 
 
 Rom. tom. i., tab. 20-22. Alcamenes, according to 
 Pausanias (lib. ii., cap. 30), was the author of this 
 innovation in the figure of Hecate. 
 
 Representations of this divinity, according to the 
 more ancient manner, are not common. Visconti was 
 the first to recognise her on a painted Vase (Pitture 
 d’un Vase Antico Fittile, Roma 1794) where she is 
 figured in the same manner as in the composition 
 before us, and as described in the Homeric hymn. 
 ’'llfTeri ot 'E Karri, as iv x^P eaffl - v ?X ovaa - 
 
 vers. 52. 
 
 and as the epithets 8ado<popos and SaSovxos, attributed 
 commonly to her by poets, imply. 
 
 (8) Hymn in Cerer. vers. 440. 
 
 (9) Idem .... vers. 335. 
 
 (10) A number of doves sacred to Venus, was 
 kept at Eryx, in Sicily, where she had a celebrated 
 temple. It was supposed that they accompanied 
 the goddess in her annual visit to Libya, and 
 returned with her after an absence of nine days. 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 fillet waving playfully in the air. A circular object on the fillet seems an 
 imitation (11) of a rose, the favourite flower of Venus, or of a narcissus (12), 
 which the earth produced to charm Proserpine by its novelty, and to afford 
 Pluto, while she was gathering it, an opportunity of executing his designs. 
 Love, as in other occasions, is androgynous (13), and wears female ornaments 
 on the neck, arms, and ankles. 
 
 Pluto is represented in the same manner, and with the same character of 
 majesty and serenity that are usually attributed to Jupiter, his brother. His 
 head is encircled with a wreath, either of myrtle or olive, and a diadem of 
 unusual dimensions. He holds in one hand the reins, and in the other a 
 sceptre or wand. Proserpine is elegantly attired. A diadem (ompyx) richly 
 ornamented with precious stones, forms her head-dress. Ceres has an ample 
 mantle, of which the upper part that served as a veil, has fallen back as she 
 raised her head. She extends one hand towards her daughter, and with the 
 other concealed under her mantle, she holds a torch, her well-known attri¬ 
 bute (14). Three stars over the heads of the principal personages are perhaps 
 placed as emblems of nocturnal Deities (15). 
 
 The marriage of Pluto and Proserpine was celebrated annually by splendid 
 festivals, called Theogamia (16), which were first instituted in Sicily, an island 
 consecrated specially to Proserpine, and given to her by Jupiter on her 
 marriage (17). Numerous epithalamia and hymns were composed on these 
 occasions; the most celebrated was the hymn of Pamphus (18), from which, 
 perhaps, the subject of the present composition was taken. 
 
 One of these birds, distinguished by its colour, pre¬ 
 ceded the rest. The return of Venus was celebrated 
 by a festival called ’Avayuyla. /Elan de Nat. Animal. 
 lib. iv., cap. 2. Athenseus. lib. ix., pag. 395. 
 
 (11) For the use of golden wreaths, imitating 
 flowers and leaves of all kinds, see Athenoeus, lib. v., 
 pag. 200. 
 
 (12) Homer, Hymn in Cerer. vers. 8. Pamphus, 
 in Pausan, lib. ix., cap. 31. The festivals called 
 Anthesphoria were instituted to commemorate the 
 occupation of Proserpine when carried away by 
 Pluto. Pollux, lib. i., 37. Schol. in Pindar, Olymp. 
 vi., vers. 160. 
 
 (13) Seey>«ye34. 
 
 (14) Homer, Hymn in Cerer, vers. 61. 
 
 (15) Ceres and Proserpine were considered as 
 nocturnal divinities. The Pythagoreans called the 
 stars the dogs of Proserpine. 
 
 Clemens. Alex. Strom, pag. 676. 
 
 (16) Pollux, lib. i., segm. 37. These festivals were 
 celebrated in various cities, where it was pretended 
 that the rape of Proserpine had taken place. Span- 
 heim. in Callimach. Hymn in Cerer. vers. 8. 
 
 (17) Diodor, Sicul. lib. v., cap. 3. Cicero Orat. in 
 Verrem. 
 
 (18) Pausan. lib. i., cap. 38— lib. vii., cap. 21. 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 PLATE XVII. 
 
 This composition is taken from a Vase in the collection of the British Museum. 
 It has been published by Visconti (1), and supposed to represent Phrixus 
 and Helle, who are receiving from Mercury the ram with a golden fleece, 
 which was to convey them to Colchis, and save them from the persecutions of 
 Ino their stepmother (2). In this hypothesis, the learned author takes the 
 female figure who is seated, for Helle the sister of Phrixus; and the other 
 female figure, for Nephele their mother. 
 
 This explanation, though it has the sanction of such high authority, may 
 however, be called in question. The circumstances indicated in the painting 
 do not correspond with those of the supposed subject. The figures attributed 
 to Helle and Phrixus, are seated, and in a state of repose inconsistent with the 
 situation of persons on the point of escaping to avoid instant death (3). To 
 this objection it may be further added, that the first of these figures is in the 
 back ground, and takes no part in the action; that the ram is not presented 
 by Mercury, but is lying down and in an opposite direction ; and that the 
 figure which Visconti takes for Nephele, is rather that of a divinity. 
 
 It is more probable, and indeed there can be little doubt, but that the 
 subject offers a well known scene on mount Ida, Venus soliciting the suffrage 
 of Paris, and promising him as a reward, the possession of the beautiful Helen. 
 
 The female figure with a long sceptre, is Venus. Paris is represented sitting; 
 he seems confused at the presence of the goddess, and hesitating if he should 
 accept her proposals. The ram lying near him, the dog, and the javelins which 
 he holds (4), indicate his pastoral occupations, and his inclination for the chase 
 
 (1) Museo Pio Clem. tom. iv., tav. A. 
 
 (2) Apollod. lib. i., cap. ix., 1. Pausan. lib. ix., 
 cap. 25. Hyginus. fab. iii. 
 
 (3) Phrixus and Helle were already before 
 the alter, and on the point of being sacrificed 
 by Athamas to Jupiter on mount Laphystius, 
 when Mercury, by order of Jupiter, brought 
 the ram, on which they instantly mounted 
 
 and were conveyed through the air. Pausan. 
 loc. cit. 
 
 (4) The name of Alexander was given to Paris 
 on account of his courage in repelling the attacks 
 of the wild beasts, which were in great numbers on 
 mount Ida. Shepherds were usually armed with 
 javelins on this account. Homer. Iliad. A. vers. 
 551. 
 
( 48 ) 
 
 (5) . Exposed at liis birth, Paris was educated by the shepherds of mount Ida, 
 and guarded their flocks til] he was recognised and received by Priam as his 
 son. Mercury is present at the interview; as the messenger of Jupiter 
 
 (6) , he was sent to appoint Paris judge of the contest between the rival 
 goddesses. 
 
 Some uncertainty may exist with regard to the female figure sitting in the 
 back ground ; but in all probability it is Helen, who is introduced in the 
 picture by anticipation, to show the result and completion of the story. A 
 similar licence was frequently assumed, of uniting in the same composition 
 various scenes or points of time relating to the action represented (7). 
 
 Helen is veiled according to the custom of brides (8); she holds a circular 
 object which seems to be a cake iXmoCs) (9), offered to the divinities 
 
 who presided over marriage. Paris is not represented with the Phrygian 
 costume, as he generally appears (10), but with a chlamys and a kind of 
 cap ( pileus ). In one hand he holds two javelins, and with the other adjusts 
 his chlamys, in an attitude extremely graceful, and often attributed to female 
 figures (11). This attitude was sometimes used to indicate modest reserve, 
 and hesitation; as such, Musseus ascribes it to Hero at her first inter¬ 
 view with Leander (12), and it is probably given to Paris for the same 
 reason. Mercury who wears a chlamys and a cap similar to that of Paris, is 
 
 Kovpifav o’ev6fj.eve IldpiS TnXTpui'ia fiijXa. 
 
 Coluthus. Rapt. Helen, vers. 101. 
 
 The epithet (3ovk6\os is commonly given to 
 Paris by Greek authors, as that of pastor is by 
 Latin. 
 
 Various ancient monuments represent Paris as a 
 shepherd tending flocks; Winckelmann. Mon. Ined. 
 n° 113. Bartoli, Sep. dei Nasoni. tav. 34. Guattani, 
 Mon. Ant. Ined. 1805. tav. 28. 
 
 (5) A shepherd (perhaps Endymion), is repre¬ 
 sented in a similar manner, with a dog and ram, 
 on the sides of a sarcophagus in the Vatican. 
 Museo Pio Clem. tom. iv. tav. 16, a et b. See Plate 
 B, n° 2. 
 
 (6) Coluthus. Rapt. Helen, vers. 68. 
 
 (7) On the chlamys given by Minerva to Jason, 
 where the race between Pelops and (Enomaus was 
 represented in embroidery, Hippodamia was in the 
 same chariot as Pelops (Apollon. Rhod. lib. i. vers. 
 754) ; not that it was really the case, adds the 
 
 Scholiast on this passage, but that the artist wished 
 to indicate by anticipation, both the race and the 
 prize. 
 
 Many instances of this sort of licence may be found 
 in the descriptions of Pausanias, and in ancient 
 monuments. 
 
 (8) Pollux, lib. iii., cap. iii., 27. 
 
 (9) Athenseus, lib. vii., 280. Etymologicon. Magn. 
 
 Ta^Aict. 
 
 It was an ancient custom at Argos, that the bride 
 should present a cake called Kp-rjiov, to the bride¬ 
 groom, Athenseus. lib. xiv., 645. 
 
 (10) In the celebrated bas-relief published by 
 Winckelmann (Monum Ined. n° 115), and on various 
 other monuments, Paris is dressed after the Greek 
 manner. 
 
 (11) See Plate X. 
 
 ( 12 ) - kloop.tvr) dt 
 
 IToAXi/as ap.<p’ wp.oimv ebv £vv{epye x LT ^ va " 
 
 Hero et Leand. vers. 163-4. 
 
( 49 ) 
 
 distinguished by his caduceus. Venus is attired in a Doric tunic, and a mantle 
 of which the extremity serves as a veil. She holds a long sceptre surmounted 
 by a flower. Over the figure of Paris is a plant, indication of the forests of 
 Ida, where the scene took place. 
 
 The monuments which relate to this story (13), usually offer the three 
 goddesses in presence of Paris ; but sometimes they appear separately soliciting 
 his suffrage. In a painting published by Winckelmann (14), Minerva 
 is alone with Paris, offering him a fillet, the emblem of victory and the 
 reward of military glory. In the present instance, he appears with Venus, 
 the goddess who afforded him peculiar protection (15), and accompanied 
 him to Sparta (16). A similar scene is described by Lucian, in the dialogue 
 entitled “Judgment of the Goddesses,” when Juno and Minerva having 
 retired, Venus is left alone with Paris. Various ancient monuments (17) 
 which represent Venus engaging Helen to receive favourably the addresses 
 of Paris, may be further alleged in support of the explanation here proposed. 
 
 The elegant attitudes of the figures, and the skilful disposition of the 
 drapery, show that the original from which the present composition was taken, 
 must have been a production of the happiest period of the arts. The subject, 
 like all those that recall events connected with Ilium, is one that will be 
 ever interesting and pleasing. 
 
 Ilion et Tenedos, Simoisque, et Xanthus et Ida, 
 
 Nomine sunt ipso pmne timenda suo. 
 
 (13) Bartoli. Sep. dei Nasoni, tav. 34. Pausan. 
 lib. v., cap. 19. 
 
 (14) Monum. Ined. n° 113. See Plate B. n° 3. 
 
 (15) Homer. Iliad r. vers. 408. A. vers. 10. A 
 painted vase published by the author, represents 
 Venus alone with Paris, on mount Ida. Peintures 
 de Vases Grecs, pi. xliii. 
 
 (16) Several accounts of this story agree in stating 
 that Venus accompanied Paris from Troy to Sparta. 
 
 Coluthus. Bapt. Helen, vers. 198. Euripides, Troades 
 vers. 983-4. Lucian. Dear Jud. 15-16. Ovid. Heroid. 
 Epist. xvi., vers. 21. 
 
 (17) Winckelmann. Mon. Ined., n° 115. Mil- 
 lin. Gal. Myth. n° 541. An ancient painting dis¬ 
 covered at Herculaneum, but which has been 
 differently explained, represents the same subject. 
 Pitture d’Ercolano, tom. ii., tav. 25. See Plate B. 
 n° 4. 
 
 7 
 
( 50 ) 
 
 PLATE XVIII. 
 
 In the primitive ages of Greece, and indeed of all societies, the chase was 
 an important occupation, not only for providing food, clothes, and other 
 necessaries, but for the protection of agriculture, and the destruction of beasts 
 of prey, whose numbers continually increasing in the vast forests which over¬ 
 spread the greatest part of the country, disputed with man the possession of 
 the earth. 
 
 Hence the admiration and esteem entertained for those who distinguished 
 themselves in this useful warfare. The Calydonian hunt, the destruction of 
 the Nemeau and Cithseronian lions, and other similar exploits, have immor¬ 
 talized those by whom they were achieved. 
 
 The subject of the present composition (1) is a hunting party, which 
 from the illustrious personages who composed it, was probably celebrated in 
 antiquity, but of which no account has reached us (2). This interesting 
 painting has been published by Millin (3), but from an inaccurate drawing; 
 and he has omitted in his engraving the inscriptions placed over the figures. 
 These inscriptions offer the names of Actseon, Theseus, Tydeus, and Castor, 
 four distinguished huntsmen, and who had been instructed by the Centaur 
 Chiron (4), the patron of the chase. 
 
 Actseon, who seems the chief personage, is sitting on a rock, and appears 
 to be conversing with the others. All are represented in the heroic costume, 
 with a simple chlamys. Actseon and Castor wear the causia or Thessalian 
 hat; the latter hero holds two javelins, and is in an attitude of repose, 
 his foot resting on a rock. Tydeus and Theseus wear a sort of cap ( pileus ), 
 
 wild-boar hunt, at which Agamemnon and Ther- 
 sander are present.—Dodwell, Travels in Greece, 
 vol. ii., page 197. 
 
 See also, D’Hancarville, tom. i., pi. 1-4. 
 
 (3) Peintures de Vases, tom., ii., pi. 5. 
 
 (4) Apollodorus. lib. iii., cap. iv., 4. Xenophon, 
 de Venat. cap. i. 
 
 (1) From a vase belonging to Mrs C. Edwards, 
 at Harrow. 
 
 (2) Several hunts, doubtless celebrated in antiquity, 
 but which are mentioned by no authors, are 
 represented on works of art; among these, is 
 a vase belonging to Mr. Dodwell, and probably the 
 most ancient yet discovered. The subject is a 
 
IIIAX 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
( 51 ) 
 
 and each holds a club : besides this weapon, Theseus carries across his shoulder 
 a crooked stick (5), on the end of which a hare is suspended. A dog of the 
 grey-hound species under the figure of Actseon, alludes to his passion for the 
 chase and to his melancholy fate, as in the picture by Polygnotus in the Lesche 
 at Delphi (6). A plant and some stones scattered are indications of the rocks 
 and woods where the scene is supposed to take place. 
 
 The figure of Actseon is remarkable for its beauty, and the attitude which 
 is peculiarly graceful. The other figures, though of inferior merit, are also 
 deserving of praise. 
 
 (5) \ay (i)[36\ov, SO called from its being used to (6) Kvcov re dripevriKr) tt apaKeirai a (pun fiiov rou ' AkthImvos 
 
 throw at hares. Theocritus, Idyl. iv. vers. 49 et dvesa, Kal toD <fs tV re\evrpv rpbirov. 
 
 Schol. Pausan. lib. x., cap. 30. 
 
( 52 ) 
 
 PLATE XIX. 
 
 The works of art that relate to the Amazones are extremely numerous, but 
 few can be referred to any determined event in the history of these heroines : 
 the reason may be, either that artists considered the subject as a general 
 theme, of which the details were left to their choice ; or because they followed 
 traditions unknown to us. 
 
 This painting (1) offers a group, which probably formed part originally, of 
 a more extensive composition. A warrior in Grecian armour, preceded and 
 guided by an Amazone, are pressing forward with hasty steps. 
 
 The subject recalls perhaps a circumstance of the expedition of Hercules, 
 when he was sent by Eurystlieus to obtain the girdle of Hippolyta, queen of 
 the Amazones. In the course of this war, Hercules, who was accompanied by 
 Theseus, laid siege to Tliemiscyra, capital of the empire of the Amazones: 
 unable to take it by force, he would have failed in the enterprise, but Antiope, 
 the daughter of Hippolyta (2), became enamoured of Theseus, and delivered the 
 city into his hands. Antiope afterwards accompanied Theseus to Athens, 
 where she became the mother of the unfortunate Hippolytus, and when the 
 Amazones invaded Attica (3), in order to compel Theseus to restore her, she 
 went out with him to repel the invaders, and was killed fighting valiantly by 
 his side. 
 
 The painting may offer the moment when Antiope introduces Theseus into 
 the city. The expression of the warrior denotes, in fact, the surprize and 
 diffidence natural in such a situation. The origin of the monument, which is 
 from Nola, is a circumstance favourable to this explanation, as the exploits of 
 Theseus are (4) often represented on the vases of that city, founded by an 
 Athenian colony. 
 
 (1) From a vase in the British Museum. 
 
 (2) Pausan. lib. i., cap. 2. 
 
 (3) Isocrates, Panathenaica. 
 
 (4) The punishment of Sinis or Pityocamptes is 
 figured, Tischbein, tom. i., pi. 6. — of Procustes. 
 
 Millingen, Vases Grecs, pi. 9 and 10. The destruc¬ 
 tion of the Minotaur. Tischbein. tom. i., pi. 25. 
 His combat with Hippolyta. Millin. Peint. de Vases. 
 tom. i., pi. 10. A painting which offers the taming of 
 the Marathonian bull, seems to be from a vase of 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
( 53 ) 
 
 Antiope is figured with the ancient and true costume of the Amazones, 
 which was that of the Scythians, consisting of a short tunic with sleeves, and 
 a kind of drawers (< anaxyrides) (5), both fitting closely to the body (6). Over 
 the tunic is a cuirass of leather (7), or linen (8) with plates of brass to protect 
 the shoulders. Her head is covered with the tiara, characteristic of the 
 nations of Asia. She is armed with a battle-axe (9) and a bow formed of the 
 horns of an antelope (10). The artist has omitted the quiver. 
 
 The Greek warrior carries a lance; his defensive armour consists of a 
 cuirass, helmet, and shield; a sort of screen probably of leather, which is 
 added to the shield, served to protect the lower part of the body against 
 arrows. A similar appendage which is sometimes seen on painted vases (11), 
 is not mentioned by any ancient author. It is remarkable, that an eye is 
 always represented on it, and was doubtless intended as a sqoell (12). The 
 emblem of the shield is a club, which might be considered as characteristic of 
 Theseus, who in imitation of Hercules, used this weapon : but experience 
 shows, that with regard to similar accessaries, artists followed the dictates of 
 their fancy. 
 
 The inscription kaaos kaaaibes in the field, presents as usual the name of the 
 person to whom the vase was given. 
 
 The style of design offers that noble simplicity which distinguishes the 
 productions of early art, and is peculiarly remarkable on vases of the elegant 
 manufactures of Nola. 
 
 Nola. (Millin. Peint. de Vases, tom. i., pi. 43). In 
 fact, it should be remarked, that the exploits of 
 Theseus are seldom represented on vases, except on 
 those of Nola. 
 
 (5) From avaaipus, to draw up. 
 
 (6) This dress was that of the Scythians, 
 and was also worn by the Paphlagonians and 
 other nations bordering on the Euxine Sea. 
 In the representation of a combat (perhaps 
 that for the body of Patroclus), on the pedi¬ 
 ment of the temple of Jupiter Panhellenius at 
 iEgina, the archers on the side of the Trojans, 
 wear a similar dress, and pointed helmets imitating 
 tiaras. 
 
 (7) S7roXcts, or SroXas. Pollux, lib. i., cap. x., 135. 
 Xenoph. Cyr. Exped. lib. iii., cap. 11-12. 
 
 (8) Aivoddpt]^, Homer. Iliad. B. 529 & 830. Cuir¬ 
 asses of this kind were worn by archers and other 
 light armed troops. 
 
 (9) ’A^iVij. Homer. Iliad. N. vers. 612. x&yapi.s. Hero- 
 dot. lib. vii., cap. 64. The battle-axe was supposed 
 to have been invented by Penthesilea, queen of the 
 Amazones. Plin. lib. vii., cap. 56. 
 
 (10) Millin. Monum. Ined., tom. i., p. 362. 
 
 (11) Tischbein. Vases d’Hamilton, tom. iv., pi. 51. 
 Millingen. Peintures de Vases Grecs, pi. 49. 
 
 (12) See a Memoir on the Superstition of the Evil 
 Eye. Archseologia, tom. xix., pag. 70. 
 
( 54 ) 
 
 PLATES XX.—XXIV. 
 
 The Vase of which the form and paintings are figured in these plates (1), 
 is one of the most magnificent hitherto discovered. With extraordinary 
 dimensions, it unites elegance of form, the finest earth and varnish, number 
 and variety of figures, subjects new and instructive, and a design of the 
 greatest beauty. 
 
 This interesting monument has been published, but in a most incorrect 
 manner, in the Etruria Regalis of Dempster (2), and afterwards by D’Han- 
 carville, who presents the paintings as belonging to four different vases (3), 
 and who has given no explanation of the subjects. A faithful representation 
 cannot therefore fail of being acceptable to the admirers of ancient art. 
 
 The form of the vase is seen, Plate XX. The entire circumference of the 
 body is occupied by the two compositions, Plates XXI. and XXII., which from 
 their contiguity, may be supposed relating to the same story. The subject 
 of the former, apparently the first in point of time, represents two young 
 warriors, probably Achilles and Patroclus, who are taking leave of their parents, 
 Peleus and Menoetius, previously to their departure for the expedition against 
 Troy. 
 
 The principal personage, Achilles, is in the centre of the picture, leaning 
 on his lance, and holding a helmet presented to him by one of his attendants 
 who is standing near him. Behind Achilles is his chariot drawn by four 
 horses. The driver holds the reins, and is stepping into the chariot. The 
 aged personage seated on the left of the picture, is Peleus ; he seems to 
 
 (1) This Vase, which was formerly in the Vatican, 
 is now in the Koyal Museum of the Louvre, at 
 Paris. 
 
 Height, 2 feet, 5 inches. Greatest circum¬ 
 ference, 4 feet, 2 inches. The figures on the 
 body of the vase, which are reduced in the 
 engravings, are near eleven inches high in the 
 original. Those on the neck of the vase are only 
 four inches high. 
 
 (2) Tom. i., tab. 47 el 48. 
 
 In comparing the engravings given by Dempster, 
 with Plates XXI. and XXIII., it will be seen that in 
 each, an entire figure is omitted. 
 
 (3) It appears that d’Hancarville had not seen 
 the original; but gave engravings copied from those 
 of Dempster, and with the same omissions. Vases 
 d’Hamilton, tom. ii., pi. 106 & 129; & tom. iii., pi. 
 110 & 128. 
 
PL XX 
 

 
 u^jJy \ 
 
 
 rll 
 
 iVflf 
 
 \vo\ 
 
 Fg 
 
 Fo\ 
 
 
 br fiff'.E 
 
 : 
 
 l°o.' 
 
 :•©. 
 
 IT O C 
 
 0 
 
 •«»-o| 
 
 p ; c 
 
 O.C7 
 
 o 
 
 3 Qt 
 
 
 
 -^5 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 look up, and to implore the protection of heaven in favour of his son; an 
 attendant of Peleus in leaning on the back of his seat. 
 
 On the other side of the picture, Menoetius, represented as an old man, is 
 seated on a folding stool (4): he holds the hand of Patroclus his son, and 
 seems to be giving him advice. Two columns of the Doric order indicate the 
 residence of Peleus, where the scene of action is placed (5). 
 
 In the composition Plate XXII., the chief personage who is victorious over 
 his antagonist, is probably Achilles. The almost entire resemblance between 
 this figure, and one of that hero which bears his name inscribed over it, on a 
 fictile vase, formerly in the possession of the author (6), appears to leave no 
 doubt of their identity. The resemblance, indeed, not only between the two 
 figures, but in the general style of design in the two compositions, renders it 
 highly probable, that they were both executed by the same hand, or at least, 
 are of the same age and manufacture. 
 
 This point ascertained, would seemingly lead to an easy explanation of the 
 other parts of the picture, but unfortunately, no incidents are expressed that 
 characterize the particular exploit of Achilles (7), which the artist intended to 
 celebrate. In this uncertainty, the most probable conjecture that can be 
 offered, is in favour of the combat with Teleplius. 
 
 When the Greeks were navigating towards Troy, they landed in Mysia, 
 which they mistook (8) for the Trojan coast, and ravaged the dominions of 
 Teuthras. Teleplius, the adopted son of that prince, marched against the 
 invaders, defeated them, and w T as pursuing them to their ships ; when Bacchus 
 to save the army of the Greeks from total destruction, caused a vine to rise 
 from the earth under the feet of Teleplius, who falling over it, was wounded 
 by Achilles (9). The plant, which is near the falling warrior in the present 
 
 (4) Alcppos dsXaSlas. Pausan. lib. t. cap. 27. 
 
 (5) Menoetius and his son Patroclus, in consequence 
 of a murder committed by the latter, fled from Opus, 
 and took refuge at Phthia in Thessaly, where they 
 were received by Peleus, nephew of Menoetius, and 
 resided with him till the time of the Trojan expedition. 
 Homer Iliad. A. vers. 770, sq. vers. 85. sq. 
 Apollodor. lib. iii., cap. 13. 
 
 The columns indicate the portico aidoh<rr], of Homeric 
 palaces. Iliad Z. vers. 243. 
 
 (6) Peintures de Vases Grecs, pi. xlix. 
 
 (7) Besides those related by Homer, the exploits of 
 Achilles were very numerous. The most celebrated 
 were his combats with Teleplius, Cycnus, Tenes, 
 Memnon, and Troilus. 
 
 (8) Pausan. lib. i., cap. iv.— lib. ix., cap. 20. Philo- 
 strat. Heroic, cap. ii., Hyginus. Fab. 101. Tzetzes 
 ad Lycophron. vers. 206. 
 
 (9) Telephus was the son of Hercules by Auge, 
 daughter of Aleus king of Arcadia. Exposed at 
 
( 56 ) 
 
 composition, seems to allude to this event. The plant is, indeed, not a vine; 
 but if this were the only objection, it would be of little weight, since in figuring 
 similar accessaries, ancient artists were not scrupulously exact. 
 
 Proceeding with the explanation on this principle, the aged personage 
 would be Teuthras : the action of this figure seems in fact, that of a person 
 endeavouring to separate the combatants, and informing them of their error. 
 The other personages are a Greek and Mysian warrior who follow their 
 respective chiefs. Victory accompanies Achilles, holding a wreath, emblematic 
 of success. 
 
 The armour, dress, and other accessaries, now claim our attention. In the 
 scene of departure, Achilles is armed with a cuirass of a remarkable kind : the 
 upper part or breast-plate (10) being solid, while the under part is laminated 
 (11). Over it are large plates of metal, to protect the shoulders ; and the belt 
 with the leather appendants, called wings (12), is added to it. His helmet is 
 furnished with flaps (13) to cover the cheeks and neck. The two attendants of 
 Achilles are dressed with tunics, and one of them has a Thessalian hat. 
 Patroclus has simply a tunic, and is armed with a helmet and shield ; the 
 latter has the appendant, described in a preceding plate (14). Peleus rests 
 one hand on a staff*, and is seated on a square stone like those mentioned by 
 Homer (15). 
 
 The chariot of Achilles is of a very light construction, like those used 
 
 his birth to the mercy of the waves, by the cruelty 
 of Aleus, he was carried by the winds to the 
 mouth of the Caicus, where he was found by 
 Teuthras king of Mysia, who adopted him as his 
 son. 
 
 Hence the combat of Achilles with Telephus was 
 represented at Tegea, on one of the pediments of the 
 temple of Minerva Alea, built by Aleus the father of 
 Auge. Pausan. lib. viii., cap. 45. 
 
 (10) This breast-plate seems to be the He- 
 mithorax, of which the invention was ascribed 
 to Jason, tyrant of Thessaly. Pollux, lib. i., cap. x., 
 134. 
 
 (11) Laminated cuirasses were much used; being 
 flexible, and adapted to the movements of the body, 
 they were more convenient than those formed of 
 plates of metal. They were called edpases <Po\l8utoI, 
 or XemSuTol, from their imitating the scales of fish and 
 
 serpents. Herodot. lib. ix. cap. 22. Pollux, lib. i., 
 135. 
 
 (12) Zwctttjp, z £a>ia. Homer. Iliad. A vers. 215. 
 
 The belt was usually buckled on to the lower 
 part of the cuirass. The leather appendants 
 
 are called nrlpvyes by Xenophon, de Re Equest. cap. 
 12 . 
 
 It is difficult to say, whether the 0 Tp.oi of 
 the cuirass of Agamemnon, which commentators 
 have not been able to explain, were appendants 
 of this sort, or the laminae (<po\i8es), of which 
 the cuii'ass was formed Homer. Iliad. A vers. 24. 
 sq. 
 
 (13) KwItj %a\K07rapTios; Homer. Iliad. M. vers. 
 183. 
 
 (14) Plate XIX. page 53. 
 
 (15) Setrrol \Woi. Iliad. 2 vers. 504, Odyss, 0. 
 vers. 6 . 
 
( 57 ) 
 
 at races. A part of the antyx (16), which is curvated, forms a kind of hook, 
 projecting on each side towards the driver. Its object was to afford assistance 
 in mounting the car, and a hold to which the driver might cling, when in 
 danger of being thrown out by any violent concussion, either from turning 
 too sharply round the metoe, or from the inequality of the ground. The antyx 
 served likewise as a place to which the reins were made fast (17), when 
 the driver left the car, or wanted to rest his hand from their weight. From 
 the exility of the spokes, the wheels must have been of brass. 
 
 The horses are equipped with bridles and collars richly ornamented (18). 
 As in other similar representations, no appearance of the traces for draught 
 occurs. The constant omission of such an important particular, but especially 
 in the present instance, where all the details of the harness are minutely 
 expressed, cannot be ascribed to negligence. Hence may be inferred, what has 
 not been observed before, that the chariots anciently used at races and in war, 
 were not drawn by traces, as in later times, but by means of a bar called 
 the yoke (19), placed horizontally near the extremity of the pole, and which 
 was supported on the backs of the two inner horses (20), being made fast 
 to their collars (21). In this manner, the horses moved with greater freedom, 
 and were not in danger of being entangled in the traces, an accident which, 
 otherwise, must have frequently occurred, on account of the velocity with 
 which they ran. The two flank horses (22), who were more for appearance 
 than use, were harnessed to the ends of the yoke, by straps fixed to their 
 collars (23). A girth which is often seen on the flank horses prevented the 
 collars from turning. The heads of the several horses were kept together by 
 coupling reins (24). 
 
 —Soial 88 TreplSpo/xoi Avrvyes den. 
 
 Homer. Iliad. E. vers. 728. 
 
 The antyx or framework of the chariot was 
 usually of wood, and sustained the other parts of 
 the body which was sometimes of osier, but most com¬ 
 monly of leather. Pollux, lib. i., cap. x., segm. 142. 
 
 (17) — dvrvyos ijuia retuas. Homer. Iliad. E. vers. 262. 
 
 (18) The collars and every part of the harness 
 were sometimes enriched with gold and a profusion 
 of precious stones. Diodor. Sicul. lib. xviii., cap. 27. 
 Athenseus, lib. v., cap. 21. Virgil alludes to collars 
 like those seen here. 
 
 Aurea pectoribus demissa monilia pendent. 
 
 yEneid. vii. 278. 
 
 (19) Ziryos. Homer. Iliad. E. vers. 730. et 12 . vers. 
 270. See page 8. 
 
 (20) Hence the inner horses were called "lirn-oi jtfyiou 
 Pollux, lib. i., cap. x., segm. 141. 
 
 (21) Miret8va. Homer. Iliad. E., vers. 730. Pollux. 
 lib. i., cap. x., segm. 147. 
 
 (22) "l 7 T 7 rot Traprjopoi. Iliad. II. vers. 471. Pollux. 
 lib. i., segm. 141. 
 
 (23) Ma<rxaW7%>. Pollux, lib. i., segm. 147. 
 
 (24) Meirdnov. Pollux, lib. i., segm. 148. 
 
 8 
 
( 58 ) 
 
 A bar of wood or metal, rising perpendicularly from that part of the pole 
 where (25) it was crossed by the yoke, retained the latter, which was tied or 
 buckled round it. On the summit of this bar (26), called hestor, there some¬ 
 times was an aperture through which the reins of the horses passed (27); 
 being thus elevated and collected, they were managed with greater ease. In 
 the present instance, the extremity of the hestor is forked for the same purpose. 
 It is probable that sometimes the flank horses had bearing reins only, which 
 were made fast to this bar; as it was sufficient, and more convenient for the 
 driver, to hold the reins of the inner horses only. 
 
 In the composition which represents the combat, Achilles appears in armour 
 of a different sort. His cuirass fits closely, and imitates all the forms of the 
 body (28). He bears a shield on his left arm; and having thrown his spear, 
 attacks his adversary with a sword. 
 
 The arms of Telephus are a cuirass and helmet, exactly similar to those 
 with which Achilles is represented in the scene of departure (29). Wounded 
 in the thigh by a spear, and nearly bent to the ground, he defends himself 
 with his shield, and is going to strike his adversary with his lance. The Greek 
 warrior who follows Achilles, wears a chlamys, and is armed with a shield, 
 lance, and helmet fitting close to the head. The warrior on the side of Tele¬ 
 phus has only a tunic; he carries a lance, and his head is covered with the 
 causia (30), instead of a helmet. The difference observable in the dress and 
 
 (25) The pv/ibs, or pole of the ancient chariots 
 was bent and considerably elevated at the extremity, 
 like the poles of the two wheeled carts used at 
 present in many parts of Italy. 
 
 The form of the pole and yoke may be seen. 
 Tischbein., tom. iv., pi. 5. Millin. Peint. de Vases. 
 tom. ii., pi. 72. 
 
 (26) Homer. Iliad, fi. vers. 272. Pollux, lib. i. 
 segm. 146. 
 
 (27) The manner in which the reins passed 
 through an aperture at the summit of the hestor, 
 may be distinctly seen in two ancient paintings, 
 where all the details are expressed with more than 
 usual accuracy. Vases de Sir John Coghill. pi. ii. 
 & iii. 
 
 (28) It is probable that the Athenian cuirasses 
 were of this kind; they were reckoned superior 
 to all others, and are described as fitting exactly 
 
 to the body. Xenophon. Memor. Socrat. lib. iii., 
 cap. 10.—De Re Equest. cap. 12. Pollux, lib. i., 
 segm. 149. 
 
 (29) From this resemblance, inferring the 
 identity of the personages, I was at first inclined 
 to think, that the subjects of the two composi¬ 
 tions were 1° the arrival of Memnon at Troy, 
 and his reception by Priam; 2° his combat with 
 Achilles. 
 
 Subsequent considerations induced me however, 
 to adopt the opinion proposed in the text. The 
 reader may decide which explanation appears most 
 satisfactory. 
 
 (30) The Thessalians and Macedonians used the 
 causia as a helmet in war. 
 
 Kawrii), 17 Toiri.poi.de MaseSiatv ZvkoXov tiirXov, 
 
 Kal crKtiras ev vtcpeTtp, Kal i<6pvs h iroXip-rp. 
 
 Suidas, V. Kixvala. 
 
( 59 ) 
 
 armour of the several figures, shews the liberty allowed to ancient artists, of 
 varying the costume in the manner which they considered most favourable to 
 the purpose of art (31). The dress of Teuthras is that usually ascribed to kings, 
 a tunic reaching to the ground, and a chlcena, or mantle. 
 
 The neck of the vase is ornamented on one side with the composition, 
 Plate XXIII., representing a hunting scene. Six huntsmen in the heroic cos¬ 
 tume, and armed with javelins and clubs, are killing a deer. Two of them who 
 are nearest the animal, and have pierced it with their darts, protect themselves 
 with their mantles (32), against the efforts which the animal might make in 
 despair. 
 
 The painting on the neck of the opposite side of the vase, Plate XXIV., 
 represents Triptolemus in a winged car, to which two serpents are harnessed. 
 In one hand he holds a patera, and in the other a sceptre and ears of corn. 
 On each side of Triptolemus, is a female figure, carrying a torch (33); besides 
 which, one of them bears a vase of libation; and the other, a wheat-sheaf. 
 These figures may represent Hecate and Proserpine (34). Two aged personages, 
 dressed in long tunics, are probably Celeus and another of the kings, or 
 principal magistrates of Eleusis, at the time when Ceres retired to that city 
 (35). Two other female figures, with pateras and wheat-sheaves, are daughters 
 of Celeus (36), and ministers of the goddess. Ceres herself stands near the 
 altar, holding two ears of corn in one hand, and with the other adjusting her veil. 
 
 In the religious ceremonies and festivals in honour of Ceres, various incidents 
 relating to her arrival at Eleusis, and the institution of her mysteries were 
 represented. The parts of the several personages were performed by the 
 Hierophants, and other priests of each sex. It is not unlikely, that the 
 present composition may offer a scene of this nature. 
 
 Though Ceres was one of the popular divinities of Greece, subjects like the 
 present, which represent ceremonies relating to her worship, are very seldom 
 seen in works of art. If, as is usually supposed, painted vases were (37) symbols 
 
 (31) Visconti. Letters on the Elgin Marbles, 
 page 81. 
 
 (32) Winckelmann. Mon. Ined. pag. 10. 
 
 (33) Homer. Hymn in Cerer. vers. 52 et 61. 
 
 (34) See page 45 and 46. 
 
 (35) Homer. Hymn in Cerer. vers. 149 sq. 
 
 (36) Idem. vers. 105-109. 
 
 (37) The only fictile vases that represent sub¬ 
 jects relating to Ceres, are those published by 
 Tischbein, tom. i., pi. 8 et 9.— tom. iii., pi. 56.— 
 tom. iv., pi. 8 et 9. Millin. Peint. de Vases, tom. ii., 
 pi. 31. 
 
( 60 ) 
 
 of initiation in the Eleusinian mysteries, it is singular that they are not more 
 frequently ornamented with subjects relating to the goddess in whose honour 
 the mysteries were celebrated. This objection is a most powerful argument 
 against the opinion alluded to, and shall be more fully examined in another 
 part of the work. 
 
 The two principal paintings distinguished by great beauty, both of invention 
 and execution, are deserving of peculiar attention and interest. They recall to 
 the imagination scenes truly classical, and convey a just notion of the armour, 
 dress, and various customs prevalent at the time when they were executed ; 
 which probably was not long after the close of the Peloponnesian war, a 
 brilliant period of Grecian glory. 
 
 The scene of departure, Plate XXI., is particularly remarkable, by the 
 general disposition and ordonnance of the composition; the skilful manner in 
 which the figures are grouped ; the simplicity and propriety of the attitudes, 
 and by a correctness of design rarely found on monuments of this descrip¬ 
 tion. 
 
 The paintings which decorate the neck of the vase, are not of the same 
 degree of merit, and might even be supposed of a time when the arts were on 
 the decline. This inequality in the execution, shows that in the same manu¬ 
 facture, artists of various degrees of talent were employed. It shows also, that 
 the style of design is not always a just criterion by which the age of ancient 
 monuments can be determined. 
 
 Though the place where the vase was discovered is unknown, it is probable, 
 from the form, the design, and the varnish, that its origin may be ascribed to 
 Crotona or Locris, cities eminent for their attention to all the elegancies 
 of life, and where philosophy and the fine arts were cultivated with so much 
 success. 
 
 END OF THE FIRST PART. 
 

N.’I 
 

PL.B. 
 
 N? 4. 
 
ANCIENT 
 
 UNEDITED MONUMENTS. 
 
 PAINTED GREEK VASES. 
 
 PART II. 
 
PL,. XI\ 
 
ANCIENT 
 
 UNEDITED MONUMENTS. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 PAINTED GREEK VASES. 
 
 PLATE XXV. 
 
 FICTILE vase which appears to offer the same subject as that of the 
 
 present composition (1), though with some difference in the accessary 
 circumstances, has been published in the Galerie Mythologique of Millin (2), who 
 supposes it to represent the combat between Dionysus or Bacchus, and Deriades 
 a king of India. 
 
 Various reasons, however, concur to induce a different opinion, and to make 
 it probable that the personage opposed to Bacchus is Eurytus, one of the giants. 
 
 1° On comparing the painting before us with one engraved in the present 
 work, Plate VII., offering the combat between Neptune and Polybotes, such a 
 striking analogy exists between them, that the originals from which they were 
 taken seem to have been not only from the same hand, or at least from the 
 same school of design, but to relate to a common subject, and to have formed 
 part of some extensive composition relating to the Gigantomachia. 
 
 (1) From a vase in the possession of the author. (2) Tom. i., Plate lxxxviii. It was first published 
 
 The figures are of the same size as in the original. in the Bilderbuch of Mr. Hirt, who has explained it as 
 
 The form of the vase is represented underneath. relating to the Indian expedition of Bacchus. 
 
( 64 ) 
 
 2° At the period to which the vases in question, or rather the original 
 paintings, should be assigned, the expedition of Bacchus to India was a fable 
 scarcely known, especially in Italy; having probably been invented after the 
 conquests of Alexander, to flatter the vanity of that prince, who calling himself 
 a son of Jupiter, wished to emulate the exploits of Bacchus and Hercules, 
 his elder brothers. The successors of Alexander, the various kings of the 
 Macedonian dynasties in Syria and Egypt, were likewise gratified by the 
 parallel, and hence, under their reigns, this fable gradually acquired a degree 
 of celebrity. 
 
 3° The Indian expedition of Bacchus was not a subject which attracted the 
 attention of ancient artists: no monuments relating to it occur (3); nor are 
 any mentioned in the descriptions of Pausanias and other writers: whereas 
 the Gigantomacliia was an early and very popular fable, which formed the 
 subject of numerous works of art (4). In these representations, it is probable 
 that the achievements of Bacchus in this war were not omitted; and we find, 
 in fact, among the bas reliefs or paintings which Euripides supposes to have 
 ornamented the interior of the temple of Delphi, that Bacchus was figured 
 striking one of the giants with his thyrsus (5), in the same manner as in the 
 painting we are now considering. 
 
 Of the combat between Bacchus and Deriades, no mention is found in any 
 ancient authors except Nonnus, a writer of the fifth century, and whose 
 testimony, when unsupported, is of little weight. 
 
 Dionysus or Bacchus bears a conspicuous part in the accounts of the Gigan- 
 tomachia. According to an ancient tradition, it had been ordained by fate that 
 the gods could not be victorious in this war, except with the assistance of two 
 demi-gods (6). In consequence, Jupiter solicited the succour of Bacchus and 
 Hercules, and with their aid, the impious race of giants was totally destroyed. 
 Apollodorus (7) ascribes to Bacchus the death of Eurytus in this warfare. 
 
 (3) We should except some bas-reliefs on sarco¬ 
 phagi, but which are of the second or third century 
 of the Christian sera, and to be considered, therefore, 
 as monuments of Roman, rather than of Greek art. 
 V. Museo Pio Clem., tom. iv., plate 23; Zoega Bassi- 
 Rilievi Ant. tom. ii., plate 75. 
 
 (4) Supra, page 17. 
 
 (5) Kal Bpi/uos &\\ov 
 ’AiroX^tiOts kutitLvois p&KTpon 
 ’Evaipei 7 a; tIkvov 6 
 
 Ion. vers. 216—218. 
 
 (6) Schol. in Pindar. Nem. Od. i., vers. 100.—Eratos¬ 
 thenes. Catast. ii.—Hygin. Astron. lib. ii., cap. xxiii. 
 
 (7) Apollodorus, lib. i., cap. vi., 2. 
 
( 65 ) 
 
 Horace (8) supposes him to be Rhoetus. According to Nonnus (9), who as usual 
 confounds every thing, the earth, at the instigation of Juno, excited the giants 
 against Bacchus, but he defeated them, and killed Alcyoneus, Enceladus, 
 Typhceus, and many others. 
 
 Bacchus is here figured in the manner described by mythologists, armed with 
 his dreadful thyrsus. He wears a chla/rnys , and a short tunic suited to military 
 expeditions. His head is encircled with a crown or wreath, apparently of ivy, 
 and his long hair flows in ringlets over his shoulders. On his feet are a sort of 
 buskin worn by hunters (10), and made of the skin of panthers. As in 
 
 all ancient figures of this divinity, his beard is long and ample. 
 
 The thyrsus seems to be made of the reed called ferula one of the 
 
 peculiar attributes of Bacchus. Hence the epithet of Na^o^os, so frequently 
 given to him and to his followers (11). Like the spears anciently used, the lower 
 part has a point <rav P ^ P , which served to fix it in the ground. 
 
 The giant, who, on the authority of Apollodorus, we may call Eurytus, is 
 armed with a helmet, shield and sword. Bent under the weight of the 
 tremendous thyrsus, he supports himself on his shield, and endeavours with his 
 sword to avert the death blow, which Bacchus, who has grasped his helmet, is 
 preparing to inflict with the reverted end of the thyrsus. 
 
 This composition is the more remarkable, as it presents a circumstance unnoticed 
 by all mythologists: at least, my researches relating to it have proved ineffectual. A 
 dragon or serpent coiled round the thigh of the fallen giant, darts itself against him. 
 
 The serpent, as it is well known, was particularly an attribute of Bacchus, 
 and in all his orgies and festivals played a great part. Euripides (12) describes 
 Bacchus with serpents encircling his head ; and his followers (13) usually carried 
 them round their waists and in their bosoms. From this relation of the serpent 
 to Bacchus, it is not unlikely that some ancient tradition supposed it to have 
 assisted him in the combat with the giants. 
 
 In the accounts of the punishment of the Tyrrhenian pirates (14), and in the 
 
 (8) Lib. ii., Od. 19, vers. 23, 24. 
 
 (9) Dionysiaca, lib. xlvii., vers. 4. seqq. 
 
 (10) They were a Cretan invention, and used by 
 Diana. Particulars on the subject may be found in 
 the notes of Spanheim on Callimachus, Hymn, in 
 Dian. vers. 16. 
 
 (11) Orpheus, Hymn. 41, vers. 1. 
 
 (12) Bacchse, vers. 101. 
 
 (13) Demosthenes pro Corona. 
 
 (14) Apollodorus, lib. iii., cap. v., 3 ; Non¬ 
 nus, Dionys. lib. xliv., vers. 244, et lib. xlv., vers. 
 137. 
 
 9 
 
( 66 ) 
 
 representation of that story on the frieze of the Choragic monument of Lysicra- 
 tes (15) at Athens, the ropes of the vessel transformed into serpents, contribute 
 to the terror and destruction of the guilty crew. 
 
 Magic formed a great part of the Dionysiaca, and frequent metamorphoses 
 were attributed to Bacchus. Hence, it is possible also, that an allusion might 
 be intended to some transformation of that divinity in the war with the giants. 
 In the Bacclise of Euripides (16), the chorus calls on Bacchus to appear as a 
 panther, dragon, or lion. Horace supposes that he assumed the shape of a lion 
 when he triumphed over the giant Rhcetus. In the combat against Deriades, 
 described by Nonnus (17), Bacchus took the forms of a lion, dragon, bull, and 
 various other animals. Sometimes in the same contest, he appeared as fire, 
 water, or trees. Nonnus in this description, has probably imitated the account 
 which some more ancient author had given of the Gigantomachia, or of the 
 adventures of Bacchus with Pentlieus or Lycurgus; applying to one fable, 
 circumstances which belonged to another (18). 
 
 The letters of the inscription are unfortunately so indistinctly traced, that 
 it would be hazardous to attempt an explanation of them. 
 
 The vase is from the elegant manufactures of Nola; but the design is 
 meagre, and the work of an inferior artist. On the reverse, is one of the 
 figures usually employed to fill up the vacant space on vases. 
 
 (15) Stuart, Antiquities of Athens, Vol. I., Plate 
 xviii. 
 
 (16) Bacchic, vers. 1017-20. 
 
 (17) Dionysiaca, lib. xxxvi., vers. 293-313. 
 
 (18) According to another fable, serpents and all 
 other venomous animals were produced by the blood 
 of the giants in the warfare against the gods. It is 
 
 possible, that an allusion may be intended to 
 this story. V. Schol. in Nicand. Theriaca, page 6. 
 
 The primitive mode of figuring the giants, 
 was under the human form, but subsequently they 
 were represented terminating in serpents. Per¬ 
 haps the notion was suggested by the fable above 
 mentioned. 
 
.XXVI 
 
( 67 ) 
 
 PLATE XXVI. 
 
 The island of Naxos, previously called Strongyle and Dia, was celebrated in 
 antiquity as being specially consecrated to Dionysus or Bacchus, who, according 
 to the tradition of its inhabitants, was born there, and his education entrusted 
 by Jupiter to the Naxian nymphs Philia, Coronis, and Cleis (1). The great 
 fertility of the island, and the long prosperity which it enjoyed, were attributed 
 to this fortunate circumstance. 
 
 It was in Naxos, that the beautiful Ariadne, abandoned by Theseus, was 
 discovered by Bacchus, who captivated by her charms, took her for his wife. 
 
 This vase (2) is remarkable by the inscription nahion, of the Naxians, which 
 indicates where the scene is placed. Being in the genitive case, some other 
 word is of course implied; and as the inscriptions usually refer to the 
 personages, perhaps the term 2 c orripes , or Geoi 2a jrijpes (3), epithets given to Bacchus 
 and Ariadne, may be understood. 
 
 Bacchus appears as on all monuments of a late time, of a youthful form, 
 and with his usual attributes the thyrsus and vase called cantharus. A light 
 drapery covers the lower part of his body. 
 
 Ariadne is seated by him, and they seem engaged in conversation under the 
 shade of a bower, loaded with clusters of purple grapes. A tympanum or 
 tambourin, emblem of joy and pleasure is suspended on the bower, till the 
 decline of the sun shall permit the festive dance to be resumed. 
 
 The brother and companion of Bacchus, Eros, or Love, contributes to 
 animate the scene, and bears a fillet or crown, emblem of nuptial and amorous 
 concerns. 
 
 Ariadne, whose looks are attentively fixed on Bacchus, holds up a crown or 
 wreath of gold (4), studded on each side with pearls or precious stones, 
 imitating the berries of laurel or myrtle. 
 
 We see here, without doubt, the famous crown made by Vulcan, which 
 
 (1) Diodorus Sicul., lib. v., cap. lii. 
 
 (2) In the possession of the author. The 
 figures are of the same dimensions as in the 
 original. 
 
 (3) On the coins of Maronea, the epithet of 
 
 Ziorrip, is given to Bacchus, and on those of Thasos, to 
 Hercules. 
 
 (4) On the chest of Cypselus, Ariadne was 
 represented holding a crown, Pausan. lib. v. 
 cap. 19. 
 
( 68 ) 
 
 some suppose to have been given to Ariadne by Theseus (5); others by Bacchus. 
 According to another tradition, Venus and the Hours gave it to Ariadne at 
 her marriage, celebrated in Naxos with great splendour, when all the gods 
 assisted and brought various presents to the bride. 
 
 To perpetuate the memory of Ariadne, Bacchus, subsequently, placed this 
 crown in the skies (6), where it became a constellation, which preserves to this 
 day the fame of the unfortunate Cretan princess. 
 
 The fate of Ariadne is differently related (7). According to Homer (8), she 
 was carried away by Diana in the island of Naxos. Hesiod (9) says, that 
 Jupiter gave her immortality, and exempted her from the evils of old age. 
 According to the Roman my Biologists (10), Ariadne after her apotheosis, was 
 venerated under the name of Libera, the wife of Liber or Bacchus. 
 
 The marriage of Bacchus and Ariadne was a subject often represented in pan¬ 
 tomimic danses or ballets in the theatres, at the various festivals of Bacchus, 
 and in private houses. Xenophon has given an interesting description of a simi¬ 
 lar entertainment (11), which took place during a banquet where Socrate was 
 present. A seat (fy^os) was called the nuptial chamber ( ffaXaftos ), and the parts of 
 Bacchus and Ariadne were performed by a young man and young woman, 
 both of great beauty, who figured the various circumstances of the nuptial cere¬ 
 mony, while a musician played on the flute tunes analogous to the situations. 
 
 The same subject appears frequently on fictile vases and other monuments ; 
 but none present the characteristic circumstances expressed in the present 
 interesting composition. 
 
 (5) Hygin. Poetic Astron. lib. ii., cap. v. 
 
 (6) Amplexus et opera Liber tulit, utque perenni 
 Sidere clara foret, sumptam de fronte coronam 
 Immisit coelo; tenues volat ilia per auras ; 
 Dumque volat, gemmae subitos vertuntur in 
 
 ignes. 
 
 Ovid. Metam. lib. viii., vers. 177, seqq. 
 
 (7) Pausanias relates, that Ariadne died at Argos, 
 
 and was buried there by Bacchus, in a temple 
 dedicated to him, and in which he was on this 
 account venerated under the name of Bacchus 
 Cresius or the Cretan, lib. ii., 24. 
 
 (8) Odyss. A, vers. 320—4. 
 
 (9) Theogon., vers. 947. 
 
 (10) Ovid. Fast. lib. iii., vers. 507—12. 
 
 (11) Symposium, cap. ix., 1. 
 
PLxxvir. 
 
( 69 ) 
 
 PLATE XXVII. 
 
 This painting* (1) has the rave merit of presenting the name of its author 
 Asteas (2), already known by two productions of the same kind. It is ecpially 
 recommendable, for the inscriptions which indicate the various personages, 
 as without this assistance, it would be difficult to give a complete explanation 
 of the subject. 
 
 Of all the ancient Grecian cities, none was so illustrious as Thebes, by the 
 number and achievements of its early heroes. Besides Bacchus and Hercules, 
 the adventures of Cadmus and his family, those of CEdipus, the wars of the 
 seven chiefs and of the Epigoni, celebrated, as in competition, by poetry and 
 the arts, have perpetuated the fame of that city. 
 
 The Theban fables begin with the arrival of Cadmus. After various 
 endeavours to discover his sister Europa, carried away by Jupiter, that hero 
 fearing the anger of his father Agenor, if he returned without her, consulted 
 the oracle of Delphi respecting his future conduct. The answer he received (3) 
 was that, giving up all thoughts of returning to his native country, he should 
 seek among the herds of Pelagon, a heifer distinguished by peculiar marks ; 
 that he should take this animal for his guide, and build a city on the spot 
 where it rested. Cadmus obeyed the order of the god, and followed the heifer, 
 which, after wandering a long time, at last laid itself down in the country 
 called on this account Boeotia, and on the spot where Thebes afterwards stood. 
 Here, Cadmus erected a statue of Minerva which he brought from Phoenicia 
 (4), and prepared to sacrifice the heifer to that goddess, previously to laying the 
 foundation of the new city. 
 
 (1) From a vase in the Royal collection of the 
 Studii at Naples. The figures in the engraving are 
 half the size of those in the original. 
 
 (2) Millin. Peintures de Vases, tom. i., plate x. 
 Millingen, Vases Grecs. Plate xlvi. 
 
 (3) Euripides. Phoeniss. vers. G41. Hellanicus 
 apud Schol. in Homer. Iliad. B., vers. 474. Apol- 
 lodorus, lib. iii., cap. iii., 3.—Apollon. Rhod. lib. iii., 
 vers. 1177. Pausan. lib. ix., cap. xii.; Ovid. Meta- 
 
 morph. lib. iii., vers. 6, seqq. 
 
 (4) On account of this origin, Minerva, who 
 was called Onca in the Phoenician language, 
 was venerated under the same name in Boeotia. 
 For a similar reason, one of the gates of 
 Thebes was called Onca'is, in honour of Minerva, 
 .dEschyl. Sept, in Theb., vers. 106 et 489. Apollo- 
 dorus, lib. iii., cap. vi.; Pausan. lib. ix., cap. 
 xii. 
 
( 70 ) 
 
 To obtain water for the libations, Cadmus went to a fountain which flowed 
 from a cavern situated in a neighbouring grove. The fountain was sacred to 
 Mars (5), and guarded by an enormous dragon, who, roused by the noise, 
 darted from its cavern to devour the hero (6). Cadmus undaunted, encounters 
 the monster, and with the assistance of Minerva, destroys it after a long and 
 tierce combat. 
 
 The painting, Plate XXVII., relates to this action. The principal 
 figure ( kaamos ) ; occupies the centre of the picture: he has laid down 
 the vase which he brought for water, and holding in one hand his 
 sword and two javelins, with the other, has uplifted a stone, which 
 he is on the point of hurling against the monster. He is dressed in 
 the heroic manner, with a mantle ( dilamys ), fastened on his breast, and 
 thrown behind him. His head is covered with the pileus, sometimes used 
 as a helmet, and he wears a kind of buskin (7), formed of slips of cloth 
 or leather interlaced. 
 
 The dragon, who has issued from its den, raises itself in spiral folds, and 
 with tremendous hisses, seeks to dart its deadly poison against the hero. The 
 red crest of the monster, the scales which render its body impenetrable, its 
 forked tongue, the cavern and the surrounding thickets, are all faithfully 
 expressed in the painting, comformably to the description of Ovid (8), probably 
 taken from some ancient Cadmeis. 
 
 (5) This fountain, called Aretia or Aretiades, from 
 being sacred to Mars, was afterwards called Dirce, 
 after the wife of Lycus. 
 
 (6) "E v6a <f>6vios ty bpasuv 
 "Apeos, wp6<ppui> 
 
 Nd, uar’ ZvvSpa Kal filed pa 
 XXoepa SepypaTicv Kopauji 
 IIoXll7rXdt'OtS ilTLGKOTTCoV. 
 
 "Ov eiri xtyvLpas poXhv 
 Kd5/xos &Xetre papfxdpip 
 K poira <p6vioi> oXealOtipoi 
 ftXlvaiv Sikuiv /3oXais. 
 
 A£as a ix6.t epos 
 
 I laXXaOos (ppaSaZcn, k. t. X. 
 
 Euripides Phoenissse, vers. 661, 671. 
 
 The painter seems to have followed this description 
 of Euripides, which differs from that of all other 
 
 mythologists, who relate that Cadmus first sent some 
 of his companions for water, but seeing they did 
 not return, he went in person, and found the dragon 
 devouring their remains. Incensed at the sight, 
 Cadmus attacked and destroyed the monster. Apol- 
 lodor. lib. iii., cap. iv. ; Schol. in Homer. Iliad. B., 
 vers. 494; Ovid. Metamorph. lib. iii., vers. 26, seqq. ; 
 Tzetzes ad Lycopb. vers. 1206. 
 
 (7) This kind of buskin or gaiter, is perhaps 
 that called irlXvvrpa by vEschylus, Pollux, lib. vii., 
 sec/m. 91. 
 
 The peasants of many part of Italy, at the present 
 day, cover their feet in a similar manner, and 
 generally use slips of cloth. 
 
 (8) Sylva vetus stabat, nulla violata securi. 
 
 Est specus in medio virgis ac vimine densus, 
 Efficiens humilem lapidum compagibus arcum 
 
( 71 ) 
 
 Minerva, the protectress of Cadmus is near him (9), and appears to be 
 giving him advice. She is armed with a helmet and spear, and dressed in a 
 long tunic, over which is the mgis, and an ample mantle. 
 
 Above the dragon, and leaning on the rocks which form its den, and were 
 probably part of the Cadmeia, is a female figure seated in an elegant attitude. 
 Her head is covered with a lofty ornament or crown, surmounted by a veil. The 
 inscription, 0 hbh, shews that it is the nymph Thebe (10), daughter of Asopus, 
 who gave her name to the city of Thebes, first called Cadmeia from Cadmus. 
 
 Two half figures placed above are supposed to be in the second plan and at 
 some distance. One, inscribed kphnaia, is a personification of the gate Crenaia, 
 one of the seven gates of the city, and so named from its vicinity to the 
 fountain of Dirce (11). The figure to the left is an aged personage, whose 
 name written by mistake imhnos for ismhnos, is Ismenus (12), a son of Asopus, 
 who gave his name to the river formerly called Ladon, which flowed through 
 Thebes. Ismenus is figured as an old man, with white hair and beard, and 
 holding a sceptre, emblem of regal dignity. 
 
 On the top of the picture, a part of the sun's disk, surrounded by rays, 
 illumines the scene, and indicates that the action takes place by day. Above 
 the disk, the name of the painter is written in the usual form azsteas eppa^e, 
 Astea.s pingebat. The duplication of the s being found on other vases with the 
 same name, shews that this orthography proceeded from some local mode of 
 
 Uberibus fecundus aquis : hoc conditus antro 
 Martius anguis erat, cristis prsesignis et anro; 
 Igne micant oculi; corpus tumet omne veneno ; 
 Tresque vibrant linguae. 
 
 Ille volubilibus squamosos nexibus orbes 
 Torquet, et immensos saltus sinuatur in ar¬ 
 cus, 
 
 Ac media plus parte leves erectus in auras 
 Despicit omne nemus. 
 
 .Dixit, dextraque molarem 
 
 Sustulit, et magnum magno conamine misit. 
 
 Ovid. Metamorph. lib. iii., vers. 28—60. 
 
 (9) See note 3. 
 
 (10) Apollodorus, lib. iii., cap. 6; Pausan. lib. ii., 
 cap. 5. 
 
 (11) According to the greatest number of authors. 
 
 the fountain of Mars was the same as that after¬ 
 wards called Dirce. It is evident that the painter 
 has adopted this opinion, since he has placed the 
 scene of action near the gate Crenaia, which we 
 know took its name from the vicinity to the fountain 
 Dirce. 
 
 Pausanias either deceived by his guide, or by some 
 other means, has erroneously supposed that the foun¬ 
 tain of Mars was different from that of Dirce, and 
 places it above the source of the Ismenus, lib. ix., 
 cap. 10. 
 
 Judging from the present state of the country, the 
 fountain of Dirce was that near the little cave, which 
 may be supposed to be that of the dragon, under the 
 rock of the Cadmeia on the S. W.—Dodwell. Travels 
 in Greece, tom. i., page 268. Gell. Itinerary of Greece, 
 page 57. 
 
 (12) Apollodorus, lib. iii., cap. 12. 
 
( 72 ) 
 
 pronunciation. The vacant space between the paintings and the rim of the 
 vase is ornamented with a wreath of ivy. 
 
 The execution of the painting is of an inferior kind. The figures are too 
 short; that of Minerva especially is bad, and the drapery heavy; faults 
 observable in vases of a particular class and of a late age. 
 
 A fictile vase published by Millin (13), offers the same subject, where the 
 group of Cadmus and the dragon appears copied, though with some variations, 
 from the composition before us; but all the subordinate figures are totally 
 different. As that author, in his illustration of. the monument in question, 
 has not given any satisfactory explanation of the two female figures, one on 
 each side of the principal group, we shall offer some conjectures respecting 
 them. Judging from the analogy between the two compositions, it is possible 
 that the figures behind the dragon may be Thebe, who gave her name to the 
 city, or rather the nymph of the forest surrounding the cavern. The branch 
 of laurel which she holds, seems, in fact, to render this last opinion most 
 probable. 
 
 The other figure behind Cadmus may be the nymph of the fountain, and the 
 patera or cup which she holds, contain the food for the dragon. In various 
 descriptions (14) and representations of similar monsters, a nymph is always 
 supposed to attend on them. The dragon which guarded the golden fleece was 
 under the care of Medea (15), who carried him his daily food ; and in an ancient 
 painting (16), the serpent of the Hesperides is fed by the nymph Calypso 
 
 (13) Millin. Peintures de Vases, tom. ii., plate 
 vii. 
 
 (14) Hinc mild Massy lm gentis monstrata sacer- 
 
 dos, 
 
 Hesperidum templi custos, epulasque dracoui 
 Quai dabat, et sacros servabat in arbore 
 ramos. 
 
 Virgil, dEneid, lib. iv., v. 483-5. 
 
 (15) Ipsa caput cari postquam Medea draconis 
 
 Vidit humi, fusis circum projecta lacertis; 
 Seque suumque sirnul flevit crudelis alum- 
 num: 
 
 Non ego te sera talem sub nocte videbam; 
 Sacra ferens epulasque tibi, nec tabs hianti 
 Mella dabam, ac nostris nutribam fida ven- 
 enis. 
 
 Valer Flac. lib. viii., v. 95—97. 
 (16) Millin. Peintures de Vases, tom. i., plate 3. 
 

J’J. JCiVHI 
 
 Ijouacfr/ 
 
( 73 ) 
 
 PLATE XXVIII. 
 
 The rape of the Palladium by Diomedes and Ulysses, a celebrated exploit of 
 the Trojan war, is represented in this painting (1), in a manner and with 
 circumstances entirely new. Instead of a single statue of Pallas, agreeabty to 
 the accounts given by all ancient authors, and as we see in numerous works 
 of art still remaining (2), the two Grecian chiefs appear holding each a statue. 
 Unlike the Palladium as it is generally figured, these statues are of the rudest 
 workmanship, such as the first attempts of art would produce. As they are 
 without any characteristic attributes, it would be impossible to offer any 
 explanation of them ; and indeed the entire subject would be dubious, if 
 fortunately, some other ancient monuments did not afford us assistance. From 
 the resemblance between the figure held by Ulysses (the bearded warrior), and 
 that of Minerva Chryse represented on two fictile vases (3), there can be little 
 doubt of its being the same divinity. The second figure, held by Diomedes, 
 being without action or attribute, no opinion respecting it can be offered. 
 The point ascertained is, however, the one essential, and determines the 
 subject of the composition. 
 
 The accounts given by some early historians, and preserved by Dionysius (4), 
 respecting the origin of the Palladium, will contribute to throw further light 
 on the subject. These authors relate, that Chryse on her marriage with Darda- 
 nus, brought him two Palladia and the statues of the great gods or Penates, 
 which she had received from Minerva. These were carried by Dardanus to 
 Asia, and placed in the city which he built near the Hellespont and called by 
 
 (1) From a vase found at Armento, a town of the 
 province of Basilicata in the kingdom of Naples. 
 It is in the collection of M. Durand at Paris. The 
 figures are of the same dimensions as the original. 
 
 (2) Winckelmann. Pierres gravees de Stosch. 
 page 388. 
 
 (3) Milliugen. Peintures de Vases Grecs, plate 1. 
 and li. 
 
 (4) Antiq. Kom. lib. i., cap. 68 et 69. 
 
 It may be observed here, that Minerva Chryse 
 was probably so called from Chryse the wife of 
 
 Dardanus, who erected the statue and an altar 
 in the island to which she gave her name. It 
 is uncertain where the island of Chryse was 
 situated; some suppose it to be Lemnos or Nea ; 
 but others are of opinion that it was swallowed by 
 an earthquake. The statue of Minerva Chryse 
 was perhaps, one of the Palladia mentioned in the 
 account of Dionysius. The representation of it on 
 the vases in question, may have been after some 
 ancient statue called Palladium, preserved in some 
 city of Magna Grsecia. 
 
 10 
 
( 74 ) 
 
 his name. Afterwards, they were removed by Ilus his grandson to Ilium, 
 and placed in the temple of Minerva in the citadel. 
 
 From this statement it appears, that the name of Palladium was not 
 confined to a single statue ; and in fact, Pherecydes (5), an early historian, 
 and whose authority is of great weight, positively says, that the name was 
 anciently given to all statues that were not of human workmanship, but 
 believed to have fallen from heaven. 
 
 It is probable then, that the painter has followed a tradition of this kind, 
 which supposed that besides the Palladium, or statue of Minerva, some other 
 statue, perhaps one of the Penates, was carried away at the same time by the 
 two Grecian chiefs. 
 
 It should be observed, that the vase was manufactured in Italy, where 
 many local and peculiar traditions existed. This story must have had some 
 celebrity in that country, on account of the veneration in which Diomedes and 
 Ulysses were held. Many cities considered them as their founders (6); some 
 even paid them divine honours. To this we must add, that several cities, 
 Siris and Heraclea in Lucania, and Luceria in Apulia (7), pretended to be in 
 possession of the miraculous Palladium carried away from Ilium, and of course, 
 they had their own legends respecting its origin. 
 
 The other circumstances expressed in the painting correspond with the 
 received version of the story. Minerva, who favoured the bold enterprize, seems 
 to animate and direct the Grecian chiefs. She is represented with a helmet, 
 resembling in its form the Phrygian tiara, probably to indicate a Trojan divinity. 
 She has a lance and shield, but is without her usual attribute the mgis. 
 
 A female figure with a torch, on the opposite side, is probably Theano, 
 priestess of Minerva. The manner in which Ulysses and Diomedes gained access 
 into the city is differently related (8). Some say, that they penetrated by 
 night through a subterraneous passage and surprized the keepers of the citadel : 
 others pretend (9), that sent as ambassadors to Priam, they corrupted the 
 
 (5) Antiq. Rom. lib. i., cap. 68 et 69. 
 
 (6) Etymologicon Magnum, v. wa\\a.8iov. Tzetz. in 
 Lycophron. vers. 355. 
 
 (7) For particulars respecting the various colonies 
 founded in Italy by Diomedes and Ulysses, the 
 reader may consult Raoul Rochette, Histoire 
 
 des Colonies Grecques, torn, ii., pages 303 et 
 336. 
 
 (8) Strabo, lib. vi., page 264. 
 
 (9) The various opinions relating to the Palladies, 
 have been collected and ably discussed by the 
 learned Meziriac, Comment, sur les Epitres d’Ovide, 
 
( 75 ) 
 
 fidelity of Anterior, and by the means of his wife Theano, priestess of the temple, 
 succeeded in their undertaking (10). This last version seems to have been 
 adopted by the painter. Part of the moon’s disk, and a star below it, indicate 
 that the enterprize was effected by night. 
 
 The two warriors are in the heroic costume, with a simple mantle or 
 chlamys; Ulysses only, as more advanced in years, is figured with a beard. 
 
 The execution is of a very inferior kind, like that of most vases found in 
 Basilicata, and which are generally of a low period. The figure of Ulysses, in 
 particular, is most incorrectly drawn, and the attempt at foreshortening most 
 unhappy. The attitudes of the other figures, however, are elegant, and recall 
 the invention to a more happy age. 
 
 Though no mention of the Palladium occurs in Homer, yet the traditions 
 relative to it are very ancient, and Dionysius (11) has given us that of Arctinus of 
 Miletus, a very early poet, supposed to have been a disciple of Homer. 
 
 But the great celebrity it acquired can only be dated at the decline of the 
 Roman republic, when, to flatter the vanity of the people and of the Julian 
 family, it was pretended, that they derived their origin from the Trojans and 
 iEneas. At the same time, it was supposed that the Palladium had been 
 brought to Italy by Aeneas (12), and that the statue carried away from Troy 
 by Diomedes and Ulysses, was only a copy purposely placed in its stead. Some 
 authors, however, to reconcile as much as possible the old received traditions 
 with the new version, supposed that Diomedes gave the Palladium to Aeneas. 
 From this period, the fables relating to it became extremely popular; and, 
 according to the superstitious propensity of the Romans, as the Palladium was the 
 preservative of the empire, representations of it were considered auspicious, and 
 worn as a sort of charm (13). To this notion we may attribute the astonishing 
 number of gems which offer subjects relating to this fable. 
 
 tom. i., page 60; and Heyne, Excurs. iv. ad iEneid, 
 Virgil, lib. ii. 
 
 (10) Suidas v. IlaXXdSiOJ'. 
 
 (11) Dionys. Hallicarn. Ant. Rom. lib. i., cap. 68. 
 
 (12) According to a tradition related by Servius, 
 the Palladium was brought to Rome at the time of 
 the Mithridatic war by Fimbria, who pretended that 
 
 it was discovered among the ruins of the ancient Ilium, 
 Comm, in Virgil, yEneid, lib. ii., vers. 166. 
 
 (13) Some subjects were considered auspicious, 
 and others ominous of evil, Thus, the rape of 
 Proserpine was esteemed inauspicious, since Nero 
 wore a ring with that subject on the day of his 
 death. 
 
( 76 ) 
 
 PLATE XXIX. 
 
 Though no conjecture can be offered respecting the subject of this composition 
 (1), yet its communication is deemed useful, as it may be explained by more 
 able antiquaries, or by analogy with other monuments existing in some 
 collection not made public, or which shall come to light at a future period. 
 
 A female figure with extended wings, her left hand leaning on a kind of sceptre, 
 holds in her right various objects of which the nature and use are uncertain. 
 Her dress consists of a tunic with short but very wide sleeves, and an ample 
 mantle. Her long hair flows in ringlets on her shoulders. Near her is a plinth 
 which, from the apple or pomegranate placed on it, might be taken for an altar, 
 if the want of sufficient elevation were not an objection. Of the inscription on 
 the plinth, only the four first letters ko$t are legible, and their signification is 
 uncertain. 
 
 Before the figure is the acclamation h iiais kaah -j, t™? , the beautiful girl , 
 
 frequently found on vases intended as presents for ladies. 
 
 Winged figures of this kind often appear on fictile vases, especially those 
 discovered in Magna Graecia. They are represented holding a lyre (2), a vase 
 and patera (3), or a caduceus (4); presenting armour to a warrior (5); pursuing 
 a youth (6), and engaged in various other functions. Though their character is 
 uncei tain, yet it is probable that they are divinities of an inferior order, such as 
 
 the Muses, Hours, &c. 
 UK\ka glory, or Hm fame, 
 the Palaestra (7), to 
 
 j or personifications of moral qualities, such as valour, 
 Sometimes they may be supposed the country v ™ Tp u, or 
 which wings have been added, according to a usage 
 
 prevalent among the Italiotic Greeks, and perhaps borrowed from Etruria. 
 
 The inscriptions on vases have done much to removing many difficulties of 
 this kind, and we may hope that their future assistance will gradually remove 
 those which still impede the progress of archaeology. 
 
 (1) From a vase found at Nola, and in the collection 
 of Chevalier Bartholdy at Rome. The figure is of the 
 same dimensions as the original. 
 
 (2) Tischbein, tom. iii plate 7. 
 
 (3) Millingen. Vases de Coghill, plate 22. 
 
 (4) Tischbein, tom. i., plate 4. 
 
 (5) Tischbein, tom. i., plate 4 and 21. 
 
 (6) Millin. A ases Grecs, tom. i., plate 48 j Millingen. 
 Vases de Coghill, plate 42. 
 
 (7) In an ancient painting the Palrestra was 
 represented as a female holding an olive branch. 
 Philostratus, leones, lib. ii., cap. 33. 
 
PL . -XXLY. 
 
 \ 
 

 PL XXX 
 
( 77 ) 
 
 PLATE XXX. 
 
 This charming composition (1) represents a lady seated in a swing, and a 
 female attendant who watches its motion, to renew the impulsion at the proper 
 time. Their dress is that usually worn by Greek women, and disposed in a 
 manner extremely graceful. The head-dress of the lady is without any 
 ornament, that of her attendant is a sort of cap (/^piy-axcs^ like those used at the 
 present day in Italy. 
 
 Between the two figures, is an object of which the destination is uncertain. 
 Is it a vase or fountain, such as were usually placed in the ^ or atrium, or is 
 it a calathus placed on one of the conical stones (2) (d 7 .* e k), sacred to Apollo, and 
 used as posts before the door of houses at Athens ? This point is left to the 
 decision of the reader. Behind the attendant is a calathus or basket, used to 
 contain articles of female attire. 
 
 The swing was a diversion known to the ancients, it was called m>p* (3), or some¬ 
 times iwpa, and the exercise aubp7)<TL5 and duvprjpia. By the Romans it was called oscillatio. 
 
 It was considered by physicians as a salutary exercise in some complaints, 
 and on this account was often used in gymnasia and in the public baths. 
 Some authors have confounded the ^ P a with the petaurus (4), but this last seems 
 to have been a feat like those performed by our tumblers and rope-dancers. 
 
 At Athens there was a festival named in honour of Erigone (5). Among 
 the various ceremonies in use on this occasion, was that of swinging, instituted 
 by order of Apollo, in allusion to the manner in which Erigone perished, and to 
 honour her memory. All those who were present at the festival (6) were 
 obliged to take a part in this ceremony, esteemed a religious obligation. 
 
 (1) From a vase found at Nola, and in the collection 
 of Chevalier Bartholdy at Rome. The figures are of 
 the same dimensions as in the original. 
 
 (2) Suidas et Harpoeration. 
 
 (3) Etymologicon Magnum, v. Aucpa. 
 
 (4) Mercurialis. Gymn., lib. iii., cap. 8. 
 
 (5) Hyginus. Fab. 130. 
 
 (6) Petentibus (Atheniensibus), eis Apollo dedit 
 responsum: si vellent eventu liberari, satisfacerent 
 
 Erigonse. Qui quod ea se suspenderat, instituerunt, 
 uti tabula interposita pendentes, funibus se jactarent, 
 ut qui pendens vento movetur; quod sacrificiutn 
 solemne instituerunt. Itaque et privatim et publice 
 faciunt, Hygin. Poet. Astron., lib. ii., cap. 4. 
 
 This ceremony, suggested by the double signification 
 of the word aldprpxa, has escaped the attention of 
 Meursius and other authors who have written on 
 ancient festivals. 
 
( ) 
 
 Such is the connexion between ancient monuments, that the investigation 
 of one point often leads to the elucidation of others. In the description given 
 by Pausanias of the paintings of Polvgnotus in the Lesche at Delphi, the 
 passage which relates to Phaedra, being corrupt, has never been understood. 
 
 In the first editions of that author, the reading aiupov^v & is evidently an 
 error of the copyists, and Sylburgius who perceived it, has accordingly substi¬ 
 tuted instead of The better reading, however, seems to be or 
 a word easily corrupted into rto. But even admitting the correction of Syl¬ 
 burgius, we may infer from the passage in question, that Phaedra was repre¬ 
 sented seated in a swing, and holding the ropes with both hands (7). This 
 explanation is further proved by what Pausanias adds, that Polygnotus 
 adopted such a mode of representation, to indicate as decorously as possible (8), 
 the manner in which Phaedra died. 
 
 By the same kind of Euphemism so familiar to the Athenians, the death of 
 Erigone was typified in a similar manner, in the festivals instituted in her 
 honour. As ancient colonies generally adopted the religious and civil institu¬ 
 tions of the metropolis, it is not unlikely that the inhabitants of Nola, an Athenian 
 colony, celebrated the festival «%«*, and that the present composition may be 
 allusive to such a ceremony. It it thus, interesting by its subject (9), and the 
 light it throws on various points of archaeology, as well as by the uncommon 
 beauty of the design and execution. 
 
 The attitudes are as simple and natural as they are graceful and elegant. 
 In the sitting figure, the sensation of pleasure produced by the exercise; in 
 the attendant, the earnest attention and anxiety, are most happily expressed. 
 The draperies are disposed in a manner particularly skilful, and the whole dis¬ 
 plays a spirit and feeling which cannot be sufficiently admired. 
 
 (7) K&8r)Tcu /. ibv A.pi&8vrj) birl irbTpas, opa 8b bs tt)v 
 aStXcp-liv ^alSpav, rd re ctXXo aiwpovpbvriv aUpa bv trap!/:, 
 /cat rat's x € P (r ' LV aptporbpaLs eKarbpudev rijs cretpas bxopbvyv, 
 irapdxe 8b to <TXVP- a srpds t8 evirpeirbo-Tepov ireirocppivov 
 cvp[3AAA£0'8ai tA b s rijs 4>al8pas tt)v TeXevrriv. 
 
 Pausan. lib. x., cap. 29. 
 
 (8) Phaedra hung herself in despair. The repre¬ 
 
 sentation of a similar action would have been esteemed 
 inauspicious; and hence the epithet of informis is 
 given to this kind of death by Virgil. yEneid. xii., 
 vers. 603. 
 
 (9) A fictile vase with the same subject, is in the 
 collection of Samuel Rogers, Esq.; no other monu¬ 
 ments relating to it are known. 
 
PL iXXl 
 
 a rmj m rmi fmj oi m r® m is iu u m r 
 
 V— 
 
 —7 
 
 p. 
 
 
 J 
 
 kj\ 
 
 Vf 
 
 -9 If / 
 
 \J3Sd 
 
 U/ 
 
 ( 
 
 
( 79 ) 
 
 PLATE XXXI. 
 
 A youthful figure (perhaps "e or Love), borne on expanded wings, appears 
 descending towards an altar to receive the offerings and prayers of his votaries 
 (1). His looks are, however, turned aside, as if his attention was suddenly 
 called away by some other object. 
 
 In each hand he holds a patera emblematic of the libations and 
 
 sacrifices offered to him. The liquor flowing from the one appears, from its 
 colour, to be wine ; the other cup probably contained milk. 
 
 The subject, as well as the inscription kaaos xapmiahs, “the beautiful 
 Charmides ” (2), attest that the vase was intended for an amatory present. A 
 second inscription teisias kaaos, on the opposite side of the vase, intimates that 
 the present was intended for two brothers or friends ; unless we suppose the 
 second name to be that of the donor. The figure which it accompanies, is that 
 of a gymnasiarch or pmdotribe, such as are usually seen on the reverses of vases. 
 
 The remarks previously offered, respecting the winged female figures 
 observable on monuments of this kind (3), are applicable also to those of the 
 other sex. The appellation of Genius of the Mysteries, generally given to them, 
 is erroneous, and totally destitute of authority. The greatest number represent 
 Love or his brothers (4 )'t and n6<? os; but there are some whose character, from 
 the want of sufficient attributes, cannot be determined. They are, probably, 
 divinities of an inferior order; and sometimes, indeed, appear to be of an evil 
 nature, inspiring terror to the personages who take part in the action (5). 
 Future discoveries will, probably, afford us further information on this and 
 many other archaeological points still involved in uncertainty. 
 
 (1) From a Nolan vase in the collection of Chevalier 
 Bartholdy, at Home. The figure is of the size of the 
 original. 
 
 (2) The name of Charmides occurs on a vase pub¬ 
 lished by Tischbein, tom. iv., pi. 34. 
 
 (3) Seepage 76. 
 
 (4) See page 34. 
 
 (5) In a representation of the combat between 
 Hercules and one of the giants, a winged figure 
 assails the latter. Tischbein, tom. i., plate 20. 
 —A winged youth pursues a female who appears 
 terrified; Tischbein, tom. iii., plate 26. — Two 
 winged figures pursue a female, tom. iii., 
 plate 27. 
 
( 80 ) 
 
 PLATE XXXII (1). 
 
 When Troy was taken by the combined forces of the Greeks, Menelaus and 
 Helen were reconciled ; and after a long and tedious navigation of seven years, 
 returned to Sparta, where they lived together in great union and happiness. 
 Such is the most ancient tradition recorded by Homer (2), who describes the 
 hospitable manner in which they received Telemachus on his visit to Sparta. 
 
 According to some authors (3), Helen was delivered by the Grecian chiefs to 
 Menelaus, in order to be punished with death; but, unable to resist the power 
 of her charms, he feels his ancient passion revive, and forgets her past misconduct. 
 Others suppose, that Menelaus, finding Helen concealed (4), wanted to kill her, but 
 Venus interfered and saved her life. Accordingly, on the chest of Cypselus (5), 
 Menelaus was represented pursuing Helen, and the sword falling from his hand (6). 
 
 The subject of the painting before us relates to this story, and offers the 
 moment when Menelaus, who has regained possession of Helen, is leading her 
 away to the fleet. The sentiments expressed are suited to the situations. The 
 looks of Menelaus are fixed on the ground, and his expression is that of sullen 
 silence and of irresolution between conflicting passions. Helen, with downcast 
 eyes, appears in deep (7) affliction, and anxious concerning her fate. 
 
 Menelaus, whose name (meneaeos) in the Ionic form is written near him, is 
 dressed in a large mantle: his head is covered with a helmet, and he holds a 
 spear. The costume of Helen is a striped tunic and a deep veil ( k axswrpa) ( 8 ), 
 which, covering her head, reaches nearly to the ground. 
 
 Fair hair, considered by the ancients as one of the chief characteristics of 
 beauty, is attributed to both personages. Probably, the artist had particularly 
 in view the epithet of fair (9), so often given by Homer to the Spartan king. 
 
 (1) From a vase in the collection of Chevalier 
 Bartholdy, at Rome. It was found at Armento, in 
 the province of Basilicata. 
 
 (2) Odyss. A. vers. 120, seqq. 
 
 (3) Euripides Troades, vers. 894. 
 
 (4) Quintus Smyrnreus, lib. xiii., vers. 385. 
 
 (5) Pausan. lib. v., cap. 18. 
 
 (B) This subject is represented on several fictile 
 
 vases, Tischbein, torn, iv., plate 54. 
 
 (7) T oivex’ vwoTpop-tovaa cplXip wepiwdXXeTo Ovfup, 
 lva£ pa KaXinf/a/itwr) K(<pa\i]v i<pvirepffe KaXvirTpy 
 "Kitwito fiaao/j-tfoto car tx vL0V dvSpbs eoio; 
 
 Quint. Smym. xiv., vers. 44, 4G. 
 
 For their reconciliation, see vers. 155, seqq. 
 
 (8) See the preceding note. 
 
 (9) Ea> '66s MtveXaos, Iliad. r - 228, et passim. 
 
PL XXXII 
 
 pi [Ej 
 
 pi 
 
 pi 
 
 pi 
 
 pi 
 
 pi 
 
 fEJ 
 
 pJ 
 
 pJ 
 
 pi 
 
 F 
 
 pi 
 
 pi 
 
PL XXXIV 
 
 
 
 
( 81 ) 
 
 PLATES XXXIII. & XXXIV. 
 
 The subjects which we have hitherto seen represented on fictile vases, relate 
 either to mythology and the history of the heroic ages, or to religious and 
 civil ceremonies and customs. If any of the paintings which appear of a 
 doubtful character, were intended to represent historical personages or 
 individuals in private life, we have not the means of recognizing them. 
 
 The painting, Plate XXXIII. (1), in which the names are affixed to the 
 personages, has the singular merit of presenting the portraits of the illustrious 
 Lesbian bards, Alcmus and Sappho, parents of lyric poetry. 
 
 Natives of the same city, contemporaries, rivals in talent and celebrity, and 
 moreover, inflamed by a mutual passion, they are naturally associated in this 
 composition, where we see them according to the expressions of Horace (2). 
 
 HColiis fidibus querentem 
 Sappho— 
 
 Et te sonantem plenius aureo 
 Alcsee, plectro. 
 
 But the painter seems to have had more particularly in view the lines of 
 Sappho herself, in which she relates her interview with Alcmus, when, for the 
 first time, he declares his sentiments (3). 
 
 Al/CCBUX. Oe'Xw rt t elirr/v, d\\<£ fJ.e KwXdet 
 
 Ai'Siis. 
 
 (1) The vase from which these paintings are 
 taken, is in the collection of M. Panettieri, at Gir- 
 genti in Sicily, and was found in the vicinity of that 
 city. 
 
 It has been published with a very learned 
 and elaborate commentary by M. Steinbiichel, 
 director of the Imperial Collection of Antiquities 
 at Vienna; but his interesting dissertation being 
 in the German language, and very rare, the 
 author wishing to communicate to the English 
 reader a monument of such importance, has in¬ 
 
 serted in the present collection copies from the 
 engravings of M. Steinbiichel, fully confident of 
 their accuracy. 
 
 The form of the vase is figured under Plate 
 xxxiii. Its height is rather more than two feet, 
 and its diameter in proportion.—The figures reduced 
 in the engravings are thirteen inches high in the 
 original. 
 
 (2) Lib. ii., Ocl. 13. 
 
 (3) Alcceus. “ I wish to speak, but bashfulness 
 “ prevents me.” 
 
 11 
 
( 82 ) 
 
 At 5’ Ik£ a * eadXuv Lfiepos r) kclXlov, 
 K al fxfj n (LTrrjv yXwcrcr' e/aka kolkov , 
 Aldus K€ aeu ovk et^e v 6fJ.fJ.ar, 
 
 *AXX’ ZXeyes irepl tw oiKaiu. 
 
 Nothing indeed could be more apposite, and illustrate better the scene, 
 than these lines, which seem intended to be inscribed under it, according to a 
 practise well known in the history of ancient art. 
 
 Alcaeus is represented addressing Sappho : his looks are fixed on the ground, 
 and his expression that of doubt and timidity. He sings, and accompanies his 
 voice with the lyre, which he touches alternately with his hand and the 
 plectrum (4). The small globes that seem to proceed from his mouth, are 
 probably intended to indicate the musical notes, or the tones. Sappho appears 
 to listen to him, tuning her lyre, and impatient to reply, when he shall have 
 ceased to sing. 
 
 The general admiration in which Alcmus was held by the ancients is well 
 known. The praises bestowed on him by Horace (5) would, indeed, alone 
 suffice to give us the highest notion of his excellence. What increased the 
 esteem entertained for his talents, was the object to which they were applied. 
 Animated by an ardent passion for liberty, his sword (6) as well as his lyre were 
 constantly devoted to that noble cause. The celebrity of Sappho was perhaps 
 greater, on account of her sex. She obtained the appellation of the tenth 
 
 Sappho. “ If the object of your wishes was 
 “ virtuous and honourable, and your tongue 
 “was not preparing to say what is improper, 
 “ shame would not thus appear in your eyes, 
 “but you would speak freely that which is 
 “ decorous.” Aristoteles, Rhetor, lib. i., cap. 
 9. 
 
 Many other testimonies to the mutual passions 
 of Alcaeus and Sappho are found in ancient authors : 
 among these may be cited the following verses of 
 Hermesianax of Colophon : 
 
 \l<TpLOs 'Wxaioi 51 7ro<Tors aveSt^aro kw/xovs, 
 
 "Zaircpovs (fiopplfav [p.cpb(vra irbdov, 
 
 ViytabaKeis. Athen. lib. xiii., cap. 71. 
 
 (4) Jarnque eadem digitis, jam plectro pulsat 
 eburno. Virgil, d'lneid, lib. vi., vers. 647. 
 
 (5) Carm. lib. ii., Od. 13.— Lib. iv., Od. 9.—Epist. 
 lib. i., Epist. 19. 
 
 (6) Kai £l</>o s AX/caioio, rb 7roXXa/as al/xa Tupdvvwv 
 "Etrrrued/, warpys diapia pvo/j.euou. 
 
 Anthologia, pag. 92, Edit. H. Stephani, 1566. 
 
 Sed magis, 
 
 Pugnas et exactos tyrannos. 
 
 Horat. Carm. lib. ii., Od. 13. 
 
( 83 ) 
 
 Muse (7), and divine honours were paid to her by the inhabitants of 
 Mitylene. 
 
 Notwithstanding the great celebrity of Sappho, the accounts of her life present 
 much uncertainty and contradiction, owing to her having been confounded with 
 a courtezan of the same name, a native of Eresus, a city of the same island, and 
 who is also supposed to have cultivated poetry. Hence, circumstances relating 
 to one have been attributed to the other, till Visconti, in his Iconographie Grecque 
 (8), discussed the subject with great sagacity and criticism, and removed the 
 chief difficulties in which it was involved. He has clearly proved the falsehood 
 of the opinion commonly entertained of the fatal end of Sappho, who, as a refuge 
 against the unfortunate passion, which she had conceived for a youth of the 
 name of Pliaon, is supposed to have thrown herself from the Leucadian rock 
 into the sea. He has shown from the positive testimony of Atlienmus and 
 Hllian (9), that this tragic event related to the courtezan of Eresus (10), and not 
 to the poetess of Mitylene. To this positive statement, he has added the negative 
 evidence resulting from the silence of all authors nearest the age in which the 
 poetess flourished. No mention of it occurs before Menander, who lived three 
 hundred years afterwards, and whose testimony is of no weight, if we consider 
 the little regard of dramatic writers for historic truth. Ovid since adopted this 
 account, as best suited to his purpose, and giving a greater interest to his tale : 
 and being a popular author, his version has been injudiciously received in 
 preference to that of more respectable testimonies. 
 
 Alcoeus is figured in the picture before us, as a man in the prime of life, 
 with a thick and a flowing beard. His costume is that ol the Ionians, a tunic 
 reaching to his feet, and an upper-garment like the peplos used by women. 
 His hair is partly disposed in ringlets, and partly collected in a knot on his 
 forehead. His head is bound with a fillet, of which the extremities fall on his 
 shoulders. Sappho wears a long tunic with short but ample sleeves, and a 
 
 (7) Strabo, lib. xiii pay. 617. 
 
 (8) Tom. i., pay. 69—73. 
 
 Several modem critics had previously expressed the 
 same opinion, among others, Perizonius in his notes 
 on .Elian. Var. Hist. lib. xii., cap. 19. 
 
 (9) Athenams, lib. xiii., cap. 70.—.Elian. V. H. 
 xii. 19. 
 
 (10) A coin of Eresus struck under the emperor 
 Commodus, and which presents a portrait of 
 the courtezan Sappho, a native of that city, confirms 
 this opinion.—Notice sur la courtisane Sappho, 
 par L. A. de Hauteroche, Paris, 1822 See Plate 
 B. n° 5. 
 
 This monument is a powerful argument for the 
 
( 84 ) 
 
 mantle. Her head is encircled with a diadem or crown, with ornaments like 
 laurel leaves rising from it, allusive to her success in poetical contests. In one 
 hand she holds a lyre, and with the other a plectrum. The invention of a 
 peculiar sort of lyre called Magadis (11), was ascribed to Sappho, but we have 
 no particulars concerning its form. 
 
 Ihe portraits ol these illustrious poets were doubtless very common in 
 works of art of every kind. We know that they were represented on the coins 
 of Mitylene (12), their native city. A bronze statue of Sappho by Silanion, of 
 exquisite workmanship, was taken from the Prytaneum of Syracuse by Verres 
 (13). Pliny mentions a celebrated picture of her by Leon (14), and another 
 is described in an epigram of Damocliaris (15). We cannot, however, suppose 
 that such portraits were actually resemblances, but merely conventional or 
 traditional representations like those of Homer and other great men of an 
 early epoch (16). At the time when Alcaeus and Sappho flourished, the arts 
 were not sufficiently advanced to attempt imitations of individual likeness. In 
 the present instance, the painter has, however, adhered to the opinion commonly 
 entei tained, by representing Sappho as little favoured of beauty. 
 
 In the several inscriptions, the form of the lambda and sigma, and the o 
 used instead of p, are indications of a remote age. The orthography of the 
 name of Sappho, is remarkable : the n, which usually precedes the * being 
 omitted. Probably this was the most ancient form of the name, and is, 
 in fact, consonant with its derivation (17). Between the figures is the 
 insciiption aamakaaos, which should probably be divided into two words: 
 the first aama, the Doric form of the name of Demas, the owner of the vase. 
 
 existence of a second Sappho. From the jealousy 
 subsisting between the two cities, it can never be 
 supposed that the Eresians would have paid a similar 
 honour to a personage who conferred so much glory 
 on their rivals, the Mitylenians. 
 
 (11) Athenaeus, lib. xiv., page 635.—Suidas attri¬ 
 butes to Sappho the invention of the plectrum. 
 
 (12) Pollux, lib. ix., segm. 84. 
 
 (13) Cicero. Orat. v., in Verrem, 57. 
 
 (14) Leontiscus Aratum victorem eum troplueo : 
 psaltriam. Leon Sappho ; Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 
 xxxv., cap. 40, 35. — The known corruption of 
 the text of Pliny authorizes the suspicion of a 
 
 transposition in this passage, and that we should 
 read: “ Leon Sappho psaltriam.” It is highly 
 probable that Sappho was represented playing on 
 the lyre. 
 
 (15) Anthologia, lib. iv., pay. 368. — Edit. H. 
 Stephani. 
 
 (16) Quinimo etiam qiue non sunt finguntur, 
 pariuntque desideria non traditi vultus, sicut in 
 
 Homero evenit, Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxv., cap. 1._ 
 
 Visconti, Icon. Grecque, tome i., page 17. 
 
 (17) From Sck^s, and by pleonasm Slair^ui, as 
 <na'nr</>os for cr K i/<f>os in Hesiod, and Panyasis, V. Etymol. 
 Magn. and Maittaire de Dialect, 
 
( 85 ) 
 
 The reverse Plate XXXIV., offers two personages crowned with ivy, and 
 holding vases and branches of vines (18). They may represent Dionysus and 
 Methe (19), or some other of his female companions ; or, they may be regarded 
 as a priest and priestess of that divinity, who are celebrating his rites. If the 
 ceremonies are the same as those observed at Athens, these figures may be the 
 hierophant or archon-king of the sacrifices, with one of the Gercerce, called 
 queen of the sacrifices and consecrated spouse of Bacchus (20). The same 
 figures are frequently repeated on vases (21). 
 
 The form of the vase is new and singular. In the lower part is an aperture 
 which seems intended for the introduction of a spout; whence we may infer, 
 that it was intended not only for ornament, but for use. 
 
 The form, the design, and the ornaments display that taste and elegance 
 for which the inhabitants of Agrigentum were so justly celebrated (22). The 
 age of the vase may be referred to the ninetieth Olympiad, very near the fatal 
 epoch when this rich and powerful city was levelled to the ground by the 
 Carthaginian arms. 
 
 (18) A branch of laurel, myrtle, or some other 
 tree, bound with wool, served to sprinkle 
 water on the assistants at sacrifices, as a previous 
 ceremony of purification or lustration. In the 
 Dionysiacal rites, a vine-branch was naturally 
 used. 
 
 (19) Pliny speaks of a celebrated statue in brass 
 of Methe or Drunkenness, by Praxiteles, Hist. Nat. 
 xxxiv., 19, 10. 
 
 A painting of Methe is described by Pausanias, 
 lib. ii., cap. 27, et lib. vi., cap. 24. 
 
 (20) Demosthenes in Neeeram. 
 
 (21) Tisclibein, tom. i., plate 36.— Tom. ii., plate 23. 
 —Passeri, tom. ii., plate 151.—Millin. Peint. de Vases, 
 tom. i., plate 30. D’Hancarville, Vases d’Hamilton, 
 tom. i., plate 122. 
 
 (22) 'I’iXd'/Xaf , KaWtsa flpoTtav tro\lwv. Pindar. Pyth. 
 Od. xii. 
 
( 80 ) 
 
 PLATES XXXV. & XXXVI. 
 
 In the first of these paintings (1), a female figure holding a box, takes from it 
 a long fillet or riband, which she displays to a young man who appears to view 
 it with earnest attention. The young man has no other garment than a mantle 
 folded and thrown over his arm; and he holds a branch, apparently of laurel, 
 emblematic of his success either in war or in gymnastic exercises. 
 
 Similar subjects often occur on monuments of this kind (2), and seem, in 
 general, to present simply familiar scenes of ordinary life, such as conversations 
 between two young persons. In the present instance, as the vase seems 
 intended for funeral purposes, it may be presumed that the subject relates to 
 some ceremony in honour of the dead (3). 
 
 We now pass to the composition Plate XXXVI., which though on the 
 reverse of the vase, may be considered the principal subject, and indeed one of 
 the most important of the present collection. 
 
 Two young men wrapped in their mantles, the usual costume of ephebi, are 
 standing by the stele or sepulchral monument of GEdipus. One of them points 
 to the stele on which the following distich is inscribed : 
 
 NftTOIM0AAXHNTEKAIA2<i>0A0A0Nn0ATPIZ0N 
 
 KOAIIfiTAOIAinOAANAAIOTIONEXfi. 
 
 Restoring the particle mex, which the painter has omitted by inadvertency, 
 and adopting the orthography generally received, these verses would read : 
 
 Xu.’T<p fitv fiaXcixv v Te KaL OLatpbbeXov iroXvpL^ow, 
 
 KoXttu) 8' Oiburobav A atov vlov 
 
 On my back are mallows and the many-rooted asphodel, but in my bosom, 
 
 much to be regretted that it has not yet been made 
 public. 
 
 (2) Millingen. Vases Grecs, plate 45.— Idem. Vases 
 de Coghill, plates 27, 30.—La Borde, Vases de Lam- 
 berg, tom. i., plate 6. 
 
 (3) Two figures like the present are seen performing 
 funeral rites near a stele, Millin. Point, de Vases, tom. i., 
 plate 1G.— Tom. ii., plate 27, 32, 33. 
 
 “ I enclose CEdipus the son of Laius.” 
 
 (1) From a vase belonging to Chevalier Carelli, at 
 Naples. The figures are of the same dimensions as in 
 the original. The form of the vase is nearly similar 
 to that represented, Plate iii. It was discovered in 
 the Basilicata. 
 
 The learned possessor communicated some years 
 ago to the Academy of Herculaneum, a very interest¬ 
 ing illustration of this curious monument. It is 
 
PL XXXVI 
 
( 87 ) 
 
 This distich, in which the tomb is supposed to address the spectator, is 
 adduced by Eustathius (4), and appears to have been a common form for 
 sepulchral inscriptions; varying only the name, country, and other circum¬ 
 stances of the deceased. Eustathius attributes it to Porphyrius (5); but 
 erroneously, as it is evident from the present monument, which cannot be 
 ascribed to a later period than the social war, and consequently, was several 
 centuries prior to that celebrated philosopher. 
 
 Asphodel and mallows, the plants mentioned in the inscription, were 
 supposed by poets (6), to have been the food of men in the early or golden 
 age, when they grew spontaneous, and were obtained without toil. Frequent 
 allusions are made to them, as symbols of primitive innocence, and as such, they 
 were believed to be the diet of the happy souls who enjoyed immortality in 
 the Elysian fields (7). Hence, they were esteemed sacred to Proserpine, and 
 placed on tombs as a most acceptable offering to the dead. Various virtues 
 were likewise attributed to them : asphodel, in particular, was considered a 
 cure for the bite of serpents or any venomous animals (8); of great efficacy in 
 many diseases (9); and a spell against fascination. 
 
 The sympathy and correspondence thought to exist between the dead and 
 their surviving relations and friends, was a pleasing illusion, and highly honour¬ 
 able to the feelings of the ancients. Numerous testimonies of this opinion 
 are found even at the earliest periods of Greek history; and hence, the due 
 observation of funeral rites was considered a religious duty of so great impor¬ 
 tance. To this extreme veneration for the deceased, must be attributed an 
 opinion sometimes entertained, that the bodies of certain heroes were endowed 
 with a peculiar virtue, like that of the Palladium; and in consequence, their 
 remains became an object of political as well as religious importance, which 
 was obtained by force or by artifice. Among various instances of a similar 
 
 (4) yue v /xa\dxvv re /cat aatpiSeXov ttoXi' ipi'^ov, 
 
 K6Xtt<jj 5e tov SeZVa CoillDl. ill Hoilier, tODl. 
 
 iii., page 1698. Edit. Romse, 1542. 
 
 (5) Several peculiarities in this inscription 
 are deserving of attention. MaXdxri for which /j.oX6xv 
 is sometimes found, is here written fioXdxv : and 
 instead of datpodeXov, we see aatpoSoXov i both, according 
 to the /Eolic dialect. The name of (Edipus presents 
 
 the most ancient form ’Oi5nr63as, which we find in 
 Homer and Hesiod. 
 
 (6) 'o i>5’ o<TOv eV fj.aXdxv re Kal da<j>o8£\u /.Uy oveiap. 
 Hesiod. Opera et Dies, vers. 41. 
 
 (7) Lucian. Necyom. cap. 11.—De Luctu, cap. 19. 
 
 (8) Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxii., cap. 32 ; lib. xxvi., 
 cap. 88. 
 
 (9) Idem. lib. xxi., cap. 68. 
 
( 88 ) 
 
 superstition, we find that the body of CEdipus was held, at one time, in great 
 veneration by the Athenians; and to establish their claim to the possession of 
 this important relic, Sophocles composed his CEdipus Coloneus. 
 
 In this truly affecting piece (10), CEdipus is represented as having taken refuge 
 at Athens, and been hospitably received. Warned by the gods of his approaching 
 end, he retires to a secluded spot, permitting Theseus alone to accompany him. 
 Before he expires, he makes known to that hero the oracle of Apollo, which 
 declared the importance of his remains to the future prosperity of Athens. He 
 enjoins the necessity of concealing the place of their interment; and that the 
 secret kept during life, by Theseus alone, should at his death only, be revealed 
 by him to his successor, who should transmit it in like manner to future 
 generations. 
 
 This story, evidently fabulous, was invented or produced by Sophocles, to 
 flatter the vanity of the Athenians, but particularly to gratify the inhabitants of 
 Colonos Hippios, the demos or borough of the poet. Homer (11), whose testimony 
 is always most deserving of credit, says, that CEdipus died at Thebes, where his 
 obsequies were celebrated by magnificent games. Pausanias (12) is of the same 
 opinion ; and supposes that the body of CEdipus was brought from Thebes to 
 Athens, where his tomb was seen in the sacred precincts of the temple of the 
 Furies. At what time, and under what circumstances this event took place, we 
 are not told ; but it may be conjectured, with great probability, that it was in 
 consequence of some oracle obtained by those who directed public affairs at 
 Athens, at a time when they were at variance with the Thebans, in order to 
 inspire the people with confidence and a belief in supernatural assistance. The 
 Lacedemonians, engaged in war with the Tegseans (13), invented a similar fable 
 respecting the body of Orestes: and the Orchomenians (14), in a moment of 
 danger, were advised by an oracle, to obtain possession of the remains of 
 Hesiod. 
 
 The venerable patriarch of Greek literature, Dr. Coray (15), is of opinion 
 that the remains of CEdipus constituted the secret testament ° p^tou 
 
 (10) Vers. 1486, seqq. 
 
 (11) Iliad, xxiii., vers. 679. 
 
 (12) Attica, cap. 28. 
 
 (13) Pausan. lib. iii., cap. 3 ; lib. viii., cap. 54. 
 
 (14) Plutarch, Syrup. 7 Sess. 
 
 (15) Melanges de Critique et de Philologie, par 
 J. Chardon de la Pochette, Paris 1812, tom. ii., 
 page 445. 
 
( 89 ) 
 
 smoikcu , mentioned by Deinarchus (16), and which has so much embarrassed the 
 interpreters of that orator. At all events, this superstition was of temporary 
 duration, and had ceased before the time of Pausanias (17), when the tomb of 
 CEdipus was publicly seen. The inefficacy of such relics had been proved, when 
 the city was sacked by Sylla, and probably, a new superstition had superseded 
 the old. 
 
 Over the stele, is a circular object so indistinctly formed, that it is difficult 
 to say whether it is a sphrera or ball (18), the usual indication of a gymnasium ; 
 or one of the sacred cakes offered to the dead. 
 
 Nor is it easy to determine the motives which induced a representation of 
 the tomb of CEdipus on a monument executed in Magna Grsecia. Perhaps, a 
 colony settled in some part of that country (19), may have venerated CEdipus 
 as one of their national heroes. Or it might have been for the gratification of 
 some person who bore the same name ; and though this be only a conjecture, 
 yet it acquires some degree of probability, from the frequent recurrence of heroic 
 names, such as Phoenix, Troilus, Idas, etc., on the funeral monuments repre¬ 
 sented on vases (20). 
 
 It may also have been connected with the doctrine of Metempsychosis, 
 introduced by Pythagoras, whose religious system prevailed so extensively in 
 Magna Greecia. In his pretensions to a previous existence in the character of 
 Eupliorbus, that philosopher found, without doubt, many imitators. 
 
 (16) Adv. Demosthenem, tom. iv., page 8. Edit. 
 Reiske. 
 
 (17) Attica, cap. 28. 
 
 (18) Supra, page 30. 
 
 (19) See Raoul Rochette, Histoire des Colonies 
 Grecques, tom. ii., page 59. 
 
 (20) Millingen. Peint. de Vases Grecs, pi. 17, 18.— 
 Tischbein, lorn, iv., pi. 34. 
 
 12 
 

 ( 90 ) 
 
 PLATE XXXVII. 
 
 Vases of this form (1) are, generally, but erroneously, called lachrymatories , 
 and supposed to have been used at funerals. But more mature investigation 
 proves, that they are the lecythi (2), which served to contain perfumes, and 
 various cosmetics for the toilet. They were used also for oil, and together with 
 a strigil, were carried by ephebi to the palaestra and other places of exercise. 
 
 In the present instance, the purpose of the vase is expressed in the subject 
 with which it is ornamented. A lady seated on a chair of elegant form, receives 
 from a female attendant, an ornament for the head, and a small vase, precisely 
 of the same form as that on which the painting is represented. The surprize 
 and pleasure expressed by the lady at seeing these objects, shew that they are 
 presents. Perfumes, in fact, were commonly sent by lovers to their mistresses (3). 
 
 The exclamation he iiais kaae (r, ■**:<; kcm,), “the beautiful girl,” which always 
 distinguishes vases offered to ladies, shews the intention of the subject (4), and 
 of the vase itself. A mirror, attribute of the toilet, is suspended on the wall. 
 
 Both figures are in the old Greek dress. The singularly disproportionate 
 size of the personages is sometimes remarkable on monuments of an early 
 jDeriod, and was the mode adopted to express moral distinctions. Examples of 
 this kind are found in the description of the shield of Achilles by Homer (5), 
 and even in the time of Phidias, it was still retained (6). 
 
 The style of design, though angular and rigid, is yet pleasing, by the natural 
 gracefulness and simplicity for which the vases of this part of Magna Gnecia 
 are always remarkable. 
 
 (1) The vase is in the collection of J. J. Middleton, 
 Esq., of South Carolina. It was found in the 
 neighbourhood of Metapontium. 
 
 (2) A learned author, whose researches have been 
 of so great service to Archaeology, supposes that 
 the name of Lecythus was applied to fictile vases 
 of all kinds. Memoirs of European and Asiatic 
 Turkey, by R. Walpole, page 326, note); whereas 
 it was only given to those used for perfumes 
 and oil, and of a form, more or less, like the 
 present. 
 
 (3) Anacreon, Od. iv., Anthol. Gr. lib. ii. 
 
 (4) The letters on vases are partly in linear 
 and partly in cursive characters. Being in general, 
 very slightly traced, they are read with difficulty 
 by those who are not accustomed to them. 
 Hence, in a previous illustration of the present 
 monument, the inscription is strangely supposed 
 to be KEXPISO, “ be perfumed.” — Monum. 
 Ined. di Antich. e Belle Arti, Napoli, 1820, 
 pay. 11. 
 
 (5) Aaoi 5’ viroXtfoves fj<rav. Iliad. 2, v. 519. 
 
 (6) Stuart. Antiquities of Athens, vol. ii., Visconti, 
 Elgin Marbles, pag. 64. 
 
pl xxxvn 
 
PL . XXXVYir. 
 
( 91 ) 
 
 PLATE XXXVIII. 
 
 After Dionysiacal subjects, those relating to Hercules are the most frequent 
 on ancient works of art of every kind. But we are indebted to fictile vases, 
 which are of an early epoch, for representations of various exploits of that hero, 
 which are not found on other monuments, generally of an age less remote. 
 
 The combat between Hercules and Cycnus, celebrated from having been 
 the subject of the poem, or rather episode, called “ the Shield/' ascribed to 
 Hesiod, appears for the first time in the painting, n° 1 (1). 
 
 The circumstances of the action are somewhat different from those described 
 by the poet. According to Hesiod (2), the two heroes arrive mounted on chariots: 
 Cycnus (3) was accompanied by Mars, his father; and Hercules by Iolaus. 
 Here, the combatants are alone. Hercules, instead of being clad in the armour 
 presented to him by Minerva, appears, as usual, with the lion’s skin, which, 
 covering his head, and girded round his body, serves at the same time for 
 helmet and cuirass (4). His weapons are a sword and spear; and instead of 
 the shield, miraculous work of Vulcan, he is protected by one which, in allusion 
 to his origin, is of the Boeotian form (5). 
 
 Cycnus is in complete armour, with a chlamys folded and thrown over his 
 cuirass. The device of his shield, indistinctly expressed, appears to be the 
 hinder part of an animal ; perhaps, a wolf, sacred to Mars. 
 
 (1) From a vase in the Royal collection of the 
 Louvre, at Paris. Its form is nearly like that figured 
 Plate V. Height, six inches and a half. 
 
 (2) ’Aairls, vers. 59, 77. 
 
 (3) Cycnus, son of Mars and Pelopia, resided at 
 Trachinia, with Ceyx, whose daughter Themistonoe he 
 had married. Of a ferocious disposition, he way-laid 
 and plundered those who brought offerings to Apollo. 
 Cycnus, meeting Hercules in the precincts of the 
 temple of that divinity, and wanting to kill 
 him and take his armour, the combat took 
 place. 
 
 Schol. in Hesiod, ’A<nrU, vers. 65.—Schol. in Pindar, 
 Olymp. x., vers. 19.—Apollodor. lib. ii., cap. vii., 
 
 7.—Hyginus, Fab. 31. —- Diodor. Sicul. lib. iv., 
 cap. 37. 
 
 Mention is made by Apollodorus, of a combat 
 between Hercules and another Cycnus, also son of 
 Mars, but by Pyrene. It is probable, however, that 
 different traditions respecting the same event, led 
 the abbreviator of Apollodorus, to think that two 
 different actions were alluded to. Apollodor. lib. ii., 
 cap. v., 11. 
 
 ( 4 ) T r]V fitv dopav 7]/j.<pie<Ta,T0, rip xdoy/cm St exp'P craT0 
 
 Kopvdc. Apollodor. lib. ii., cap. 4.—Eratosthenes, 
 cap. 12. 
 
 (5) The Boeotians, and the Thebans in particular, 
 were renowned for shields of peculiar excellence. 
 
( 92 ) 
 
 The moment of the action is when Cycnus pressed by his adversary, 
 wounded, and supporting himself with difficulty, endeavours to cover himself 
 with his shield. 
 
 The inscriptions hepakaaes (sic), and ktknos, indicate the personages. A third 
 inscription, aio^iiaie, a^s recalls the illustrious origin of the Theban hero. 
 
 On the reverse of the vase, n° 2, is an Amazon on horseback, pursuing a 
 Greek foot soldier, who carries a shield with a serpent for device. This subject, 
 which probably formed part of a more extensive composition, does not appear 
 suscejffiible of elucidation ; particularly, as the inscription which accompanies 
 it, is illegible. 
 
 These paintings, where all the details are minutely expressed and carefully 
 finished, are of an epoch which may be called the second stage of art. The 
 character of its infancy was stiffness of attitude and want of action. The style 
 which followed fell, as is usual, into the contrary extreme, and the action 
 became often too violent and exaggerated, as the figure of Hercules affords us 
 an example. 
 
 The present monument is the more interesting, as it is well calculated to 
 
 give us a notion of the style and manner in which the various bas-reliefs on 
 
 the throne of Bathyc-les at Amyclte (6) were executed. Among these the present 
 
 subject was figured; nor is it exceeding the limits allowed to conjecture, to 
 
 suppose this to have been a copy, or close imitation of that celebrated production 
 
 of early art. 
 
 «/ 
 
 Hence, Homer attributes to Ajax a shield made at 
 Hylse, in Bocotia (Iliad. H. 220). Pindar gives 
 the epithet of xpwaawis to Thebes (Isthmia, Od. 1). 
 
 These shields were of a particular form, having 
 on each side an opening, which enabled the bearer to 
 observe without danger the movements of the enemy. 
 As peculiar to Bocotia, they are the constant type of 
 the coins of Thebes, and other cities of that country. 
 
 It is probable that Euripides alludes to shields of 
 
 this form, with apertures Ke-yxpup-ara, in his descrip¬ 
 tion of the combat between Eteocles and Polynices 
 (Phoenissfe, vers. 1395).—Not being acquainted with 
 ancient monuments, the Scholiasts have not rightly 
 understood this passage. 
 
 (6) Pausan. lib. iii., cap. 18. 
 
 The combat between Hercules and Cycnus was 
 also represented in the Acropolis, at Athens, near the 
 temple of Minerva Polias, Pausan. lib. i., cap. 27. 
 
pl xxxrx 
 
( 93 ) 
 
 PLATE XXXIX. 
 
 In vases of an early epoch, where the figures are black on a yellow or light 
 ground, it may be noticed, that a white colour is often superadded to the 
 faces, hands, and other uncovered parts of the body in female figures, to 
 distinguish them from those of the other sex. This rule, however, is not invari¬ 
 able, and sometimes, as in the present instance, exceptions are found. 
 
 The subject appeared at first sight, to present the combat of Hercules 
 against the Amazones; but, finding a repetition of it on other vases, where 
 the figures are entirely black, it appears more probable that the combat with 
 the Actorides was intended (1). 
 
 Eurytus and Cteatus (2), the sons of Actor by Molione, and from the name of 
 their mother, called sometimes Molionides, were distinguished by their strength 
 and prowess. When Hercules, frustrated of the reward promised him by Augeas, 
 made war against Elis, he was repulsed in various attacks, by the valour of the 
 sons of Actor. Unable to succeed by force, he had recourse to artifice, and placing 
 himself in ambush, he killed them by surprize, as they were going to the Isthmian 
 games. Deprived of their assistance, Elis fell an easy prey to the Theban hero. 
 
 From the difficulty and danger of this exploit, Pindar (3) associates it with 
 that against Cycnus, of which we have just seen a representation; and both 
 were figured on the throne of Bathycles (4), at Amyclm. To this celebrity, may 
 be attributed the frequent repetition of the subject. 
 
 Hercules is distinguished by his usual attributes, the lion’s skin and club. 
 The two warriors opposed to him, are the Actorides. One who is wounded has 
 fallen, and the other endeavours to protect him. The third warrior may be 
 Augeas, or a follower of the Actorides, who, terrified, quits the field. 
 
 The design is extremely incorrect, but from the spirit and action of the 
 figures, the rude execution seems intended to imitate the archaic style. 
 
 (1) From a vase in the possession of the author. 
 The figures are of the original size. 
 
 (2) They were the supposed sons of Actor, but 
 in reality of Neptune, V. Pherecyd. Frag. 47.— 
 Apollodorus, lib. ii., cap. 7, 2.—These authors sup¬ 
 pose their bodies were united, and that their 
 
 strength was great in proportion; but Homer 
 makes no mention of this circumstance, evidently 
 a subsequent addition.—Homer. Iliad. B. 621, A. 749, 
 'B. 638. 
 
 (3) Olymp. Od. x., vers. 26, seqq. 
 
 (4) Pausan. lib. iii., cap. 18. 
 
( 94 ) 
 
 PLATE XL. 
 
 In two preceding paintings relating to Memnon (1), we have seen the fatal issue 
 of his combat with Achilles, and Aurora, his mother, carrying away his body 
 to Susa, where it received splendid obsequies. 
 
 Memnon, distinguished by the inscription memnon, is here represented (2), 
 proceeding to the assistance of Priam. He is on horseback, and accompanied 
 by two warriors. The costume and arms of the several personages is partly 
 Greek and partly Asiatic. The shields and two of the helmets are of the 
 former kind; the helmet of Memnon is like the Persian tiara. Memnon and 
 the warrior who precedes him, wear tunics and anaxyrides (3), made of tigers' 
 and panthers' skins, or of other materials striped and spotted, in imitation of 
 them. 
 
 The particulars already given respecting Memnon, preclude the necessity 
 of any further observations. The present painting is probably taken from one 
 of those great compositions representing various events of the Trojan war, 
 with which temples and public edifices were so frequently embellished. 
 
 (1) Plates IV. and V., page 11. size of the original. The form of the vase is repre- 
 
 (2) From a vase belonging to Signor Giuseppe sented underneath, 
 
 di Crescenza, at Naples. The figures are half the (3) See page 53. 
 
 THE END. 
 
XL 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ADDITIONAL OBSERVATIONS 
 
 Page 4.—A learned French writer, M. Raoul Rochette, to whom I feel much indebted for the flattering 
 manner in which he has noticed the first part of this work, in the Journal, cles Savans, (Aout 1825), has suggested a 
 different reading of the inscription Plate I. 
 
 Judging the penultimate letter of the second word to be a theta and not an omicron, he thinks that it should 
 have been followed by an E, which the artist from inadvertence has omitted. Instead of A0ENEON, he substitutes 
 A0ENE0EN, and reads the sentence t2v 'Adqvqdtv &6\uv djj.1 : “/ am (one) of the prizes (given by) those of Athens or 
 ‘‘ the Athenians 
 
 In confirmation of this opinion, M. Raoul Rochette adduces a vase lately discovered at Nola, and belonging 
 
 to General Roller, on which Minerva is represented in the same attitude, with the inscription TOJT A0ENE0EN 
 
 A0AON. 
 
 The analogy between the two monuments seems, in fact, favourable to the correction proposed. It may 
 perhaps be objected, however, that the vases being of a different origin, one having been manufactured at Athens, 
 the other at Nola, this circumstance would naturally produce a difference in the inscriptions. Nor can the value 
 attributed to the penultimate letter of the word in question, be considered certain. In early monuments, theta and 
 omicron are often confounded, owing to the arbitrary insertion or omission of a dot in the last letter; a circumstance 
 observable even in inscriptions traced by the same hand. Thus, on the coins of Posidonia, the omicron on one side 
 is square, and round on the other. 
 
 Hence some degree of doubt must still exist, till a further discussion, or the discovery of some other monument 
 of the kind, shall throw new light on the subject. 
 
 Were it proved, however, that the reading proposed by Mr R. R. is correct, I must beg leave to differ from 
 
 him in his explanation of the word A9ENE0EIf, on either the Athenian or Nolan vase. 
 
 The Athenian people, collectively, could never, in any public act, have been called U ’Adqvqdev, an expression 
 implying absence from the city, and which could only suit such Athenian citizens as were resident in other 
 countries. 
 
 The Athenians of the colony established at Nola, who formed perhaps a body apart from the other inhabitants, 
 might have qualified themselves in this manner; but to distinguish themselves from so many other Athenian 
 colonies, they certainly would have expressed the name of the place where they settled. 
 
 The word 'kBqvqdev, cannot be referred to the vase itself, as it would follow; 1° that all vases thus inscribed 
 were intended to be exported from Athens; consequently, that no Athenian citizens, but strangers only, could 
 contend for them; 2° or, that the inscriptions were subsequently added by those who had gained the vases as prizes 
 at Athens, and carried them away. Two suppositions equally inadmissible. 
 
 Endeavouring then to ascertain if some other sense may not have been attributed to ’A dfyqdtv, it appears, that 
 in the present instance, this word is not employed adverbially, but is rather an old Attic form of the genitive, ’Ae-rjvqs 
 Athenes, or Minerva, in the same manner as Addev, 'll<28tv, i^.tdtv, and others, are found in early writers, instead of 
 Aids, 4Io0s, i/xov, and governed by a preposition. 
 
 Some difficulty occurs likewise respecting the word A0AON. As the inscription is of an age prior to the use of 
 double letters, it is doubtful whether &9\ov, or &d\uv, were intended. 
 
 In the former case, adding a substantive, probably ayuvuv, implied by the article t2v, the sentence would be 
 t2v cty 2 v<ov ’A Orjvqdev, ji . o . ’Adqvqs') &6\ov, A prize of the games m honour of AJxnerva, thus we find the Olympian 
 games called Aids ayuv by Pindar (Nem. ii., vers. 37). 
 
96 
 
 ADDITIONAL 
 
 If, according to the opinion of Mr R. R., &6\wv should be preferred, it might imply the festival itself, adXos, or in 
 the plural number, 3.9Xoi. 
 
 It would appear a conjecture too subtle, and not sufficiently warranted by facts, to suppose a difference in the 
 inscriptions, and to read on the Athenian vase a 9Xov, and on the Nolan vase &9Xuv, from &9Xoi the games : but the 
 verb in the former inscription, seems to require a nominative to agree with it. In either case, the sense of 
 the word ayuv or a d\oi ’A6 t)vt)s, is the same as that of A0EXEON, which was read on the Athenian vase before the 
 correction suggested by Mr II. R. The question is at present, I confess, doubtful, and must remain so, till the 
 discovery of other monuments of the kind, at Athens, shall determine the difficulty. If, however, the reading first 
 proposed (page 4), is confirmed, there will be no more doubt that the word A0ENEON ’Adtyew, implies the festivals 
 called Athencea , and not, as some critics suppose, the Athenian people. All the consequences derived from this 
 explanation of the word will therefore remain in full force. 
 
 The doubts respecting the signification of the word &9Xov, on the Nolan vase, is suggested by a rare coin of 
 Metapontium, in my possession, representing the river Achelous, and inscribed in archaic letters, AXEAOIO A0AON. 
 At first, it appeared that the coin itself had been the prize &d\ov, but afterwards, considering that no instance occurs 
 of coins having been used for such purposes, it seems more probable, that the reading may be <x0,w, alluding to the 
 festival itself. It may be observed also, that the neuter a9Xov, was sometimes used to signify, either the games, or 
 the prize. 
 
 The inscription produced by M. Boeckh, appears favourable also, to this explanation. The expression ti. PX ui> 
 &6Xuv, president of the games, is more natural than if the latter word signified prizes. 
 
 As all questions relating to a period so remote, must be involved in great uncertainty, these observations are 
 offered with much reserve, to the consideration of the learned. It is only by uniting and comparing a great number 
 of contemporary monuments, that any satisfactory results can be expected. 
 
 Page 2, note 8.—The figure of Minerva, Plate I., is supposed a copy of the statue of the goddess placed in the old 
 Parthenon, burnt by the Persians. The motive of such a conjecture is the resemblance between this figure and the 
 Itonian Minerva venerated by the Boeotians. As the Athenians received from the Boeotians the worship of this 
 divinity, it seems natural that they should have adopted the same mode of representing her. 
 
 M. Raoul Rochette thinks that the statue of the old Parthenon was like the archaic figure represented on one of 
 the metopes published by Stuart (tom. ii., plate xv., n° 4, French Edit.). But it seems more probable, that this last 
 figure is the Palladium, or miraculous image of Minerva, supposed to have fallen from heaven, and which, saved 
 from the Persian destruction, was preserved in the temple of Minerva Polias. Stuart presumes with great reason 
 that it was carried about in the Panathenaic ceremony, and that this circumstance is indicated on the metope in 
 question. (See Pausan, lib. i., cap. 26 and 28.) Such was probably the most ancient form given to the Palladium 
 and we see it, in fact, repeated on various ancient monuments. (See page 73, notes 3 and 4.) 
 
 Tage 30.—M. Carelli takes the first letter of the inscription for a X, and the second for aP, of which the upper 
 semicircular part has been omitted or effaced : accordingly he reads XPIIZAX xpv^, for ixpv<™v. On subsequent 
 consideration, I agree with Mr C. as to the value of the two letters, but think that xp^au is rather a Doric form of 
 the imperative xppw ■ in tins case, the sentence would be “ Give me the ball,” which is the most natural sense, and 
 seems implied by the subject. 
 
 The sentence being inscribed on the cippus, is rather supposed to be spoken by the female figure who leans on 
 it, than by the winged youth who is at some distance from it; consequently my conjectures respecting the subject of 
 the composition are unfounded. 
 
 Page 73, note 4.—That this was the most ancient figure attributed to the Palladium, may be inferred from a 
 figure on one of the metopes of the Parthenon, which represents the Palladium preserved in the temple of Minerva 
 Polias, and carried in the Panathenaic procession. (See Stuart, Antiq. of Athens, tom. ii., plate xv., n° 4, and the 
 preceding observations on page 2, note 8.) 
 
 Page 76.—No explanation was offered of the object in the right hand of the winged female figure Plate XXIX. 
 A coin of Corinth which has since occurred, shews that it is an acrostolium, or ornament of the upper part of a ship’s 
 prow. The object being in relief on the coin, could be ascertained better than in the painting. 
 
 Hence, the subject is a sacrifice offered to some divinity on a naval victory. After the defeat of the Persian fleet 
 the Greeks made from the spoils, and dedicated in the temple of Delphi, a colossal statue of Victory, holding the prow 
 of a ship cLKpurripiov. Herodot. lib. viii., cap. 121. 
 
 It seems probable then, that the third letter of the inscription is a P, and that the four letters which are 
 
OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 97 
 
 distinct, formed part of a word, like Kipv/jpov, or Kopv<p-q, or some other synonymous term, alluding to the trophy held 
 by Victory. In a bas-relief published by Winckelmann (Monum. Ined. n° 120), the object held by Victory seems to 
 be an acrostolium rather than a palm, as the author supposes. 
 
 Page 85. —Notice was omitted of the acclamation KAA02, twice inscribed on the painting, Plate XXXIV., and 
 supposed to be spoken by the two personages represented. 
 
 The form of the omicrons is peculiar, having a short line projecting from the lower part, like the ancient 
 
 I'oph. 
 
CORRECTIONS. 
 
 I’ahes. Lines. 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 For fiopicu : 
 
 read 
 
 fxoplac. 
 
 9 
 
 G 
 
 established by: 
 
 read 
 
 attributed to. 
 
 13 
 
 
 Note 14, pattern: 
 
 read 
 
 patera. 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 Trinacria : 
 
 read 
 
 Triquetra. 
 
 1G 
 
 14 
 
 Seyron : 
 
 read 
 
 Seyron. 
 
 19 
 
 
 Note 14, Rhancus : 
 
 read 
 
 Rhaucus. 
 
 24 
 
 22 
 
 correction : 
 
 read 
 
 correctness. 
 
 2G 
 
 23 
 
 Cymodocea : 
 
 read 
 
 Cymodoce. 
 
 27 
 
 15 
 
 species alluding: 
 
 read 
 
 species, alluding. 
 
 52 
 
 
 Note 4, Procustes : 
 
 read 
 
 Procrustes. 
 
 G8 
 
 16 
 
 Socrate: 
 
 read 
 
 Socrates. 
 
 74 
 
 74 
 
 
 suppress note 5. 
 Notes 6, 7, 8, 9 : 
 
 read 
 
 5, G, 7, 8. 
 
 74 
 
 74 
 
 
 last line, suppress note (9). 
 Note 9, Palladies : read 
 
 Palladia. 
 
 89 
 
 12 
 
 colony : 
 
 read 
 
 Boeotian colony. 
 
INDEX 
 
 *** The numbers in a parenthesis indicate the notes. 
 
 A. 
 
 AcHARNiciE Port.®, at Athens, 1. 
 
 Achilles, his combat with Memnon, 11, 13—takes 
 leave of Peleus, 54—his combat with Telephus, 
 55. 
 
 Action, with three other heroes, 50. 
 
 Actorides, killed by Hercules, 93. 
 
 .-Eg in a, carried away by Jupiter, 31, (12). 
 
 HIgis, its primitive form, 2—worn by the Libyan 
 women, 3. 
 
 /Ether, supposed the Divine principle, 38. 
 
 aEthiopis, poem of Arctinus, 12. 
 
 Agamemnon, represented in a hunting scene, 50, (2). 
 
 Agrigentum, taste of its inhabitants, 11, 85. 
 
 APTIETS, conical stone sacred to Apollo, 77. 
 
 Ajax, his shield, 91, (5). 
 
 AIOPA, a swing, 77-—festival in honour of Erigone, 
 ibid. 
 
 Alalcomenais, epithet of Minerva, 3, (10). 
 
 Alcaus, inventor of lyric poetry, 81—his passion 
 for Sappho, 82—his patriotism, ibid .-—how repre¬ 
 sented, 83. 
 
 Aloides, sons of Neptune, sometimes confounded with 
 the giants, 18. 
 
 Amazones, their various wars, 52— their dress and 
 arms, 53—often represented in ancient works 
 of art, 54—pursuing a Greek, 92. 
 
 Amphora, filled with oil, given at the Panathenaic 
 games, 7. 
 
 A MITTS, ornament for the head, 46, 33. 
 
 Anagogia, festival in honour of Venus, 45, (10). 
 
 Anaxyrides, worn by Asiatics, 53. 
 
 Anthespiioria, festivals of Proserpine, 46, (12). 
 
 Antiope, wife of Theseus, 52—her death, ibid. 
 
 ANTTH, part of the chariot, 57. 
 
 Archaic style, frequently imitated, 21, 29, 93. 
 
 Arctinus, an ancient poet, 12, (6), 75. 
 
 Argonauts, deliver Phineus, 40. 
 
 Ariadne, her marriage with Bacchus, 67—her crown, 
 68, 27, (20). 
 
 Aristophanes, a passage of, explained, 37, (14). 
 
 APIITIA, used as an epithet by Homer, and not the 
 name of a Harpy, 42. 
 
 Artists (Ancient), alter mythological traditions, 11 
 —and inscriptions, ibid. —vary in their practice, 
 13—different employed to paint one vase, 14, 60 
 —their observance of propriety, 19, 41, 43— 
 their designs purposely incorrect, 21, 29—avoid 
 monstrous images, 41—licence in uniting differ¬ 
 ent actions, 48—euphemism, 51, 78—liberty of 
 varying the costume, 59—mode of expressing 
 moral qualities, 41, 90. 
 
 Asphodel, its properties and use, 87—sacred to the 
 dead, ibid. 
 
 Asteas, painter of vases, 69, 72. 
 
 Athena, V. Minerva. 
 
 Athenaa, festivals in honour of Minerva, when insti¬ 
 tuted, 4—afterwards called Panathensea, ibid. 
 
 Athenians, uncertainty of their traditions, 5—their 
 vanity, ibid, and 88—invent the art of pottery, 
 6, (31)—their fables frequent on vases of Nola, 
 why, 52—their cuirasses excellent, 58, (28)— 
 their Sacred Testament, 89—veneration for the 
 remains of CEdipus, 88. 
 
 Attitudes, of Venus, 24-—of Neptune, 28—indicating- 
 repose, 30—never indecorous, 43—elegant, often 
 repeated, 48. 
 
 Attributes, of divinities assumed by their ministers, 
 59, 85. 
 
100 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 AQAOX, prize at public games, 4—a vase filled with 
 oil, 7. 
 
 Augeas, king of Elis, 93. 
 
 Aurora carries away the body of Memnon, 14— 
 shedding dew on the earth, 16—supposed mother 
 of the winds, 16, (5)—enamoured of Cephalus, 35. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bacchus, or Dionysus, his worship introduced at a 
 late period, iv.—his mysteries unauthorized by 
 the state, ibid. — improperly confounded with 
 Iacchus, ibid. —his combat with Deriades, 63 — 
 his exploits against the giants, 64—kills Eurytus, 
 ibid. —his attribute a serpent, 65—the ferula, 
 ibid. —his metamorphoses, 66—his nuptials with 
 Ariadne, 67—when of a youthful form, ibid. — 
 with a thyrsus and vase, ibid. , 85 — Cresius, 
 68, (7). 
 
 Bathycles, throne made by him at Amyclee, vii., 3, 
 (16), 40, 92. 
 
 Bird with human head, emblem of Minerva, 9— 
 represents a Seiren or Harpy, ibid., 39—or a 
 cloud, 37—of Egyptian invention, ibid. —emblem 
 of .Ether or the soul, 38. 
 
 Bceotians, their traditions respecting Minerva, 3, (10) 
 —their colonies in Magna Grseeia, 89—form of 
 their shields, 92. 
 
 Boreas, his sons deliver Phineus from the Harpies, 
 40—represented with wings, 43. 
 
 Bull with human head, erroneously called Bacchus, 
 39—is the emblem of a river, or of agriculture, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 C. 
 
 Cadmeia, ancient name of Thebes, 71. 
 
 Cadmus, his adventures, 69 — kills the dragon of Mars, 
 and builds Thebes, 70. 
 
 C'ausia, Thessalian hat used as a helmet, 39, 50, 58, 
 (30). 
 
 Cephalus marries Frocris, 35 — kills her inadvertently, 
 36—his dog and dart, ibid., (6). 
 
 Ceres, subjects relating to her seldom represented, v., 
 59—takes leave of Proserpine, 45—a nocturnal 
 divinity, 46, (19). 
 
 Cestus, or girdle, sacred to Venus, 33. 
 
 Chariots, first used by the Libyans, 8, (40) — for races 
 at the Panathemca, ibid. —invented by Minerva, 
 
 9—why represented on coins, 10, (18)—used at 
 marriages, 26—attribute of Pluto, 44—descrip¬ 
 tion of, 57—of Triptolemus, drawn by serpents, 
 59. 
 
 Chiron (The Centaur), assists Peleus, 24—educated 
 various heroes, 50. 
 
 Chronology, uncertainty of ancient, 6, (30). 
 
 Ciirysi:, wife of Dardanus, receives the Palladia from 
 Minerva, 73—gives her name to the island, ibid. 
 —a surname of Minerva, ibid. 
 
 Cith.-eron, Nymph of Mount, 28, (26). 
 
 Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, his age, 6, (30). 
 
 Clouds, how represented, 37. 
 
 Coins, of Athens, 6, (31)—of Camarina, ibid. —of 
 Bceotia, 8, (34)—of the Valerian family, 10— 
 of Gabala, 10, (47)—of Sicilian cities, 10, (48) 
 —of Arcadia and Messana, 27—of Brettium, 28, 
 (24)—of Thebes, 92. 
 
 Coray (Dr.), his opinion of the Secret Testament of 
 the Athenians, 88. 
 
 Cos, part of the island detached by Neptune, 18, 
 
 20 . 
 
 Crotona, taste of its inhabitants, 60. 
 
 Cteatus, see Actorides. 
 
 Cuirasses of leather, 19, 53—of linen, 53—laminated, 
 56, (11)—Athenian, 58, (28). 
 
 Cupid, see Love. 
 
 Cycnus, his combat with Hercules, 91. 
 
 Cymodoce, one of the Nereids, 26. 
 
 Cypselus (Chest of), vii., 14, (20), 27, (22)—40, 41, 
 67, (4), 80. 
 
 D. 
 
 AAA0TX02, epithet of Hecate, 45, (7). 
 
 AIArPAMMISMOS, game so called, 31, (12). 
 
 Deinarchus, the orator, 89. 
 
 Deriades, king of India, 63. 
 
 Diana, kills Otus, 21, and Gration one of the giants, 
 22, (5). 
 
 AIA0HKAI AIIOPPHTAI, of the Athenians, how ex¬ 
 plained, 89. 
 
 Dirce, fountain of, the same as that of Mars, 71, 
 
 ( 11 ). 
 
 Discord, personified, 41. 
 
 Divinities, represented dressed in early works of art, 
 
 19 . 
 
 Dolphin, attribute of Minerva, 2. 
 
 Doves, sacred to Venus, 45—accompany her annually 
 from Eryx to Libya, ibid., (10). 
 
INDEX. 
 
 101 
 
 Dragon, of the Hesperides, 29— of the fountain 
 Aretiades, killed by Cadmus, 70. 
 
 E. 
 
 E in place of Al, in the old Attic dialect, 4, (20). 
 
 EMI for EIMI, 4. 
 
 Egyptian divinities, introduced into Greece, 37. 
 
 Eleusis, mysteries celebrated there, carefully con¬ 
 cealed, v., 59. 
 
 Emblems of shields, a dolphin, 2—the triquetra, 14 
 —a horse, 19—a tripod, 20—two globes, 21— 
 an anchor, 21—a club, 53—a serpent, 58. 
 
 Ephialtes, son of Neptune, various traditions respect¬ 
 ing him, 18—his name substituted to that of 
 Polybotes, ibid. 
 
 Erectheus, father of Procris, 36. 
 
 Ericthonius, institutes the festivals called Athemea, 
 and invents chariots, 9. 
 
 Erigone, festivals in her honour, 77—manner of her 
 death expressed, 78. 
 
 EPOS, see Love. 
 
 Errors, ofancientartists, 11, (5)—in inscriptions, 18,20. 
 
 'ESTOP, cross-bar, used for chariots, 58. 
 
 ETEPOMASXAAOS XITON, explained, 39, (25). 
 
 Eurytus, a giant killed by Bacchus, 64. 
 
 Eurytus, see Actorides. 
 
 EEOMIS, its form, 39, (25). 
 
 Eye (Evil), 3, (16). 
 
 Eye, represented on a shield, 53. 
 
 HOS, aspirated in ancient inscriptions, 14. 
 
 F. 
 
 Fascination, or evil eye, 3, (16), 53, (12). 
 
 Female figures, how distinguished on early monu¬ 
 ments, 93. 
 
 Ferula, attribute of Bacchus, 65. 
 
 Fictile Vases, their advantages, 1—give a notion of 
 the state of painting, 11—falsely called Etrus¬ 
 can, iii.—errors respecting them, iv.—were not 
 symbols of initiation, ibid .—served for common 
 use and ornament, vi.-—why buried with the 
 dead, ibid .—when the manufacture of them 
 ceased, vii.—passage of Pindar relating to them, 
 7—given as prizes at public games, ibid. 
 
 Funeral ceremonies, vi., 86— their importance, 87. 
 
 Furies, how represented, 41, (9). 
 
 G. 
 
 Genius, a name erroneously given to winged figures, 
 32, 34, 74. 
 
 Gerar.f, priestesses of Bacchus, v., 85. 
 
 Giants, how described by Homer, 17—confounded 
 with the Titans, ibid .—variously represented, 
 ibid., 66, (18)—their wars against the gods, 18 
 —origin of the fable, 20—Polybotes killed by 
 Neptune, 18, 20, Gration and Orion killed by 
 Diana, 22—Eurytus killed by Bacchus, 64— 
 their blood produces serpents, 66. 
 
 Gigantomachia, poems so called, 17 — frequent 
 subjects of ancient monuments, 20—origin of the 
 fable, 20. 
 
 PAATKfiniS, why Minerva is so called, 3, (12). 
 
 Gorgons, fables relating to them, 3, (16). 
 
 H. 
 
 Hair of fair colour, esteemed, 80. 
 
 Hancarville (D’), vases published by him, 35—his 
 incorrectness, 54. 
 
 Harness, of horses described, 57. 
 
 Harfies, their attributes, 9 — different manner of 
 representing them, 38—their origin and nature, 
 40 — persecute Phineus, 40 — represented as 
 winged females, 43—driven away by the Boreadse, 
 ibid. —the name of Podarge, wrongly attributed 
 to a Harpy, 42. 
 
 Head (Human), why given to various animals, 9, 37, 
 
 38, 39, 40. 
 
 Hebon, the figure so called is the emblem of a river, 
 
 39. 
 
 Hecate, her origin, 45, (7)—different modes of repre¬ 
 senting her, ibid. —holding a torch, 45, 59—her 
 statue by Alcamenes, 45. 
 
 Heifer, directs Cadmus where to build a city, 69. 
 
 Helena, represented with Venus and Paris, 48, 49— 
 her reconciliation with Menelaus, 80. 
 
 Helmet, of Minerva, 2 — Corinthian, 14— x a ^ K07ra PV°^, 
 56, (13). 
 
 Herculaneum, explanation of a painting found there, 
 49, (17). 
 
 Hercules, assists the gods in the war against the 
 giants, 17—kills Alcyoneus, ibid., (7)—binds 
 Nereus, 29—his expedition against the Amazones, 
 52—his combat with Cycnus, 91—defeated by 
 the Actorides, 93—kills them by surprize, ibid. 
 
 Hesiod, his remains held sacred, 88. 
 
102 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hesperides, their garden, 29. 
 
 Heyne, his opinions cited, 7, 40, (7). 
 
 Hierophant, high priest of Ceres or Bacchus, 59, 
 85. 
 
 Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, 6, (30). 
 
 Hippias, son of Pisistratus, 6, (30). 
 
 Hipfocleides, his archonship, 5—a suitor of Agariste, 
 6, (30). 
 
 Homer, various passages illustrated, 2, (5), 3, (14), 
 (16), 8, (3)—his authority respected, 11, 19, 
 39, 42. 
 
 Horses, how driven by the Libyans, 8—how har¬ 
 nessed to chariots, 57. 
 
 Hunts, various celebrated in antiquity, 50. 
 
 Hunting scenes, often represented, 50, 59. 
 
 I. 
 
 IMEPOE, Desire, the brother of Love, 34, 79. 
 
 'innElA, epithet of Minerva, 9, (42). 
 
 Ionians, their dress, 83. 
 
 Ismenus, a river near Thebes, personified, 71. 
 
 Itonian Minerva, the most ancient in Greece, how 
 represented, 2, (8). 
 
 Inscriptions, often changed or erroneous on ancient 
 monuments, 11, 20—on vases, read with difficulty, 
 25, 66, 76, 90, (4). 
 
 Iris, its figure assumed by Thetis, 23. 
 
 J. 
 
 Juno, her tree in the garden of the Hesperides, 29. 
 Jupiter, protects Minerva, 3—balances the fates of 
 Achilles and Memnon, 13. 
 
 K. 
 
 KAAATPO'P, wand used in driving, 8, (37). 
 
 KAAH ('H ITAIS), acclamation inscribed on vases offered 
 to ladies, 76, 90. 
 
 KATE I A, Thessalian hat, used for a helmet, 39, 58. 
 KEKPT4>AAOX, a kind of cap, 77. 
 
 KEFXPOMATA, apertures on Boeotian shields, 91, (5). 
 KEXTPOX, goad used for driving, 8, (37). 
 
 KHPEE, Fates, 13, (14)—how represented, 41. 
 KXHMIAES, greaves, 14, (17). 
 
 KPHNAIA, one of the gates of Thebes, 71. 
 
 KTPBASIA, Persian tiara, 15—characteristic of all 
 Asiatics, ibid. 
 
 L. 
 
 AArOBOAON, stick used by huntsmen, 50. 
 
 AHKT90S, vase for oil and perfumes, 16, 90. 
 
 AEIIAAXA, collars of horses, 57. 
 
 Libyans, dress of their women, 3 —skill in horseman¬ 
 ship, 8. 
 
 License, frequently assumed by ancient artists, 48. 
 
 Locris, taste of the inhabitants, 60. 
 
 Love, assists Peleus, 24—playing with a ball, 30, which 
 he received from Venus, 31—first venerated at 
 Thesjnse, 32—different modes of representing 
 him, ibid .—his two brothers, 34, (11) —of two 
 sexes, according to the Orphic sj’stem, 34, 46— 
 his union with Bacchus, ibid. 67—erroneously 
 called Genius of the Mysteries, 34—with his 
 brother '1/j.epos supporting Venus, 33—precedes 
 the chariot of Pluto and Proserpine, 45—holding 
 two paterie, 79. 
 
 Loves, represented in great numbers, 32—erroneously 
 called Genii, ibid .—two superior to the others in 
 dignity, 34. 
 
 Lustration, how performed, 83, (18). 
 
 M. 
 
 Magadis, lyre of a peculiar form, 84. 
 
 Mallows, virtue and use of this plant, 87. 
 
 Mars, his fountain at Thebes, 70, 71—assists Cycnus, 
 91. 
 
 MASXAAISTHP, part of harness, 57. 
 
 Medea, her dragon, 72. 
 
 Medusa, fable of her death, attributed to Hesiod, 3, 
 (16). 
 
 Memnon, his combat with Achilles, 11—his body 
 carried away by Aurora, 15—honours paid to his 
 memory, 15—his arrival at Troy, 58, (29), 94. 
 
 Menelaus, his reconciliation with Helen, 80. 
 
 Mercury, brings back Proserpine to her mother, 45— 
 introduces Venus to Paris, 48. 
 
 MEEATION, coupling reins for horses, 57, (24). 
 
 Metamorphoses, of Thetis, 23, 27— of Nereus, 29—of 
 Bacchus, 64. 
 
 Metempsychoses (Doctrine of), 89. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 103 
 
 M ethe, how represented, 85. 
 
 Millin, vases published by him, 72, 50. 
 
 Minerva or Athene, of Libyan origin, 2—why called 
 Pallas, 2, (7)—ancient mode of representing her, 
 2, (8)—her icgis, 3—daughter of Neptune and the 
 lake Tritonis, 3—her emblem, a dolphin, 3—her 
 festivals, 4—Alalcomenais, 3, (16)—inventress of 
 oil, 6—and of chariots, 9—Hippia, 9, (31)—gives 
 a chlamys to Jason, 48, (7)—conversing with 
 Paris, 49—called Onca by the Phoenicians, 69— 
 assists Cadmus, 71—gives the Palladia to Chryse, 
 73—surnamed Chryse, 73—assists Diomedes and 
 Ulysses, 74—assists Hercules, 92. 
 
 Mirror, attribute of Venus, 24, 33. 
 
 MOPIAI, sacred olive trees at Athens, 7. 
 
 Molionides, the sons of Actor so called, 92. 
 
 N. 
 
 Naples, coins of, do not represent Hebon, 39. 
 
 Nausicaa, drama of Sophocles, 31, (11). 
 
 Naxos, island sacred to Bacchus, 67. 
 
 Neptune, according to the Libyans, father of Minerva, 
 2—his combat with Polybotes, 18, 21—forms the 
 island of Nisyros, ibid .—father of Otus and 
 Ephialtes, ibid .—the cause of earthquakes, 20— 
 present at the marriage of Thetis and Pcleus, 25, 
 28—gives two horses to Peleus, 26—his attitude, 
 28—represented on the Portland vase, ibid. 
 
 Nephele, error occasioned by the ambiguity of the 
 word, 36—wife of Athamas, 47. 
 
 Nereids, sisters of Thetis, 24. 
 
 Nereus, enchained by Hercules, 29—his power of 
 assuming various forms, and predicting future 
 events, ibid. 
 
 Nisyros, how separated from the island of Cos, 18, 20 
 —Neptune its peculiar divinity, 20. 
 
 Nola, an Athenian colony, 52, 78. 
 
 Numidians, their mode of horsemanship, 8. 
 
 Nymph, of Mount Pelion, 28—of Cithseron, ibid., (26) 
 —of the Eridanus, 29—of the fountain Aretiades, 
 
 O. 
 
 (Edipus, takes refuge at Athens and dies there, 88— 
 his body held sacred, ibid .—different traditions 
 relating to him, ibid .—his tomb, 89. 
 
 OIMOI, part of ancient armour, 56, (12). 
 
 Ominous, what representations considered, of good or 
 evil, 75. 
 
 Onca, Phoenician name of Minerva, 69. 
 
 Oncais, a gate of Thebes so called, 69. 
 
 Orestes, his body held sacred, 88. 
 
 Orchomenians, venerate the body of Hesiod, 88. 
 Orphic doctrines, held in little esteem, iv.—same as 
 the Pythagorean, 34. 
 
 Otus, a giant the son of Neptune, 18. 
 
 P. 
 
 Palladium, various traditions respecting it, 73 —many 
 ancient statues of divine origin called Palladia, 
 74—how carried away by Diomedes and Ulysses, 
 74—various cities pretended to possess it, ibid .— 
 when brought to Rome, 75, (12)—Roman fables 
 relating to it, 75—its representation deemed 
 auspicious, 75. 
 
 Pamphus, an early poet, 46. 
 
 Pan, present at the marriage of Thetis, 26. 
 
 Panathenjea, festivals first called Athemea, 5—insti¬ 
 tuted in the 53d Olympiad, ibid. —celebrated by 
 chariot-races and various games, 8. 
 
 Panathenaic amphor.e, their celebrity, 6, (31). 
 
 Paris, his pastoral occupations, 47-—conversing with 
 Venus, 48. 
 
 Passeri, incorrectness of his publications, 23. 
 
 Patroclus, combat for his body, 53, (6)—takes leave 
 of Menoetius, 55. 
 
 Pausanias, passage of this author corrected, 78. 
 
 Peitho, the goddess of Persuasion venerated at Athens, 
 27, (19), 27. 
 
 Peleus, surprizes Thetis et obtains her consent, 24— 
 favoured by Venus and Love, ibid. - —and by 
 Chiron, ibid. —receives two horses from Neptune, 
 26—takes leave of Achilles, 55. 
 
 Pelion (Mount), nymph of, 28. 
 
 ITEAXXTPA, sort of buskin, 70, (7). 
 
 Perfumes, offered as presents, 90. 
 
 Perseus, different accounts respecting him, 3, 
 (16). 
 
 HEPIwKEAIAES, rings worn round the legs, 33, (4). 
 
 Persian dress, 15, 94. 
 
 Personifications, of a river, 9, (46), 39—of various 
 moral qualities, 76, 90. 
 
 Pile dr a, represented in a swing, 78. 
 
 <PIAAA, patera, 33, 79. 
 
 Phineus, delivered from the Harpies, 40. 
 
104 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Phrixus and Hell®, supposed to be represented on a 
 vase, 47. 
 
 Phrygian dress, 48, 74. 
 
 Pindar, passage of, relating to vases, 7. 
 
 Pisistratus, probably instituted the Panathensea, 5— 
 his magnificence, ibid. —epoch of his usurpa¬ 
 tion, 6. 
 
 Pliny, passage of this author corrected, 84, (14). 
 
 Pluto, carries away Proserpine, 44—their marriage 
 and return to Hades, ibid. — xP V(r v vl0i > h* s epithet, 
 ibid, (5)—a chariot his attribute, ibid. 
 
 Podarge, erroneously supposed the name of a Harpy, 
 42—epithet given to a horse, ibid. 
 
 Polybotes, his combat with Neptune, 19—buried 
 under Nisyros, ibid. 
 
 Polygnotus, his paintings at Delphi, 13, (16), 51. 
 
 Portland vase, explained, 27. 
 
 Porphyrius, his age, 87. 
 
 Procris, her history, 35—killed by Cephalus, 36. 
 
 Propriety, always observed by ancient artists, 19, 37. 
 
 Proserpine, her rape by Pluto, 44—nuptials and 
 return to Hades, ibid. —receives Sicily as a dower, 
 46—considered a nocturnal divinity, 46—holding 
 a torch, 59—asphodel sacred to her, 87. 
 
 Psamathe, sister of Thetis, 25. 
 
 IITEPTrES, appendages to the cuirass, 56. 
 
 Pythagoras, his doctrines, 34, 38, (16), 89. 
 
 R. 
 
 Races (Chariot), at the Panathensea, 8 —-their 
 celebrity, 10. 
 
 Relics, of CEdipus, Orestus, and Hesiod, venerated, 
 88, 89. 
 
 Repose, how expressed, 30, (6). 
 
 Rivers, a bull their symbol, 39. 
 
 PTMOS, pole of the chariot, 58. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sappho, celebrated poetess of Mitylene, 81—con¬ 
 founded with a courtezan of the same name, 83 
 —common opinion respecting her death, erro¬ 
 neous, ibid. —represented on the coins of Mitylene, 
 84—in sculpture and painting, ibid. 
 
 Sappho, a courtezan of Eresus, 83 —often confounded 
 with the poetess, ibid. —represented on coins of 
 Eresus, ibid., (10). 
 
 Seirens, how represented, 9, 39. 
 
 Sepias, gulph in Thessaly, so called from the form 
 assumed by Thetis, 24. 
 
 Serpent, its form assumed by Thetis, 24—of the 
 marine kind, 25—by Bacchus, 65—attribute of 
 Bacchus, 65. 
 
 Shields, with an appendage against arrows, 53—of the 
 Boeotians, remarkable, 92. 
 
 Sicily, the dower of Proserpine, 46. 
 
 Soul, its nature according to the Egyptians, 38. 
 
 2<tAlPA, or ball, game of, 30—attributed to Love, 31, 
 (11)—why represented on vases, 31—emblem of 
 a gymnasium, ibid. 
 
 23>AIPEI2, name given to the ephebi at Sparta, 
 32. 
 
 ZII0AA2, cuirass of leather, 19, (15), 53, (7). 
 
 Style, imitation of the old, 21, (3), 29, 93. 
 
 Swing, a diversion used by the ancients, 77— its 
 signification in works of art, 78. 
 
 T. 
 
 TAAAP02, basket so called, 33. 
 
 Tegasa, Orestes buried there, 88. 
 
 Telephus, his combat against Achilles, 54. 
 
 Teutiiras, king of Mysia, 55. 
 
 Testament (Secret), of the Athenians, 89. 
 
 Theogamia, festivals so called, 46. 
 
 Thebe, daughter of Asopus, gives her name to the 
 city, 71, 72. 
 
 Theban Fables, celebrated, 69. 
 
 Theseus, his history uncertain, ibid. —with other 
 heroes at a hunting scene, 51—marries Antiope, 
 52 — his exploits frequent on Nolan vases, 
 ibid. 
 
 Thetis, assumes various forms, 23—her marriage with 
 Peleus, 24—various monuments relating to her, 
 25—represented on the Portland vase, 27. 
 
 0T2ANOI, fringes of the mgis, 3, (14). 
 
 Tiara, characteristic of Asiatics, 53, 74. 
 
 Torch, emblem of Hecate, 45, 59. 
 
 Triptolemus, on a winged car, 59. 
 
 Tritonis, mother of Minerva, 3—name of a lake in 
 Libya, and Boeotia, ibid., (10)—of a fountain in 
 Arcadia, ibid. 
 
 Tritogeneia, epithet of Minerva, 3. 
 
 Trojan war, frequent subject of works of art, 49, 
 94. 
 
 Typhceus, various traditions respecting him, 18. 
 
 Tyrrhenian pirates, their punishment, 66. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 105 
 
 v. 
 
 Vex us assists at the marriage of Thetis and Peleus, 
 24, 27—introduces Paris to Helen, 27, (19)— 
 gives a crown to Thetis, 27—engages Love to 
 inflame the heart of Medea, 37—gives him a 
 xphasra, ibid .—carried by two Loves, 33—mother 
 of numerous Loves, 34, (11)—two of her sons 
 superior in dignity, ibid .—accompanies Paris to 
 Sparta, 49—reconciles Menelaus and Helena, 
 79. 
 
 Victory, accompanies Achilles, 56. 
 
 Visconti (Ennio Quirino), his explanation of various 
 monuments, 17, (1), 27, (91), 24, (7), 32, 34. 
 (1 1), 38, (16), 39, (21), 44, (4), (6), 45, (7), 47, 
 48, (5), 83, 90. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wilkins (Mr), his explanation of a fictile vase, 24, 25. 
 Winckelmaxx, his opinions alleged, iii., v., 2, (6), 13, 
 (14), 27, (21), 7. 
 
 Winds, how represented, 16, 37. 
 
 Wings, attributed to divinities by the Italiotic 
 Greeks, 76. 
 
 Winged Figures, often difficult to explain, 76, 79. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zoega, his opinions alleged, v. 27, (21), 34, (12). 
 zrros, yoke of the chariot, 57. 
 
 ZftSTHP, military belt, 56. 
 
 END OF THE INDEX. 
 
 14 
 
ANCIENT 
 
 U N E DIT E D M O N U M E N T S. 
 
 SERIES II. 
 
 STATUES, 
 
 BUSTS, BAS - RELIEFS. 
 
ANCIENT UNEDITED MONUMENTS. 
 
 TTTlCi 
 
 jJk 
 
 
 
 AND OTHER REMAINS OF 
 
 FROM 
 
 COLLECTIONS IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES 
 
 ILLUSTRATED AND EXPLAINED 
 
 By JAMES MILLINGEN. 
 
 LONDON. 
 
 MDCCCXXVI. 
 

P R E F A C E. 
 
 The object of the author, in undertaking the present work, was to make known 
 a number of Ancient Monuments remarkable for beauty of Art, or presenting 
 subjects interesting to History and Mythology, either existing in various 
 collections, but hitherto unpublished, or such as are gradually discovered. 
 
 The number of Ancient works of Art of every kind which have been 
 accumulating in England for the space of nearly two centuries, is perhaps 
 greater than in any other country of Europe, Italy excepted. It is, however, a 
 frequent subject of complaint, especially with foreigners, that literary treasures, 
 from which such great benefits could be derived are so little known. Dispersed 
 in various and distant parts of the country, they can be seen only at a great 
 expense, and access to them is often with difficulty obtained. 
 
 Some collections, it is true, have been published by their possessors in a 
 splendid manner; but such works being either too costly, or intended for 
 presents, are not of general use. Hence it was the intention of the author, to 
 have selected more particularly such remains of Ancient Art as are preserved 
 in Great Britain. 
 
 Though fully aware that all previous attempts of the kind in this country, 
 except directed by Literary Societies, or men of great rank and opulence, had 
 failed, the author hoped that since the acquisition of the sculptures of Phidias, 
 the formation of a National Gallery, and the appearance of a reviving taste, he 
 should have met with more encouragement. 
 
 In that expectation however he has been disappointed, and owing to the 
 small number of subscribers, having experienced a considerable loss, he is 
 compelled to contract the limits of the work, which instead of Sixteen Numbers, 
 will be confined to Ten. He has been obliged, in particular, to renounce his 
 intention of making known what is most remarkable in this country, from the 
 
II 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 difficulty of obtaining access to some collections, and the high prices required 
 by artists. Ill health has been an additional motive to prevent him from 
 continuum the undertaking. 
 
 From the disregard entertained in this country for Archaeological pursuits, 
 and indeed for the Fine Arts themselves, unless when subservient to the 
 gratification of vanity, it is difficult that a similar undertaking can ever lie 
 attempted by any individual. No booksellers will engage in it at their risk, 
 and if an author ventures to publish for his own account, an express or implied 
 combination exists among them to counteract his views. 
 
 Of the merit of the explanations proposed in the present work, it does not 
 suit the author to speak ; but he confidently asserts, that no other publication 
 of the same size contains an equal proportion of Ancient Monuments of the 
 highest interest both to Art and Science: and though he is not perfectly 
 satisfied with several of the engravings, yet in general, in point of fidelity, they 
 rival the most costly productions executed under circumstances far more 
 auspicious. He is convinced that his work will be of service to artists and to 
 those who take a real interest in the advancement of the Arts. 
 
 The manner in which it has been received on the Continent affords him, in 
 some measure, a compensation for the unfavourable reception it has experienced 
 in his own country. Being in a language not generally understood, its 
 circulation could not be very extensive; but had it been in a language more 
 familiar, he doubts not, from the experience he has acquired on former 
 occasions, that sufficient encouragement would have been afforded, to enable 
 him to accomplish his object. 
 
 Antiquarian researches are a frequent subject of ridicule to pretended wits, 
 ignorant of their nature and object. It is not here the place to shew the utility 
 of Archaeology; it is sufficiently known, and professors have been appointed 
 to teach it in almost every university on the Continent. As Addison, a great 
 admirer of Antiquity has justly observed, mankind is too apt to think that 
 every thing which is laughed at with any mixture of wit, is ridiculous in itself: 
 
 but ridicule is not the test of truth, and when directed against objects that are 
 great and respectable, is ultimately injurious to those only, who from a want of 
 solid arguments, have recourse to such means. 
 
ANCIENT 
 
 UNEDITED MONUMENTS. 
 
 STATUES, BUSTS, BAS-RELIEFS. 
 
 PLATE I. 
 
 This singular monument (1) is executed in very low relief on a block of marble 
 of considerable thickness. From the marks of the tenons on the back part, 
 it seems evidently to have been employed in architectural decoration, and 
 inserted in some part of a building; from which, however, it projected in some 
 degree, as appears by the continuation of the angular ornament on the return 
 side. 
 
 Perhaps this is the earliest specimen of Grecian sculpture hitherto dis¬ 
 covered. At first sight, it might be taken for a production of Egyptian or 
 Etruscan art, of which it has all the characteristics: the attitudes are stiff 
 and destitute of grace; the extremities sharp and angular; and the drapery 
 is disposed in small and parallel folds. This resemblance of the old Greek 
 style to that of the Egyptians and Etruscans, has been noticed by Strabo (2) 
 and other writers of antiquity. 
 
 The inscriptions placed over the figures, though not in regular lines, 
 proceed in the same manner as those in Boustrophedon, one from right to 
 left, the two others in a contrary direction. They inform us that the subject 
 related to the Trojan war; but unfortunately, the other parts of the composi- 
 
 (1) Found in the island of Samothrace, and 
 brought, to France by the late Count de Choiseul- 
 < iouffier. It is now in the Royal Museum, at the 
 Louvre. 
 
 Dimensions, 1 foot 7 inches, by 1 foot 5 
 
 inches. 
 
 (2) Strabo, lib. xvii., cap. 28. Pausan., lib. i., 
 cap. 42 et lib. vii., cap. 5. 
 
 1 
 
tion being wanting, the precise action is uncertain. The letters are of the 
 oldest form (3), like those in the Elean and Sigean inscriptions, and on primi¬ 
 tive coins. 
 
 Agamemnon, the principal personage, is seated on a chair of which the 
 feet imitate those of animals (4). His two hands are raised, but from the 
 fracture ot the marble, it is uncertain what they held. Behind Agamemnon 
 is Talthybius, the celebrated herald, bearing a caduceus, emblem of his 
 office. The next figure, from the remaining letters e n e, is without doubt 
 Epeius (5), inventor of the wooden horse by means of which Troy was at 
 length taken. 
 
 All the figures are dressed after the Doric manner (6), having only a sort 
 of mantle (chlaena), without any appearance of a tunic underneath. Their 
 hair is very long and carefully disposed in ringlets. From the earliest times, 
 the Greeks were remarkable for their attention in this particular (7). The 
 figures are placed between two mouldings, remarkable for an elegance that 
 contrasts with the rude style of the other parts. The extremity is ornamented 
 with a kind of volute, and the angle is formed by a serpent, partly covered 
 with scales. The opposite angle naturally offered a corresponding ornament. 
 From some traces of colour remaining, it seems that the whole was originally 
 painted. 
 
 This piece of sculpture is probably anterior to the 69th Olympiad, or the 
 year 500 before our mra. For the reasons previously alleged, it would be 
 hazardous to attempt determining its age with a greater degree of precision. 
 
 (3) In the catalogue of the Royal Museum of 
 Paris, the 0, in the name of Agamemnon, has been 
 inadvertently described as an e. The corroded state 
 of the marble in this part, probably occasioned the 
 error. 
 
 (4) Chairs of a similar form are common on 
 Egyptian monuments. Description de l’figypte; 
 tome i., pi. 68-71. 
 
 (5) Epeius, though of illustrious origin, being a 
 descendant of vEacus, is described by Homer 
 as more remarkable for his bodily strength than 
 for his valour. Hence, he became a ludicrous 
 personage frequently introduced by comic writers. 
 Iliad, "P, vers. 664 sq. Athenseus, lib. x., cap. 84. 
 
 In the celebrated picture of Polygnotus, in the 
 Lesche, at Delphi, Epeius was represented levelling 
 the walls of Troy. Pausan. lib. x., cap. 26. 
 
 (6) The Dorians, a hardy and warlike people, 
 wore a simple mantle (xXaiVa or <t>Spos), and considered 
 the tunic, used by the Ionians, as an effeminate 
 dress. 
 
 Consistently with this notion, Cyrus, in order to 
 enervate the Lydians, was advised by Croesus to 
 oblige them to wear tunics under their mantles. 
 Herodot., lib. i., cap. 155. 
 
 (7) 'K.ap-qKoixbwvTts Axaiot Homer, Iliad, passim et 
 Schol in /3, vers. 11 ; Thucyd. lib. i., cap. 5 ; Xeno¬ 
 phon, de Rep. Laced. 
 
PLATE II. 
 
 A group in terra cotta, of low relief, and originally painted (1). It is without a 
 ground, having been, in all probability, applied to a frieze, or to some other 
 architectural decoration. 
 
 The subject presents a celebrated Argian fable. Perseus, the son of Jupiter 
 and Danae, appears on horseback, armed with the harpe or curvated sword of Pluto, 
 and holding the head of Medusa, which he has just cut oft’. Her body, which 
 still retains the vital principle, is falling to the ground, the arms extended, and 
 in the last agony of death. Perseus having succeeded in his undertaking, is 
 departing with all speed, and looks behind him, seemingly towards the other 
 Gorgons (2) who are pursuing him, to avenge the death of their sister. 
 
 A little figure issuing from the neck of Medusa, is Chrysaor, of whom she 
 was pregnant by Neptune (3). Ancient accounts of this fable say, that the 
 famous horse Pegasus was produced at the same time as Chrysaor from the 
 blood of Medusa ; but this last circumstance is here omitted. 
 
 The head of Medusa is, according to the primitive manner, of a hideous form 
 (4), and putting out the tongue. Perseus is armed with the harpe, but has 
 neither the helmet of Pluto, nor the cibisis or bag; nor the winged sandals, 
 which he is supposed to have received from the nymphs. 
 
 The story of Perseus and Medusa, unknown to Homer, was first related by 
 Hesiod, who is supposed to have been the inventor of it (6). It became 
 extremely popular, and was represented on the ark of Cypselus (7), and other 
 early works of art. The present composition has the merit of presenting the 
 subject with circumstances entirely new. 
 
 (1) Found in the island of Melos, and now in the 
 collection of Thomas Burgon, Esq. The engraving is 
 of the same size as the original. 
 
 (2) On the ark of Cypselus, the other Gorgons were 
 figured pursuing Perseus to avenge the death of their 
 sister. Pausan. lib. v., cap. 16. 
 
 (3) Ttjs 5’ tire Sr/ Ylepaeus Ke<pa\'pv aireSa.poTbp.r)<rev t 
 "E K0ope Xpuadup re pityas, sal IbjXacros 'tiriros. 
 
 Hesiod., Theog., vers 2S0-281. 
 
 (4) Apollodorus, lib. ii., cap. iv. 
 
 For the most ancient manner of representing 
 Medusa and the Gorgons, see Millin, Peintures de 
 Vases, tome II., pi. IV., and the coins of Abydos, 
 Neapolis, Parium, etc. 
 
 (5) Hesiod, Scut. Hercul. vers. 216 seq. 
 
 Paus. lib. iii., cap. 17 ; Apollodorus, ibid. 
 
 (6) Schol. Venet. in Homer; Iliad, vers. 36. 
 
 (7) Pausan. loc. cit. 
 
PLATE III. 
 
 This group was found with the preceding, and is of the same dimensions and 
 materials (1). The subject is also analogous and presents another celebrated 
 Argian fable. 
 
 Homer (2) who relates at great length the various exploits of Bellerophon, 
 and describes his victory over the Chimsera, has made no mention of the assist¬ 
 ance afforded to the hero by Minerva, nor of the winged horse Pegasus, which 
 he received from the goddess, and by means of which he succeeded in the 
 arduous combat. This circumstance was probably added by Hesiod (3), who, as 
 before remarked, is supposed to have invented the story of Perseus and the 
 Gorgons. The author of the present monument has followed the primitive 
 and simple tradition recorded by Homer, and omitted the subsequent addi¬ 
 tions. 
 
 Bellerophon is represented on a horse, not indeed of celestial origin, like 
 Pegasus, but one of mortal race. To raise himself as much as possible above 
 the reach of the flames, which the infernal monster emitted, the hero kneels on 
 the back of his horse. Bellerophon is armed with a sword, and his head is 
 protected by a helmet. A short drapery (4) reaching to the knees, surrounds 
 his waist. The C him sera, a monster sprung from Typlion and Echidna, is 
 figured, according to the description of Homer (5), with three heads, those of a 
 lion, goat, and serpent (6). 
 
 This singular production of plastic art, as well as the preceding, are in the 
 style of design usually called iEginetic, which seems to have prevailed in Greece 
 before the time of Phidias. 
 
 (1) Iu the same collection as the preceding. 
 The parts deficient are indicated by dotted 
 lines. 
 
 (2) Iliad, Z, vers. 152-190. 
 
 (3) Theogon. vers. 280, in Schol. Venet., in Homer. 
 Iliad, K, vers. 36. 
 
 (b Zu)/xa. Homer. Iliad A, vers. 187, ct I' , vers. 
 683. 
 
 (5) Upvirde \kuiv, omdtv 5k SpaKuv, fxiaaT) 5k 
 
 Iliad, Z, vers. 181. 
 
 (6) This fable was represented on the throne of 
 Amyclse (Pausan. lib. iii., cap. 18), and in the temple 
 of Apollo, at Delphi. Euripides, Ion., vers. 201, sq. 
 
 As Bellerophon was the principal hero of the Corin¬ 
 thians, he is often figured on the coins of Corinth, and 
 of its colonies. 
 
S/'f'/s/// . Z/uyr/// . 
 
 Sornuntd' fiLr .rru/p 
 
PLATES IV., V. 
 
 This admirable statue of Venus (PI. IV.) was discovered among the ruins of the 
 amphitheatre of Capua, towards the middle of the last century (1). The sculptor 
 entrusted with the care of supplying the parts deficient, supposing that it 
 belonged to a group representing the goddess conversing with her son, restored it 
 in the manner seen Plate V., and as it now stands in the Royal Museum, at Naples. 
 
 The goddess has deposed her splendid attire, except a mantle, which covers 
 the lower part of her body, in a grand and picturesque manner, peculiar to the 
 statues of this goddess (2). Her long hair, gracefully arranged, is drawn up 
 with great simplicity, and retained by an elevated diadem. The helmet on 
 which her left foot rests, indicates Venus distinguished by the title of Victrix, 
 or the Victorious. When the city of Capua, destroyed during the second 
 Punick war, was restored by Julius Cmsar, who established in it a Roman 
 colony, Venus Victrix, the goddess particularly venerated by that emperor (3), 
 became the tutelar divinity of the new city. It is probable, that the arms 
 which are wanting, anciently supported a shield, another attribute characteristic 
 of the same Venus. The inclination of the body, and the direction of the 
 remaining part of the arms, imply, in fact, an action that required a considerable 
 effort, as the uplifting an object of weight and extent. 
 
 On the coins of Corinth (4), Venus is sometimes represented with a similar 
 attribute, and in nearly the same attitude as the present statue. The figure 
 on the coins is, without doubt, a copy of the statue of the goddess placed 
 in her temple on the Acrocorinthus (5). A circumstance which, perhaps, 
 affords an additional argument in favour of the opinion here proposed. Corinth 
 
 (1) Height, 6 feet, 8J inches. The marble seems 
 to be of Luni. Besides the arms, the extremity of the 
 nose was lost. 
 
 ( 2 ) airb artyvoio 88 yv/xvj ; 
 
 QaLvETV fiev, c/>apos 88 <nivifiyayev Avrvyi [Mrjpwv. 
 
 Antholog., edit. Brunck., t. II., p. 459. 
 
 (3) Dion Cassius, lib. xliv., 22, 43. 
 
 (4) See plate IV. The coin is of brass and bears on 
 the other side a head of the emperor Antoninus Pius. 
 
 It should be observed that the figure of Venus 
 is reversed on the coins, probably the die having- 
 been engraved from the statue, and not from 
 a drawing reflected by the mirror, as is usually 
 practised. 
 
 Other coins of Corinth, with the same figure, may 
 be seen in Vaillant, Numismata in Colon. Pars, i., 
 pag. 290 et 298, 311 ; Pars, ii., pag. 74. 
 
 (5) Pausan. lib. ii., cap. 4. 
 
and Capua, having been restored by Julius Caesar, a great connection naturally 
 existed between the two cities. Hence, when the inhabitants of the latter city 
 adopted Venus as their tutelar divinity, they would, preferably to any other 
 manner, have represented her after some prototype venerated at Corinth (6), 
 where her worship was established from the most early period. 
 
 We know from the testimony of ancient authors (7), confirmed by numerous 
 works of art still remaining (8), that Venus frequently appeared with the 
 attributes of Mars, in allusion to her empire over the god of war. That some 
 celebrated statue represented her with a shield, may be inferred from the 
 description given by Apollonius Rhodius (9), of the chlamys of Jason embroidered 
 by Minerva. 
 
 The Venus of Capua, of which a representation is here given for the first 
 time, possesses in the highest degree every quality required to constitute a 
 work of art of the first order. Truth in the imitation of perfect female nature, 
 is combined with the dignity and ideal character of a divinity. The face is 
 remarkable foi its beauty, with an expression of simplicity and modesty which 
 adds to it a peculiar charm. Though probably a copy of the time of Augustus 
 or Hadrian (10), the execution displays great skill and gives a very favourable 
 notion of the state of the arts at that period. The genius of the inventor seems, 
 indeed, to have inspired the artist to whom the task of copying was assigned. 
 Every attempt to ascertain the author of this admirable production would be 
 fruitless. It might, however, be attributed to Alcamenes, or Praxiteles, 
 without any injury to the reputation of those celebrated artists. 
 
 (6) Pausan. lib. ii., cap. 4. 
 
 (7) Pausan. lib. iii., cap. 15 et 23. 
 
 Anthologia, lib. iv., cap. 12, pay. 464, edit. Brodcci, 
 1600. 
 
 (8) Winckelmann. Pierres gravees de Stosch, No. 
 562-570. 
 
 (9) Efe^s S’ tJotcijto /3advTr\6nap.os KvOtpaa. 
 
 ” Apeos <5x,uafoi/cra doov adnos, hi 5e ot iiipov 
 II rrxyv tiri aacudv ^woxv KexdXaaro xirawos 
 titpOev virtp pa^oto tv o’ dvTiov arpene s avrus 
 XaXfceoj SinTjXov tv dcnriSi (paivero ISetrBai. 
 
 Argon, lib. i., vers. 742-6. 
 
 The statue to which the poet alludes in this 
 description, was draped, as, in fact, all those of 
 
 female divinities anciently were. Praxiteles was the 
 first who represented Venus naked. Such an 
 innovation was considered extremely indecorous, hut 
 excused on account of the beauty of the performance. 
 Subsequent artists, wishing to reconcile a mode 
 of representation so favourable to the purposes of 
 art, with the rules of decorum, adopted the form of 
 drapery here seen. The statues of Venus, which, in 
 imitation of that of Cnidus, are found in a state of 
 entire nudity, are almost always to be referred to a 
 low period. 
 
 (10) An inscription found among the ruins of the 
 Amphitheatre, ascribes its restoration to Hadrian. 
 Mazzochius, de Amphitheatro Camp. pap. 2. 
 

PLATE VI. 
 
 In comparing the statue just described with others of the same divinity 
 existing in various collections, we are necessarily struck with the great resem¬ 
 blance to one lately found in the island of Melos (1), and now placed in the 
 Royal Museum, at Paris. Both seem taken from the same prototype, making 
 allowance for slight variations resulting from the liberty assumed by ancient 
 artists, who, in making copies, often neglected minute particulars, and 
 attended solely to express the general character of the original (2). To render 
 the resemblance more evident and striking, a side view of this statue is here 
 given. 
 
 Several learned French antiquaries, who have illustrated this figure in 
 various elaborate dissertations, do not agree with respect to the original action 
 and the attributes which it held. Some (3) think that it formed part of a group 
 with Mars; others (4) suppose that it stood singly, holding in one hand an 
 apple (5), and in the other a spear, or some other emblem of Mars. One of the 
 arguments justly alleged against the first of these opinions is that instead of 
 leaning towards Mars, and endeavouring to detain him by her caresses (as in 
 other groups which offer that subject), her body is drawn back, as if she wished 
 to avoid him. 
 
 The observations previously made respecting the Capuan Venus, seem 
 applicable to the present statue which, probably, was also represented holding 
 
 (1) Height 6 feet 9 inches. 
 
 A front view of this statue may be seen, Musee 
 Royal de France, tome ii.; Musee des Antiques, par 
 Bouillon, tom. i. 
 
 (2) The variation often proceeded from the different 
 positions in which the statue would be viewed. The 
 Venus of Melos was probably intended to be seen in 
 front; the Venus of Capua, rather in profile. The 
 difference between them consists principally in the 
 greater degree of inclination of the latter. 
 
 (3) M. Quatremere de Quincy, Sur une Statue 
 antique de Venus. Paris, 1821. 
 
 (4) M. le comte de Clarac, Sur. une Statue antique 
 de Venus. Paris, 1821. 
 
 (5) A left hand holding an apple, which was 
 found near the statue, is the motive on which 
 this opinion is founded. The inference, however, 
 is by no means conclusive. A left foot with a 
 sandal, found at the same time, certainly 
 belonged to another statue; since the right 
 foot of the Venus, which has never been detached, 
 is draped. It appears that fragments of various 
 other statues were discovered at the same 
 time. 
 
a shield (6). In fact, had the attribute been an object of less weight, the 
 expression of effort which the position indicates, would have been superfluous, 
 and the direction of the arms unaccountable. It should be recollected that in 
 ancient art, the rules of propriety are always observed, and a forced or 
 unmeaning attitude is never seen. 
 
 This exquisite sculpture is distinguished by uncommon grandeur of form, a 
 noble and imposing attitude, and an admirable imitation of individual nature. 
 The head, which is inferior to the other parts and seems a portrait (7), makes it 
 probable, indeed, that the entire figure is taken from the life. As such it is 
 admirable: but as representing the goddess of Beauty, it wants, perhaps, the 
 elegance and ideal character so eminently displayed in the Capuan Venus. 
 Though a comparison between the respective merits of the two statues is 
 difficult, as their beauties are of a different nature ; yet the qualities of a higher 
 order remarkable in the Venus of Capua, entitle her to a decided preference. 
 Asa portrait, however, the present statue may be ranked in the first class, and 
 of the best time of Grecian art. 
 
 (6) As accessories of this kind were usually of 
 metal, it is probable that the shield was of brass 
 gild. 
 
 Several dissertations on the attributes of Venus, 
 and the different modes of representing her, have 
 been published ; in consequence of a premium 
 proposed by the Academy of Inscriptions and 
 Belles-Lettres of Paris. The authors, who were 
 men of great learning, but not sufficiently con¬ 
 versant with works of art, confined themselves chiefly 
 to collect the passages of ancient writers relating 
 to the subject. Hence their labours were incom¬ 
 
 plete. A similar monograph, in which ancient 
 authors and monuments should illustrate each other, 
 would prove extremely useful, not only to archaeo¬ 
 logists, but to artists; to whom it would open new 
 stores of invention. 
 
 See : Larcher, Memoire sur Venus. Paris, 1775.— 
 De la Chau. idem. Paris, 1776.— 
 
 The learned Heyne has published likewise a disser¬ 
 tation on the same subject. V. Jansen, Recueil de 
 pieces concernant les arts, tom. i. 
 
 (7) The neck is also too long, a fault most apparent 
 when the figure is seen in profile. 
 

pl vn 
 
PLATE VII. 
 
 A statue of Minerva, of Greek marble, one of the first objects discovered in 
 the excavations made at Herculaneum (1). It is in a perfect state of preserva¬ 
 tion, the spear only, which, probably was of wood or metal, being wanting. 
 It offers a curious specimen of the taste of the ancients for early works of art, 
 or for imitations of them, when original productions could not be obtained. 
 
 The attitude, which is stiff and awkward, the action constrained, and the 
 drapery formally disposed in minute parallel folds, are characteristic of the 
 early Greek or the Etruscan style, and contrast strongly with the grace and 
 beauty observable in the features, limbs, and the various accessories when 
 separately viewed. Hence, it is evidently of a more refined age than the first 
 appearance indicates, and from the place where it was found, its origin may 
 perhaps be referred to the epoch of the first Roman emperors. 
 
 It is remarkable that when discovered, the hair and various parts of the 
 drapery and ornaments of this statue were gilt. Winckelmann who has 
 described it (2), says, the gilding was so thick, that it could be removed in 
 leaves. At present no traces of it remain, nor can this instance of neglect 
 excite surprize, when it is considered in what disregard the Fine Arts have 
 been always held at Naples. 
 
 The goddess appears, as usual, in a martial attire and attitude, brandishing 
 the formidable lance with which she overthrows whole ranks of warriors who 
 have dared to excite her anger (3). Her head is covered with a crested helmet, 
 ornamented like that of her statue in the Parthenon (4), with a gryphon, a 
 pugnacious animal and an appropriate emblem of the goddess of war. 
 
 (1) Antichita di Ercolano, Catalogo, pag. 143, 
 Museo Borbonico, descr. da G. Finati, Napoli, 1819, 
 tom. i., pag. 82.—Height including the helmet, five 
 feet ten inches. 
 
 (2) Storia dell’ Arti, tom. ii., pag. 39.— Tom. i., 
 
 pag. 433. lloman Edition, 1783. 
 
 (3) 
 
 . Tip S&fJ.vr|o^^ avSpuiv 
 
 irjpuiiov, toTciv re KOTiatrcTCU ippip-OTraTpr). 
 
 Iliad. E. 74G 7. 
 
 (4) Pausan. lib. i., cap. 24. 
 
 2 
 
Though prepared for battle, she has not neglected the care of her beauty : 
 her hair is elegantly disposed in ringlets flowing on her neck, which is adorned 
 with a double row of pearls. Her dress consists of a long tunic reaching to 
 her feet (1), which are covered with ^sandals. Over the tunic is the peplos or 
 upper garment plaited in very minute folds (2), and fastened on the shoulder 
 by a fibula or buckle in the form of a serpent. 
 
 But what deserves more particularly attention, is the manner in which the 
 a?gis, conformably with the description of Homer and Hesiod, is attributed to 
 Minerva instead of a shield (3). Fastened round her neck by a broad belt, and 
 wrapped over the left arm and hand which are extended, it serves as an object 
 of terror, and at the same time for a defence. 
 
 The notions transmitted by the ancients respecting the mgis being very 
 uncertain and contradictory, it may be useful to the general reader, to take this 
 opportunity of offering some observations on the subject. 
 
 As the name implies, the aegis was originally a goat’s skin (4), and like the 
 skins of other animals, was used for clothing. In the heroic ages, it was of great 
 service also in war and hunting, where it was worn round the arm (5) as a 
 protection against weapons or beasts of prey, before the invention of shields 
 afforded a more efficacious instrument of defence. The first representations 
 
 (1) Xircoy TToS'fiprjs. ’ 
 
 (2) This statue of Minerva, where the tunic and 
 peplos are distinctly expressed, may serve to illustrate 
 a passage of the Iliad misunderstood by the scholiast, 
 and the modern editors who have followed his 
 opinion. 
 
 In the 5th book, Minerva is described arming 
 for battle : not to be impeded by superfluity of dress, 
 she divests herself of her peplos or upper-garment. 
 Remaining clad with her tunic or under-garment, 
 she then puts on the armour of Jupiter, which 
 on this occasion, she assumes instead of her 
 own: 
 
 II xircD/ iudvaa, Aids vecpeXrjyeptTao 
 retixtv LV TroXe/Aov dicpyjaaero daKpvoevra. 
 
 Iliad. E. 736-7. 
 
 By altering this punctuation, and removing 
 the stop to the end of the first line, the ex¬ 
 pression rei^xeo-a' Aids, which relates to the 
 aegis and helmet of Jupiter, is applied to the 
 tunic (xiru w) of Minerva, and the whole sense 
 
 of the passage is thus altered, and becomes 
 unintelligible. 
 
 In his edition of Homer, Heyne has restored 
 the proper punctuation, but what is singular, 
 he has left the sense of the passage remain the 
 same. A greater knowledge of ancient monu¬ 
 ments would have enabled him to discover the 
 true meaning. 
 
 (3) These poets, in describing the armour 
 of Minerva, constantly attribute to her the 
 fegis, but never make any mention of a 
 shield. 
 
 (4) Herodotus, lib. iv., cap. 187, see Ancient 
 Unedited Monuments, Series 1, Greek Vases, 
 pag. 3. 
 
 ( 5 ) XXa/n/s t )v Set Trj \ai£ X eL P L irepieXlTTeiv , owSre 
 irpo<rp.a.xoi.To rots 9-qpiois. 
 
 Pollux, lib. v., segin. 18. 
 
 Winckelmann, Mon. Ined. pag. 10 A 88. Vis¬ 
 conti, Osserv. sopra un Ant. Cameo, rapp. Giove 
 Egioco, pag. 7. 
 
( 11 ) 
 
 of the divinity having been, in every country, assimilated to men in form and 
 other respects, we find from the earliest accounts of history, the aegis attributed 
 to several of the gods (1), particularly to Jupiter. But as the lively fancy of 
 poets supposed everything belonging to the gods to be of a marvellous nature, 
 the aegis of Jupiter was no longer a simple mantle, but surrounded with tassels 
 of gold, the work of Vulcan, it was transformed into a terrific instrument, 
 endowed with miraculous properties. When shaken by the powerful hand of 
 Jupiter (2), it produced tempests and the most violent commotions of the 
 elements, or it spread terror and dismay upon earth. 
 
 Allegorical explanations of ancient mythological fictions should be received 
 with great distrust, from the facility with which they are abused, or made 
 subservient to some favourite hypothesis : but some fables seem undoubtedly 
 founded on historical events or physical phenomena. In the present instance, 
 besides the natural propensity to fiction, the ambiguous meaning of the word 
 aiyh, which signified a goat's skin or a dorm, evidently suggested the notion of 
 the wonderful properties ascribed to the rngis (3), which thus became an 
 emblem of the divine power over the elements, and the principal attribute of 
 Jupiter, who derived from it the epithet of ai y io X os (4), so constantly given him 
 by early poets. 
 
 According to a very ingenious observation of Mr Knight, the golden tassels 
 or knobs of the aegis, alluded to the magic effects which the noise of bells 
 or metals was supposed to produce (5). As an additional proof of the allegorical 
 nature of the aegis, it may be noticed, that scarcely any ancient monuments 
 represent Jupiter with this attribute (6), instead of which, artists substituted 
 the thunderbolt (7), a material image of its properties. 
 
 (1) Juno, surnamed Sospita, worshipped, et 
 Lanuvium, is dressed also with a goat’s skin, which 
 Visconti thinks is the segis, Musio. Pio. Clement, tom. 
 ii., tav. 21. 
 
 (2) Iliad. A. vers. 167. O. vers. 308. P. vers. 593. 
 
 (3) Some ancient mythologists have supposed that 
 this epithet was given to Jupiter from his having 
 been nourished by the goat Amalthea, Schol. in 
 Iliad, 0. vers. 318. 
 
 They add, that by the advice of the Earth, he used 
 its skin as a spell in the war against the Titans. But 
 
 this fable, like those recorded by Diodorus and 
 others, is the invention of later times, Diodor. lib. 
 iii., cap. 69. 
 
 (4) Eustath. in Homer. Iliad. A. vers. 202, pag. 86, 
 Edit. Romae. Phurnut de Nat. Deor. cap. 9. 
 
 (5) Inquiry into the Symbolical Language of Ancient 
 Art and Mythology, London ISIS, Sect. 180-181. 
 
 (6) Visconti, Dissert, sopra Giove Egioco, pag. 5. 
 
 (7) Homer, though he frequently mentions thunder, 
 never attributes to it a material form. Virgil, in his 
 description of Vulcan and the Cyclopes, supposes that 
 

 ( 12 ) 
 
 The aegis was also attributed by Homer to Minerva (1), as the favourite 
 daughter of Jupiter, and the divinity next in rank. But in her hands, its 
 properties are more limited, and confined to the earth, where she employs it to 
 inspire courage or instil fear. On two occasions, Jupiter intrusts it likewise to 
 Apollo, to terrify the Greeks and repel them to their fleet (2); and to cover the 
 body of Hector with a cloud and preserve it from injury or corruption (3). 
 
 Such are the notions which poets give of the aegis. The most ancient artists, 
 however, have not followed their authority, but represent it in its primitive 
 form as a simple mantle, without any poetical embellishments. As it has been 
 observed, Jupiter scarcely ever appears with it, but it became the constant 
 attribute of Minerva, probably for the reasons assigned by Herodotus (4). On 
 the earliest monuments, it is a goat's skin surrounded with tassels of leather (5). 
 Afterwards, the Gorgonian head is affixed to it, and is supposed to have been 
 added in conformity with the description of Homer (6): but the passage 
 alluded to is probably an interpolation, since at the time of the poet, the fable 
 of Perseus and Medusa was not invented (7). The Gorgons, it is true, were 
 known, but only as monsters, whose sight produced death. The description of 
 Homer, in which he personifies the properties of the aegis, and supposes it 
 encircled with Fear, Discord, Force and Pursuit, perhaps suggested the notion 
 of the Gorgonian head as emblematic of those qualities. Subsequently the 
 aegis was figured entirely covered with scales, and the leather tassels which 
 surrounded it, were transformed into serpents. 
 
 When the arts were declining, and the old traditions gradually forgotten, the 
 aegis was converted into a cuirass, or a shield, and as such it is often represented 
 on monuments of art, and in the descriptions of writers of a late age (8). 
 
 This inquiry into the nature and form of the aegis, leads to add some 
 observations on the various successive modes of representing Minerva previously 
 
 they are occupied in forging the thunderbolt of 
 Jupiter, JEneid. lib. viii., vers. 423-432. 
 
 (1) Iliad. B. vers. 447. E. vers. 738. 
 
 (2) Iliad. 0. vers. 229. 
 
 (3) Iliad, fi. vers. 20. 
 
 (4) Lib. iv., cap. 189. 
 
 (5) Anc. Uned. Mon. Series i., Gr. Vas. pi. i. 
 
 (6) Iliad. E. vers. 739-742. 
 
 (7) It was subsequently invented by Hesiod. 
 Theogon. vers. 280; Schol. Venet. ad Iliad. K. 
 vers. 36. 
 
 Later poets added the circumstances of Perseus 
 giving the head to Minerva, who placed it on her 
 aegis, as an object of terror. 
 
 (8) Servius in yEneid. lib. viii., vers. 435. Heyne 
 ad Iliad. E. vers. 738. 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 to the age of Phidias. Some monuments lately discovered will be of use in 
 throwing light on the question. 
 
 1° The most ancient figures of the goddess, apparently of wood, like all the 
 earliest idols, are of the rude style of workmanship that indicates the infancy of 
 the arts. The posture is erect, the body shapeless like a stump, the forms being 
 scarcely indicated, and the feet are joined as in Egyptian statues. The 
 arms as far as the elbows, are close to the body, in a most awkward position : 
 the hands are held up on a level with the head, but open (1), and without any 
 attributes. On the head is an ornament resembling the polus, which seems to 
 have been a primitive characteristic of all divinities. 
 
 A figure of this kind is seen on one of the metopes of the Parthenon (2), and 
 is probably the miraculous Palladium acquired by Demophon, and preserved in 
 the temple of Minerva Polias in the Acropolis. The Minerva surnamed Chryse 
 (3), dedicated by Dardanus in the island of that name ; the Palladium (4), and 
 several other archaic figures, are represented in this manner on ancient 
 monuments (5). 
 
 2° The same rude figure, but with attributes of her warlike character, a 
 helmet on the head, a shield in one hand, and a spear erect or transversed in 
 the other. We have no original representations of this kind, but the Palladium 
 so frequent on gems (6) and coins, seems to have been imitated from some 
 celebrated prototype. 
 
 3° The figure less rude, the right arm raised and brandishes a spear, the left 
 arm extended with the shield more advanced. Such is the Minerva on the 
 celebrated vase of Vivenzio (7), representing the death of Priam. 
 
 4° Of a time when the arts were more advanced: the forms are better 
 expressed, and the figure steps forward and seems to move. The Itonian Pallas 
 (8) and the figure on the Athenian vase (9), are instances of this kind. The aegis 
 in the form of a mantle, is always added to the statues of this class. To the 
 
 (1) Diodor. Sicul. lib. iv., cap. 76. 
 
 (2) Stuart. Antiquities of Athens, tom. ii., plate 15, 
 n° 4. French Edition. 
 
 (3) Millingen, Peint. Ant. de Vases Grecs, plate 49 
 and 50. 
 
 (4) Anc. Uned. Mon. Series i., Gr. Vas. pi. 28. 
 
 (5) D’Hancarville,Vasesd’Hamilton,£om. \.,p>lateV50. 
 
 (6) Gori. Museum Florent. tom. ii., plate 28, n° 2. 
 
 (7) Millin. Peintures de Vases, tom. i., plate 25. 
 
 (8) Combe. Descript. Numm. Vett. G. Hunter. 
 Tab. 59, n° 12, 13, 14. 
 
 (9) Anc. Uned. Mon. Series i., Greek Vases, plate 1. 
 
( 14 ) 
 
 same period, or nearly, may be referred the Minerva of the temple of Jupiter 
 at TEgina, and various statues of the goddess of the JEginetic style (1). 
 
 5° The poetical representations of Minerva with the aegis, instead of a shield, 
 as the present statue otters an example. Sometimes also she appears, according 
 to the description of Hesiod (2), holding her helmet in one hand, and her spear 
 in the other. Instances of this kind are seen on the Corinthian well published 
 by Mr Dodwell (3), and on a fictile vase, where Minerva assists Hercules in his 
 combat against the giant Alcyoneus (4). 
 
 6° Instead of a spear, Minerva brandishes the thunderbolt, on the coins of 
 the kings of Macedonia and Epirus (5), and of some Roman emperors. Some 
 celebrated ancient statue probably represented her with this attribute. 
 
 7° According to Strabo, the statue of Pallas, to which the Trojan women 
 present a peplos, as described by Homer, was in a sitting posture. Pausanias 
 speaks of a similar figure at Erythrse in Ionia (6), holding in each hand a distaff, 
 which seems to have been a primitive attribute, and peculiar to the Ilian 
 Minerva, who appears with it on the coins of the Alexandrian Ilium (7). 
 
 Such appear to have been the different forms attributed to the statues of 
 Minerva prior to the age of Phidias, who may be justly called the legislator of 
 the arts. His genius gave them a new impulse and commenced a new sera. 
 His various statues of Minerva became the prototypes imitated by subsequent 
 artists, and though they varied the attitudes and accessory embellishments, yet 
 the principal attributes remained the same. The numerous examples still 
 remaining, preclude the necessity of further observations on the subject. 
 
 (1) Cockerell on the A3gina Marbles. Journal of 
 Science and the Arts, n° 12, pag. 397. 
 
 (2) "E7X0S Ct 0|l <r e*' X f p<b, xP vff ^V v re Tpv<j>a\uav, 
 
 A iyida t a/j.(j) c o/ulols) 
 
 Scut. Herculis. vers. 199, 200. 
 
 (3) Travels in Greece, tom. ii., pag. 200. Winckel- 
 maun, Mon. Ined. n° 5. 
 
 (4) Tischbein, Vases d’Hamilton, tom. ii., plate 
 20 . 
 
 (5) Spanheim de U. et P. Numm. tom. i., pag. 385. 
 
 (6) Lib. vii., cap. 5. 
 
 (7) Pellerin. Peuples et Villes, 
 plate 52. 
 
 tom. ii., 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
(15) 
 
 PLATE VIII. 
 
 This fragment, of Parian marble (1), was found about the middle of the last 
 century, among the ruins of the amphitheatre of Capua. It was probably 
 reduced to its present mutilated state, at the time when that building suffered 
 from an earthquake or some other accident, in consequence of which, it was 
 restored by Hadrian (2). 
 
 The manner in which all the asperities necessarily resulting from fractures are 
 removed, and the surface in those parts is regularly smoothed by the chisel, 
 shews that preparations were anciently made to restore the parts deficient (3). 
 The restoration, however, never took place, perhaps, because the artist to whom 
 it was entrusted, struck with the superiority of what he saw, despaired attain¬ 
 ing the same degree of excellence, and gave up the undertaking (4). 
 
 Some Neapolitan antiquaries (5) have thought that it belonged to a recumbent 
 Leda. Others, that it was a Psyche with wings, in an erect posture, and holding 
 in her right hand some characteristic emblem, such as a butterfly or lamp : or that 
 forming part of a group, she was conversing with Love, to whom her looks were 
 directed. The first opinion is evidently without foundation ; and the second, as 
 far as it is founded on two perforations on the back, is alike inadmissible, as a slight 
 inspection shews, that wings could never have been placed in such a situation. 
 
 Without attempting to determine its ancient character, we must be contented 
 with admiring it as a production of the first order, and such as from the descrip¬ 
 tion given us of his works, might be attributed to Praxiteles. It presents the 
 rare union of great truth in the imitation of nature, with the highest degree of 
 ideal beauty. The face, in particular, is admirable, and without fearing the 
 reproach of enthusiasm or partiality, it may be said to equal, if not surpass, any 
 
 (1) In the Royal Museum of the Studii, at Naples. 
 Height, without the pedestal, two feet, ten inches. 
 
 (2) Mazzochius de Amphitheat Campan. p. 2. 
 
 (3) Perforations preparatory to restoration, are 
 seen in various parts, and in some, iron tenons are 
 inserted. 
 
 (4) Speaking of the Venus Anadyomene of Apelles, 
 injured by time, Pliny says; “ liujns inferiorem partem 
 “ corruptam qui reficeret, nemo poluit reperiri.” Hist. 
 Nat. lib. xxxv., 10. 
 
 (5) Finati, Catalogo del Museo Borbonico, tomo i., 
 parte ii., n° 203. 
 
other hitherto discovered. The features are the most regular and most 
 harmonious, with an air of youthful innocence and candour: the countenance 
 is noble and dignified; possessing at the same time a certain tincture of 
 melancholy, which giving an expression of tenderness and sensibility, adds the 
 peculiar charm of moral excellence. Perhaps, it is not within the power of the 
 imagination to form a notion of more exquisite female beauty, nor can a better 
 model for contemplation be offered to the attention of artists. 
 
 The other parts which remain, present forms equally perfect, with an imita¬ 
 tion of nature so true, that persons, who for the first time, have seen a cast from 
 it, suppose it to have been taken from life. The proportions of the body may, 
 perhaps, appear too large, but this effect is produced by the absence of the other 
 parts, and by the reduced size of the head. 
 
 It must be recollected, that this statue was found in the same place as the 
 beautiful statue of Venus engraved Plate IV., and in comparing them atten¬ 
 tively, they appear to be of the same school, of the same principles, and of the 
 happiest period of the Arts. 
 
 Whether they were copies made for the new colony of Capua, founded by 
 Julius Caesar, or productions of an earlier period, cannot be determined : the 
 talent of imitation having been carried very far in the Augustan age, and we 
 have not a sufficient number of objects of comparison, to form our judgment. 
 From a certain freedom of execution, however, they appear original (1); and it 
 is not improbable that they were removed to Capua from some of the cities of 
 Magna Graecia, which like Metapontium, Crotona, Locris, and in fact, all 
 excepting Naples, Rhegium, and Tarentum (2), were reduced to misery at that 
 time. We know, by the accounts of ancient authors, what riches these cities 
 possessed in statues and pictures, and the number and beauty of their coins 
 still remaining, will form the admiration of all posterity. 
 
 From these specimens of the treasures which the Capuan amphitheatre 
 contained, how much we must regret that excavations which promised such 
 fortunate results, should not have been continued ! 
 
 (1) Subsequent view and considerations have 
 induced me to alter the opinion that the Venus of 
 Capua was a copy of the time of Augustus or Hadrian. 
 V. Supra, pctg. 6. 
 
 (2) In the time of Augustus, Greek manners and 
 institutions were preserved in these three cities only. 
 All the others had fallen into barbarism, Strabo, lib. 
 vi., cap. 2. 
 

' 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 PLATES IX. & X. (1). 
 
 A terminal head with the same features, and the name of aizxinhs also inscribed, 
 has been published by Visconti (2), and attributed to the celebrated Athenian 
 orator, the contemporary and rival of Demosthenes. 
 
 The name ot the father, and of the country of the personage, circumstances 
 generally related, being omitted in either of the busts, it might be doubted, 
 whether they did not represent the Socratic philosopher of this name, whose 
 reputation was very great; but the reasons alleged by the learned antiquary 
 seem decisive in favour of his opinion. 
 
 The present bust, which confirms that already published, lias the merit of 
 being in perfect preservation; the nose, generally lost, and which ill-restored, 
 often changes the character of the face, being entire. Though the execution is 
 indifferent, the whole displays the grandeur of character which marks all 
 ancient productions even of an inferior order (3). 
 
 As an orator and statesman, the talents of AEschines were universally 
 acknowledged, but his moral character has not been transmitted to us in the 
 same favourable light. History accuses him of corruption, and of having 
 betrayed the interests of his country. 
 
 Yet when the circumstances of the times, and the prevalence of party spirit 
 are considered, these charges should be qualified with some reserve. Amidst 
 the complicated interests of the various Grecian states, decision was difficult. 
 Plausible motives perhaps induced iEschines to promote the Macedonian alli¬ 
 ance (4), but unfortunately for his reputation, the consequences proved fatal to 
 Liberty, a cause in which the sympathies of mankind are so deeply interested, 
 that suspicion is easily confounded with guilt, and those who even involuntarily 
 favour its enemies, are involved in the same aversion and hatred (5). 
 
 (1) In the possession of Lieutenant Colonel Leake, 
 and was found at Monoptera the ancient Pelagonia, 
 in Thessaly. It is rather larger than life. 
 
 (2) Iconographie Grecque, tom. i., plate 29. 
 
 (3) Infra, page 18, note 6. 
 
 (4) That the measure was considered advantageous 
 hy many, is evident from the support it received from 
 l’hocion and Isocrates, whose character has been 
 
 never questioned. 
 
 (5) Candour and justice require these observations 
 to counterbalance the imputations which the character 
 of the orator has suffered anew from the eulogies of 
 a modern writer, who, in an unwarrantable manner, 
 has converted Grecian history into a theme for 
 declamation against Liberty, object of his inveterate 
 persecution. 
 
 3 
 
( 18 ) 
 
 PLATE XI. 
 
 Terminal heads, similar to the present (1), of the archaic style of workmanship, 
 or in imitation of it, are very common, and may be considered as undoubtedly 
 representing Hermes or Mercury. 
 
 The name by which they have been hitherto known, is that of Bacchus. The 
 long fillet encircling the head, the hair curled in a manner imitating the clusters 
 of grapes, the long and pointed beard, and a supposed resemblance to the 
 Indian Bacchus or Karav^, were the motives of this denomination. 
 
 When attentively considered, however, these motives are found of little 
 weight. The fillet was not a distinctive emblem, but attributed generally to all 
 divinities or heroes. Not only Bacchus, but all male divinities were anciently 
 figured with beards. Nor has the arrangement of the hair any particular 
 signification (2), being only the fashion of the times. Before the Persian war, 
 the Greeks, especially the Ionians, paid great attention to their head dress (3), 
 which they enriched with ornaments of gold. A similar mode of arranging the 
 hair is observable on figures of the iEginetic school of sculpture (4), of which 
 it forms one of the characteristics. It was so common, that from the resem¬ 
 blance of the curls to grapes, etymologists have supposed that the name of the 
 former pfcr P v X oi, was derived from /Surpus (5). 
 
 The custom of representing Hermes or Mercury, by a head placed on a 
 cube or quadrangular pillar of wood or stone, is generally known. It was so 
 frequent at Athens (6), that the name of Hermes became generic, and was 
 
 (1) Of Pentelic marble, in the possession of the 
 author. Height, one foot eight inches. The term 
 to -which the head is attached, is modern. The 
 nose is also l'estored. 
 
 (2) The words florpvoaS^s and florpi oxoirris , having 
 been confounded, has contributed to the error. 
 The former indicates a peculiar mode of arranging 
 the hair. The latter signifies that the hair was 
 encircled with grapes, and accordingly is found 
 among the epithets of Bacchus. V. Etymolog. 
 Magnum. V. floor pvxos. Combe, Ancient Marbles of 
 British Museum, Part, ii., plate 27. 
 
 (3) Thucydides, lib. i., cap. 6. /Elian Var. Hist. 
 lib. iv., cap. 22. 
 
 (4) Cockerell on the /Egina Marbles, Journal of 
 the Sciences and Arts, n° 12. 
 
 (5) Etymolog. Magnum. V. fliorpvxos. 
 
 (6) Pausan. lib. i., cap. 17.— lib. iv., cap. 33. From 
 the number of these square Mercuries, a street of the 
 Agora leading to the Poecile, was called Herman 
 
 One of these seems to have been particularly 
 celebrated, and the prototype of which copies 
 were in high request. From the description of 
 Lucian, 6 apx^uos rpv avaSemv rrjs Kdfirjs, it must have 
 
 N 
 
PL .XI. 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 applied to all figures of this kind, though the heads were of other divinities or 
 personages. These Hennae were placed in great numbers before the doors of 
 temples, and of private houses (1), at the corners of streets, on the high road, 
 and as landmarks in the country, from which last use, their name of terminal 
 is derived. They were held in extreme veneration as objects of worship, 
 sacrifices and libations were daily offered to them, and the severe punishment 
 inflicted on Alcibiades, and many of the most illustrious citizens for a pretended 
 violation of them, is well known. 
 
 The singular form of these figures was derived from the Pelasgi, during the 
 time they inhabited Attica (2). It was retained in all the Pelasgic settlements, 
 especially at Samothrace, where the mysteries established by them were cele¬ 
 brated. Casmilus or Mercury, chief divinity of these mysteries, was represented 
 in a similar manner, for motives communicated only to those who were initiated. 
 
 Antiquaries have endeavoured to account for the origin of terminal figures 
 in an ingenious manner (3). They suppose that in the earliest state of society, 
 those who wished to represent the divinity under the human form, finding it too 
 difficult to model or carve the entire figure, confined themselves to imitating 
 the head only, which they added to the square stones or logs of wood, which 
 formed the first objects of worship. But this hypothesis, however specious, is 
 contradicted by the experience derived from ancient history and monuments, as 
 well as from the accounts of modern travellers who have visited countries where 
 civilization had made little progress. 
 
 The first terminal figures were of Mercury, and probably, for a long time 
 appropriated to him solely; afterwards, illustrious personages, statesmen, poets, 
 philosophers and orators were represented in the same manner. There are also, 
 though perhaps of a more recent epoch, terminal figures of Hercules, Bacchus, 
 Minerva (4), and other divinities distinguished by their respective emblems. 
 Bacchus, especially, is discernible by the ivy or vine leaves, or the clusters which 
 form a garland round his head (5). 
 
 been similar to the present. Lucian, Jupiter Trag. 
 cap. 33. 
 
 The carving of Hermae afforded occupation to a 
 number of artists, who, in consequence, were called 
 Epixoy\v<f>oi. Lucian. Somn. cap. 2. 
 
 (1) Suidas. V. "Ep/xQv. 
 
 (2) Herodotus, lib. ii., cap. 51. 
 
 (3) Winckelmann, Storia delle Arte, tom. i., lib. 
 i., pacj. 7.—Visconti, Museo. Pio. Clem. tom. vi., 
 Prefaz. 
 
 (4) Cicero ad Attic, lib. i., Epist. 4 & 10. 
 
 (5) Terra-cottas of the British Museum, n° 3 and 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 It may be proper to observe on this occasion, that the name of Indian 
 attributed generally to all the bearded figures of Bacchus, is without founda¬ 
 tion. Like other male divinities, Apollo perhaps excepted, Bacchus appears 
 with a beard on all ancient works of art, at least till the time of Phidias. On 
 the coins of Thebes, in particular, he is always represented in this manner, as 
 well as on those of Tliasos, Naxos, and many other cities. The error, however, 
 is not of modern date, but is derived from ancient authors, and we find it in 
 Diodorus (1), who, forgetting the ancient statues, supposes the bearded 
 1 )ionysus or to be the Indian, and gives a fanciful reason for the custom. 
 
 To resume, it is here intended to attribute to Mercury those terminal heads 
 only, which, like the present, are in the archaic style, with the pointed beard 
 (2), the hair disposed in ringlets (3), and have no characteristic attributes. 
 With regard to those of a more recent style (4) which are often confounded with 
 them, they belong to a different class, and are foreign to the present inquiry. 
 
 75. Select Specimens of the Dilettanti Society, 
 plate 39. 
 
 (1) Diodor. Sicul. lib. iii., cap. 62. 
 
 (2) A similar beard was called from its 
 
 cuneiform appearance, and even in later times was 
 peculiar to the Henna?. Artemidor Oneirocrit. lib. i., 
 cap. 37. 
 
 For this reason, the characters called Hermonci in 
 
 ancient comedies, wore masks with such a beard. 
 Pollux, lib. iv., segm. 143, 145. 
 
 (3) Ancient Marbles of the British Museum, Part 
 
 11., plate 17, where a head of Mercury is 
 joined with a female head, perhaps of Venus or 
 Vesta. 
 
 (4) Ancient Marbles of the British Museum, Part 
 
 11., plate 19, 29, 30. 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 PLATE XII. 
 
 This exquisite specimen of the torentic art, probably the cover of an ancient 
 
 It was found near Paramythia in Epirus, at the same place as the celebrated 
 bronzes of Mr. Knight, and was purchased by Mr. Hawkins at Yanina in 
 1798 (1). 
 
 A youth of simple, though dignified appearance, richly attired in the effeminate 
 Asiatic costume, conversing with a female remarkable for beauty and gracefulness, 
 and two Cupids or Loves who animate the scene, cannot fail to remind us at 
 first sight of Paris and Helen, whose adventures belonging alike to history 
 and romance, have been the constant theme of poetry and art for so many 
 ages, and are familiar to us by such numerous associations. 
 
 A feeling of disappointment is experienced then, when on more attentive 
 consideration, we perceive by various reasons, that an explanation so pleasing- 
 may be called in question. 
 
 1° The scene placed among rocks, and the dog crouched at the feet of Paris, 
 are circumstances which indicate his residence on Mount Ida, and his pastoral 
 occupations (2) previous to his voyage to Sparta, and could not therefore be 
 introduced with propriety in a scene representing his interview with Helen. 
 
 2° The action and too great nudity of the female figure, who removing her 
 veil, seems to be making advances which are received with an air of surprise 
 and bashfulness by Paris, do not agree with the character of modesty and per¬ 
 fect decorum constantly attributed by the ancients to Helen (3). The peculiar 
 
 (1) Memoir on the site of Dodona, by Mr. 
 Hawkins, in Walpole’s Travels in the East, pay. 
 
 (2) Hence the epithet of /3ovk6\os, usually given 
 to him by the Greeks, and that of Pastor by 
 the Romans. Theocrit. Idyll, xxviii., vers. 1. 
 Coluthus, Rapt. Helen, vers. 10 & 86. Horat. lib. i., 
 Od. 15. 
 
 481. 
 
 Paramythia is distant from Yanina twelve 
 hours, or from thirty to thirty-five miles directly 
 West; and Mr. H. supposes it to have been near 
 the ancient Dodona: hence the bronzes found 
 there, may have belonged to the treasures of the 
 temple of Dodona. 
 
 (3) Homer always ascribes the conduct of 
 Helen to an irresistible fatality and to the in¬ 
 fluence of Venus. He describes her as deplor¬ 
 ing her situation, and accusing the goddess 
 of being the cause of her misfortunes. Iliad, 
 r. vers. 164, 399—412. Odyss. A. vers. 261-4 
 
 The left hand of the female figure was wanting, 
 but has been restored by Mr. Flaxman. 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 mode of drapery (1), and the two winged boys and "Wos, Love and Desire, 
 the favourite sons of Venus, who usually accompany her (2), induce me rather 
 to recognise this goddess, who previously to the contest between the rival 
 deities, is come to solicit the suffrage of Paris, and promises him in return 
 the possession of the Spartan queen. Several ancient monuments presenting 
 the same subject, would tend to confirm this explanation (3). 
 
 3° The expression of Paris, as it has been observed, indicates doubt and 
 timidity, such as the presence of a goddess would inspire, rather than the 
 sentiments of a passionate and successful lover. 
 
 Impatient of uncertainty, we often prefer specious and agreeable fictions 
 which leave the mind in repose, to researches of doubtful result; but as it is 
 the duty of a writer who has truth in view, to overlook all other considerations, 
 I am obliged, however reluctantly, to state another explanation of which the 
 subject is susceptible. 
 
 In the number of mythological events, there are some of a general nature 
 which resemble each other so closely (4), that unless peculiar characteristic 
 circumstances, or inscriptions are added, they may be easily confounded. 
 
 Thus the present composition might, with great propriety, represent a scene 
 between Anchises and Venus, who enamoured of his beauty, has come to visit 
 him on Mount Ida. 
 
 This fable was of great antiquity, and formed the principal subject of the 
 Homeric hymn to Venus (5). It is also recorded by Hesiod (6) and Theocri¬ 
 tus (7), and from its celebrity, must have attracted the attention of artists, no 
 less than the amours of the goddess with Adonis, which we find frequently 
 
 (1) On this mode of drapery peculiar to Venus, 
 see pag. 5, & pag. 6, note 9. 
 
 (2) Ancient Unedited Monuments, Series I. 
 Greek Vases, pag. 34, note 11. 
 
 (3) Idem. Plate xvii., pag. 49.—Millingen. Vases 
 Grecs, plate xliii. Lucian describes a similar 
 scene, when Juno and Minerva having retired, 
 Venus is left alone with Paris, Dearum Judicium , 
 sect. 15, 16. 
 
 (4) Among the paintings which adorned the 
 temple of Apollonis wife of Attalus, at Cyzicus, 
 many represented actions so analogous, that they 
 
 could only be ascertained by the inscriptions placed 
 underneath. V. Jacobs. Exercit. Crit. tom. ii., pag. 
 127. 
 
 A warrior pursuing a female. Suppliants taking 
 refuge at an altar. Scenes of hospitality or 
 departure; and various other subjects frequent on 
 Vases, V. Hancarville. Tischbeiu, Millin. Ac. 
 
 (5) Vers. 45—291. Iliad. E. vers. 312, 13. 
 
 (6) Theogon, vers. 1009 1011. 
 
 ( 7 ) ov \lyeTcu. rav Kiiwpiv 6 (3uk&\os, epwe ttot’ 
 ipirt ttot ’A-yx^ue ■ 
 
 Theocrit. Idyll. I., vers. 105-6. 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 represented. The costume, and all the circumstances are equally applicable to 
 Anchises (1). Like all the family of Dardanus, he (2) was remarkable for his 
 beauty, and his occupation also was to tend the flocks of his father Capys (3). 
 
 Between the three explanations proposed, the reader will decide : the subject 
 in either case, is equally interesting. 
 
 The composition and execution are alike of the greatest beauty, and such as 
 a subject so graceful required. The figure of the Trojan prince recalls to us 
 the qualities which Euphranor displayed in his picture of Paris (4). He is 
 dressed in the Asiatic costume, with a tiara or cidaris (5), a tunic with sleeves, 
 anaxyrides or drawers spotted (6), probably with gold, and buskins. He wears 
 a gold necklace ; his hair is carefully arranged, and two long plaited tresses 
 fall over his shoulders. Euripides alludes to a similar costume and ornaments 
 worn by Paris (7), and supposes Helen to have been seduced by them. The 
 attitude of Venus is peculiarly elegant, her drapery disposed in a most 
 picturesque manner, covers the lower part of her body. She is adorned with a 
 necklace and bracelets, and her hair is bound with an elevated diadem 
 One of the winged boys is seated near her, the other leans over her familiarly 
 and playfully. 
 
 Mirrors were esteemed sacred to the goddess of Beauty, and were very 
 frequently offered to her in her temples (8). The subject of the present was 
 therefore particularly appropriated to such a destination. 
 
 This precious monument is admirably calculated to give us a notion of those 
 
 (1) In the Homeric Hymn, Venus introduces 
 herself to Anchises as a mortal nymph, the daughter 
 of Otreus. Preparing to depart after their marriage, 
 she awakes him from his sleep, and discovers herself 
 to him as the goddess of Beauty in all her charms. 
 
 The present composition may refer to the moment, 
 when Anchises astonished and confused, according to 
 the poet. 
 
 £1 s 5’ dSev deiprfv re, sal Sp.p.ara k&X’ ’Aippooirips, 
 
 Tap^r/crev re sal 6<rae napaKXi.Sbv Zrpa tto> &XXy. 
 
 Hymn, in Ven. vet's. 182-3. 
 
 (2) The family of Dardanus was remarkable for 
 beauty. Besides Paris and Anchises, Ganymedes was 
 carried away by Jupiter; Tithonus by Aurora, and 
 Iasion by Ceres. 
 
 (3) Supra, note 10. 
 
 (4) Judex dearum, amator Helena}, et tamen 
 Achillis interfector, Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiv., cap. 8. 
 
 (5) It was also called Kvppaaia. Pollux, lib. vii., 
 sec/m. 58. 
 
 (6) XpnadwaaToi. Pollux, lib. vi. 
 
 ( 7 ) . . . . rf roi)s ffvXdxovs tovs ttoikLXovs 
 
 7 rfpl rolv aseXotv iSouaa, Kal rbv xpiScreoi' 
 kXolov (popovvra Trepi p.taov top aux^pa, 
 
 i^cwToridt]. Cyclops, vers. 182-4. 
 
 In this burlesque piece, in which the chorus is 
 composed of Satyrs, the anaxyrides are called BuXaKoi, 
 bags , on account of their width. The name of kAoiAs, 
 given to the necklace, usually signified a dog’s 
 collar. 
 
 (8) Anthol. Grsec. lib. vi., cap. 8, pag. 421. Edit. 
 H. Stephani, 1566. 
 
celebrated productions of Corinthian metal and art (1), so highly valued in 
 antiquity, that sums which appear to us extravagant, were paid for them, and 
 their possessors when travelling, carried them constantly near their persons (2). 
 This admiration and esteem for works of art must have contributed powerfully 
 to inflame the genius of artists, and to create the spirit of emulation which 
 multiplied to such a degree the number of similar productions. 
 
 The merit of the composition is not impaired by the slight uncertainty of 
 the subject, since from the analogy between the stories to which it may be 
 referred, the representation is suited to either (3). Nor, by the same reason, 
 can the uncertainty lead to inferences unfavourable to Archaeology, a science 
 which is progressive, and susceptible of improvement from future discoveries. 
 Let it be remembered also, that even the ancients sometimes (4) differed in 
 their explanation of monuments of preceding ages. 
 
 (1) Corinthian mirrors in particular, were held 
 in high estimation. /Elian. Var. Hist. lib. xii., 
 cap. 58. 
 
 (2) Signis qua) vocant Corinthia, plerique in tantum 
 capiuntur, ut secum circumferant, Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 
 xxxiv., sect. 3, 18. 
 
 (3) A knowledge of the age of an ancient 
 monument, often facilitates its explanation. Thus, 
 if the present is supposed of Calamis, Mys, Boethus, 
 or other artists of the same age, celebrated for 
 
 works of this kind, the female figure would be 
 intended to represent Venus. If we attribute it 
 to the time of Pompey (Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiii., 
 cap. 9), the subject might have been intended for 
 Paris and Helen. 
 
 (4) There are two bas-reliefs with figures perfectly 
 similar. One is inscribed with the names of Ampliion, 
 Zethus, and Antiope; the other those of Orpheus, 
 Mercury, and Eurydice. See Wiuckelmann, Mon. 
 Ined. tom. ii., paej. 113. 
 

 
 
 
 
PL XUI 
 
 
 fjSi 
 
 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 PLATE XIII. 
 
 The early inhabitants of Greece, like all other nations unenlightened by 
 revelation, entertained naturally very imperfect notions with regard to religion. 
 Forgetting the great instinctive truth of the unity of the Supreme Being, they 
 converted his various attributes into so many separate and inferior divinities, 
 whose assistance they implored. Mortal men, also, who had achieved illustrious 
 actions, or had conferred benefits on their country, were deified and became 
 objects of worship. 
 
 In such a state of things, who more than Homer was entitled to receive divine 
 honours ? No quality, indeed, more than genius, can be considered as an attribute 
 or emanation of the divinity; and to no one was it ever bestowed so liberally 
 as to Homer, whose verses appear the production of supernatural inspiration. 
 
 Everything belonging to this extraordinary personage, partakes in some 
 degree ol the mysterious character in which the divinity is involved. His 
 country, his birth, the time when lie lived, are alike uncertain. In the midst 
 of a dark and almost barbarous age, his appearance was splendid and 
 unanticipated like that of a meteor. Superior to his predecessors or contem¬ 
 poraries, all of whom he left at a distance excluding competition, he attained a 
 degree of eminence which has never yet been equalled, and after a lapse of near 
 three thousand years, notwithstanding all the improvements in science and art, 
 Homer stands unrivalled in fame and glory. 
 
 A people who like the Greeks, excelled all others in genius, could not be 
 insensible to the transcendent merits of the poet, nor ungrateful for the glory 
 which he conferred on them. Accordingly, we find temples and altars dedicated 
 to him by various cities and kings. 
 
 The present monument is one of those which commemorate this apotheosis (1). 
 Homer whose appearance bespeaks his advanced age, is seated on the eagle of 
 Jupiter. The bird with expanded wings is at the moment of taking its flight, and 
 
 (1) From a vase of silver found at Herculaneum, 
 and preserved in the Royal Museum at Naples. The 
 figures are of the same dimensions as in the engraving. 
 'I’he form of the vase is represented underneath. 
 
 It is mentioned by Winckelmann, Storia dell’ Arte, 
 tom. ii., pay. 215; not. 3, and tom. iii., jmc/. 231, Edit, 
 of Rome, 1782. 
 
 4 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 conveying a new inhabitant to Olympus. The attitude of the poet indicates 
 calmness and meditation : his head reclining on his hand, is veiled, as a symbol 
 of apotheosis (1). In the other hand is the volume of his unrivalled poems. 
 
 His two immortal daughters, the Iliad and Odyssey, witness the divine 
 honours paid to their parent. They are personified as two females with appropriate 
 attributes. The first, of a warlike character, has a helmet, shield, spear, and 
 sword. The younger sister has the pileus or mariners cap, characteristic of 
 Ulysses (2), and holds a rudder (3), emblem of naval concerns. A short sword 
 is suspended by a belt on her left side. 
 
 A festoon of laurels encircles the summit or rim of the vase, and appears 
 supported by ribbons or fillets. Various emblems, of which two only remain, 
 were affixed to it; one is a satyrical mask, alluding perhaps to some of the 
 lighter compositions of the poet (4); the other is a swan. This bird, emblem 
 of Apollo and the Muses, seems fluttering its wings, and preparing to accompany 
 the new divinity. The field is occupied by arabesque ornaments disposed with 
 taste. The flowers which compose them, are probably those most pleasing to 
 the poet (5). 
 
 The head of the poet resembles more his portraits on the coins of Amastris, 
 los, and other cities (6), than his busts, which usually are like that in the 
 British Museum. Both portraits, as before observed, are conventional (7). 
 
 The vase is of silver, and valuable as being one of the few monuments of 
 that metal which have escaped the rapacity of ancient or modern barbarians. 
 It appears to have been cast in a mould, and afterwards finished with the 
 chisel. Vases of this kind were anciently in high estimation (8), and we hear 
 of immense sums being paid for some which were productions of celebrated 
 artists. The present is of inferior execution, and probably may be referred to 
 the imperial age of Rome. 
 
 (1) Visconti. Icon. Grecque, tom. i., png. 53. 
 
 (2) Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxv., sect. 36, Winckelmann, 
 Mon. Ined. pag. 208. 
 
 (3) n^SdXtov. A rudder or an oar, anciently very 
 similar in form, were often placed on the tombs of 
 mariners. Homer. Odyss. M. vers. 15. Virgil, .Eneid, 
 lib. vi., vers. 233. 
 
 (4) Cercopes, Margites, Ac. V., Fabricius, Bibl. 
 Grrnca. 
 
 (5) Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxi., sect. 17. Philostrat. 
 Icon. lib. ii., cap. 8. 
 
 (6) Everything relating to the honours paid 
 to the memory of Homer, and the various repre¬ 
 sentations of him has been discussed in the 
 most satisfactory manner by Visconti. Iconographie 
 Grecque, ibid. 
 
 (7) V. Series i., Greek Vf\^es, pag. 84. 
 
 (8) Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiii., sect. 55. 
 

 A 
 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 PLATE XIV. 
 
 The art of working the precious metals, either separately, or uniting them with 
 other substances, such as ivory or ebony, and forming a polychrome sculpture, 
 was called Toreutice (1), and greatly esteemed by the ancients. It was known at a 
 very early epoch, as may be inferred from the descriptions of the shield of Achilles, 
 the ark of Cypselus, and other productions of the kind. Phidias is supposed to have 
 carried it to perfection, and several artists acquired great celebrity by practising it. 
 
 A most curious, perhaps unique specimen of this art, and of the perfection to 
 which it was carried by the Etruscans is here represented (2). It was discovered 
 near Perugia (3), and served to ornament a votive car of bronze, dedicated in 
 some ancient temple (4) situated on the spot. It is not cast, but formed of a 
 very thin laminated plate of silver, chased or driven out with the puncheon and 
 chisel. The figures are in high relief, and in some parts detached from the 
 ground. Many of the accessories are of thin sheets of gold overlaid. 
 
 The subject does not appear mythological or heroical. Two men riding on 
 horseback at full speed, might be taken for hunters, as they are without arms; 
 but a prostrate figure under the horses, makes it probable that they are warriors 
 victorious in battle : a subject pleasing to a warlike people, and which would 
 be often repeated. One of the horsemen holds a branch of a tree; the other 
 has a short stick or goad («<? vrpov ). The hair, the borders of the drapery, the half¬ 
 boots, and various ornaments of the several figures are of gold. The bridles, 
 manes, tails and hoofs of the horses are of the same metal. 
 
 The style bears a great resemblance to that of Egyptian and early Greek 
 monuments : a resemblance frequently noticed by ancient authors (5). 
 
 How long this peculiar style was retained in Etruria is an important question 
 in the history of the Arts, but which has not yet been resolved. 
 
 (1) Plin. H. N. lib. xxxiv., 19; lib. xxxiii., 55. 
 
 (2) In the collection of the late R. P. Knight, Esq. 
 It was cut by those who found it into several pieces, 
 now united. The engraving is three-fourths of the 
 size of the original. 
 
 (3) Vermiglioli, Saggio di Bronzi Etrusehi, Perugia 
 1813.—Micali, l’ltalia avanti i Romani, tom. ii ., par/. 
 220, Ediz. 2\ 
 
 (4) Chariots were frequently consecrated to 
 divinities, and placed in their temples; Herodot. lib. 
 v., cap. 77; zElian. Var. Hist. Frag. n. Visconti, 
 Museo. Pio. Clem. torn, v., tav. 44. 
 
 (5) Supra, plate i., pag. 2 .—The present composition 
 may be compared with those figured in D’Hancarville. 
 Vases d’Hamilton, tom. i., pi. 25 ; tfc Bassi Relievi 
 Volsci. Roma, 1785. 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 PLATE XV. 
 
 The Sirens confiding in their superior skill, and instigated by Juno, dared to 
 challenge the Muses to a contest of vocal and instrumental melody : the latter 
 being victorious, cut off the wings of the Sirens, and with the feathers made 
 crowns and ornaments for their head-dress, which they wore as trophies of their 
 victory. 
 
 This fable forms the subject of a bas-relief Plate XV. (1), where, according to 
 a license often taken by ancient artists, two different scenes relating to a story 
 are united in the same composition. In the first part or scene, Jupiter, judge 
 of the contest is seated on his throne, holding his sceptre and thunder; the 
 eagle is at his feet. On one side of Jupiter is Juno (2), who solicits him in favour 
 of the Sirens ; on the other side is Minerva, sister and patroness of the Muses (3). 
 
 In the presence of these divinities, the three Sirens are contending with an 
 equal number of Muses. One playing on the double flute, is opposed to Euterpe ; 
 another contends with Erato on the lyre; and the third who is singing, is 
 opposed to Polymnia (4). Two of the Muses, Urania and Thalia, distinguished 
 by their attributes, are in the back ground, and take no part in the action. 
 
 The second scene shews the result of the contest. The Sirens appear in a 
 state of despair and affliction, while the Muses victorious, are inflicting punish¬ 
 ment on them, and plucking the feathers from their wings. One of the fallen 
 Sirens embraces the feet of the ninth Muse, who stands at the extremity of 
 the composition, and is without doubt Melpomene their mother (5). She takes 
 
 (1) From a marble sarcophagus, in the palace of 
 the Neri family at Florence. Length seven feet. 
 
 (2) Pausan. lib. ix., cap. 34. Stephanus Byzant, 
 
 A. “\iTTtpa. 
 
 At Coroneia in Bocotia was a temple of Juno, with 
 an ancient statue of the goddess, holding the Sirens in 
 her hand, ibid. 
 
 The relation between Juno and the Sirens has not 
 been noticed by any ancient writers, and we are 
 ignorant of its cause. 
 
 (3) Minerva was supposed to have invented the 
 
 double-flute and lyre, the former of which she gave to 
 the Muses, Aristid. Orat. in Minerv., tom. i., pag. 14. 
 
 (4) For all that relates to the attributes of the 
 Muses, the reader may see the observations of Visconti, 
 Museo. Pio. Clem., tom. i., plate 16, 26 ; et tom. iv., 
 plate 14, 15. 
 
 (5) The Sirens were supposed to be the daughters 
 of Acheloiis and Melpomene one of the Muses. Others 
 pretend that Terpsichore was their mother. Apollodor. 
 lib. i., cap. 3. Apollon. Rhod. Argon, lib. iv., vers. 
 S95. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 


 
( 29 ) 
 
 no part in the action, but seems to be a reluctant spectator of the fate of her 
 daughters. 
 
 The Sirens are represented as they generally appear, of the human form as 
 far as the waist, and the lower parts are those of birds. It is to be noticed that 
 in the first scene, they are supposed to be disguised by a dress which conceals 
 their wings and great part of their legs. In the second scene, where they are 
 stripped of their tunics, they appear of their natural form. This circumstance, 
 and others equally unnoticed, with which the subject is here represented, were 
 perhaps taken from some of the dramatic compositions relating to the Sirens, 
 produced by Epicharmus, Nicophon, and Theopompus. 
 
 The ancients vary in their descriptions of the Sirens. In the time of 
 Homer (1), they were considered as being simply of the human form, for had 
 any other been attributed to them, the poet ever fond of the marvellous, 
 would not have omitted to notice it. Euripides gives them the epithet of 
 winged virgins (2), and perhaps in his time they were figured in that manner. 
 They appear as three graceful young women, but without wings, on several 
 alabaster sarcophagi found at Yolterra and other cities of Etruria (3). Apol¬ 
 lonius Rliodius is the first author known to us who speaks of their double 
 form (4), but we are ignorant at what period this alteration took place. 
 Probably, it was introduced from Egypt, and was among the innovations to 
 which Aristophanes alludes (5). All certain monuments in which they are thus 
 represented, are of a recent epoch (6). 
 
 Some antiquaries have supposed, that the birds with human heads figured 
 on some vases of the archaic style (7), were intended for Sirens, but the point 
 
 (1) Odyss. M. vers. 39, seqq. 
 
 (2) Ilrepotpopoi veaviSes 
 TlapOevoi, x^ ov ^ K&pai, 
 
 Setp^ves. 
 
 Helena, vers. 167-9. 
 
 Perhaps they were represented like Aurora, 
 the Harpies and other divinities of an inferior 
 order. Anc. Uned. Monuin., Series I., plate 15, 
 pag. 41. 
 
 (3) Gori, Mus. Etrusc. tom. i., tav. 147. 
 
 (4) Argonauticon, lib. iv., vers. 898-9. 
 
 (5) Nubes, vers. 335-8, V. Anc. Uned. Monuin., 
 Series I., pag. 37, (14). 
 
 (6) A very curious monument representing 
 the Sirens of a double form, is a fictile vase 
 found near Sorrento, where the temple of the 
 Sirens anciently existed. It is not however, of 
 an earlier date than the second century before 
 our Eera. It is in the collection of Count Pourtales 
 at Paris. 
 
 All other monuments appear subsequent to the 
 establishment of the imperial government at 
 Rome. 
 
 (7) A great objection to this opinion is that 
 the figures in question are not always of the 
 same species; but we find swans, eagles, owls, 
 
( 30 ) 
 
 is doubtful, and the} r may be the Keledones or Iynges (1), represented on the 
 roof of the Delphian and other temples. In magic ceremonies the latter played 
 a great part, and representations of them must have been common. 
 
 According to Homer, whose authority was generally followed, they were 
 considered as inferior deities of an odious nature ; but other poets seem to have 
 viewed them in a more favourable light, and as being like the Muses, remark¬ 
 able for their melodious voices and musical skill. As emblems of these qualities, 
 we find them placed on the tombs of orators and poets (2). Unfortunately 
 we are not told how they were figured. 
 
 Though not contributing to remove the difficulties of the question, the 
 present monument, which preserves a fable little known, and appears for the 
 first time on works of art (3) is a valuable addition to our stock of figured 
 Antiquity. The execution is of inferior order, and may be referred to the third 
 century of the Christian mra, when the arts were near the last stage of their 
 decline. 
 
 and hawks, to which human heads are added. 
 Sometimes the arms also are human. V. Series I., 
 pag. 38. 
 
 Since the publication of the last mentioned 
 volume, two fictile vases which tend to throw 
 light on the question have been discovered. 
 One found near Athens, represents two com¬ 
 pound figures of birds with human heads and 
 arms. They are standing each on a hillock 
 supposed to be surrounded with trees. One of 
 them plays on the flute, the other wears a helmet, 
 and its wings are extended. The other vase was 
 found at Melos. A figure like the preceding 
 stands on a fluted truncated column, between 
 two old bearded male figures, who are leaning 
 on sticks, and listening to the figure which is 
 playing upon the lyre. They are in the collection 
 of Thomas Burgon, Esq. 
 
 (1) The mistaken reading of an inscription 
 
 on a Greek fictile vase, has induced some anti¬ 
 quaries to think, that the Keledones mentioned 
 by Pindar (Paean. Frag. I.), were females playing- 
 on the lyre : but the true reading is KAAEA0KE2, 
 probably the name of the possessor. Ardito, 
 Illustrazione di un antico vaso trovato nelle 
 Bovine di Locri, Napoli 1791, in-4° —Heyne, 
 
 notse in Pindar, l. c. 
 
 Writers of a later age seem to have confounded 
 the Keledones and Iynges with the Sirens, 
 perhaps because the latter were represented 
 i:i the same manner as the two former. Philo- 
 strat. Vita Apoll. lib. vi., cap. 2 : Athenaeus. lib. vii., 
 cap. 2. 
 
 (2) Philost. Vit. Sophist, lib. i., cap. 17. 
 
 (3) A fragment representing two figures only, 
 but belonging to the same subject, has been 
 published by Winckelmann; Monumenti Ined. 
 n° 46. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 PLATE XVI. 
 
 The subject of the marble tablet, n° 1, is the lustration of a horse and dog (i), 
 and their presentation to Diana or Hecate, who was supposed to take the 
 animals thus consecrated under her special protection, and to preserve them 
 from all accidents, but particularly fascination. 
 
 Rites of this nature were usual in Greece ; but in Thessaly, where the present 
 monument was found, they must have been very frequent, on account of the 
 passion of the inhabitants of that country for horses and the chase. 
 
 The figure with a torch is certainly Diana or Hecate, two divinities originally 
 distinct, but in later times confounded (2). Their functions, however, even 
 anciently, were in many respects the same; and Hesiod (3) ascribes to Hecate 
 the superintendence of the chase, more generally an attribute of Diana (4). 
 Both were peculiarly venerated in Thessaly. A torch, of great use in all 
 lustrations or purifications, was the emblem of either (5). 
 
 It is possible, however, that instead of the divinity herself, it may be only 
 a priestess, who bearing her emblems, performs the ceremony (6). Her right 
 hand placed on the horse’s head, shews that the animal is consecrated. 
 
 This curious bas-relief, which has the usual form of votive monuments, was 
 probably dedicated by some lover of the chase, who had implored the goddess 
 
 (1) Found in the ruins of Crannon, in Thessaly, 
 and in the possession of Lieut.-Colonel Leake. Dimen¬ 
 sions 1 foot 3 inches, by 1 foot 11 inches. 
 
 (2) V. Series i., Greek Vases, pag. 45. 
 
 (3) 'IVoi’ws 5 ’ aypqv kvSvt) deos utratre -jtoXXtjv, 
 
 'Peta S' acpeiXero <paivopiv-qv, edtXova'd ye dvp.<p. 
 
 Theogon. vers. 442-3. 
 
 The author of the supposed hymns of Orpheus, 
 describes Hecate with three heads, those of a horse, 
 dog, and serpent. Argon, vers. 982. 
 
 Perhaps the superintendence of Hecate over these 
 animals was the motive for describing her under 
 such a form, but no representations of the kind 
 appear. 
 
 (4) *A prt/jus ayporipa. Pausan. lib, i., cap. 19. Arrian, 
 de Venat. cop. 33. 
 
 (5) The torches were of sulphur, esteemed very 
 efficacious in all expiatory sacrifices. 
 
 Cuperent lustrari, si qua darentur 
 Sulphura eum teedis. 
 
 Juvenal Sat. ii., vers. 157-8. 
 
 Fumigations were also considered as a remedy in 
 several diseases, and a powerful cure for an animal 
 which was fascinated. Veget. Art. Veterin. lib. iii., 
 cap. 74, and lib. iv., cap. 12. 
 
 (6) Arrian (de Venat. cap. 33), alludes to 
 such a ceremony, by the expression Tfj deip diroKadaipeiv 
 robs K<uvas. 
 
 The same author adds, that if proper offerings are 
 not made to the divinities who preside over the chase, 
 the dogs will be wounded, the horses grow lame, and 
 the huntsmen take a false scent, ibid, cap. 35. 
 
( 32 ) 
 
 in behalf of his favourite animals. Or it may have been placed in the precincts 
 of a temple, or perhaps inserted in the wall of a stable, like the images of the 
 goddess Hippona (1) at Rome, as a sj^ell against every sort of evil. 
 
 The execution is indifferent, but the subject is new, and interesting by its 
 reference to a modern superstitious ceremony annually performed at Rome (2). 
 
 Before embarking on a distant navigation, or during a storm and other 
 dangers of the sea, it was customary for mariners and other persons, to promise 
 sacrifices and offerings to Neptune, Glaucus, and the various divinities of the 
 ocean, in case of safe arrival at their destination. Among other vows, was 
 sometimes that of cutting off the hair and offering it to the divinity, whose 
 protection was implored. 
 
 The marble tablet n° 2 (3), which has also the form of an cedicula, illustrates 
 this custom. Two tresses of plaited hair are suspended under a kind of portico, 
 between two pilasters which support the roof. On the architrave, the inscription 
 «aombpotos AcfeoxHTos aeinomaxot nozEiAtm, shews that Philombrotus and Aphthonetus, 
 the sons of Deinomachus have dedicated their hair to Neptune (4) in some of 
 his temples, and have erected the tablet to commemorate this act of piety. 
 
 (1) Juvenal. Satyr, viii., vers. 157. Plutarch. 
 Parallel, tom. vii., pag. 241, edit. Reiske. Apuleius. 
 Metamorph. lib. iii., pag. 225. 
 
 The present monument having been found in 
 Thessaly, where Apuleius places the scene of his fable, 
 it is not impossible that he alluded, under the Roman 
 name of Hippona, to a figure like the present. 
 
 (2) Horses and other animals are annually taken 
 in the church of St. Antonio, where they are blessed 
 on the 17th of January, festival of the Saint. V. 
 Middleton. Let. from Rome. 
 
 (3) It was found in the ruins of Pthiotic Thebes, 
 in Thessaly, and is also in the collection of Lieut.- 
 Colonel Leake. Dimensions 1 foot 2 inches, by 1 foot 
 1 inch. 
 
 (4) In an ancient epigram a mariner escaped 
 from shipwreck, says that he offers his hair to 
 Neptune and the marine divinities, because lie 
 had preserved nothing else to give. Anthol. Gneca. 
 lib. vi., cap. 21, epigr. i. Potter Archseol. Gnec. lib. 
 iii., cap. 20. 
 
PL XVUl. 
 
 SABBONYX. 
 
 *•/ Mr , /<////< , // r > * sr. t //,s f Wf/t/ts/ / . 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 PLATE XVII. 
 
 A patera or cup of sardonyx, engraved on both sides in relief (1). The exterior 
 presents a full-faced head of Medusa with spreading hair and surrounded by 
 serpents. The interior, extremely shallow, is adorned at the bottom, which is 
 perfectly level, with the graceful composition represented in this plate. 
 
 It has been previously published by several antiquaries (2); and in the last 
 instance by Visconti (3), with an engraving more correct indeed than any of the 
 preceding, but still deficient in several particulars : doubtless, because the author 
 trusted to a drawing that he had not the opportunity of comparing with the 
 original. 
 
 According to a new explanation proposed by him, the bearded figure seated 
 on the left, is the Nile, who holds a cornucopia?, the usual symbol of his fertility ; 
 the recumbent female figure leaning on a sphinx, is Isis, emblem or personification 
 of Egypt; the two female figures on the right are the nymphs Memphis and 
 Ancliirrhoe, daughters of the Nile ; two young men hovering in the air are the 
 Etesian winds, which blowing against the current of the Nile, produce its 
 annual overflow. 
 
 After such an ingenious and satisfactory elucidation of the several figures 
 described, we must regret that the learned author should not have been alike 
 successful in ascertaining the name of the figure which appears to be stepping- 
 forward in the centre of the composition. He supposes, but without sufficient 
 foundation, that it is Horus, who presided over the annual overflowing of the 
 river, and that the object in its right hand is an antlia or hydraulic instrument, 
 emblematic of the power of Horus or the sun on the waters of the Nile. 
 
 It is evident from a slight observation of the composition, that an action is 
 implied, in which this figure bears the principal part. The general character, 
 the costume, and the want of any symbolical attribute, shew that it is not a 
 divinity, but a portrait of some celebrated historical personage. He is 
 represented arriving in Egypt, and received by the tutelary divinities of the 
 country. Hence the opinion of Bianchini, that the subject was the apotheosis 
 
 (1) Formerly in the Farnese collection, but now in (2) Maffei Museum Veronense, pay. 356. Osserva- 
 
 the Royal Museum at Naples. The engraving is of zioni Letterarie, tom. ii., pay. 339. 
 
 the same size as the original. (3) Museo. Pio. Clement, tom. iii., tav. C. n° 1. 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 of Alexander, the great benefactor of Egypt, where divine honours were paid to 
 his memory (1). As far indeed as a likeness can be traced in figures of such 
 small dimensions, this opinion of Bianchini seems confirmed. 
 
 The resemblance to Alexander may however be called in question by some, 
 who would be more inclined to consider Hadrian as the principal character. 
 That prince was equally distinguished by his munificence to Egypt, and even 
 during his lifetime, a temple was erected to him at Alexandria (2). The costume 
 of the principal personage is rather Roman than Greek, and the style of sculpture 
 in the figures of Isis and the two winds (3), suits better the age of Hadrian 
 than that of the first Ptolemies, to which it is ascribed by Visconti. 
 
 Something must be said of the instrument taken for an antlia. Beiim in 
 great part concealed by the cornucopise, it cannot be well defined. It is however 
 an attribute of Isis, who upholds it, and not of the personage who grasps its 
 summit. May it not be the mast of a vessel, and an emblem of Isis, the 
 goddess who presided over navigation (4), and is frequently represented with a 
 sail? It should be noticed here that Visconti has mistaken for serpents the 
 cords disposed spirally round the staff. In his engraving, the ears of corn 
 behind the nymphs, the leaves of the palm-tree against which the Nile reclines, 
 and various other details are omitted. 
 
 These observations, though unconcluding, are submitted to the learned, in 
 hopes of engaging them to a new and more satisfactory elucidation of this 
 admirable gem, in which art and nature seem to vie with each other. Remarkable 
 not only for its size, but for its great purity, and its richly variegated tints, of 
 which the artist has availed himself with much skill; it affords a specimen of a 
 branch of ancient magnificence (5) unknown in modern times. 
 
 The head of Medusa represented in relief on the opposite side of the patera, 
 not requiring any explanation, the reader is referred to the engraving of it 
 published by Maffei in the work already cited. 
 
 (1) Maffei supposed the subject to represent 
 Ptolemy Auletes and his family; the Abbe 
 Barthelemy that it was Ceres, Triptolemus and 
 Bacchus, Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscript, et Bell. 
 Lett. tom. xxx. 
 
 (2) Eckhell. Doct. Hum. Vet. tom. iv., pag. 64. 
 
 (3) There is great analogy between these figures 
 
 and those represented on various monuments of the 
 era of the Antonines. Visconti. Mus. Pio. Clem. tom. 
 v., tav. 29. 
 
 (4) Eckhell. Doct. N. V. tom. vii., pag. 140. 
 
 (5) The great Pompey found 2000 vases of sardonyx 
 among the treasures of Mithridates. Appian. de 
 Bello Mithridat. 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 PLATE XVIII. 
 
 A fragment of a terra-cotta lamp, n° 2, represents Perseus seated by Andro¬ 
 meda, who leans affectionately on him, and seems to seek his protection (1). 
 Armed with the helmet of Pluto and the winged sandals of Mercury, the hero 
 upholds the Gorgonian head, probably against Phineus (2), who, attempting to 
 prevent his marriage with Andromeda, is turned into stone at the sight of the 
 fatal spell. 
 
 Though of rude execution and materials, this fragment, interesting by the 
 subject which is new, is of importance by the elucidation it affords of an ancient 
 painting found in Herculaneum (3), but never explained. By comparing one 
 with the other, it is evident they are both taken from a common original, and 
 present the same subject. 
 
 Hence in the picture, the two heads hovering about, are the Gorgons 
 pursuing Perseus, who raises part of the veil of Andromeda, to protect her 
 from the monstrous sight. Perhaps the literal expression yo P1 d V K e<pa\*i employed 
 by Homer (4), suggested the notion of this fanciful representation. 
 
 The inscriptions which accompany the figures on the fragment of Roman 
 pottery, n° 2, enable us to recognise Paris (PABJS), conversing familiarly with 
 QEnone (CENONE), who endeavours, perhaps, to prevent his journey to Sparta 
 (5). Rocks, trees, and a rustic edifice are indications of Mount Ida, where the 
 scene is placed (6). A recumbent figure in the foreground, is the Scamander, 
 or the Cebrenus, father of GEnone. The oxen drinking in its stream, allude to 
 the well known pastoral occupations of Paris. 
 
 The present composition tends to confirm the conjecture that a female figure 
 seated in the back ground of a picture representing Venus conversing with 
 Paris, may be CEnone, whose adventures formed the subject of several poems, 
 as we may infer from the epistle of Ovid. 
 
 (1) Apollodor. lib. ii., cap. 4, 3. 
 
 (2) The present group was probably taken from 
 a more extensive composition relating to Per¬ 
 seus. The subject might also represent that 
 hero protecting Danae, his mother, against the 
 pursuit of Polvdectes at Seriphus, as in an 
 ancient painting of the temple of Apollonis, at 
 
 Cyzicus. V. Jacubs. Exerc. Crit. lorn, ii., pag. 
 
 117. 
 
 (3) Pitture d’Ercolano, tom. iii., tav. 12. 
 
 (4) Iliad E. vers. 73S. 
 
 (5) Apollodorus, lib. iii., cap. 12, 6. Ovid. Epist. 
 (Enones ad Paridem. 
 
 (6) Millingen. Vases Grecs, pi. xliii., pag. 65. 
 
( 36 ) 
 
 PLATES XIX. & XX. 
 
 These circular bas-reliefs of terra-cotta seem intended solely for ornaments, 
 and were probably suspended intermediately with garlands and fillets on the 
 walls of temples or private houses, for religious or other purposes. They may 
 also have been used to adorn the funeral piles, or at ceremonies in honour of 
 the dead; and their having been found in tombs, is perhaps a circumstance 
 favourable to this last opinion. 
 
 Two of the medallions exhibit female heads, with hair elegantly and fanci¬ 
 fully attired : the Cupids and the dove which accompany them, prove that they 
 represent Venus. N° 2 offers a head of Medusa, with serpents twined round 
 her neck, and surrounded by conical appendages intended to indicate the scales 
 of the aegis. 
 
 They were anciently painted of various colours, still visible in many parts ; 
 the ground and faces were white, the hair and ornaments red, the wings of the 
 Cupids, the flowers, and other accessories blue. The general effect must have 
 been lively and pleasing, and though intended for temporary purposes, they 
 display the same principles of taste and elegance, that distinguish the more 
 elevated productions of Greek Art. 
 
 THE END. 
 

 PL XIX 
 

 
 
INDEX 
 
 *** The numbers in a parenthesis indicate the notes. 
 
 A. 
 
 Achelous, father of the Sirens, 28, (5). 
 
 .Eginetic style, monuments of, 4, 14. 
 
 .Egis, worn by Minerva as a shield, 10—its origin, 
 ibid. —ambiguous meaning of the word, 11—of 
 Jupiter, emblematic of the divine power over the 
 elements, ibid. —entrusted by Jupiter to Apollo, 
 12—constant attribute of Minerva, ibid. —its 
 different forms and properties, ibid. —head of 
 Medusa affixed to it, ibid. 
 
 .Egiochus, epithet of Jupiter, 11, (3). 
 
 .Eschines, a celebrated Athenian orator, his portrait, 
 17—his character, ibid. 
 
 Agamemnon, represented, 1. 
 
 Alexander, great benefactor of Egypt, 33 — his 
 temples, ibid. 
 
 Amycl^e, throne of Bathycles in that city, 4, (6). 
 
 Anchises, his interview with Venus on Mount Ida, 
 22. 
 
 Ancient monuments, a knowledge of their age facili¬ 
 tates their explanation, 24, (3)—present am¬ 
 biguous subjects, 24—not always understood by 
 the ancients, 24, (3)—with varied inscriptions, 
 24, (4). 
 
 Andromeda, liberated by Perseus, 35. 
 
 Apollo, the only male divinity represented beardless, 
 
 20 . 
 
 Apollonis, her temple at Cyzicus, 22, (4), 35, (2). 
 
 Apotheosis, its origin, 25—of Homer, ibid. —of Alex¬ 
 ander, 34—-of Hadrian, ibid. 
 
 Archaic style, its characteristics, 1, 9—often imi¬ 
 tated, 9. 
 
 Art, the ancient Greek, resembles the Egyptian and 
 Etruscan, 1, 13, 27. 
 
 Artists (Ancient), their freedom in copying, 7—- 
 their attention to propriety, 8, 21. 
 
 Athenians, received the worship of Mercury from the 
 Pelasgi, 19. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bacchus, anciently bearded, 20—erroneously called 
 Indian when bearded, ibid. 
 
 Beard, of Mercury represented cuneiform, 18—attri¬ 
 buted to all male divinities except Apollo, 20. 
 Bellerophon, kills the chimaera, 4. 
 
 Birds, with human heads, supposed to be Sirens, 
 29, (7). 
 
 B0TPT0EIAH2, peculiar mode of head-dress, 18, (2). 
 B0TPT0XAITH2, epithet of Bacchus, 18, (2). 
 
 C. 
 
 Car (Votive), found near Perugia, 27 —often conse¬ 
 crated in temples, ibid. (4). 
 
 Capua, monuments found there, 5, 15—restored by 
 Julius Caesar, ibid. 
 
 Casmilus, or Mercury, a Pelasgic divinity, 19. 
 Cebrenus (The River), father of CEnone, 35. 
 
 Chlamys, used as a shield, 10. 
 
 Chimera, killed by Bellerophon, 4. 
 
 Chrysaor, produced by the blood of Medusa, 3. 
 Chryse, surname of Minerva, 13. 
 
 Cibisis, attribute of Perseus, 3. 
 
 Cidaris, or tiara, 23. 
 
38 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Coins, representing Medusa, 3, (4)—Bellerophon, (4), 
 (6)—of Corinth, represent Venus holding a shield, 
 5—of Thasos and Naxos, 20—of Thebes, ibid. 
 Corinth, its hero Bellerophon, 4, (6)—temple of 
 Venus in the Acrocorinthus, 5—celebrated for 
 works of brass, 24—and mirrors, ibid. 
 
 Cupid, V. Love. 
 
 Cypselus (Ark of), 3, 27. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dardanus, his family remarkable for beauty, 23 (2)—- 
 dedicates a statue of Minerva Ch ryse, 13. 
 
 Diana, confounded with Hecate, 31—horses and dogs 
 consecrated to her, ibid. 
 
 Diodorus Siculus, his error in giving the name of 
 Indian to the bearded Bacchus, 20. 
 
 Dionysius, V. Bacchus. 
 
 Dogs, consecrated to Diana and Hecate, 31. 
 
 Dorians, their costume, that of a warlike people, 2, 
 
 ( 6 ). 
 
 E. 
 
 Egyptian Art, its resemblance to the Etruscan and 
 early Greek, 1, 13, 27. 
 
 Epeius, author of the Trojan Horse, 1. 
 
 EPMorAT4>OI, class of sculptors so called 18, (6). 
 Erythr/e, statue of Minerva in that city, 14. 
 Etruscan Art, its resemblance to the Egyptian and 
 early Greek, 1, 27. 
 
 Euphranor, his picture of Paris, 23. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gilding, of ancient monuments, 9, 27. 
 
 Gorgons, how represented, 3, (4)—pursue Terseus, 3, 
 (2), 35. 
 
 Gryphon, emblem of Minerva, 9. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hadrian, great benefactor of Egypt, 34 — his apo¬ 
 theosis, ibid. 
 
 Hair, Greeks very careful of it, 2, (7)—how arranged 
 in statues of an early period, 18—offered in 
 temples, 32. 
 
 HarpA, attribute of Perseus, 3. 
 
 Hecate, confounded with Diana, 31—her emblem a 
 torch, ibid .—horses and dogs consecrated to her, 
 ibid. 
 
 Helen, amiable character given her by Homer, 21. 
 
 Herculaneum, monuments found there, 9, 25—expla¬ 
 nation of a picture, 35. 
 
 Herm.e, terminal heads of Hermes or Mercury, 18— 
 their peculiar head-dress and beard, ibid .—very 
 frequent at Athens, 19—invented by the Pelasgi, 
 ibid. — those of Bacchus how distinguished, 
 ibid. —V. Terminal heads. 
 
 Hermes or Mercury, introduced into Athens by the 
 Pelasgi, 19—how represented in early works of 
 art, 20. 
 
 Hippona, goddess who presided over horses, 32. 
 
 Homer, his description of the armour of Minerva 
 explained, 10, (2)—his apotheosis, 25 —- his 
 different portraits, 26—his temples and altars, 
 25. 
 
 Horses, consecrated to Diana or Hecate, 31. 
 
 Horus, or the Sun, 33. 
 
 I. 
 
 Ida (Mount), indicated, 21, 35. 
 
 Iliad, how personified, 26. 
 
 Ilian Minerva, her attribute a distaff, 14. 
 
 IMEP02, Desire, the son of Venus, 22. 
 
 Indian Bacchus, the figures so called, usually repre¬ 
 sent Mercury, 18. 
 
 Isis, an emblem of Egypt, 33. 
 
 Itonian Minerva, her statue, 13. 
 
 Ionians, their costume that of an effeminate people, 
 2, (5)—great care of their head-dress, 18. 
 
 J. 
 
 Juno, sometimes figured with the eegis, 11, (1) re¬ 
 presented holding the Sirens in her hand, 28, 
 ( 2 ). 
 
 Jupiter, why the epithet of HSgiochus was given to 
 him, 11—judge of the contest between the Muses 
 and the Sirens, 28. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 39 
 
 K. 
 
 KATAIKirftN, the bearded Bacchus so called, 20. 
 KAAEA0KE2, inscribed on a vase, does not signify a 
 Keledon, but is the name of its possessor, 30, (1). 
 Keledones, represented in the temple of Delphi, 30—- 
 confounded with the Sirens, ibid. (1). 
 
 L. 
 
 Lustration of a horse and dog, 31. 
 
 M. 
 
 Magna Gracia, its ancient splendour, 16. 
 
 Medusa killed by Perseus, 3 —Chrysaor and Pegasus 
 produced from her blood, ibid .—her head affixed 
 to the aegis, 12, (7)—the sight of her head fatal 
 to Phineus, 35. 
 
 Melos (Island of). Various monuments found there, 
 3, 4, 7, 29, (7). 
 
 Melpomene, mother of the Sirens, 28. 
 
 Mercury, V. Hermes. 
 
 Minerva or Pallas, her emblem a gryphon, 9—wears 
 the aegis as a shield, 10—her armour and cos¬ 
 tume described, 10, (2)—represented in different 
 modes, 13 —with a polus, ibid .—holding her 
 helmet, 14—witli the thunderbolt, ibid .—with a 
 distaff, ibid .—surnamed Chryse, ibid. —protec¬ 
 tress of the Muses, 29. 
 
 Muses, contend with the Sirens, and victorious, pluck 
 off their wings, 28. 
 
 N. 
 
 Neptune, begets Pegasus and Chrysaor by Medusa, 3 
 —votive offerings made to him, 32. 
 
 Nile, represented with a cornucopiae, 33 —his two 
 daughters, ibid. 
 
 Nudity, of female figures considered indecorous, 6, 
 (9), 21. 
 
 Nymphs, of the Nile, 33. 
 
 O. 
 
 (Enone, conversing with Paris, 35. 
 
 P. 
 
 Palladium, how represented, 13. 
 
 Pallas, V. Minerva. 
 
 Paramythia, bronzes found there, 21. 
 
 Paris, represented with Helen, 21 — his pastoral 
 occupations, ibid, and 35 — Venus solicits his 
 suffrage, 22 — his costume, ibid. — conversing 
 with (Enone, 35. 
 
 Pegasus, produced by the blood of Medusa, 3. 
 
 Pelagonia, in Macedonia, bust of AEschines found 
 there, 17. 
 
 Pelasgi, their representation of Hermes, 19. 
 
 Perseus kills Medusa, 3—pursued by the Gorgons, 
 3, 35—protects Andromeda and Danae, ibid .— 
 converts Phineus and Polydectes into stone, ibid. 
 
 Perugia, votive car found there, 27. 
 
 Phidias, commenced a new era of the arts, 14 —prac¬ 
 tised the toreutic art, 27. 
 
 Polus, ancient attribute of various divinities, 13. 
 
 Polygnotus, his paintings at Delphi, 2, (5). 
 
 Praxiteles, first represented Venus naked, 6, (9). 
 
 Priam, his death represented on a fictile vase, 13. 
 
 Psyche, supposed statue of, 15. 
 
 S. 
 
 Samothrace, monument found there, 1—mysteries 
 celebrated there, 19—Casmilus or Hermes the 
 principal divinity, ibid. 
 
 Sardonyx, magnificent patera of this material at 
 Naples, 33. 
 
 Sirens, protected by Juno, 28—contend with the 
 Muses, and are vanquished, ibid. — various 
 modes of representing them, 29—placed on 
 tombs, 30. 
 
 Style, V. Art. 
 
 2<t>HNOn(2n2N, epithet of Hermes, 20. 
 
 T. 
 
 Henia or Fillets, attributed to all divinities and 
 heroes, 18. 
 
 Talthybius, herald of Agamemnon, 1. 
 
 Terminal Heads or Hermjs, of JEschines, 17 — of 
 Hermes, 18—of various divinities and person¬ 
 ages, 19. 
 
 Terpsichore, mother of the Sirens, 28. 
 
40 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Thunderbolt, when attributed to Jupiter, 11. 
 Toreutic Art, 21, 27. 
 
 U. 
 
 Ulysses, the pileus his emblem, 26. 
 
 ' Y. 
 
 Venus, her statues anciently clad, 6, (9)—when first 
 represented naked, ibid .—mode of drapery pe¬ 
 culiar to her, 5, 6, 22—her two sons Love and 
 Desire, 22-—soliciting the suffrage of Paris, ibid. 
 enamoured of Anchises, ibid. — mirrors conse¬ 
 crated to her, 23 — with head-dress elegantly 
 attired, 36. 
 
 Venus of Capua, the statue so called is ill restored, 
 5—surnamed Victrix, ibid.— her foot rests on a 
 helmet, ibid .—anciently supported a shield, as 
 on the coins of Corinth, ibid .—great beauty of 
 this statue, 6. 
 
 Venus of Melos, erroneously supposed to have been 
 grouped with Mars, 7. —great resemblance to 
 the Venus of Capua, and supported a shield in 
 the same manner, ibid .—qualities of this statue, 
 8—its head probably a portrait, ibid. 
 
 Votive offerings, to Diana or Hecate, 31—to Nep¬ 
 tune, 32. 
 
 Z. 
 
 ZfiMA, military belt, 4. 
 
 END OF THE INDEX. 
 

GETTY CENTER LIBRARY u 
 
 mi ii mu in in nun in i in ii 
 
 3 3125 00601 1015 
 
■*- 
 
 
 * ■ 
 
 i \ Mi *T 
 
 t 
 
 • v » (*»■«? '• ?*» 
 
 t»i ■■' j+ V 
 
 4 s 
 
 
 
 SPwR«BS 
 
 ps&fjf 
 
 
 
 » r 
 
 *TJ 
 
 ^ Hi 
 
 ti. 
 
 ; ;v «n«Y-t i-itj 
 
 h >44 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 v>* 
 
 • • ' : * 4 ’**«•*? If r ^ 1 
 
 > *■. «#* *• <r 
 
 
 
 
 LV 
 
 * H2SI 
 
 1 '• K**« • V« *. , 
 
 >« XT 
 
 
 Nutt* 
 
 
 » T r**V-* 
 
 *' > < 
 
 
 * ». V TT ‘ jt 
 
 m '■ ik. t ‘ 
 
 mjfl 
 
 
 Sh 
 
 4 ' • < * * 
 
 
 
 
 
 (Mi ^-<*4* 
 
 
 lifer X 
 
 
 >k* *f|