Digitized by the Internet in 2014 / Archive https://archive.org/details/ilioscitycountryOOschl_0 ILIOS THE CITY .AJSTD COTJNTEY OF THE TKOJANS THE RESULTS OF RESEARCHES AND DISCOVERIES ON THE SITE OF TROY AND THROUGHOUT THE TROAD IN THE YEARS 1871-72-73-78-79 INCLUDING AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR By DR. HENRY SCHLIEMANN F.S.A., F.R.I. BRITISH ARCHITECTS AUTHOR OF "TROY AND ITS REMAINS " " MYCENAE " ETC. WITH A PREFACE, APPENDICES, AND NOTES BY PROFESSORS RUDOLF VIRCHOW, MAX MULLER, A. H. SAYCE, J. P. MAHAFFY, H. BRUGSCH-BEY P. ASCHERSON, M. A. POSTOLACCAS, M. E. BURNOUF, Mr. F. CALVERT, and Mk. A. J. DUFFIELD iclicXvre fisv, TpuieQ teal ivKvrj/uidsQ 'A^aioi ijToi iy[iip ' avv yap 9ttjj tlX)]Xov6/xev 11 ix. 48, 49 WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND ABOUT 1800 ILLUSTRATIONS NEW YORK HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1880, by Dr. HENRY SCHLIEHANN, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at "Washington. All rights reserved. TO THE EIGHT HONOURABLE WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE, M.P., D.C.L., AS A TRIBUTE TO HIS ENTHUSIASTIC LABOURS AND SINGULAR INGENUITY IN ILLUSTRATING THE POEMS OF HOMER, THIS ACCOUNT OF RESEARCHES AND DISCOVERIES ON THE SITE OF SACRED ILIOS £0 2U0jmthtUj) gbiiiratei! BY HIS ADMIRING AND GRATEFUL FRIEND THE AUTHOR. \ CONTENTS. PREFACE. — By Professor Rudolf Virchow ix INTRODUCTION. — Autobiography of the Author, and Narrative of his Work at Troy ...... 1 CHAPTER I.— The Country of the Trojans (ot T/xk?) ... 67 „ II. — Ethnography of the Trojans : their several Dominions in the Troad: Topography of Troy . . .119 „ III. — The History of Troy . . . . . .152 „ IY. — The True Site of Homer's Ilium . . . .181 „ Y. — The First Pre-Historic City on the Hill of Hissarlik 211 „ YI. — The Second Pre-Historic City on the Site of Troy . 204 „ VII. — The Third, the Burnt City ..... 305 „ VIII. — The Fourth Pre-Historic City on the Site of Troy 518 „ IX. — The Fifth Pre-Historic City of Troy . . .573 „ X. — The Sixth City, most probably a Lydian Settlement 5S7 „ XL — The Seventh City: the Greek Ilium; or Novum Ilium 608 „ XII. — The Conical Mounds in the Troad called the Heroic Tumuli 648 APPENDIX I.— Troy and Hissarlik. By Professor Virchow . 673 II. — On the Relation of Novum Ilium to the Ilios of Homer. By Professor J. P. Mahaffy . . 686 III. — The Inscriptions found at Hissarlik. By Professor A. H. Sayce 691 IV. — Thymbra, Hanai Tepeh. By Mr. Consul Frank Calvert 706 V. — Medical Practice in the Troad in 1869. By Pro- fessor Rudolf Virchow ..... 721 VI. — Catalogue of the Plants hitherto known of the Troad, compiled according to the Collections of Professor Rudolf Virchow and Dr. Julius Schmidt, and from the llterary sources by professor paul Ascherson of Berlin, Professor Theodor von Held- reich of Athens, and Doctor F. Kurtz of Berlin 727 „ VII. — On the Lost Art of Hardening Copper. By A. J. DUFFIELD ........ 737 VIII.— On Hera Boopis. By Professor Henry Brugsch-Bey 740 „ IX.— Troy and Egypt. By Professor Henry Brugsch-Bey 745 INDEX 752 Note. — Special attention is also called to Professor Max Mailer's Dissertation on the ft and l£ at pages 31G-349. MAPS AND PLAN'S AT THE END OF THE BOOK. Map of the Troad. By 6 mile Burnouf Plan I.— Of Troy. Idem. ,, II. — Of the Hellenic Ilium. Idem. ,, III.— The Great Central Trench. (Section from North to South : West Side.) Idem. ,, IV. — Great Trench, from South-East to North- West. (North Front.) Idem. „ V. — Plan of the Subterranean Buildings of the Tumulus called Ujek Tepeh. By M. Gorkiewicz. „ VI. — Transverse Section of the Same. Idem. ILLUSTRATIONS Numbers 1-1570. — Wood Engravings in the Body op the Work. Note. — These are so fully described in their places, that the repetition of the descriptions here would he superfluous. Numbers 1801-2000. — Terra-cotta Whorls, Balls, etc., on the Plates at the End. Note. — The intermediate Numbers have been left vacant to avoid double Numbers, as the Numbers on the Plates had to be engraved before the Numbers in the text were fixed. DIAGRAM SHOWING THE SUCCESSIVE STRATA OF REMAINS ON THE HILL OF HISSARLIK. Metres. Feet (all). Surface. 7 CO 10 13i to 16 Stratum of the 7th. City, the Aeolic Ilium. Remains of the 6th, the Lydian City. Stratum of the 5th City. 13 23 33 Stratum of the 4th City. Stratum of the 3rd, the Burnt City (the Homeric Ilios). Stratum of the 2nd City. 45 to Stratum of the 1st City 52i Native rock.-— Its present height above the sea is 109 J- feet. Its present height above the plain at the foot of the hill is consequently 59 J feet, but it may probably have been 16 or 20 feet more at the time of the Trojan war, the plain having increased in height by the alluvia of the rivers and tho detritus of vegetable and animal matter. COMPABATIYE TABLE OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH MEASURES, EXACT AND APPROXIMATE. \r\ on oq Ft. Inch Approximate. IVTillimaf vt> X'Xillllllt! LI C • u uojo < uo u VOuO ( • 04 or 03- of ir - cb - i^yRGiiiitixrtJ • U oyO/Uo ?> u Duo ( 1 • 4 "2 -UcOHIlti LI (3 . • QQ71 4 inches. IHctl (J . , QQ . Q708 q Q O . Q708 O 1 Uo 0^- ieet. o Zi D O • 741 A 6£ „ Q o 1 1 Q . 1 1 04. y 1 u • 1 1 94. 10 „ 4. t: 1^7. 4.QQ9 1 Q 10 1 1 Q ID ,, K O i A ID A rk OOiU 1 A 1 D 93A • 9948 zoo z^-±o 1 Q O 1 G 2 7 275-5956 22 11 5956 23 „ 8 314-9664 26 2 9664 261 „ 9 354-3372 29 6 3372 29^ „ 10 393-7089 32 9 7080 33 „ 11 433-0788 36 1 0788 36 (12 yds.) 12 472-4496 39 4 4496 39-£ feet. 42j „ 13 511-8204 42 7 9204 14 551-1912 45 11 1912 46 „ 15 590-5620 49 2 5620 49J „ 52^ „ 16 620-9328 52 5- 9328 17 669-3036 55 9 3036 55£ „ 18 708-6744 59 6744 59 „ 19 748-0452 62 4- 0452 62J- „ 65.! „ 98i „ 20 787-416 65 7- 4160 30 1181-124 98 5- 124 40 1574-832 131 2- 832 13H » 50 1968-54 164 0- 54 164 „ 100 3937-08 328 1- 08 3 2 8 (109 yds.) N.B. — The following is a convenient approximate rule : — " To turn 3Ietres into Yards, add 1-1 1th to the number of Metres." PREFACE A book like the present, certain to be so long talked of after (Nachrede), has no real need of a Preface (Vorrede). Nevertheless, as my friend Schliemann insists on my introducing it to the public, I put aside all the scruples which, at least according to my own feeling, assign to me only an accessory position. A special chance allowed me to be one of the few eye-witnesses of the last excavations at Hissarlik, and to see the " Burnt " City emerge, in its whole extent, from the rubbish-heaps of former ages. At the same time I saw the Trojan land itself, from week to week, waking up out of its winter's sleep, and unfolding its natural glories in pictures ever new, ever more grand and impressive. I can therefore bear my testimony, not only to the labours of the indefatigable explorer, who found no rest until his work lay before him fully done, but also to the truth of the foundations, on which was framed the poetical conception that has for thousands of years called forth the enchanted delight of the edu- cated world. And I recognize the duty of bearing my testimony against the host of doubters, who, with good or ill intentions, have never tired of carping alike at the trustworthiness and significance of his discoveries. It is now an idle question, whether Schliemann, at the beginning of his researches, proceeded from right or wrong presuppositions. Not only has the result decided in his favour, but also the method of his investiga- tion has proved to be excellent. It may be, that his hypotheses were too bold, nay arbitrary ; that the enchanting picture of Homer's immortal poetry proved somewhat of a snare to his fancy ; but this fault of imagination, if I may so call it, nevertheless involved the secret of his success. Who would have undertaken such great works, continued through so many years, — have spent such large means out of his own fortune,— have dug through layers of debris heaped one on the other in a series that seemed almost endless, down to the deep-lying virgin soil, — except a man who was penetrated with an assured, nay an enthusiastic conviction ? The Burnt City would still have lain to this day hidden in the earth, had not imagination guided the spade. But severe enquiry has of itself taken the place of imagination. Year by year the facts have been more duly estimated. The search for truth — for the whole truth and nothing but the truth — has at last so far rele- gated the intuitions of poetry to the background, that I — a naturalist habituated to the most dispassionate objective contemplation {rait der Gewohnheit der hultesten Objectivitdt) — felt myself forced to remind my X PREFACE BY PROFESSOR YIRCHOW. friend, that the poet was not a poet only, that his pictures must also have had an objective foundation, and that nothing ought to deter us from bringing the reality, as it presented itself to us, into relation with the old legends formed upon definite recollections of the locality and of the events of the olden time. I rejoice that the book, as it now lies before us, fully satisfies both requirements : while it gives a true and faithful description of the discoveries and of the conditions of the land and the place, it everywhere links together the threads, which allow our imagination to bring the personal agents into definite relations with actual things. The excavations at Hissarlik would have had an imperishable value, even if the Iliad had never been sung. Nowhere else in the world has the earth covered up so many remains of ancient settlements lying upon one another, with such rich contents within them. When we stand at the bottom of the great funnel, which has opened up the heart of the hill- fortress, and the eye wanders over the lofty walls of the excavations, beholding here the ruins of dwellings, there the utensils of the ancient inhabitants, at another spot the remnants of their food, every doubt as to the antiquity of this site soon vanishes. A mere dreamy contemplation is here excluded. The objects present such striking peculiarities as to position and stratification, that the comparison of their properties, whether among themselves, or with other remote discoveries, is of neces- sity forced upon us. One cannot be otherwise than realistic (objectiv), and I have pleasure in testifying that Schliemann's statements satisfy every demand of truthfulness and accuracy. Whoever has himself made an excavation knows that minor errors can hardly be avoided, and that the progress of an investigation almost always corrects some of the results of earlier stages of the enquiry. But at Hissarlik the correction was simple enough to guarantee the accuracy of the general result, and what is now offered to the world may be placed, in respect of the authenticity of the facts, beside the best researches of archaeology. Besides, an error in verifying the position of any object could in each case relate to details only ; the great mass of results cannot be affected thereby. The simple investigation of the fortress-hill of Hissarlik suffices to prove with complete exactness the succession of the settlements, of which Schliemann now supposes seven. But order of succession is not yet chronology. From the former we learn what is older and what later, but not how old each separate stratum is. This question involves a comparison with other like places, or at least objects, the date of which is well established ; in other words, interpretation. But, with interpretation, uncertainty also begins. The archaeologist is seldom in the position of Being able to support his interpretation by the identity of all the objects found. And especially, the farther the comparisons have to be fetched, the less is it possible to calculate that discoveries will corre- spond in their totality. Attention is therefore directed to single objects, just as the palaeontologist seeks for characteristic shells (Leitmuscheln), to determine the age of a geological stratum. But experience has shown how uncertain are the Leitmuscheln of archaeology. The human intellect invents identical things at different places, and different things at the PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCIIOW. xi same place. Certain artistical or technical forms are developed simul- taneously, without any connection or relation between the artists or craftsmen. I recal the case of the maeander ornament, which appears in Germany quite late, probably not till the time of the Roman empe- rors, but presents itself much later still in Peru and on the Amazon, where it appears as yet inadmissible to regard it as imported. Local fashions and artistic forms are so far from being uncommon, that the expert sometimes recognizes the source of the discovery from a single piece. In the case of Hissarlik, the strata which can be denned according to their whole character occur very near the surface. Under the Greek City (Novum Ilium), and the wall which is probably Macedonian, the excavator comes upon objects, especially upon pottery which, accord- ing to its form, material, and painting, belongs to what is called the Archaic period of Greek art. Then begins the Pre-historic age, in the narrower sense of the term. Dr. Schliemann has endeavoured, on good grounds, to show that the Sixth City, reckoning upwards, should be ascribed, in accordance with tradition, to the Lydians, and that we may recognize in its artistic forms an approximation to Etrurian or Umbrian pottery. But the deeper we go, the fewer correspondences do we find. In the Burnt City we occasionally meet with one or another object, which reminds us of Mycenae, of Cyprus, of Egypt, of Assyria ; or probably rather, which points to a like origin, or at least to similar models. Perhaps we shall succeed in multiplying these connecting links, but as yet so little is known of all these relations, that the adaptation of a foreign chronology to the new discoveries seems in the highest degree dangerous. An example full of warning as to this sort of casuistical archaeology is furnished by the latest attack upon Dr. Schliemann by a scholar at St. Petersburg. Because Hissarlik offers certain points of correspondence with Mycenae, and the latter again with South Kussia, this scholar there- fore concludes that the South Kussian chronology must also be the measure for Hissarlik, and that both Mycenae and Hissarlik are to be referred to roving hordes of Heruli in the third century after Christ. Going right to the opposite extreme, other scholars have been inclined to ascribe the oldest " cities " of Hissarlik to the Neolithic Age, because remarkable weapons and utensils of polished stone are found in them. Both these conceptions are equally unjustified and inadmissible. To the third century after Christ belongs the surface of the fortress-hill of Hissarlik, which still lies above the Macedonian wall; and the oldest " cities "—although not only polished stones but also chipped flakes of chalcedony and obsidian occur in them— nevertheless fall within the A^e of Metals. For even in the First City, utensils of copper, gold, nay even silver, were dug up. It is beyond doubt that no Stone People, properly so-called, dwelt upon the fortress-hill of Hissarlik, so far as it has been as yet uncovered. A progressive development of such a people to a higher metallic civili- zation can no more be spoken of here, than at any other point of Asia Minor hitherto known. Implements of polished stone are also found else- xii PKEFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. where in Asia Minor — as, for example, in the neighbourhood of the ancient Sardes— but it is not yet proved that they belong to the " Stone Age." Probably this people immigrated at a period of their development, at which they had already entered on the " Metal Age." Were we to take for the foundation of the discussion what first suggests itself, the frequent occurrence of nephrite and jadeite, we might suppose that the immigration took place from the borders of China, and that, when the people reached the Hellespont, they had already acquired a high degree of technical dexterity and of finished manufacture. It may be an accident that even in the oldest city two stone hammers have been found with holes bored through them, whereas in no other spot of all Asia Minor, so far as I know, has any similar object occurred. In any case the art of stone-working was already far advanced, and the story of the foundation of Ilium, as sketched out in the Iliad, exactly coincides with the discoveries. The few skulls also, which were saved out of the lower " cities," have this in common, that without exception they present the character (habitus) of a more civilized people ; all savage peculiarities, in the stricter sense, are entirely wanting in them. It is strange enough that this race, according to all appearance, had no iron. Although there occasionally occur native red iron-stones, which have evidently been used, yet every object which was originally regarded as an iron instrument has proved, on closer investigation, not to be iron. No less strange is it that even in the Burnt City no proper sword lias anywhere been found. Weapons of copper and bronze occur frequently — lance-heads, daggers, arrow-heads, knives, if we may designate these as weapons— but no swords. Corresponding to this deficiency is another in the case of ornaments, which to us Occidentals is still more striking, — I mean the absence of the fibula (the buckle of the brooch). Among the copper and bronze pins are many which, judging from their size and curvature, may be regarded as pins for dress ; but no single fibula in our sense has occurred. I was always of opinion, that the abundance of fibulas in the northern discoveries is explained by the greater necessity for fastening the garments tighter in colder climates. The Eoman provincial fibula, which in the northern countries is all but the most frequent object in the discoveries of the Imperial age, falls even in Italy quite into the background. But the fact that, among a race so rich in metals as the ancient Trojans, absolutely no fibula has occurred, is certainly a sign of very high antiquity, and a sure mark of distinction from the majority of Western discoveries which have been adduced in comparison. The same may be said, in passing, of the absence of lamps in the ancient " cities." The pottery presents many more points of correspondence with that of the West. To be sure I could not cite any place where the whole of the pottery found agreed with that of any one of the older cities upon Hissarlik. It is not till the Sixth City that we find, as Dr. Schliemann has very convincingly proved, manifold relations with the Etruscan vases; and I might still further remark, that not a few of the forms which occur at Hissarlik in clay are executed in Etruria in bronze. PREFACE BY PROFESSOR V1RCHOW. xiii In this connection I may also refer, as Leitmuschehi, to the Etruscan beaked pitchers, which have been dug up in the heart of Germany and Belgium. In most of the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik there are terra- cottas just like those which are frequently met with in Hungary and Transylvania, in eastern and middle Germany, nay even in the pile- dwellings of Switzerland. I myself possess, through the kindness of Dr. Victor Gross, fragments of black polished clay bowls from the Lake of Bienne, the inner surfaces of which are covered with incised geometrical patterns, filled with white earth, such as I brought away from the oldest city of Hissarlik. Quite lately I was present at the excavation of a great conical barrow, conducted by Prof. Klopfleisch in the territory of Anhalt : the greater number of the clay vessels discovered there had broad wing- shaped excrescences with perpendicular perforations, and very large and particularly broad handles, which were put on quite low down close to the bottom, like those met with in the Burnt City. I have before alluded to the similarity of the little animal figures, the ornamented stamps, and other terra-cottas in Hungary. The strange perforated incense-vessels (lanterns) of Hissarlik find numerous analogies in the burial-grounds of Lusatia and Posen. I am not prepared to affirm that these are proofs of a direct connection. That question can only be reviewed when the countries of the Balkan peninsula shall have been more thoroughly investigated archseologically, a thing which is urgently to be desired. But even if a real connection should appear, the question will still remain open, whether the current of civilization set from Asia Minor to Eastern Europe, or the inverse way; and, since the former is presumptively the more probable, little would be gained hence for the chronology of Hissarlik. Much might be brought in here, as, for instance, the hooked cross (Suastika), the Triquetrum, the circular and spiral decoration, the wave- ornament ; but I pass by these, as being widely-diffused marks, which, as we learn from experience, furnish little support for the determination of time. On the other hand, I cannot entirely refrain from touching on a point, on which I do not completely agree with Schliemann. I refer to our Face- Vases, such as occur plentifully in Pomerellen and East Pomerania, as far as Posen and Silesia, in a region distinctly defined. I cannot deny that there is a great resemblance between them and the Trojan " Owl- Vases," though I also admit that the "Owl's Face" does not, occur upon them. But as to this matter I am disposed somewhat to modify my friend's expression. So far as I see, there is not a single Trojan Face- Vase, which can be said to have a true Owl's Head, or in which the part of the vase referred to can be regarded as completely in the form of a bird. As a matter of Natural History, the type of the form modelled on this upper part is human, and it is only within the human outlines and pro- portions that the nose and the region of the eyes are owl-formed. The ear, on the other hand, is always put on like that of a man, never like that of an owl. I do not deny that the form of the face often represents the owl-type, and I have no objection to make against the connection with the yXavKfoir^, but I should not like to extend the likeness to a larger XI V PREFACE BY PROFESSOR YIRCHOW. surface than around the eyes and the upper part about the nose : the ears, and the mouth (where it occurs), as well as the breasts, are exclusively human. And so — only still more in the human form — are also the Face- Urns of Pomerellen. I do not therefore give up the hope that a certain connection may yet be discovered ; but, if so, I am prepared to find that our Face-Urns will have to be assigned to a much later period than those of Troy. My conclusion is this : that the discoveries at Hissarlik will not be explained by those made in the North or the West, but, inversely, that we must test our collections by Oriental models. For Hissarlik also, the probable sources of connection lie East and South ; but their determina- tion requires new and far more thorough studies in the fields of the Oriental world, hitherto so scantily reaped. It was not the Iliad itself that first brought the Phoenicians and the Ethiopians into the Trojan legendary cycle ; the discoveries at Hissarlik themselves, in placing before our eyes ivory, enamel, figures of the hippopotamus, and fine works in gold, point distinctly to Egypt and Assyria. It is there that the chrono- logical relations of Hissarlik must find their solution. Meanwhile, however, there stands the great hill of ruins, forming for realistic contemplation a phenomenon quite as unique as the " Sacred Ilios " for poetical feeling. It has not its like. Never once in any other heap of ruins is a standard given by which to judge it. Therefore it will not fit into the Procrustean bed of systematizers (Schematiker). HinciUoe irae. This excavation has opened for the studies of the archaeologist a completely new theatre— like a world by itself. Here begins an cut i rely new science. And in this unique hill there is a Stratum, and that one of the deepest — according to Schliemann's present reckoning, the Third from the bottom, — which especially arrests our attention. Here was a great devouring fire, in which the clay walls of the buildings were molten and made fluid like wax, so that congealed drops of glass bear witness at the present day to the mighty conflagration. Only at a few places are cinders left, whose structure enables us still to discover what was burnt, — whether wood or straw, wheat or pease. A very small part of this city has upon the whole escaped the fire j and only here and there in the burnt parts have portions of the houses remained uninjured beneath the rubbish of the foundering walls. Almost the whole is burnt to ashes. How enor- mous must have been the fire that devoured all this splendour ! We seem to hear the crackling of the wood, the crash of the tumbling buildings ! And, in spite of this, what riches have been brought to light out of the ashes ! Treasures of gold, one after another, presented themselves to the astonished eye. In that remote time, when man was so little advanced in the knowledge of the earth and of his own power, in that time when, as the poet tells us, the king's sons were shepherds, the possession of such treasures of the precious metals, and that in the finest and most costly workmanship, must have become famous far and wide. The splendour of this chieftain must have awakened envy and covetousness ; and the ruin of his high fortress can signify nothing else than his own downfall and the destruction of his race. PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. XV Was this chieftain Priam? Was this city Sacred Ilios? No one will ever fathom the question, whether these were the names which men used when the celebrated king still looked out from his elevated fortress over the Trojan Plain to the Hellespont. Perhaps these names are only the poet's inventions. Who can know ? Perhaps the legend had hanled down no more than the story of the victorious enterprise of war undertaken from the West, to overthrow the kingdom and the city. But who will doubt that on this spot a terrible conquest was really won in fight against a garrison, who not only defended themselves, their families, and their houses, with weapons of stone and bronze, but who also had great wealth in gold and silver, ornaments and furniture, to protect ? It is in itself of little consequence to quarrel about the names of these men or of their city. And yet the first question that rises to every one's lips, to-day as in the time of Homer, is this : — Who and whence among mankind were they ? Though the severe enquirer may refuse them names, though the whole race may glide past before the judgment-seat of science like the ghosts of Hades, — yet for us, who love the colours of daylight, the dress of life, the glitter of personality, for us Priam and Ilium will remain the designations upon which our thoughts fasten, as often as they concern themselves with the events of that period. It was here, where Asia and Europe for the first time encountered in a war of extermination (in volherfressendem Kampfe) ; it was here that the only decisive victory was won in fight, which the West gained over the East on the soil of Asia, during the whole time down to Alexander the Great. And now, under our eyes, this site has been again disclosed. When those men whom we call the Classics wrote, the burnt abodes lay hidden beneath the ruins of succeeding settlements. To the question — " Where was Ilium ? " — no one had an answer. Even the legend had no longer a locality. It must assuredly have been otherwise when the poem had its origin. Whether we call the poet Homer, or substitute in his place a host of nameless bards, — when the poetic tale originated, the tradition must still have been preserved upon the spot, that the royal fortress had stood exactly on this mountain spur. It is in vain to dispute with the poet his knowledge of the place by his own eyesight. Whoever the " divine bard " was, he must have stood upon this hill of Hissarlik — that is, the Castle- or Fortress-Hill — and have looked out thence over land and sea. In no other case could he possibly have combined so much truth to nature in his poem. I have described, in a brief essay, 1 the Trojan country as it is, and compared it with what the Iliad says of it, and I believe I may call any one to bear witness, whether it is possible that a poet living at a distance could have evolved out of his own imagination so faithful a picture of the land and people as is embodied in the Iliad. To this is to be added another consideration. The Iliad is not merely an Epic which sings of human affairs : in the conflict of men the great circle of the Olympic gods takes part, acting and suffering. Hence it happened that the Iliad became the special religious book, the Bible of See Appendix I., Troy and Hissarlik. xvi PREFACE BY PROFESSOR VIRCHOW. the Greeks and partly of the Eomans. This must not be overlooked. Therefore I have especially called attention to the fact, that the theatre for the action of the gods has been drawn much larger than for the men. The range of these poems extends far beyond the Plain of Troy. Its limit is there, where the eye finds its boundary, on the lofty summits of Ida and the peak of Samothrace, where the clouds have birth and the storms make their home. Who could have lighted upon such a story of the gods with this fineness of localizing, except one who had himself beheld the mighty phenomena of nature which are here displayed? Who, that had not gazed on them in their alternate course for days and weeks together ? The question of the Iliad is not simply the old question — TJbi Ilium fuit f No, it embraces the whole. We must not sever the story of the gods from the story of the men. The poet who sang of Ilium painted also the picture of the whole Trojan country. Ida and Samothrace, Tenedos and the Hellespont, Callicolone and the Eampart of Herakles, the Scamander and the memorial tumuli of the heroes — all this appeared before the view of the enraptured hearer. All this is inseparable. And therefore it is not left to our choice, where we should place Ilium. Therefore we must have a place, which answers to all the requirements of the poetry. There- fore we are compelled to say: — Here, upon the fortress-hill of Hissarlik, — here, upon the site of the ruins of the Burnt City of Gold, — here ivas Ilium. And therefore thrice happy the man to whose lot it has fallen to realize in the maturity of manhood the dreams of his childhood, and to unveil the Burnt City. Whatever may be the acknowledgement of contemporaries, no one will be able to rob him of the consciousness, that he has solved the great problem of thousands of years. A barbarous government, which weighed as a heavy burthen on the land, has upon the whole kept down the condition of the surface of the country and the habits of human life in the Troad at the same level as when it imposed its yoke. Thus, much has been preserved which elsewhere would probably have been destroyed by daily cultivation. Schliemann was able to make his exca- vations, as it were, in a virgin soil. He had the courage to dig deeper and still deeper, to remove whole mountains of rubbish and debris ; and at last he saw before him the treasure sought and dreamt of, in its full reality. And now the treasure-digger has become a scholar, who, with long and earnest study, has compared the facts of his experience, as well as the statements of historians and geographers, with the legendary tradi- tions of poets and mythologers. May the work which he has terminated become to many thousands a source of enjoyment and instruction, as it will be to himself an everlasting glory ! RUDOLF VIRCHOW. Beklix, Sej)tember 10th, 1880. ILIOS. INTRODUCTION. AUTOBIOGEAPHY OF THE AUTHOE, AND NAEEATIVE OF HIS WOEK AT TEOY. § I. Early and Commercial Life : 1822 to 1866. If I begin this book with my autobiography, it is not from any feeling of vanity, but from a desire to show how the work of my later life has been the natural consequence of the impressions I received in my earliest childhood ; and that, so to say, the pickaxe and spade for the excavation of Troy and the royal tombs of Mycenae were both forged and sharpened in the little German village in which I passed eight years of my earliest childhood. I also find it necessary to relate how I obtained the means which enabled me, in the autumn of my life, to realize the great projects I formed when I was a poor little boy. But I flatter myself that the manner in which I have employed my time, as well as the use I have made of my wealth, will meet with general approbation, and that my autobiography may aid in diffusing among the intelligent public of all countries a taste for those high and noble studies, which have sustained my courage during the hard trials of my life, and which will sweeten the days yet left me to live. I was born on the 6th of January, 1822, in the little town of Neu Buckow, in Mecklenburg-Schwerin, where my father, 1 Ernest Schliemann, was Protestant clergyman, and whence, in 1823, he was elected in that capacity to the parish of the village of Ankershagen between Waren and Penzlin, in the same duchy. In that village I spent the eight following years of my life ; and my natural disposition for the mysterious and the marvellous was stimulated to a passion by the wonders of the locality in which I lived. Our garden-house was said to be haunted by the ghost of my father's predecessor, Pastor von Kussdorf ; and just behind our garden was a pond called "das Silberschalchen," out of which a maiden was believed to rise each midnight, holding a silver bowl. There was also in the village a small hill surrounded by a ditch, probably a pre-historic 1 Deceased in November 1S70, at the age of 90 years. 2 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [Introd. burial-place (or so-called Hiinengrab) ; 2 in which, as the legend ran, a robber knight in times of old had buried his beloved child in a golden cradle. Yast treasures were also said to be buried close to the ruins of a round tower in the garden of the proprietor of the village. My faith in the existence of these treasures was so great that, whenever I heard my father complain of his poverty, I alwrys expressed my astonishment that he did not dig up the silver bowl or the golden cradle, and so become rich. There was likewise in Ankershagen a medieval castle, with secret passages in its walls, which were six feet thick, and an underground road, which was supposed to be five miles long, and to pass beneath the deep lake of Speck ; it was said to be haunted by fearful spectres, and no villager spoke of it without terror. 3 There was a legend, that the castle had once been inhabited by a robber knight of the name of Henning von Holstein, popularly called " Henning Bradenkirl," who was dreaded over the whole country, for he plundered and sacked wherever he could. But, to his vexation, the Duke of Mecklenburg gave safe-conducts to many of the merchants who had to pass by his castle. Wishing to wreak vengeance upon the duke, Henning begged him to do him the honour of a visit. The duke accepted the invitation, and came on the appointed day with a large retinue. But a cowherd, who was cognizant of Ilenning's design to murder his guest, hid himself in the underwood on the road- side, behind a hill a mile distant from our house, and lay in wait for the duke, to whom he disclosed his master's murderous intention, and the duke accordingly returned instantly. The hill was said to have derived its present name, " Wartensberg " or " Watch-mount," from the event. Henning, having found out that his design had been frustrated by the cowherd, in revenge fried the man alive in a large iron pan, and gave him, when he was dying, a last kick with his left foot. Soon after this the duke came with a regiment of soldiers, laid siege to the castle, and captured it. When Henning saw that there was no escape for him, he packed all his treasures in a box and buried it close to the round tower in his garden, the ruins of which are still standing, and he then committed suicide. A long line of flat stones in our churchyard was said to mark the malefactor's grave, from which for centuries his left leg used to grow out, covered with a black silk stocking. 4 Nay, both the sexton Prange and the sacristan Wollert swore that, when boys, they had themselves cut off the leg and used its bone to knock down pears from the trees, but that, in the beginning of the present, century, the leg had suddenly stopped growing out. In my childish simplicity I of course believed all 2 This sepulchre still exists, and when I lately revisited Ankershagen I strongly recom- mended its present proprietor, the excellent Mr. E. Winckelmann, and his accomplished lady, whose bountiful hospitality I here grate- fully acknowledge, to excavate it, on the grouud that they would in all probability find there, not indeed a golden cradle, yet very interesting pre- historic antiquities. 3 In this verv same castle, the famous German translator of Homer, J. H. Voss, passed very unhappy days as tutor. See Dr. Fr. Schlie, Scliliemann und seine Bestrebunyen, who cites W. Herbst, Johiun Hcinrich Voss, i. p. 46. 4 According to the tradition, one of these legs had been buried just before the altar. Strange to say, when some years ago the church of Ankershagen was being repaired, a single leg-bone was found at a small depth before the altar, as my cousin the Rev. Hans Becker, the present clergyman of Ankershagen. assures me. 1829.] THE BOY'S DESIRE TO DIG UP TROY. 3 this ; nay, I often begged my father to excavate the tomb or to allow me to excavate it, in order to see why the foot no longer grew out. A very deep impression was also made upon my mind by the terra- cotta relief of a man on the back wall of the castle, which was said to be the portrait of Henning Bradenkirl himself. As no paint would stick to it, popular belief averred that it was covered with the blood of the cow- herd, which could not be effaced. A walled-up fireplace in the saloon was indicated as the place where the cowherd had been fried on the iron pan. Though all pains were said to have been taken to obliterate the joints of that terrible chimney, nevertheless they always remained visible ; and this too was regarded as a sign from heaven, that the diabolic deed should never be forgotten. I also believed in a story that Mr. von Gundlach, the proprietor of the neighbouring village, Eumshagen, had excavated a mound near the church, and had discovered in it large wooden barrels containing Eoman beer. Though my father was neither a scholar nor an archaeologist, he had a passion for ancient history. He often told me with warm enthusiasm of the tragic fate of Herculaneum and Pompeii, and seemed to consider him the luckiest of men who had the means and the time to visit the excavations which were going on there. He also related to me with admiration the great deeds of the Homeric heroes and the events of the Trojan war, always finding in me a warm defender of the Trojan cause. With great grief I heard from him that Troy had been so completely destroyed, that it had disappeared without leaving any traces of its existence. My joy may be imagined, therefore, when, being nearly eight years old, I received from him, in 1829, as a Christmas gift, Dr. Georg Ludwig Jerrer's Universal History? with an engraving representing Troy in flames, with its huge walls and the Scaean gate, from which Aeneas is escaping, carrying his father Anchises on his back and holding his son Ascanius by the hand ; and I cried out, " Father, you were mistaken : Jerrer must have seen Troy, otherwise he could not have represented it here." "My son," he replied, "that is merely a fanciful picture." But to my question, whether ancient Troy had such huge walls as those depicted in the book, he answered in the affirmative. " Father," retorted I, " if such walls once existed, they cannot possibly have been completely destroyed : vast ruins of them must still remain, but they are hidden away beneath the dust of ages." He maintained the contrary, whilst I remained firm in my opinion, and at last we both agreed that I should one day excavate Troy. What weighs on our heart, be it joy or sorrow, always finds utterance from our lips, especially in childhood ; and so it happened that I talked of nothing else to my playfellows, but of Troy and of the mysterious and wonderful things in which our village abounded. I was continually laughed at by every one except two young girls, Louise 6 and Minna 7 5 Niirnberg, 1828. 7 Minna Meincke married, in 1846, the excel- 6 Louise Meincke has been, since 1838, the lent farmer Richers, and is now living happily at happy wife of the Rev. E. Frolich, and is now Friedland, in Mecklenburg. living at Neu Brandenburg, in Mecklenburg, 4 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [Inteod. Meincke, the daughters of a farmer in Zahren, a village only a mile distant from Ankershagen ; the former of whom was my senior by six years, the latter of my own age. Not only did they not laugh at me, but, on the contrary, they always listened to me with profound attention, especially Minna, who showed me the greatest sympathy and entered into all my vast plans for the future. Thus a warm attachment sprang up between us, and in our childish simplicity we exchanged vows of eternal love. In the winter of 1829-30 we took lessons in dancing together, alternately at my little bride's house, at ours, and in the old haunted castle, then occupied by the farmer Mr. Heldt, where, with the same profound interest, we contemplated Henning's bloody bust, the ominous joints of the awful fireplace, the secret passages in the walls, and the entrance to the underground road. Whenever the dancing-lesson was at our house, we would either go to the cemetery before our door, to see whetHr Henning's foot did not grow out again, or sit down in admiration before the church-registers, written by the hand of Johann dir. von Schroder and Gottfrieclerich Heinrich von Schroder, father and son, who had occupied my father's place from 1709 to 1799 ; the oldest records of births, marriages, and deaths inscribed in those registers having a particular charm for us. Or we would visit together the younger Pastor von Schroder's daughter, 8 then eighty-four years of age, who was living close to us, to question her about the past history of the village, or to look at the portraits of her ancestors, 9 of which that of her mother, Olgartha Christine von Schroder, deceased in 1795, was our special delight, partly because we thought it a masterpiece of workmanship, partly because it resembled Minna. We also often visited the village tailor Wollert, 10 who was one-eyed, had only one foot, and was for this reason called " Peter Hiippert," or Hopping Peter. He was illiterate, but had such a prodigious memory that he could repeat my father's sermon word by word after having heard it in church. This man, who might possibly have become one of the greatest scholars of the world, had he had a university education, was full of wit, and excited our curiosity to the utmost by his inexhaustible stock of anec- dotes, which he told with a wonderful oratorical skill. Thus, to give but one of them : he told us how, being desirous to know whither the storks migrated for the winter, he had, in the time of my father's predecessor, Pastor von Eussdorf, caught one of the storks which used to build their nests on our barn, and had fastened round its foot a piece of parchment, on which, at his request, the sexton Prange had written that he himself, the sexton, and Wollert the tailor, at the village of Ankershagen in Meck- lenburg-Schwerin, humbly begged the proprietor of the barn, on which 8 Deceased in 1844, at the age of 98. 9 By the kind efforts of Miss Ida Frolich, the accomplished daughter of Mrs. Louise Frolich, all these portraits — five in number — have lately become my property, and I have assigned to them the place of honour in my library, facing the Acropolis of Athens. At the death of Miss von Schroder, these portraits had passed over into the possession of my father's successor, Pastor Con- radi, who had bequeathed them to the church of Ankershagen, but he ceded them to me in order to use the proceeds for presenting to that church, while he still lived, a more durable object, namely, a silver calyx. 10 Deceased in 1856. 1831.] MINNA MEINCKE. 5 the stork had its nest in the winter, to inform them of the name of his country. When the stork was again caught hy him in the spring, another parchment was found attached to its foot, with the following answer in bad German verse : — " Schwerin Mecklenburg ist uns niclit bekaunt, Das Land wo sich der Storch befand Nennt sich Sankt Johannes-Land." "We do not know Schwerin Mecklenburg: the country where the stork was is called Saint John's Land." Of course we believed all this, and would have given years of our life to know where that mysterious Saint John's Land was to be found. If this and similar anecdotes did not improve our knowledge of geo- graphy, at least they stimulated our desire to learn it, and increased our passion for the mysterious. From our dancing-lessons neither Minna nor I derived any profit at all, whether it was that we had no natural talent for the art, or that our minds were too much absorbed by our important archaeological investi- gations and our plans for the future. It was agreed between us that as soon as we were grown up we would marry, and then at once set to work to explore all the mysteries of Ankershagen ; excavating the golden cradle, the silver basin, the vast treasures hidden by Henning, then Henning's sepulchre, and lastly Troy ; nay, we could imagine nothing pleasanter than to spend all our lives in digging for the relics of the past. Thanks to God, my firm belief in the existence of that Troy has never forsaken me amid all the vicissitudes of my eventful career ; but it was not destined for me to realize till in the autumn of my life, and then without Minna — nay, far from her — our sweet dreams of fifty years ago. My father did not know Greek, but he knew Latin, and availed him- self of every spare moment to teach it me. When I was hardly nine years old, my dear mother died : this was an irreparable misfortune, perhaps the greatest which could have befallen me and my six brothers and sisters. 11 But my mother's death coincided with another misfortune, which resulted in all our acquaintances suddenly turning their backs upon us and refusing to have any further intercourse with us. I did not care much about the others ; but to see the family of Meincke no more, to separate altogether from Minna — never to behold her again — this was a thousand times more painful to me than my mother's death, which I soon forgot under my overwhelming grief for Minna's loss. In later life I have undergone many great troubles in different parts of the world, but none of them ever caused me a thousandth part of the grief I felt at the tender age of nine years for my separation from my little bride. Bathed in tears and alone, I used to stand for hours each day before Olgartha von Schroder's portrait, remembering in my misery the happy 11 My two brothers are dead. Of my four sisters only the eldest, Elise, is unmarried." The second, Doris, was the happy wife of the late secretary Hans Petrowsky in Roebel (Mecklen- burg) ; the third, Wilhelmine, is the happy wife of Professor Wilhelm Kuhse in Dillenburg (Hesse-Cassel) ; and the fourth, Louise, is the happy wife of the teacher Martin Pechel iD Dargun (Mecklenburg). AU TOBIOGB APH Y OF THE AUTHOR. [Introd. days I had passed in Minna's company. The future appeared dark to me; all the mysterious wonders of Ankershagen, and even Troy itself, lost their interest for a time. Seeing my despondency, my father sent me for two years to his brother, the Reverend Friederich Schliemann, 1 who was the pastor of the village of Kalkhorst in Mecklenburg, where for one year I had the good fortune of having the candidate Carl Andres 2 from Neu Strelitz as a teacher ; and the progress I made under this excellent philologist was so great that, at Christmas 1832, I was able to present my father with a badly-written Latin essay upon the principal events of the Trojan war and the adventures of Ulysses and Agamemnon. At the age of eleven I went to the Gymnasium at Neu Strelitz, where I was placed in the third class. But just at that time a great disaster befel our family, and, being afraid that my father would no longer have the means of supporting me for a number of years, I left the gymnasium after being in it only three months, and entered the Bealschule of the same city, where I was placed in the second class. In the spring of 1835 I advanced to the first class, which I left in April 1836, at the age of fourteen, to become apprentice in the little grocer's shop of Ernest Ludwig Holtz, 3 in the small town of Fiirstenberg in Mecklenburg-Strelitz. A few days before my departure from Neu Strelitz, on Good Friday 183(3, I accidentally met Minna Meincke, whom I had not seen for more than five years, at the house of Mr. C. E. Laue. 4 I shall never forget that interview, the last I ever had with her. She had grown much, and was now fourteen years old. Being dressed in plain black, the simplicity of her attire seemed to enhance her fascinating beauty. When we looked at each other, we both burst into a flood of tears and fell speechless into each other's arms. Several times we attempted to speak, but our emotion was too great ; neither of us could articulate a word. But soon Minna's parents entered the room, and we had to separate. It took me a long time to recover from my emotion. I was now sure that Minna still loved me, and this thought stimulated my ambition. Nay, from that moment I felt within me a boundless energy, and was sure that with unremit- ting zeal I could raise myself in the world and show that I was worthy of her. I only implored God to grant that she might not marry before I had attained an independent position. I was employed in the little grocer's shop at Fiirstenberg for five years and a half; for the first year by Mr. Holtz, and afterwards by his successor, the excellent Mr. Theodor Hiickstaedt. 5 My occupation consisted in retailing herrings, butter, potato-whiskey, milk, salt, coffee, sugar, oil, and candles ; in grinding potatoes for the still, sweeping the shop, and the like employments. Our transactions were on such a small scale, that our aggregate sales hardly amounted to 3000 thalers, or £450 annually ; nay, we thought we had extraordinary luck when we sold two 1 Deceased in 1861. now eighty-four years old, is still living at Neu 2 Candidate Carl Andres is now librarian of Strelitz, where the author lately saw her. the Grand-ducal library and keeper of the Mu- 5 Th. Hiickstaedt died in 1872, but the little seum of Antiquities in Neu Strelitz. grocer's business is continued by his excellent 3 Deceased in 1836. widow and her son-in-law, Mr. Meyer. 4 Mr. Laue died in 1860, but Mrs. Laue, 1837.] THE MILLER RECITING HOMER. 7 pounds' worth of groceries in a day. There I of course came in contact only with the lowest classes of society. I was engaged from five in the morning till eleven at night, and had not a moment's leisure for study. Moreover I rapidly forgot the little that I had learnt in child- hood ; but I did not lose the love of learning ; indeed I never lost it, and, as long as I live, I shall never forget the evening when a drunken miller came into the shop. His name was Hermann Niederhoffer. He was the son of a Protestant clergyman in Koehel (Mecklenburg), and had almost completed his studies at the Gymnasium of Neu Kuppin, when he was expelled on account of his bad conduct. Not knowing what to do with him, his father apprenticed him to the farmer Langermann in the village of Dambeck ; and, as even there his conduct was not exemplary, he again apprenticed him for two years to the miller Dettmann at Giistrow. Dissatisfied with his lot, the young man gave himself up to drink, which, however, had not made him forget his Homer ; for on the evening that he entered the shop he recited to us about a hundred lines of the poet, observing the rhythmic cadence of the verses. 6 Although I did not understand a syllable, the melodious sound of the words made a deep impression upon me, and I wept bitter tears over my unhappy fate. Three times over did I get him to repeat to me those divine verses, rewarding his trouble with three glasses of whiskey, which I bought with the few pence that made up my whole fortune. From that moment I never ceased to pray God that by His grace I might yet have the happiness of learning Greek. There seemed, however, no hope of my escaping from the hapless and humble position in which I found myself. And yet I was relieved from it, as if by a miracle. In lifting a cask too heavy for me, I hurt my chest ; I spat blood and was no longer able to work. In despair I went to Hamburg, where I succeeded in obtaining a situation with an annual salary of 180 marks, or £9 sterling : first in the grocer's shop of Lindemann junior, on the Fishmarket in Altona ; and afterwards in that of E. L. Deycke junior, at the corner of the Miihren and Matten- Twiete in Hamburg. But as I could not do the heavy work, owing to my weakness in the chest, I was found useless by my employers, and was turned away from each place, after having occupied it for only eight days. Seeing the impossibility of filling a situation as grocer's shop- man, and prompted by want to engage in any work, however humble, 6 This Hermann Niederhoffer is now 66 years old, and is living in easy circumstances at Roebel, where the author lately saw him, and instantly recognized him by the pathos with which he de- claimed Homer, as well as by other circumstances. Having been born in 1813, he was twenty-four years of age when, in 1837, he entered the little shop of Ernest Ludwig Holtz, at Fiirstenberg, where the author was apprenticed. He remained for seven years afterwards, making in all ten years, a journeyman miller, working successively at a great many different places in Germany. Having in 1844 returned to his family at Roebel, through the influence of his relations he obtained employment as communal clerk at Wredenhagen, and remained for four years in that capacity, until in 1848 the magistrate of Roebel gave him the office of collector on a turnpike road. In this employment he at once married an excellent wife, who induced him to give up intoxi- cating liquors, so that he retained the same place for thirty-one years, only leaving it in the spring of* 1879, when he retired to Roebel. Wonderful to say, in spite of all the vicissitudes of his eventful life, he has forgotten neither his Homer nor his Virgil, and still declaims them with the same warm enthusiasm as he did forty- three years ago in the shop at Fiirstenberg. 8 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR. [IXTBOD. merely to earn my food, I endeavoured to obtain employment on board a ship, and at the recommendation of a very kind-hearted shipbroker, Mr. J. F. Wendt, a native of Sternberg in Mecklenburg, who when a child had been brought up with my late mother, I succeeded in obtaining a situation as cabin-boy on board the little brig Dorothea, commanded by Captain Simonsen, owned by the merchants Wachsmuth and Kroogmann of Hamburg, and bound for La Guayra in Venezuela. I had always been poor, but never yet so utterly destitute as at that time ; I had even to sell my only coat in order to buy a blanket. On the 28th of November, 1841, we left Hamburg with a fair wind ; but in a few hours it turned contrary, and we were accordingly detained for three days in the river Elbe, near Blankenese, until on the 1st of December the wind again became fair. On that day we passed Cux- haven and entered the open sea, but we had no sooner reached Heligo- land than 'the wind returned to the west, and remained there up to the 12th of December. We were continually tacking, but made little or no progress, until in the night of the 11th— 12th December we were shipwrecked in a fearful storm off the island of Texel, on the bank called " de Eilandsche Grond." After escaping innumerable dangers, and having been tossed about by the fury of the elements for nine hours in a very small open boat, the crew, consisting of nine men, were all saved. I shall always remember with gratitude to Heaven the joyful moment when our boat was thrown by the surf on a bank close to the shore of the Texel, and all danger was over. I did not know the name of the land we had been cast upon, but I perceived that it was a foreign country. I felt as if on that bank a voice whispered to me that the tide in my earthly affairs had come, and that I had to take it at its flood. My belief was confirmed when, on the very day of our arrival, my little box, containing a few shirts and stockings, as well as my pocket- book with the letters of recommendation for La Guayra procured for me by Mr. Wendt, was found floating on the sea and was picked up, while all my comrades and the captain himself lost everything. In consequence of this strange event, they gave me the nickname of " Jonah," by which I was called as long as we remained at the Texel. We were kindly received there by the consuls Sonderdorp and Earn, who proposed to send me, together with the rest of the crew, by way of Harlingen, back to Hamburg. But I declined to return to Germany, where I had been so overwhelmingly unfortunate, telling them that I regarded it as my destiny to remain in Holland, that I intended tc proceed to Amsterdam to enlist as a soldier, for I was utterly destitute, and saw, for the moment, no other means of obtaining a living. At my urgent request, therefore, Messrs. Sonderdorp and Earn paid 2 guilders (3s. 4phv Nu/iicpdcvv at N^'iaSes KaXtovrai. ev 8e KpT)rrip4s T6 kcl\ aiupupo pfjes %aaiv Xaivoi' tvQa 8' eireiTa TiQaifioocraovm fxeXicrffai' iv 8' 'mttoI XiOeoi irepi/j.7)Kets, ivQa T6 vv/ATepxi.- ouSe ti kz'ivyi 'avlpts iaepxovTai, a A A.' aOavaTOiv 65oj icrtu. 1 See vv. 105-108 in the passage just citeJ. 2 Od. xiv. 13, 14: evTOcrdev 8' avXrjs v, evvas (Tvfflv. 3 Od. xiv. 5-10 : rbu 8' ap ivl TrpoSo/jLco tup' ^fxtvov, tv6a ol avXr) v\pT]Xi] Se'S^rjro, TrepiaKeTTTw eul X&?'?i KaX-t] T6 fieyaXri re, TreplSpo/xos' r\v pa crvfidoTiis aWbs Setjuod' vea(Tiv anoixo^voio avaKTOS, E 50 EXPLORATION OF ITHACA. [IXTROD. short distance to the south of this site, and near the sea, is a white cliff with a perpendicular descent of 100 ft., which to the present day is called Korax, " the Eaven Bock," to which Homer refers when he represents Ulysses as challenging Eumaeus "to precipitate him from the great rock" if he finds that he is telling lies. 4 Below the Korax, in a recess, is a natural and always plentiful spring of pure water, which tradition identi- fies with Homer's fountain of Arethusa, where the swine of Eumaeus were watered. 5 I excavated in the stables, as well as in front of them on the site of the rustic habitation; I found the stables filled with stones, but on the site of the house I struck the rock at a depth of 1 ft., and found there fragments of very interesting, most ancient, unpainted pottery, also of archaic pottery with red bands, and masses of broken tiles of a later period. I found in my excavations at the foot of Mount Aetos two coins of Ithaca, having on one side a cock with the legend IBAKI2N, and on the other side a head of Ulysses with a conical cap or pilidion ; also two coins of Agathocles of Syracuse. These latter coins are here frequently found and abundantly offered for sale. Corinthian and Boman coins are also very frequent here. According to Aristotle and Antigonus Carystius, 7 no hare can live on Ithaca. But, on the contrary, hares are more abundant here than on any other Greek island, it being next to impossible to hunt them on the steep slopes of the huge mountains overgrown with thorny underwood. I may add that Ithaca is, like Utica, a Phoenician word, and means " colony." According to Homer, Poseidon was the grandfather of Laertes, and Mr. Gladstone appears, therefore, to be right in holding that the descent from Poseidon always means " descent from the Phoenicians." I strongly recommend a visit to Ithaca, not only to all admirers of Homer, but also to all those who wish to see the ancient Greek type of men and great female beauty. Visitors should not omit when at Vathy, the capital of Ithaca, to call upon my friend Mr. Aristides Dendrinos, to whom and to whose amiable lady, Mrs. Praxidea Dendrinos, I here make my warmest acknowledgment for their bountiful hospitality. Mr. Den- drinos is the most wealthy man in Ithaca, and will at all times be happy to assist travellers with his advice. He has a son Telemachus and a daughter Penelope. § VIII. Fourth Year's Work at Troy: 1878. I recommenced my excavations at Troy towards the end of September 1878, with a large number of workmen and several horse- carts, having previously built felt-sovered wooden barracks, with nine chambers for my own accommodation and that of my overseers, servants, and visitors. v6(Txbs aAeverai rcnepoireveiv. 5 Od. xiii. 407-410: Zrjeis r6u ye (rveaai irap^fxevoV a l i Se vefxovrai irap KopaKos Trerpr], eni re Kpijur] 'Apedoiar}, eadovcrai $a\avov ixevoeinea /ecu fieXav v§wp TTLUovaai, ra 6' veacri rpetyei TtQaXvlav aXoKpyv. 6 'ma. An. viii. 27. 2. 7 EtsL, Mir. 11. 1878.] EXCAVATIONS RESUMED AT TROY. 5] I also built a wooden barrack, which served both as a storehouse for anti- quities and as a small dining-hall, together with a wooden magazine, in which the antiquities were preserved, which were to be divided between the Imperial Museum and myself, and of which the Turkish delegate had the key ; also a wooden magazine for my implements, wheelbarrows, hand-carts, and other machinery for excavating; besides a small stone house for the kitchen, a wooden house for my ten gensdarmes, and a stable for the horses. 8 All these buildings were erected on the north-west slope of Hissarlik, which here descends at an angle of 75° to the plain. The site of my barracks is, according to M. Burnouf's measurement, 25*55 metres = 84 ft. above the level of the sea ; consequently 23*88 m. = 78 ft. below the summit of Hissarlik. The ten gensdarmes, to whom I paid £20 10s. monthly, were all refugees from Koumelia, and were of great use to me, for they not only served as a guard against the brigands by whom the Troad was infested, but they also carefully watched my labourers whilst they were excavating, and thus forced them to be honest. How necessary the ten gensdarmes were to me could not have been better proved than by the fight which took place a short time after my departure in the village of Kalifatli, only twenty minutes' walk from Hissarlik, between the peasants and a large number of armed Circassians, who in the night attacked the house of a villager reputed to possess 10,000 frs. The villager ascended the terrace of his house and cried for assistance, whereupon his neighbours hurried out with their rifles and killed two of the assailants, but unfortunately lost two of their own number — the brother-in-law and son-in-law of the demarch of Kalifatli. The wages of my three overseers were from £5 to £10 monthly ; those of the common workmen, 2 frs. or 20 pence daily ; the three carpenters received 3^ frs. or 2s. Id. ; the wheelwright 5 frs. or 4s. a day. But the highest wages of all were paid to my servant, who thought he was indispensable, and therefore refused to serve for less than 300 frs. or £12 monthly ; but he made at least twice as much out of his wine and bread- store, of which his brother was the manager, for he cold to my labourers on credit, and, as he was my paymaster, he always got back his money easily and could never lose. My endeavours were now principally directed to the excavation of the large building to the west and north-west of the gate, and of the north-eastern prolongation of the gateway. 9 I had always identified the large building with the residence of the last chief or king of Troy, because in it, or close to it, had been found not only the large treasure I myself discovered, but also the treasure which had been concealed from me by my labourers and seized by the Turkish authorities, besides a vast quantity of Trojan pottery ; but I now maintain that identity with more assurance than ever, having again discovered in it, or close to it, three small treasures and a large one of gold jewels. Of these the first was found and excavated on the 21st of October, in the presence of seven See the frontispiece, to the right. 9 See on No. 10, p. 35, the whole block in front; also the block on which tne two houses stand. 52 NA11RATIVE OF WORK AT TROY. [Introd. officers of H.M.S. Monarch, in a chamber in the north-east part of the building, at a depth of 26 ft. 5 in. below the surface of the mound. It was contained in a broken hand-made terra-cotta vessel, which lay in an oblique position about 3 ft. above the floor, and must have fallen from an upper storey. I give a drawing of the town-chief's house in the chapter on the Third City. Its longest wall runs parallel with the great external wall of the city, and is 53 ft. 4 in. long and 4 ft. 4 in. high ; it consists of smaller and larger stones joined together with clay. Near the north- western extremity of this wall, and just 3 ft. above the ground, I found, in a layer of grey wood-ashes, two more small treasures, both contained in broken hand-made terra-cotta vases, of which the one lay in an oblique, the other in a horizontal position, from which circumstance I conclude that both had fallen from an upper part of the house ; the orifices of the vases nearly touched each other. Only 3 ft. from this discovery, but on the house-wall itself, and at a depth of 26 ft. below the surface of the ground, a larger treasure of bronze weapons aud gold jewels was found. All the objects contained in these four treasures, as well as all the other antiquities discovered in these excavations, will be described in the subsequent pages, as well as the gold ornaments found elsewhere. I also continued excavating on the site of my former platform, on the north side of the hill, 10 but, on account of the winter rains, was obliged to stop the works on the 26th of November. According to the stipu- lations of my firman, I had to give up two-thirds of all the objects I found to the Imperial Museum, and carried off only one-third myself. § IX. Fifth Year's Work at Troy and the Heroic Tumuli, and Exploration of the Troad : 1879. I went to Europe, and returned to the Dardanelles towards the end of February 1879. Having again procured the services of ten gensdarmes or zaptiehs and 150 workmen, I recommenced the excavations on the 1st of March. Up to the middle of March I suffered cruelly from the north wind, which was so icy cold that it was impossible to read or write in my wooden barracks, and it was only possible to keep oneself warm by active exercise in the trenches. To avoid taking cold, I went, as I had always done, very early every morning on horseback to the Hellespont to take my sea-bath, but I always returned to Hissarlik before sunrise and before the work commenced. 1 Two of my gensdarmes always served me as a guard, in the bathing excursions, or whenever I absented myself from 10 See No. 4 to the left ; also Plan I. (of Troy) between the points X and C. 1 These rides in the dark were not without accidents. Travellers to the Troad will see a large block missing from the northern edge of the bridge of Koum Kioi. This stone was broken out when once in the dark I rode too near the edge, and I was precipitated with my horse into the bushes below. The horse having fallen upon me, I could not extricate myself from beneath it ; and my gensdarmes having gone ahead, could not hear my cries. A whole hour I was in this desperate position, till at last my gensdarmes, not seeing me coming to my usual bathing-place at Karanlik, returned and extricated me. Since that accident I always alight before passing a Turkish bridge, and lead my horse over by the bridle. 1879.] FIFTH YEAR'S EXCAVATIONS. 53 Hissarlik. But the cold weather did not last longer than a fortnight, and after that we had a succession of fine weather. The storks appeared in the beginning of March. At the end of March I was joined at Hissarlik by my honoured friends Professor Kudolf Yirchow of Berlin, and M. imiile Burnouf of Paris, Honorary Director of the French School at Athens ; the latter having been sent to Troy on a scientific mission by the French Government, at the initiative of M. Jules Ferry, the Minister of Public Instruction. Both assisted me in my researches to the utmost of their ability. Pro- fessor Virchow studied the flora, fauna, and geological characteristics of the Plain of Troy, as well as the condition of the ruins and debris brought to light in the course of my excavations ; and M. Burnouf, who is an excellent engineer and painter, made all the plans and maps, as well as many of the sketches contained in this book. He also studied the geology of the Plain of Troy, as well as the several layers of debris at Hissarlik. My endeavours were this time principally directed towards bringing to light the entire circuit of the walls, and I therefore excavated to the east and south-west of the gate 2 (which, according to M. Burnouf 's mea- surement, is 41'10 metres = 135 ft. 2 in. above the level of the sea, and 8*33 m. = 27 ft. 5 in. below the surface of the hill), and to the north-west and north of the house of the chief, as well as to the east of my great northern trench. 3 It being especially important to preserve the houses of the burnt city, I gradually excavated the ruins of the three upper cities horizontally, layer by layer, until I reached the easily-recognizablo calcined debris of the third or burnt city. Having brought down to one level the whole space I intended to explore, I began at the extremity of the area, excavating house by house, and gradually proceeding with this work in the direction of the northern slope, where the debris had to be shot. In this manner I was able to excavate all the houses of the third city without injuring their walls. But of course all that I could bring to light of them were the substructions, or first storeys, 3 to 10 ft. high, built of bricks or of stones cemented with earth. The great number of jars they contain can hardly leave any doubt that these served as cellars ; though at first sight it is difficult to explain the scarcity of doorways, of which visitors will see but few. But it appears that these lower parts of the houses were entered by wooden stairs or ladders from above ; regular openings for the doors, however, exist in all the rooms and chambers of the large building to the west and north-west of the gate. Professor Yirchow calls attention to the fact that, in an architectural point of view, the condition of this third city is the exact prototype of the kind of building which still characterizes the villages of the Troad. It was only when his medical practice 4 had introduced him into the interior of the present houses that he was able to understand the archi- tectural details of those of the ancient state. The characteristic of the architecture is, that in most cases the lower part of the houses has no 2 See Plan I. (of Troy). interesting account of his medical practice in 3 See Sectional Plan III., x, Y. the Troad. 4 I give in Appendix V. Professor Virchow's 54 NARRATIVE OF "WORK AT TROY. [Introd. entrance, and is surrounded by a stone wall. The upper storey, which is built of quadrangular sun-dried bricks, serves as the habitation for the family ; the lower one, which is entered by stairs or ladders from above, serves as a storehouse. Whenever the ground-floor has a door, it is also very frequently used as a stable for the cattle. When, as often happens also at the present day, modern houses of this kind fall into ruin, the ruins present precisely the same aspect as those of the third or burnt city of Hissarlik. The stones of the walls of the first storey of the Trojan houses present no trace of having been wrought ; they have come from the easily- obtainable natural strata of the tertiary fresh- water limestone of the neighbouring ridge. The rooms enclosed by these Trojan house-walls contain those gigantic terra-cotta jars which often stand in whole rows, representing a considerable fortune by their huge size, which is so great that a man can stand upright in each of them. Streets also were scarce; for besides the broad street of the gate, ' 1 brought to light only one street 4 ft. broad, paved with large flags, which bear the marks of the intense heat to which they have been exposed. This street may be seen just above the ruins of the second city, on the east side of my great trench ; 5 there is, besides, a passage 2 ft. broad, between the Trojan houses running off at right angles from the street d to the N.E. I further excavated to the east and south-east of the " Great Tower," where I was forced to destroy a number of house- walls close to the magazine containing the nine great jars discovered in 1873, 6 in order to unearth the city wall and its connection with the two gigantic stone walls called by me " the Great Tower." All this has been accomplished. My excavations to the south, south-west, west, north-west, and north of the gates, have also enabled me to uncover the city wall in these directions ; so that it is now disclosed in its entire circuit, except where it has been cut through by my great trench. In the course of these researches I found, in the presence of Professor Yirchow and M. Burnouf, on the slope of the north-western part of the wall another treasure, consisting of gold ornaments, which will be de- scribed hereafter. Outside the city wall on the east side, I discovered a great many house-walls, but scarcely any antiquities, which circumstance appears to prove that the suburb was inhabited by the poorer class. The south- east corner of the city presents no signs of the great conflagration. I dug about one-half of my great trench down to the limestone rock, and thus laid bare three parallel house-walls 7 of the first settlers on Hissarlik. I also dug a deep drain for the discharge of the rain-water. Although H.E. Munif Effendi, the Minister of Public Instruction, had already in January 1879 consented to H.E. Sir Henry Layard's request that a firman should be granted me for the exploration of the Tumuli, the so-called heroic tombs of the Troad, I had the very greatest difficulty in obtaining it. I was however powerfully aided by Sir Henry Layard and my honoured friend Mr. Ed. Malet, Minister Plenipotentiary during 6 This street is marked d on Plan I. (of 6 See No. 8, p. 33. Troy). 7 See Plan III. /, between m and N. 1879.] ANOTHER VISIT TO BOUNARBASHI. 55 his absence, as well as by H.E. Count Hatzfeldt, the German Ambassador at Constantinople, who assisted me at the request of Professor Yirchow, and the firman at last arrived on the 17th of April. I immediately- started to explore the two largest tumuli of the Troad, the Besika Tepeh and the Ujek Tepeh, as well as four smaller ones. These excavations will be described at length in the chapter on the Tumuli. In company with Professor Yirchow, I again visited the village of Bounarbashi, and the heights behind it, the Bali Dagh, which have had for nearly a hundred years the undeserved honour of being identified with the site of the Homeric Ilium. Professor Yirchow fully agrees with me that the circuit-walls of the little xAcropolis — which, according to M. Burnouf's measurement, is 144*36 metres = 472 ft. above the level of the sea, and in which so many great modern luminaries in archaeology have seen the walls of Priam's Pergamus— have never deserved to be called " Cyclopean." He was the first to observe, from the peculiar manner in which the stones of the walls have been wrought, that they have been slowly shaped (abge- splittert) with an iron pick-hammer, and must consequently belong to a comparatively late period. As above mentioned, these ruins probably mark the site of (xergis, where, according to Xenophon, 8 Queen Mania kept her treasures. I showed him that the average depth of the accumu- lation of debris in the little Acropolis is only 1 ft. 6 in., and that only Hellenic pottery is found there. He recognized the agora of the little town in a recess of amphitheatrical form, in which the ruins of four rows of stone seats may still be seen. It is strange that this agora never fell under the notice of any one before, and that it was reserved for the keen eye of Professor Yirchow to discover it. We also visited the springs 9 of Bounarbashi, 10 which, according to M. Burnouf's measurement, are 27*77 metres = 91 ft. above the level of the sea, and in which the defenders of the Bounarbashi theory recognize two springs only — one lukewarm, the other icy cold— in order to force them into agreement with those described by Homer, near which Hector was killed by Achilles : " But they dashed forward by the watch-tower and the wind-beaten fig-tree always along the wall, on the chariot road, until they reached the two fair-flowing springs, where the twin sources of the eddying Scamander bubble up : for the one flows with lukewarm water, from which clouds of steam arise as from a burning fire ; the other runs forth in summer like hail or cold snow, or as from frozen water." 11 8 Hist. Gr., iii. 1, § 15 : Tavra 8e iroi-qaas 2/c?/^/ij/ /ecu YipyiQa e^upos ir6\eis /ca-reVx^'j ZvQa Kai rd xpVfJ-aTa fxd\LffTa j\v rfj Maviq. " When he (Meidias) had done this, he took possession of the fortified cities of Scepsis and Gergis, where Mania chiefly kept her treasures." 9 As befure mentioned, I counted here thirty- four springs ; but as the spot where they rise is called Kirk-Gios, or " forty eyes," there are probably forty springs here. 10 Bounarbashi means " head of the springs." Clarke (i. p. 109) reminds us that in Wales thei-e is a Pen tre fynnyn, which means "head of the three springs." 11 11. xxii. 145-152 : ot 8e irapd gkotti^v kcu ipivebv Tjue/xSevra Te/xeos alei/ vireK kclt afxa^irbv iacrevouro' Kpovvw 8' %Kavov KaWippow, tvQa 8e irriyai Soial avai ku Kai TpdviKOv, jue'xpt 'AjSuSou Kai 27J(TtoG, tt]v tt)s npoirourlSos irapaKiav clvai (Tv/n/Haivei ' cWb 5e 'AfivSov jue%pt A(ktov to, irtpl 'l\iov, Kai TeVeSoy, Kat 'AXe^avSpeiai/ tV TpwaScr irdvTcav 5r/ tovtcov virepKeirai 77 I877 rb opos, P-CXP 1 Acktov Ka6r]Kovaa • curb Acktov 5e /Ue'xpi KaiKov TroTa/AOv Kai rwv Kavuiv \eyojx4vo>v 4«/ccuaj, rjirep upxb H-tv T ys 'loovias iari, irtpas 8e ttjs AloXiSos. Toiovtow 8e twu t6ttc0V uvtodv, 6 /xev Troir^Trjs airb Tac Trepl Aiay\TU)V roirwv, Kai twu irepl rr)v vvv Kv£iKT\vi)v xvpcLV, v-rrayopevci jxaKiffra rovs Tpwas apl-ai A*e'xpt T °v Kat/cou irora^ov Hirfpi\fi(- vovs Kara. Swao-rc'ias els okt& /xep'iSas, r) Kai ivu4a • rb 8e ru>v &Wwv itriKOvpuu irAridos iu ro?s crvpLjxixxois StaptfyieiYar. 2 Tb Ae/crdV, now called Cape Baba or Santa Maria. Here Here, in company with Hypnos, first touches the Trojan land on her way to Ida (II. xiv. 283, 284 : "IStji/ 8' Ueffdyv . . . Acktov, oQl irp&Tuv Xiireryv a\a). 3 Now Ak-Su, or Bochair, Bakir, Bacher. 4 Now Behram or Bearahm. 5 Now Dikeli Kioi. 6 Now Sanderli. 7 Now the Gulf of Sanderli or of Fokia. 8 This river is now called Gedis or Ghiediz Tschai. THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. I. We shall follow Bucliholz 9 in describing in the following order the eight or nine smaller dominions of which the Troad was composed : — I. Dominion of Pandarus. 10 II. Dominion of Adrestus and Amphius. 1 III. Dominion of Asius. 2 IV. Dominion of Aeneas (Dardania). 3 V. Dominion of Hector (Troy in the more narrow sense). 4 The following districts are further mentioned in Homer : — VI. Dominion of Altes (the Leleges). 5 VII. Dominion of the Cilicians, viz. ■ a. Dominion of Eetion. 6 b. Dominion of Mynes. 7 c. Dominion of Eurypylus (the Ceteians). 8 § II, Mountains of the Troad. Mount Ida (jJ "Ic^, 9 ra 'ISala oprj 10 ) still retains its ancient name. Its Homeric epithets are v^rrfKrj (high iroXvirlha^ (rich in fountains 2 ) ; and from its abundance of game it is also called the mother or nourisher of wild animals (fiijrrjp 6rjp(x>v 3 ). It extends through Western Mysia in many branches from south-west to north-east. On account of its manifold ramifications, it was compared by the ancients to a centipede (scolopendrd)} One of its principal branches extends along the northern coast of the Gulf of Adramyttium, and runs out into the promontory of Lectum ; 5 the other extends in a westerly direction along the river Aesepus, and terminates at the city of Zeleia : — " those who inhabited Zeleia at the lowest foot of Ida." 6 In Ida rise the rivers Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, Rhodius, Grenicus (Granicus), Aesepus, Scamander, and Simois : — " Then Poseidon and Apollo took counsel to destroy the wall, turning against it all the rivers that flow from the mountains of Ida into the sea — Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, Rhodius, Grenicus, and Aesepus, divine Scamander also and Simois." 7 As already stated, the highest summit of Ida is Mount Gargarus, now called Kaz Dagh, 5750 ft. above the level of the sea. On Gargarus was " a temenos sacred to Zeus, 9 Homerische Kosmographie und Geographic, von Dr. E. Buchholz ; Leipzig, 1871. 10 11. ii. 824-827. 1 11. ii. 828 834. 2 II ii. 835-839. 3 //. ii. 819-823. 4 //. ii. 816-818. 5 //. xxi. 86, 87. 6 i7. vi. 396, 397 ; ii. 692. 7 II xix. 296. 8 Od. xi. 519-521. 6 11. viii. 207 ; xiii. 13. 10 II. viii. 170. 1 II. xiv. 293 : y l5r?s fi^TjXfjs. 2 11. viii. 47; xiv. 157, 283, 307; xv. 151; xx. 59, 218; xxiii. 117. 3 //. viii. 47 : "l$T)v 8' 'Uavev TroXvnlSaKa pn]repa 6i]pa>i>, . . . 4 Strabo, xiii. p. 583 : iroWovs 5' ex ovv ScideKa 9eu>i/ SsiKwrai, KaAovat 5' 'Aya/ifft- is also called 21717 by Hecataeus, p. 208; Scylax, vovos 'tdpu/xa- p. 36. 7 J I. xiv. 283, 284: 10 xiii. p. 595: eo-Ti 5e to ^kos tt)s irapa- 5' UicrQ-nv Aias Tavrys curb rod 'Poirelov n^XP 1 Styeiov /cal Ae/croV, o6t izpunov \LireT7jv aha- toD J AxtAA.e'ws fxvi]j.Twv k^KOVTa 8 ix. 114. araSiuy. § III.] RIVERS OF THE TROAD. 73 many proofs that the geographer never visited the Troad, the real distance being only 30 stadia, which is given by Pliny. 1 On this cape formerly stood the town of Ehoeteum (to 'Poireiov). 2 It is not a promontory in the proper sense of the word, but an elevated rocky shore with several peaks, of which the highest, according to M. Burnouf's measurement, is only 168 ft. high. For this reason it is also called by Antipater Sidonius r ~PoLTr)L$e<; atcraL 3 It is spoken of as the " Rhoetea litora " by Virgil. 4 Khoeteum is also mentioned by Livy. 5 On a lower peak of this pro- montory is the tumulus attributed by tradition to Ajax, of which I shall treat hereafter. It deserves particular notice that the names of the two capes, Xtyetov and 'Polretov, do not occur in Homer, and that he only once mentions them where we read that, although the sea-shore was broad, yet it could not contain all the ships, and the people were crowded ; they had therefore drawn them up in rows, and had filled the long mouth of the whole shore as far as it was enclosed by the promontories. 6 § III. KlVERS OF THE TrOAD. (a) The Simois (6 %l/jlo6ls;), now called Doumbrek Su, rises, according to Homer, on Mount Ida, but more precisely on the Cotylus. Virchow, 7 who investigated this river together with me, writes of this river as follows : " In its beginning it is a fresh mountain-brook. Its sources lie eastward of the wooded mountains of the Oulou Dagh. From numerous little watercourses, which partly bubble forth from the rock, and some of which form little torrents, two rivulets are at first formed. The larger and longer of them flows in a valley gap, between a prominent spur of the Oulou Dagh, separated from the principal mount by a deep, green meadow valley, and a spur of the tertiary mountain riclge, which descends from Ren Kioi towards Halil Eli, nearly parallel with the ridge of Ehoeteum. The shorter and more southerly rivulet gathers the water from the Kara Your and the mountain ridge which joins it to the Oulou Dagh. Both rivulets join not far above Doumbrek Kioi and form the Doumbrek Su (Simois), which is midway between a small river and a large rivulet. Its bed, which is deeply cut throughout, and proceeds now in shorter, now in longer windings, is at Doumbrek perhaps from 12 to 30 yards wide; but on the 11th of April the water covered only part of the bottom of this bed, and nowhere did its depth exceed 6 inches. We could wade through it without any difficulty. The current is rapid ; the bottom is covered with small pebbles, now and then also with somewhat larger rounded stones from the Oulou Dagh. 8 The valley itself is small, but very fertile. 1 H. N. v. 33: " fuit et Aeantium, a Rhodiis conditum, in altero cornu, Ajace ibi sepulto, xxx. stad. intervallo a Sigeo." 2 Herodot. vii. 43 ; Scylax, p. 35 ; Steph. Byz. p. 577 ; Mela, i. 18. 5; Plin. H. N. v. 33 ; Thucyd. iv. 52, viii. 101. 3 Anthol. Gr. ii. p. 24, ed. Jacobs ; i. p. 254, No. 146, ed. Tauchnitz. 4 Aen. vi. 595, and Plin. H. N. v. 33. 5 xxxvii. 37. 6 //, xiv. 33-36 : ou8e yap ou8' eupuy 7rep' ikv i^vvr^aro irdaas aiyiaAos urjas xaSeeii/, (TTeluouro 5s Aaof t£ pa irpoKpoaaas epvcrav, Kal irX^aav aitaa-i]S yiovos cnojxa jxaKpov, oaou crwdpyaQov ai, roaouTou airexovTas tt)s 6aXaTT7]s ocrov rb vvv "\Xiov. tovto /xlv Si] fx.€Ta£v Trjs TeXevrrjs rwv Xex^^vTOiv ayK&vwv elvat, rb 8e 7raAat^f KTicr/xa fxeTa^v tt)s apxvs ' dTroXa/xfidvecrdai 8' ivrbs t6 re 'Si/xoelaiov ireS'iov 8t' ov 6 "Zi/xoeis (peperai, Kal rb 2,Ka[xdvb'piov 8t' ou 2,Ka/xav8pos pet. tovto Se Kal iH'ivs Tpoo'iKOv XeyeTai, ical tovs irXeiaTovs dywvas 6 ttolt]T7]s iuravda airodlScoffi ' 7rAoTure- pov yap io~Ti, Kal tovs ovo/xa^ofxevovs tottovs ivravQa SeiKvv/xevovs opwfxeu, Tbv epiveSu, Tbv too Aio~vr}Tov Tacpov, ttjv BaTieiav, Tb tov v IAou orrj/xa. ol 8e TTOTajxol Te 'S.Kajxavdpos Kal 6 ~2,ip.06is, 6 fxev tw ~2,tyetrv TrXriaidaas 6 8e 'PojT6ta?, fxiKpbv efXTTpoaQev tov vvv 'IAtov crvjx- fidXXovcriv, eTr' eVi Tb 'S.'iyeiov tKStdoaai Kal TTOiovo-i Ti)v o'To/xaXi/xv'rjv KaXov/xevr]V. Sieipyei 8' eKaTepov twv Xex^^ VT03V veSiccv airb OaTepov [xeyas tis al>xh v ^ipi)^vwv ayKcivwv eV eu^etas, airb tov vvv 'IX'iov Ti)V apxh v %X UV avjxcpvris avTcp, tcivo/xcvos 8' %a>s ri)s Kefipr}- vias Kal aTTOTeXwv Tb £ ypd/x/xa Trpbs tovs €KaTepoc6ev ayKwvas. 76 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. I. terminating in the promontory of Ehoeteum, the other in that of Sigeum ; they form with it a semicircle, hut terminate in the Plain at the same distance from the sea as Novum Ilium. This city, therefore, lies between the two extremities of the ridges already named, but the ancient town between their starting-points ; but the inner space comprises as well the Plain of the Simois, through which the Simois flows, as the Plain of the Scamander, through which the Scamander flows. The latter is properly called the Trojan Plain, and the poet makes it the theatre of most of the battles ; for it is broader, and here we see the places mentioned by the poet, — the fig hill, the tomb of Aesyetes, the Batieia, and the tumulus of Ilus. But the rivers Scamander and Simois, of which the one approaches Sigeum, the other Ehoeteum, join at a short distance below Ilium, and discharge near Sigeum, where they form the so-called Stomalimne. The two above-mentioned plains are separated by a long neck of land, which issues directly from the two ridges already named ; beginning from the projection on which Novum Ilium is situated, and attaching itself to it (avfi(f)vr]s avra)), this neck of land advances (southward) to join Cebrenia, thus forming with the two other chains the letter €." The description of Pliny 5 agrees with that of Strabo : " dein portus Achaeorum, in quern influit Xanthus Simoenti junctus : stagnumque prius faciens Palaescamander." The identity of this river with the Homeric Simois is further con- firmed by Virgil, who tells us that Andromache, after Hector's death, had again married Helenus, another son of Priam, who became king of Chaonia : "Ante urbem in luco falsi Simoentis ad undam Libabat cineri Andromache, Manesque vocabat Hectoreum ad tumulura, viiitli quern cespite inanem Et geminas causaui lacrymis sacraverat aras." 6 Thus Hector's tomb was in a grove near the Simois ; but, according to Strabo, 7 Hector's tomb was in a grove at Ophrynium, and this is also confirmed by Lycophron in his Cassandra. But Ophrynium is in close proximity to the river of which we are now speaking, and which, from this and all other testimonies, can be none other than the Simois. As the present name of the Simois, Doumbrek, is believed not to be a Turkish word, some take it for a corruption of the name Thymbrius, and use it to prove that the river— which runs through the north-eastern valley of the Plain of Troy, and falls into the Kalifatli Asmak (the ancient bed of the Scamander) in front of Ilium — is the Thymbrius, and cannot possibly be the Simois. To this I reply, that there is no example of a Greek word ending in os being rendered in Turkish by a word ending in h ; further that Doumbrek must certainly be a corruption of the two Turkish words (J^j\d Don bareh. Don signifies " ice," and bareh " possession " or " habitation : " the two words therefore mean much the same thing as " containing ice," 5 //. iV. v. 33. 6 Acneid. iii. 302-305. 7 xiii. p. 595: ir\r}' $ rb rov"Eicropos &Aaos iv TCfpHpixvti t6 ttoj" § III.] RIVERS— THE THYMBRIUS. 77 and the name might be explained by the fact, that the inundations caused by the Simois are frequently frozen over in winter, when the whole north-eastern plain forms a sheet of ice. But if in classical times this river was called Simois, there can be no doubt whatever of its identity with the Homeric Simois, because — as MacLaren 8 justly observes — in all parts of the world rivers have preserved their names with wonderful persistency in the midst of linguistic change and political revolution. An ancient name may indeed be lost, but, if it still exists, it would be difficult to conceive how it could possibly be transferred from one river to another. No ford of the Simois is mentioned in the Iliad, though the armies must have passed the river constantly in marching to or from the plain between this river and the Scamander, where all the battles were fought. But though the Simois may perhaps have had a slightly larger quantity of water in ancient times, before the invention of water-mills, it can never have been of much consequence. Therefore, there was no need to speak of a ford. (b) The Thymbrius, called 6 Sv/x(3pto^ by Strabo 9 and Eustathius, 10 is a small river, which originates in the immediate vicinity of Mount Kara Your, and receives the drainage of ten or twelve valleys, pouring at a right angle into the Scamander opposite Bounarbashi. Its present name is Kemar Su, from the Greek word Kafxdpa (vault), and the Turkish word " su " (water), the river being crossed, at about 3 miles above its con- fluence, by a Koman aqueduct. Homer does not mention this river at all, though he mentions the town of Thymbre. 1 The site of this ancient town corresponds with the farm at Akshi Kioi on the banks of the Thymbrius, the proprietor of which, Mr. Frank Calvert, has made excavations there, and has found inscriptions which can leave no doubt of its identity. The whole place is strewn with archaic Hellenic potsherds. The height of the site above the level of the sea, at the place where Mr. Calvert's farmhouse stands, is, according to M. Burnouf's measurements, 63-35 metres or 207 ft. Strabo states that close to the confluence of the Thymbrius and Scamander, and at a distance of 50 stadia from Novum Ilium, stood the famous temple of the Thymbrian Apollo, 2 which, as my friend Professor A. H. Sayce, who lately visited the Troad, remarks, 3 must be identical with the almost entirely artificial mound of Hanai Tepeh, which I have excavated in company with Mr. Calvert, and of which I shall treat hereafter. According to M. Burnouf's measurement, the height of the Hanai Tepeh is 87*75 metres = 285 ft. above the level of the sea ; the confluence of the Thymbrius and the Scamander being 24 * 5 metres = 80 ft. 5 in. The distance given by Strabo is perfectly correct. M. Burnouf makes the following remarks upon the river : — " The 8 Observations on the Topography of the Plain of Troy. See Barker Webb, Topographic de ia Troade, p. 47. 9 xiii. p. 598. 10 Ad Horn. II. x. 430. 1 II. x. 430 : trpbs ®vfx$pt)s 8' Zhaxov Avkiol Mvaol t' ay4- pa>X 01 - (" Towards Thymbre the Lycians and the lordly Mysians had their place allotted."; 2 xiii. p. 598 : ir\r\(Tiov yap iari to TreStov 7} @v/j.f}pa Kai 6 di avTov pecau iroTa/j-hs Qv/xfipios, e/j-fldWcw ets rhv ~2,KOLfxauSpov Kara, rb &u/x8naiov 'AiroWowos Up6v. 3 In the Academy, Oct. 18, 1879. 78 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. I. Thymbrius flows in the hollow of a valley between the hills of Akshi Kioi and the heights to the south. It is about 30 ft. broad. Its banks are steep ; it is perfectly limpid, and is overshadowed by large trees. Its banks, which are from 10 to 12 ft. high, show two very distinct layers : first, a modern alluvium, consisting of earth washed down by the rains from the hills ; secondly, below this, a thick layer of plastic clay, analogous to that which forms the soil of the plain of the Scamander. The confluence of the Thymbrius and the Scamander is not difficult to determine, 4 since the banks are high. During the inundations, the great polygon formed by the Thymbrius, the Scamander, and the hills to the east, becomes covered with water, which runs with great impetuosity in an easterly direction ; inundates the swamp (now rendered salubrious) to the north of Akshi Kioi ; pours into the large bed of the Kalifatli Asmak, which is identical with the ancient bed of the Scamander ; and forms other streams, which flow in the same direction. On the 18th of May, 1 879, we saw this whole plain covered with dead trees and branches, which had been carried away in the same direction, and caught by the bushes of the agnus-castus and tamarisk." (c) The Scamander (o l/cd/xavSpos, as it was called in the language of men, according to Homer, but Xanthus, " the yellow stream," as it was termed by the gods 5 ) is the modern Mendere, a plain corruption of the name Scamander. The punning etymology of Eustathius 6 makes %Kd/xavBpo^, atcdfifia dvSpbs (Hpatc\eov<;) rbv advOov etc 7779 irporjyayev, since "the excavation of the man (Heracles) brought the Xanthus forth out of the earth." This, of course, is mere trifling ; but the termination of the name is one which we find in many of the river-names of Asia Minor, such as Maeander, Alander, and the like. It is possible that the title by which the river was known in the language of the gods — that is, of the Greek settlers — was a translation of its native name. As before mentioned, 7 Homer makes the Scamander rise from two springs— one lukewarm, the other cold — close to the city wall; while in another passage, already quoted, he correctly makes it rise in Mount Ida. I have already described its sources from my own inspection of them. 8 Strabo asserts, on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis — who, as he says, was a native of the country — that the Scamander flows from a single source in Mount Cotylus, one of the peaks of Ida, about 120 stadia above Scepsis, and that the Granicus and Aesepus originate from the same mountain from several springs, in such close proximity to the source of the Scamander, that all are within a space of 20 stadia, the Scamander flowing in a westerly, the two others in a northerly direction, and the length of the Aesepus being about 500 stadia. 9 He confirms the . 4 This means that the banks of the river are tSttoou, wj av i-mxwptos av-fip, 6 Arj^Tptos rore not obliterated, and do not confound themselves fj.ev ovtws \4yei irepl avruv "ecm yap \6(pos with the plain. tzs T7js "1877s KotvAos' virepKeirai 8' ovros e/ca- 5 II. xx. 73, 74: t6v ttov nal eUoai crrati'iois 2/dj^ews, e£ ov o . . . iroTaubs PaduMv-ns, re ^Kafiavdpos pet /cat 6 Tpavixos, kol Aio-qnos, %v "EavQov icaAeovon Qeoi, aVSpes 8e ^ndixavSpov. 01 fiev irpbs &pKT0U Kcd t))V Uponoi'TiSa, 4k 6 Ad II. xx. 74. 7 See p. 55. 8 See p. 58. irAeiovcDv irr\yS}v o-vAAei&6iJ.ei>oi, 6 5e ^.Kd^xavhpos • Strabo, xiii. p. 602 : e/xireipoi 8' tiv twu iirl Zvcriv e/c jxias Tnr\yr\s ' ncurai 8' a.A\r)Aais § III.] RIVERS— THE SCAMANDER. 79 fact that the Scamander and Simois meet, and says that the Scamander falls into the Hellespont near Sigeum : " But the rivers Scamander and Simois, of which the former approaches Sigeum, the latter Khoeteum, join a little below Novum Ilium and fall into the sea at Sigeum, where they form the so-called Stomalimne " 10 (i.e. " lake at the mouth "). He further says that : " A little beyond lies the village of the Ilians (Wiewv Kcofjit)), where the ancient Ilium is believed to have formerly stood, 30 stadia distant from the present city." 1 And again : " There are neither hot springs in this place, nor is the source of the Scamander here, but in the mountains ; and there are not two sources, but only one. It seems therefore that the hot springs have disappeared, but that the cold spring escapes from the Scamander by a subterranean channel, and rises again in this place (before 'lXcecov Kw^) ; or else that this water is merely called a source of the Scamander, because it is near to it : for several sources of one and the same river are so called." 2 The length of the Scamander from its sources to its mouth in the Hellespont close to Koum Kaleh is, according to Gr. von Eckenbrecher, 3 in a straight line 10 German miles 4 (= 47 English miles nearly); accord- ing to TchihatchefF, 5 20 French leagues. The sources of the Scamander are 650 metres (2138 ft.) above the sea ; the fall of the current is on an average 21 metres ( = 69 ft.) to the league, which is equal to 30 ft. per mile. 6 But the fall varies with the locality : thus from the sources to the district of Ine (Ene), and even to Bounarbashi, the fall, of the river is very rapid, but further on it is comparatively insignificant. M. Burnouf, who has studied the ancient and modern beds of the Scamander with great care, sends me the following note on the subject : — " At the time of inundation the Scamander bursts with great impetuosity through its narrow pass between the rocks of Bounarbashi, carrying with it sand and gravel, which it heaps up over pretty large spaces of ground, and which are sufficient to modify its course. Its course is therefore changeable : it takes a fixed direction only after its confluence with the Thymbrius, which, when I measured it at the end of May, was 24J metres (80 ft. 5 in.) above the sea. This elevation is highly impor- tant from all points of view, because it gives the slope of the Plain of irAr](Tid(ovcriv f iv tfnoai ctciSiW irepiex^H-evai Siaar-fffxaTi' irKsiarov 8' h(pio~Tr)K£v airb rrjs apxvs to toG Aiaryirov tcAos, c^eSoV ti Kal TreuraKOfflovs ara'Btovs" 10 xiii. p. 597 : ol 8e irorafxol o re ^icd/xav^pos Kal 6 'Zi/j.deis, 6 /xev rep 2tye/y -nAiqaidcras, 6 8e Ttji 'PoiT€i0at cikos, to 8e \pvxpbv Kara Sidfivaiv vireicpiov e/c tou 'S.itafxdvb'pov Kara. tovt' avariKkziv to x 03 9 l0V i % K0 ^ to irA-qcriov elvai tov ^Ka/xdvdpov Kal tovto rb vdcop Aeye- aQai tov ^ZKaixavSpov mjyrjv ovtu yap A4yovTGi TrAetous 7777701} tou ainov iroTajxov. 3 Die Lage des Homerischen Troja, p. 4. 4 The German mile, of 15 to the degree, is equal to 4 English geographical miles, or nearly 4§ statute miles. 5 Asie Mineure: Description physique, stati- stique, archeologique, &c, p. 78. 6 In his calculation TchihatchefF has no doubt taken into account all the windings of the Scamander, because, if the fall of the current were to be reckoned in a straight line from the sources, it would exceed 46 feet per mile. 80 TEE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. T. Troy. In order to obtain the average slope in each metre, it is sufficient to take on our Map the distance in a straight line from the confluence of the Thymbrius to the shore of the sea near the Stomalimne, and to divide this distance by 24 m. 50 cent. In this way we shall obtain the number of millimetres to each metre, representing the average slope of the plain. In order to obtain the fall of the river, it is necessary to follow all its sinuosities on the map. The number of metres thus obtained will be greater ; nevertheless, when divided by 24 m. 50 cent., the result gives a considerable average rapidity to the stream. During the inunda- tion this rapidity is much greater, because the elevation of 24 m. 50 cent, would be brought to at least 26 m. 50 cent., or 27 metres, by the rise of the waters. During the inundation the Thymbrius carries a considerable quantity of water, because in spite of its high banks its bed is then full of water, which overflows into the plain. At its confluence, the Sca- mander has a breadth of about 150 metres = 492 ft. Its banks are not so high as those of the Thymbrius, because there is no upper alluvial layer, as in the banks of the latter. Thus the lower part of the valley of the Thymbrius is elevated by about 2 metres above the plain of the Scamander at the same place. The altitude of the plain of the Scamander at its confluence is 27 m. 22 cent. = 90 ft. 9 in. After its confluence, the present bed of the Scamander becomes more contracted ; the river flows from thence between two steep banks of plastic clay. At the ferry near Kalifatli these banks are about 1 metre = 3 ft. 4 in. high ; the breadth of the river there is only about 30 m. = 98 ft. 5 in. ; it is deep in its whole breadth. At the bridge of Koum Kaleh the bed of the Scamander has a breadth of 117 metres = 384 ft., of which— in the middle season between the rising of the waters and the drought — about one-half is occupied by the water. " The ancient led of the Scamander, which is identical with the Kalifatli Asmak, is characterized by fallen banks, want of level ground, and little hills of alluvial sand, while the new bed has steep banks, and no alluvial sandhills except at Koum Kaleh, near its mouth. The accumulations of sand and gravel have nearly obliterated the ancient bed for some distance below the confluence of the Thymbrius. The westerly winds have extended these sands on the east side of the plain ; their rotatory currents have heaped them up in the form of small hills along almost the whole length of the ancient bed. I have myself witnessed such a phenomenon. The last inundation had left a layer, a fraction of an inch deep, on the submerged lands; the sun had dried it, and the wind, which carried the sand away towards the east, formed of it small heaps round the bushes of the ancient bed of the Scamander, and brought the clay of the plain again to light. The translocation of the river-bed has been favoured by the configuration of the soil. The spurs of the heights on the east side of the Plain have in their lower part a projection, which slopes down to the river and forms there a steep bank, while the small plains between them terminate in a swamp. In front of Novum Ilium the ancient bed of the Scamander passes between a bank of this kind and a somewhat elevated hill of alluvial river-sand, after which the § III.] RIVERS— THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 81 bed again extends and has a breadth of not less than 200 m. = G56 ft. A little further down it encounters the slope which descends from Hissarlik towards the west, and which forces it to make a bend almost at a right angle ; afterwards comes another bend, which brings it back to its first direction. In fact, in front of Troy, the plain rises suddenly, forming from b to b a sort of bank, 5 ft. high at least ; from this point the ancient bed proceeds straight towards the bridge below Hissarlik. "At the bridge the plain is 15 m. = 49 ft. 2 in. above the level of the sea ; the breadth of the ancient bed is there 93 metres = 305 ft. A shaft sunk at this spot on the right bank has proved that the bed of the river was once larger, and that it has been narrowed by the accumulation of the sand of the river. This sand contains no marine deposits; it is composed of the detritus of the rocks which form the massive block of Mount Ida. The space comprised between the bridge in front of Hissarlik and the small hill, which we hold to be identical with the Tumulus of Bus, presents most interesting features. About 500 m. = 1640 ft. below the bridge, there rises on the left bank of the ancient bed of the Scamander a large hill of river-sand, the western part of which is covered with ruins and debris, which mark the site of an ancient town ; remnants of the wall are still extant. Very probably this is Polium, which, according to Strabo, the Astypalaeans, who inhabited the city of Ehoeteum, built on the Simois ; it was afterwards called Polisma. Not being built on a place fortified by nature, it was soon destroyed. 7 " It is true that this site is not exactly on the Simois, but imme- diately in front of its mouth in the ancient bed of the Scamander. The site is now partly occupied by the miserable village of Koum Kioi (Village of Sand), which is not inhabited in summer on account of the pestilential air; on the eastern part of the site is a Turkish cemetery. Between this cemetery and the ancient Scamander is flat ground, a sort of lagoon, which extends to the river. On the east side of the ancient Scamander is the plain of the Simois, which runs out to the former river in a bank, 2 metres = 6 ft. 7 in. higher than the left bank. Immediately below this is the confluence of the Simois with the ancient Scamander. As the latter bends suddenly at this spot to the west, its bed appears to be the continuation of the Simois, which flows from the east : this fact has 7 Strabo, xiii. p. 601: irpuroi fihp oZv 'Actu- irpbs rco 'Sipoei'Ti Ti6\iov, t vvv Ka\^7rai T\6\iv addvaros Te/cero Zeus, k'vQa {xiv e£ urir&jj' ireAacrai/ x^ ov h K ^ 01 4 W. Christ, Topographic dor Troianischen Ebcne, p. 203. 5 II xvi. 394-398 : HdrpoicAos 8' eVet ovv irpdoras iirJuepae (pd\ayyas, a\p iiri vrjas eepye ■KaXifiireTes., ouSe tz6Kt}qs ei'a ie/xeuovs emfiaiveixev, dAAa fiecrfyvs V7)WV KOA ITOTapLOV Kol Tei%€OS V\\/T]\010 KTZwe fxeTatao-(jOV, - . - § III.] RIVERS — THE ANCIENT SCAMANDER. 93 warmly defended as far back as 1852 by the late gifted scholar Julius Braun, in his learned dissertation Homer und sein Zeitalter* W. Christ 7 nevertheless thinks that the Scamander must have flowed on the west side of the Greek camp, because all the principal battles are in the plain between the Scamander and Simois, where the armies alternately pursue each other to the town or to the ships, without any mention being made of their having to cross the rivers. But Homer is an epic poet, and no historian ; he writes with poetical licence, not with the minute accuracy of a geographer, and we must be thankful to him for giving us the general outlines of the topography of the plain. From the passages quoted above, where the ford of the Scamander is mentioned, it is clear that this river had to be passed in order to reach the Greek camp, which lay to the left of it. The poet further alludes 8 to the confluence of the Simois and Scamander immediately in front of Troy ; he repeatedly and most distinctly describes the principal battles as taking place on the plain between the two rivers and the city ; but to demand from him also a description of the manner in which the armies passed the Scamander, is asking, I think, too much from an epic poet. The passage to which W. Christ refers 9 can only mean the plain between the Scamander, the Simois, and Troy. In a passage already referred to 10 the Greek ships are said to fill the whole shore between the two promontories of Sigeum and Bhoeteum. But this may well be said of a camp which extended from Cape Sigeum eastward, and was only separated from the opposite cape by the breadth of the river. The Homeric epithets of the Scamander are rjioeis, 11 which signifies high-landed, from -qiwv, used in Homer only of the sea-shore ; iiippoos, 1 fair-flowing ; Sivtfeis, 2 eddying ; jneyas irorafxb^ /3a6vSivr)<;, 3 the great deep- eddying river; fiaOvppoos apyvpoSivT)?* deep-flowing with silvery eddies; iuppoos apyvpo$LV7]<;, 5 fair-flowing with silvery eddies; Slos, divine. 6 Its banks were steep and high ; 7 and live bulls and hard-hoofed horses were sacrificed to it. 8 The Scamander was said to have been born of Zeus, 9 and had its priest in Troy, who was venerated by the people as a god, 10 which leads us to suppose that the river-deity had a temple or at least an altar in the town. He was called Xanthus by the gods, and assisted at the assembly of the gods on Olympus ; 11 he took part in the battle of the gods before Troy; 1 he made great inundations; 2 and, as at the present day, his banks were abundantly covered with elms, willows, tamarisks, lotus, bulrushes, and cyprus-grass. 3 6 Heidelberg, 185G-1858. 7 Topogr. d. Troian. Ebene, p. 202. 8 11. v. 774-778. 9 II. vi. 4. 10 11. xiv. 35, 36. 11 II. v. 36. 1 II. xiv. 433 ; xxi. 130 ; xxiv. 693. 2 //. xiv. 434 ; xxi. 2, 8; xxiv. 694. 3 B. xx. 73 ; xxi. 329, 603. 4 H. xxi. 8. 5 11. xxi. 130. 6 //. xii. 21. 7 II. xxi. 171, 175, 200. 8 II, xxi. 131, 132 : $87; 8r)6a rroAeas Upevere ravpovs, faovs 8' eV Sturjcri Kadtere fiwvvxas 'licvovs. 9 //. xiv. 434 ; xxi. 2 ; xxiv. 693. 10 II. v. 77 • AoXoiriovos, os pa ^Kafidudpov aprjTrip erervKro, debs 8' &s riero Srj/x^, . . . 11 II. xx. 5-40 and 73, 74. 1 H. xx. 73, 74. 2 11 xxi. 234-242. 3 11. xxi. 350-352 • Ka'iovro irreheai te Kal tVe'ai ^Se /j.vp?Kai, Kaiero 8e Acotos t' t'Se Opvou r/8e Kinreipo,v ra TtepX KaAa. peeQpa a\is irorajxalo Trep KoAeetr/ce ^Kafiavtipiov, avrap ol aWot * AarvavaKT • o'los yap ipvero "l\iov"EKTwp. 5 vii. 43 : 'Attlkoij.4vov Se rod o-rparov eVt rbv ~2,nifxav$pov, bs irpa>TOS Trora/j.u>i>, iirei re e/c 2ap8iW 6pfj.7}0evr€S eVex* ip-qaau rrj 68a>, e7re'Ai7re rb p4e6pou oi>8' a7re'xp7j(re ry arparifj re kf 8e-f]craa6aL. 6 Pharsal. ix. 974 : " Inscius in sicco serpentem pulvere rivum Transierat, qui Xanthus erat ; securus in alto Gramine ponebat gressus." ' Dc Situ Orbis, i. 18. 8 //. JS r . v. 33 : " Troadis primus locus Ha- maxitus : dein Cebrenia : ipsaque Troas, Autigonia dicta; nunc Alexandria, colonia Romana. Oppi- dum Nee, Scamander amnis navigabilis, et in promontorio quondam Sigeum oppidum. Dein Portus Achaeorum, in quern influit Xanthus Simoenti junctus: stagnumque prius faciens Palaescamander." § III.] RIVERS — THE IN TEPEH ASMAK. 95 boats, on account of its strong current and many sandbanks. The Roman naturalist commits also an obvious error in making the Xantlius and the Scamander two distinct rivers, and mentioning besides a Palaescamander. It has been repeatedly asserted by scholars who never visited the Troad, that, as Pliny mentions the navigable Scamander before the promontory of Sigeum, he cannot possibly mean anything else than the artificial channel by which part of the waters of the rivulet called the Bounar- bashi Su run into the Bay of Besika. This channel, however, is only from 13 to 20 ft. broad, and its depth is from 1 to 4 ft. ; but it is much less still at its mouth. It would therefore be a ridiculous parody to call it an " amnis navigabilis." Hence I perfectly agree with Professor Virchow that Pliny cannot mean by his Scamander any other river than the present Scamander ; by the " Xanthus Simoenti junctus," the Kali- fatli Asmak, into which the Simois still flows, and the bed of which, as we have before explained, is identical with that of the ancient Scamander; lastly, by Palaescamander, the In Tepeh Asmak, by which the ancient Scamander once fell into the Hellespont close to Cape Sigeum. 9 (d) The In Tepeh Asmak 10 " runs along the eastern border of the plain in a parallel line with the Rhoeteum ridge, and falls into the Hellespont at a distance of about 600 ft. to the north of In Tepeh, the tumulus attri- buted to Ajax. According to Akerblad 1 and Forchhammer, 2 the mouth of the In Tepeh Asmak is called by the inhabitants Karanlik-Limani (Port of Karanlik, which word means ' darkness '). But this is an error, for by this name is designated, not the mouth of the In Tepeh Asmak, but a small bay or creek immediately to the east of the projecting neck of land of Pdioeteum; it is encompassed by a rampart-like border of the tertiary ridge, and is thus pretty well concealed : hence its name. Here, as I have said, I always took my morning bath in the dark. Maclaren 3 holds the mouth of the In Tepeh Asmak to be identical with the Portus Achaeorum mentioned by several ancient writers. 4 This mouth is separated from the Hellespont by a vast, flat sandbank, which Pro- fessor Virchow estimates to be 230 paces long, and which is connected on the east side with the projecting neck of land of Rhoeteum. From its mouth to the bridge, 5 which is 72 paces long, the In Tepeh Asmak becomes a river of importance. It preserves its breadth for some distance, but its banks and borders are covered with a richer vegetation ; the rushes, which are very hard and pointed, become higher and thicker; here and there the wild vine (Vitis vinifera) slings its long branches among them ; tall shrubs of Asphodel and an odoriferous Arte- misia occupy the higher and dry places. At some fifty paces above the 9 Biichner, Homcrische Studien, i. ii. Progr. Sehwerin, 1871, 1872, endeavours to prove (i. p. 15) that Pliny held the channel of the Bounar- bashi Su, which empties itself into the Bay of Besika, to be the Scamander, the Mendere or present Scamander the Xanthus Scamander, and the Kalifatli Asmak the Palaescamander. E. Brentano, Alt-Ilion im Dumhrekthal, p. 8, pro- poses to read the passage in Pliny: "Xanthus Simoenti junctus stagnumque prius faciens^ Pa- laescamander." 10 I extract this interesting description of the In Tepeh Asmak from R. Virchow, Beitrage zur Landeskunde der Troas, pp. 82-92. 1 Lechevalier, op. cit., t. ii. p. 244, note. 2 Forchhammer, Topogr. und physiogr. Be- schreibung der Ebene von Troia, p. 12. 3 Maclaren, op. cit., p. 41. 4 As e.g. by Pliny, H. N., v. 33. 5 See the Map of the Troad. 96 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. Chap. I. bridge the open water-current in the river-bed becomes narrow, and it soon disappears under a rich vegetation of reeds, rushes, and Typha. It appears again here and there, but covers itself with a thick veil of water-ranunculus. Still further on may be seen in the river-current solid islands, of greater or less length, partly covered with vegetation, as well as masses of ground projecting into the river from the banks which are here higher, so that the width of the river-bed becomes quite out of proportion to the breadth of the water-current. About ten minutes' walk above the first bridge is a second stone bridge, but it is short and low. Soon afterwards the watercourse appears only as a small ditch; finally it becomes altogether dammed up by rushes and harder soil. This is the case somewhat below the high ground which projects from the south-west corner of Khoeteum, and which can easily be recognized by a couple of sheep-folds which stand on it, and which belong to Koum Kioi. Here the ancient river-bed, which is easily recognized by its sloping banks, is still 42 paces broad, but is entirely dry, except on its right border a ditch-like watercourse 4 to 5 ft. broad, which has no current. It is still cut like a trough, but the surface is unequal, being here and there slightly hilly, and in general somewhat higher in the middle than on the sides. It is covered with grass interspersed with clover (Xcoto?) and numerous blue flowers of the Gynandriris; there are still here and there thick beds of rushes. A short distance farther upwards the trough is still more filled up, and on the further side of the above-mentioned high ground the old river-bed can no longer be dis- tinctly recognized." Professor Yirchow goes on to say : " I have described the nature of the In Tej>eh Asmak thus fully, in order to put an end to the uncertainty regarding the extent, the character, and the connection of that river. It will be seen from this description that at present this Asmah is a dead, stagnant ivatercourse, whose upper bed is more and more overgrown, and whose lower part is only kept open by the flowing in of the Hellespont. It is no longer an outflowing, but rather an inflowing stream (inlet Inwike). What water it receives, except at the time of the inundations, can only be rain-water." (e) The Bounarbashi Sit. — The principal part of the water which com- poses this rivulet comes from the 34 or, more probably, 40 springs at the foot of the heights of Bounarbashi, which I visited and explored in company with Professor Yirchow. 6 The first three of them are in close proximity ; a little further north are two more, and the others rise within a distance of about 1700 ft. Their waters form a rivulet from 3 to 6 ft. deep and 13 to 20 ft. broad. It is joined at once by a very small affluent, which comes from the valleys to the east of the Bali Dagh. "In its further course," says Professor Yirchow, 7 "it forms a series of large swamps, which have been most accurately described by M. Forch- hammer. 8 The rivulet of Bounarbashi," he adds, " notwithstanding its turning off by the artificial channel, provides, during its short course, 6 See p. 55. 7 Beitmge zur Landcskunde der Troas, pp. 114-119. 8 P. W. Forchhammer, Topogr. und physiogr. Beschr. der Ebene von Troia, p. 15 ; compare Maclaren, p. 123. § III.] RIVERS — THE BOUNARBASHI SU. 07 four large basins with a lasting supply of water even during the summer. Apart from the infiltration through the compact soil at the sources themselves, we find to the east of Ujek Tepeh a large tank, which is deep in the middle and overgrown with reeds and rushes; even in the height of summer it is navigated by fishing boats. Further down, at Yerkassi Kioi, is a smaller swamp with abundance of water. There is a similar swamp in the valley through which the canal is cut. In the rainy season, the same rivulet (the Bounarbashi Su), by means of the winter-stream of the original bed, the so-called Lisgar, fills also a vast swamp in a sinuosity of the promontory of Yeni Shehr below Hagios Demetrios Tepeh. This swamp dries up in summer, and it was in August overgrown with high dry reeds. " The winter-stream (just mentioned) of the ' rivulet,' as Forchhammer calls the Bounarbashi Su in a very significant manner, is in his opinion 9 identical with the original bed, which existed before the artificial channel to the Aegean Sea was cut. That ancient bed is partly cut deep in the clayey soil, and partly it spreads over the flat surface with undefined borders. But even in these flat places its limits do not change from year to year. While the stream prefers in winter the already existing bed to any other course over higher ground, in summer it all the more pre- serves the course impressed on the clayey soil, the clay becoming by the heat almost as hard as stone. In the hard clayey soil of the level parts of this winter-bed small artificial channels were visible, whose age may perhaps be considerable. This winter- stream of the Bounar- bashi Su discharges in two places into the Scamander above Yeni Shehr, and pours with it into the Hellespont. "From this description it is apparent that the whole west side of the Plain along the Ujek and Sigeum ridges is full of the swamps of the Bounarbashi Su, and this is still more evident from Spratt's map. These swamps occupy all the sinuosities of the coast-line and encroach to a great extent on the Plain, so that they leave only in its southern part a small portion of land for tillage ; and even this is also exposed to the inundations of the Scamander. One can best view all this by following up the road which leads from Kalifatli to Yerkassi Kioi and Ujek Kioi. On the 22nd of April it was in the following condition : — Having passed a field still very wet from the last inundation, and covered in places where it had dried up with a rich crumbling crust, I first came to two small arms of the Bounarbashi Su, which are close together, and in which there was open, but scarcely flowing, dirty water ; a half-ruined bridge leads over them. To the right (north) these arms were lost in a vast swamp thickly overgrown with luxuriant water-plants. To the left, where the swamp was not less extensive, old reeds still stood, double a man's height. Through this swamp a long winding road leads over a ruined stone dyke. On the west side we reach another small stone bridge, spanning with a single short arch the excavated canal below. Somewhat turbid but still transparent water 9 Topogr. und physiogr. Bcschr. der Ebene von Troia, p. 14. H 98 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. I. flows through it in a rapid current. Immediately beyond it, on the western bank, firm soil is reached." Considering the series of swamps and particularly the ancient water- beds of the Bounarbashi Su further down, Professor Yirchow 10 thinks the construction of the artificial canal to the Aegean Sea cannot claim a high antiquity. In fact, various conjectures have been made as to its age. It was first spoken of by Wood, 1 who supposed it to have been excavated by a Turkish governor. Hunt, 2 who travelled in the Troad in 1801, says he heard from the peasants, that eighty years before (that is, in 1720) the canal had been made by a Sultana of the Serail, who was at that time proprietor of the estate, and that it had been afterwards restored by Hassan Pasha. The Turks of Yerkassi Kioi assured Le- chevalier 3 that the Kapudan Pasha Hassan had built a mill and baths in the neighbouring valley, and they had themselves been employed in the excavation of the new canal. Lechevalier thinks that the water of the Bounarbashi Su had formerly been led off to Alexandria-Troas by the aqueduct of Herodes Atticus. Barker Webb 4 also says that Hassan Pasha el Ghazi led the water of the Bounarbashi Su through an old canal which he restored and which moves a mill. Mauduit 5 is of opinion that the canal has been restored at different periods, but that it already existed at the time of Xerxes, and that at the time of Demetrius of Scepsis it led off all the water of the Bounarbashi Su (called by him Scamander) into the Aegean Sea. Forchhammer 6 shares the opinion that the canal is very ancient. Colonel Leake 7 did not venture to decide whether it was a work of the ancients or of the Turks. But I think we find the best answer to the question in the alluvium deposited by this channel, which covers a space about one mile and a half long and broad, and has thus already filled up by far the larger portion of the Bay of Besika. That a small rivulet like this channel should form such immense alluvial deposits in a hundred years is out of the question ; in my opinion, a long number of centuries is required. This canal is, as before mentioned, from 13 to 20 ft. broad, and from 1 to 4 ft. deep. It is cut for a long distance in the rock. Yirchow 8 says : " As M. Forchhammer rightly observes in the passage quoted above, the ancient water-beds of the Bounarbashi Su are partly very deeply impressed ; and, I might add, they are impressed so deeply that we cannot well suppose them to have been preserved so for thousands of years. This can best be seen by following the road from Yeni Kioi down to the ferry of the Scamander. A long turning is first made to the north round the Lisgar ; then the road leads round a spur of the ridge towards a couple of bridges on which we cross two such watercourses. When I first came there, I thought, especially at the 10 Beitr'dye zur Landeskundc der Troas, p. 118. 1 I'ssay on the Original Genius and Writings of Homer; London, 1775, p. 326. 3 Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey; London, 1817, p. 1155. 3 Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade en 1785, 1786. ii. p. 193. 4 Barker Webb, at other places, p. 34, notes. 5 A. F. Mauduit, Decouvertes dans la Troade) Paris et Londres, 1840, pp. 132, 215. 6 Forchhammer, op. cii. p. 26. 7 Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 293. 8 Landeskundc, &c, p. 118. § III.] RIVERS — THE BOUNARBASIII SU. 99 eastern bridge, that I saw a stately river before me. As far as I could see on both sides there was before us a broad bed, with but slight windings, filled with open water and sharply-cut banks, presenting on a small scale the image of the Scamander which is close by. But a further investigation showed that this bed had no continuity ; even at the time of high water it was connected with the Bounarbashi Su only by the swamps and the inundating water. This water, however, had not been brought down by the Bounarbashi Su, but by the Scamander, which inundates its left bank in certain fixed places. The three principal places where this occurs are accurately marked on Spratt's map, just as I found them to be. The first is not far below Bounarbashi, where, after its entry into the Plain, the Scamander makes its first great bend to the west and forms the islands. The second is opposite the Ujek Tepeh, and indeed in a distinctly-marked connection with the great reedy swamp of the Bounarbashi Su. The third is much farther down, opposite Yeni Kioi ; it fills the swamps of the Lisgar district and the adjoining low ground. " Properly speaking, the proportion of the Bounarbashi Su to the Scamander is very similar to that of the Kalifatli Asmak. Both of them are indebted for their existence, in a large degree, to the powerful 1 brother.' If it were not for the artificial canal to Besika Bay, the water of the Bounarbashi Su would also pour entirely into the Plain, and it would fill the watercourses further down which are now dry, just as the water of the Duden sources fills the bed of the Kalifatli Asmak. There should, therefore, be also a name ' Bounarbashi Asmak.' The name Su is only suitable if the artificial canal with its flowing water is referred to." Another canal, which has evidently required even greater labour, has, at an unknown period, been cut across the promontory of Sigeum between Yeni Kioi and Hagios Demetrios Tepeh. According to Forchhammer, 9 the length of this canal is 3000 ft., its depth more than 100 ft., and its upper width about 100 ft. At present it is filled up 10 to 15 ft. deep with earth, so that it is of no use whatever. It had evidently been made to drain the waters of the Lisgar and the winter inundation of the Bounarbashi Su." Before the artificial canal was cut, and before the Scamander had its present course, the Bounarbashi Su ran along the heights of Sigeum and fell into the Hellespont. As in this position, and also on account of its insignificance, it in no way interfered with the movement of the armies, it is not mentioned by Homer. (/) Of the Kalifatli Asmak— which, with Yirchow, Burnouf, and Calvert, I hold to be identical with the ancient bed of the Scamander— I have already spoken at some length. It is enough to add here, that one arm of it rises in the Duden swamp 10 on Mr. Calvert's farm of Akshi Kioi, while another arm starts from the point where the Scamander and 9 Forchhammer, op. cit. p. 20. 10 This swamp, which formerly covered an area of about 250 acres, has by the exertions of Mr. Calvert and his engineer, Mr. Stoney, been dried up and converted into most valuable land ; the three springs which produced it still exist 100 THE COUNTHY OF THE TliOJANS. [Chap. I. Thynibrius meet. The latter arm, which is broad and deep, brings at the time of the floods an immense volume of water from the Scamander, and joins the former arm at a short distance to the north of the Duden swamp. There can hardly be any doubt that this is the ancient bed of the Scamander. At a short distance to the north of the confluence of the Scamander and Thymbrius there is a second channel, and a little further on a third, through which the Scamander now sends its surplus waters into the Kalifatli Asmak. In all three channels, but particularly in the last one, may be seen countless trunks of uprooted trees, which have been carried down the stream by the force of the current. The Kalifatli Asmak has scarcely any current except in the winter months ; in the dry season it consists of a long series of pools of stagnant water. (g) The river Rhesus (6 T^cro? 11 ) was called Khoites (Toen-77?) in the time of Strabo, who says, however, on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis, that possibly the river which flows into the Granicus might be identical with the Khesus of Homer. 1 (h.) The river Heptaporus (0 f E7TTa7ropo? 2 ), according to Strabo, 3 flowed 180 stadia to the north of Adramyttium. (i.) The river Caresus (6 Kdprjcro^) originated at Maloiis, between Palaescepsis and Achaeum, on the coast opposite Tenedos, and fell into the Aesepus. 5 (J.) The river Ehodius (0 'PoSt'o? 6 ) is, in all probability, the small river which falls into the Hellespont at the Dardanelles. 7 According to Strabo, it fell into the Hellespont between Abydus and Dardanus ; opposite its mouth, on the Thracian Chersonesus, was the Dog's-tumulus (Cynossema, Kwo? arffjua or KwoW^a), the pretended tomb of Hecuba. Strabo further states that, according to others, the Ehodius fell into the Aesepus. 8 Elsewhere Strabo says that the Ehodius fell into the Aenius ; he remarks at the same time that it came from Cleandria and Gordus. 9 (7c.) The Granicus (6 Tpr/vifcos 10 ) rises in Mount Cotylus, one of the peaks of Ida. 1 It flows to the north-east through the district of Adrasteia, and falls into the Propontis opposite the island of Ophiusa (now Afzia). 2 On the banks of this river Alexander the Great defeated the army of Darius (334 b.c.) (I) The Aesepus (6 A^tto? 3 ) rises also in Mount Cotylus, 4 receives the Caresus, as before stated, passes to the north-east of Zeleia, and 11 II. xii. 20. 1 xiii. G02 : 6 \xev 'Pt)o~os Trora/xbs vvv KaKelrai 'PoeiT-qs, el /jltj dpa o els rbv TpdviKov efx^dWoov 'Prjaos eariv. 2 //. xii. 20. 3 xiii. p. 603 : 'A8pa,uuTTi'ou 8e Sie^ei irpbs &pKTov exarbv Kal oydorjKovra crraSlovs. 4 II. xii. 20. 5 Strabo, xiii. p. 603 : Kap-naos 5' airb Ma- Xovvtos {>et, tottov tivos Keifxfvov fxera^v ria- Kaio-K^ews koi 'Axa'iov tt)s Tevedicov Uepaias- typdWei oe els rbv Aiar)Trov. 6 II. xii. 20. 7 E. Buchholz, Homer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. p. 310. 8 xiii. p. 595 : fiera^v re ('AfivSov kol Aap- Sdvov) 6 'Podios eKir'nTTei rrora/JLOS, natf hv ev rrj Xeppovr)o~(f> to Kvvbs ar\^.d eariv, o (paaiv'EKafirjs eivai rdcpov ol de rbv 'Podlov els rbv AlarjTrov e/j.fid\Aeiv (paaiv. 9 xiii. p. 603 : 'PoStoy Se aTrb KKeavtiplas Kal T6p$ov a Sie'xet rrjs KaArjs irevKrjs e^KOvra o~toS'iovs' efxfidWei 8' els rbv Atviov. 10 B. xii. 21. 1 Strabo, xiii. p. 602 : effri yap \6(pos tis tt)s "lSr]s KotvAos • e£ ov o re 2f d/u.avdpos pel Kal 6 TpdviKos Kal Ato-niros. 2 E. Buchholz, Homer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. p. 311. 3 //. xii. 21. * Strabo, xiii. p. 602, just cited. § IV.] THE CLIMATOLOGY OF THE TROAD 101 falls into the Propontis opposite the island of Halone, the present Aloni. 5 (m.) The Selleis (6 ^ekXrjeis?) flowed in the neighbourhood of Arisbe. Strabo says : " Of the rivers the poet makes the Selleis flow near Arisbe, if indeed Asms came from Arisbe and the river Selleis." 7 The Practius (o TlpdicTLo^) flowed between Abydus and Lamp- sacus. Strabo says : " The Practius is also a river, but a city (of this name), as some have thought, is not to be found. This river flows also between Abydus and Lampsacus." 9 (p.) The Satniois (o Xarvioe^), to which the poet gives the epithet €vp pELTij's (with a fair current 10 ), is now called Tuzlatchai, that is to say, " Salt river : " it rises in Ida, flows in a westerly direction through the southernmost part of the Troad, and falls into the Aegean Sea between Larissa and Hamaxitus. 1 § IV. The Climatology of the Troad. If we consider the Homeric Troad to extend from the coast of the Propontis and the district of Cyzicus to the Ca'icus, it would lie between 40° 30' and 39° N. latitude ; Novum Ilium being in latitude 39° 53' : its climate therefore must be almost identical with that of Constanti- nople, which lies only 1° 7' further to the north. According to Tchiha- tcheff, 2 the mean temperature of Constantinople is 14 0, 27 Celsius = 57 o, 70 Fahrenheit ; while that of Eome, which lies in the same latitude, is 15 o, 04 = 59° 30 Fahrenheit, that of Barcelona 17° = 62°'60 Fahrenheit. Table of the mean Number op Days op the Four Cardinal Winds; op fine Days; of rainy Days; and op more or less cloudy Days in the Years 1817, 1818, and 1854. 3 Months. North. East. South. West. Fine days. Rainy- days. Cloudy days. January . 20 2 6 6 12 14 February . 11 1 12 1 4 2£ 21 March .... 19 1 6 2 8 8* 15 April .... 9 1 14 4 17 10 9 May .... 19 1 9 2 13 12 June .... 15 1 9 16 3£ 10 July . . . . 23 1 4 1 14 3 13 August . . . 21 4 4 21 3 8 September 22 6 1 9 8 15 October 21 4 7 1 11 4± 13 November. 19 7 2 6 14 December . 18 1 7 1 5 14 Total numbers. 217 17 91 15 130 8G£ 158 5 E. Buchholz, Homer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. p. 311. 6 11. ii. 838, 839 : "Agios 'TpraKidrii, ov 'Apia^Oeu v Se iroTa/j.u>v rbu uei> SeAArjet-Ta (pr^aii/ 6 iroii]Tr)s irpbs tt) ^AplafBri peif ilirep 6 "Actios 'Apla$7]d4v re ?j/ce /cat itorafxov utto SeAArjej/ros. 8 //. ii. 835 : ot 8' &pa TlepKUTTju /cat Tlp&KTiov afji.x evplaKerat. ws rives tvofMicrau' pet 8e /cat ouros fieratb 'AfivSov /cat Aafxipdnov. 10 II. vi. 34 : ~2,aTvi6epTOs iOppeirao. See also xiv. 445 and xxi. 87. 1 E. Buchholz, ILmer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. p. 354. 2 P. de Tchihatcheff, Asie Mineure : II. Clima- tologie et Zoologie, pp. 35-37. 3 P. de Tchihatcheff, Ibid. p. 44. 102 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. I. It will be seen from this table that the north wind predominates very decidedly, except in February and April. Thus in January it is on an average nearly three times more frequent than all the other winds taken together ; in March it is a quarter more frequent than the rest ; in May, November, and December, almost twice as frequent ; in July, more than three times as frequent ; and in August, twice as frequent. These north winds blow nearly always with great violence, and they caused us much suffering during the whole period of our excavations at Troy. The rainy season here is in December, January, and February. From the beginning of April to the end of October it hardly ever rains, and in the many summers I passed in the Troad I experienced hardly any rain except in the shape of an occasional thunderstorm. The winters are seldom very severe in the Troad ; the cold generally does not set in before January. It is seldom so cold that the rivers freeze. I have seen the Kalifatli Asmak frozen over in the winter of 1873, but never the Scamander or Simois. But it appears that even the Hellespont has sometimes been frozen over, since the straits were frozen in 739 4 and 753 5 a.d., while in 755 a.d. both the Bosphorus and the Hellespont are reported to have been covered with ice. 6 Tchihatcheff, 7 from whom I take this information, mentions further two occasions when the Bosphorus was frozen during the reign of the Emperor Komanus (919-944 ad.), one in 1011 and one in 1068 ; also one in 1620 a.d. No traveller has ( studied the climate of the Troad with more attention and accuracy than P. Barker Webb, who expresses himself in the following terms: 8 — "The Troad being placed in the delicious temperature of Northern Asia, its winters are tempered by the south winds which blow from the Mediterranean ; the summer heat is also modified by the regular return of the Etesian winds, which are poetically described by Homer under the image of Boreas traversing the Thracian Sea. The fertility of the fields and valleys, continually irrigated by the waters which descend from Mount Ida, so rich in springs ; the variety of the soil, now flat, now mountainous ; the abundance of the rivers ; the neighbourhood of the sea ; the charming and picturesque landscape, which Nature alone has had the care of forming, without Art having any share in it, — all pleases the eye and strikes the imagination : in one word, the situation of this country, considered as a whole, is such that Nature leaves nothing to desire. In fact, if this country had a more enlightened government, if it were under a less barbarous rule, few countries in the world could be compared with it, whether for the richness and variety of its products, or for the abundance of all that is necessary for human life. We may say the same of the whole of Asia Minor, which was celebrated for the luxury and the riches of its ancient inhabitants ; but Phrygia in particular appears to have been in a high degree favoured by Heaven. Its forests 4 Von Hammer-Purgstall, ' Gesch. des Osm. 7 Asie Mm. : Descr. phys. p. 70. Reichs, 2nd ed. vol. ii. p. 784. 8 Topographic dc la Troade andenne ct moderne, 5 Glycas, ed. Bon., p. 493. pp. 110, 111. 6 Theophanes, ed. Bon., vol. i. pp. 54-0 and G70. Island of Imbbos. Mount Saoce of Samothrace. Mounds of Achilles and Patroclus. No. 2U. VIEW OF THE NORTHERN PART OF The Ohai! Village of No. 21b. VIEW OF THE SOUTH-EASTERN PART C; Peninsula of Gaxupoli. Aegean Sea. * Konm Kaleh. Lighthonse. right of the Camels is the old bed of the Scamauder. To face page 103. • OF TROY, FROM THE HILL OF HISSARLIK. T Ida Mount Garararm (Kaz Dagh). pie. To face ^itge 103 U OF TROY. FROM THE HILL OF HISSARLIK. § V.] PANOEAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OF TROY. LOu and pasture-lands are greener than those of the neighbouring countries of Europe, and the fertility of its soil is by no means inferior to that of the rest of Asia : add to this that it has neither the rigorous winters of the former nor the scorching heat of the latter. What is missing here is man. Desunt manus poscentibus arvis! The want of population has changed these very blessings into as many misfortunes ; nay, this want of men is the cause of those pestilential miasmata which have rendered endemic in this country the sickness represented by Homer under the image of the arrows cast by the wrath of Apollo. The aspect of the country is in the highest degree picturesque : sometimes it reminds an Englishman of the landscapes of his own country. This resemblance is due as much to the form of the fields enclosed by verdant hedges, as to the trees which are scattered here and there without symmetry, now isolated, now in detached groups ; and this gives to the whole the appear- ance of a park, or of a large space of ground destined to please the eye of the traveller by its variety. There are but few vineyards here ; what is chiefly cultivated is grain." § Y. Panoramic View of the Plain of Troy. I might add, that the Plain of Troy itself is even more favoured than the surrounding country in the exuberant fertility of its soil and the glorious beauty of its landscape. I beg the reader to accompany me at sunset in spring to the summit of Hissarlik, in order that he may convince himself how greatly the Trojans were favoured above other men in the beautiful situation of their city. 9 Immediately before us extends the plain bordered by the Simois and the Kalifatli Asmak, the ancient Scamander, which was the theatre of the principal battles of the Iliad and the scene of so many heroic actions. It is covered with grain and innumerable yellow or red flowers. It ends at the confluence of the two rivers, a mile distant, close to the village of Koum Kioi, whose small terraced houses much resemble the mud hovels of the Egyptian fellahs. The ridge to the right of this village, clothed with Yalonea oaks, runs out on the north-east into the promontory of Khoeteum, on a lower height of which, to the left, our eyes discern the tumulus which tradition attributes to Ajax ; its summit is, according to Burnouf's measurement, 40*22 metres = 131 ft. above the sea. To the north of this tumulus lies the site of an ancient city, 8 m. = 26 ft. 8 in. above the level of the sea, according to Burnouf's measurement. It is strewn with fragments of ancient pottery and sculptured splinters of white marble. Near the sea- shore rises a small mound, which, according to Pausanias, 10 must be the tumulus to which tradition pointed as the original tomb of Ajax. I shall revert to it in the description of the Heroic tumuli. 11 Close to this tumulus lies a mutilated marble statue of a warrior, draped and of colossal size. In all probability the spot marks the site of the ancient city of Aeanteum, which is not mentioned by Strabo, but is alluded to by Pliny, 1 who says that it no longer existed in his time. 9 See the View, No. 21a. 10 i. 35. 5. 11 See Chapter XII. (on the Tumuli). » H. N. v. 6?, 104 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. I. On the promontory of Bhoeteum, 250 m. = 820 ft. to the east of the great tumulus of Ajax, are numerous traces of an ancient city, probably Bhoeteum, which is repeatedly mentioned by Strabo, 2 and still existed in the time of Pliny. 3 A little further to the east and north-east are four more small artificial tumuli, on the height which descends to a miniature port now called " Karanlik" (darkness). Fragments of marble columns and pottery abound here. I agree with Mr. Calvert that the above-mentioned city of Aeanteum must have extended as far as this, and that Karanlik marks its port, and perhaps at the same time the port of Khoeteum. Close to the height of Khoeteum, and parallel with it, is the deep bed of the In Tepeh Asmak, into which the Scamander once flowed a little to the north-east of Koum Kioi. We cannot discern from hence the tumulus of Ilus, where the Scamander formerly bent to the north-east or east, as it is too low. The eye follows for some distance to the north-west the present bed of the Kalifatli Asmak, until we lose sight of it among the oaks with which the plain is covered ; but we can distinctly trace its course to the north as far as its mouth by the two rows of trees with which the banks of the Scamander are lined. To the left of its mouth we see the little town of Koum Kaleh, with its two white minarets and its citadel surrounded with high walls, which can now be easily scaled, the wind having accumulated immense masses of sand on its eastern side. Koum Kaleh was a thriving and flourishing city before the town of the Dardanelles was built, which cannot be much more than a hundred years ago ; indeed, the masses of marble which have been lavished on its mosques and its fountains, now dried up, testify to its former opulence. Fragments of ancient marbles, as well as stone tombs, which are some- times dug up in Koum Kaleh or its neighbourhood, lead me to think that it marks the site of the ancient city of Achilleum (to 'A^lWetov), which, according to Herodotus, 4 was built by the Mytilenaeans. It is mentioned by Strabo as having been destroyed by the Ilians, 5 and by Pliny, 6 who says that it no longer existed in his time. M. Burnouf observes to me : " The current of the Hellespont does not prevent the accumulation of alluvial soil at Koum Kaleh, because (1) the fort is almost buried under the sand which the north and north-east winds heap up there : (2) the current of the Scamander forms before Koum Kaleh horizontal mounds of sand, where the swamp changes little by little, by the effect of the vegetation, into vegetable earth : (3) there are deposits of sand at the mouth of the Scamander, which are on a level with the surface of the sea ; though it appears that they cannot grow higher, since the wind carries away their crest when it emerges and becomes dry : (4) behind Koum Kaleh, on the side of the Aegean, is a lagoon of salt water, which tends to fill up and appears to have once been connected with the sea. In short, the whole neck of land of Koum Kaleh seems to be of recent formation ; the sea must once have washed the foot of Cape Sigeum. But probably this neck of land, in its present condition, already existed in the Trojan time, for such a formation requires ages." 2 xiii. pp. 595, 597, 601, 602. 3 II. N. v. 33. 4 v. 94. 6 xiii. pp. 600, 604. 6 if. N. v. 33. PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OF TPxOY. 105 To the south-west of Koum Kaleh we see Cape Sigeum, crowned with the Christian village of Yeni Shehr, 252 ft. above the sea, and its many windmills ; and immediately to the east of it two tumuli, one of which is attributed to Achilles, the other to Patroclus. Looking further on, we see the beautiful blue Hellespont, bordered on the north by the Thracian Chersonesus, which runs out to a point, crowned by a lighthouse, the site probably of the ancient Elaeus (E^aiovs) mentioned by Thucydides. 7 Further to the north-west, we see in the Aegean Sea, and at a distance of about 23 miles from Cape Sigeum, the island of Imbros. It is about 23 miles in circumference, and in ancient times had on its east side a city of the same name. Above Imbros rises the high mountain of the island of Samothrace, on the top of which Poseidon sat, and gazed with wonder at the battles before Troy : from thence he overlooked the Greek fleet, the city of Troy, and Mount Ida. 8 According to the Scholiast (on this passage) and Pliny, 9 this mountain was called ^aw^ : it is 5000 ft. high. Pliny adds, with absurd exaggeration, which seems a copyist's error : " Samothrace attollitur monte Saoce x. mill, passuum altitudinis." A little more to the west we discern, at a distance of 119 miles, the beautiful cone of Mount Athos, called 'A#6&)9 by Homer, 10 "A#co? and "KOcov by other classic writers 11 (now Monte Santo), the highest and most eastern ridge by which the Macedonian peninsula of Chalcidice penetrates into the Aegean Sea. Pliny 1 states that it extends for 75 Pioman miles into the sea, and that its circumference is 150 miles. Strabo 2 compares its form to a woman's breast. A severe critic of mine has declared that Mount Athos is only visible from Hissarlik at sunset in early autumn; 3 but I can assure the reader that this is an utter mistake, as the mountain is visible from Hissarlik all the year round at sunset, whenever the weather is clear. According to Herodotus, 4 Xerxes, during his expedition to Greece, dug a canal through the neck of land which joins Athos to the Chalcidic peninsula. The promontory was also called Acte. 5 Mount Athos is now celebrated for its monasteries, of which there are said to be 34 (32 Greek and 2 Eussian), and for the ancient MSS. preserved in their libraries. Returning to the Plain of Troy and turning our eyes to the north- west, west, and south-west, we see immediately before us the broad bed of the ancient Scamander (now the Kalifatli Asmak) ; then the Christian village of Kalifatli, with its wooden church steeple ; further on, the lines of trees which flank the course of the present bed of the Scamander ; then fields of grain, followed by vast swamps, which are impassable except in the very driest season of the year, and even then only in a few places. There are, however, three bridges in these swamps, by which i 7 viii. 102, 107. 1 H. N. iv. 10, 17. Pliny exaggerates the 8 II. xiii. 11-14: length of Athos, which is actually about 40 KOi yap % Bavfidfav 7](Xto tttoKsiiov tc fidxw T6 English miles. , vipov eV aKpordi-qs Kopv(p9)s ^djxov uA^eWrjs 2 vii. p. 331. ©pTji'/ctrjs- evdfv yap ip' 5 See the View, No. 21b, opposite p. 103. 108 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. L of the Thymbrian Apollo, at the confluence, to Novum Ilium is, according to Strabo, 6 50 stadia. At a mile's distance in a north-westerly direction lies the beautiful estate belonging to my friend Mr. Calvert, the old name of which— Akshi Kioi or Batak (which latter means " swamp ")— has now been changed into Thymbra. It deserves the change of name, for not only is it bounded by the river Thymbrius, but it stands, as before stated, on the site of the ancient Thymbra. It also comprises the site of an early settlement, on a small hill to the north of Mr. Calvert's farm- house. This site is covered with fragments of ordinary Greek pottery, and in regard to position, distance, &c, corresponds so closely with the statements of Strabo, that it must certainly be his 9 l\iea>v Kco^, where, on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis, he places the Homeric Troy. At the foot of the hill are, curiously enough, the three springs of water already described, which produced the Duden swamp, now dried up, of which I have spoken before. The temperature of these springs is, according to Professor Yirchow's measurement, 68°-71 o, G0 Fahr. I have explored the site of 'I\/,eW Kcojjlt], but found it to consist simply of coarse gravel sand ; there is no accumulation of debris ; and the scanty potsherds lie on the surface of the ground. Demetrius of Scepsis may have been deceived by the appearance of the soil ; he may have supposed the Trojan walls to be hidden under a small natural rampart, which projects to some distance and encloses the site in some places ; but it really consists of nothing but gravel and sand. Mr. Calvert has excavated a number of tombs close to this site. If we may judge from the contents of the tombs, they would belong to poor villagers. Another curiosity of the estate is the tumulus of Hanai Tepeh, of which I shall treat hereafter. Between the estate and Hissarlik are small heights covered with oaks, low shrubs, and bushes. At a short distance to the south rises a tumulus called Pasha Tepeh, which has been excavated by Mrs. Schlie- mann, and which I shall describe hereafter. 7 To the north-east of it is the Turkish village of Chiblak or Tchiplak (a word which means " naked "), with its minaret lately built with the stones I excavated at Hissarlik. This tumulus is situated on a neck of land which projects thence in a westerly direction for half a mile further into the Plain of Troy, and whose last spur dominates the swamp of the Kalifatli Asmak. On this sort of promontory Webb 8 places ancient Troy. But his map is in confusion, for he says that this promontory is to the east of Ilium and to the south-east of Chiblak, whereas it is to the south of the former and to the west of the latter. Webb 9 supposes that there were two springs at the foot of the site, which formed a swamp. But there are no springs ; there are only low lands which are inundated at the period of the high waters. He commits a further error in making the Kalifatli Asmak come from Chiblak, and in identifying the tumulus of Aesyetes with Besika Tepeh. The facts are, as M. Burnouf writes to me, that « xiii. p. 598. 7 See Chapter XII. 8 P. Barker Webb, Topographic de la Troade, p. 55. 9 Ibid. p. 55. § V.] PANORAMIC VIEW OF THE PLAIN OF TROY. 109 the little promontory consists of a horizontal limestone rock 290 metres = 951 ft. long by 16 to 90 metres = 52 to 295 ft. broad ; the two lower spurs, b and c, advance from it to the north-west and south-west. (See the Plan, No. 22.) On the hill a' are to be found only a few fragments of red modern pottery. Advancing towards a, the quantity of vase- fragments increases, but the pottery is the same, wheel-made, and dull red. There is no fragment of hand-polished pottery, no frag- ment of a saddle-quern, or of other ancient objects. The accumulation of debris here and there hardly amounts to 1 inch ; below it is the naked rock. But there are frag- ments of white or coloured marble, some of which are sculptured. The hill is crossed by the footpath which leads from Kalifatli by Pasha Tepeh to Chiblak. In the dale at the southern foot of the hill is the little rivulet of Chiblak, which is hardly 3 ft. wide, and generally dry ; it passes in front of the little promontory a', feeds the reeds in the plain, and dis- charges into the Kalifatli Asmak at about 300 metres = 984 ft. below the village of this name. To the south-east of Chiblak Mount Gargarus, now called Kaz Dagh, lifts up its head in the far distance. Immediately to the south-west, south, and east, is the site of Novum Ilium, the walls of which may still be traced in a number of places. Its extent would imply that it may have had from 40,000 to 50,000 inhabitants. The accumula- tion of debris on its site is generally from 6 to 16 ft. deep. The surface is covered with Hellenic and Roman potsherds, as well as with fragments of marble sculptures and columns, which testify to the ancient magnifi- cence of the town. As before explained, the hill of Hissarlik is the spur of a continuous ridge, which Strabo well describes by the words avvexh? pa>X^™ hecause it runs for 12 miles in an easterly direction. It is partly covered with oaks, and apparently terminates in Mount Oulou Dagh, which I have tried to identify with the Homeric Callicolone. Between this ridge and the heights of Bhoeteum is the beautiful plain called Halil Ovasi, from 1 to 1J mile in breadth and 4 miles in length, which is traversed by the Simois, and extends to the foot of the hill upon which are the ruins of Ophrynium : in this valley, which forms part of the great Plain of Troy, at a distance of 2J miles, lies the Turkish village of Halil Eli. Another branch of the same valley extends from this village along the Simois to beyond the pretty Turkish village of Doumbrek, which is at a distance of 8 miles from Hissarlik. This second valley is of wonderful fertility; its orchards are full of peach-trees, almond- trees, pear-trees, and the like In the steep rocky slope close to Hissarlik a large theatre has been 10 Strabo. xiii. D. 598. 110 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. I. excavated, with a stage 197 ft. broad, and apparently capable of contain- ing 5000 persons. To judge from the fragments of sculptured marble I have dug up there, it appears to belong to the Macedonian time. It was probably built by Lysimachus, and was one of the favours he conferred upon Novum Ilium. 11 Immediately to the east of this theatre, directly below the ruins of the town- wall of Novum Ilium, and exactly 365 metres or 399 yds. from Hissarlik, is the spring, whose water has, as before mentioned, a tempera- ture of 14 0, 6 Celsius (58°*28 Fahrenheit). It is enclosed to a height of OrV ft. by a wall of large stones joined with cement, 9 j- ft. in breadth, and in front of it there are two stone troughs for watering cattle. A second spring, which is likewise still below the ruins of the ancient town- wall, is exactly 725 metres (793 yds.) distant from Hissarlik. It had a similar enclosure of large stones, 7 ft. high and 5 ft. broad, and has the same temperature. But it is out of repair : all" the stones of the enclosure have been taken away by the villagers for building purposes, and the water no longer runs through the stone pipe, but along the ground before it reaches the pipe. After these two springs, exactly 945 metres or 1033 yds. from Hissarlik, is a third spring. It is copious and runs out through two stone pipes placed side by side in an enclosure com- posed of large stones joined with earth, which rises to a height of 7 ft. and is 23 ft. broad. The temperature of the spring is from 14°*3 to 15° Celsius (57 0, 74 to 59° Fahr.). In front of the spring are six stone troughs, placed so that the superfluous water runs from the first through all the others. All these enclosures and troughs are of Turkish masonry and manufacture. These three springs were of course insufficient for the vast population of Novum Ilium ; a large quantity of water was conse- quently brought also from the Upper Thymbrius by the great aqueduct already mentioned, which still spans the lower course of that river. § VI. Zoology or the Troad. Barker Webb writes : l " The zone of forests with which the Gargarus is surrounded is probably in the same state of wild nature in which it was at the time of the Trojan war ; even at a much more advanced stage of civilization it preserved the same aspect, for Libanius informs us that the mountains of Ida were inhabited by a peculiarly wild species of bear ; 2 nay, Cresconius Corippus, at a later period, describes the same wild scene as existed at the time of Homer and as still exists to-day. 3 These forests are peopled by bears, wolves, and a race of animals, probably jackals, which, we hear, pursue their prey in bands. Mount Ida is still the /jir)T7]p Orjpwv (mother of wild beasts), and, if we believe the in- habitants of the country, even tigers are sometimes seen there." I will here make some extracts from TchihatchefF 4 on the Zoology of the Troad : " Jackal (Chacal) is a Persian word. The wolf, described by Aristotle and Pliny under the name of #o>?, is identical with the jackal. 11 Strabo, xiii. p. 593. 1 Topojraphie dc la Troade, p. 113. 2 Libanius, Epist. 14G. 3 Flavii Crescon. Coripp. Johannidos. * Asie Mineure: Desc>\ phys. p. 592 ff! § VL] ZOOLOGY OF THE TROAD. Ill The lion, so well known to Homer, in the time of Herodotus 5 still inha- bited the country between the rivers Nestus 6 and Achelous 7 (between the present Missolonghi and Salonica), so that he calls it infested by lions. Aristotle 8 reproduces the delimitation of the country inhabited by lions as drawn by Herodotus. Parthenius, 9 who lived about 50 B.C., says that the hunter Euanippus hunted lions and boars in Thessaly. Aelian, 10 who flourished in the beginning of the third century of our era, mentions lions and bears on Mount Pangaeus in Thrace. An Homeric hymn 11 mentions lions, panthers, bears, and wolves on Mount Ida. According to Aelian, 1 there were lions in Armenia. According to Constantine Porphyro- genitus, 2 lions existed in Cappadocia. The medals of Tarsus represent a lion devouring a bull. It appears that the lion had already in the time of Hadrian (117-138 a.d.) left the districts which it had inhabited in Europe. Lions were still seen in Asia Minor in the sixteenth century of our era ; but they have- now completely deserted the peninsula. We learn from the Bible, 3 that lions were very common in Palestine and Syria. That they were bold enough to attack, not only flocks guarded by shepherds, but wayfarers on the roads, is shown by the lions killed by Samson (Judg. xiv. 5, 6) and by David (I Sam. xvii. 34), and by the lion that slew the disobedient prophet (1 Kings xiii. 24). The lion is a constant image of strength and courage, violence and oppression, in innumerable passages, especially of Job, the Psalms, the Proverbs, and the Prophets ; and he is the symbol of the tribe of Judah, and of the Messiah himself (Gen. xlix. 9 ; Rev. v. 5). The retrograde movement of the lion seems at first sight the more difficult to explain, as the countries which it inhabited underwent an immense decrease of population. But the cause is to be found in this very decrease of population and domestic animals. Panthers are no longer found in the Troad, but they are still seen in the environs of Smyrna. Boars are very frequent in all the mountains of Phrygia and in those of the Troad, which appear to have been one of the most ancient residences of this pachyderm. But it must be distinctly understood that our domestic pig does not descend from the Sus scropha, or boar, but from the wild pig of India. " Horses are very numerous in the Troad. We know from the testi- mony of Homer that Asia Minor and Thrace were celebrated for their horses. According to the Bible, 4 Solomon (1000 B.C.) had 12,000 horse- men ; Isaiah (700 B.C.) speaks of the cavalry of the Israelites, and mentions the horse as serving for agricultural purposes. Asses, mules, oxen, goats, camels, and sheep, are equally plentiful. The wool of Phrygia and of Miletus was very celebrated in antiquity, for Aristophanes thrice 5 mentions that the Athenians imported their wool for the manu- facture of cloth from Phrygia and Miletus. Herodotus 6 represents 5 Herodotus, vii. 126. 6 The present Karasu or Ma'isto, to the east of Salonica. 7 Probably the Aspropotamus, in Livaha. 8 Hist. Animal, viii. 28. 9 Ed. Passau ; Leipzig, 1824. 10 Hist. Animal, in. 13. 11 Hi/mn. in Venerem, vv. 69, 199. 1 Hist. Animal, xrii. 31. - I)- Themat., i. Tlum. Armeniacum. 3 Jeremiah v. 6 ; xlix. 19 ; Solomon's Song, iv. 8. 4 2 Chronicles, i. 14. 5 In Av., verse 493 ; in Lysist., verse 730 ; and in Han., verse 549. 6 y. 49, 112 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. I. Phrygia as the richest country in the world for flocks. Appian informs us that on the shores of the Pontus the abundance of cattle was so great that, when Lucullus besieged Amisus (Samsoun), the price of an ox was 1 drachma (about 1 franc), and that of other animals in proportion. " Of the eight different species of oxen only the ox (Bos taurus) and the buffalo (Bos bubalus) are found in Asia Minor. Independently of the little advanced state of industry and agriculture, the development of the bovine race finds in this country rather unfavourable conditions, owing to its mountainous formation and the nature of its pasture-grounds. These are generally composed of an herbage more or less short, which is excellent for sheep, goats, and even horses, but not good for oxen. Milk, cheese, and meat, being furnished here almost exclusively by sheep and goats, the use of the ox is limited to the needs of agriculture ; and as this is here but very little developed, the number of oxen and buffaloes is naturally inconsiderable. Varro 7 mentions very wild bulls (perferi boves) in Dardania (the Troad), as well as in Thrace and Media ; but these certainly do not remind us of the present bulls of Asia Minor, which are so quiet and inoffensive. " Aelian 8 informs us that the laws of Phrygia condemned to death any one who killed an ox destined for the plough. This proves either the great scarcity of this animal, or the great development of agri- culture. Varro, 9 Pliny, 10 Valerius Maximus, 1 and Columella, 2 also inform us that the ancients had such a respect for the ox, as indispensable for agriculture, that they decreed death to any one who killed one. " The buffalo is very common, and frequently serves instead of oxen for the labours of agriculture. Of camels, the only species found here is the Camelus Bact nanus. That this species was known in Assyria, which has close relations with Asia Minor, is proved by the appearance of the two-humped camel among the tributes brought to king Shalmaneser III. (b.c. 840), on the famous black obelisk in the British Museum. This animal seems to have been unknown in Asia Minor and Greece in high antiquity, for Herodotus 3 attributes the victory of Cyrus over Croesus at Sardis to the presence of camels in the Persian army, which were unknown until then, and the sight of which frightened the Lydian cavalry. "The stag (Cervus elaplius) is rare, whereas the deer (Cervus dama) and the roebuck (Cervus capriolus) are very abundant. Of gazelles, the Antilope Dorcas is the most frequent. " The ornithological Fauna is very rich, but little known. Crows, ravens, partridges (both red and grey), quails, as well as storks, are very abundant. The part which the stork plays in the physiognomy of the landscape is particularly due to the respect shown to him : this respect is such that he is everywhere inviolable, and his presence is regarded as a good omen. According to Bosenmuller, the word Chasidah, by which the stork is named in the Bible, signifies 'pious.'" 7 De lie Rust, ii. 11 8 Hist. Animal, xii. 54. 9 De Re Lust. ii. 5. 10 II. N. viii. 70. 4. 1 viii. 8. 2 De Re Rust. vi. 3 i. 79, 80. § VI.] ZOOLOGY OF THE TROAD. 113 I must mention, however, that the storks build their nests only on the houses of Turks, or on walls and trees, never on the houses of the Christians ; for while the former have a sort of veneration for the stork, the latter call if the sacred bird of the Turks, and do not suffer it to build nests on their houses. The Turks, on the contrary, can never have too many storks' nests on their houses. There are houses in Bounarbashi with four, six, eight, ten, and even twelve storks' nests on one and the same flat roof. Cranes do not remain in the Troad during the summer, but migrate northward in immense swarms in March, and return in August to more congenial climes. As Homer never mentions storks, though they must have been at all times plentiful in the Troad, I am inclined to think that he includes under the word yepavoi both storks and cranes. Nothing can be more beautiful than his description of the passage of these birds : " The Trojans went with clanging and noise like birds ; as when the clanging of the cranes rises in the face of heaven, who, after having escaped the winter and the tremendous rain, fly with loud cries over the streams of Ocean, bearing murder and destruction to the Pygmaean race." 4 There are various species of vultures in the Plain of Troy, but only one species of eagle. This has a very dark plumage, nearly black, in consequence of which M. Burnouf holds it to be identical with the Homeric irepicvos, of which the poet says : " Zeus, the counsellor, heard him (Priam), and forthwith sent an eagle, the king of birds, a dark bird of chase, which men also call percnos." 5 There is also a small bird in the plain with a beautiful plumage, which M. Burnouf holds to be identical with the Homeric Cymindis, called Chalcis by the gods. The reader will remember that Sleep, in the shape of this bird, sat hidden in the foliage among the boughs of a pine-tree. 6 Owls are here even still more plentiful than in Athens. Some species of them have a beautiful plumage; they used to make 4 II iii. 2-6 : Tpwes jxiv K\ayyf] t' evcirf) t' foav, upviBes &S, TjvTe Trep Khayyrj yepdvav 7reAei ovpavodi 7rpo, cu r'- iirel ovv x* l l JL <* 3Va (pvyov nal aOeacparov 6/u.fipov, KXayyy ra'i ye irtTOVTai eV 'fl/cea^oTo podow, avBpd/riaca, var. Trojana (Char- pentier) ; found in the Bounarbashi Su, together with ill. praerosa. "3. Marine Conchylia. (H., on the shore of the Hellespont near Rhoeteum. A., collected alive in the Gulf of Adramyttium, at Assos.)— H. Conns Mediterraneus (Hwass). H. Columbe/la rustica (L.). H. A. Nassa neritea (L.). H. Cerithium vulgatum, var. pulchellum (Phil.). H. Cerithium Mediterraneum (Desh.). H. Cerithium scabrum (Olivi). H. A. Trochus articulatus (Lamarck as Monodonta). A. Trochus divaricatus (L.). H. Trochus albidus (Gmelin ; Biasolettii, Phil ). H. Trochus Adriaiicus (Phil.). H. Patella Tarentina (Salis ; Lam.). H. Dentalium Tarentinum (Lam.). H. Anomia cepa (L.). Pecten gldber (L., from the "Dardanelles). § VI.] ZOOLOGY OF THE TKOAD. 115 H. A. Mytilus edulis (L.). H. Mytilus minimus (Poli). A. Cardita sul- cata (Brug.). H. Cardium edule (L.), var. ru^ticum (Lam.). H. Lucina leucoma (Turt. ; lactea, auct.). H. Cytherea Chione (L.). H. Venus ver- rucosa (L.). Venus gallina (L.), in the sand of the serail at Con- stantinople. H. Tapes decussatus (L.). Tapes aureus (Maton). H. Mactra shdtorum (L.). H. JJonax trunculus (L.). H. Tellina tenuis Dacosta, mouth of the Scamander. H. Tellina fragilis (L.). " In the excavations at Troy were found : — - " Murex trunculus (L.). Purpura haemastoma (L.). Columbella rus- tica. Cerithium vulgatum, var. spinosum (Philippi). Cypraea lurida (L.). Ttochus articidatus (Lam.). Patella caeridea (L.). Ostrea lamellosa (Brocchi). Spondyhis gaederopus (L.). Pecten glaber (L.)„ Pecten glaber, var. sidcatus (Born). Pectunculus pilosus (L.). Pectunculus violaseens (Lam.). Mytilus edulis (L.), var. Gallopwvincialis (Lam.) ; very numerous. Cardium edule (L.), var. rusticum (Lam.) ; very numerous. Venus ver- rucosa (L.). Tapes decussatus (L.). Solen marginatus (Pulteney ; vagina, auct.). " Murex truncidus and Purpura haemastoma have probably served for the manufacture of purple. This is the more likely, as precisely these two occur in peculiarly sharp angular fragments, such as are not found at present either on the seashore or in kitchen-middens. But, as Aristotle and Pliny expressly state, the purple-fish were violently broken for the manufacture of purple. Murex trunculus is the very kind which was already found in 1811 by Lord Yalentia, and later by Dr. Wilde (1839-1840), in the ruins of Tyre, and was recognized as the purple-fish ; it was found also in the Morea by Bory St. Vincent. Purpura haemastoma serves the fishermen of Minorca at the present day for marking their shirts. It was used by Lacaze-Duthiers for his well- known researches on purple ; but as far as we know, no specimen of it, preserved from antiquity, had hitherto been known This Trojan specimen is therefore of capital interest. We may conclude from the statement of Aristotle 7 that the industry of purple-dyeing flourished on the coast of the Troad, as well as that a large species of purple-fish was found near Sigeum. The knowledge of purple among the Greeks goes back to a very remote period, as is proved by numerous passages in the Homeric poems, which mention purple, sometimes in its proper sense for dyeing garments, sometimes in certain well-known passages, as the colour of very heterogeneous objects. " Most of the other cochleae and conchylia found in the excavations have doubtless served the Trojans or Ilians as food. Cerithium, Trochus, Patella, Ostrea, Spondylus, Pecten, Cardium, Venus, Tapes, and Solen, are precisely the kinds which the inhabitants of the Mediterranean coasts are still fond of using for food ; as well as the inhabitants of the islands in the Aegean Sea, 8 of Dalmatia, of the eastern coast of Italy, and of Southern France. In some parts of the Upper Adriatic, even the ancient Greek names of these cochleae and conchylia are preserved. 7 Hist. Animal, v. 15. 8 See Tournefort's Travels into the Levant, Lond. 1718 116 THE COUNTRY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap, t Thus Gerithium vulgatum is called strombolo in the fish-market of Spalatro. By the strombos of the ancient Greeks we are to understand this peculiar species, and not the general conception of a cochlea with spiral con- volutions. It is therefore of interest to find the Cerithium among the antiquities of Troy. The ancient authors took their statements on sea- animals essentially from the mouths of fishermen and lovers of delicacies ; but such only know and name what is of practical interest to them. How important the cochleae and conchylia were as food to the ancient Greeks we see from the comedies, as well as from the Deipnosophistae of Athenaeus. On the other hand, it appears strange that we find no mention made of them in the Iliad and Odyssey. A passage in the Iliad, 9 which compares the mortally-wounded Hebriones, precipitated from his chariot, to a diver who searches for TiqOea, has indeed been referred to oysters; but as this word does not occur again in Homer, whereas the very similar r/)0uov means in Aristotle and others merely ascidia (aovaSm, acephalous molluscs), which still serve on the Mediter- ranean coast as food for men, that interpretation is at least doubtful. The Homeric poems describe chiefly the royal festive meals of sacrificial meats, not the daily food of the common people. We hesitate to regard as remains of food only the Columbella, on account of its smallness ; the Trochus articidatus, on account of its good preservation ; and the Peduncidus, on account of its perforation, which may perhaps be artificial. These species may have been used as ornaments or toys." § VII. The Flora of the Troad. 10 " Most of the plains and hills of the Troad abound with trees, par- ticularly with that kind of oak which yields the valonea (from fiaXavos, ' acorn '), called Quercus aegilops. The road from Bounarbashi to Alex- andria-Troas leads through an almost uninterrupted forest of these oaks, mixed here and there with some nettle-trees (Celtis Tournefortii). If left to its natural development, this oak grows majestically ; but as the oaks are annually beaten with poles in order to knock off the acorns, they are often much deformed. The acorns are gathered a little before maturity ; they are thrown into heaps, and after a slight fermentation the acorn detaches itself from the cup. Only this latter is used. It is exposed to the air, and as soon as it is completely dry it can be used for tanning. This is the most important produce of the Troad, and is largely exported to England. There is another variety of oak, the leaves of which have both surfaces of an identical green colour, and scarcely at all villous (Quercus trojana, Nob.). On all the low and barren hills flourish two other kinds of oak, the infectoria and the coccifera, or rather Quercus pseudo-coccifera, which rarely exceed the size of a shrub. The former of these shrubs produces the gall-nut or oak-apple of commerce, 8 xvi. 746, 747 : et 8^ irov /ecu ttSutoj Iv ixOvtevri yei/oiro, ttoWovs ttv tcopearzitv avrip o8e T7)0ea htv. 10 Not being a botanist myself, I think I cannot do better than quote here a translation of the learned dissertation which the accomplished botanist P. Barker Webb gives on the flora of the Troad : Topographic do la Troade amienne ct modernc, pp. 115-123. § VIL] THE FLORA OF THE TROAD. 117 which is nothing else than an excrescence in the form of a walnut, produced by the sting of an insect ; the latter yields the small red grains of the dyers, produced by a similar cause : but in the Troad none of these objects are used, or even gathered. " Homer is an admirable painter of the beauties of physical nature. One of his characteristic qualities is to sketch by a few masterly strokes the most simple objects and the distinct qualities of each object. He describes to us the Plain of the Scamander, where the Greek army was drawn up in battle array — ' they stood on Scamander's flowery meadow.' 1 He tells us that it was covered with flowers, just as we see it now. When the soldiers return to their tents, they give their horses the Lotus and Apium, with which the swamps are covered. 2 When Hephaestus, yield- ing to the prayers of Here, kindles a great fire on the banks of the Scamander, ' the elms, the willows, and the tamarisk-shrubs burned ; and the lotus burned too, and the reeds, and the gallingale, which grew abundantly about the fair streams of the river.' 3 In another passage 4 we find also mentioned the yuvplicai and the Sovatces (Tamarix Gallica and Arundo donax), which grew near the river. See besides in the Iliad (vi. 39 ; 5 xxi. 18, 5 242 6 ) ; Odyssey (xiv. 474 '), and the description of the nuptials of Zeus and Here in the Iliad? All the plants named there by the poet still exist. " The epooStai of Homer are now called pohoSucpvr), but more frequently Tritcpo$d(f)vr) in modern Greek (Nerium Oleander, Lin.). They are found everywhere on the banks of rivers or in dry river-beds, side by side with the Platanus orientalis, the Vitex Agnus-castus, and the aforesaid Tamarix Gallica, called /buvpUr] by the poet." Webb says : " Though the year was on its decline, we still saw in flower, on the top of Gargarus, a dianthus, sp. n., and a centaurea with yellow flowers. These two plants flourished on the top of Gargarus, where the long duration of the snow stops even the vegetation of the pines. Near them was an exceedingly beautiful purple-coloured garlic, and several other interesting vegetables, which were no longer in flower. A little farther down we found the ground covered with the autumn crocus, Col- chicum autumnale et variegatum, and Ophrys spiralis, but less abundantly. " In some places the ground was entirely covered with these plants, and presented to our eyes the flowery couch on which the nuptials of 1 II. ii. 467 : effrav 8' iv Xeijxwvi ^Ka/xavSpiu) avBejAoevTi . . . 2 11. ii. lib-Ill : iWo/ 8e irap' apfxacriv oTcriu kKacrros, Xurbu epeirTo/jLevoi iXeoOpenrov re creXivov kcrracrau. 3 //. xxi. 350-352; Kaiovro irreXeai T6 Kal tVeat 7)Se fxvp?K4\-qv 'icraavro KaXr)v XP VpvyLo^). 9 By the Koman poets the names Teucrians and Trojans are employed as 1 ii. 118 ; v. 13. 2 Apoll. iii. 12, § 1 : 'HAe'/crpas 8e rrjs v At- XavTos Kal Aibs-'laaicav Kal Adpdavos eyevovTO. 'laaluv /j.€v ovv, epauSels Aii/xr^Tpos /cat Qe\u>v KaTaio~xvvai rijv 8e6v, KepavvovTai, AapSavos 5e iirl t$ Oavdra) tov afieXcpov Xvirov/xevos, 2a- fiodpaKyju airoXnrwv ets tt]v avr'nrepa fjireipov ?)A0e. TavT7]S Se e/3am'Aeue TtvKpos iroraixov ^.Kaixdudpou Kal pv/x(pr}$'lb'alas • av TpcotKuv yevo/j.€vov, oi SiafidvTes es ttjv Evpuirrjv Kara BSairopov, tovs Te (yprji'/cas KaTeo-Tpe\pavTO iravras /cat iirl tov 'loviov ttSvtov KaTe(3r)(rav jue'xP 1 Te ri^etou iroTafiov to irpbs jj.eo'afJLfipiris fjAacrav. 6 Strabo, iii. pp 295, 303 , viii p. 572 ■ cf. Xanth. Lyd. Frag. 8. » Herod, i. 171. 8 Frag. 8. 9 Eawlinson's History of Herodotus, iv. p 23, note 5. 120 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. II. equivalents : 10 on the other hand, the Eoman prose-writers generally use the word Trojani? It is curious that, whilst Herodotus always calls the old Trojans of epic poetry Teucrians, the Attic tragedians and the Eoman poets call them Phrygians, although the Trojans and Phrygians are repre- sented as completely distinct in the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite, where this goddess says to Anchises : " Otreus is my sire, famous of name, if anywhere thou hearest it, who reigns over all well-fortified Phrygia ; and both your language and mine I know well, for a Trojan nurse nourished me in the palace ; she nurtured me, taking me as a little baby from my mother: thus I know indeed your language well." 2 The name Hector is Phrygian ; 3 so also are Paris and Scamandrius, for the Greek Alexandros and Astyanax seem to be Phrygian appellations. 4 Moreover, the Phrygians are merely mentioned in the Iliad as allies of the Trojans from distant Ascania, 5 and there is little indication of any more intimate relationship. Hecuba, however, was a Phrygian princess, 6 and her brother lived in Phrygia on the banks of the Sangarius. 7 According to Strabo 8 and Stephanus Byzantinus, the Phrygians were Thracians. Herodotus reports that the Macedonians preserved a tradition, according to which the Phrygians had once been their neighbours, but that they had afterwards emigrated to Asia Minor. 9 The Lydian Xanthus 10 asserts that this emigration did not occur till after the Trojan war ; but Conon 1 makes it take place as early as ninety years before this war, under King Midas. On the other hand, several testimonies have been preserved to us as to the affinity existing between the Phrygians and the Armenians. In the expedition of Xerxes, both these nations appear under one commander- in-chief and with the same armament ; nay, Herodotus 2 adds that the Armenians were descendants of the Phrygians. Eudoxus 3 confirms this, and mentions, in addition, the similarity of the two languages. So too we find subterranean dwellings in use among both the Phrygians and the Armenians. 4 Finally, both nations were actually considered as identical, 5 the Armenians being said to have come from Western Phrygia. But the Assyrian inscriptions make it clear that no Aryans were settled eastward of the Halys before the eighth century B.C. Armenia was inhabited by a non-Aryan race, which has left behind it many still undeciphered inscriptions at Van and its neighbourhood, until the close of the Assyrian monarchy, and there are no traces of Aryan inha- 10 Virgil, Acn. i. 172; v. 265; xii. 137. Horace, Od. iv. 6, 15. Ovid. Met. xii. 66. 1 Cic. Div. ii. 39; Livy, i. 1. 2 "T/ivos els 'A /iirjTpbs 6euiv Upov kariv, dyiov t?is 'Pei7js iiriKaXovjxevov. 8 x. p. 469 : ol Se BepeicvvTes $pvywv ri pvyes Ktxl rwv Tpcowv ol irepl rrjv "iBrjv KaroiKOvvres 'Peav /xev Kal avrol ritual Kal dpyid^ovai tout?;, fXT]ripa KaKovvrts dewv kcu "AySiffrtv Kal $pvy'iav 6tbv fnyaX-qv, awb Se tccv tottwv 'iSaiav Kal A (1/817177 1/771/ Kal ~2,nrv\7}V7)v Kal neaaivovvTida ical Kv(3eXr,v [Kv$'t)$T)v]- 9 Strabo, xiii. p. 586. 1 Strabo. vii. p. 295 ; xii. p. 542. 2 I here call attention to the name of the ancient city of Cebrene in the Troad. 3 Here Strabo evidently means by the former Asius the son of Hyrtacus, the leader of the troops from Abydos, of whom he speaks at p. 585, whilst at p. 586 he tells us that the district of Abydus was held by the Bebrycians, a Thracian race (pp. 295, 542), and was sub- sequently occupied by Thracians, who had pro- bably newly immigrated. All, therefore, that he shows us by the name Asius is, that it ex- isted in Thrace and in Phry ;ia. 4 Strabo, xiii. p. 590 : 7ju Se Kal iv AeV/3 'Acrlw 6/xu>vvij.os hrepos irapa tcD TroirjTT] "Actios il bs fJL7]TpWS "f)v "EKTOpOS ITTToBd/JLOlO, avTOKaalyvrjTos 'EKd[3r}s, vlbs 8e Av/navros, bs ^pvyirjv vaUaKe pofjs iirl Hayyaploio." 5 S. v. "lAiov. 6 Apollodor. iii. 2, 3. 7 Stat. Theb. v. 188; Steph. Byz. s. v. Mtefa. 8 Pausanias, vii. 4; Steph. Byzant. s. v. Aapdavta. 9 //. x. 434, 435 ; xx. 484, 485. 10 Antiq. Rom. i. 62 : ws fttv S77 Kal rb Tpcc- tKbv ytvos 'EWriviKbv apx^^v SeSTjAcoTCt/ fiot. § I.] CONNECTION WITH THE PHOENICIANS. 125 Aeneas is predicted the future dominion over Troy : " But now the mighty Aeneas shall reign over the Trojans, and his sons' sons, who shall be born hereafter." 1 The genealogy of the royal house of Dardania presents, as Aldenhoven 2 observes, some strange names, which make him think that they are of Phrygian origin. I think it not out of place to cite here the following words of Grote : 3 " According to the Trojan legend, it was under proud Laomedon, son of Ilus, that Poseidon and Apollo underwent, by command of Zeus, a temporary servitude; the former building the walls of the town, the latter tending the flocks and herds. When their task was completed, they claimed the stipulated reward ; but Laomedon angrily repudiated their demand, and even threatened to cut off their ears, to tie them hand and foot, and to sell them in some distant island as slaves. 4 He was punished for this treachery by a sea-monster, whom Poseidon sent to ravage his fields and to destroy his subjects. Laomedon publicly offered the immortal horses given by Zeus to his father Tros, as a reward to any one who would destroy the monster. But an oracle declared that a virgin of noble blood must be surrendered to the monster, and the lot fell upon Hesione, daughter of Laomedon himself. Herakles, arriving at this critical moment, killed the monster by the aid of a fort built for him by Athene and the Trojans, 5 so as to rescue both the exposed maiden and the people ; but Laomedon, by a second act of perfidy, gave him mortal horses in place of the matchless animals which had been promised. Thus defrauded of his due, Herakles equipped six ships, attacked and captured Troy, and killed Laomedon, 6 giving Hesione to his friend and auxiliary Telamon, to whom she bore the celebrated archer Teucros. 7 A painful sense of this expedition was preserved among the inhabitants of the historical town of Ilium, who offered no worship to Herakles." 8 I have cited all this in order to show that a link of connection seems to have existed between Troy and Phoenicia, for, as Mr. Gladstone has ingeniously endeavoured to show, 9 a connection with Poseidon frequently denotes Phoenician associations ; and further, as Miillenhof has proved, in his Deutsche Alterthumskunde, 10 Herakles is the representative of the Phoenicians. This has also been pointed out by Professor Sayce, who says : " The whole cycle of myths grouped about the name of Herakles points as clearly to a Semitic source as does the myth of Aphrodite and Adonis." 1 The Homeric Cilicians (K/Xt/ce?) of the Troad inhabited the plain of the Hypoplakian Thebes, and appear, according to Strabo, 2 to have been of the same race as the inhabitants of the later Cilicia. 1 77. xx. 307, 308 : vvv oe 5r) Alueiao 0nj Tpdoeacriv avd£ei Ka) iraLdcou iraldes, rot ksv /xcroiriaOe yevooi/Tcu. 2 Ueber das ncucntdeckte Troia. 3 History of Greece, i. p. 264. 4 II. vii. 452, 453 ; xxi. 451-456 ; Hesiocl. ap. SchoL Lycophr. 393. 5 II. xx. 145 ; Dionvs. i. 52. 6 //. v. 640-642. 7 Diodorus, iv. 32-49. Compare Schol. Venet. ad Iliad, viii. 284. s Strabo, xiii. p. 596. 9 See his Preface to my Mycenae, pp. viii. and xxiv. 10 W. Christ, Die Topographie der Troian. Ebene, p. 225. 1 Contemporary Rericw, December 1878. 2 Strabo, viii. p. 376 ; xiv. p. 676. 126 ETHNOGRArilY OF THE TROJANS. [Chap. II. The Leleges (AeXeye?) are often brought into connection with the Carians. In fact, according to Herodotus, 3 the former was merely the ancient name of the latter ; Homer, however, mentions the Leleges and Carians as two distinct peoples. But we also find the Leleges in Greece, as a very ancient and wide-spread race, dating from a pre-Hellenic time. They are mentioned by Homer side by side with the Pelasgians. 4 The little troop of Leleges, of whom the Iliad speaks, occupied the district to the east of Cape Lectum. 5 Begarding the Pelasgians, I think I cannot do better than give here an extract from a letter of Professor Sayce published in the Academy of the 25th of January, 1879 : "I do not intend to dispute the existence of tribes called by the Greeks Pelasgians. But to turn these into a particular race or people is quite a different matter. It is true that Greek writers, from Homer and Hesiod downward, mention Pelasgians, but if we examine their statements we find that the term is used in two (or perhaps three) senses : firstly, as denoting a certain Greek tribe which inhabited Thessaly during the heroic age ; and secondly, as equivalent to our own term 1 pre-historic' In the first sense it is used twice in the Iliad (ii. 681 and xvi. 233). In two other Homeric passages of later date (11. x. 429 ; Od. xix. 177), the name has passed into the region of mythology, and a way has accordingly been prepared for the use of it by later writers^ to denote those populations of Greece and its neighbourhood which we should now call pre-historic, or whose origin and relationship were unknown. (For this employment of the word, see Herodotus, i. 146 ; i. 56 ; ii. 56; viii. 44; vii. 94; ii. 51 ; v. 26 ; vi. 138.) The name is more especially applied to the natives of Thrace, who seem to have belonged to the Illyrian stock (see Herodotus, i. 56 ; ThucydiJes, iv. 109). It is probable, therefore, that there were tribes on the coastland of Thrace who were known as Pelasgians ; and, since the same name is also found in Mysia (II. ii. 840-3), it is probable that it was a word of general meaning, like so many of the names of early Greek ethnology, and accordingly applied to tribes of different origin and race. Hence Pischel's etymology, which makes TIeXao-yos a compound of the roots we have in irepav and elfii (ya), and so meaning ' the further- goers ' or 1 emigrants,' becomes very probable. " We now know enough of the languages of Italy, Greece, Albania, and Asia Minor, to be able to lay down that, although all probably belonging to the Indo-European stock, they are as distinct from one another as Latin and Greek. Indeed, it is still doubted by some philo- logists whether Albanian should be classed as an Aryan language at all. However this may be, I am quite willing to allow that it is very probably a descendant of the ancient Illyrian or Thracian, and I will not quarrel with any one who wishes to call the latter Pelasgian. But it must be remembered that we know nothing about the Pelasgian language or 3 Herodot. i. p. 171. 4 11. x. 429; Hecat. ap. Strab. vii. p. 321, xii. p. 572. 3 Strabo, xiii. p. 605 ; rj yap airb rov AeKToO pax 1 *-, avarelvovaa irpbs r)]V "I877J/, virtpntirai roov TTpJoruv rod koAttov /xepwv' iv ois irpuirov robs AcAeyas idpufievovs 5 woirfr^s Treiroir)K€V. THE AEOLIAN COLONIZATION. 127 languages ; and that, if the ancient Thraco-Illyrian is to be called Pelasgian, the latter term must be closely defined. In the oldest passages of Homer where it occurs, it is applied to Achaean Greeks, not to barbarous Thracians ; in later Greek literature, it is merely synonymous with ' pre-historic ; ' while in modern times it has served as the watch- word of all kinds of obsolete theories and pre-scientific fancies." Strabo informs us that after the Trojan war the whole Troad r from Cyzicus to the Caicus, was Aeolized ; that is to say, it was occupied by colonies formed by Peloponnesian Achaeans and Aeolian Boeotians, who had been driven from their homes by the Dorian invasion. As Mr. Gladstone judiciously observes, Homer was not aware of the existence of Aeolians, only of Aeolids. But in the later Greek tradition we have numerous notices of Aeolians as settled in various parts of Greece. In Homer a variety of persons and families, holding the highest stations and playing important parts in the early history, are descended from or connected with Aeolus, a mythical eponymist, but of an Aeolian tribe he is ignorant. 6 According to Thucydides, 7 the Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus took place 80 years, according to Strabo 8 00 years — that is, two gene- rations — after the Trojan war ; according to Pausanias, 9 in the time of Orestes. Pausanias seems probably to be in the right, for the dynasty of the Pelopids appears to have ceased at Mycenae with the death of Aegisthus, which occurred in the eighth year after the murder of Agamem- non, 10 and thus about eight years after the Trojan war ; in fact, tradition says that Agamemnon's son Orestes reigned, in Arcadia and Sparta, but not that he succeeded his father. Only a fearful political revolution and catastrophe, such as the Dorian Invasion, could have prevented Orestes from becoming king in Mycenae, which was the richest and most powerful State of Greece, and belonged to him as the only son of the glorious and universally lamented Agamemnon. Strabo 11 says that Orestes began the emigration, that he died in Arcadia, and that his son Penthilus came as far as Thrace ; whilst his other son, Archelaus, brought the Aeolian colony into the district of Cyzicus, in the neighbourhood of Dascylium. But Gras, the youngest son of Archelaus, penetrated as far as the river 6 Homeric Synchronism, p. 74. 7 i. 12. 8 xiii. p. 582. viii. 5, § 1. 10 Od. iii. 305-307 : e7TTaeTes 8' ijvao-ae (Afyicflos) iroXvxpvo-oio MvKt)v7]S' r$ Se of oydoaTCf! Kaitbv tfXvde Sios 'OpeVrr/s a\|/' an 'Adrjvdcov, Kara S 5 eKTave iraTpocpov^a. 11 xiii. p. 582 : % Opeo~Tt\v fxev yap ap£at too ctoAoo, tovtov 5' ip 'Ap/caSi'a TeXevT-qaavTOS rbu fiiov 8iade£aff6ai rbv vibv avrov Tlevd'iXov, Kal irpoeXBelv jue'^pt ®pa.Kf]S e^KovTa erect tu>v TpwiKwv v&Tepov, vtt' avTr t v tt)v twv 'UpaKXeidccv eis WiKoir6wr\(Tov Kadodov ' sir 'ApxeAaov vibv eKeivov irepaiwcrai rbv AioXiKbv vtoXov eis tt)v vvv Kv(iK7}vr]v tt]v irepl to AaaKvXiov Tpav Se rbv vibv tovtov Tbv vediiTaTov irpoeXdovTa jue'^pt too Ypavinov TroTajxov ical irapecrKevaafxevov &/j.eivov Trepaiwaai to TrXeov tt\s OTparias eis AeafSov Kal KaTaax^v avTr\V KXevrjv Se "rbv Adopov Kal MaXaov, Kal avrovs airoyovovs oVTas 'Ay ufie fxvOvos, avvayayelv \xev ttju arpaTiav /cccto toj' avTbv XP 0V0V Ka ®' ov Ka ^ HevO'iXos, aXXa tov fikv too UevdiXov aroXov v t6t€ Kal t5)v Kvfioov Kal tcov acrTpayaXwv Kal tt\s o~<$>alpr\s Kal twv aXXicov iracrewv iraiyviiwv ra eiSea irXr)V irzcrcTwv' tovtwv yap &v tt)v i£evpecriv ovk 01- KrfiovvTai Avtiol. iroiieiv Se wSe irpbs Tbv Xi/xbv l^vp6vras, tt)v fjikv iTiprjv twv rjfiepiwv irai^iv iracrav, "va 87? /X7j (i)Teoi€V aiTia, t)]V Se tTepyv ciTeecrQai iravojxivovs twv iraiyviiwv. toiovtu T/>jir didyeiv eV erect Svu>v SiovTa &kocti. iirsi re Se ovk aviivai Tb KaK6v, aAA' iirl /jlciXXov ert fiid^ecrdai, ovtw St; Tbv fSaaiXia ovtwv Suo /jLoipas SieXdvTa Avfiwv irdvTwv K\i]poocrai, ttjv /xhv iirl fj.ovfj, tt]V Sc iirl i^65w 4k ttjs x^pjs, Kal iirl fxev T77 yueVe.^ avTOv Xayxo-vovarj twv fxoipiwv kwvTbv Tbv fiaaiXia irpoaTacraeiv, iirl Se tt? airaX- Xaaao/xivr] Tbv iwvTOv iratSa, t<£ ovvofxa elvai Tvpar]v6v. Xax^vTas Se avTOiv tovs ere'pous e'|i- eVai e'/c ttjs x^P^i KaTafirjvai is ^/xvpv^v Kal in)Xa-vr\craoQai irXola, is tcl iadifiivovs to. iravra, ocra o~j/ avrbs eSo/cej'. 9 Strabo, xiii. p. 587 : 'H fifU 5^ ZeAeta iu tv Tiapwpt'ia T7? vara.Tr] rr/s "1877s eo~Tiv, aire- Xovcra Kv^inov /xeu ffrafiibvs iuev^KOPra Kai l/ca- toV, rr\s 8' iyyvrdrw daAdrrrjs /ca0' %v iKbiZwaiv Aicrrjiros cxrov oydorjKOura. 10 II. ii. 828-830 : 0? 8' ' AdpricrTGidv t tixov Kai drj/iou 'Airaicrov, Kai TliTveiav tx ov Kc " Tijpefojs opos atVu' tu)v tfpx' 'ASprjaTos re Kai *Afi(pios Aii>o6u>pr)£. 1 xii. p. 565 : rrj 8e ZeAei'a viroTreirTcaKe irpbs 6a\aTTr] iir'iTab'e rod Aia^irov rbrris 'Adpr)(TTeias ■Ked'iou. 2 Strabo, xiii. p. 588 : 7) fieu ovv iroAts (77 'A8prjyz. s. v. UepKojrr) : UepKoirr] kcu irahai UfpKwirr] iroAis TpcodSos. 4 11. ii. 836. 5 vii. 34 : % 8e 'AfivSov ra. nepl rb "iAtoi/ cart, rd T€ irapdhia ea>s Aenrov kcu -ra ip ro) Tpw'iKU) ireS'ic? Kal ra irapccpeia rrjs "idrjs ra. virb rop Alveia. 1 xiii. p. 596 : rovrov 8' r) fieu irapupeios tan o-revr), rfj /xeu eVi rrju (xto~T)}xfipiav rzrafxtvr) jue'xpt roov Kara, 'Surjipiv roircov, rfj 8' iirl ras dpKrovs /tte'xpt roov Kara ZeAciav Avkiwv. ravrrjv 8' 6 iroirjrrjs vir Alueia rdrrei teal rols 'Avrt}- vopiSais, KaAet 8e AapSaviav. 134 DOMINIONS OF THE TROAD. [Chap. II. tended between Priam's dominion and that of the Meropids, being bor- dered on one side by the Hellespont, on the other by the Leleges and Cilicians. Its inhabitants, called Dardanians (AapSavcot 2 or AdpSavoi), 3 were a race kindred with the Trojans, and are sometimes confounded with them : thus, for instance, Euphorbus, son of Panthoiis, a Trojan, is called a Dardanian. 4 Of Cities we can only mention Dardania, built by Dardanus at the foot of Ida before sacred Ilium was founded in the plain. 5 In the time of Strabo it had utterly disappeared. 6 It has of course nothing in common with the later Dardanus, which — as excavations lately made there at my request by the military governor of the Dardanelles have shown — has left a layer of debris hardly 2J ft. deep, in which nothing but fragments of Greek potsherds are found. It therefore appears certain that it was built by the Aeolian Greeks. It lies on the shore of the Hellespont, as Strabo 7 rightly remarks, at a distance of 70 stadia from Abydos, and, according to Pliny, 8 70 stadia from Khoeteum. 5. The Dominion of Attest — We find also in Homer that a troop of Leleges had settled in the Troad, on the river Satniois near Cape Lectum : thus they seem to have dwelt between the dominion of the Cilicians and that of the Dardanians. 10 Their king was Altes, father of Laothoe, who bore Lycaon, and father-in-law to Priam. 1 Of Cities I can only mention Pedasus (ff UrjSaaos) on the Satniois, with the epithets "lofty" (alWjeaaa), 2 "high-towered" or "high- walled " (anreivr)). 3 , It was destroyed by Achilles, 4 and is supposed, as I have before observed, to be mentioned on the Egyptian monuments under the name of Pidasa. 6. The Dominion of the Cilicians. — a. The Dominion of E'etion (the Theban Cilicia) 5 extends between the district of Lyrnessus occupied by the Cilicians and the Leleges. The description given by Homer of Thebe 6 has led to the general belief 2 11. ii. 819: AapSavlwv avT 1 i\px*v efts irous 'Ayxt&ao Alveias .... 3 II. iii. 456, vii. 348 : /ce/cAure /nev, Tpwes, teat Adpdavoi 77S' in'ucovpoi. 4 11. xvi. 807 : .... AdpSuvos avyp, Ylav6o'iht)s Evcpopfios, .... 5 77. xx. 215-218: Aapdavov av irpwrov re/cero vecpeAriyepeTa Zevs, icrlaae 8e AapSavlrjv, iirel ovirw "iAiOS ipr) iv iredlcf 7reir6\t7]aiv o non]rr\s, " vwb nkaKcp i\i)£v " II. xx. 191, 192: KiKIkcov twv i*ev els rr)v Uafx(pv\lav 4ktt€o-6vtwv evdev 8' is Avpvr\o-abv vireK P i0V ' epTj/uoi 8' afxcporepai • r6irov jxejxvrio-Qaf aAA' ovre \ip."i)v 4gtiv ivravda, oiexovai 8e 'ASpafiuTTtou CTaSiovs 77 (®r}fir)) /xev iKelvos Se (prjaiv " oi 8' ore 8^ Kijxevos iroAvflev- e^rjKovra tj (Avpvqacrbs) 8e dySorjKovTa Kal oktw Bios 4vrbs 'Ikopto." 3 II. N. v. 32. 3. iiri Qarepa. See also Diod. v. 49 ; Plin. H. N. 4 Hcmer, //. i. 38. Herodot. i. 149. Strabo, v. 26 and 32. Excursus, in Asia Minor, p. 39. THE KETEIOI AND ARIMI. 137 Mr. Gladstone. 10 His arguments lead to the conclusion that the Keteioi "come from outside the circle of the earlier Trojan alliances, and therefore from Lycia, and the countries of the Mysoi and Kiiikes." 1 Strabo says : 2 " Just as the land of the Cilicians is twofold, the Thehan and the Lyrnessian, to which may also be reckoned the domain of Eurypylus, coming next to the territory of Lyrnessus." And again : 3 " According to Homer, Eurypylus reigned in the country on the Caicus, so that perhaps a part of the Cilicians also was subject to him." And further : 4 " But it can only be a question of probabilities if any one endeavours to determine from the poet the exact frontier to which the Cilicians and Pelasgians extended, as well as the Keteioi between them who were under Eurypylus. As to the Cilicians and the subjects of Eurypylus, we have already stated the probability ; and how they were bounded, especially by the districts on the Caicus." It is on account of Strabo's first statement, which makes the Keteioi under Eurypylus border upon Lyrnessus, that their territory has been noticed here. 7. The Dominion of the Homeric Arimi (ol "Kpi/ioi). — The Arimi seem to be a mythic people, who have been searched for in various regions. They are only once mentioned by Homer : " The earth groaned under their feet, as when the god of thunder, Zeus, in wrath strikes the land of the Arimi around Typhoeus, where the bed of Typhoeus is said to be." 5 According to Strabo, this land of the Arimi was identical with the Catakekaumene (or " burnt land ") possessed by the Mysians and Lydians. 6 In another passage he states that by some the burnt land is believed to be in Lydia in the environs of Sardis; by others in Cilicia or in Syria, by some on the Pithecussae (monkey- islands), who said, at the same time, that monkeys were called Arimi by the Tyrrhenians. 7 I may here mention that the present Island of Ischia, in the Gulf of Naples, was once called Pithecusa, Aenaria or Inarime. Strabo also cites the opinion of Posidonius, according to which " the Arimi are not the inhabitants of a certain district of Syria, of Cilicia, or of any other country, but the inhabitants of all Syria, who are called Aramaei. But perhaps they were called Arimaei or Arimi by the Greeks." 8 10 Homeric S/nclronism,, pp. 121, 127, 171, 174, 177, 180, 184. 1 Ibid. p. 183. 2 xiii. p. 586 : Kaddirep Kal r) rwv KiXlkcvv oirrr), r) /xev QrifiaiK'fi r) Se Avpvrjo-cris' iv avrrj 8' av Xex9elr] r) vtto EvpvjrvXa) i(pe£rjs odaa rfj Avpvrjffffl^i. 3 xiii. p. 616 : on iv ro?s irepl rbv Kd'inov roirois (paiverai /3e/3acnAeu wj /ca0' "Ojuripov 6 EvpvirvXos, wct' Xffoos Kal rccv KiXiklvv n jxepos T)V VTT ai/TOV. 4 xiii. p. 620: eiKoroXoye7v 8' ean Kav ei ris rbv aicpifir) (VjTet /caret rbv irotrjTrjv opov fiexpi rivos oi KiXiKes diereivov /cat ol UeXatryol /cat en ol fiera^v rovrwv Kr)reioi Xeyojxevoi ol virb rep EvpvirvXw. irepl jxev ovv rccv KiX'ikccv /cat rccv vtt EvpvirvXcy Ta ivovra e'ipTrjrai, /cat SlOTl [671-1] ra irepl rbv KaiKOv fxaXicrra ireparovvrai. 5 11. ii. 781-783 : 7ata 8' virearevdxiC € Alt ccs repiriKepavvcp Xcco/xevcc, ore r a/iei reAeo)s iffrl T<£ 'IAicp, Kal iyybs ff(po8pa iv SiaKOffiois ttov ffrad'iois, oiffr* ovk av Aeyoiro iridavws 6 'lirirSdoos ireaelv iv rep virep YlarpoKAov aywvi " rr)A' curb Aapio"r)s" ravrrjs ye, aAAa /xaAAov rrjs irepl Kvp.7)v X l '^ l0t 7"-P 7rou ffrddioi /xera^v. 1 Strabo, xiii. p. 596 : virb 8e ravrrj Kefip-qvia, iredias r\ irAelffrr), irapaAAriAos irws rjj AapZavia • ■flV Se K«( TrSAlS 7TOT6 Kefip7]V7). VTTOVOei 8' 6 A7]/j.r]Tptos jue'xpt SeCpo Siarelveiv rrjv irepl rb "lAiov xupav T7]v vnb rw "EKropi, avi]KOVffav curb rov vavardO/nov p.exP l KcjBpiJWOS. 2 //. x. 430, 431 : irpbs ©v/x^p^s 8' eAaxov Avkioi Mvffoi t' ayepw- Xot Kal *?pvyes r nnr6lia}xoi Kal Mrjoves liriroKopvffraL § in.j DOMINION AND CITY OF PRIAM. 139 of Thymbra and the river Thymbrius, which flows through it and falls into the Scamander close to the temple of the Thymhrian Apollo, at a distance of 50 stadia from Novum Ilium." 3 Stephanus Byzantinus 4 and Pliny 5 understood the poet rightly, for they mention Thymbra as a town. The other city of Priam's dominion, whose fame and fate gave birth to Homer's immortal poems, demands a separate notice. § III. The City of Ilios, Ilium, or Troy. Ilium, or Troy, the residence of Priam, the city besieged by the Greek army under Agamemnon, is called "I?uo? and Tpolrj by the poet, who frequently uses the latter name both for the city and the land belonging to it, calling it iptftcoXaj; (" fat and fertile "). "I\to?, on the other hand, is only used for the city ; but the oldest form was evidently FiXios, with the Yau or Digamma. 6 The neuter, "lXiov, occurs only once in Homer, 7 in consequence of which Aristarchus considers the passage as a later interpolation. 8 But the tragic poets 9 having adopted it, it was also used commonly by the prose-writers. 10 The Latin writers use the corresponding forms, Ilium and Troja, the latter being preferred by the jpoets, for the reason that Ilium could not fit into an hexameter verse. Morritt 11 thinks that 'IXrjiov is derived from "IXy, turma, and that the nrehlov 'IXtf'iov was the Campus Martius of Troy, which he believes to have been in the open plain about Arablar. 1 The city has in Homer the following epithets : evpudyvca, 2 " with broad streets ; " ivtcrCfievov (-irToXleOpov), 3 and eufyw/To?, 4 " well built ; " cvvaiojuevov (irroXleOpov)? " well inhabited " or " flourishing ; " epareivrj^ "pleasant" or " elegant;" evirwXo^, 1 "rich in foals;" fxeya (aarv), 8 " great;" euTet^eo?, 9 " enclosed by good walls ; " ocppvoeaaa, 10 " beetling ; " 3 xiii. p. 598 : irAriaiov yap iari rb ireSiW rf Qvjxfipa Kal 6 SY avrov pewv iroraabs ©v/xfipios, i/xfidWooj/ els rbv ^Ka/xavSpou Kara rb Qvufipaiov 'AiroWcovos Upov, rod Se vvu 'IAiou ical trevT-r]- Kovra crrati'iovs Ste^ei. 4 S. V. Qv/JLfipT}. 5 H. A T . v. 33. 6 See, for instance, 77. xx. 216 : KTiVfre 5e Aapdaplijv, iirel oviroo v IAtos Iprj . . . 7 II. xv. 70,71: .... etVo/c' 'A%aio£ v lAiou alirv eXoiev 'AOnvairjs 5ta (iovAas. 8 See also Steph. Byz. s. v. "\Xiov. 9 Soph. Phil. 454, 1200; Eurip. Andr. 400; Troad. 25, 145, 511 ; Or. 1381. 10 Herod, ii. 117, 118; Scylax, 35 ; Plato, Legg. hi. 682, and others. 11 Apud Robert Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey, edited from manu- script journals ; London, 1817, p. 578. 1 R. Virchow, Beitr'dge zur Landeshunde der Troas, p. 46. 2 //. ii. 141 r ov yap tVt Tpotr]v alprjao/xeu evpvdyviav , ii. 12: vvv yap icev eXoi iroXiv evpvdyviav. 3 II. xxi. 433 : 'IAtou inirepaavTes i'vKTijxevov irroXieOpov. II. iv. 33 ■ 'IXiov i£aXaird£ai ivicrlfievop irroXiedpov. * 11. xxi. 516- fie'jUjSAeTO yap oi reT^os £vd/i<.r)Toio iroXrjos, 5 11. xiii. 380: 'IAi'ou etareparjs evvaio^ievov irroXledpoy. 6 11. v. 210: ot6 *\Xiov els epareivfju. 7 11. v. 551 ; Od. u. 18, xiv. 71: "IXiov els eviraXov. 8 11. ii. 332, 803 : 'd(TTv {xeya Hpidfioio. 9 11. ii. 113. "lAiou eKirepcraur evreix^ov airoveeadai. " II xxii. 410, 411: . ... cos e? airacra *lAtos ocppvoetrcra irvpl afxvxoiTO nar &Kp7]s. 140 TOPOGRAPHY OF TROY. [Chap. II. alirv 1 and alireivr)? "steep" or "lofty;" rjvefjLoeaaa, 3 "exposed to the wind ; " ipr)* " sacred." It had an Acropolis called the Pergamos (/; Tlep- ya/nos), which was in a more elevated position than the town, and had the epithets ieprf, 6 "sacred," and a/cpr), G "highest point." Here was Priam's beautiful habitation, built of polished stone, with fifty chambers in which his sons slept with their wedded wives ; while opposite, within the court, on an upper floor, were twelve chambers, likewise of polished stone, and close to each other, in which Priam's sons-in-law slept with their chaste wives. 7 Before the doors of this palace was the Agora. 8 Here was also the well-built dwelling of Hector, 9 as well as the beautiful dwelling of Paris, which he had himself built, aided by the best builders of the fertile realm of Troy : — " They made him a chamber, a hall, and a court, close to the residences of Priam and Hector in the Acropolis." 10 Here, moreover, was the Temple of Pallas Athene, the tutelar deity of Troy, 1 with a statue of the goddess, probably of wood, in a sitting posture ; for unless it had been sitting, the priestess Theano could not have deposited Hecuba's peplos on its knees. 2 Here was also a temple of Apollo, 3 from which the god is represented as looking down. 4 It further appears that Zeus had a temple or at least an altar here, on which Hector sacrificed the thighs of oxen. 5 In the poet's imagination the hill of the Pergamos appears to 1 //. xv. 71 : ''IXiov aliru (this verse has been already quoted). 2 II. x»i. 772, 773 : vvv &Xero iraaa Kar y aKp-qs 'iXios alireivr). II. xv. 215: 'iAi'ow alireivris irecpidrjaerai, ouS' i6eXi]aei iicirepaai It. xvii. 327, 328: AiVeta, ir6i)s av Kal virep 6ebv eipvcraaicrOe "IXiov alireivi)v. 3 11. viii. 499, xii. 115 : a\p dirovoo-ryo'eiv irporl ''IXiov rjveiJ.Seo'crav. It. xiii. 724 : Tpues ix&pf)0~av irporl '\Xiov i)vejx6eo-crav. 11. xviii. 174 : ol 8' ipvaaaadai irorl 'IXiov i)ve^6eao-av. It. xxiii. 64: "Y.KTop iira'iaauv irporl 'IXiov T)ve/x6ecrcTav. 11. xxiii. 297 : 'tva fir) ol eiroiO' virb 'IXiov i)veuoeacTav. 4 //. vi. 448 : eaaerai r)/xap, or* av iror' 6XwXr)''lXios ipi). 11. xxiv. 27 : aAA' ix ov i &Xcto 11. xxi. 128 : cpdelpeaO' elaoKev darv Kix^'io^v''lXlov lpr)s . . . 5 11. v. 446 : Uepydfiu) elv lepji, oBi ol vi)os y irervKro. 6 //. v. 460 : &s elira>v, avrbs fxev i8e/{' eaav reyeoi QaXajxoi ^earolo XiOoio, irXrjaloi dXXi)Xwv SeS/^ueVor evda Se yafi- Ppoi Koifiwvro Upidfioio irap'' alSolrjs aX6xoio~iv. 8 II. vii. 345, 346 : Tpccccv avr ayopr) yever' 'l\iev iv iroXei aKpr) deivr), rerpr\xv~ia, irapa Ylpidfxoio dvprjaiv. 9 11. vi. 370 : "E /creep 'aiipa 8' eireiO' 'Uave ooixovs evvaierdovras. 10 11. vi. 313-317 : "EKrwp Se irphs Suifxar 'AXe^dvb'poio fiefirjicei KaXa, rd p' avrbs erev£e o~vv dvdpdcriv, o'i r6r* frpicrroi r)aav ivl Tpo'nj ipifiwXaKi reKroves dvdpes • o'i ol iiroirjaav QdXafiov Kal 5a>fj.a Kal avXrjv iyyvQi re Ylpidfxoio Kal "EKropos iv iroXei 'aKprj. 1 //. vi. 88 : vi)bv 'A67]valr]s yXavKooiriZos iv iroXei aKprj. 2 //. vi. 302, 303 : T) 8' dpa ireirXov eXovcra Qeavw KaXXiirdprjos, OrjKev 'Adiqva'nqs iirl yovvaaiv t)vk6/xoio. 3 //. v. 445, 446 : Alvelav 8' airdrepOev 6/ul'iXov 6r)K€v 'AiroXXwv Uepyd/uLw etv leprj, odt ol vrjos y irirvicro. 4 It. vii. 20, 21 : rrj 8' avrios tipwr'' ' AiroXXwv, Tlepydjxov e« KartSwv, Tpuetroi 8e fiovXero vikt]v. 5 11. xxii. 169-172: ijubv 8' dXocpvperai r)rop "EKropos, os jioi iroXXa (iowv iirl jxripi eKijev "IStjs eV Kopv Aao/nedovTi iroXiaaafxev aQXriaavTes. 8 //. xxi. 441-449 : ouSe vv Tooirirep fiefivriai, oaa 877 ivdQojxev KaKct "lXiov d/xcpls /xovvoi vm deu>v, ot' ayrjvopi Aao/j.t8ovTi Trap Aib? iXOovTes drjTevo-afiev els iviavrbv fxiaOcf eiri prjTqi • o Se arnxalvoov irrtTeXXtv. i\ toi iyoo Tpdoeaai iroXiv ir4pi Ttlxos eSeifia, evpv Te Kal fxaXa KaXov, %v dpprjKTOs ttoXis etr; 4>o?/3e, €l0 " 0K6 Aaoi ikQwai Trporl 'aarv trzcpv^oTes. 10 II. xxi. 549 : pc'et, tifupl 8e Kairvos ylyverai e| avTrjs, w$ el irvpbs alOoixtvoio • % 8' erepi) Qepe'i irpopeei elKvla xa\d£r], r) x i0>VL ^ v XPVi ^ € '£ wSotos KpvffTaWw- evda 8' eV avrdwv irXvvol eiipees iyyvs eaffiv KaXo\ Xa'iveoi, bOi e'lfxara ariyaXoevra irXvveoKov Tpwcav &\oxoi, KaXal re dvyarpes to irp\v eV elprjvris, irpiv iX0e7v vias 'Axatwi/. 6 Od. xiv. 472-475 : aAA' ore Si) p 'iKOfj-eada irorl tttSXiv alirv re ru X os, rifxels /mev irepl &o~tv Kara pcoiry]'ia irvKvd av SovaKas /cat eXos, virb Tevx*o~i ireirTrjares KelfxeQa. 7 11. x. 466, 467 : SeeXov 8' iirl (r^aT edi)Kev, crviijxdpi^as fiovaicas /J.vpiK7]s r* ipiOyXtas u(ovs. 8 It. x. 274-277 : Tolai Se Se^ibv rjKev ipwdibv iyyvs dSo?o TlaXXas 'kQi]vai-q ' ro\ 8' ovk "ibov bfyBaX^atv vvKra 8i 6p ifi v\pi]Xfj irarpbs Albs alyi6xoio. 10 11. v. 693: etaav vir alyi6xoLO Aibs irepucaXXti P 0S ' e£ "ttttcov 8' airofidvTes eirl x®<> va l x ^ ov &kovov. 9 //. xx. 1-3 : wj ot /xev Trapa vrjval Kopcovlai 6copr)(raovTO a/xes 8' avd y trtpcodev eVt dpcoaixoo iredioio. 10 H. ii. 811-815: e Aiavffrao yipovnos, b*4yix*vos 6tttt6t€ vavcpiv dcpop/Arjd&v 'A%atot. 3 //. xiii. 427-429 : AlauT]Tao fiiorpe' 'AAnddoov — yaufSpbs 8' %v 'Ayx'tcao, itpto-fivrdrnw 8' &wvie Qvyarpwv 'iTrirodd/xeiav. 4 //. xi. 369-372 : avrdp 'AA(£avdpos, 'EAevris ir6o~is t}'vk6ixoio, TuSe'iSr? e7rt r6£a riraivero, troifiivi Aawv, o~T-f]\r) kzkAi}x4vos dvdpoK/J.'ffrq} iirl rv/xficfi "lAov Aapb'avio'ao, iraAaiov S-q/xoyepovros. 5 //. viii. 489, 490 : Tpucov avr' ayoprju icoir\c>a.ro ec/ce yeyoouefiev ap-cporepwae, i)p.ev eV AXavros KXiaias TeAa/iawaSao, i)b" iir' 'AxiXXrjos, roi p ca^ara v qas e'iaas elpvaav, i)vop4r) iriavvoi Kal KapTt'i x €l pw- 6 II. ii. 558 : 6?oi Kal aai airb acpeiwi/ Xoyl efaeAov "E/CTopa 8iof ol fxtv ' AQ-qvaiwv irpoXeXeypevoi. § 111.] CAMP OF THE GREEKS. 149 left of whom stood the Phoceans. 9 Thus the Athenians were succeeded by the Phoceans, and further on to the right followed the Boeotians ; the last in this line to the right being the Myrmidons under Achilles. It is difficult to determine the order of the ships in the second rank, the indications contained in the Iliad, being too slight Lenz 10 supposed that in this line were the Locrians under Ajax, the son of Oileus, the Dulichians, Epeians, and so forth; for, according to the passage already quoted, 1 they were near the foremost row, whilst, accord- ing to another passage, 2 they were near the rear line. Agamemnon, Ulysses, and Diomedes are stated to have drawn their ships on shore far from the battle : 3 they must therefore have been in the last line, which, as Lenz supposes, they filled up by themselves. In the middle of this line was the little fleet of Ulysses. 4 Before this last was the Agora, which served as the place for the public assemblies, the council, the military tribunal, and the sacrifices : 5 here were the altars of the gods, 6 especially that of Zeus Panomphaeos, on which, when in great distress, Aga- memnon sacrifices a fawn. 7 This Agora must have extended into the second line of ships, for the whole Greek army is frequently called hither to an assembly. As the people sat in the Agora, there must have been seats of stones or turf. 8 Nestor's ships and tents must have been in the hindmost line, as it is expressly stated that his tent was on the shore. 9 It appears very probable that Menelaus was encamped close to his brother, Agamemnon. According to thcBoeotia (or Catalogue of Ships), Menelaus came with the sixty ships of the Lacedaemonians, who arrayed themselves separately {airdjep6e) ; that is to say, they were not mixed up with Agamemnon's troops, but formed a band by themselves. Between the ships were many lanes and roads, 10 of which, as Lenz suggests, the chief ones may probably have extended between the three lines of ships, while a great number of lanes run crosswise between the ships. There were, writes Lenz, 1 no tents such as are now in use ; but all the troops had huts, 2 which were probably of wood and earth with a thatch 9 II. ii. 525, 526 : o'l fikv K7jcdi> arixas 'tararou dfupitirovTes, BotardV 5' efj.ir\r)v eV apiarcpd Qwp-qcrcrovTO. 10 C. G. Lenz, Die Ebene von Troia; Neu Strelitz, 1798, p. 193. » //. xiii. 685-689. 2 II. x. 110-113: 778' (iyeipo/uev) Atavra raxvv Kal «i>uAe'os dkKiixov vi6v. aAA 5 ei tis Kal rovsde fieroixoficvos KaXccreiev, avrldeou t Puavra Kal 'iSo/nevria dvaKra • twu yap vqes tacriv kKaffTarw, oi»8e yuaA' iyyvs. 3 U. xiv. 29-31 : Ti»8e't'57js 'OSvcrevs re Kal 'Arp^lS-qs 5 Aya[x4jxv(tiv. iroKXbv ydp p dirdvsvde fidxys eipvaro vrjes 6?u ei(poTepa>a£ avZpcov 'Ayafx4p.vwv oicriru) es jx4cro-qv ayoprjv, 'Iva irdvres 'Axcuoi d4>9aAfAo7o~iv iSaxrt, crv 8e acpiKovTO, .... rol 8' (NtcrTwp Kal Maxdwv) ISpu airefyv- XOVTO X iT &Vv aXXwv 'Ax'Aei/s 8' ap' iizipp'qo'o'eo'Ke Kal olos. 4 77. xvi. 231, 232 : c^X^t' eiveira aras /xeacv epKe'i, Ae7/3e 8e olvov ovpavbv elo~avi8u>v • Ala 8' ov XaOe repwiKepavvov. 5 II. xxiv. 471, 472: yepwv 8' Idhs Kiev oIkov, ttj p' 'AxtAei/s 'i(e ol dwprjKa rbv 'AarepoiraTov dirrivpcov, XaXKeov, & ixepi X^A"* (paeivov Kaaairepoio. 3 11. xiii. 261 : . . . . iv kXktItj irpbs ivwiria ira/xcpavouvra. 4 77. ix. 663-669 : avrap 'AxiXXevs euBe juux<£ KXiairjs evirriKTOV T(f 8' dpa irapKareXeKro yvvr}, rr)v AeafiSdev fyev, 4>6p(iavros 6vydrt]p Aio/x^hr] KaXXnrdprjos. UdrpoKXos 8' erepwOev iXe^aro • nap 8' dpa Kal ra> 'I(pis ivfavos, rr}v ol ir6pe 87os 'Ax'AAeus ~2,Kvpov eXwv alire?av, 'Evvr^os nrroXleOpov. ot 8' ore 8/7 KXio-lrj(Ttv iv 'Arpe'idao yevovro, . . . II. xxiv. 675, 676 : avrap 'Ax^XXebs elSe fJ.vx kXict'ltis evirfiKTOu • t<£ 8e Bpiarjts TrapeXe^aro KaXXnrdpyos. 5 //. xxiv. 450, 451 : . . . . arap KadvirepOev epe\j/av Xaxvyevr' upoTo?ai 8' eireira /xeyav Kal djxvfxova rvjxfiov X*vay.ev 'Apyeitcv lepbs.o~Tpa.Tbs alxwrdtoV) a.KTf- eirt irpovxovo-ri) iirl irXareZ '~EXXr]0"rr6vT. 9 11. xxiii. 327-333 : eo*T7j/ce \vXov avov, ocov r* opyvi, virep aXrjs, t) fipvbs 7) irevKi]s.- to fiev ov Karairvderai u/j.f}p(? f Xae 8e tov eKarepQev ipi]pe8arai Svo XevKw iv '^vvoxfio-Lv 68ov, Xe?os 8' 'iTiroSpofMos afx-pls' ij rev (rrj/na $poro7o iraXai Karare6vi]wros, r) to ye vvo~o~a rervKTo iirl irporepicv dvdpwirwv, Kal vvv repfiar' tdr)Ke iro5dpKr]s S?os 'AxtAAeus. 10 II. xxiii. 418-421 : alxpa 8' eireira o~Te?vos 65ov Ko'iXris ?8ev 'AvTtAoxos p.evexdpp.r]s. posxiJ-bs et]v yalr)s, fj x €l P-*P l °v dXev vSwp i£eppr)£ev 68010, fidOvve 8e x&pov airavra. 1 //. vii. 327-347, 435-441. 2 II. xii. 28, 29 : . ... e/c 8' dpa irdvTa QejxelXia Kvp.aa'i irefxirev (pirpwv Kal Xawv, to. Qeaav fioyeovres 'Ax^ioi. 3 II. xii. 35, 36 : ToVe 8' dpupl fxaxv ivovfi T6 SeS^et Te?xoy ev5fMT)Tov, Kavaxfe Sovpara irvpyiov. 4 11. vii. 338, 339: irvpyovs vip-qXovs, elXap vrjwv re Kal avrwv. iv 8' avrolai irvXas Troika o\xev ev apapvias ■ and 436-438 : dKpirov e/c 7re8i'ou, 7tot1 8' avrbv re7xds eSeifxav irvpyovs 0' v\pi]Xovs, elXap vi~u>v re Kal avrwv. iv 8' avrolai irvXas iveiroleov ev apapv'ias. 5 II. xii. 258-260 : Kpoacras piev irvpywv epvov, Kal epeiirov eiraX^eis, arr)Xas re irpo^Xriras ip.6xXeov, as dp' 'Axaioi irpwras iv yalr] Qecrav e/xfxevai ex^ctTa irvpywv. 6 //. ix. 67*, 87 ; xii. 64-66, 145 ; xviii. 215, 228 ; xx. 49. 7 27. xii. 63-66 : see also 54-57 ; vii. 911 ; is. 350. 8 II. xx..145-148 : reixos is d/Kp'ixvrov 'Hpo/cAf/os deioio, 61//77A0V, to pd ol Tpwes Kal TlaXXas 'AOrjvr] iroleov, 6(ppa rb Krjros vireKirpocpvyuiv aXeairo ? 6irir6re fxiv trevairo cW ^i'oVos TreSto^Se. 9 xx. 136, 137 : oAA' f»j.e?s fiev etreira KadetyneoQa KiSyres e/C 7TCtTOU is (TK01Tff}y. CHAPTER III. THE HISTOEY OF TEOY. As Mr. Gladstone 1 rightly remarks, the Dardanian name in the Iliad is the oldest of all those names, found in the Poems, which are linked by a distinct genealogy with the epoch of the Trojan war. As already stated, Dardanus was called the son of Zeus by Electra, daughter of Atlas, and was further said to have come from Samothrace, or from Arcadia, or from Italy; 2 but Homer mentions nothing of this. Dardanus founded Dardania in a lofty position on the slope of Mount Ida ; for he was not yet powerful enough to form a settlement in the plain. He married Bateia; an Idaean nymph, 3 daughter of Teucer, son of the river Scamander, and begat Ilus and Erichthonius, who became the richest of all mortal men. He had in his pastures three thousand mares, the offspring of some of whom, by Boreas, produced twelve colts of super- natural swiftness. 4 Having married Astyoche, daughter of the river Simois, he had by her a son called Tros. 5 This latter, who became the .eponym of the Trojans, had by his wife Calirrhoe, daughter of the Scamander, three sons, called Ilus, Assaracus, and Ganymedes, and a daughter, called Cleopatra. 6 Ganymedes having become the most beautiful of mankind was carried away by the gods, and made the cup- 1 Homeric Synchronism, p. 122. 2 Hellanicus, Fragm. 129, ed. Didot ; Dionys. Hal. i. 50-61; Apollodor. iii. 12. 1; Schol. Iliad., xviii. 486 ; Varro, ap. Servium ad Virgil. Aeneid. iii. 167 ; Cephalon. Gergithius ap. Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Aplo-fir}. 3 //. xx. 215-218: AapZavov av irpwrou reKero vecpeXrjyepera Zeus kt to" o~€ Se Aaphavit]v eVei oviru) "iXtos tpri iv ire8// acpveiSraros yivtro dvrjruv avdpu>Truv rov rpiffx'iXiai "tttoi eAos Kara fiovKoXeovro BrjXciat, TrwXoicriv dyaXXojxevai araXfjariv. raw Kal Bopeys ^pdo-caro fiocrKOfia/doov • 'linrcp 5' elaafxevos irapeXe^aro Kvavoxnirrj, a'i 8' viroKvaaafxevai ereKou SvoKalSeKa tt&Xovs. o? 8' ore /xev GKiprtpev iirl {eiSccpov apovpav ' aKpou eV avOep'iKwv Kapirbv 6eov, oi»5e KareKXwv, aAA' ore 8r) ffKiprqev eV evpea vwra OaXaaarjs,' aKpov iwl pt)ytuva aXbs ttoXloio OeeaKOV. 5 Apollodorus, iii. 12. 2 : Tevofxevwv 8e avrcp (Aapo'dve*}) iralSccv ''lXov Kal 'EpLxOoulov "iXos fiev oiv dirais aireQavev • ^Epix^^ios Se 8ta8e|a- fievos r\]V f$ao~iXeiav, yrjfJLas 'Ao-rvoxW T V ^i/mSevros, reKvoi Tpooa. II. xx. 230 : Tpwa 8' 'EptxGouios reKero Tpweaaiv dvaara. 6 Apollodorus, iii. 12. 2 : ovros (Tpws) irapa- XaQcw rr]v ^aaiXelav, rrju fxkv x&P av ^o- VT0 ^ Tpoiav e'/caAeo-e. Kat yt]fJ.as KaXippSrju rrjv 'ZKajj.dv'Bpov, ytvva dvyarepa fcej/ KXeoirarpav, iralSas Se "iAo^ Kal 'AaodpaKov Kal Tavvfx^riv. II xx. 231, 232 : Tpwbs 8' av rpeis 7ro75es dfxvfxoues Qeytvovro, v ix6s t' 'A-<(W Te'/ce iratSa • \ aviap efx ' Ay x<-o"t]s, Tlpia/xos 8' erex' "EKTopa B7ov. 10 Apollodorus, iii. 2, 3 : "IAos 8e els $pvyiav acpiKOfievos, Kal KaraXafHwv virb tov fiaatKeus avrodi redeifxevov ayuva, vikS. irdkiv • Kal \af3wv adAov trevT-fiKovTa Kovpovs Kal Kopas ras ftras, Sovtos aincf tov f3acrt\ea)s Kara xpV^f^ov Kal f3ovv iroiKihrjv, Kal (ppdffavros, ev aiirep av avrr] KAidjj tottcc, ttoXiv KTi(eiv, e'inero ry fiot 'H 8e a(pLKO[xevt) eirl rbv Xeyofievov rrjs Qpvylas "Attjs Ao(pov, KXiverai • evda iroKiv KTiffas "ihos, ravTqv fiev 'iKiov eKa\eo~e. To5 8e Alt' ffrjfie7ov eu|a- fievos avT<5 ri he e/xavTevcraTO. expT)&e $e avry 6 Upiriira^os 'AttoXXcov (xt] KTi(eiv rbv Xocpov tovtov, &tt]s yap avTbv ecprj. 81b Kal Aaphavos KtoXvdels avTbv ovk eKTiaev, aXXa. tt)V virb tt]V *\§7]v AapSavlav, irpo- Tepov ^ica/xavSpov Xocpov KaXov/xtvrjv, fiaaiXevovros t6t€ twu Tpto'iKwv jxep^v TevKpov tov UKa/xavSpov Kal 'ISai'as uv/x(pr]s. OJ "^Ka/xdvSpov t)]v QvyaTepa BaTeiav Xafixv 6 AapBavos, %V Kal 6 AvK6cpptov 'Apiacrt 8e els ''iXiov KaTev7]v4x^ ai pi avr&v hoyos, ws amouri 4 k AeA^wj/ KdS/xca rnv eVl $a)K€W}/ fiovs yhoiro riyefxibv rris Trope/as, r\\v Se fiovv ravr-qv irapa ftovKoXwv chat r&v UeXayovros 6t>vr)rr)V • iirl 5e e/carepa rrjs fiobs irXsvpa ar)fjL€?ov eVetVat Aeu/coV, ei/caoyieVoi/ kvkAo) rrjs cr^X-{]v7]s, 6tt6t€ e«7 irKi]pT]s ' eSet 8e apa Ka8uov Kal rbv (xvv avrcp arparhu ivravOa oiKT}o~ai Kara rod 0eoC rr t v (xavreiav, tvOa r) fiovs e^ueAAe Ka/xova'a OKXacreiv ■ a.irocpaivovo'iv ovv Kal rovro rb x w P l0v ' 5 Brand is, Munzwesen inVorderasicn, p. 354. 6 Mionnet, Nos. 168, 308, 410 ; see also Sestini, Descr. d. Stateri Ant. p. 54. 7 Cyzicus und sein Gebiet, p. 134. 8 See E. Gerhard, Prodromus, p. 167. 9 Miiller, Wieseler, and Oesterley, D. A. K. ii. 21, 222; Sestini, Descr. Num. vii. 3, p. 396; Pellerin, E. ct V. ii. 31. 3. 10 II. vi. 93, 94 : Kai ot viroax^o-Qai ovoKaiSeKa fiovs eVi vrjcp ijvis ijKdaras, iepevae/Jitv, ei" k' iXerjar). 156 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Chap. III. To this the medieval legends of the saints offer hundreds of parallels, which German science has only lately understood in the sense in which, as I have shown, it must be understood in the legend of the hill of Ate." Thus, according to the tradition, sacred Ilios was built by Ilus, who married Eurydice, daughter of Adrastus. His son Laomedon married, as some said, Strymo, daughter of the Scamander, according to others Plakia, daughter of Atreus or of Leucippos ; his sons were Tithonus, Lampon, Clytius, Hicetaon, Podarces ; his daughters, Hesione, Cilia, and Astyoche. 1 As already stated, it was under Laomedon that the walls of Troy were built by Poseidon alone, 2 or by him and Apollo, 3 and also that the city was attacked and captured by Herakles, who killed the king and all his sons except Podarces. Herakles having allowed Hesione to choose from among them whomsoever she wished, she chose Podarces ; but Herakles demanded that he should first be sold as a slave, allowing her to buy him afterwards with whatever she pleased. He was there- fore sold, and Hesione bought him back with her veil, in consequence of which he was called Priam (Ylplafios, from irpiaaQai^ " to purchase." particip. Trpia\xevoi)? Grote 5 says : " As Dardanus, Tros, and Ilos are respectively epo- nyms of Dardania, Troy, and Ilium, so Priam is eponym of the Acropolis Pergamum. Ilp/a/io? is in the Aeolic dialect Heppafjuos (Hesychius) : upon which Ahrens remarks, ' caeterum ex hac Aeolica nominis forma apparet, Priamum non minus arcis Uepyd/jiwv eponymum esse, quam Hum urbis, Troem populi ; Hepja/xa enim a Heplafia natum est, i in 7 mutato.' " 6 I may here remind the reader that there were several cities of a similar name; first the celebrated Pergamon in the Mysian province of Teuthrania, and then Pergamus in Crete, considered by Cramer 7 to be identical with the present Perama on the north side of the island. According to Virgil, 8 this latter city was founded by Aeneas. Priam married the Phrygian princess Hecabe (Lat. Hecuba), daughter of Cisseus, who is a very distinguished character in the Iliad. By 1 Apollodorus, iii. 2, 3 : ^IAos 5e yi\fias Evpv- 5lkt}u tt]v 'ASpdaTov, Aao/xeSovra eyevvrjaev • bs yauel "Zrpvjxw rrju ~2.Kau.dvo*pov ■ Kara. 5e rivas, TlXaKiav tyju 'Arpecas, /car' iv'iovs 8e, AevKimrov • Kal re/c^o? iraiSas p.(vTida}v6y, Ad/xTrwva, KXvrtov, 'iKerdoua, Tlo^dpKrjv • duyarepas Se, 'Ho~i6ur]j/ 7 Kal KiWav Kal , A(Ttv6xV' / ' ' l II. xxi. 442-449 : (Ue'^rjat, oca Stj TrdOofxev KaKa. ^Wiov a/xcpis Ijlovvoi vS>i 9ea>v, oV ayftvopi Aao/j-fSovTi irdp Albs eAOovres 07)Teu Kal $o?fios 'AiroKXwv Tflpy AaojxeSouTi iro\l(ro'a l u€V aOXyjaavres. 4 Apollodorus, ii. 6. 4: Kal toDtt? ('Ho-ioVr?) (Tvyxcapt? tu>v alxp-o-Xwrcav, bv ^fleAev ayecrOaL. Trjs Se alpovfxivqs rov aZe\(pbu TloSdpKr)u, ecpr) 8e«/ Trpwrov avrbv hovKov yeueaOai, Kal tot?, ti Tore Sovaav avr' avrov, Xafielv avrov. 'H Se, TwrpavKOfiei/ov, rr\v KaXvirrpav acpeAo/xevri rrjs K*x V oKiyav- Opcoiria togovtov, oaov 77 axpiMaTia ■ t9]s yap Tpo fjyayov, Kai oaov ^Xiri^ov avrSdev iroXefiovvTa fHioTevaeiv, eVetSr) Te aoi /xdxv iKpdrrjaav (byKov 8e • to yap epvfia tg3 aTpaTOiredcp ovk av eretxi- cravTo), (paivovrai 8' oi»8' evTavQa irdar} tj/ 5uco- fiei xpyvo-uti/ot, aXXa irpbs yewpylav ttjs Xep- o-ovrjo-ov rpairS/nevoi Kai KrjCTTeiav ttjs rpotprjs airopia. ■ fj Ka\ fiaWov ol Tpwes avTccv oieairap- fxevuiv to 8e'/ca eT7) avreix ov T0 ' s viro " \enrop.evois avT iiraKoi ovres ' irepiovaiav de ei ?l\6ov exovTes Tpocprjs, Kai vvres adpooi dvev Kricne'ias Ka\ yeupy'ias |ufex<£s rbu ir6hep.ov die77/i7js Kai rov vvv irepl avroov 8ta tovs ironjTas \6yov KaTeo~xV K ^ TOS - Chap. III.] THE TROJAN WAR. 159 Apollo was the originating cause, from eagerness to avenge the injury which his priest Chryses had suffered from Agamemnon. Under the influence of his anger, Achilles refuses to put on his armour, and keeps his Myrmidons in the camp. The other Greek chiefs vainly strove to make amends for this 'hero's absence. The humiliation which they underwent was severe ; they were many times defeated by Hector and the Trojans, and driven to their ships. At last the fearful distress of the Greeks aroused the anxious and sympathising Patroclus, who extorted a reluctant consent from Achilles to allow him and the Myrmidons to avert the last extremity of ruin. Patroclus was killed by Hector, when Achilles, forgetting his anger, drove the Trojans with great slaughter within their walls, and killed Hector, with whose funeral the Iliad ends. Then — to follow the story from the allusions in Homer, and from later epic poets and mythologists — there came from Thrace to the relief of the Trojans the beautiful warlike queen of the Amazons, Penthesileia, with a band of her countrywomen ; but she too was slain by the invincible arm of Achilles. The dismayed Trojans were again animated with hope by the arrival of Memnon, 2 son of Tithonus and Eos, the most stately of living men, with a troop of Aethiopians, who at first made great havoc among the Greeks, and killed even the hero Antilochus, son of Nestor ; but at last Memnon himself was slain by Achilles in single combat. After proving, by a series of most ingenious arguments, that in all probability Memnon was the leader of the Keteioi or Hittites, Mr. Gladstone 3 adds: "Now, if Memnon were leader of the Keteioi, it may be observed, in the first place, that this country lay far eastward in the same parallel of latitude as Southern Greece ; and he might therefore, with ample consistency, be called by the poet, son of the Morning. And most certainly the Homeric statement, that Memnon was the famous son of the Morning, would be in thorough accordance both with the poet's geographical idea of the East and sunrise, which the Odyssey by no means carries far towards the south, and with the fame to which the Khita (Keteioi), as the resolute and somewhat successful opponents of the vast Egyptian power, may well have attained." Memnon's tomb was shown on a hill near the mouth of the Aesepus in the Propontis. 4 Soon after Memnon's death, Achilles himself was slain near the Scaean Gate by an arrow from the quiver of Paris. 5 According to Dictys Cretensis (iii. 29), the murder took place in the temple of Apollo at Thymbra, whither Achilles had gone to marry Polyxena. 6 2 Odyss. xi. 522 : Kelvov 5/7 KaWiaTov XSov fiera Me/uLvoua 57ou. See also Od. iv. 187; Pindar, Pyth, vi. 81. Aeschylus (ap. Strab. xv. p. 728) conceives Memnon as a Persian, who had come from Susa. According to Ctesias, the expedition under Memnon was sent by the king of Assyria to the relief of his vassal, Priam of Troy. Ctesias pre- tended to have got this information from the royal archives. According to Diodorus (ii. 22 and iv. 77), the Egyptians asserted that Memnon had come from Egypt. 3 Homeric Synchronism, p. 178. 4 Strabo, xiii. p. 587 : vnep 8e tt)s €K/3oAf/s rov Alaiiirov ax^ov ri . ■ . (rraZiovs KoKwvbs earrtv, icff § rds s o jxkv iffTTjKei, to\ 8 5 axpna iroXX' ayopevoy, H][x.evoi a/uLCp' avrov Tpi^a Se acpiaiv v/vSaj/e fiovXr], ffe fiiairXrj^ai koiXov 56pv vnXei ^aA/ccS, -/} Kara TttTpawv fiaXzeiv ipvaavras eV dupr^s, i]h iav /xey 3 dyaXfxa dewy 6eXKT7]pioy eivai, T7] irep 8// Kal eireira reXevTrjaeaOai efxeXXey • aiaa yap r\v divoXeaQai, iirr\v ttoXis a/AcpiKaXvipy Sovpareou fxeyav 'iirnov, 6'0' e'iaro irdvres dpiaroi 'Apyelooy Tpcbearri (povov Kal K?]pa (pepoyres. ijeidey 8' ais aarv SieirpaOoy vies 'Axcttw^ iwRodev iKX^'^voi, ko?Xov Xox°v iKirpoXiTrovres. dXXov 8' aAAr? deide iroXiv Kepai^ifxev a'nrf,v, avTap 'Odvaarja irporl Sd/nara Ari'icpofioio fi-f]fj.€vai, 7]vt' 'Apr]a, vos irapdnoiTis, AlyoiTTLTj, rfi 7rAerTa veecrQat ecrxov, iirel ou acpiv epe|a rtK'f]icraas kicaT6;x^as. "In these places Homer shows himself ac- quainted with the voyage of Alexander to Egypt, for Syria borders on Egypt, and the Phoenicians, to whom Sidon belongs, dwell in Syria. From these various passages, and from that about Sidon especially, it is clear that Homer did not write the Cypria: for there it is said that Alexander arrived at Ilium with Helen on the third day after he left Sparta, the wind having been favourable, and the sea smooth ; whereas in the Iliad, the poet makes him wander before he brings her home. Enough, however, for the present of Homer and the Cypria. I made enquiry of the priests, whether the story which the Greeks tell about Ilium is a fable, or no. In reply they related the following par- ticulars, of which they declared that Menelaus had himself informed them. After the rape of Helen, a vast army of Greeks, wishing to render help to Menelaus, set sail for the Teucrian ter- ritory ; on their arrival they disembarked, and formed their camp, after which they sent am- bassadors to Ilium, of whom Menelaus was one. The embassy was received within the walls, and demanded the restoration of Helen, with the treasures which Alexander had carried off, and likewise required satisfaction for the wrong done. The Teucrians gave at once the answer, in which they persisted ever afterwards, backing their assertions sometimes even with oaths, to wit, that neither Helen nor the treasures claimed were in their possession ; both the one and the other had remained, they said, in Egypt ; and it was not just to come upon them for what Proteus, king of Egypt, was detaining. The Greeks, imagining that the Teucrians were merely laughing at them, laid siege to the town, and never rested until they finally took it. As, however, no Helen was found, and they were still told the same story, they at length believed in its truth, and despatched Menelaus to the court of Proteus. So Menelaus travelled to Egypt, and on his arrival sailed up the river as far as Memphis, and related all that had happened. He met with the utmost hospitality, received Helen back unharmed, and recovered all his treasures. After this friendly treatment, Menelaus, they said, behaved most unjustly towards the Egyptians ; for as it happened that at the time when he wanted to take his depar- ture he was detained by the wind being contrary, and as he found this obstruction continue, he had recourse to a most wicked expedient. He seized, they said, two children of the people of the country, and offered them up in sacrifice. When this became known, the indignation of the people was stirred, and they went in pursuit of I\lene- laus, who, however, escaped with his ships to Libya, alter which the Egyptians could not say whither he went. The rest they knew full well, partly by the enquiries which they had made, and partly from the circumstances having taken place in their own land, and therefore not ad- mitting of doubt. Such is the account given by the Egyptian priests, and I am myself inclined to regard as true all they say of Helen from the following considerations : — If Helen had been at Troy, the inhabitants would, I think, have given her up to the Greeks, whether Alexander con- sented to it or no. For surely neither Priam nor his family could have been so infatuated as to endanger their own persons, their children, and their city, merely that Alexander might possess Helen. At any rate, if they determined to refuse at first, yet afterwards, when so many of the Trojans fell in every encounter with the Greeks, and Priam, too, in each battle lost a son, or sometimes two or three, or even more, if we may credit the epic poets, I do not believe that even if Priam himself had been married to her he would have declined to deliver her up, with the view of bringing the series of calamities to a close. Nor was it as if Alexander had been heir to the crown, in which case he might have had the chief management of affairs, since Priam was already old. Hector, who was his elder brother, and a far braver man, stood before him, and was the heir to the kingdom on the death of their father Priam. And it could not be Hector's interest to uphold his brother in his wrong, when it brought snch dire calamities upon himself and the other Trojans. But the fact was that they had no Helen to deliver, and so they told the Greeks, but the Greeks would not believe what they said ; Divine Providence, as I think, so will- ing, that, by their utter destruction, it might be made evident to all men that when great wrongs are done the gods will surely visit them with great punishments. Such, at least, is my view of the matter. When Proteus died, Rhamp- sinitus, the priests informed me, succeeded to the throne." Rawlinson (p. 190) thinks this is evidently the name of a king Ramses of the 19th dynasty, and probably of Ramses III. This supposition is confirmed by Brugsch (Hist, of Egypt), who shows that Ramses III. was called Ramessu pa Nuter, i.e. "Ramses the god " — a name at once convertible into Rhamp- sinitus, and also that the robbing of the trea- sury is quite consistent with events in this king's reign related in an Egyptian papyrus. 5 Aeschyl. Agamemnon, 527, 528 : Boj/j-ol 5' aia-Toi Kal Beau i^pv^ara, Kal airepiJLa Trdarjs i^anoWvraL x^°vos. 104 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Chap. III. tion the suggestion of some Trojans to slay Ulysses and Menelaus, when, previous to the war, they had come as ambassadors to Troy and were his guests, and having moreover publicly defended them— was always regarded favourably by the Greeks ; and he as well as Aeneas were allowed to escape with their families. But there is a version, according to which they had betrayed the city to the Greeks, and a panther's skin hung out of Antenor's door was the signal to the besiegers to spare the house. Hector's son, Astyanax, was cast from the top of the wall and killed. Priam's daughter, Polyxena, was immolated by Neoptolemus on the tomb of Achilles. According to the tradition, Achilles had fallen in love with her ; the Trojans had promised to give her to him on the condition that he should make peace, but, when he came to negociate it, he was treacherously wounded by Paris. When dying, therefore, he had demanded that, after the capture of Troy, Polyxena should be sacrificed on his sepulchre, which was done by his son. 7 According to another version, Polyxena had fled to the Greek camp after the death of Achilles, and had immolated herself with a sword on the tomb of her lover. 8 Her sister, Cassandra, had sought refuge in the temple and at the altar of the Ilian Athene, whose statue she embraced. Here Ajax, son of Oileus, made an attempt to violate her, and he seized her so that the idol fell. This sacrilegious deed caused universal indignation among the Greeks, who could hardly be restrained from stoning Ajax to death ; he only saved himself by escaping to the altar of the goddess. 9 But he had drawn both on himself and his country the grievous wrath of Athene. Whilst he himself miserably perished on his homeward voyage, a terrible pestilence broke out in Locris. The oracle of Apollo having been consulted, the god said that the wrath of Athene could only be appeased if the Locrians sent annually two noble virgins to Ilium, to do menial service in the temple of the goddess. This the Locrians scrupulously performed until shortly before the time of Plutarch. 10 Neoptolemus received as his prize both Andromache and Helenus. After his death, Helenus became king of Chaonia, and married Andromache, whom the Molossian kings considered as their heroic mother. 1 Antenor went 'by sea with a body of Eneti or Veneti from Paphlagonia, who were allies of Troy, into the inner part of the Adriatic Gulf, where he vanquished the neighbouring barbarians, and founded Patavium, the present Padua. The Veneti (founders of Venice) were said to owe their origin to this immigration. 2 As to the fate of Aeneas, the traditions were manifold. We hear of G Grote (History of Greece, i. p. 281) remarks that this symbol of treachery also figured in the picture of Polygnotus, but that a different story appears in Schol. ad Iliad, iii. 206. 7 Serv. ad Virg. Aen. iii. 322. 8 Philostr. Her. xix. 11 : see also Yit. Apollon. iv. 16 ; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 323. !) Arctinus, 'IAtov Ufptrts in the Excerpta of Proclos ; see Welcker, Ep. Cycl. ii. pp. 185 and 522. See also the representation on the chest of Cypselus, in Pausmias, v. 19. 1 ; Euripides, Troad, 69. 10 Timaeus Siculus, ap. Tzetz. Lycophr. 1145; Callimachus, ap. Schol. ad It. xiii. 66 ; Welcker, Griech. Fray. i. p. 164; Plutarch, Ser. Numin. Vindict. p. 557, with the citation from Euphorion or Callimachus; Diintzer, Epicc. Yett. p. 118. 1 Virg. Aen. iii. 294-490; Pausanias, i. 11. 1, ii. 23.6 ; Lesches, Fraym. 7 (ed. Diintzer). ap Schol. Lycophr. 1263 ; see also Schol. ad 1232. 2 Strabo, v. 212; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 75 ; Liv. i. 1, xxxix. 22 ; Servius, ad Aeneid. i. 24-2. Chap. III.] DYNASTY OF AENEAS. 165 him, as Grote 3 observes, " at Aenus in Thrace, in Pallene, at Aeneia in the Thermaic Gulf, in Delos, at Orchomenus and Mantineia in Arcadia ; in the islands of Cythera and Zacynthus ; in Leucas and Ambracia, at Buthrotum in Epirus, on the Sulentine peninsula and various other places in the southern region of Italy ; at Drepana and Segesta in Sicily, at Carthage, at Cape Palinurus, Cumae, Misenum, Caieta, and finally in Latium, where he lays the first humble foundation of the mighty Kome and her empire. 4 But Aeneas was, like Hector, worshipped as a god 5 in Novum Ilium ; and we have the remarkable statement of the Lesbian Menecrates, that Aeneas, ' having been wronged by Paris, and stripped of the sacred privileges which belonged to him, avenged himself by betraying the city, and then became one of the Greeks.' 6 One tale among many respecting Aeneas, and that too the most ancient of all, thus preserved among the natives of the Troad, who worshipped Aeneas as their heroic ancestor, was that, after the capture of Troy, he continued in the country as king of the remaining Trojans, on friendly terms with the Greeks." This tale appears to be fully confirmed by Homer, who informs us, in the first place, that Aeneas always bore a grudge against Priam, because he did not appreciate him, though he was one of the most valiant of his men ; 7 in the second place, that Aeneas and his descendants should reign over the Trojans. He gives us this latter information in the prophetic words which he puts into the mouth of Poseidon, a god who is always favourable to the Greeks, and even fights for them, but who here saves the Trojan or rather Dardanian Aeneas from certain death ; nay, even the implacable Trojan-hating goddess Here assents to the proceeding : " Well, let us snatch him (Aeneas) from death, lest Jove be wroth if Achilles slays him. It is destined to him to escape, that the race of Dardanus should not perish without descendants and be forgotten, — of Dardanus whom the son of Kronos loved most of all the children whom he begat by mortal women. For the race of Priam has now become odious to the son of Kronos ; now, therefore, shall the power of Aeneas rule over the Trojans, and his sons' sons, who shall hereafter be born." 8 3 History of Greece, i. p. 292. 4 Dionys. Halic. Ant. Horn. i. 48-54 ; Heyne, Excurs. 1 ad Aeneid. iii. Be Aeneae Erroribus, and Excurs. 1 ad Aeneid. v.; Conon, Narr. 46; Livy, ' xi. 4 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. Atveia. The inhabitants of Aeneia on the Thermaic Gulf worshipped him with great solemnity as their heroic founder (Pausan. iii. 22. 4 ; viii. 12. 4). The tomb of Anchises whs shown on the confines of the Arca- dian Orchomenus and Mantineia (compare Steph. Byz. s. v\ Kdtpvcu), under the mountain called Anchisia, near the temple of Aphrodite. On the discrepancies respecting the death of Anchises, see Heyne, Excurs. 17 ad Aen. iii. Segesta in Sicily claimed to be founded by Aeneas (Cicero, Verr. iv. 33). 5 Lycophron, 1208, and Schol. ; Athenagoras, Legat. 1 ; Inscription in Clarke's Travels, vol. ii. p. 8(3 : Oi 'I.\ie?s rbv irdrpiov 6ebi> Aiveiav. Lucian. Deorum Concil. c. 12, i. Ill, p. 534, ed. Hemst. 6 Menecrat. ap. Dionys. Hal. i. 48 : 'Axaiovs S' avi-n eTxe (after the burial of Paris) koL ihoneov ttjs aTpariris rrjv Ke, AtVeteco ivSovros. Al- p^i-ns yap driTos iwv vnb 'AAe£dV5pou Kal dirb yipiaov Upwv ££eipyo/j.v re Qwqrdtov. i]8T] yap Upid/jLov ysvsr\v -rjxQvp* Kpou'iuu • vvv Se 877 Alvelao fi'w] Tpweaaiv avd^si icul ira'ibwv 7rou5es, to'i ksv [xstottigQs yevtavTc.i. 9 //. xx. 339 : 011 ^vydp ris o' dWos 'Axazajy Qtvapi&i. 10 II. xx. 178-181 : Alvela, rl av roaaou dfx'iXov TruWhu tTreXBwv eo"T7js ; as ys flu/tos i[xo\ /.Laxsaaadai avdoyei iXitofxsuov Tpweaaiv avd^siv i^iroodjxotaiv Tifxris ttjs Upidfiov ; 1 Strabo, xiii. p. 608 : "Ojxypos fxsvroi avvr)- yopelV ovSsTfpois eoiKev, ovde ro?s irepi t&v Q-pxyyttuv ttjs 2/f7j^ea)S \ex0s7aLU • eficpaivei yap pLSjxzvqudTa rhv hlveiav iu rrj Tpota /cat Oiabthsyixsvov t))V apxhv ' f0 » TrapadsScoKOTa iraial ■naidwv T7)i> SiaSoxyv avT?is, ^(paviafxsvov rov tu>v U.pia/j.idu>u ysvovs. 2 Homeric Synchronism, p. 34. 3 History of Greece, i. p. 291. Chap. III.] ILIUM REBUILT. 107 or semi-Hellenic Aeneadae, known even in the time of the early singers of the Iliad as masters of some territory in or near the Troad, and professing to be descended from, as well as worshipping, Aeneas." The Scepsian critic Demetrius, a contemporary of Crates and Aristarclms (about 180 B.C.), 4 who wrote a Commentary in thirty books on the Homeric catalogue of the Trojans, 5 and whose arguments are in nearly every point adopted by Strabo, who did not visit the Troad himself — this Demetrius informs us that Scamandrius, the son of Hector, and Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, were founders of his native town, which had been originally situated above the city of Cebren, on one of the highest ranges of Ida, near Polichne, and was subsequently transferred by them 60 stadia lower down, to the site where it stood in his time : these two families are said by Demetrius to have reigned there for a long time. Demetrius believed that the ancient town (Palaescepsis) had been the royal residence of Aeneas, as it was situated midway between his dominion and Lyrnessus, whither he had fled when pursued by Achilles. 6 But, as has been said before, this conjecture of Demetrius is not admitted by Strabo, who believed that Aeneas and his descendants reigned in Troy. According to one passage in Strabo, 7 Novum Ilium and the Temple of Athene were built during the dominion of the Lydian kings, and therefore at some period later than 720 B.C. ; but, according to another passage in the same author, 8 it was only built under Croesus (560-546 B.C.). But we shall be able to show in the subsequent pages that this chronology is altogether erroneous, because the pottery found in my trenches at Hissarlik proves that the site has continued to be inhabited. Novum Ilium was situated on a low height in the plain ; that is to say, nearly in its centre, because the ridge whose western spur it occupies extends almost to the middle of the plain. This western spur is sur- rounded on three sides by the plain, into which it slopes gradually on the west and south sides, whereas to the north and north-east it falls off at an angle of 45°; it is, according to M. Burnouf's measurement, 49*43 metres = 162 ft. above the level of the sea. The distance from Novum Ilium in a straight line to the Hellespont is, according to Scylax, 9 25 stadia, but in reality it is rather more than 3 miles, and to Cape Sigeum 4 miles. It was inhabited by Aeolic Greeks, and remained a town of incon- siderable power, until after the time of Alexander the Great, and even until the period of the Eoman dominion, as we see from the fact that Khoeteum, Sigeum, and Achilleum, though situated at distances of between 3 and 4 miles from it, were all independent of Ilium. 10 But, nevertheless, it was raised into importance by the legendary reverence 4 Strabo, xiii. p. 609. 5 Strabo, xiii. p. 603. 6 Strabo, xiii. p. 607 ; Homer, Iliad, xx. 188- 191 ; Nicolaus ap. Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AovcaWa. 7 xiii. p. 601. 8 xiii. p. 593 ; according to the reading of ffaTa Kpolcrov, restored by Kramer (from two MSS.) for the koto; xpv^l^oy of the MSS. 9 § 95 : 'EvrevOev Se Tpa>as apx^rai, tcai iroAets 'EAA-qvides elalv iv avrfj cuSe- Aapdavos, "Pol- reiov, "\Kiov (ctare'xet Se curb ttjs daAarrrjs oTaSta Ke) Kal iv avrfj Trorafibs 'S.Ka.fxav^pos. 10 Herodotus, v. 94, 95. See his account of the war between the Athenians and Mitylenaeans- about Sigeum and Achilleum. 168 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Chap. III. attached to it, as being the only place which ever bore the sacred name immortalized by Homer. Athene had her temple in the Pergamus of Novum Ilium, and was worshipped as the tutelary deity of the city, just as she had been worshipped in the Pergamus of the Homeric Ilium. The Ilians maintained that at its capture by the Achaean troops their city had not been entirely destroyed, but that it had always remained inhabited, and had never ceased to exist. 1 The proofs produced by the Ilians for the identity of their city with the ancient one, were, as Grote 2 remarks, testimonies which few persons in those ages were inclined to question, when combined with the identity of name and general locality, nor does it seem that any one did question them, except Demetrius of Scepsis and Hestiaea of Alexandria-Troas, who from mere jealousy and envy contested the universally acknowledged identity, and of whom I shall presently have occasion to speak. Polemon was a native of Novum Ilium, and wrote a description (irepirjyrio-Ls) of the city. He flourished at the end of the third and beginning of the second centuries B.C., and was therefore earlier than Demetrius of Scepsis. He noticed in Novum Ilium the identical altar of Zeus Herkeios on which Priam had been slain, as well as the identical stone upon which Palamedes had taught the Greeks to play at dice. 3 Hellanicus, who was born on the day of the naval battle of Salamis (480 B.C.), and was therefore a contemporary of Herodotus, wrote a special work on Troy (called TpcoiKo), in which he testified to the identity of Novum Ilium with the Homeric Ilium, for which asser- tion Strabo (or rather Demetrius followed by Strabo) gratuitously attri- butes to him an undue partiality for the Ilians. 4 Herodotus says that Xerxes, in his expedition to Greece, ascended into the "Pergamon of Priam, because he had a longing to behold the place. Having seen everything and enquired into all particulars of the Homeric siege, he sacrificed to Athene, the tutelary goddess of Ilium, (his magnificent offering of) a thousand oxen (ten hecatombs), while the Magians poured libations to the heroes slain at Troy. The night after, a panic fell upon the camp : but in the morning they started at daylight, and skirting on the left hand the towns of Ehoe- teum, Ophrynium, and Dardanus (which borders on Abydos), and on the right the Teucrians of Gergis, they reached Abydos." 5 It has been 1 Strabo,. xiii. p. 600 : Xeyovai 5' ol vvv 'lAie?s led tovto, ojs ov8e TeAe'ws 7)(pav'iadai awefiaivev T7]v irokiv Kara t))v aXwaiv vtrb tcov ' ' Ay^aiMV, ou8' e£eAei'(/>0T7 ouSeVoTe. 2 History of Greece, i. p. 298. 3 Polemon, Fragmenta, 32, ed. Didot. 4 Strabo, xiii. p. 602: 'EAkdaKos Se x a P l C^' fievos rois 'IAteOcnz/, olos eicelvov Ov/jlos, avvrjyopel rb rr)v avri}v elvxi noAtv ryv vvv t?? t6tg. 5 Herodotus, vii. 43 : iirl tovtov 8y\ rbv ttoto.- fibv ws O.TTIKSTO Ee^^rjs, is rb Upid/xov Ylepyauov aviftrj, '{/xepov ex *" Ge-qaaadai. Oerjcrd^ivos Se itai Trvti6/j.evos icelvuv e/cacrra rfj 'AOrjvair] Trj 'iAtctSi eflixre fiovs x iAl '«*, X oas ^ 01 M^T ' T0 ^' "ipoaji ix* avT0 ' ra v T 6f3os is rb arparSTredov iveirtae. a/xa iiiuepr) Se iiropeveTO ivOevrev, iv apiartpfi fxkv direpywv 'Po'iretov iroXiv kcu '0u IXiewv /AT) ZvV7]0(:Vru>V. 10 Strategic, iii. 14 : XaplSyixos, 'IAieW Aerj- Xarovvrwv avrov rr)v tt6Xiv, oiKerrjv 'IXiea irpo- eXQovra eirl Xelav avXXafiiov, pieyaXois dwpois eweiae irpooovvai rT]V tt6Xiv. "iva Se TTiarbs v 'EXX^vwv roov ajxa 'Ayauijut.vovi is *\Xiov arparevaavrcav ■ Kal 6 vovs t?is Ovalas i\v iirirvx^orepav ol yeviadai v) npojTf aiXaw ri]v air 6 /Baa iv. Tlapfxevioiv /luv Sfy ra>v ire^wv robs iroXXovs Kal rr\v 'ittttov 8ia/3i/3avra tt)V arparrjyida vavv 8ia- fiaXXeiv Kal irrei^r] /caret fxiaov rbv iropov rov 'EXXt](ttt6ptov iyivero, a(pd.^aura ravpov rqj Yloa^ihoovi Kal NrjpTi'io'i awevSeiv e/c XP 1 " 7 '^ (pid- Xris is rbv itovrov. Xeyovai Se Kal ivp&rov iK t?js z/ecos avv ro?s -oirXois iitf5r\vai avrbv is tt^v ynv rrjv y Aalav Kal ($o>;xovs idpvaacrdai bdev re icrrdX'/] iK t?]S Evpu>Trr)s teal oirov i^efirj rrjs 'Aaias Albs a-KO$a-n]piov Kal 'AOrjvas Kal 'Hpa- KXeovs • dveXOovra be es "iXiov rf) re 'AOrjva Qvaai rfj 'lXidbi, Kal rrjv iravoirXiav rh\v avrov avaQelvai is rbv vecav, Kal KaQeXelv avrl ravrn] s tu>v lepcov TLva ottX&v en iK rov Tpw'iicov epyov> aco^o/meva. ical ravra Xeyovo~iv on ol virao~m- aral ecpepov irpb avrov is ras [idxas. dvaai be avrbv Kal YlpidpLip iirl rov (3oop.ov rov Aibs rov 'EpKeiov Xoyos Karex^i, ^viv UpLa/nov Trapairov- /xevov rw NeoirroXefxov ye vet, b dr] is avrbv KaduKev. 2 Dicaearch. Fragm. p. 114, ed. Fuhr; Athe- naeus, xiii. p. 693. 3 Plutarch. Alexand. xv. : 'Avafihs 5' els "\Xiov, eOvcre rfi 'Ad^ua, Kal ro7s T\pu>aiv ecr7reirre. Tyv 8' 'Ax'AAews arrjXrjV dXei-tydpLGvos Xiira, Kal fxera r&v kraipwv avvauadpa/xwi/ yvfxuos, ooairep %6os iariu, iareepdveoars, fxaKapio'a.s avrov, on Kal £a>v (piXov inarov, Kal rcXevrrjpp.7](T€ irpovoilu avrccu, dp.a Kal , Trap' ots Kal T7]v 'AvdpoiA&x 7 )" l(TTopovai PaaiXeiaai T7jv "Eicropos yevop.4vr\v yvvawa, i virb rau 'lAieoov Sia rrjv aire'iQeiav, vif iKeivois yap i\v vo-Ttpov y\ irapaXia iraaa 7] p*X? L Aapddvov, kcu vvv vit inelvois eo~ri. Livy, xxxviii. 39. 4 I may remind the reader that Dardanus, on the promontory of Gygas, between Rhoeteum and the present city of the Dardanelles, was an Aeolic settlement, and had therefore no title to legendary reverence as the special sovereignty of Aeneas, which Grote (Hist, of Greece, i. p. 301) erroneously attributes to it. He evidently con- founds it with Dardanie, which was situated far from Dardanus, on the slope of Ida, and of which no trace was extant in the time of Demetrius (see Strabo, xiii. p. 592). 5 History of Greece, i. 301. 6 Hestiaea is cited repeatedly in the Homeric Scholia (Schol. Venet. ad Iliad, iii. 64 ; Eustath. ad Iliad, ii. 538). 7 Strabo, xiii. p. 599 : Traparldycri 5° 6 At^tj- rpios kcu rrjv 'AXe^avdpLvrjv 'EaTiaiav [xdpTvpa, tt]v a vyy petty aa av vepl tt]s 'Ofxrjpov 'IAmSos, Trvv6avo/j.evr]v et irepl Ti)v vvv iro\iv 6 ir6Ae/uLOS avvi(TT-f], Kai . . . rb Tpwinhv ireSiov, b jxera^b ttjs 7roAews Kai tt)s 6aXaTT7)s 6 iroir)Tr]s > tt6Av, ob reXecos 8e Kareo-TraapLevcov, ravrrjs 8' e/c fiddpccv avaTerpa/x- /xevrjs, ol AiOoi irdvres els rr\v eKe'ivuv dvaArjipiv Hert]vexQri(TO-v. 'Apxaidvaitra yovv (pacri rbv Mirv\7]i'a?Gv e/c rwv enelQev XiBoov rb Zlyeiov Teix'icrai. 9 Strabo, xiii. p. 597 : 'Trrep 8e rovrov fxutpbv 7) ru>v 'lAteW Kwfxrj ecrr'tv, iv fi vop.l(erai rb naXaibv "\\iov IfipvaQai vporepov, rpidnovra aradiovs Siexov airb rrjs vvv iroAecos, virep 8« t?iS 'lAieccv Kdo/xrjs Se'/ca aradlois iarlv i) KaXXi- koXwvt), \6cpos tis, irap'' ov 6 ~2,i[x6sis pel irevra- ardSiov 8ie'x«j/. 176 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Chap. III. and Demetrius to be that of Aesyetes is now called Pasha Tepeh. It has been excavated by Mrs. Schliemann, and I shall take occasion to speak of it more fully. 10 From the above indications of the distances, we easily see that Demetrius held Mount Kara Your, which I have already described, to be the Homeric Callicolone, and that, as before stated, his 'Wieoov Kw/x?? must have occupied the site of a low hill on Mr. Calvert's farm, to the north-east of Thymbra, and just in front of the swamp, now dried up, which used to be called the Duden swamp. A few coarse Hellenic pots- herds mark the site of an ancient village there, but there is no accumulation of debris. The statement of Demetrius is gratuitous, that Troy had disappeared without leaving a trace, its stones having been employed for the reconstruction of other cities, and especially for the walls of Sigeum. If, as I hope to prove, Hissarlik marks the site of Troy, the Trojan walls lay already buried upwards of 20 ft. below the surface of the ground when Sigeum was built, in the seventh century b.c. ; and, as no vestiges of the ancient city were visible above ground, people thought, of course, that even the ruins had entirely vanished: — " etiam periere ruinae." Thus it also happens that Strabo, who never visited the Troad, adopts, as Grote 11 remarks, the unsupported hypothesis of Demetrius, as if it were an authenticated fact; distinguishing pointedly between Old and New Ilium, and even censuring Hellanicus for having maintained the received local faith. But it appears certain that the theory of Hestiaea and Demetrius was not adopted by any other ancient author, excepting Strabo. Polemon, who, as before mentioned, was a native of Ilium, could not possibly have accepted their theory that Ilium was not the genuine Troy, for his work describing the localities and relics of Ilium implies their identity as a matter of course. Novum Ilium continued to be universally considered and treated as the genuine Homeric Troy. According to Strabo, 1 " Novum Ilium was much damaged by the Koman rebel Fimbria, who besieged and conquered it in the Mithridatic war (85 B.C.). Fimbria had been sent as quaestor with the consul Valerius Flaccus, who was elected commander- in-chief against Mithridates. But having excited a revolt, and having murdered Valerius in Bithynia, Fimbria made himself commander-in- 10 See the chapter on the Heroic Tumuli. 11 History of Greece, i. p. 302. 1 xiii. 5!»4 : eir' in6.K(x>(ro.v avr^v irdAiv oi /aeTa $ip.fipiov "Poo/jlcuoi Aafiovres e/c iroAiopidas eu TiS MiOpidariich) iroAep.w. awe-ire /iupQr] Se 6 $Aa/c/c(y ra/xlas irpoxei- piadevTi eirl rbu MiOp&aTrjv KaTaaraaidaas Se Kal aveAuv top viraTOv Kara Ridus'iav avrbs Kare- ardd-q Kvpios rrjs GTpaTias, Kal irpoeAOwv els ^IAlou, ou dexo/jt-evcou avrbv toov 'IAie'wj/ cbs Kr,(T- tt]u, /Stav re irpoacpepei Kal SeKaralovs alpei- icav- Xoo/J-evov S' otl V ' Aya/xe fxucov ttoAlv Se/cdVw trei fxdAis elAe rbu x'AioVauj/ o~toAov excof Kal t\v o-ujxiraaav 'EAAaSa a-varpaTevuvaau, TavTt)v avrbs SeKarr) iifxeoa x (l P'^ (TaiTO i e ' 7re ' TIS T ® v 'lAiewu "oi> yap i\v "EKTwp 6 virepfxax^v T V^ iruAeojs.' to'vtov uev ovu eneAdwv 2uAAas icare\vae, Kal rbu ~Mi9piodTT]v Kara ffvjifidcreis els tjjc ohcelav aireire/j.\pe, robs S' 'IAieas irape/jLvO^aaro ttoAAols eiravopQu/j.aai. Ka0' 7]/uas jxevroi Kataap 6 debs iroAv irAeov avTuv irpohv6r\ae \j]Awo~as a/xa Kal 'AAt^avSpou . . . 6 be Kaiaap Kal pL/na)Tepa Se, irpwrov fxev otl 'Pco/j.aios, ol Se 'Pcofxaioi rbv Alve lav apxf]yeTf]v riyovuTai, e-nena otl 'IovAlos airb 'lovAou rivbs twv irpoyovcov eKeivos §' airb 'lovAov Tijv Trpoawi'v/xlau tax* TO-vrriv, tu>v ano- yovwv els thv rwu airb Alve'iov. x^P av re ^ irpoaeveifxev avro7s Kal tt]V eAevOepiav ical t^v aAeirovpyrjalav avrois crvvetyvAa^e teal M 6 XP' v ^ v (rv/A/j.ei>ovo~iv ev tovtols. b.c. 84.] SACK OF ILIUM BY FIMBRIA. 177 chief of the army and marched against Ilium. When the Ilians refused to receive him, as being a brigand, he attacked the city by force and took it in ten days. When he glorified himself upon having overpowered in ten days the city which Agamemnon, with his fleet of a thousand ships and the whole power of Hellas, had hardly been able to conquer in the tenth year, one of the Ilians said: 'It happened because we had no Hector to fight for the city.' Fimbria was soon attacked and destroyed by Sulla, who by the treaty of peace with Mithridates allowed the latter to return to his country, and who consoled the Ilians by making many improvements in their city. In our time the divine (Julius) Caesar did yet more for Ilium, partly because he imitated Alexander (the Great) . . . ; but Caesar also felt a juvenile impulse for his beneficence, both as an admirer of Alexander and because he had still more evident proofs of his relationship with the Ilians. Those proofs were the more notorious, first because he was a Eoman, and the Komans hold Aeneas to be their ancestor ; next because it was from lulus, one of his ancestors, that he was called Julius, but he had received his name, as being one of the descendants of Aeneas, from lulus [the son of Aeneas, Ascanius, who, according to an old legend, was called lulus]. For those reasons he allotted lands to them, and confirmed their freedom and exemption from state taxes, and these privileges have remained to them until now." But Appian 2 relates the conquest of Ilium by Fimbria differently. He says : " The Ilians, being besieged by Fimbria, applied to Sulla, who told them that he would come, and ordered them meanwhile to tell Fimbria that they had given themselves up to Sulla. When Fimbria heard this, he praised them as being already friends of the Komans, requested them to receive him as he was also a Koman, and ironically referred to the affinity existing between the Komans and the Ilians. But when he entered the city, he murdered all who came in his way, burned the whole city, and in various ways shamefully treated those who had gone as ambassadors to Sulla. He neither spared the sanctuaries nor those who had fled to the temple of Athene, for he burned them together with the temple. He also pulled down the walls, and went round on the following day, to see whether anything of the town still remained standing. The town suffered more than under Agamemnon, and perished root and branch by the hand of a kinsman ; not a house of it was saved, nor a temple nor an idol. But the statue of Athene, called the Palladium, which is held to have fallen from heaven, some believe was found unhurt, 2 i. pp. 364, 365 : 'lAiels Se TroAtopKov/jievoi Trpbs avrov Kardcpvyov fxcv irrl 2uAAaf, 2uAAa Se (p-qcravTos avrols 7]^lv, Kal KeAevaavTos iv Toaopde ^ifx^pia (ppd£eiv on acpas iiriTZTpocpao-L t<2 2uAAa, irvOd/Atvos 6 ^ijxfiplas irrrjveae /xev oos v5r) 'PojjUcuW (ptAovs, e'/ceAeuce Se Kal atnbv ovra "Poifxalov ecroo Se^eaflcu, KaTeipoovevadfievos tl Kal tt)s avyyevelas ttjs ovffrjs is 'Poo/j.alovs 'lAi- evaiv. icreAdoov Se tovs iv iroal nrdvras e/CTetj/e Kal Trdvra iveiriixirpr), Kal tovs TTpeapevo-avTas is rhv ~2,vAAav iAv/xalvero ttoikiAoos, ovre twv Upoov Kal Trjs iiriovo~r)s rjpevva rrepawv fir) tl avvtaTrjK€ Trjs rroAeoos eVt. 77 [lev dr) x € ' L P 0Ua r ^v iirl 'Ayafiifivovi iraQovaa vrrb avyyevovs SioAcvAei, Kal oikott&ov oiidev avrr)s ouS' Upbv ovb" dyaAfxa eri f)v • tS Se Trjs 'AOrjvas eSos, t> UaAAadiov icaAovcn Kal diorreres rjyovv- Tat, vo[xi£oval Tives evps8rjvai t6tz aOpavcrrovy tcov iiwreaovToov Teix^cov avrb 7T€piKaAv\pdvTwv f tt jxr) Aio/xr)Br)s avrb Kal 'OBvaaevs iv t£ TpootK^ epycp f/.€Tr)veyKav e'| 'IAtou. IT 178 THE HISTORY OF TROY. [Chap. III. having been covered by the walls which fell upon it, unless Diomedes and Ulysses carried it away from Ilium in their exploit at Troy." Appian adds that this happened at the very end of the 173rd Olympiad (that is, in 84 B.C.). This account of the complete destruction of Ilium, as given by Appian, who flourished at the time of Antoninus Pius, seems hardly credible, more especially as Strabo, who lived at the time of Julius Caesar and Augustus (nearly 200 years earlier than Appian), and was almost a contemporary of the event, only knew that Ilium had been damaged, but not that it had been destroyed root and branch. According to Suetonius, Julius Caesar even intended to make Ilium the capital of the Koman empire; 3 and in the well-known ode of Horace, 4 to which we shall have occasion to recur, a like plan is attributed to Augustus. Meyer 5 mentions a passage in Nicolaus of Damascus, 6 according to which "Julia, daughter of Augustus, unexpectedly came by night to Ilium, and in passing the Scamander, which had overflowed and was very rapid, she had a narrow escape of being drowned. Julia's husband, Agrippa, punished the Ilians by imposing upon them a fine of a hundred thousand denarii, for not having made provision for the safety of the princess; but they had not been able to do so, as they were totally ignorant of Julia's intention to visit their city. It was only by long exertions that Nicolaus succeeded in procuring the remission of the fine, by the intercession of Herodes." Julia's son, Caius Caesar, who was the adoptive son of his grandfather Augustus, and became governor of Asia at nineteen years of age, must also have visited Ilium, taken a deep interest in it, and lavished favours upon it ; for in an inscription found on the spot he is called the kinsman, the benefactor, and the patron of Ilium. 7 Ovid 8 also mentions his own visit to Ilium. According to Tacitus, 9 Nero, when still a boy (53 a.d.), made a speech in the Forum of Kome, in Greek, in favour of the Ilians. He spoke with so much eloquence of the descent of the Komans from Troy, that Claudius exempted the inhabitants from all public taxes. Suetonius informs us that Claudius freed the Ilians for ever from all tribute, after having read aloud an old Greek letter of the Roman Senate and People, who offered to King Seleucus friendship and alliance only on condition that he would grant to their kinsmen, the Ilians, freedom from all taxes and imposts of every kind. 10 Eckenbrecher 1 quotes the statement of Tacitus, 2 that " the Ilians were 3 Suetonius, Caes. 79. 9 Annal. xii. 58. 4 Horat. Garm. iii. 3. See Ch. IV. pp. 204, 205. 10 Suet. Claud. : " Iliensibus, quasi Romanae 5 Eduard Meyer, Geschichte von Troas ; Leip- gentis auctoribus, tributa in perpetuum remisit, zig, 1877, p. 96. recitata vetere epistola Graeca senatus populique 6 De Vita sua : Fragm. 3, ed. Muller and Romani, Seleuco regi amicitiam et societatem Dindorf. ita demum pollicentis, si consangumeos suos, 7 The inscription is given in the chapter on Ilienses ab omni genere immunes praestitisset." Novum Ilium. 1 G. von Eckenbrecher, Die Lage ties Homer* 8 Fast. vi. 421 : ischcn Troia, p. 39. " Creditur armiferae signum coeleste Minervae 2 Annal. iv. 55 : " Ne Ilienses quidem, cum Urbis in Iliacae desiluisse juga: parentem urbis Romae Trojam rei'errent, nisi Cura videri fuit, vidi templumque locumque, antiquitatis gloria pollebant.' Hoc superest illi : Pallada Roma tenet." A.D. 214.] CARACALLA AT ILIUM. 179 only important through the glory of their antiquity, because they claimed Troy as the parent of Borne ; and, he adds, this proves that Tacitus recog- nized the ancient glory of the Ilians, and thus the identity of their city with the Homeric Troy." He further mentions, that " Pliny 3 speaks of the historical Ilium, calling it the fountain of all celebrity." He also cites the testimony of Pomponius Mela, 4 who calls the Ilium of his time " Urbs bello excidioque clarissima." Eckenbrecher further mentions that " in like manner the identity of the historical Ilium with the Homeric Ilium is acknowledged by Dionysius Periegetes (cir. 270 a.d.), the orator Aristides 5 (150 a.d.), Stephanus (de Urbe), and Suidas (in voce)." The Ilian coins, with the names and effigies of Eoman emperors and empresses, and the legend " Hector of the Ilians," or " Priam of the Ilians," are additional proofs that the identity of Novum Ilium with Homeric Troy continued to be recognized. 6 The Emperor Caracalla showed his veneration for sacred Ilium, the cradle of the ancestors of Kome, in a unique manner. He offered, with his army, funeral sacrifices at the tomb of Achilles and honoured it by races, which he and his army ran in arms around it. After that he rewarded his soldiers with money, as if they had accomplished a great feat, and had really conquered the ancient Ilium themselves ; and he also erected a bronze statue of Achilles. 7 According to Herodian, 8 " Caracalla first visited all the remains of Ilium (by which we are of course to understand all the relics which were shown by the Ilians as those of ancient Troy), and then went to the tomb of Achilles, and having adorned it sumptuously with wreaths and flowers, he again imitated Achilles. Being in want of a Patroclus, he did as follows : one of his freedmen, Festus by name, was his most intimate friend and keeper of the imperial archives. This Festus died when Caracalla was at Ilium : as some people said, he was poisoned in order that he might be buried like Patroclus; as others said, he died from illness. Caracalla ordered the funeral, and that a great pile of wood should be heaped up for the pyre. Having put the body in the midst, and having slaughtered all kinds of animals, he kindled the fire, and taking a cup he made 3 H. N. v. 33 : " Ac mille quingentis passibus remotum a portu Ilium immune — unde omnis rerum claritas." I remark here once for all that for all quotations from Pliny I have used the edition of M. E. Littre ; Paris, 1860. « i. 18. 5 ii. 369 ; ed. Dindorf : cvOufxtlaOai XPV Kal Aeyeiv — on eaAco /j.hv ^IAtos, t] SvyaTcordrr] tu>v tv rfj Acna ttoAls kcit' itcelvovs rovs xP^ vovs i aAA' bfxcos oiKe?Tcu vvv v lAioy. 6 See^the description of the Ilian coins in the chapter on Novum Ilium. 7 Dio Cassius, Ixxvii. 16 : Kal tov 'EAArjo-Kov- tov ovk aKtvBvvoos Sia/3aAu>v, tov re 'Ax'AAect Kal kvayia/LiaaL, Kal ireptdpo/mais ivoirAtois Kal kavTov Kal twv ffTpaTiwTcov 4ti/at]o-z, Kal iirl tovto} tKelvois re, cos Kal fieya tl KaTccpOcoKotrt, Kai to "lAiov wj aXr{9u>s avrb to apxcuov rjpriKocri, XpyfJ-aTa e8w/ce, Kal avrbv tov 'AxtAAea x«A/coOr icrTr\o-zv. 8 Herodian, iv. 8, §§4, o : 'E7reA0cW Se irdvTa to. Trjs 7roAecos ['IAtov] Aelxpava, t\kzv iirl tov 'Ax'AAecos Tacpov, aTecpdvois re Koa/j.rjo'as Kal avdeai ttoAvtzAcos iraAiv 'AxtAAea ifiifieiTO. (r]- tcov T€ Kal TldrpoKAov Tiva iirol-qo'4 tl toiovtov. i\v avTW tis tcov dirzAevdepcav (piATaTOS, &rjo-TOS (x\v ovofia, T7js 5e fiaaiAeiov fivrj/j-vs trpoeaTccs. ovtos ovtos avTOv iv 'IAi'co eT€\evTr)o~ev, a>s /x4v Tives cAtyov, (pap/xaKw dvaipedels "iv ccs UaTpo- kAos Ta(pfj, ws 8e eVepoi % Sta- (pOapcis. tovtov KOfAiadrjvai KeAevei tov vzkvv, £vAwv T6 iroAA&v aOpoiaQrjvai irvpdv • iiriOeis Te avTov ev fxiaw Kal ivavToZaird £ya KaTao~(pd£as iKprj^e T€, Kal TpaydSos Kal rrj<; ap^ala? 'IXiov) ; according to Zonaras, on Sigeum (ev %iyai'q>, sic). There he laid the foundations of the city ; and part of the wall had already been built when he gave the preference to the much more suitable Byzantium. 10 Meyer 1 mentions that " the statue of Constantine, which was erected on the porphyry column (the ' burnt column ' of Stamboul), is said to have originally been a statue of Apollo which stood in Ilium." 2 I am indebted to my friend Dr. Carl Henning, the learned assistant of his Majesty the Emperor of Brazil, for a copy of a letter of the Emperor Julian, the manuscript of which he has discovered in the Har- leian Library, 5610. 3 I give it here word for word, as it is a most important contribution to the history of Novum Ilium : 9 See the description of this tumulus in the chapter on the Heroic Tumuli. 10 Zosimus, ii. 30 ; Zonaras, Ann. p. 5, ed. Venet. ; compare E. Meyer, Geschichtc von Troas, pp. 96, 97. 1 E. Meyer, Gesch. von Troas, p. 97. 2 Zonaras, p. 6, C. : Xeyerai Se Kal ' Air6\Xcovos eivai GT-r\Xt]v rb dyaXfxa, Kal p.erevex07]vai rrjs ev V 7 ? J/ ovtoj Xpr\vai /xio~e7v avrov, ws ovSeva rcoy irovrjporaTccv. eirel Se KXi)9els els rb arparoirehov virb rov fxaKap'iTov Kcoycrravriov ravrrjv eiropev6jxr]v r)]v oZov, curb rr)s TpwdSos opOpov ffuOeos Siavaards, r)X9oy els rb ''IXiov irepl irXi)0ov(rav ayopdv. o Se virr\vrf]o'e Kal $ovXo\xevcp rrjv iroXiv iarope7v (J]V ydp fxoi rovro irp6(TX r ll xa T0 ^ v duoveiv. eyw Se KaraXafioov e/airvpovs eVt, jxiKpov Sew (pdvai Xajxirpobs en robs fico/JLobs Kal Xiirapccs aX-rfXi/j.- /xeyrjy rrjv rov "EKropos eiKova, irpbs Urjydaiov diriSuv ' Tt ravra ' eiirov ' 'IAte?s Ovovaiv ; ' a7ro- ireipcojxevos i)pejj.a ttcqs e^et yvcoixr\s. 'o Se ' Kal ri rovro droiroy, a.vZpa dyaObv kavrcov Tro\lrr}y, SiGirep 7]fxe7s ' e(p7) ' robs fxdprvpas, el depairev- ovaiv ; ' i) fxev ovv elKwy ovx vyi-frs. r\ Se irpoaipeo'is ev eKeivois e^eTa^o/xevri rols Kaipo7s dareia. ri b~r) rb jxerd rovro ; ' ^ahlo-uijxev ' ecprjv 1 eirl rb rrjs 'IAtaSos 'A^vas re/xevos.' t Se Kal fjidXa TrpoOvjxcos airriyaye jxe Kal dveu^e rby veu>v, Kal wenrep jxaprvpovjxevos eVe'5et|e' fxoi irdvra aKpificos crcba rd dyd\jxara, Kal eirpa^ev ovdev coy elcodaaiv oi 5vo~o~efie7s eicelvoi irpdrreiv, eirl rov jxerwtrov rb virofxyTj/xa rov Svaaefiovs o~Kiaypacpovvres, ouSe eavpirrev, wairep eKelvoi, avrbs Ka6' eavrov • i) yap aKpa QeoXoyia irap' avrois eari 8vo ravra, avplrreiv re irpbs rovs Saifiovas Kal (TKiaypacpelv eirl rov jxeruirov rbv aravpov. Svo ravra eirriyyei\dixf]y elirelv croi • rplrov Se eXQbv eirl vovv ovk oljxai XPV^ - 1 o-iunrdv. TjKoXovOrjcre /xoi Kal irpbs rb 'Ax'AAeiov 6 avros, Kal direoei^e rbv rdepoy o~u>ov ' iireirva- fx-qv Se Kal rovrov U7r' avrov SieaKacpOai. h Se Kal fxdha (refiojxevos avrui irpoo-pei. ravra eldov avrds. aKrjKoa Se irapa rwy vvv ex^pcos exovrcov irpbs avr6v, on Kal irpocrevxoiro KaQpa Kal irpocrKvvo'u] rbv "HAiov. apa ovk tiv eSe^oj fxe Kal Ihiwrriv paprvpovvra ; rrjs irepl robs Oeobs SiaOeaeus eKaarov rives Uv elev d^LOiriar6repoi {xdprvpes avrwv rwy de&v ; i)/J.e7s dv lepea T\t)- ydcriov eiroiov^iev, el cvveyvcoKei\xev avry ri irepl robs Oeobs dvaaefies ; el Se ev eKeivois ro7s Xpdvois e'tre Svvaareias bpey6}xevos eW, oirep a.d. 354 or 355.] JULIAN'S VISIT TO ILIUM. 181 " We should never easily have had anything to do with Pegasius, had we not been convinced that formerly, whilst he appeared to be a bishop of the Galileans, he knew how to respect and honour the gods. I tell you this, not because I heard it from those who are wont to speak from sentiments of enmity or friendship— and indeed a very great many such rumours were current about him and came to my ears, and, by the gods, I thought that he deserved to be hated more than the most depraved wretches. But when, being called by the late Constantius to the camp, I went by that road, I started from (Alexandria) Troas very early in the morning and reached Ilium at the time of full market (between nine and ten in the morning). He came to meet me, and he became my guide, as for one who wished to know the city (this being my pretext for visiting the temples), and led me about everywhere to show me the curiosities. " Listen, then, to facts and words from which one may suppose him to be not regardless of the gods. There is a sanctuary of Hector, where a bronze statue stands in a small chapel. Opposite to him they have put up Achilles in the open air. If you have seen the place, you will well understand what I say. You may hear from the guides the legend on account of which great Achilles has been placed opposite to him, and occupies the whole space in the open air. Happening to find the altars still burning, and I might almost say still in a blaze, and Hector's statue anointed with fat, I looked at Pegasius and said : ' What is the meaning of these sacrifices of the Ilians ? '—sounding him in a delicate way in order to learn how his feelings were. He answered : ' What is there unbecoming if they do homage to a good man, their citizen, just as we do to the martyrs ? ' It is true the statue is not uninjured ; but the good will of (the Ilians) in respect of those times, if it is looked into, is comely. What, then, happened afterwards ? £ Let us go,' I said, ' into the sacred pre- cincts (the temenos) of the Ilian Athene.' He also most willingly led the way, opened to me the temple, and, as if calling me to witness, he showed me all the statues perfectly well preserved, and he did none of the things those impious men are wont to do, who make on the forehead 4 the memorial of the impious (one), nor did he hiss to himself (Le. i aside '), like those (men), for their high theology consists in these two things, hissing against the daemons 5 and making the sign of the cross on the irpos T]ixas e Ppaxel, and rbu fieyav 'Ax'AAca avri- T(Tayjx4vov xxvt§ Kara rb vTraiOpov. On the altars still glow fire-brands of the sacrifices made by the Uians. Pegasius then leads Julian to the re^vos of the Ilian Athene (Herodotus, vii. 43; Xenoph. Hell. i. 1. 4; Arrian. Anab. i. 11. 7; Plutarch, Alexander), he opens the temple and shows him all the statues of the gods intact. He also shows him the Achilleum, and proves to him that the tomb is uninjured. At the time of this visit, and, as Julian states nothing to the contrary, at. the time when this letter was written, i.e. between 361 and 363 A.D., the Lysimachian Ilium, which had so frequently suffered, but which had become prosperous again under the Roman emperors, must have existed still, with all its temples and curiosities. In spite of all edicts against the worship of the ancient gods, it must still have been under the first Christian emperors a place of pilgrimage for the heathen world, for Julian speaks of the Periegetae as of professional guides for strangers. The city, with all its temples, was indeed more than neglected by the empe- rors ; but nevertheless we find it treated better than other cities, if we remember that by an edict of the year 324, repeated in 341, the ser- vice of the Hellenic worship of the gods was prohibited in the East (Miicke, Julianus, ii. 73), the temples themselves were confiscated (326), and many of them were then destroyed, partly by order of the authorities, partly with their express or tacit consent. Julian finds very credible what Pegasius assures him, that he was nothing but a false Christian (and that as such Chap. III.] LATEST COINS OF ILIUM. 183 Nothing is known to us of the further history of Novum Ilium, but, as the latest coins I found there are of Constantius II., there can be no doubt that it decayed with the prevalence of Christianity, the destruction of its temples, and the consequent cessation of the pilgrimages to their shrines. Meyer 7 mentions, however, that by Constantinus Porphyro- gennetus 8 (a.d. 911-959) most cities of the Troad are cited as bishoprics: Adramyttium, Assos, Gargara, Antandros, Alexandria-Troas, Ilium, Dardanus, Abydos, Lampsacus ; Parium even as the seat of an archbishop. But there being no Byzantine potsherds or Byzantine ruins on the site of Ilios, the bishopric of Ilium may probably have been on another site. he had become iiriffnoiros ruv TaAtAcuW, pro- bably in Ilium, and with the superintendence over the confiscated temples), in order to be able the better to preserve these monuments from destruction. It is true that Pegasius, in order to save the principal objects, was obliged to do some trifling damage in the temples ; and if he, in his devotion to the ancient gods and their worship, was forced to make this sacrifice to the destructive rage of the Christians, how then may not a Christian fanatic, as bishop or governor, have raged ? " Henning then proves by a learned discussion that Julian's visit to Novum Ilium must have taken place either in December 354, or in Sep- tember-October 355. 7 Eduard Meyer, Die Geschichte der Tracts, p. 97. 8 De Ceren., ii. 54, pp. 792, 794. CHAPTER IV. THE TEUE SITE OF HOMEE'S ILIUM. The problem of the real site of the Homeric Ilium slept during the Middle Ages, and attracted no attention after the Eenaissance. The few travellers, who visited the Troad since the sixteenth century, either recog- nized the Homeric Ilium in the ruins of Alexandria-Troas, 1 or limited their researches to a very superficial inspection of the Plain of Troy or only of its coast. 2 In 1785 and 1786 the Troad was visited by Lechevalier, 3 who was aided in his researches by the architect Cazas, and patronized by Count Choiseul-Grouffier, then French ambassador at Constantinople. At that time the science of archeology was only in its first dawn. Egyptology did not yet exist ; the cities of Assyria were not yet discovered ; pre-historic antiquities were still unknown ; excavations for scientific purposes were a thing unheard of; the study of Sanscrit had not yet begun; the science of comparative philology had not yet been created ; nay, philology was limited to a stammering play on Latin words, from which all languages 1 So Pietro Beloni, Observations de plusieurs Singularites et Glioses remarquables trouve'es en Grece, Asie, Jude'e, Egypte, etc., par Pierre Belon, du Mans, 1588 ; and Pietro della Valle, Les fameax Voyages de P. J. V., surnomme Villustre Voyageur, Paris, 1670. See Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade, ii. pp. 157, 158; I. Spon and G. Wheeler, Voyage d'ltalie, etc. A la Have, 1724 ; see also Buchholz, Homer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. p. 330. 2 Sandys, Dcscr. of the Turk. Umpire ; Lon- don, 1627. He could only remain one day on the shore of the Plain of Troy, the country being infested by robbers. Grelot {Relation d'un Voyage de Constantinople, 1680) professes to have seen the Plain of Troy as well as the Xanthus and Simois from Cape Sigeum : see Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade, ii. pp. 158, 159 ; Le Bruyn, Voyage au Levant. Buchholz mentions for cu- riosity's sake Lady Mary Wortley Montague, an enterprising English traveller, who, on her journey to the Hellespont and Constantinople, stopped with her vessel at Cape Sigeum, and went — the Iliad in her hand — up to its top, whence she perceived the tumulus of Achilles, Cape Rhoeteum with the tumulus of Ajax, and the Simois with the Scamander (Lady Mary Wortley Montague, Briefe wdhrend Hirer Rciscn in Europa, Asien, und Afrika. 3 Theile und Nachtrage ; Leipzig, 1763-1767 : a translation of her well-known English work). Buchholz also mentions Pococke (Beschreibung des Morgenlandes und einigcr an- derer Lander, German ed. by Breyer and Scheber, Erlangen, 1790, 1791, a translation of the well- known English work) as the first who in the year 1739 made thorough researches in the Plain of Troy, determined the situation of its various heroic tombs, saw the valley of the Thymbrius and the confluence of the Scamander and Simois. Buchholz, p. 331, also mentions Wood (Essay on the Original Genius and Writings of Homer, London, 1769, 4; 1770, 4; 1775, 4), who dis- covered the sources of the Scamander, believing them to be those of the Simois ; also Chand- ler (Travels in Asia Minor, Oxford, 1775), who fixed the position of the heroic tombs with categorical certainty. I may further mention F. A. G. Spohn, Comment. Geogr. Grit, de agro Trojano in carminibus Homericis descripto, Lipsiae 1814; but he had no personal knowledge of the Troad, and endeavours to fix all the sites by the indications of Homer. Neither did Alexander Pope know the Troad personally, but neverthe- less he made a Map of Troy and its environs (before he translated the Iliad). 3 1 oyage de la Troade, 3 tomes, 3° edit. ; Paris, Dentu, An. x. 1802. Chap. IV.] THEORIES OF LECIIEVAL1EK. 185 were thought to be derived, except by those who held the fond fancy that Hebrew was the primitive speech of the whole human race ; and no one had an idea of the descent of our race from the highlands above India, which indeed was still almost a terra incognita. Since there were no archaeologists, there was no archaeological criticism. When, therefore, Lechevalier 4 made his romantic pilgrimage in search of Ilium, and learnt intuitively, without even touching the ground with the spade, and as if by divine inspiration, — just as Virgil says : " Hie Dolopum manus, hie saevus tendebat Achilles ; Classibus hie locus, hie acie certare solebant," 5 — that Priam's Pergamus had been on the hill at the extremity of the heights of Bali Dagh ; that the city had extended over the heights as far down as the village of Bounarbashi, which marked the site of the Scaean Gate ; and that the forty cold springs at the foot of the village were the two sources of the Scamander, of which he described the one as warm, with volumes of steam arising from it, in order to make it agree with the Homeric indication ; 6 — when further he affirmed that the rivulet Bounarbashi Su, formed by the forty springs, was the Scamander (arentem Xanthi cognomine rivum), and made this river appear on his map of the Plain of Troy almost as broad as the real Scamander, which he called Simois, declaring the Doumbrek Su (Simois) to be the Thymbrius ; — when finally, in order to put his system in perfect accord with the indica- tions of the Iliad, he represented his Scamander as joining his Simois at Koum Kioi, and falling into the Hellespont close to Cape Ehoeteum ; 7 — his theories were almost unanimously adopted, and his imaginary identi- fications produced in the scientific world a far greater sensation than any real discovery in later times. Lechevalier's theories found an especially warm defender in Count Choiseul-Gouffier, 8 French ambassador at Constantinople, in whose service he was, and who himself visited the Plain of Troy and confirmed all his discoveries. Choiseul-Gouffier says that the sources of the Scamander at Bounarbashi are still in the same condition as they were in Homer's time ; 9 that one is warm and the other cold ; 10 that the village of Bounar- bashi is situated on the hill Batieia; 1 that the Scaean Gate was a little above Bounarbashi, on the upper part of that hill ; that the Erineos can be easily recognized ; 2 that the site of Troy is covered with ancient debris, and that foundations of an ancient settlement can be traced ; 3 finally, that the tumulus of Ujek Tepeh is the sepulchre of Aesyetes. 4 Choiseul- Gouffier admits, with Lechevalier, that the ancient Scamander fell into the Hellespont at the foot of Cape Ehoeteum, for so he also represents 4 Voyage de la Troade, 3 tomes, 3 e edit, ; Paris, Dentu, An. x. 1802. Lechevalier's Beschreibung der Ebene von Troia, mit Anmerkungen von Bah el, am dem Englischen, von Bornedden ; Leipzig, 1792. 5 Aeneid. ii. 29. 6 II. xxii. 147-152. 7 See the map in his work above mentioned. 8 Voyage pittoresque de la Grece, tome ii. livraison ii. ; Paris, 1820. See Buchholz, Homer. Kosmogr. und Geogr. p. 333. 9 See C. G. Lenz, Bie Ebene von Troia, nach dem Grafen Choiseul-Gouffier ; Neu iStrelitz, 1798, p. 26. 10 Ibid. p. 59. 1 Ibid. p. 31. 2 Ibid. p. 34. s Ibid. p. 44. 4 Ibid. pp. 54, 55. 186 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER'S ILIUM. [Chap. IV. it on his map : 5 this last appears to he the single right view that these two travellers hit upon. The theory of Lechevalier and Choiseul-Gouffier, that ancient Troy- was situated on the heights of Bounarhashi, was at the end of the last century violently opposed hy Jacob Bryant, 6 who declares the war of Troy to he a myth, but maintains that Homer had in view a real space of ground for his tragedy: this theatre of the Trojan war he places near Cape Lectum. and the city of Hamaxitus. Messrs. Hawkins, Sibthorpe, Lyston, and Dallaway, travellers to the Plain of Troy, mentioned by Lechevalier, 7 adopted his theory. This Troy- Bounarbashi theory was further adopted by the following writers : — Heyne, Excurs. ad Iliad., lib. vi. Carl (xotthold Lenz, Die Ebene von Troia ; Neu Strelitz, 1798. J. B. S. Morritt, iD his answer to Jacob Bryant, A Vindication of Homer, York, 1798; and Borne Observations upon the Vindication of Homer, Eton, 1799. Wm. Franklin, BemarJcs and Observations on the Plain of Troy, made during an Excursion in June, 1799 ; London, 1800. William Gell, The Topography of Troy and its Vicinity ; London, 1801. Hawkins, in the Edinburgh Transactions, vol. iv. Eobert Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey, London, 1817, adopts the observations made on the Troad by P. Hunt, who puts Troy at Bounarhashi. Otto Friedrich von Eichter, Wallfahrten im Morgenlande ; Berlin, 1822. Colonel W. M. Leake, Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor; London, 1824, p. 277 ff. Yon Prokesch-Osten, Erinnerungen aus Aegypten und Kleinasien, iii. 1-117, Wien, 1829-1831 ; and Denhuilrdigkeiten und Erinnerungen aus dsm Orient, i. pp. 137 ff., Stuttgart, 1836-1837. Field-Marshal Count von Moltke has also declared in favour of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory ; Brief e iiber Zustdnde und Begebenheiten in der Tilrhei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839 ; Berlin, Posen, und Bromberg, bei E. S. Mittler, 1841, pp. 167-172. Moltke says: "We who are no scholars suffer ourselves to be simply guided by a military instinct to the spot, which, in old times as well as now, would be colonized, if an inaccessible citadel were to be founded." For these details of Field- Marshal Count von Moltke's judgment, I am indebted to my friend Dr. G. von Eckenbrecher. Sir Charles Fellowes, Excursion in Asia Minor, 1838. Charles Texier, Description de VAsie Mineure, i. ; Paris, 1839. 5 Ibid. See map at the end of the work Die Ebene von Troia, &c. p. xii.) Voyage pittoresque de la Grece, &c. ; and C. G. 6 Observations upon a Treatise entitled a " De~ Lenz, Die Ebene von Troia, &c. : also Lecheva- scription of the Plain of Troy," by M. Lecheva- lier, Voyage de la Troade, &c. The maps of lior, Eton, 1795 ; and Dissertation concerning the Lechevalier and Choiseul-Gouffier are perfectly War of Troy and the Expedition of the Grecians identical, for both are nothing but copies of the as described by Homer, London, 1796. map made by the architect Cazas. (See Lenz, 7 Voyage de la Troade, ii. 212. Chap. IV.] OPINIONS FOR BOUNARBASHI. 187 Henry W. Acland, The Plains of Troy ; Oxford, 1839. Forbiger, Handbuch der alien Geographic, ii. p. 149. Mauduit, Decouvertes dans la Troade ; Paris et Londres, 1840. Lieutenant, now Admiral, T. A. B. Spratt, as well as Commander Thomas Graves, follow the same theory in their map of the Troad, 1840. I cannot refrain from making on this occasion a warm acknow- ledgment to both Admiral Spratt and Commander Graves for the immense service they have rendered to science by their most excellent map of the Troad. Nothing has escaped the close scrutiny they gave to every spot, in order to produce as complete a map of the plain and the hills falling into it as was possible, as a basis for the future study of Homeric Topo- graphy. For all previous maps were mere compilations of many tra- vellers' journeys, and so in many points very erroneous and confusing, as well as deficient in giving the necessary geographical details. Every ruin, however small, is marked on this map, which can hardly ever be excelled. P. W, Forchhammer, Topographische und physiographisehe Beschrei- bung der Ebene von Troja, published in English, in the Journal of the Boyal Geographical Society, vol. xii., 1842, and republished in German, Kiel, 1850 ; also in the AUgemeine Zeitung, 1874, Beilage zu No. 93 ; also in his Daduchos, Einleitung in das Verhdltniss der hellenischen Mythen, Kiel, 1875 ; also in the Augsburger AUgemeine Zeitung, Beilage zu No. 92, 1875 ; and his Scamandros in the Jahrbiicher fur class. Philologie, Jahrgang xxii. 1876. Friedr. Gottlieb Welcker, Kleine Schriften, vol. ii. pp. 41, 44 fF. ; Bonn and Elberfeld, 1844-1867. Heinrich Kiepert, Memoir ilber die Construction der Karle von Kleinasien ; Berlin, 1854. G. W. F. Howard (Lord Carlisle), Diary in Turkish and Greek Waters; London, 1854. Sir J. C. Hobhouse (Lord Broughton), Travels in 1810, London, 1813 (new edition, London, 1855), who puts Troy near Alexandria-Troas. J. G. von Hahn, Ausgrabungen auf der Homer. Pergamos ; Leipzig, 1864. He excavated on the heights above Bounarbashi in May 1864, and says, in conclusion, that he does not believe in a real Troy, but thinks Homer has adapted his poems to the site of Bounarbashi. M. G. Nikolaides, Topographie et Plan stvategiaue de I' I Hade; Paris, 1867. L. W. Hasper, Beitrdge zur Topographie der Homerischen Ilias, Bran- denburg, 1867 ; also, Das cdte Troia und das Schlachtfeld der Homerischen Helden, Glogau, 1868 ; also, Ueber die Lage des alien Ilium, Leipzig, 1873 ; also, Das negative Ttesaltat der Ausgrabungen Schliemanns auf Hissarlik, und Beweis dass der Sanger der Ilias Troia auf Bali Dagh erbaut angenommen habe, Berlin, 1874. Henry Fanshawe Tozer, Besearches in the Highlands of Turkey; London, 1869, p. 337. Ernst Curtius, Griechische Geschichte, 4th edition, Berlin, 1874; also in his Lecture at Berlin in November 1871. 188 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER'S ILIUM. [Chap. IV. E. Buchholz, Homerische Kosmographie und Geographic ; Leipzig, 1871. E. Isambert, Itineraire descriptif ; Paris, 1873. A. Conze, Troianische Ausgrabungen, in the Preuss. Jahrbiicher, xxxiv., Berlin, 1874 ; and xxxv. p. 398, 1875. George Perrot, Excursion a Troie et aux Sources du Mendere ; Extrait de TAnnuaire de V Association pour V Encouragement des Etudes grecques en France, 1874. G. d'Eichthal, Le Site de Troie scion Leclievalier on selon Schliemann ; Paris, 1875. B. Stark, in the Jenaer Liter aturbldtt, No. 23, 1874 ; also Nach dem Griechischen Orient, Reisestudien, 1875, Jenaer Lit. S. 156 ; Augsburger AUgemeine Zeitung, Beilage No. 8, Arad. 5, S. 601 ; Literar. Central- Matt, S. 1131. L. Yivien de Saint-Martin, LLlion d'Homere, THium des Romains ; Revue Archeologique, Nouvelle Serie, xxix. ; Paris, 1875. George Bawlinson, History of Herodotus ; London, 1875. See the map in vol. iv. p. 43. S. Ch. Schirlitz, in Ersch and Gruber's AUgemeine Encyldopadie, mentions further, among the explorers of the Troad, Dodwell and Forster, whose dissertations and theories are unknown to me. Of those who adopt other theories, different from the sites of Bounar- bashi and Novum Ilium (Hissarlik) — Dr. E. D. Clarke, Travels in various Countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa, Pt. i. London, 1812, endeavours to identify the village of Chiblak with Ilium and with the village of the Ilians ('IXteW Kco/xn). Major J. Kennell, Observations on the Topography of the Plain of Troy, London, 1814 ; and later, H. N. Ulrichs, Rheinisches Museum, 3 Jahrg., pp. 573 ff., translated into English by Dr. Patrick Colquhoun, An Excursus on the Topography of the Homeric Ilium, in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, vol. v. ; — identify the site of Troy with 'IXiecov Kcbfiv, which they put on the height of Ahshi Kioi, the farm of Mr. Calvert. P. Barker Webb, Tomographic de la Troade, Paris, 1844, identifies a site to the west of the village of Chiblak with the Homeric Troy. H. Gelzer, Eine Wanderung nach Troia, Basel, 1873, does not decide in favour of any particular site ; cf. Literar. Centrcdblatt, S. 1556 (1874). E. Brentano, Alt-Ilion im Bumbreldhal., Frankfurt am Main, 1877, endeavours to show that the Homeric Troy was on a hill in the Doumbrek valley, between the villages of Halil Eli and Ken Kioi, but he will never make a single convert to his impossible theory. B. Hercher, Ueber die Homerische Ebene von Troia, Berlin, 1875, seems to believe that a real Troy never existed. 0. Frick, Zur Troischen Frage, in the Jahrb. fur class. Phil., 1876, pp. 289 ff., does not venture to pronounce in favour of a particular site, and thinks the discussion on the subject not yet far enough advanced. L. von Sybel, Ueber Schliemann s Troia, Marburg, 1875, holds the game opinion. Chap. IV.] OPINIONS FOR HISSAELIK. 189 To these I must add seven scholars, whose opinions on the subject are unknown to me : — Virlet d'Aoust, Description topographique et archeologique de la Troade, 1873. A. de Longperier, Compte Rendu, 2, p. 94 ; Revue Archeol., 27, p. 328. Karl Henning, Neu-llion, in the Hermes, 9, p. 25 ; and in the Archaolog. Zeitung, p. 186, 1875. C. Aldenhoven, Ueber das neuentdeckte Troja ; Im Neuen Reich, i. p. 569, 1874. August Steitz, Die Lage des Homerischen Troia, in the Jahrbiicher fur classische Philologie, ed. Alfr. Fleckeisen, Jahrgang xxi., Band iii. ; Leipzig, 1875. E. Mehlis, Schliemanns Troja mid die Wissenschaft, in the German periodical Das Ausland ; Stuttgart, 1875. Julius Kieckler, Ueber Schliemanns Ausgrdbungen, Verhandlungen deutscher Philologen unci Schulmdnner ; Tubingen, 1876. The following scholars have recognized the identity of Novum Ilium with the site of the Homeric Troy : — C. Maclaren, Dissertation on the Topography of the Plain of Troy, Edinburgh, 1822 ; and The Plain of Troy described, Edinburgh, 1863. G. von Eckenbrecher, Ueber die Lage des Homerischen Ilion, in the Rheinische Museum, Neue Folge, vol. ii. pp. 1 ff. 1842 ; and Die Lage des Homerischen Troia, Diisseldorf, 1875. George Grote, History of Greece; London, 1846, 1st edition, vol. i. Julius Braun, Geschichte der Kunst in ihrem Enhvichlungsgange, Wiesbaden, 1856 ; and Homer und sein Zeitalter, Heidelberg, 1856-8. Dr. L. Schmitz, in Dr. W. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, art. Ilium; London, 1857. Wm. Biichner, Jahresbericht uber das Gymnasium Fridericianum ; Schwerin, 1871 and 1872. Emile Burnouf, Revue des Deux Mondes, du l er Janvier, 1874 3 and Memoires de VAntiquite, Paris, 1878. Philip Smith, Discoveries at Troy, in the Quarterly Review, April 1874, C. T. Newton, Dr. Schliemanns Discoveries at Ilium Novum ; Lecture before the Society of Antiquaries, April 30th, 1874; Academy, 1874, No. 173. Frank Calvert, who was formerly an adherent of the Troy-Bounar- bashi theory, became a convert to the Troy-Hissarlik theory, which he now energetically defends (see his Contributions towards the Ancient Geography of the Troad ; also Trojan Antiquities, arts. i. ii. ; The Athenseum, 1874, Nov. 7 and 14, London). Ph. Dethier, Une Partie du Tresor troy en au Musee de Constan- tinople (Revue Arch. 31, p. 416), 1874 ; also Nouvelle Trouvaille faite a Ilium- Hissarlih, 1874. Otto Keller, Die Entdechung Rions zu Hissarlih, Freiburg, 1875 ; also Ueber die Entdechung Trojas durch H Schliemann, Beilage zur AUgemeinen Zeitung, Nos. 344, 345, 1874. 190 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER'S ILIUM. [Chap. IV. Felix Kavaisson de Molien, Revue Archeologique, 26, p. 404; cf. Arcacl. 26, p. 326. Stephen Salisbury, Troy and Homer, Remarks on the Discoveries of Dr. H. Schliemann in the Troad ; Worcester, 1875. G-. A. Lauria, Troia, uno Studio; Napoli, 1875. W. Christ, Topographie der Troianischen Ebene, Miinchen, 1874; also Troja und die Troade, i.-iii., in the AUgemeine Zeitung, 1875, Drittes Quartal, Beilage zu Nos. 196, 197, 198. Maxime du Camp, L' Emplacement de VHion oVHomere, cVapres les plus recentes Decouvertes ; Paris, 1875. Francois Lenormant, Les Antiquites de la Troade tt VHistoire primi- tive des Contrees grecques; Paris, 1876. F. Schlie, Wissenschaftliche Beurtheilung der Funde Schliemanns in Hissarlik, Schwerin, 1876 ; also Schliemann und seine Bestrebungen, Schwerin, 1876. W. E. Gladstone, Homers Place in History, in the Contemporary Review, 1874; Homeric Sijnchronism, London, 1876; and Homer, London, 1878, enthusiastically defends the Troy-Hissarlik theory. Eduard Meyer, Geschichie von Troas ; Leipzig, 1877. A. H. Sayce, in his letters to the Athenaeum and the Academy, October 1879, and in the Contemporary Review, December 1878. I have finally to mention the great authority of Professor Ptudolf Virchow, who assisted me in my excavations at Hissarlik, from the 4th of April till the 4th of May, 1879, and who energetically opposes the Troy-Bounarbashi theory, and enthusiastically declares in favour of the identity of Hissarlik with the Homeric Troy. See his Lectures in the session of the Berlin Anthropological Society of the 26th of June and the 12th of July, 1879 ; in the Anthropological Congress at Strass- burg on the 13th of August, and at Amsterdam on the 16th of September, of the same year : also his excellent work, Beitrage zur Lancleskunde der Troas, Berlin, 1879. The principal argument of the defenders of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory is that immediately below the village are the two springs of Homer — one lukewarm, the other cold ; but this argument falls to the ground before the fact already mentioned, that there are not two but forty springs, all of which are cold and have a temperature of from 62° '24 to 62 0, 6 Fahr. Besides, as already stated, the Scamander originates, not in the Plain of Troy, but at a distance of twenty hours' journey from Hissarlik, in the range of Ida, from a cold spring, which has a temperature of 47 0, 12 Fahr. About 200 ft. from this source, the river is joined by the water of a spring which has a temperature of 60 o, 44 Fahr., and might perhaps, in comparison with the other spring, be called lukewarm. Perhaps Homer had heard of this lukewarm spring and the cold spring of the Scamander, and the poet may have brought them from Ida down to the Plain in order to introduce his beautiful verses (11. xxii. 147- 152). He clearly states (11. xii. 19-21) that the Scamander flows from Mount Ida. That he had not in his mind the springs of Bounarbashi, is Chap. IV.] THE SPADE AGAINST BOUNARBASHI. 191 also clearly shown by the statement, that close to the two sources were large washing troughs of stone, in which the Trojan women used to wash their clothes in the time of peace, before the arrival of the Greek army, 5 because the Bounarbashi springs being, in a straight line, at a distance of eight miles from the Hellespont and there being no regular siege, but only battles in the plain, there would have been no cause for them to stop washing at the springs on account of the war, as the advancing enemy could be seen at a great distance off in the plain. Consequently, this passage proves that, in the mind of the poet, the distance between tho Greek camp and Troy was but very short. I must further absolutely deny the truth of the statement made by Choiseul-Gouffier 6 and Ernst Curtius, 7 that the site of Troy on the heights of Bounarbashi is covered with ancient ruins. I take Yirchow and Burnouf, who accompanied me all over those heights, as witnesses, that not only are there no ruins whatever of ancient buildings, but even that there are no ancient potsherds or fragments of bricks, and that the ground is everywhere uneven, full of pointed or abrupt rocks and nowhere artificially levelled, so that the site can never have been inha- bited by men. I also cite the weighty testimony of the late Austrian Consul-General, J. G. von Hahn, who, with the celebrated astronomer Julius Schmidt, excavated during the whole of May, 1864, in the little city at the southern extremity of those heights (the Bali Dagh), and who, on stopping the work, writes as follows : 8 — " I can only confirm the tes- timony of Von Brondsted, that the whole locality does not show the slightest trace of a great city ever having existed here, which ought to have extended over the wide northern slope of the Bali Dagh, from the foot of the Acropolis to the springs of Bounarbashi. In spite of our zealous researches, we could not discover there — besides the tumuli — any sign which might point to a former human settlement, not even fragments of ancient pottery or bricks, those never-failing and consequently in- evitable witnesses of an ancient establishment. No fragments of columns or other building stones, no ancient freestone, nowhere in the native rock a quarried bed of any such stone, nowhere any artificial levelling of the rock ; everywhere the natural soil, which has never been touched by the hand of man." I may here repeat, that my thorough exploration of the heights of Bounarbashi in August 1868 gave the same results. I excavated in hundreds of places at the springs, in Bounarbashi itself, and on the land between that village and the Scamander, as well as on the declivities wherever I found earth. I struck the rock almost everywhere at a depth of from 2 to 3 feet, without ever finding the slightest vestige of bricks or pottery. 9 With regard to the walls brought to light by J. G. von Hahn and 5 II. xxii. 153-156 : %v%a 8* iir' abrdwv irAvvot evpees iyyvs £apiXK\IXZVOVS. Chap. IV.] HOMER AGAINST BOUNARBASHI. 195 Plato ; whereas the heights of Bounarbashi, which touch this Plain only on their small northern side, and are on all other sides connected with the higher range of Ida, are utterly opposed to and in contradiction with it. As to the objection made by the adherents of the Troy -Bounarbashi theory, that " the high mount of Bali Dagh behind Bounarbashi offers the most appropriate situation for a fortified city, and that for this reason — without the slightest ancient authority and in opposition to the distinct indica- tions of Homer, and to the firm belief of all antiquity that Priam's city was in the plain — we must transfer it to that mount," — this objection is (as Eckenbrecher 2 rightly observes) " untenable." He adds: "Mycenae, Tiryns, Athens, Borne, were built on low hills, Thebes 3 altogether in the plain. Why, then, was not the citadel of Athens built close by on Mount Lycabettus, which towers high above the hill of the Acropolis ? " " Nor must it," as Mr. Philip Smith observes to me, " be forgotten, throughout the whole argument, that the theory of Lechevalier is a mere hypothesis, born from the fancy of a modern traveller, without the slighted historical or traditional foundation. The whole onus probandi, therefore, lies upon its advocates, and nothing but an overwhelming body of evidence for this new invention can prevail against that historical and traditional right of possession by Novum Ilium, which is even sounder in archaeology than it is proverbially in law. Every new discovery in modern scholar- ship is daily tending to restore the authority of historical tradition, in opposition to the theories of sceptical enquirers." I must further repeat here, that the distance between the forty springs of Bounarbashi and the Hellespont is in a straight line eight miles, and from the little Acropolis, held to be identical with Priam's Pergamus, to the Hellespont is upwards of nine miles ; whilst all the battles and all the marches to and fro in the Iliad justify the supposition that the distance between the city and the Greek camp cannot have exceeded three miles. Let us consider for instance the first battle, which, according to 'Pope's calculation, is on the twenty-third day of the Iliad. In the night, Zeus orders the God of Dreams to go to Agamemnon, and induce him to arm the Greeks, promising him that he shall now take Troy. 4 At the first dawn, Agamemnon orders the Greeks to assemble in the Agora ; he tells his dream to the other chiefs, and, wishing to sound their intentions, he proposes to them to return to their country : 5 the troops, with loud cries, disperse among the ships and make preparations to set them afloat. 6 Ulysses restrains the troops, persuades them to remain, and they assemble for the second time in the Agora, 7 where long speeches are made by Ulysses, Nestor, and Agamemnon. 8 At last they decide to remain ; the warriors disperse again through the camp to prepare the morning meal, 2 G. von Eckenbrecher, Die Lage des Homer- ischen Troja ; Diisseldorf, 1875, p. 23. 3 M. Burnouf observes to me that, properly speaking, Thebes is not built in the plain, but on the Cadmea, which by a series of heights is connected with Mount Helicon. 4 II. ii. 8-15 : QaaK idly ouAe oVezpe, doas eVl yrias 'Axcuwv iAdkv is Khis elrrwu irvXiccv i^eaavro cpaldi/xos "EKrccp, Tip 8' ajx 'A\e£av8pos ki aSeXcpeos • iv 8' apa dvfxco afxQorepoi fie/nacrai/ tto\€/ull(€lv 7)8e fxdx^(rdai. &s 8e 6ebs vavrriaiv iehSojAevoiaiv ZdcoKev ovpov, eVet Ke Kajxwaiv iv^etTTys tXarriaiv ttovtov iXawovres, KajxaTcp 8' virb yv7a AeAuj/Tcu, ws apa red Tpweccii/ iekSo/xepoKri (pawrjrrjv. 5 II vii. 58-62 : /caS 8' ap' "A6r)vaiy] Te ica\ apyvporo^os 'AiriWoov e(4(rdir}v, upvitriv iomorts alyvwio7(Tiv, y 8e cti'x« e'laro irvuvai, acririai kou KopvOeacri Kal eyx*cri ire8e • vrjvs iirlirav ixdXiffrd ktj Karavvei iv LiaKpr)- fiep'ir) bpyvias 6TTTaKio~[j,vp'ias, vvktos 5e k^aaia- /xvpias. ijSrj 3>v is fxev 4>aaiv curb tov v opyvieuv rourewv arddioi eKarbv Kai x^ 101 nal /xvpioi 6iVt. Chap. IV.] MOVEMENTS OF GREEKS AND TROJANS. 199 horses, took two days to go from Pylos to Sparta, a distance of 50 miles. 7 No doubt it would have been easier for Telemachus to have gone to Sparta in half a day, than for the Greeks and Trojans to have accom- plished the task imposed upon them by the system of Lechevalier." 8 On the day after the first battle of the Iliad, the herald Idaeus is sent by the Trojans at daybreak into the Greek camp to propose an armistice, for the burial of the dead. 9 He concludes the armistice, and brings the news back to Troy ; the Trojans begin to collect the dead bodies and wood to burn them, and then only does the sun rise. 10 • But how long can it have been between the first dawn of the morning and sunrise ? Certainly not more than an hour and a half. This is only consistent if we suppose Troy to have been at Hissarlik, for, if it had been at Bounarbashi, the herald would have had at least 1G miles to walk, and he could not have done this in less than five hours, for — as Eckenbrecher 1 observes — any one who has read Homer, even superficially, will certainly not suppose that the herald could have gone on horseback or in a chariot, for, if this had been the case, the poet would have men- tioned it explicitly ; but on the contrary he expressly says, " Early in the morning let Idaeus go to the hollow ships," 2 and " Early in the morning Idaeus went to the hollow ships ;" 3 and again " Idaeus went back to sacred Ilium." 4 Eckenbrecher 5 adds that Welcker, 6 the warmest. defender of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory, suggests that the herald might have run ; there being so much running in the Iliad, and the poet endowing his heroes with superhuman power : " But wherever . he does this it is to make them appear more heroic and more sublime, and not to make them ridiculous. Can the herald, who has to conclude the armistice for burying the dead, be conceived of as running at a trot for four hours ! Then we must suppose that, if Troy had been at Bounarbashi, still three hours at least would have been occupied in concluding the armistice, in its proclamation, in the preparation for the setting out of the armies and in their long march, before both armies could have met. Therefore, at leant seven hours would have been required to execute that which Homer 7 Od. iii. 484-497 and iv. 1 : /xdarTL^ev 8' i\dav, to> 8' ovk UKoure TreT€o~Qr)u is ireSlov, AiireTrjy 8e Tlv\ov alirb ivToXiedpov. ot 8e iravrj/xiptoL oslov (vybv a/j-tyls exovres. Svaero t 5 i)€kios (XKiooivto re iraaai dyvia'i, is 4>7j/)as 8' "kovto, AlokXt}os itotl tioofia, vlios 'Op(n\6xoLo, tov 'AAeios rewre 7rcu8a. ivda Se vvkt atcrav, b 8e rots nap £eiVia 6>/)/cey. ■f)/j.os 8' ripvyi'jaia. (pdvr] poBoddnrvAos 'Hcos, "ttitovs re ^evyvvvr aud 6* ap/xara ttoikiX' zfiaivov, itc 8' zkaaav irpoQvpoio nal aldovcri)s ipidovirov. jxdcrrilev 8' i\dav, too 8' ovk Moure Trericrdrfy. i^ov 8' is ireZiov irvprjcpopov, evda 8' tireira i\vov odov • toIov yap vneKcpepov w/cees tWoi. 8vaer6 t T]i\ios o~ki6o}vt6 re iraaai ayviai, ot 8' t£oi/ koi\t]v AaKeSai/xova K^Tweo-aav, . . . 8 There is no carriage-road over Mt. Taygetus, which Telemachus and Pisistratus must neces- sarily have crossed ; and there are no signs that there has ever been such a road. Thus to go in a chariot from Pherae (now Calamata) across those mountains has at all times been impossible. But Homer, who probably did not know the locality, supposed it to be possible. 9 II vii. 381 : T)oo9ev 8' 'iScuos tfit} Koi\as iirl v?ias. 10 II. vii. 421-423 : 7)4\ios /j.cv en-eiTa viov TrpoazfiaXhev apovpas, e£ aKaXap pelrao fiaOvppoov 'flKeavoTo ovpavhv elcavitiov • o\ 8' y\vreov aXAr\\oio~iv. 1 Die lage des Homerischen Troja, p. 29. 2 II. vii. 372 : ijwdev 8' 'Ida7os 2tco Koi\as eVi vyas. s II. vii. 381, sup. Cit. 4 II. vii. 413: axpoppov 8' 'l5a?os e/fy TrpoTi ^Wlov lpr t v. 5 Die Laje des Homer. Troja, p. 29. 6 Kleine Schriftcn, Band ii. p. xviii. 200 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER'S ILIUM. [Chap. IV. mentions as having been done, at the most, in one hour and a half. This proves that the distance, at which Homer considers his Troy to be from the Hellespont, is more than four times less than the distance of Bounar- bashi from the sea-coast at the Trojan epoch." On the third clay, after sunset, 7 Hector causes the Trojans to encamp on the bank of the Scamander, 8 and orders oxen, sheep, and wine to be brought quickly from the city : 9 the animals and the wine, as well as bread, are immediately brought from Troy. 10 Oxen and sheep move slowly, especially in the night, but nevertheless they arrive /capTraXt/xm, promptly. The Trojans slaughter the animals, and sacrifice to the. gods. 1 But the Trojan camp was close to the Tumulus of Ilus, 2 on the left bank of the Scamander, since the thousand watch-fires of the Trojans were seen between the Greek camp and the river ; 3 the Tumulus of Ilus was also close to the ford of the Scamander. 4 The Trojan camp, then, being at the Tumulus of Ilus, on the left bank of the Scamander, near its ford, was, as we have seen, near Troy ; and this is further proved by the poet's statement, that their watch-fires were burning before Ilium i^WioQi irpo). Now the proximity of this same Trojan camp to the Greek ships, on the shore of the Hellespont, could not be better indicated than by the passage in which Agamemnon is represented as looking from his tent on to the plain; when he is alarmed at seeing the watch-fires of the Trojan camp which burn before Ilium, and at hearing the sound of the Trojan flutes and pipes and the hum of the warriors. 5 Now, if Troy had been at Bounarbashi, the Trojan camp, which is described by the poet as being very near Ilium, must be supposed to have been at a distance of 7 miles from the Greek camp. But what mortal ear can hear musical sounds or the hum of men at such a dis- tance ? The same may be said of the TXteW Kco/xt;, which is nearly as far from the Hellespont as Bounarbashi, and which has besides the disadvantage that it cannot be seen from the shore, being screened from view by the intervening heights. On the day on which the third great battle took place, which is the twenty-eighth day of the Iliad according to Pope's calculation, ' 77. viii. 485-488: iv 8' eVeo - ' 'D-KeaveS Kafxirpbv (pdos 7]e\loio, 'i\Kov vvktcl fxe\aivav irrl {eidoopov dpovpav. Tpcoalv /xiv p' deKovcriv e8u (pdos, avrap 'AxaiO?s aerirao-'ir) rpiKKiaros iir-qhvOe vv£ ipe/Bevvrj. 8 II. viii. 489-491 : Tpcacov ccSt' dyopyv iroi7]ffaro (paldi/mos"EKTwp, voo~ irvpd Ka'iero, Trap 8e eKao~TCp eVaro TT€VT7}K0VTa aiXai irvpbs aidofxevoio. * II. xxiv. 349-351 : ot 8' eVei ovv fxeya oT;/xa 7rape£ 'Woio zXaacrav, crTT)o~av ap' Tjfxiovovs T6 Kai 'litttovs, ocppa irioiev, iv TTOTa/JLU). But this passage, in contradiction to the fore- going, makes it appear that the tomb of Ilus was on the right bank of the Scamander. 5 II. x. 11-13: $ roi or is iredlov rb Tpw'iKov dOp-fjcreiev, Bavjxa^v irvpd iroXXa tcc KaUro 'lAioOi irp6, avX&v avplyyuiv t' ivoiri]v ofxabov r' dvdpwirav. Chap. TV.] DISTANCE BETWEEN TROY AND THE SHIPS 201 sunrise 6 and noon 7 are mentioned. In the afternoon the Greeks drive the Trojans to the Scaean Gate ; 8 but the former are again driven back to the ships, where a terrible carnage takes place. 9 The Trojans are again repulsed, 10 but they drive back the Greeks a second time to the ships, 1 where there is' a fearful slaughter. Patroclus drives the Trojans to the walls of Troy, and tries three times to scale it ; 2 the Greeks fight until evening before the Scaean Gate. 3 Thus, in this third battle, as in the first, the Greeks go at least four times in one afternoon over the space between the camp and Troy, in spite of the long battles at the ships, in the plain, and under the walls of Troy. There is another passage which proves the short distance between Troy and the Greek camp. Priam begs Achilles to grant an armistice of eleven days for the funeral of Hector, for, he says, the city is shut up too closely by the siege, and they must fetch the wood afar from the moun- tains. 4 The old king would certainly not have had to complain of this, had Troy been at Bounarbashi, or at 'IXteW Kco/jltj ; for as both these places — the heights of the former as well as the hill of the latter — are connected with the higher wooded range of Mount Ida, the Trojans could have quietly fetched their wood, without fear of being troubled by the Greeks. The defenders of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory lay much stress on the passage where, in the battle at the ships, Poseidon reproaches the Greeks, and says that formerly, before the retirement of Achilles, the Trojans never for a moment dared to meet the Greeks in open battle, whereas now they fight far from the city at the hollow ships ; 5 — again, on the passage where Polydamas advises the Trojans, when they had with- drawn from the Greek camp, to retire to the city, and not to remain all the night in the plain near the ships, because " we are far from the walls of Troy ; " 6 — also on the passage in which Ulysses, when lying with his companions in ambush in the reeds and bushes before the walls of Troy, says to them : " We have 'gone very far from the ships." 7 But we do not 6 77. xi. 1, 2 : 'Hcbs 5' 4k Ae%eW Trap' ayavov Ti9oovo?o wpvvO', %v aQavaroiai (pows (pepoi i)5e {3poTO?o~LV. 7 II. xi. 84-86 : ud)pa jxev rjuis -f)v Kal de^eTO lepbv ifytap, r6(ppa ,uaA.' d/j.s Tpu>es to irpiv ye fxevos Kal x^P as 'Ax&i&v /nlfiveiv ovk eOeXecrKOv ivavTiov, ovd' i}fiai6v. vvv Se eKas iroXios KolXys eirl vr\val [xdxovTau 6 II. xviii. 254-256:' dfupl /uidXa (ppd(eo-9e, b~?av 4v ireBico irapa vrjvaiv eKas 5' dirb Tessas eljxev. 7 Od. xiv. 496 : Xir]v yap vTjuvjKas jjXdojmev. 202 THE TRUE SITE OF HOMER'S ILIUM. [Chap. IV. see how it can be inferred from these passages that there must have been a great distance between the Greek camp and Troy ; for in the first the question is of the Trojans fighting at the ships, and therefore at the farthest possible point from Troy between the city and the Greek camp ; in the second passage they are close by this farthest point ; and in the third passage Ulysses, in ambush under the very walls of Troy, is as far as he can be from the camp, speaking of the space between it and Troy. Thus, the adverb e/ca? is in all three cases used only relatively, and it need by no means indicate a really long distance, especially as the whole Iliad shows the space between Troy and the Greek camp to have been but very short. I may add that in a war, such as was carried on between the Greeks and Trojans, the distance between the Hellespont and His- sarlik can be and ought to be considered as relatively great. The short distance between Ilium and the Greek camp appears also to be indicated by the short run which Dolon had to make, to reach the ships. 8 We further recognize the short distance, when, in the last battle, the Trojans being arrayed between the Greek camp and the Scamander, Athene excites the Greeks by her cries from the wall of the camp and from the shore, whilst Ares excites the Trojans by his cries from the height of the Acropolis. 9 It must be remembered that the Trojan camp was at that time in close proximity to the ships. Against Bounarbashi we have also the passage in the UarpofcXeia, 10 where Patroclus, after having driven back the Trojans to the ships, does not allow them to return to the town, but Mils them between the ships, the ivall {of the city), and the Scamander. This passage shows three important facts : in the first place, that the distance between the city, the Scamander, and the Greek camp, was but very short ; in the second place, that the Scamander was between the city and the Greek camp ; and, thirdly, that Troy could consequently not be situated at Bounarbashi, as the Sca- mander would not have intervened between it and the Greek camp. The Troy-Bounarbashi theorists further maintain that, at the time of the Trojan war, Hissarlik was close to the Hellespont, the whole lower plain being a much later formation ; and that, consequently, there was no room for the battles described in the Iliad. They refer to the before- mentioned Hestiaea, who, according to Strabo, 1 made the same objection ; and also to Herodotus, 2 who says that the land about Ilium (that is, the 8 II. x. 337-369. 9 II. xx. 51, 52 : aue 8' "Ap7js erepuOev, epefxvfj \ai\airi. Icros, d£v kclt' aicpoTa.T7)s iro\ios Tpwecrai KeKevuv. 10 II. xvi. 394-398: YloLTpoK^os 8' iirel ovv irpdoras iireKepcre (paXayyas, a\p eVi vr\as eepye TraXi/JLTreres, ovde tz6Kt}os eia le^evovs iiril3aive/j.ev, aWa jxeayyvs vr)cov Kal irora/xov /cat Tei'x^os vtyrjko'io KTelve fxeraicrcTwu, xoAeW 8' airerlvvro iroivrjv. 1 xiii. p. 599 : TraparlOr^ai 8' 6 Ar]jxr}rpios /cat tV 'AXe^avSpivqv 'Eariaiav fidprvpa, tt]V cvy- ypdtyaaav irepl ttjs 'Ofj.r}pov 'lAtaSos, irvvOavo- fievrjv el irepl ttjv vvv ttoAiv 5 ndAe/AOS crvveaTT), Kal . . . to Tpoo'ifchy Tredlov, o jiera^v rf/s ir6\eu>s Kal rrjs 6a\a.TTris 6 iroir]Tr]s (ppd(ei • rb jj.lv yap Trpb Ttjs vvv iroAews opwjxevov izpox^fJ-a elvai tu>v Tvorafxuiv varepov yeyov6s. 2 ii. 10 : tcov yap ovpeuiv rcov elprj^evuv tu>v virep MeucpLV it6\lv Keifxevw rb fxera^v icpalverS jxoi elvai Kore k6\ttos 6a\dcrarfs, Ziairep ye rd irepl "Wiov Kal TevQpavi-qv Kal "Ecpeaov re Kai MaidvSpov irediov, ware elvai crjuiKpd ra'vra fxeyd- Xoiai crvjx^aXeeiv. The parallel is unlucky for the theory, since the geology of Egypt proves Herodotus to be utterly wrong in his assumption (fur it is nothing more — and the same is true of the Plain of Troy) that the Nile-valley was formed Chap. IV.] WAS ILIUM FINALLY DESERTED ? 203 historical Ilium) appears to him to have once been a gulf filled up by the alluvium of the rivers, like part of the Nile valley. But I have given numerous reasons which lead to the conclusion that the Plain of Troy must probably be older even than the Hellespont, and that it must have extended at the Trojan epoch just as far towards the latter as it does now. Moreover, Herodotus does not say that in his opinion the plain was formed after the Trojan war; and, as Eckenbrecher 3 ingeniously remarks, " How could he have expressed such an opinion, as the historical Ilium is in his view identical with the Homeric Ilium, which fact necessarily involves the supposition that the plain existed at the Trojan epoch ? " The defenders of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory further cite the testi- mony of the orator Lycurgus, 4 who says in his speech against Leocrates, accused of treachery after the battle of Chaeronea : " Who has not heard that Troy, the greatest city of its time, and sovereign of all Asia, after having been destroyed by the Greeks, has remained uninhabited ever since?" "But how" — asks Eckenbrecher 5 — "could Lycurgus suppose this to be universally known, as there must have been not a few persons who knew nothing about it ; for instance, the Ilians of his time, who (with Hellanicus and others) had the firm conviction that the site of their city was identical with the Homeric Troy ? This question can only be solved by the right interpretation of the word ' uninhabited ' (aoLKTjros;) ; and, fortunately, Lycurgus himself assists us in explaining it ; for he says also in his speech, that through the treachery of Leocrates Athens had been in danger of becoming ' uninhabited ' {aoUrjrov av ryeveaOcu). Does he mean by this, the danger of literally no one living in Athens ? No, he can only have meant, in danger of becoming deserted, desolate, dead, which expressions we use in speaking of a ruined city, just as the modern Venetians have been heard to say ' non v' e piu Venezia.' We see, then, that the word ' uninhabited ' was used in Greek in this sense ; and we may therefore understand it so in the passage in which Lycurgus applies it to Troy. In this way we remove the incon- sistency involved in this passage by translating the word ' uninhabited,' and do away with the proof that the site of the Homeric Troy had never been inhabited after its destruction. For the rest, Strabo 6 cites the words of Lycurgus, after having given Homer's authority for the complete destruction of the city, in order to show, as he says, that this was also acknowledged in later times. The confirmation of Troy's complete de- struction (/career /cdrwv xp-qixdrwv Xaxos fieya, evei/J-av avroirpefjivov els rb irav efxoi, i^aiperov Scoprj/xa ®t](Tews rJ/cots. 6 3x. 9G1. 7 Lucan. Pharsal. ix. 998, 999. 8 Pharsal. ix. 989. Chap IV.] LEGEND OF THE WOODEN HORSE. 207 favours, by which— as we notoriously know from history — Julius Caesar endeavoured to raise the Ilium of his time to a flourishing condition." I may here add that the site of Bounarbashi is in contradiction with the hydrographical foundations of our map, in consequence of which all the adherents of the Troy-Bounarbashi theory must submit to a radical renaming of the rivers of the plain. It has been argued against the identity of Novum Ilium with the Homeric Troy that, if the latter had been so near the ships, the Trojans would not have needed to encamp in the plain. But it was Hector's intention to attack the Greeks the moment they should try to put their ships afloat and to go on board, for he supposed they had such a design. 9 By encamping at the tumulus of Ilus he saved a march of a mile and a half, and kept his warriors under arms instead of dispersed in the city. When the battle is raging near Troy, Ajax is afraid that those of the Greeks who had remained in the camp at the ships might be discouraged at seeing their comrades repulsed by Hector. 10 The distance appears, therefore, to have been so short that they could see each other. Virgil, 11 the most veracious narrator of traditions, and Quintus Smyrnaeus, 1 represent the Trojan women as looking at the Greek fleet from the walls, and hearing the cries of the Greeks when they rushed from the camp. These are merely instances of the views of these two later authors with regard to the distance and the relative situation of the city and the camp. But it must be supposed that people at the camp and in Ilium perceived each other only very imperfectly, for otherwise there could be no reason why Polites— who, confiding in his speed, sat as scout on the tumulus of Aesyetes (which we may suppose to have been near Koum Kioi) — should have watched when the Greeks would rush forth from their ships. 2 The legend of the Trojan wooden horse is undoubtedly nothing but a sacred symbol. Euphorion, in the rationalizing spirit of the later Greeks, supposed this horse to have been nothing else than a Grecian ship called Xtttto^, " the horse." 3 So too Pausanias pronounced that the Trojan horse must have been in point of fact a battering-engine, because to admit the literal narrative would be to impute utter childishness to the defenders of the city. 4 Keller 5 suggests that " it probably refers to an oracle ; let us call to mind the numerous Sibyls in Asia Minor, at Sardis ; Erythrae, and Samos, 6 as well as the oracle of the wooden walls of Athens, which signified its ships." But the Trojan horse, as Grote 7 says, with its 9 II TiiL 508-511 : S>s K€is iravvvxioi /xeV^)' i)ous TipiyeueiTjs Kalco/xev irvpd iroX\d, o~e\as 5' ei's obpavov '/«:?;, fl7] TTWS KOL Sia VVKTa KOLpf] KOJJ.6c0l>T€S ' Ax^io'l (pevyeiv 6pfxr\v avvefSf). 5 xiii. p. 600 : Aeyovai 8' oi vvv 'l\ie?s Ka) tovto «s ouSe reAecos rjcpaviadai awzfiaivev tt)v it6Kiv kclto. T7)v aAcocriv virb toov 'Axatwi', oi>8' i£eAel(p671 ovBeirore • at yovv AoKpioes irapQtvoi jxiKpbv vo~T€pou ap^dp.evai iTr4/x7rovTO /car' e-ros. 6 Herodotus, v. 122 : Ct/j.4r]s) KaTaAiiriov t)]v UpoirovTlha €7rt tov 'EAArjcnrovTOV ^ye rbv o-TpaTov, Kal el\e fxev AtoAeas irdvTas, oaoi t^v IAiaSa ve/xoj/Tai, eTAe 8e FepyiOas tovs viroAsi- v ftffrepop oiK'qo'dvTwv v l\iov is tt]v Kplaiu ttjv eVi to?s cirkois riKovca. Pausanias, viii. 12. 9 : tovtov 8e crvvTeXovcriv is irio~Tiv AloKioov ol *lhiov io Ilium, while the traveller in the Troad 2 Arrian. Anab. i. 11 ; Appian, Mithridat. c. 53 ; looks for Old Ilium as if it were the unquestion- Aristides, Oratio, 43 ; Rhodiaca, p. 820 (Dindorf, able spot where Priam had lived and moved ; p. 369). The curious Oratio xi. of Dio Chrysostom, the name is even formally enrolled on the best in which he writes his new version of the Trojan maps of the ancient Troad." CHAPTER V. THE FIRST PRE-HISTOEIC CITY ON THE HILL OF HISSAELIK. As I have explained in the preceding pages, 1 I ascertained by the twenty shafts sunk on the site of Novum Ilium, which are accurately indicated on the Plan of the Hellenic Ilium, 2 that the ruins of none of the pre-historic cities, which succeeded each other here in the course of ages, exceeded the precincts of the hill of Hissarlik, which forms its north-west corner, and served as its Acropolis. This Acropolis, like the Acropolis of old Troy, was called Pergamum. 3 Here were the temples of the gods, 4 among which the sanctuary of Athene, the tutelary deity of the city, was of great celebrity. The Ilians, who firmly believed in the ancient tradition that their town occupied the very site of ancient Troy, were proud to show in their Pergamum the house of Priam as well as the altar of Zeus Herkeios, where that unhappy old man had been slain, 5 and the identical stone on which Palamedes had taught the Greeks to play at dice. 6 They were so totally ignorant of archaeology, that they took it as an undoubted fact, that the Trojans had walked on the very same surface of the soil as themselves, and that the buildings they showed were all that remained of the ancient city. It never occurred to their minds that ruins could exist except on the surface. As they had no cellars, so they had no excavations to make ; but still they once cer- tainly made an excavation, because there is a well 7 in the Acropolis, which is walled up with stones and chalk, and was evidently dug by the later Ilians. This well has been dug with great trouble through numbers of pre-historic house-walls. By a strange chance it has been pierced, at a depth of about 30 ft. below the surface, through the thick walls of a house, which is the largest house in the burnt city, and which I firmly hold to be the mansion of its chief or king, because, as mentioned in the preceding pages, in or close to it I found nine smaller or larger treasures. But they dug with great pains through these house-walls without even noticing them, for, had they noticed them, they might have raised pretensions to archaeology ; they might perhaps have excavated the whole mansion, and might have felt inclined to proclaim it as the real house of Priam, instead of the building which they showed 28 or 30 ft. above it, on the surface of the hill. With the same in- difference they dug on, and, having pierced through several still more 1 P. 38. 2 The shafts are marked by the letters A to V on Plan II. 3 Herodotus, vii. 43 : rb Uepya/uLov. The form in Homer is always r) Uepya/xos. The Tragic poets use also the plural, to Uepyafxa. 4 Thelnscriptions authenticate, besides Athene, a temple of Zeus Polieus at Novum Ilium (Boeckh, Corp. Inscr., No. 3599). 5 Grote, History of Greece, i. p. 298. 6 Polemon Perieget. Frag. xxxi. ; ed. L. Preller. 7 This well is marked az on Plan I. (of Troy). 212 THE FIE ST PRE-HIST0R1C CITY. [Chap. Y. ancient house-walls, they at last, at a depth of 53 ft., reached the rock, into which they sunk their shaft deep enough to get water. The Ilians dug this well from above, whereas in describing the results of my excavations I shall commence from below. The rock consists of soft limestone. The first inhabitants of these sacred precincts did not take the trouble to remove the black earth which covered this rock to the depth of 8 in. ; but they laid on it the foundations of their houses, of which three walls-, composed of small uncut stones joined with earth, may be seen in my great trench, which passes from north to south through the whole hill. 8 On some of these walls the well-smoothed clay coating, with which they were once covered, is still preserved. I have hitherto attributed the enormous layer of debris, 23 ft. deep, which covers the rock and precedes the burnt city, to only one nation, and have called those vast ruins the First City on the hill of Hissarlik. 9 But the pottery contained in the lowest stratum, from 6 to 7 ft. thick, is so vastly, so entirely different from that of the subse- quent layer, 16 ft. thick ; and further — as Professor A. H. Sayce, who recently visited the Troad, has ingeniously observed — the architecture of the house- walls in these two strata is so widely different, — that I cannot but acknowledge, in agreement with him, that the first city must have been destroyed or abandoned, and again built over by another people. To my great regret, I have been able to excavate comparatively little of these two lowest cities, as I could not bring them to light without completely destroying the burnt city, the third in succession from the virgin soil, the ruins of which rest upon the second city. For this reason also I can only give the depth of the ruins of the first city 10 approximately, as from 6 to 7 ft. : in some places it may be a little less, in others a little more. Thus, for instance, the depth of the debris of the first city is 9 ft. in two places in which M. Burnouf has most carefully examined them. He found them to consist of: 1. The limestone rock : Thickness. 2. The layer of black earth 20 centimetres deep. 3. Dark blue plastic clay 3 „ 4. Light grey plastic clay . 3| „ ., 5. Dark blue plastic clay ........ 8£ „ „ 6. Black earth 6 „ „ 7. Dark blue clay mixed with grey clay ..... 8 „ „ 8. Mixture of the preceding earth with traces of charcoal .. . 26 „ „ 9. Yellow clay 9 „ „ 10. Dark blue clay mixed with much charcoal 13 „ „ 11. Yellowish clay, much mixed with grey clay and black earth, traces of charcoal ........ 20 „ „ 12. Layer of mixed earth between two brown clayish laminae . 10 „ „ 13. Earth mixed with all these elements and with stones . . . 1 50 „ „ 2 metres 77 ctm. Then follow the buildings of the Second City. as^^^sss^^^^^^ 8 See Plan III. (marked/// in Section of the 9 See my Troy and its Remains, pp. 148-156. Great Central Trench, X-Y), also Plan I, (of 10 These ruins of the first city are marked Troy), on which they are likewise marked // N on Plan 111. (Section of the Great Central in the Great Trench, x-r. Trench) Chap. V.] POTTERY THE MOST ANCIENT OF IMITATIVE ARTS. 213 M. Burnouf remarks that these layers are frequently interrupted by large cakes of clay (in French, (/alettes) or groups of them, which were in general use with the inhabitants of the first three, and even of the first four, pre-historic cities. He explains that these clay cakes were used to consolidate and to level the layers of debris, because as they dried they became so hard that the heaviest walls could be erected upon them. He adds that the layer of debris of the first city often contains single stones, small deposits of brown or black ashes, as well as mussels and oyster shells, but few cockles and bones. The layers of debris slope with the hill towards the north. This first city was evidently not destroyed by fire, for I never found there blackened shells or other marks of a great fire. Now, with regard to walls of defence, there are none in the excavated part of it which I could with any probability attribute to this first city ; only on the north-east side of the hill, at a distance of 133 ft. from its slope, I brought to light a retaining wall of white stones, 1 which, in agreement with Burnouf and Sayce, I can attribute only to this first city, because at a depth of 50 ft. it ascends, at an angle of 45°, 6 ft. below the ruined city wall built of large blocks joined with small stones, 2 and it must, therefore, have been built a very long time before the latter, which we ascribe, with every probability, to the second city. It appears that this first city had either no regular walls of defence, or, as is more likely, its walls appeared not strong enough for the second nation, which built, not only its walls, but even its houses, of much larger stones. # Professor Sayce suggests that the entrance to this first city was not on the south-west side, where the second settlers built their gate, but that it must have been on the west side, where the hill slopes gently at an angle of 70° to the plain. I think this highly probable. In treating of the objects of human industry found in the debris, I begin with the most important — Pottery, — because it is the cornucopia of archaeological wisdom for those dark ages, which we, vaguely groping in the twilight of an unrecorded past, are wont to call pre-historic. Indeed, "the art of making pottery seems," as Mr. A. W. Franks 3 judiciously observes, " to have been practised by mankind from very early times. It is even a question whether it was not known to the primitive inhabitants of Europe, in those early ages when the mammoth and reindeer still lived in the plains of France. The invention of pot- tery in China is referred by native writers to the legendary Emperor Hwang- ti, who is stated to have commenced his reign of 100 years in 2697 b.c. A subsequent emperor, Yu-ti-shun (2255 B.C.), is stated to have himself made pottery before he ascended the throne. The potter's wheel was known in Egypt at an early period, having probably been invented as early as the 6th Egyptian dynasty." Of all the imitative arts the working in clay was naturally the most See on the engraving, No. 2, the retaining 3 Introduction to his Catalogue of a Collection wall marked A. of Oriental Porcelain and Pottery ; London, 2 See the wall b on the same engraving. 1878. 214 THE FIRST FEE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. ancient, as modelling of course precedes casting, carving, or painting. The pre-historic peoples, who inhabited the hill of Hissarlik, made of baked clay all utensils for everyday life and for depositing the remains of the dead. Instead of wooden or stone coffins they used funeral urns of terra-cotta. Instead of cellars, chests, or boxes, they had large jars (irffloi), from 4 to 7 ft. high, which were dug into the ground, so that only the mouth was visible, and were used either for the preservation of food, or as reservoirs for oil, wine, or water. Instead of wash-tubs, they used large terra-cotta bowls ; of terra-cotta were all their vessels used for cook- ing, eating, and drinking ; of terra-cotta even were their hooks for hanging up clothes, the handles of their brushes, their ex-votos, and the weights of their fishing-nets. Thus we cannot be astonished at finding in the debris of their cities such large masses of broken pottery, among which, however, there is no trace of tiles. It therefore appears certain that, just like the houses of the present inhabitants of the Troad, the houses of all the five pre-historic cities, which succeeded each other here, were covered with flat roofs of beams on which was heaped a thick layer of clay as protection against the rain. If, as we judge of the degree of civilization of a country by its literature, and particularly by its newspapers, it were possible to judge of the degree of civilization of a pre-historic people by the greater or less perfection of their pottery, then we might conclude, that of all the peoples which have succeeded each other here, that of the first city was by far the most civilized, because its pottery shows, both in fabric and shape, by far the most advanced art. But I am far from maintaining this theory ; I shall only cite facts. To this early people the potter's wheel was already known, but it w T as not in common use, because all the bowls and plates, as well as all the larger vessels, are invariably hand-made. "We may say the same of nearly all the smaller vases, among which, however, we now and then find one which has most un- doubtedly been turned on the potter's wheel, as, for instance, the vase No. 23, which is of a dim black colour and globular form, so that it cannot stand without being supported. 4 Like most vases of a similar shape in this first city, it has on each side two long vertical tubular holes for suspension by a string. We 2s"o. 23. Globular Vase, with double tubular holes on either sids lor suspension. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) 4 This vase is in my collection in the South Kensington Museum, where every one can con- vince himself that it is wheel-made: this, however, can be also clearly seen in the engraving. Chap. V.] VASE-COVERS WITH DOUBLE PERFORATIONS. 215 No. 24. Fragment of a Vase, with two tubular boles on each side for suspension. (About half actual size. Deptb, about 48 ft.) see this same system on the accompanying fragments of a lustrous-black hand-made vase (Nos. 24 and 25). This system of double vertical tubular holes for suspension, which was in common use in the first city, has been but very rarely found elsewhere. The Museum of Saint Germain- en-Laye contains a fragment of a dark-brown vase, with two vertical tubular holes, found in a cavern in Andalusia, which in fabric resembles some of the pottery of the first city at His- sarlik. There are also three fragments of vases, with two vertical tubular holes, found in Dolmens, the locality of which is not indicated ; further, the casts of two more such fragments, of which the originals, preserved in the Museum of Vannes, were found in the Dolmen of Kerroh, at Loc- mariaker. There has also been found in Denmark, in a sepulchre of the Stone age, a similar vase, with two vertical tubular holes on each side for suspension ; it is preserved in the Eoyal Museum of Nordiske Oldsager in Copenhagen, and is repre- sented among the vases of the Stone age, in J. J. A. Worsaae's Nordiske Oldsager, p. 20, No. 100. This Danish vase is covered with a lid, having on each side two corresponding perforations, through which the strings were passed : in this way the vase could be shut quite close. Similar vase-covers, with two tubular holes far suspension on each side, are frequent in this first city. The accompanying engraving represents two such vase-covers, of which the No. 26. No. 27. No. 25. Fragment of a Vase, with two tubular holes for suspension on each side. (Nearly actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) Kbs. 26, 27. Vase Covers, with vertical tubular holes for suspension. (About half actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) 216 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. one standing upright lias on its top four perforated projections, in the form of feet, and a fifth not perforated in the middle. The other, which stands on its head, has an equal number of such foot-like protuberances, of which only one on each side is perforated : this latter, therefore, belongs to a vase with only one vertical tubular hole for suspension on each side. I may add that the five fragments of vases found in French Dolmens, as well as the Danish vase, have only the system for suspension in common with those of the first city at Hissarlik; the fabric and clay are altogether different. A very great number of the bowls and some of the vases of the first city had, on the inner side of the rim, an incised linear ornamentation, which was filled up with white chalk, so as to strike the eye. To this class "of bowls belong the fragments Nos. 28 and 29, the ornamentation of which appears to have been borrowed from weaving patterns. The fragment No. 31 is the rim of a shallow basin with a perforated handle. Many others have an incised linear ornamentation on the outside of the rim, like Nos. 30, 32, 33, and 34, of which that on No. 32 appears also to be a textile pattern. No. 35 is the bottom of a vase decorated with incisions. No. 23. No. 29. No. 30. No. 35. No. 34. Nos. 23-3: Fragments of Pottery, ornamented with linear and other patterns filled with white chalk. (About half actual size. Depth, 4 6 to 53 ft.) The ornamentation of No. 33, which is very common, appears to be bor- rowed from the fish-spine. Very curious is the incised ornamentation on Chap. V.] KEMNANTS OF THE ANCIENT CORD. 217 the fragment No. 36, which resembles an owl's face in monogram, but I am far from suggesting that the potter who made it intended to represent an owl. It is however, as M. Burnouf remarks, easy to follow upon the vases the series of forms gradually passing over from the owl- head to this monogram. He calls attention to the bundle of vertical lines to the right, which in his opinion are meant to represent female hair. Most of the bowls have on the two sides, as in Nos. 37 and 38, slight projections in the rim with horizontal tubular holes, which — in proportion No. 36. Fragment of a Bowl, with an ornamentation No. 37. Lustrous-black Bowl, with two horizontal filled with white chalk. tubular holes lor suspension. (About half actual size. Depth, 48 ft.") (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 45 ft.) No. 38. Lustrous-black Bowl, with long horizontal tubular rings for suspension on the rirn. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, about 48 ft.) to the size of the vessel— are from 2 to 4 in. long, and which likewise served for suspending the bowls. The fragments with tubular holes (on p. 218) belong to large bowls, on account of which the holes are much wider, as the heavy weight of the vessels, when filled, necessitated a strong cord. On some bowls these protuberances, containing the tubular holes for suspension, are ornamented, as in Nos. 40 and 42, with deep impressed furrows, so that they have the shape of a hand with the fingers clenched. In the tubular hole of a fragment of a bowl in my possession, my friend the professor of chemistry, Xavier Landerer, late of the University of Athens, found the remnants of the cord which had served for sus- pending the vase. He ascertained these remnants to be of an organic nature ; they burned, he says, like tinder or like the fibres of a thread or cord. On examination through a microscope, they proved to be the remains of a twisted linen cord. 218 THE FIRST PKE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. With the exception of the vase No. 23— which, as already stated, is of a dull black— and of Nos. 40 and 42, which are of a yellow colour— all the No. 39. Nos. 39-42. Fragments of Pottery, with tubular holes for suspension. (About half actual size. Depth, 46 to 52 ft.) above fragments and bowls are of a lustrous black; and the larger they are, so much the thicker are they in many places, so that, for instance, at the lower end of the rim and in the base the clay is often rather more than half an inch thick. Although the rich shining deep black colour of these bowls, enhanced as it is by its contrast to the fantastic rim-ornamentation filled with white chalk, is really fascinating to the eye and looks like a mirror, yet on close examination we find the surface of the bowls, both outside and inside, very uneven. But this could hardly be otherwise, as they are all hand-made, and were polished with stones of porphyry, diorite, or jasper, expressly cut for the purpose, of which I found a great quantity in this first city as well as in all the four successive pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. Fair specimens of these polishing stones are seen in the chapter on the Third, the burnt City, under Nos. 648-651, to which I refer. (See p. 444.) The unevenness of the surfaces of the pottery may also be accounted for by the ingredients of which these vessels are composed ; for, when fractured, we see that the clay has been mixed with coarsely-pounded granite, the mica of which shows its presence by the numerous small flakes glittering like gold or silver. Professor Landerer, who examined some of the fragments chemically, found in them, besides granite, gneiss and quartz. It appears therefore evident, that this most ancient and highly curious pottery of the first city was fabricated in the same way as the Chap. V.] INTENSE HEAT FOR BAKING POTTERY. 219 pre-historic pottery found in Mecklenburg, of which my friend the celebrated archgeologist, Dr. Lisch of Schwerin, writes to me as follows : — "As to the manufacture of clay vessels in the heathen time, numerous thorough investigations have been made in Mecklenburg for the last fifty years. First, the core of the vessel was made by hand of common clay, which was thoroughly kneaded with pounded granite and mica. For this reason, there are many urns which have a rough surface, owing to the protruding little stones. But the interior surface of these urns was covered smoothly with clean clay. The pounded granite was required in order that the form of the vessel might be preserved in the fire, because otherwise it would have collapsed. This mode of manufacture is also proved by the sparkles of mica which may be seen on the surface. Then the core of the vessel was dried or slightly baked. "When this had been done, the whole external surface of the vessels was coated with clay, from which all the coarser particles had been separated by water, so as to establish a smooth surface and to fill up all the gaps. Hence we may explain the astonishing and otherwise inexplicable phenomenon, that fragments of such vessels show in the interior a granular, on the exterior a clean smooth surface. After this, the ornamentation was cut in or impressed, and the finished vessel was dried or baked at an open fire, in which operation many vessels were coloured coal-black by the soot or smoke. The black colour is vegetable, which can be easily proved if a fragment of such coal-black pottery is put into a potter's oven, because it is evaporated by the heat and leaves no metallic residuum, whilst, by strong baking, the clay of the fragment becomes perfectly brick-red. For the rest, no trace has ever been found of a pre-historic potter's oven. The surface of many vessels may finally have been polished with bones or smooth stones. Brick-kilns and potters' ovens were only introduced into Mecklenburg in the twelfth century a.d., whilst in the Koman provinces on the Bhine they existed as early as the third century a.d., or earlier, as is testified by the numerous Roman bricks and vessels. I may add, that pottery which has been baked in a potter's oven always gives a ringing sound when touched by a hard object, whilst pottery which has been baked at an open fire always gives a dull sound." Professor Yirchow writes to me : " The preparation of the black terra- cotta vessels has in our Berlin Anthropological Society been the subject of many and long discussions. It has been proved that the most common mode of preparing them is, by slow burning in shut-up places, to produce much smoke, which enters into the clay and impregnates it. The black colour can be made of any intensity that is desired. The Hissarlik vessels have certainly been made in this way." M. Burnouf remarks to me that for baking pottery thoroughly a great heat is required, generally as much as 800-1600° Celsius = 1472-2944° Fahrenheit, a heat which can never be attained in the open air. Be this as it may, the rich lustrous deep black colour of the bowls of the first city must have been produced by a peculiar process. M. Landerer is of opinion that it must have been produced by an abundance of pine-soot, with which the vessels were coloured at the second baking 220 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. in the open fire. On examining with a microscope the white chalk with which the incised ornamentation is filled, he found in it the remains of linen cords. Professor Landerer calls my attention to the fact, that the colour of the Hellenic terra- cotta vases is coal black, which was produced in the following manner : — " Before the baking, the vases were oiled over with tar (iriacra), or perhaps with the pissa asphalt of Herodotus, 5 which occurs on the island of Zacynthus. In the baking the rosin was changed into the finest coal, which got attached to the exterior layer of clay of the vases and produced their black varnish." There are also terra-cotta vessels in the first city with four perfora- tions for suspension on each side in the rim, as is illustrated by the accompanying engraving No. 43. Another fine specimen of this sort is represented by the little hand- made globular tripod No. 44, which has not been covered over with fine clean clay, and has its surface therefore very rude and unequal. Gold- like or silver-like sparkles of the mica contained in the clay may be seen glittering on the outside as well as on the inside. The fracture at its base is surrounded by an incised circle, which can leave no doubt that, after the vase was made, a piece of clay on which three feet were modelled 5 iv. 195: eiTj 8 5 av irav, okov Kal Iv Zatcvvdw 4k \lju,vr]s Kal vSaros irlcrcrav avacpcpo- /j.4v7]u avrbs iycb copeov • elal jxkv Kal irAevves at Xijxvat avrSOt, 7) 8' Z>v fieylaTT) avriwv, ifidojxy}- Kovra ttoBuu irdvTr), fidQos 8e 8t6pyvt6s iarrt • is TavTTjv novrbv KaTtelcri, iir aKpcp jxvpcrivT)v Trpo(rdr](TauTes, Kzl eVerra avacpepovat rjj /xvpaivp Trlaaav, od/xy]v /xev exovaav acrcpdhTOv, to. 8' aXXa, rf/s YlicpiKr\s Triaarjs a/utclva} ■ icrx^ovat 8e is Kolkkov bpcapvyfxivov ayxov rf/s Atfxvrjs' iirtav 8e aOpolcrctxTi avxvriv, ovrco is robs a/xcpoptas eV rov KaKKov Karax^ovcri. o, rt 8' av icnrear] is tt}v Ai/nvrjv, virb yrjv Ibv, avacpalverai iv ry QaXaaari. Dr. Chandler {Travels, ii. pp. 367, 368) thus describes the " tar-springs " (as he calls them) of Zante : " The tar is produced in a small valley, about two hours from the town, by the sea, and encompassed with mountains, ex- cept towards the bay. The spring, which is most distinct and apt for inspection, rises on the further side, near the foot of the hill. The well is circular, and 4 or 5 ft. in diameter. A shining film like oil, mixed with scum, swims on the top. You remove this with a bough, and see the tar at the bottom, 3 or 4 ft. below the surface. . . . The water is limpid, and runs off with a smart current. . . . We filled some vessels with tar by letting it trickle into them from the boughs which we immersed ; and this is the method used to gather it from time to time into pits, where it is hardened by the sun, to be barrelled when the quantity is sufficient." (George Rawlinson, History of Herodotus, iii. pp. 169, 170.) Chap. V.] VASES WITH TUBULAR HOLES. 221 was attached here. This supposition is also confirmed by the circular depression in the middle of the fracture. The vase before us, therefore, has been a tripod. Eound the body we see, at equal distances from each other, four vertical tubular holes for suspension, and four perforations in the rim in the same direction. I have not found the cover to this vase, but it must naturally have been similar to that represented under No. 26. As these lids have four perforations, they could well be fastened on by means of four strings, one of which was passed through each of the tubular holes and the corresponding holes in the rim and in the cover ; at the other end of each string a knot had previously been made, which remained at the lower end of the tubular holes and prevented the strings from slipping. A similar contrivance is seen in the gold boxes found by me in the royal sepulchres at Mycenae. 6 A similar contrivance is also presupposed in the box which Arete, wife of king Alcinous, fills with presents for Ulysses, for she recommends him : " Look now thyself to the lid and tie quickly a knot on it, lest any one should rob thee on the way, when thou reposest again in sweet slumber, sailing in the black ship." 7 Homer says in the verses immediately following : — " Moreover when the much-enduring divine Ulysses heard this, he forthwith fitted on the lid, and quickly put upon it a manifold knot, which venerable Circe had once prudently taught him." 8 Telemachus, preparing for his voyage to Sparta, bids his nurse Euryclea fill twelve amphorae with wine and fit them all with lids ; but these would need to be very close-fitting for liquors. 9 Such lids for amphorae were also found by me in the royal tombs at Mycenae. 10 Fragments of similar vases with four holes at each side for suspension were found in the caves at Inzighofen, on the Upper Danube. 1 There are other vases with only one perforation on each side in the rim, like No. 45, which has all round it an ornamentation forming five ovals filled up with dots. Again, other vases have on each side of the body only one ver- tical tubular hole for suspension, like No. 46, which has also two female breasts. This vase is also hand-made, but of green colour; its clay is only 2-10ths in. thick, and therefore finer than that of the larger vases or bowls. The pretty little vase No. 47 is also hand-made, and has only one perforated projection on each side. In the collection of pre-historic antiquities found in Thera, below three layers of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes, and preserved in the French School at Athens, there are two very rude hand-made vases of cylindrical form, with one vertical tubular hole on each side for suspen- 6 See my Mycenae, p. 205, No. 318 ; p. 206, No. 319 ; p. 207, Nos. 321, 322. 7 Odyss. viii. 443-445 : avrbs vvv i'Se ir&fxa, Oows 8' eVt §€o~/j.bv 'in]\ov, /xf) rls roi KaQ' ofibv drj\r)o~erai, ottttot' ctv avre evSyada yXvKvv virvov, iwv iv vrji fizhaivr] 8 " Odyss. viii. 446-448 : avrdp eVel to 7' anovce TroXvrXas o?os 'Odvcraevs, auTiV iirr)prve iru/Aa, 9ows 8' eVt dea/nbv irj\ev Ttoin'iKov, ov ttot4 [juv Se'Scse (ppzcrl norvta KlpKT]. 9 Odyss. ii. 349-353 : pa?, dye 877 /xoi olvov qv afxcpicpopevaiv depvaaov r)Svv, oris fxerd rbv Xapwraros, tv o~v (pvAaaaeis Ktivov OLO/mevr], rbv Kajj-ixopov, ei nodev e\6oi Sioyevrjs 'OSuo-eus Odvarov teal Krjpas d\v^as. SxSeKa S' tfxTrArio-ov, Ka\ Trdo/xaa-LV dpaov airavras. 10 See my Mycenae, p. 256, Nos. 373 and 374. 1 Ludwig Lindenschmit, Die Vaterlandischen Alterthiimer der Hohenzollerschen Sammlungen ; Mainz, 1860. Plate xxvi., Nos. 7, 8. 222 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. sion; and a pear-shaped vase in the same collection has an identical system for suspension. These Thera antiquities are thought hy archae- ologists to date from the sixteenth or seventeenth century B.C., but it pension. (About 1 : 4 actual No. 46. Globular Vase, with two breasts and two perforated size. Depth, 48 ft.) projections for suspension. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 45 ft.) deserves attention that most of the Thera pottery has rudely-painted ornaments, whilst there is no trace of painting at Hissarlik. In the Assyrian Collection of the British Museum there are three vases, found at Nimroud, which have the same system of one vertical tubular hole on each side. There is also, in the collection of Babylonian antiquities, the fragment of a hand-made slightly-baked vase, which has the same vertical tubular holes for suspension. The same system also exists on a vase from Cyprus in the Louvre, as well as on a vase in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye, found in a Dolmen ; again, on a fragment of a vase in the collection of Count Szechenyi Bela in Hungary, 2 and on a small vase marked No. 1094, in the Grand Ducal Antiquarium of Schwerin. This latter vase was found in a conical tomb (Hiinengrab) near Goldenitz, in Mecklenburg. Professor Yirchow calls my attention to an urn with three vertically perforated excrescences on the sides and at the foot, — having thus, properly speaking, three double tubular holes for suspension with a string. This urn was found at Dehlitz, near Weissenfels, on the river Saale, in Germany. 3 But I have not found this system anywhere else. It must be distinctly understood that I speak here solely of vases with vertical tubular rings or holes for suspension, and not of vases 2 Dr. Joseph Hampel, Catalogue de VExposi- 3 See the Sessional Report of the Berlin Society Hon pre-historique des Muse'es de Province et des of Anthropology, Ethnology, and Pre-historio Collections particulieres de la Honjrie ; Buda- Archeology, of Nov. 28, 1874, p. 7. Pesth, 1876, p. 71, fig. 55. Chap. V.] FEET OF CENSERS. 223 having projections with horizontally placed rings, because these occur on a vase found in the Lake-dwellings of the Stone age at the station of Estavayer ; 4 on four vases found in Dolmens in France, and preserved in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye ; on some fragments of vases in the same Museum ; on vases in the Egyptian Collection in the British Museum ; on two vases of the Stone age in the Museum at Copenhagen ; 5 on several vases in the Collection of German Antiquities in the British Museum ; on one from Cyprus in the South Kensington Museum ; on several vases found in the excavations at Pilin in Hungary ; 6 and on many vases in the Grand Ducal Antiquarium of Schwerin. Similar vases with horizontal tubular holes for suspension are frequently found in Germany, and the Markisches Museum in Berlin contains many of them. Professor Virchow also has in his own collection some fine specimens of such vases found in the extensive excavations he has made, in company with his accomplished daughter Adele and his son Dr. Hans Virchow, in the vast pre-historic graveyard of Zaborowo, in the province of Posen. I lay stress on the fact, that vases with vertical tubular holes for suspension are a very great rarity except at Hissarlik, where they occur by thousands in all the five pre-historic cities, whilst vases with hori- zontal tubular holes only occur here on bowls in the first city and in none of the subsequent ones. On the other hand, Mr. Calvert and I found in our excavations in the tumulus of Hanai Tepeh, only three miles to the south of Hissarlik, 7 vases with horizontal tubular holes exclusively ; also bowls with the same system as those in the first city on Hissarlik: but the horizontal tubular holes are not in the rim itself, as here, but much below it ; and thus the people to whom the Hanai Tepeh antiquities belonged must have been altogether different from the inhabitants of any one of the five cities at Hissarlik, for it is impossible that one and the same people could make such perfectly different pottery. Nos. 48 and 49 represent the feet of hand-made lustrous-black vessels ; they are hollow, and have three and sometimes four round holes. I Nos. 48, 49. Two feet of Terra-cotta Vessels. (About half actual size. Depth, 47 to 52 ft.) gathered many similar vase-feet, but never an entire vessel of this kind. I call particular attention to the great resemblance of these feet, 4 Dr. Ferd. Keller, Etablissements Lacustres ; fig. 130, and p. 41, fig. 28 : and Antiquites Zurich, 1876, PI. xviii. No. 5, decrits par Dr. V. pre'historiques de la Hongrie ; Esztergom, 1877, Gross. Plate xviii. figs. 2, 5, 8, 9, 11, 12 ; Plate xix., 5 J. J. A. Worsaae, Kordiske Oldsager (1859), fig. 11 ; PI. xx., figs. 4, 8, 19; PI. xxi., fig. 9 ; PI. 19, Nos. 95 and 98, and PI. 20, No. 99. PI. xxii., figs. 2, 3. 6 Dr. Joseph Hampel, Catalogue, &c. p. 130, 7 See Mr. Calvert's Paper in his Appendix. 224 THE FI11ST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. Nos. 48 and 49, to those of the censers found in German tombs, of which there are many in the Markisches Museum in Berlin, and some, found in the graveyard of Zaborowo, in the collection of Professor Virchow. The lower part of No. 50 is a similar foot, on which I have glued the fragment of another object of cylindrical form which does not belong to it. This latter object is of terra-cotta and of unknown use ; the top of it is also restored : and it has a striking resemblance to two objects of terra-cotta found at Pilin in Hungary. 8 Feet of vessels like Nos. 48 and 49, but without holes, are very frequent. No. 51 represents a very pretty lustrous hand-made red goblet with one handle ; it was in fragments, but I have been able to put it together. Fragments of another such goblet, which I have No. 50. Curious Vessel, use unknown (perhaps No. 51. Pretty lustrous red Cup with one bandle. a Censer), placed on the foot of another vessel. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 45 ft.) under my eyes whilst writing this, show precisely the same mode of manufacture as that which I have described above for the large bowls, with the sole difference, that here red clay was used, and that, as M. Landerer explains to me, the cup, immediately before its second baking in an open fire, was repeatedly dipped in a wash of fine red clay containing much peroxide of iron, which has produced the varnish-like glazing. I would here call particular attention to the fact, that the goblet No. 51 represents more or less exactly the form of all the goblets of terra-cotta found by me at Mycenae and Tiryns. 9 Those found there in the royal tombs, and which are the most ancient, are of a light-green colour, with curious black painted ornaments ; those found in the lowest strata outside the tombs are of a single colour, light green ; a little higher up follow the same kind of goblets of a uniform bright-red colour ; and others which, on a light-red dead ground, have an ornamentation of numerous painted parallel dark-red circular bands ; these, again, are succeeded by unpainted goblets of white clay. These latter must have been in use for ages, for they occur in such large masses, that I could 8 Dr. Joseph Hampe], AntquiMs prtfiistoriqucs 9 See my Mycenae, p. 70, No. 83 ; p. 71, Nos. de 1 1 Hongrie; Esztergom, 1877, Plate xx., Nos. 84 and 88. 18 and 20. Chap. V.] PAINT NOT KNOWN AT HISSARLIK. 225 have gathered thousands of such goblet-feet. Except the light-green goblets with the black ornamentation, I found all these kinds of goblets of the same shape also in my excavations at Tiryns. 1 But in the sepul- chres of Mycenae I found five golden cups of exactly the same form as that before us (No. 51) from the first city of Hissarlik. 2 Now, it deserves very particular attention, that fourteen goblets of exactly the same form were found in a sepulchre at Ialysus in Ehocles, and are now in the British Museum. The only difference is, that these latter have a painted ornamentation representing mostly the cuttle-fish (sepia), though spirals are also depicted, as well as that curious sea-animal which so frequently occurs on the other pottery of Mycenae, 3 but never on the Mycenean goblets. While speaking of painting, I may make the im- portant remark : that neither the inhabitants of the first city, nor those of the four succeeding pre-historic cities at Hissarlik, had any idea of pigments, and that, — except a single terra-cotta box found in the third city, on which the keen eye of my honoured friend, Mr. Chas. T. Neivton, has recognized a cuttle-fish, painted with dark-red clay on a light-red dead ground, and two small boivls of terra-cotta from the fourth city, in which a large cross is painted with darh-red clay ; — except also the small rude idols of white marble on which the face of an owl is roughly drawn with black clay ; — there is no trace of painting on any object ever found in any one of the five pre- historic cities at Hissarlik. Of similar goblets found elsewhere I can only mention a cup found in Zaborowo in Professor Virchow's collection and another found at Pilin, 4 which have some resemblance to this in shape ; but the difference is that the cups from Zaborowo and Pilin have not the wide foot which is peculiar to the goblet before us, as well as to all those found at Mycenae. Besides, their handles are much longer. No. 52 represents a very small pitcher with one handle ; it has neither been covered inside nor outside with prepared clay, and ie, therefore, very rude. No. 53. Nos. 53, 54. Fragment of a lustrous dark-grey Vessel. No. 53, outside; No. 54, inside. (About l : 4 actual s'ze. Depth, 50 ft.) 1 See my Mycenae, p. 70. 3 See my Mycenae, No. 213, a, b, p. 138. 2 See my Mycenae, p. 233, No. 343, and p. 350, 4 Joseph Hampel, Antiquites prehistoriques de 528. i a Rongrie ; Esztergom, 1877, Plate xix. fig. 3. Q 226 THE FIEST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. I further show under No. 53 the outside, and under No. 54 the inside, of a fragment of a large hand-made vase, which has impressed wave- patterns on both sides. No. 55 is a fragment of black terra-cotta, probably part of a box, to which it served as an ornament ; it is decorated with lines and three or four rows of dots, which are filled with white chalk. As appears from No. 55. Fragment of Terra-cotta, perhaps part of a box, found on the primitive rock. (About half actual size. Depth, 53 ft.) the upper and the lower side, and from the two perforations, it may- have been the setting and decoration of a wooden jewel-casket. It is made with so much symmetry, and looks so elegant, that I at first thought it was of ebony inlaid with ivory. Of terra-cottas from the first city I further give here, under Nos. 56 No. 56. Jug. (About 1 : 4 actual size. No. 57. Jug. (About 1 : 3 actual size. Depth, 45 ft.) Depth, 45 ft.) and 57, engravings of two lustrous-black pitchers ; both have a globular base, and have been put together from fragments. No. 58 represents a lustrous-black pitcher of terra-cotta, with three female breasts and incised linear patterns, which was found at a depth of 52 ft. Chap. V.] "SKELETON OF AN EMBRYO. 227 No. 58. Pretty lustrous-black Pitcher of TYrra-cotta, with three female breasts and incised linear patterns. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 52 ft.) All the terra-cottas hitherto represented are uninjured by moisture ; some others, however, have become soft from damp. Thus, for instance, I found upon the rock, at a depth of 5l£ ft., in a small tomb-like recess, formed and protected by three stones 26 in. long and 18 in. broad, two funeral urns of a very remarkable form, with three long feet, and filled with human ashes. The urns are hand-made, and consist, as usual, of coarse clay, mixed with silicious earth and pounded granite, containing much mica ; they have, appa- rently, been baked only once very imperfectly at an open fire, and were not covered over with fine clay ; nevertheless, owing to the oxide of iron contained in their clay, they have a dull red colour. They have suffered so much from moisture, that, in spite of every care and precaution, I could not get them out without breaking them up completely ; but as I had collected all the fragments, I could easily restore both of them. The accompanying engraving, No. 59, represents the larger of the two, in which I found among the human ashes the bones of an embryo of six months, from which the entire skeleton has been re- stored by my friend, the cele- brated surgeon Aretaeos of Athens, who maintains that the preserva- tion of these small bones was only possible on the supposition that the mother had made a premature birth and died from its effect; that her body was burnt, and the unburnt embryo put with her ashes into the funeral urn, where I found it. No. 60 is the engraving of a large common hand-made vase with two handles, the original brick colour of its clay having acquired a brownish hue by age. No. 61 is a small hand-made red vase cf a very curious shape. No. 62 is a No. 59 Tripod Urn, containing human ashes and the bones of an embryo. (About 1 : 8 actual size. Depth, 51 i ft. N 228 THE FIEST PKE-HXSTOKXC CITY. [Chap. V, hand-made lustrous-black bowl, without tubular holes for suspension; bowls of this description are very common in the first city. No. 60. Haud-made Vase. (About 1 : 6 actual size. Depth, 40£ ft.) I may further mention a hand-made vase of globular shape, orna- mented with an incised pattern of zigzag lines, similar to that on two No. 62. Hand-made lustrous-black Bowl. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 46 ft.) vases of the Stone age in the Museum at Copenhagen, 5 with the difference that on this Trojan vase the zigzag lines are accompanied on each side by a row of deep dots. Of the terra-cotta whorls, of which I found many thousands in the 5 See J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordishe OUsager, PI. xx. Nos. 99 and 100. Chap. Y J ORNAMENTED WHORLS. 229 debris of the third, fourth, and fifth cities, I could collect comparatively few in the strata of the first and second cities, and particularly in that of the first, of which I am now treating. Those which I gathered in the first city are either unornamented, and in this case they have a uniform lustrous-black colour and have more or less the shape of a cone or of two cones- joined at the bases (see Nos. 1806 and 1807), or they are ornamented No. 63. No. 61. Xo. 65. Xo. 66. Xos. C3-66. Whorls. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 45 to 50 ft.) Xo. 67. Xo. 6' wv ^oava iiroiovvro, efievos, Kvirdpiaaos, at KeSpoi, ra Spviva, r) /uAa|, 6 \ojt6s' T ■nap48T)K > 'OSuarji' Oepfi' avro?s bfieKo7(Tiv b 8' &\. 50) observes, " is an aira^ Kcyojx^vov in this sense, being only found in the Vulgate translation of Job, chap. xix. v. 24. It also occurs in a quota- tion of the passage by St. Jerome, in his Epist. ad Pammachium. (See Athenaeum, June 11. 1870.) The usual derivation given is a coclando, and it is regarded as the equivalent of coelum. The first use of the term that I have met with, as applied to antiquities, is in Beger's Thesaurus Branden- burjicus (vol. iii. p. 418), 1696, where a bronze celt, adapted for insertion in its haft, is described under the name of Celtes." 1 Pre-historic Times; London, 1878, 4th edit, pp. 95-97 and 194. Chap. V.] STONE AXES. 239 chatel). With a few exceptions they were small, especially when compared with the magnificent specimens from Denmark ; in length they varied from one to six inches, while the cutting edge had generally a width of from fifteen to twenty lines." This is also the usual proportion of the axes at Hissarlik, but there are a few whose cutting edge, like that of No. 87, is only about four and a half lines. The manner in which these axes were made is de- scribed in a masterly way by Sir John Lubbock: 2 — "After having chosen a stone, the first step was to reduce it by blows with a hammer to a suitable size. Then grooves were made artificially, which must have been a very tedious and difficult operation, when flint knives, sand, and water were the only available instruments. Having carried the grooves to the required depth, the projecting portions were re- moved by a skilful blow with a hammer, and the implement was then sharpened and polished on blocks of sandstone. The axes were then fastened into the handles. To us, accustomed as we are to the use of metals, it seems difficult to believe that such things were ever made use of; we know, however, that many savages of the present day have no better tools. Yet with axes such as these, and generally with the assist- ance of fire, they will cut down large trees and hollow them out into canoes. The piles used in the Swiss Stone age Lake-habitations were evidently, from the marks of the cuts on them, prepared with the help of stone axes ; and in the Danish peat-bogs, several trees have been found with the marks of stone axes and of fire upon them ; and in one or two cases, stone celts have even been found lying at the side. In the exca- vations known as Grimes' Graves, again, a basalt hatchet was found, which had evidently been used for excavating the gallery, as shown by the marks still distinctly visible on the walls. One use of the American tomahawk was to crush bones for the sake of the marrow ; and it is most probable that the ancient stone axes also served the same purpose. In many cases the axes themselves bear ample marks of long-continued use. That they were also weapons of war is probable, not only on a priori grounds, but also because they have frequently been found in the graves of chiefs, associated with bronze daggers. About the year 1809, a large cairn in Kircudbrightshire, popularly supposed to be the tomb of a King Aldus M'Galdus, was removed by a farmer. W T hen the cairn had been removed, the workmen came to a stone coffin of very rude workmanship, and, on removing the lid, they found the skeleton of a man of uncommon size. The bones were in such a state of decomposition, that the ribs and vertebras crumbled into dust on attempting to lift them. The remaining bones, being less decayed, were taken out, when it was discovered that one of the arms had been almost separated from the shoulder by a stroke of a stone axe, and that a fragment of the axe still remained in the bone. The axe was of greenstone, a material which does not occur in this part of Scotland. There were also found with the skeleton a ball of flint, about 3 in. in diameter, which was perfectly round 2 Pre-historic Times; London, 1878, 4th edit. pp. 95-S7 and 194. 240 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. and highly polished, and the head of an arrow, also flint, but not a particle of any metallic substance. We know also the North American stone axe or tomahawk served not merely as an implement, but also as a weapon, being used both in the hand and also as a missile." I am indebted to my friend Professor H. Fischer of Freiburg, for the discovery that I have thirteen axes of jade in my Trojan collection. Having read in my former publication 3 that I had found axes of very hard transparent greenstone, he insisted upon my getting them carefully examined. Professor Maskelyne, to whom I applied, was good enough to have the specific gravities of the different specimens determined for me in the usual way ; namely, by weighing them successively in air and in water, so as to determine the ratio of the weight of the stone to that of an equal bulk of water. This was done by his assistant, Mr. Thomas Davies. The result was that the specific gravity of twelve of my green transparent axes and of one white transparent axe lies between 2*91 and 2*99, and that, consequently, all thirteen are of jade (nephrite). Mr. Davies remarked to me at the same time that, " in association with the implements or arms of jade found in Brittany, some turquoise beads have been discovered. 4 This mineral is not at present found in situ in Europe, and thus we have here additional evidence of the probability of these substances having been procured from Eastern countries." Professor Maskelyne writes to me : " Now I tell you that your thirteen Hissarlik jade implements are to me of the highest interest. They are so for the reason that now for the first time have I seen true white jade as the material of a stone implement, and that too in association with the regular green jade, which is not so rare a material. 5 This is interesting ; and so is the Hissarlik locality, altogether apart from the Homeric bearings of it, and ' Immortal dreams that could beguile The blind old man of Scio rocky isle.' The presence of the white jade is interesting as pointing to the locality whence it came ; its association with its green brother is interesting as helping to confirm this indication. In fact, it is a very great probability that the Kuen-lun mountains produced the mineral of which these implements are made, and that they came from Khotan by a process of primeval barter, that must have nursed a trade capable of moving onward over the ' roof of the world ' perhaps, or less probably by Cashmere, Afghanistan, and Persia, into the heart of Europe. If the Pamir and the region north of the Hindoo Kush was the route, this primitive stream of commerce may have flowed along the course of the Oxus before that great artery of carrying power had become diverted by the geological upheaval of Northern Persia from its old course to the Caspian. I have always wondered why jade ceased to be a prized material and an article of com- merce so soon as civilization laid hold of our race. The Assyrians and 3 Troy and its Remains, p. 21. 4 For example, the pendant of a necklace made of calla'is (turquoise) found in a Dolmen called " Maneer-H'roek," in the locality Loc- mariaker in Morbihan, Brittany. 5 Professor Maskelyne informs me that he has since met with another celt of white jade (in Mr. Franks's hands), found in Crete. Chap. V.] JADE AXES. 241 Egyptians hardly, if the latter at all, knew jade. Yet jade implements have been dug up in Mesopotamia of primeval type, and the commerce that transported these implements in far distant times bore them as far as Brittany. The Assyrians and the Egyptians, like all other peoples, have valued green stones. Green jasper and Amazon stone, and even plasma, were known and appreciated ; why not then jade also ? My answer would be, that they could not get it. Unlike the Chinese, who have always kept it in honour because they had it at their gate, the Mesopo- tamian and Egyptian artists did not know jade, or only knew it as coming accidentally to hand, perhaps as the material of a pre-historic weapon. 6 We need to know more than we do of the pre-historic movements of the human race, to be able to say whether the region of the Pamir and of Eastern Turkestan was once more densely peopled, was in fact more habitable, than to-day is the case ; but I am strongly inclined to believe that a geological change is at the bottom of the disappearance of jade from among the valued materials of the archaic, the ancient, and the medieval ages, down to within three hundred or four hundred years from this time. If the upheaval of the regions, along which this com- merce flowed, has rendered them less habitable, has planted deserts where once men dwelt with flocks, has made regions of ice where once winter was endurable, — has, finally, diverted from its course a great river, that bore a commerce, or at least fertilized the route of a commerce, — there may be an explanation of the drying up of the stream of that commerce itself. " The Hissarlik locality for such an interesting find of so many and such beautiful jade implements has an interest also in this, that the geographical importance of the Hellespont, as the Bridge from Asia to Europe, seems to have brought to that spot the opportunity of selection and an abundance of material. I am writing to you perhaps some dreams more dreamy, you will think perhaps, than any of the dreams I wrote of in my first page. At any rate, while you are giving realistic life to the ancient tale of Troy, strive to do something, too, for this more venerable witness to the brotherhood and the intercommunication of the human race in the age rather of Kronos than of Zeus. Was it the jade-stone that Kronos swallowed?" Professor Fischer writes to me, that " as far as my knowledge goes jade (nephrite) axes only occur in South Italy (Calabria), in the Lake- dwellings of Switzerland and the Lake of Constance, the Lake of Starn- berg near Munich, and the ancient settlement of Blasingen (between Freiburg and Basel, and therefore far from Lake-dwellings) ; further a small chisel of jade (nephrite) is said to have been found in the district of Nordlingen." He adds that " Professor Damour, who made most active researches in France, could discover there only one jade (nephrite) axe, of which the locality where it was found is unknown ; it was sold in 6 With reference to this remark ot Prof. Maskelyne, I may mention that, according to Brugsch-Bey, battle-axes with stone heads were among the spoils brought home by Thutmes III., together with weapons and armour of bronze, and works of art in gold and silver, from the highly civilized states of Western Asia. {Hist, of Egypt, vol. i. p. 405, Engl, trans., 2nd ed.) E 242 THE FIRST PEE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. Rheims, and the quality of the jade resembles that of the Swiss Lake- dwellings." Professor Fischer is amazed at hearing that among my thirteen His- sarlik jade axes there is a white one, 7 for he had as yet only seen axes of green jade ; he knows raw white jade abundantly from Turkestan (at least, yellowish, greyish, and greenish white), besides perfectly white from China ; but no trace of axes was discovered by the travellers of his acquaintance who explored the jade quarries of Turkestan. The Siberian jade has a bright grass-green colour ; the New Zealand jade for the most part a more dark green colour. There is besides a very dark green jade in Asia, which must be native somewhere in Asia (perhaps in Turkestan), and of which Timur's tombstone in Samarkand is made. Professor Fischer received fragments of the latter from the late Professor Barbot de Marny of St. Petersburg, who knocked them off with his own hand in the mosque, of course at the danger of his life. Professor Fischer says in conclusion that my thirteen Hissarlik jade axes come from the farthest eastern point at which polished jade axes have been found, and expresses the wish that before the end of his life the fortune might be allotted to him of finding out what people brought them to Europe. 8 7 This white jade axe, of which I shall have to speak later on, was found at a depth of 6£ ft. below the surface, and must therefore belong to the latest pre-historic city of Hissarlik ; for in the subsequent settlement, which from the pot- tery I hold to be an ancient Lydian one, I never found stone implements. 8 Mr. Thomas Davies kindly gave me the following note, which he had communicated to the translator of Keller's Lake Dwellings, and which appeared in the Appendix to the second edition of that work issued by Messrs. Longmans. It has been reproduced in the Geological Maga- zine, Decade II. vol. v. No. 4, April 1878. I deem it too interesting not to give it here. "Note ox 'Jadeite' and 'Jade.' By Thomas Davies, F.G.S. " Jadeite (Damour). "Specific gravity, 3 28 to 3-4; hardness, 65 to 7. Colours milky-white, with bright green veins and splotches, greenish-grey, bluish-grey, clear grey and translucent as chalcedony, orange- yellow, smoky-green passing to black, apple- green, sometimes emerald-green, all the green tints as a rule much brighter than in the Ori- ental jade, also, but rarely, of violet shades. Texture from compact to crypto-crystalline, and distinctly crystalline, sometimes coarsely so; fibro-lamellar, opaque to translucent and some- times transparent. "Thin splinters will fuse in the flame of a spirit-lamp. Damour, from analyses made by him, suggests its affinities to the epidotes. " Localities— Central Asia, and particularly China; also as articles worked by the Aztecs, Mexico. " Oriental Jade (Damour). "Specific gravity, 2*96 to 3-06; hardness, 5-5 to 6-5. Colours white and white variously tinted, greenish-grey, many shades of green. Texture mostly compact, rarely crypto-crystalline. "Found chiefly in Central Asia, particularly in China and on its borders. Also in New Zea- land and the Pacific Islands generally. " Specific gravity of upwards of 100 specimens from New Zealand determined by myself have been within the limits of 3-00 to 3-02, by far the larger number giving 3*01. "Oceanic Jade (Damour). "Specific gravity, 3-18; hardness, 5'5 to 6*5. Of this variety I possess no personal experience, the large number of objects of jade which have come under my observation not having yielded me one example. Damour, however, who exa- mined four specimens, states that in its aspect and general characters — with the exception of its density — it much resembles the Oriental jade. It, however, possesses a somewhat silky lustre, due to exceedingly delicate fibres which traverse the mass. I have met with this structure fre- quently however in the jade from New Zealand, which possessed the density of 3-01. From an analysis Damour refers it to the pyroxene group, whereas the Oriental is referable to hornblende. Vars. Tremolite or Actinolite. " Found in New Caledonia and Marquise Island, Pacific. " None of these minerals to my knowledge have been met with in situ in Europe, though the British Museum possesses a fragment of umvorked Oriental jade purporting to have been found in Turkey " — probably, as Mr. Maskelyne suggests, an error for Turkestan. Chap. V.] JADE AXES. 243 The mineralogist, Professor Ferd. Koemer of Breslau, writes to me that " in the choice of the material for stone weapons, particularly stone axes, the tenacity of the stone was more decisive than its hard- ness, and that consequently jade (nephrite), diorite, and serpentine were chosen by preference. In Silesia and in other parts of Germany, diorite and serpentine were by preference the material for stone axes. Serpentine has no great hardness, but it is solid, and it does not break into splinters when struck upon. Jade (nephrite) is the most tenacious of all stones. Even with very heavy hammers it is exceedingly difficult to crush pieces of it. For. this reason jade (nephrite) and the nearly related jadeite were the most appreciated material in pre-historic times." Professor Maskelyne adds : " Jade being so exceedingly tough, the axes must have been cut with the assistance of emery. Jade may be approximately described as amorphous or uncrystallized hornblende, which is a magnesium and calcium silicate." According to Sir John Lubbock, 9 Professor von Fellenberg states that jade (nephrite) and jadeite are found only in Central Asia, New Zealand, and South America. 10 In another passage 11 Sir John Lubbock informs us that in the great tumulus called Mont St. Michel, at Carnac in Brittany, there were found, besides a large number of other stone axes, eleven jade celts, and 110 beads, mostly of callais, but no trace of metal. Of my thirteen jade axes only the three represented under Nos. 86, 87, and 89, were found in the first city ; No. 88, which has been engraved with them, is of jadeite, and belongs also to this first city. To those who wish to know more of jade (nephrite) I recommend Prof. Fischer's cele- brated work. 1 There also frequently occurs in the four lower pre-historic cities of Hissarlik a curious implement of the same kind of stone as the axes, and of the same shape, with the sole difference that at the lower end, where the edge ought to be, it is blunt, perfectly smooth, and from a quarter to half an inch thick. Such an implement, found at a depth of 46 ft., is represented by No. 90. Mr. Davies, who examined it, finds it to be of diorite. These implements, which are rarely found elsewhere, are, as Professor Yirchow of Berlin and Mr. A. W. Franks of the British Museum , , . , No. 90. Curious Stone believe, thought to have been used as polishers. implement. (Nearly Axes are found in nearly all countries, and are almost ^epthlTe ft*)'" everywhere of nearly the same shape. 2 9 Pre-historic Times, p. 82. 10 Professor Virchow observes to me that jade (nephrite) has never been found in South America in a natural state, but only worked out into implements. 11 Pre-historic Times, p. 167. 1 Heinrich Fischer, Nephrit und Jadeit nach ihren mineralogischen JSigenschaften, sowie nach ihrer urgeschichtlichen und ethnographischen Be- deutung ; Stuttgart, 1875. 2 Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, No. 287, Washington, 1876; the Arch. Coll. of the U. S. Nat. Museum, p. 17. Idem, No. 259, Explor. of Aboriginal Pemains of Tennessee, pp. 51 and 142. See further Archives do Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de 244 THE FIKST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. Under Nos. 91 and 92 I represent two well-polished perforated axes found in the first city, of which the former, according to Mr. Davies, is of No. 92. Nos. 91, 92. Two polished perforated Axes. (Ab ut half actual size. Depth, 45 to 52 ft.) haematite, the latter of porphyry. Similar perforated axes, either with two sharp edges, or with only one, like No. 92, occur in all the four lowest pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. Mr. Davies, who examined a number of them, found them to consist of diorite, porphyry, silicious rock, haematite, hornblende, gneiss, crystalline limestone, blue serpentine, gabbro-rock, &c. Whence the pre-historic peoples of Hissarlik obtained all these varieties of stones, I have not been able to find out. Diorite they may have got from the valley of the Ehodius, where, as Mr. Calvert informs me, it is plentiful. Like the axes described above, these perforated axes were evidently used for domestic purposes as well as for battle-axes. They are exceed- ingly rare in the Swiss Lake-habitations ; in fact, no entire specimens have ever been found there. The two halves of such an axe, which Lindenschmit 3 represents, were found in the Lake-dwellings at the station of Wangen, in the Lake of Constance. The same author also represents entire perforated axes of basalt and serpentine, 4 one of which was found at Linz, the other at Hohenzollern. Similar perforated axes are also found in Denmark, in the settlements of the Stone age, as well as in England, Germany, Livonia, Courland, &c. 5 Two axes like No. 92 were found by Professor Yirchow in the pre-historic graveyard at Zaborowo and are preserved in his collection. They are very plentiful Janeiro, 1876, PI. i. ; Joseph Hampel, Antiquite's more of them here. prehistoriques de la Hongrie, Plate iii. For the 3 Die Vatcrldndischcn Alterthumer, PI. xxvii., stone axes found at Szihalom, see PI. x. of the Nos. 12 and 13. photographs taken of the objects exhibited in 4 Ibid., PI. xliii., Nos. 3 and 11. the National Hungarian Museum. Similar stone 5 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, PI. xiii. axes are contained in all the collections of pre- John Evans, The Ancient Stone Implements ; historic antiquities ; I shall therefore not quote London, 1872, pp. 75, 129, 163, 164. Chap. V.] SAWS OF FLINT. 245 in Hungary. 6 Professor Koemer asks me if the pre-historic peoples of Hissarlik knew of the emery of Naxos, as quartz (silicious rock), onyx, corneol, &c, cannot he polished without emery. Professor Sayce remarks to me that emery is also found in the Gumush Dagh, the range of moun- tains which runs along the northern hank of the Maeander in the extreme south of Lydia. As to the perforations, my friend Mr. John Evans is of opinion that they were drilled with a stick hy means of sand ; whilst Professor Maskelyne holds that the hard stones were prohahly perforated with a drill of bronze or stone, or even perhaps of wood, worked hy a bow. This, fed with emery and water, would gradually bore a hole. Professor Virchow observes to me that experiments made in drilling with a stick by means of sand have repeatedly been made with perfect success. That the perforating of the hard stones was an exceedingly difficult operation for the pre-historic inhabitants of Hissarlik, could not be better proved than by the great number of hammers, and in a few instances also axes, in which the operation of boring had been commenced on both sides (sometimes on one side only), but was abandoned when a hole had been bored the depth of a quarter or half an inch. In several instances the operation of boring had been merely begun, and was aban- doned when the holes were only a line or two deep. But nearly all the hammers of this kind were found in the debris of the third and fourth pre-historic cities. In the first city, which now occupies us, only one hammer of a whitish limestone was found, in which the boring had been commenced but abandoned. Similar hammers, in which the drilling of holes had been commenced and abandoned, are found in Denmark in the settlements of the Stone age ; 7 they are also, as Professor Virchow informs me, frequently found in Germany, and he has one from Zaborowo in his own collection. They are further found in Hungary 8 and England. 9 Lindenschmit 1 says : " The rarity, nay the absence, of entire specimens of completely perforated axes (in the Swiss Lake-dwellings) may perhaps be rather explained by the supposition, that they were used chiefly as arms, which, on the destruction of the settlement at the hands of warriors, must have disappeared, either with them in the battle itself, or on their return to the forests." Under Nos. 93-98 I give engravings of double-edged saws of white and brown flint or chalcedony. They consist of flat, sharp, indented pieces of these kinds of stone. Those of which one side only is indented, as in No. 96, were inserted into pieces of wood or of staghorn and cemented with pitch, of which traces still remain on one or two specimens ; but that the double-edged saws were inserted in a like manner appears improbable. They seem to have been used for sawing bones. Similar 6 Jos. Hampel, Antiquites pre'historiques de la No. 33. Hongrie, PI. iv. ; also see PI. x. of the photo- 8 Joseph Hampel, Antiquites pre'historiques de graphs of the National Hungarian Museum, Nos. la Hongrie, PI. iv. Nos. 3, 4, 6. 66, 67, representing the finds at Szihalom. 9 John Evans, Stone Implements, pp. 217, 218. 7 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager f PI. xii. 1 Die Vaterldndischen Alterthumer, p. 179. 246 THE FIRST PEE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. flint saws are found in the cave-dwellings in the Dordogne ; some are preserved in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye ; they are also found No. 96. No. 93. Nos. 93-98. Single and double-edged Saws of Flint or Chalcedony. (Nearly 2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 45 to 52 ft.) in the Swiss Lake-habitations of the Stone age. 2 Two such saw-knives were found at Bethsaur near Bethlehem, and are preserved in the British Museum, where I also noticed other saws of the same kind found in India, in the Collection of Indian Antiquities. Similar saws of silex, found in pre-historic tombs in Mecklenburg, are preserved in the Museum of Neu Brandenburg and in the Grand Ducal Antiquarium at Schwerin. The keeper of the former, Mr. Julius Muller, suggests that they may have been used for cutting sinews, hides, and bones. Similar flint saws are also found in Denmark. 3 At Hissarlik these double or single edged saws of silex or chalcedony are so plentiful in all the four lower pre-historic cities, that I have been able to collect nearly a thousand of them. In the latest pre-historic city I only found two such, of very large size. Double-edged flint saws, of the shape of No. 98, occurred only twice or three times. They may probably have been used as arrow-heads ; for regularly-shaped arrow- heads, such as I found in the Koyal Sepulchres at Mycenae, 4 do not exist here. Abundant at Hissarlik, but less frequent than the saw-knives, are the knives of silex or chalcedony, of the same size as the saws, having either only one or two sharp edges. Such knives are also found abundantly in the habitations of the Stone age in Scandinavia, 5 in the Swiss Lake-habitations, 6 in the cave-habitations in the Dordogne, 7 in Mecklenburg as well as elsewhere in Germany, and in many other places and countries ; as, for instance, in Hungary. 8 Flakes of silex or chalce- dony are still used to the present day in immense quantities all over Asia Minor for the corn-shellers or threshing-boards (in modern Greek, Lindenschmit, Die Vaterlandisch.cn Alterthu- ',ner, p. 179, Plate xxvii. No. 18 ; Sir J. Lubbock, Pre-historic Times, p. 107 ; V. Gross, Etablisse- ments Lacustres, PL i. No. 4. 3 A. P. Madsen, Antiquite's prehistoriques du Danemarc; Copenhagen, 1872, Plate xxiv. Nos. 5-8, 12-15. 4 See my Mycenae, p. 272, No. 435. 5 J. J. A. Worsaae, Kordiske Oldster, PI. xv. No. 61 ; A. P. Madsen, Antiquity's prehistoriques du Danemarc, PI. xviii. Nos. 25-28 ; Lubbock, Pre-historic Times, p. 89. 6 Lindenschmit, Die Vaterldndischen Alterthii- mer, p. 179, PL xxviii. Nos. 19-23. 7 Large masses of these are preserved in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye. 8 Josepn Hampel, Antiqxiites prehistoriques de la Hongrie, PL i. Chap. V.] POTSHERD WITH OWL'S FACE. 247 SoKavi). These are in the form of sledges, and consist of two heavy- wooden planks 6 J ft. long, and at one end 2 ft., at the other 1 ft. 4 in., broad. In the lower side of these corn-shellers an immense number of holes are made, about 2 in. long, in which the flint flakes are fastened lengthwise, so that all are in the direction of the boards. These flints have the length of those I find at Hissarlik, but they are much thicker, and none of them has a sharp or an indented edge. These machines are drawn by a horse over the ears of corn spread on the threshing-floor ; they are also used for chopping up straw. Much less abundant are the flakes or knives of obsidian, though they occur in all the four low T est pre-historic cities at Hissarlik. All of them are two-edged, and some are so sharp that one might shave with them. Such obsidian flakes or knives are sometimes found together with the common flint flakes, but only in those countries where obsidian occurs in a natural state. That such knives of flint or obsidian were once in general use, seems to be proved by the fact, that here and there the Jews to the present day circumcise their children with such knives. Now, as to the place whence the pre-historic peoples of Hissarlik obtained their silex and chalcedony. These stones, as Mr. Calvert assures me, are found near Koush-Shehr at Sapgee, about 20 miles to the east of Hissarlik, where they are still worked for the manufacture of the Turkish threshing-boards. The same friend informs me that he found obsidian of a coarse nature near Saragik ; he further calls my attention to the statement of Barker Webb (De Agro Troiano, p. 42), that he observed the mineral near Mantescia, on the road from Assos to Aivajik — one hour from the former place. Professor Virchow found chalcedony contained in the volcanic layers near the Foulah Dagh 9 in the Troad. It deserves particular notice that, except the little knives and saw-hiives, no implements or arms of silex were ever found at HissarliJc. No. 99 represents a pretty little disc of greenish sandstone, with a projecting border and a round hole in the centre j its use is unknown. No. S9. Flat perforated Stone. (Half actual size. No. 100. Fragment of a Bowl, with Depth, about 48 ft.) a pair of eyes. (About balf actual size. Deptb, about 48 ft.) No. 100 represents in outline a fragment of a lustrous-black bowl, which, like No. 36, seems to represent an owl's face in monogram. Prof. Sayce asks, " Is it not for warding off the evil eye ? Compare the Etruscan vases." 9 See Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie ( Berliner Anthropolog. Gesellschaft, Band xi. S. 272). 248 THE FIRST PRE-HISTOKIC CITY. [Chap. V. Of whetstones, such as Nos. 101 and 102, only a few were found in the first city ; they are much more frequent in the three following cities. No. ini. No. 1C2. Nos. 101, 102. Whetstones of Green and Black Slate. (Half actual size. Depth, 40 to 52 ft.) Nearly all are perforated at one end for suspension. Mr. Davies pro- nounces them all to consist of indurated slate. Two similar whetstones have heen found in Egyptian sepulchres ; one of them is in the Egyptian Collection in the Louvre ; the other appears in the Egyptian Collection in the British Museum, with the notice that it was found in a tomb of the Twentieth Dynasty. Many such whetstones, found in England, are also in the British Museum, where the ancient Peruvian Collection likewise contains some specimens of them. Two such whetstones, found at Szihalom, are in the Hungarian National Museum at Buda-Pesth. 10 Prof. Virchow informs me that similar whetstones also occur in Germany. The accompanying mould No. 103 consists, according to Prof. Landerer, of mica-slate. It forms a trapezium 3 in. long, 1 J in. broad at one end and 1'8 in. at the other, and half an inch thick. It has three moulds for cast- ing pointed instruments of a kind such as have never yet occurred any- where, and which, in my opinion, can be nothing else than arrow-heads, though the only species of arrow- heads I discovered in this first city as well as in the two succeeding ones are vastly different. My friend Mr. Carlo Giuliano, the celebrated London goldsmith and jeweller of antiques — who showed me the great kindness of repeatedly visiting my Trojan collection and explaining to me, for three hours at a time, how all the metallic work, and particularly how the jewels, were made by the pre-historic peoples— holds it to be impossible that the objects to be cast in these moulds could have been intended for breast- or hair-pins. He agrees with me that they were intended for arrow-heads : this view appears also to be confirmed by the barbs on one of them. It seems still more difficult to explain the use of the triangular object represented by the fourth mould. Professor Sayce asks me, " Was it not intended for a bead?" For casting all the objects represented here, two such No. 103. A Mould ot .Mica-slate for casting arrow heads of a very curious form. (About half actual size. Deplh, 46 ft.) See PI. x., Nos. 82 and 83, of the photographs of the collection. Chap. V.] PUNCHES AND BEOOCHES. 249 mould-stones, each of them having exactly the same beds, were fastened together by means of a small round stick, which was put into the round hole ; then the metal was poured through the openings on the small sides of the stones into the beds, and was left there till it had become cold. Under Nos. 104-111 I represent curious objects of pure copper. The head of No. 104 is in the form of a spiral ; that of No. 105 is quite flat. 110 109 106 112 104 108 101 Nos. 104-112. Punches, Brooches, and Arrow-head of Copper, also a Silver Brooch. (Half actual size. Depth, 45 to 53 ft.) Nos. 106 and 107 have heads of globular form, and are in the form of nails ; but they can of course never have been used as such, being far too long and thin and fragile to be driven into wood. One of those found in this first city is 7 in. long. They can consequently only have served as brooches and hair-pins, and were the ancient predecessors of the fibulae invented ages later. Similar primitive brooches are very numerous in the first four pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, but only in the first two cities are they of copper ; in the two later cities they are of bronze. They are also of bronze in the ancient Lake-habitations in the Lake of Bourget. A certain number found in that lake are pre- served in the Museum of St. Germain-en-Laye, the director of which, M. Alexandre Bertrand, attributes to them the date of from 600 to 500 B.C. Brooches of bronze of the same shape, but much more elaborate, were found in the Lake-dwellings at Moeringen and Auvernier. 1 Needles with two pointed ends, like No. 108, were found at Szihalom in Hungary ; 2 they are also very plentiful in Germany, Denmark, and elsewhere. There are a great many such primitive brooches of bronze, both of the form of No. 104 with a head in the form of a spiral, and of that of Nos. 106 and 107, in the Grand Ducal Antiquarium of Schwerin ; they were all found in the Mecklenburg sepulchral mounds called " Hiinengraber," and in many other ancient sites in Germany. Miss Adele Virchow has collected a 1 Victor Gross, Deux Stations Lacustres ; Neuveville, 1878, PI. viii., Nos. 12 and 13. 2 See PI. x., Nos. 7 and 16, of the photographs of the Pre-historic Collection of the National Hungarian Museum. 250 THE FIRST PRE-HISTOKIC CITY. [Chap. V. number of brooches, like Nos. 104 and 107, in her excavations in the graveyard of Zaborowo. Nos. 109 and 110 are declared by Mr. Giuliano to be punches, the lower ends of which were inserted in wooden handles. No. Ill, 1*6 in. long, is in the usual form of the arrow-head, such as I have found in the debris of the three lower cities ; indeed, I never found a differently shaped arrow-head there. A similar arrow-head appears to have been found in the excavations at Szihalom in Hungary. 3 All these brooches, punches, and arrows have evidently been cast, though only in the third city have I found a mould for such arrows, never one for brooches or punches. No. 112 is a fragmentary brooch of silver. In the accompanying group the copper punch, No. 113, as well as the copper brooches, Nos. 114 and 115, are from the second city. 4 The rest No. 118. No. 119. No. 115. Nos. 113-115. Copper Punch and Nos. 116-122. Objects of Metal from the Lowest Stratum : four Copper Brooches from the Second City. (3:4 Knives (one gilt), and various ornaments. (3 : 4 actua size, actual size. Depth, 35 to 42 ft.) hut No. 119, 2 : 5. D3pth, 43 to 50 ft.) * See Plate x., No. 20, of the photographs of 4 They are given here, as they happen to the Collection in the National Museum at Buda- have been engraved on the same block with pes+h. ^ e °ther objects. Chap. V.] ANALYSIS OF METALS. 251 of the metal objects are from the first city. No. 116 represents a copper bracelet, but it is so small that it can only have fitted the arm of a little child. Nos. 117, 118, and 119 are copper knives; the first is much broken ; in the larger end of the two latter may be seen the two or three holes of the pins with which they were fixed in the handles of wood or bone. My friend Mr. W. Chandler Eoberts, F.E.S., assayer at the Eoyal Mint, and Professor of Metallurgy in the Eoyal School of Mines, kindly analysed the metals of this first city, and wrote for me the following valuable report on the subject : — ■ " I also analysed with much care small portions of implements found at depths of over 40 ft. " No. 120 is a knife-blade (depth 45 ft.) on the surface of which there are thin flakes of metal that cupellation showed to be gold. The knife had evidently been gilded, a fact which proves that the artificer who made it possessed much metallurgical knowledge and technical skill. "Analysis showed that copper was present to the extent of 97 '4 per cent, in the metallic state, the rest of the metal being in the form of green carbonate and red oxide of copper ; for the blade was so corroded at the end that it was impossible to entirely eliminate these substances. Tin, however, was certainly not present in appreciable quantity ; so that the implement must be regarded as having been originally formed of unalloyed copper. " The nail or pin, No. 105 " A portion from the end of (depth 46 ft.), was also much cor- No. 115 (depth 42 ft.), also a nail roded, but a cleaned portion gave or pin, contained : — on analysis : — J 98-20 per cent, copper. 97-83 per cent, copper. °' 75 » " ivm \ 0-21 „ „ tin. °' 13 » » 8ul P hur » 0-90 „ „ iron. Traces of nickel and cobalt. . Qg 98-94 , " Trace of tin. " The metal in the three last cases is mucb harder than modern com- mercial copper, a fact which may be accounted for by its impurities not having been removed by refining. 5 There is every probability that the presence of a small quantity of tin in No. 105 is accidental, more espe- cially since specimens of commercial copper have been found to contain such an amount. " If then we may assume that the several implements were used as nails and knives, it would appear that they belong to a pre-Bronze age, and that the makers of them were not familiar with the fact that copper is hardened by the addition of tin." 5 While this book is passing through the alloy of rhodium, for an account of which I press, I have received information of a most am deeply indebted to the discoverer, Mr. A. J. interesting . discovery in America of weapons Duffield. (See his Appendix.) and implements of copper hardened by a natural 252 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. It deserves particularly to be remarked that No. 120 is the only gilded object I ever found in any one of the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, whereas the art of gilding bronze was in general use at Mycenae. 6 But the Mycenean goldsmith was not able to gild silver ; whenever, therefore, objects of silver were to be plated with gold, he first plated them with bronze and then gilded the latter. 7 No. 121 represents a silver brooch, the head of which is ornamented with flutings ; but it is much deteriorated by the chloride, and must have been originally much longer. Of silver also is the curious pendant of an ear-ring, No. 122, which in form resembles a primitive ship, and which was suspended in the ear by means of a thin wire. I should not have thought it to be an ear-ring at all, had it not been for the number of similar pendants of gold found by me in the third city, Certainly this object (No. 122) looks much like a fibula, of which only the pin is missing. But for that purpose the silver leaf is far too thin, and this is still much more the case with the gold ear-rings of a similar shape found in the third or burnt city, all of which are made of very thin gold leaf. There was found, besides, in the stratum of the first city, a silver wire. Of copper lances or battle-axes no trace was discovered ; I only found a quadrangular copper bar 10 in. long, which runs out into an edge at one end, and may have been used as a weapon. Of other objects of copper worth enumerating, I may mention a plain ring. Of other metals, lead was now and then found in small quantities. We, therefore, find in use among these primitive inhabitants of the most ancient city on Hissarlik, together with very numerous stone imple- ments and stone weapons, the following metals : gold, silver, lead, copper, but no iron ; in fact, no trace of this latter metal was ever found by me either in any of the pre-historic cities of Troy, or at Mycenae. Nothing, I think, could better testify to the great antiquity of the pre-historic ruins at Hissarlik and at Mycenae, than the total absence of iron. It is true that Hesiod distinctly states that iron was discovered later than copper and tin, for, in speaking of the peoples who were ancient even in his day, he says that they used bronze, and not iron. 8 But still, in order to show how old the knowledge of iron and steel was, he represents Gaea as making a sickle for Kronos of greyish glittering steel, 9 and he gives to Herakles, besides armour of gold and greaves of bronze, a sword of iron and a helmet of steel. 10 Lucretius distinctly confirms the three ages : — "Arma antiqua, manus, ungues, dentesque fuerunt Et lapides, et item Bylvarum fragmina rami, Posterius ferri vis est aerisque reperta, Sed prior aeris erat, quam ferri cognitus usus." 1 6 See my Mycenae, p. 283. » Ibid. pp. 216, 217, Nos. 327, 328; p. 240, No. 348, and many others. 8 Hesiod., Opp. et Dies, vv. 149, 150 : Tots 5' fiv xaA.K«t fjikv revxea, X^ KC0L ^ f T6 otlCOl, XaAwy 5' dpyd(oi/TO • fxeKas 5' ovk tcrKe alSrjpos. 9 Hesiod., Theogonia, vv. 161, 162 : alipa Se (rata) irotrjffacra yzvos iroXiov add/xauros, reu£e fj.4ya 8p4iraj/ov Kal €7re'(|)pa5e vaiari (piKoicriv. 10 Hesiod., Scut. Heracl. vv. 122-138. 1 Vv. 1282-1285. Chap. V.] GOLD, SILVER, AND COPPER MINES. 253 Hostmann 2 also cites Terentius Yarro 3 and Agatharchides 4 as adopt- ing the same theory. But it deserves attention that before the Deluge, in the seventh generation from Adam, according to the Book of Genesis, 5 Tubal Cain was simultaneously master in various kinds of work of bronze and iron. 6 According to Hostmann, iron is only mentioned thirteen times in the whole Pentateuch, whereas brass, by which is here at all events to be understood bronze (that is to say, the mixture of tin and copper), is mentioned forty-four times. The question now arises : Whence did the early inhabitants of His- sarlik obtain their metals? The answer is, first, that they must have had an abundance of gold, since the Troad borders on Phrygia, where mythology localized the legend of Midas and his treasures, and it nearly touches the valley of the Pactolus, which was so famous for its auriferous sands. Besides, there were, according to Strabo, gold mines in the Troad itself, nay in the immediate neighbourhood of Ilium, for he says : " Above the territory of the Abydians in the Troad lies Astyra, a ruined city, now belonging to Abydos; but formerly the city was independent and had gold mines, which are now poor and exhausted, like those in Mount Tmolus around the Pactolus." 7 Homer mentions among the auxiliary troops of the Trojans the Halizonians (oi 'AXlfovoi), who came from Alybe (fj 'AXu/S??), " where is the birth-place of silver ;" 8 that is to say, where there are silver mines. Strabo holds these Halizonians to be the later Chalybes on the Pontus called in his time Chaldaeans ; he thinks that either the reading has been changed from Ik Xakv/3r}\ca to irepl rbv TlaKT(a\6v. 8 II ii. 856, 857 : avTap 'A\i£wv(t)v 'OSi'os Kal , Eirto'Tpo. Further : ijTOi tt)s ypav clvti Xahvfiwv. ' 10 Strabo, xiii. p. 603 : iv 5e£tS Se tov Alo-fiirov fi€Ta£v TloXixvas re Kal TlaXaiaK^ecos v Nea Ku>/j.r} Kal 'Apyvpia. Now, I believe with For- biger {Real Encycl. s. v. Nea) that instead of 7] vea Ktiofir} we have, according to the parallel passage (in Strabo), p. 552, to read Aivea or'Evea Kufirj Kal apyvpia, and not 'Apyvpia. Forbiger identifies this AXvta K}±t) with the present town of Ine, where silver mines are mentioned by Chandler, i. p. 142 ; Pococke, iii. p. 160. 1 xiii. p. 606 : e|o> 5e rod koKttov (tov 'A5pa- fivTriov) Kal rrjs Uvppas &Kpas 7} T6 KicrOrjvri io~ri tt6\is eprjfios exovaa Xi/xeva. inrep outtjs 5' iv rp fxtcroyaia, t6 tc tov x a ^ K °v ^TaWov, K. T. A. 254 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. which when burned became iron ; when melted with a certain earth, zinc (yjrev&apyvpos) flows forth from it; whilst, copper being added to it, it becomes brass (tcpa/ia), called by some people ope/^aX/co?. Zinc is also found in the neighbourhood of Tmolus. 2 Phrygia was also the country of the Idaean Dactyli, the fabled sons of Khea, who in her flight to Mount Ida in Crete rested her hands on the mountain and so gave birth to her child (Zeus) ; and from the impression of her hands sprang the Curetes or the Corybantes, who were called Idaean Dactyli. 3 This tradition is also mentioned by Nonnus. 4 These Phrygian Dactyli were celebrated as metallurgists, and were said to have discovered iron in Crete. 5 According to the Scholiast on Apollonius Ehodius, Sophocles also called the Dactyli Phrygians. 6 Diodorus Siculus also, who seems to have copied largely from Ephorus, says that there are many, and among them Ephorus, who affirm that the Idaean Dactyli dwelt around Mount Ida in Phrygia and passed over to Europe with Mygdon. They were enchanters, and practised spells, religious ceremonies, and mysteries ; and, residing in Samothrace, they greatly excited the astonishment of the inhabitants by these arts. 7 The Phrygian origin of the Dactyli is also confirmed by Clemens Alexandrinus, who calls them Phrygians and barbarians. 8 Strabo says : " As some say, the first inhabitants of the slopes of Ida were called Dactyli, because the slopes of the mountains are called their feet, and the summits are called the crowns of their heads, and thus all the spurs of Ida which are sacred to the mother of the gods are called Idaean Dactyli or ' toes.' But Sophocles believes the first Dactyli to have been five men, who discovered iron and first worked it, and invented many other things useful for life : they had five sisters, and from their number they were called Dactyli {i.e. 1 toes '). But others relate other fabulous stories, heaping absurdity on absurdity; but they also state the names and number (of the Dactyli) differently : calling one of them Celmis and the others Damnameneus, Heracles and Acmon (the anvil). Some say that they were natives of Ida, others report that they were immigrants, but all maintain that by them iron was first worked in Ida : all suppose them to have been enchanters employed in the service of the Mother of the Gods, and residing in 2 xiii. p. 610 : ecrri Se XiQos 7repi ra "AvSeipa, os Kai6jj.evos aidrjpos ylytrat' eTra fxerayris tipos KajAivtvQels aTroiTTd(€L ipevSdpyvpov, irpovAa- /3o0tra x a ^ KOV T0 KaKovfx^vov yiverai Kpapa, o Tives 6peixa\K0V KaXovai- yivtTai Se xpevSdpyvpos Kal Trepi rby TjxwKov. 3 Diomed. p. 474, ed. Putch : " Aiunt Opem in Idam montem insulae Cretae fugiendo delatam manus suas imposuisse memorato monti, et sic infantem ipsum edidisse, et ex manuum impres- sione emersisse Curetas sive Corybantas, quos a montis nomine et a qualitate facti Idaeos Dac- tylos appellant." 4 Dionys. xiv. 25 seq. : . . . . T Clv 7tot€ 'Peir; efc x® ovos avTortXeo-TOv a.vefi\do-TT)(T€ yevedXriv. 5 Plin. II. N. vii. 57 : " Aes conflare et tem- perare Aristoteles Lydum Scythen monstrasse ; Theophrastus Delam Phrygem putat ; aerariam fabricam alii Chalybas, alii Cyclopas ; ferrum Hesiodus in Creta eos qui vocati sunt Idaei Dactyli." 6 Ad Argonaut, i. 1129 : ~2,o(poK\ris Se avrovs Qpvyas KaXel iu KcccpoTs ~2,aTvpois. 7 Diod. Sic. v. 64 : zvioi S' Icrropovo'LV, &v eoTi Kal *Ev irpbs rbv fi'iov XPV- ai/xoov, irevre Se Kal ddeAcpds rovroov, dirb Se rod dpidpov SaKrvAovs KArjdrjvai, dAAoi 5' aAAcos pvOevovatv diropois diropa avvdirrovres, Siacpopois Se Kal ro?s ovofxaai Kal rots dpi9/j.o?s xp&vrai, wv KeAp.iv dvopd(ovcri riva Kal Aapvapevea Kal 'HpaKAea -Kal 'AKpova- Kal oi pev iirixooplovs rrjs ''iSrjs oi Se eiro'iKovs, irdvres Se alSripov elp- yaa8ai virb rovrwv eV y l5?7 Trpcorov (pao'i, irdvres Se Kal yorfras vTreiAT)v, eirel evrevQev peryvexQ^cav els 2,a/jLo9pdK7)v. 1 Pausanias, i. 416 : *H> Se vepovrai oi Uepya- P-yvoi, Kafielpoov iepdv (pacriv e?//ai rb apxaiov. 2 Strabo, x. p. 473: QepeKvSris 5' e| 'AttJa- Awvos Kal 'PrjTias Kvpfiavras evvea, olKr\o~ai 5' avrobs ev ~2.ap.odpci.Kri' e/c Se Kafieipovs ttjs Tlpwrews Kal 'Hcpaicrrov Kafietpovs rpeis Kal vvpcpas rpe'is KafieipiSas, eicarepois S' iepd yive- adai. paAiffra pev ovv ev ^Ipfipco Kal Aypvcp robs Kafieipovs ripdcrdai crvp/3ifir]Kev , aAAa Kal ev Tpola Kara iroAeis. 3 A grammarian in the Lexicon of Glide, s. v. Kafiipoi, cited by J. P. Rossignol, Lcs Metaux dans V Antiquite, p. 47 : Kdfiipoi Se' ev irore £fxivpv i (TQ4uT(av r\ yrj raKe7cra, are dpyvpTris Kal XP U0 ~'' TIS > e *s tt]v inicpdveiav e'te'^ecre. 256 THE FIEST PKE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. Eossignol 7 also cites Clement of Alexandria, who, in establishing a synchronism among the events of sacred history and Greek history, says, " From the deluge of Deucalion to the burning of Mount Ida and the discovery of iron, and to the Idaean Dactyli, 73 years elapsed according to Thrasyllus ; and from the burning of Ida to the rape of Ganymedes, 65 years." 8 He further cites Strabo, who mentions that the Titans gave to Ehea, as armed servants, the Corybantes, who, as some said, had come from Bactria ; according to others, from Colchis. 9 The reason why they were said to have come from the one or the other of these two countries is, that both were celebrated for the number and the richness of their mines. Eossignol 10 further mentions that " Servius in his Commentary on Virgil, in stating the etymologies which were given of the word Corybantes, says that according to some it was derived from Kopy, the surname of Proserpine, according to others it is derived from copper, inhere being in Cyprus a mountain rich in copper, which the Cypriotes call Corium." 1 M. Burnouf mentions to me that Eugene Burnouf has proved the word Corybantes to be identical with the Zend word gerevanto, which means "mountaineers," and that Orthocorybantes is identical with Eredhwagerevanto, which means " inhabitants of the high mountains." 2 Like the Cabiri and the Corybantes, the Curetes passed over from Phrygia to Samothrace. This is evident, as Eossignol 3 says, from the Orphic hymn addressed to the Curetes, in which it is assigned to them, as a claim to veneration, that they should make the bronze resound, wear martial arms, and inhabit Samothrace, the sacred land. 4 Some verses further on, the poet, confounding the Curetes with the Corybantes, calls them even Icings of Samothrace. 5 In a long and learned discussion, Eossignol proves beyond all doubt that the Telchines were also famous artists and metallurgists, who passed over to Samothrace ; and further that the Dactyli, Cabiri, Corybantes, Curetes, and Telchines, differed, as some believed, merely in name, and formed one identical class of Genii ; while, according to others, they were related to one another, presenting only slight differences; that, finally, they are nothing else than the representatives of an identical metallic industry, symbolized in its progressive developments ; that the religion of Samothrace was in the beginning nothing but a simple institution of mysteries founded on metallurgy, and presided over by Ehea, whose priests were in fact metallurgists. These ministers, having transmitted the blessing of the goddess to other men, were deified from gratitude. In this manner Samothrace became the isle of pious priests, and the sacred asylum against revenge for bloodshed. But it was not every 7 Les Me'taux dans V Antiquite, p. 50. 8 Strom, i. 21, p. 401, ed. Pott. 9 Strabo, x. p. 472 : oi 8' virb Tirdvcov 'Pea SoOrjyai irpoTr6\ovs £v6ir\ovs tovs Kopvfiavras eK T7/s Ba.KTpiavr\s atyiyptvovs, oi 5° efc KdAx 1 S ^ which is on ly a ^ a distance of 500' from Berenice, the port where gold was bartered?" He goes on to prove that the famous Ophir, which scholars have for a long time past identified with Abhira in India, is nothing else than the Arabic word for " red." " By the Hebrews the ' gold of Ophir ' was especially valued. Agatharchides states that the gold nuggets found in the district of Debai consisted of pure metallic gold, and did not need to be purified by fire, in consequence of which this gold was called airvpov, ' untouched by fire.' This word, therefore, would answer to the Arabic tibr ; for while dzahab means gold generally, unmelted gold is called tibr and tibra, a ' gold nugget.' The greater part of the gold existing in antiquity was derived from nuggets, 11 Pre-historic Times, pp. 21, 38. rexvvf iravToi-nv, x a p' l *VTa 5e ipya reAdei, 1 Od. vi. 232-235 : &s apa tg3 /care'xeve x<*P LV K€(paA^ re Kal tipois. ws 5' ore ris XP V(T ^ V i^piX^ Tai apyvpw avi]p 2 //. N. xxxiii. 19. %t$, %v "H, and the Persians call the gold pieces which are coined therefrom Dijndrisurch, ' red Aurei.' In Iklyl (viii. p. 77), it is related that on the corpse of a woman, exhumed at Dhahr, there were found gold ankle-rings weighing 100 mithqdl, and that the metal was red gold. Such ' treasure trove ' was so frequent, that this fine sort of gold was also called ' tomb gold ' ( f^JS 3 or b)* It is reported in Iklyl (viii. p. 52), that especially in the ruins in and between Gauf and Marib much tomb gold was discovered. In Pliny 4 apyron has the signification of ' red gold.' If Magi is the subject of vocant, then the expression apyron was also in use among the Per- sians. At all events, the Apyron is hardly different from the gold of Ophir, qualified in the Bible as ' good.' According to a well-known phonetic change, dfir must be pronounced dfir in the Central Arabian dialect ; but according to Ibn Maruf (apud Golius) afira signifies tran- sitively, ' splendidum clarumque effecit,' and intransitively, ' manifestus evasit.' The participle of this verb is dfir. In the South-Arabic dialect this word, differently pronounced, is the common word for red. Accord- ing to a vocabulary, 5 red is called ophir (sic !) in Socotra. In other dialects the word for ' red ' is pronounced, according to Maltzan, 6 qfer, ohfar, afur, and so forth. Now I imagine that, according to their custom, the Greeks have given a Greek origin to the word dfir, dfir. In Job (xxii. 24) Ophir is used for ' gold ' without the additional word zahab ; and the passage from Pliny warrants the conclusion that apyron was used in the same manner. Besides, Ophir occurs in the Bible as the name of a people and a country. Where this half-mythic land was first thought to exist is a point on which I have no doubt. In Genesis (x. 21)) Ophir is mentioned between Sheba and Havilah. In the story of Solomon, the narrator passes twice or thrice backwards and forwards to and from the Queen of Sheba and the Ophir expedition, and in 1 Kings x. 15 'all the kings of Arabia' come between. Ophir was con- sequently thought to be on the coast of Arabia, or rather the Hebrews called the Litus Hammaeum Ophir. In the famous question about Ophir, far too little weight is laid on the fact that, in many passages in the Bible, Ophir appears as the California of antiquity, and far too much importance is given to Solomon's expedition to Ophir. I neither doubt that the Phoenicians navigated the Ked Sea, nor that Solomon associated * II. N. xxi. 11, p. 66: " Heliochrysos florem pertinere arbitral) tur." habet auro similem .... Hoc coronare se Magi, 5 Journ. As. Soc. Benrj. B. iv, p. 165. si et unguenta sumantur ex auro, quod apyron 6 Z. D. M. G. 27, p. 230. vocant, ad gratiam quoque vitae gloriamque 260 THE FIRST PRE-HISTORIC CITY. [Chap. V. with King Hiram and bartered gold in Dzahaban ; but the story, as it is told, is not free from fictions invented to glorify the great king. In 1 Kings ix. 28 it' is stated that the servants of Hiram and Solomon fetched 420 talents of gold ; here Ophir is still simply the land of gold. In x. 11, again, the result is spoken of, and then it is said that the gold-ships also brought sandal- wood and precious stones. We cannot object to this, for the narrator confines himself here at least to Arabian articles. Precious stones are also mentioned elsewhere in the Bible, as articles of trade with the Arabian merchants. The genuine sandal-wood, it is true, does not occur in Arabia, but Hamdany (333) speaks of Mount Hanum as situated near Chaulan, on which also the Chaulanites live, and says : ' There grows a plant which resembles the white sandal-wood, and comes near to it in smell. The wood serves instead of the Indian sandal- wood.' In 1 Kings x. 22, the produce fetched from Ophir is mentioned for a third time, with the addition of silver and ivory, and of rarities such as monkeys and peacocks. 7 Here it is also stated that the ships came once in three years ; and in this way Ophir is removed to an endless distance and made a fairy-land. This version, as well as the story of the Queen of Sheba, I hold to be a fiction of later origin. The idea that Ophir also exported silver is by no means happy, this metal having always been dear in Arabia. Even in Mohammed's time, when the gold mines were for the most part exhausted, only seven and a half pounds of silver were given for one pound of gold. If, with Lassen, we relegate Ophir to India (of whose natural wealth in gold I never heard), we do not gain much ; because here also the value of silver in proportion to that of gold was always greater than in the West." Sprenger further points to a passage in Strabo, which corroborates his opinion that the Phoenicians, in times of remote antiquity, lived on the Arabian coast of the Persian Gulf, whence they emigrated to the coast of the Mediterranean ; and this view is now very generally accepted. After having spoken of the city of Gerrha, which, he says, lies in a deep bay of the Arabian coast on the Persian Gulf, Strabo goes on : " Those who proceed with their ship see two other islands — Tyrus 8 and Aradus, 9 whose temples resemble those of the Phoenicians ; the inhabitants at least main- tain also that the islands and cities of the Phoenicians, called by the same names, are their colonies." 10 My friend the Assyriologist, Professor Julius Oppert, informs me that in the Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions, the island of Tyrus (in cuneiform writing, Tilvun) is mentioned as the seat of a very ancient worship. The island of Tylus (for Tyrus) is mentioned by Arrian 11 and Pliny 1 as pro- ducing pearls and cotton. 7 I might here call attention to the fact that in the Bible the names of the monkeys and pea- cocks are Sanscrit and Tamil. The monkey is called in Sanscrit Kapi, the peacock in Tamil Toijei. 8 According to Sprenger's map, this is now called Owal (Bahrayn). 9 According to Sprenger's map, Moharrag. 10 Strabo, xvi. p. 7G6 : TlXevaavTL 5' £ir\ irAeov a\Aai vr\(Toi Tvpos kcu "Apados tla'iv, Upa exovaai ro7s $olviklko?s ojxoia • kclI (petal ye ol iu avrctis OlKOVVTeS TCLS O/HOOVV/ilOVS TCCV ^OIVIKUV V7]., and are found there in abundance. They are also frequent in the Swiss Lake-dwellings, 3 in the Lake- dwellings in the Lake of Constance, 4 in the caverns of Inzighofen, 5 in the pre-historic settlements in Hungary, 6 on ancient sites in the Aleutian Islands, in Kentucky, in San Miguel Island, California, &c. ; 7 in Denmark on sites of the Stone age, 8 and elsewhere. The object No. 141 represents No. 142. Curious Object of Ivory, probably an Idol. (Half actual size. Depth, 46 ft.) a flat trapezium of ivory, almost in the shape of a playing card, with eight little stars or small suns. We see a similar ornamentation on each side of the very curious object of ivory No. 142, which, in my opinion, is a primitive female idol, of which the two barb-like projections may indicate the arms, and the stroke across the body the girdle. I call attention to the similarity of the little stars or small suns to the breasts with which the whole body of the Ephesian Diana was covered ; and have not the horn-like projections on the head the shape of the crescent? 3 Ferdinand Keller, Mittheilungen dcr anti- Plate ii. quarischen Gesellschaft, Pfahlbauten, 7ter Bericht ; 7 Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, No. Zurich, 1876, Plate ii. " 287, The Archaeological Collection of the U.S. 4 L. Lindenschmit, Die Vatcrldndischen Alter- National Museum; Washington, 1876, pp. 63 thiimcr, p. ISO, and Plate xxviii. and 64. 5 Ibid. p. 180, and Plate xxv. 8 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, PI. xvii. 6 Joseph Hampel, Anti'iuit€s prehistoriques, Chap. V.] THE GAME OF ASTRAGALS. As huckle-bones (aarpayaXoi), like that represented under No. 143, occur in this first city, as well as in all the other pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, I think there can be no doubt that they were used by children for playing, the more so as most of them are much worn, and appear as if they had been in use for a long time. The game of astragals is mentioned by Homer, who makes Patroclus appear to Achilles in a dream, and say that he had to fly from his native land, having involun- tarily killed a boy in anger when playing with astragals. 9 This game was practised by children throughout antiquity. 10 I call attention to the beau- tiful sculpture of an ao-rpayaXi&vcra in the Museum of Berlin ; also, to the famous group of sculpture in the palace of Titus, representing two boys playing with astragals, 1 probably a copy of the celebrated bronze group by Polycletus, the subject of which was no doubt taken from the fatal quarrel of the young Patroclus with his playfellow. A fractured marble group of the same kind, in the Townley Collection of the British Museum, represented (when perfect) two boys quarrelling over the game. The figure of one is gone, except the fore-arm, which the other is biting ; the huckle-bones are seen lying on the ground. 9 II xxiii. 87, 88 : "Hfxart t<2 ore ircuSa KareKravov 'A/Mpidd/xavTos, vr)irios, ovk iQeXusu, djx^> darpaydKoicri x°^ w ^ € ' LS ' u In the day when I slew the son of Amphi- damas, fool that I was, not wilfully, flying into a passion about huckle-bones." 10 See, for example, Pseudo-Plat. Alcib. i. p. 110, B. : 6it6t€ (nous Siu) dar pay a\i£ois ¥j 'd\Kr]y riva iraiSlav Trai£ois. 1 Pliny, H. N. xxxiv. 8. 19; Pauly's Real Encyclop'ddie, s. v. Polycletus. CHAPTER VI. THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TEOY. Whether the inhabitants of the first city quietly abandoned their homes and emigrated, or whether their city was captured and destroyed by an enemy, we are unable to discover from the ruins ; at all events, the first town was not destroyed by fire, for I found no marks of a general, or even of a partial, conflagration. It is further quite certain that the first settlers were succeeded by a different people : this is proved by the architecture as well as by the pottery, both of which are totally different from what we see in the first city. I have already said that these second settlers built both their houses and their walls of large stones. The remains we now see of these dwell- ings are, of course, only the substructions, but the really enormous masses of loose stones contained in the strata of this second city testify to the fact, that the walls of the houses were built of stone. Not all the houses, however, were built of this material, for we see here and there the debris of houses which must have had walls of clay. It is only to these second settlers that we can attribute the wall b represented in the engraving No. 2 (see p. 24), which I brought to light on the north side of the hill. It is 10 ft. high and 6J ft. thick, and is built in the so-called Cyclopean manner, in regular layers of large but slightly wrought quadrangular blocks of limestone, which are joined together by small ones. As already stated, its top is just 34 ft. below the surface. As is attested by the layers of debris which extend in an oblique direction below it, it was originally erected on the steep slope of the hill. It is therefore evident that, since its erection, the hill has here increased 44 ft. in height ; but it has also increased at this point 131 ft. in width, such being the distance in a horizontal line from the wall to the present slope. The quantity of similar blocks lying beside this wall seem to prove that it was at one time much higher. It was much longer when I first brought it to light at the end of July, 1872. I removed part of it in February, 1873, in order to bring to light the curious retaining wall 1 already described, which rises at an angle of 45°, 6 ft. below it, and served to sustain an isolated sandhill which reaches to within 20 ft. of the surface and appears to be 20 ft. high. This retain- ing wall we may, as I have before explained, attribute with all proba- bility to the first city. To these inhabitants of the second city we may further, with every 1 See the wall A in the engraving No. 2, p. 24. a. Road leading up to Troy. b. External Wall. c. Interior Wall. d. Projecting external Wall. e. Jars. f. Kuinn Chap. VI.] WALLS AND STREET. 265 probability, attribute the great internal wall marked e on the accompany- ing view, No. 144 and a on the little sketch No. 145. This wall also No. 145. The great External and Internal Walls, called together the Tower. consists of large blocks of stone, and slopes to the south at an angle of 45°. But it is only on the south side that it consists of solid masonry ; on the north side it is built of stone for only four or five courses deep, and is supported here by a large rampart of loose stones and debris marked r, of which also its interior, to a great extent, consists. Imme- diately south of this large wall is a wall of equal size marked b on the accompanying view (No. 144) and c d on the sketch (No. 145), which was evidently built by the third settlers,, and of which I shall speak here- after. After having proceeded for some distance in an easterly direction, the great internal wall shrinks to a wall of solid masonry 11 J ft. high, 6 ft. thick at the top, and 12 ft. thick at the base, which turns at a certain point abruptly to the north north-west. 2 Its builders did not take the trouble to clear the rock of soil, for the wall is erected on a layer of earth from 1 ft. 9 in. to 2 ft. deep, with which the rock is covered. To the inhabitants of this second city evidently belongs also the erection of the Gate (marked a on Plan I.), with its paved street, which runs down to the plain in a south-westerly direction ; for the lower part of this gateway, as well as the walls which I brought to light in removing some of the flags of the street, show precisely the same kind of architecture of large blocks of white limestone. As the keen eye of my sagacious friend, Professor Sayce, discovered at once, this street was made by the second settlers, by heaping a mound of debris against what had until then been a steep slope ; and the walls which cross the street beneath its pavement can have had no other object than to consolidate this mound of debris. All the fragments of pottery contained in the mound belong to the second city ; I have not found a single potsherd there of the thick lustrous-black terra-cottas of the first city, nor any fragment of the pottery of the subsequent " burnt city." The street was paved by the innabitants of the second city with large flags of white limestone, in which, however, I failed to discover any ruts of chariot-wheels. For this reason I think that the street only served for pedestrians, the more so as it slopes to the plain at an angle of a little less than 70°, and is, therefore, too steep for chariots. But still the flags are much worn and denote long use. For this reason they were covered by the builders of the following, the third or burnt city, with new flags of a reddish sandstone, which may still be seen in situ on the lower part of 2 See Plar I. (of Troy) at the place marked / h, close to the wall marked b. 268 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. the street as far as it is uncovered. Those of the upper part, near the gateway, looked quite as fresh as the rest when I brought them to light at the beginning of May 1873 ; but, when exposed to the sun, they speedily became decomposed and crumbled away, which circumstance can leave no doubt that they had been exposed to an intense heat. The parapets of the gate must have been almost completely destroyed on the arrival of the third settlers, the builders of the burnt city, for — as a glimpse at the accompanying view (No. 144) will show — only the lower part of them denotes by its large slabs of white limestone the architecture of the second settlers ; whereas all the upper part of them, and the whole of the masonry of small stones of reddish colour to the right of the Turk with his spade, are the work of the third settlers, by whom were also built the quadrangular projections of the parapets, between which were the wooden gates. These projections stand in pairs opposite each other. 3 Those of the first gate, in ascending from the plain, project, the one 2J ft., the other 2J ft. : both are 3J ft. high and 3f ft. broad ; the wooden gate between them was 12J ft. broad. The street paved with the large flags of limestone ends at this first gate, and the road from this to the second gate, which is situated a little more than 20 ft. further to the north-east, is very roughly paved with large unhewn stones. The pavement has pro- bably become uneven through the masses of burning debris which fell upon it during the great conflagration of the third city. The two following projections, between which was the second gate, are 2 ft. high, above 3 ft. broad, and project about 2Jft. A few yards further to the north-east a wall of large stones, with a recess on its south-east side, crosses the street, protruding only slightly above the pavement. This wall undoubtedly marks the site of the third gate with a wicket. This third gate is 17 J ft. broad ; beyond it the parapets of the road continue 10 ft. further in a north-easterly direction. That these three gates really existed, every visitor acknowledges ; but how they were put up — that, I think, nobody can explain, there being no holes for the hinges either in the projections of the parapets or in the stones between them. But, as the masonry of the parapet has a smooth surface and has evidently never been higher than it now is, we may take it as certain that it only served as a substruction to a large and high tower of but slightly-baked bricks, and that wood entered largely into its construction. Only in this way are we at all able to explain the intense heat which destroyed the flags of the street before the gates, and to which every stone in the parapets bears witness, as well as the enormous masses of reddish or yellow or black wood-ashes and broken bricks, which obstructed the street, to a depth of from 7 to 10 ft., when I brought it to light. It was in the masonry of this tower, through which the street passed, that the gates must have been fastened. But the inhabitants of the second stone city, which now occupies us, used no bricks at all ; besides, the three gates, of which I have spoken, evidently belong to the third settlers. It would, therefore, be out of 3 See the engravings No. 10, p. 35, and No. 13, p. 37, as well as Plan I. under the letter a. Chap. VI] THE GATE AND LARGE WALL. 267 place to speak of them here were it not that, by giving my opinion as to the architecture of the gates, when in use by the third settlers, I hope to convey to the reader an idea of their condition in the time of the second settlers. In fact, the courses of large white stones in the lower parts of the parapets, as well as of the same sort of stones in the lower part of their four quadrangular projections, can leave no doubt that the architec- ture of the substructions to the gate-tower was identical with that used in the second city ; besides that the wall, which denotes the existence of the third gate with its wicket, belongs evidently to the second settlers, who in all probability built their gate-tower of wood. As the masonry of large blocks built by the second settlers is far more solid than that of small stones or slightly-baked bricks used by the third people, the latter would undoubtedly have taken care to preserve the parapets of the street and their projections, had they found them entire. Moreover, had these structures been destroyed in a siege and capture of the second city, the large stones at least would have remained on the spot or near at hand, and they would have been used by the third settlers for restoring the destroyed masonry. But as this has not been done, we may conclude, with all probability, that the second city must have been abandoned for a long time ere it was colonized by the third settlers. M. Burnouf has come to the very same conclusion, from the large funnel-shaped holes and deep ravines filled with stones, which so frequently occur in the layers of debris, from 12 to 16 ft. deep, of the second city, and of which visitors will see many in my trenches, particularly in my great northern trench. 4 He thinks that these large funnel-shaped hollows or ravines in the debris could only have been produced in the course of ages by rain-water, and that they were filled with stones by the third settlers, who completely levelled the area of the city before they began to build their own town. Professor Yirchow does not admit that these hollows could have been pro- duced by the action of the rain-water in the midst of the debris ; but I think it most likely, considering the really enormous masses of loose stones contained in the layers of debris of the second city. Only I am not of M. Burnouf 's opinion, that ages would necessarily be required to pro- duce such ravines. I even think that the rains of a single winter might possibly be sufficient to produce large and deep funnel-shaped holes in such huge masses of debris, consisting of loose stones and clay. To this second city evidently belongs also the large wall which continues from the gate in a north-westerly direction, and which is but a prolongation of the great internal wall marked c on the view, No. 144, and a on the little sketch, No. 145. Like the internal wall c, this is more like a rampart than a mere wall : in general its western and north-western slope consists of solid masonry to a depth of 3 or 4 ft. • but it is intersected by a number of regular walls, which can have had no other object than to consolidate it. This rampart wall, which is in some places 30 ft. thick, is paved with small flags or irregularly shaped 4 These funnel-shaped hollows, filled with stones, are marked by the letter q on Plan III., Section X-Y. 268 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TKOY. [Chap. VL stones ; but this pavement was covered 3 ft. deep with debris when the third city was built, for all the fragments of pottery contained in it are of the second city, to which also belong all the potsherds contained in the debris below the pavement. Now, this rampart resembles an esplanade ; but cities so small as the pre-historic towns of Hissarlik can have no esplanades. Neither did it look as it does now when I first brought it to light; for it was encumbered with crumbling brick walls, mournful remnants of the towers and other works of fortification of the third city. But the masses of saddle-querns, pottery, shells, &c, contained in the debris, can leave no doubt that these Trojan works were many storeys high, and served both as fortifications and dwelling-houses for the inha- bitants. We must probably presume, that the works erected on these ramparts by the inhabitants of the second stone city served a like pur- pose ; but, as they certainly were not of brick, they must have been of stone. This seems also to be proved, with all probability, by the stu- pendous masses of loose stones which occur at the foot of the walls, as well as in and on the ruins of the houses, and which are sometimes 12 or 14 ft. deep. The following settlers found these masses of stones ready at hand, but they did not care to use them : only here and there they built the substructions of their houses with them ; all the rest, and in fact generally even the substructions of their houses, they built of slightly-baked brick. As to habitations on city walls, my dear," my honoured, my learned, my deeply-mourned friend, Dr. Edward Moss, of Arctic celebrity — who, when Staff-surgeon on board H.M.S. Research, lying in the autumn of 1878 in Besika Bay, came daily to visit my works at Troy, and who later, as Staff-surgeon on board H.M.S. Atalanta, perished with that unfortunate vessel— called to my remembrance that in this respect Troy resembled several cities in Scripture: thus, for example, the Book of Joshua (ii. 15) describes the house of Eahab as situated on the wall of Jericho. As I have said, the great internal wall 5 — which, on the south side, was the external wall of the inhabitants of the second stone city — (the wall marked b on No. 144, and c d on the sketch No. 145, having been subsequently built by the people of the third city) — slopes at an angle of 45°, and its western prolongation from the gate at an angle of about 15° ; consequently these walls could easily be scaled, and they can only have served as substructions to the works of defence erected upon them. To this second city also belongs the irregular wall on the north side to the left of the entrance to my great northern trench (marked Y on Plan III., Section X-Y). M. Burnouf, who carefully examined this wall, made the following observations on it : — " At the north angle, close to the large ruined brick wall, we see again for a distance of 12 metres or 40 ft. the more or less damaged courses of blocks of the great wall of the second city, which, like the wall c on No. 144 and a on the sketch No. 145, consists only on the outside of real masonry, and for the rest of loose stones. In the ditch dug at the foot of the rampart, visitors may 5 See No. 144 c, and sketch No. 145, a, p. 265. Chap. VI.] THE MODE OF BUILDING. 269 see the lower courses of this wall, which consist of Very large blocks of limestone." On this rampart, as on the two which we have already passed in review, were no doubt built the works of fortification, which served at the same time as habitations. Visitors will see there a number of substruc- tions of large stones belonging to this second city, to which belongs also the large building (marked K on Plan III., Section X-Y), whose slightly dislocated thick walls will be seen further on to the left in my great northern trench, at a depth of from 33 to 40 or 43 ft. below the surface of the hill. I call particular attention to the layers of debris (marked P on the same plan), which slant at an angle of 45° from the top of this building towards the great internal wall (c on No. 144), and which go far to prove that this building is much more ancient than the latter, and that the rampart-like walls were not built till ages after the foundation of the second city. What has this large building been ? This edifice seemed to me important to preserve; but as all the stones of its walls are slightly dislocated, just as if shaken by an earthquake, I could not possibly excavate it ; for, unless supported, its walls would have fallen at once. I was therefore forced to leave it embedded as it was, with only the edges of its walls peeping out from the east side of my trench. I call the attention of visitors to the ponderous blocks composing what appears to be its flat roof. The inhabitants of this second city, like their predecessors and successors, used to a large extent cakes of clay ((/alettes), in order to level the ground and consolidate it for their ponderous stone buildings. In this second city I found the debris of three houses, which had evidently been destroyed by fire. One of them, which is immediately to the north-west of the well, 6 may be easily examined by visitors, in accord- ance with the following description of M. Burnouf : 7 — " I. The Area. — The substratum is formed of superposed compact strata containing earth, ashes, bones, shells, stones, and other debris belonging to the first city. This substratum is from 8 to 1 ft. deep in the great trench. The area established on this substratum is made solely of bruised and compressed brick matter ; its thickness is 0'05 m. (2 in.). The burning material which in the conflagration has fallen on this soil has, first, vitrified the surface of the area from 1 to 2 millimetres (l-25th to 2-25ths in.) deep (this thin layer is of a greenish colour) ; 8 secondly, it has completely baked the brick-stratum to a depth of 0*02 m. = 0*8 in. (this layer is light yellow) ; lastly, it has burnt the layer below black to a depth of from 10 to 15 centimetres = 4 to 6 in. " II. The Debris. — Over the area we see : (1) a uniform stratum of very light charcoal, 0*01 to 0*02 m. deep: (2) a stratum of brick- earth, which has in the centre a depth of half a metre = 20 in. : this proves that in the middle of the house there has been much more of this matter 6 Marked a Z on Plan I. (of Troy). 7 See the Section, No. 146, p. 270. 8 The centimetre (0*01 m.) = 0*4 in. nearly ; the millimetre (0-001 m.) = ■ 04 in., or l-25th in. See the Table of French and English Measures. 270 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. than elsewhere ; it is the base of this stratum of brick-earth which, by its heat, has vitrified the soil of the area. Above it are strata of a brownish or light colour, forming the arc of a circle ; of which the upper layer (a) is of a brown colour ; it contains small yellow clay-cakes ((/alettes) which have fallen almost without breaking : (3) a sporadic stratum of pretty large flat pieces of charcoal, 0*10 to 0"12 m. = 4 to 4*8 in. long and broad: (4) a thick party-coloured stratum, from 0'70 to 0'80 m.= 28 to 32 in. deep of clay-cakes (gaieties), and blackish, brown, grey or Ground Floor No. 146. Section of a burnt House on the north-west side 01 i,ae Well (a Z on Dan I ). reddish substances more or less mixed with straw. This stratum contains fragments of pottery, shells, bones, &c. This last stratum appears to be derived from the terraced roof; the large pieces of charcoal are from the beams and joists. The inferior strata of light earth have fallen first through the burning timber-work ; they appear to be derived from the floor, the light wood of which has produced the first stratum of debris. Thus the house appears to have had probably a ground-floor and one upper storey. Contrary to the general architecture of the second city, there is no trace of walls in this house. Were they perhaps of clay ? " I would further call the particular attention of visitors to the several house-walls of this second city, which peep out from below the large house of the third city to the north-west of the gate (see the engraving No. 188, p. 325). As nine out of the ten treasures which I discovered were found in or close to that house, I hold it to be the house of the town-chief or king ; and so the walls, which we see below it, may perhaps belong to the mansion of the chief or king of the second city. As they are below the level of the rampart wall, they may perhaps claim a greater antiquity than the latter. To the north of the great wall c, in excavating the great trench, I struck, on the 2nd of August, 1872, a stone house of the second city, which had evidently also been destroyed by fire, because it was filled, to the depth of 6 or 7 ft., with yellow or brownish wood-ashes, in which I found the tolerably well-preserved skeleton of a human being. The colour of the bones, as well as the strange position in which the body 9 was found, can leave no doubt that the person had been overtaken by the fire and burnt to death. This seems to be the more certain, as all the pre-historic peoples, who succeeded each other in the course of ages on the hill of Hissarlik, used cremation of the dead. The smallness of the skull led me at once to think that it was that of a woman ; and this opinion seems to 9 The body was found nearly standing, and but slightly inclined backward. Chap. VI.] SKELETON FOUND IN A HOUSE. 271 be corroborated by the gold ornaments which I picked up by the side of the skeleton, and which I shall presently describe. No. 147. Different Views of the Skull of a Girl, whose skeleton was found in a burnt house at a depth of 42 ft. a. Front, b. Back. c. Side. d. Top. The skull was unfortunately broken in the excavation, but it has been recomposed. Professor Yirchow, who made the accompanying geometrical drawing (No. 147) of it, writes to me as follows on the subject : — "Length of the skull . .180-5 Greatest breadth of the skull 149 Auricular height . . . . . . . . . .116 Lower frontal breadth 93 Height of the face 104 Breadth do 90 Do. of the lower jaw 82*5 Eye-hole, height 29 Do. breadth 38 Nose, height 48? Do. breadth 23*3 Height of the alveolar apophysis of the upper jaw . . . .17 Horizontal circumference of the skull 522 " From this the following indices may be calculated : — "Longitudinal index . . 82*5 Auricular index 64-2 Nasal index . , . . 48*5 Orbital index 76 '3 272 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. " This skull is brachy cephalic, and decidedly a female one ; it is par- ticularly distinguished by strongly-developed prognathism. Though it is badly recomposed, yet it is so far reconstructed, that the above measures may be considered as approximately accurate. The teeth, particularly the upper incisors, are large; the enamel is everywhere very white and furrowed lengthwise ; the crowns are but little wasted, and the wisdom teeth not yet cut. It belonged, therefore, to a girl. As the basis cranii is missing, nothing more can be said of the age. On the whole, the skull is broader and higher than it is long; the frontal and parietal protuberances are well developed ; the forehead is full; the occiput is broadly expanded. The face is somewhat broad, with low eye-holes and moderately broad nose. The chin is retracted ; the middle of the lower jawbone is low, the processes steep and broad. When looked at from behind, the skull appears low and flattened." No. 143. No. 149. No. 150. Nos. 148-161. Gold Rings and Brooch of Electrum, of very primitive workmanship. (Actual size. Depth, about 42 ft.) With regard to the jewels found by the side of the skeleton, the two ear-rings, Nos. 148 and 149, are of a very primitive kind, consisting of simple gold wire 0°0015 m. thick; in fact, it is impossible to imagine any- thing ruder or more primitive. The finger-ring, No. 150, is of the same rude workmanship; it consists of a treble gold wire O0025 m. thick. Compared with these, the third gold ear-ring, like No. 694, is a real work of art ; it is composed of six gold wires of equal thickness, which form a leaf. The electrum brooch, No. 151, has that primitive form of which we have passed several specimens of bronze in review (see Nos. 106, 107), in discussing the objects found in the first city, and which existed before the invention of the fibulge. The body must have worn some more female ornaments, for I collected by its side several plain gold beads, only 1 millimetre in diameter (like Nos. 913-915), as also a very thin oval gold ring, only l-4th of an inch long. Electrum occurs several times in the third Trojan city. It is men- tioned by Homer together with bronze, gold, silver, and ivory as an ornament of walls : " Consider, son of Nestor dear to my heart, the gleam of the bronze, the gold, the electrum, and the ivory in the resounding hall." 1 In this instance electrum certainly means an alloy 1 Od. iv. 71-73 : x a ^ K °v Tf (TTepoirrju Kara dcofiara rjxv^ra, (ppd&o, NetTTOplSr], rcj> ifxS) KexapioTieVe dv/ucp, XP vff °v r' i}\eKTpov re Kcii apyvpov 7?5' i\4(paurcs. Chap. VI.] NATURE OF ELECT RUM. 273 of gold find silver. But the word occurs twice more in Homer, where nothing else than amber can be meant by it. 2 In speaking of the ingots which Croesus sent to the Oracle of Delphi, Herodotus says: "The number of ingots was 117, four being of refined gold, in weight LV talents each; the others were half-tiles of pale gold, and in weight 2 talents each." 3 There seems to be every probability that by the pale gold electrum is meant ; for we cannot suppose that the pale gold was inferior to that of the Lydian coins, which are* certainly of electrum, though the quantity of silver contained in them seems to exceed the proportion indicated by Pliny in the following most interesting passage : 4 — " Omni auro inest argentum vario pondere, alibi decuma, alibi nona, alibi octava parte. In uno tantum Galliae metallo, quod vocant Albicralense, tricesima sexta portio invenitur : ideo caeteris praeest. Ubicumque quinta argenti portio est,, electrum vocatur. Scobes eae reperiuntur in Canaliensi. Fit et cura electrum argento addito. Quod si quintam portionem excessit, incudibus non resistit. Et electro auc- toritas, Homero teste, qui Menelai regiam auro, electro, argento, ebore, fulgere tradit. Miner vae templum habet Lindos, insulae Ehodiorum, in quo Helena sacravit calycem ex electro. Adjicit historia, mammae suae mensura. Electri natura est, ad lucernarum lumina clarius argento splendere. Quod est nativum, et venena deprehendit. Namque discur- runt in calycibus arcus, caelestibus similes, cum igneo stridore ; et gemina ratione praedicunt." We gather from this passage of Pliny that the ancients gave the name of " electrum " particularly to a natural alloy, containing the requisite proportions, which, according to another passage, they found out by the touchstone : 5 " Auri argentique mentionem comitatur lapis, quern coti- culam appellant, quondam non solitus inveniri, nisi in flumine Tmolo, ut auctor est Theophrastus : nunc vero passim : quern alii Heraclium, alii Lydium vocant. Sunt autem modici, quaternas uncias longitudinis, binas- que latitudinis non excedentes. Quod a sole fuit in his, melius quain quod a terra. His coticulis periti, quum e vena ut lima rapuerunt experimentum, protinus dicunt quantum auri sit in ea, quantum argenti vel aeris, scripulari differentia, mirabili ratione, non fallente." Strabo had apparently only a confused idea of electrum, for, speaking of the gold of Spain, he says : " When gold is melted and purified with a certain aluminous earth, there remains a residue which is electrum. If this residue, which contains gold and silver, is remelted, the silver is consumed and the gold remains as a residue." 6 Pausanias mentions the two kinds of electrum in speaking of a statue of Augustus of amber : " That electrum of which the statue of Augustus has been made, inasmuch 2 Od. xv. 460 : Xpvcreov opfxov ex wi/ j fiera 5' T}heKTpoio~iv eepro' and xviii. 296 : Xpvcreov, 7}\€KTpoicriu i€p/j.4vov, t)z\iov ws. 3 i. 50 : apiBjxbv 5e eirraKaiSeKa /cat kKarro'v Kal Toin-eW airtcpOov xpwov recraapa, rpia tj/jll- raXavra snaarov eXKovra, ret 5e aAAa rj/MTrAlvdia Aeu/coO xpwov o-TaQyLov dndAaura. 4 H. X. xxxiii. 23. 5 Ibid, xxxiii. 43. 6 iii. p. 146 : 4k Se rov ^oucou ktyojxevov Kal KaOaipofxeuov orvTrT^piwSei tlv\ yfj t2> Kadap/xa fjAtKTpov eTvai' iraXiv Se tovtov KaOt&o/xevov, /j.7y/j.a exovros apyvpov Kal xP V0 ~°Vi T0V fi*v fapyvpov aTTOKaieodai rov 5e XP V0 ~ 0V virojxivziv. 274 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. as it is only found native in the sands of the Eridanus, is exceedingly- scarce, and is, highly prized by man ; but the other kind of electrum is gold alloyed with silver." 7 Eustathius, who mentions three sorts of elec- trum, declares the alloy of gold and silver to be the principal one. 8 From a depth of 26 to 40 ft. below the surface I excavated a third house, destroyed by fire and belonging to this second city, just in front of the long marble slab marked / on No. 144 (p. 265). It is built entirely of small stones joined with clay ; an architecture exactly such as we see in the pre-historic buildings found beneath three layers of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes on the Island of Thera (Santorin). The horizontal row of large holes, at a certain height all round its four walls, marks the places of the beams, and proves that the house was at least two storeys high. The walls are still partially covered with a coating of yellow clay, which had been whitened with a wash of white clay. Every stone of its walls, nay, every particle of debris contained between them, bears traces of the intense heat to which it has been exposed, and which has so completely destroyed everything that was in the rooms, that we only occasionally found charred fragments of pottery among the yellow and brownish wood- ashes and debris, with which the spaces were filled. In digging down in the centre of this house, below the level of the base of its walls, we found, curiously enough, other house-walls, which must certainly be still more ancient ; and these, too, showed indications of having been exposed to a terrible heat. But, owing to the fragile condition of the upper walls, I could bring to light hardly more than the surface of these lower walls. I must, therefore, leave it undecided whether the house, to which these more ancient walls belong, was destroyed by fire, or whether the marks of intense heat, which were conspicuous upon its walls, were produced by the conflagration of the upper house, which might certainly have been the case if the surface of the more ancient walls had protruded just below the wooden floor of the upper house. That this lower floor really was of wood is apparent from the charred remains of it, in a horizontal line all along the four walls of the upper house. But these calcined remains clearly show that the whole floor consisted of beams, and not of planks. The people must have had very great difficulty in cutting down the trees with their stone axes and getting rid of their branches. They must have had still greater difficulty in cleaving them, as no tree has a straight cleavage so that planks can be cloven out of it. With their silex saws, only 2 or 3 in. long, they could only saw bones or small pieces of wood, not beams. They had no bronze axes ; for if such had existed I should have found them, especially in the third, the burnt city, which, as the ten treasures found in it go far to prove, was suddenly and unexpectedly destroyed by fire. They had no bronze saws for sawing wood ; for in all the five pre-historic cities only the fragment of one thin bronze saw was found (8f in. long and nearly 7 Paus. v. 12, § 6 : rb Se ?j\acTpov touto ou T

s evrerdo-Qai irpbs ras a.(ppodio~iaKds r/dovds' rives 54 cpao~i rb alBoTov rG)v dvOpwircav tovs iraXaiovs /j.vB&b'oos 6vo/j.d£eiv fiovXojxevovs Ylpiairov Trpoo-ayopevaai. evioi Se Xeyovcri rb yevvr)TiK.bv fxopiov, ainov virdpxov rrjs yeveaecas rwv avdpdnrwv Kai Sia/novris els airavra rbv alcova, rvx^v r? t s adavdrov rifirjs. Tibull. 1, 4, 7; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. Argonaut. 1, 932. 1 Strabo. xiii. p. 587 : tiruivvixos 8' earl rod Tlpidirov ri/xoofievov Trap' avro?s, elV e| 'Opvewv rwv irepl KSpivdov fierevrfvey/xevov rov tepov, etre rip Xeyeadai Aiovvaov ical vvfj.(pr\s rbv Oebv Chap. VI.] THE PHALLIC WORSHIP. 277 says that " Priapus was with the Lampsacenes originally an epithet of Dionysus, like Qpiap&os and hOvpapfios, and that he is identical with him." 2 According to Eduard Meyer, 3 " Priapus, the principal god of Lampsacus, was a Bebrycian deity. This is evident from the fact that as a native god he is {i.e. in historic times of antiquity) still found in Bithynia. The primitive inhabitants of Bithynia were Bebrycians ; the Bithynians were later Thracian immigrants : we must, therefore, presume that they took Priapus from the religion of the primitive Bithynians. Lucian relates that, according to the Bithynian legend, Priapus was a warlike god, to whom Here gave Ares to educate; and he taught him dancing before teaching him fighting. Arrian related, in his Bithynian history, that Priapus (whom he calls Ylpleiros) signifies the Sun, on account of his generating power. 4 This is undoubtedly right. Priapus is by his origin undoubtedly an ithyphallic sun-god, like Amon (Chem) and the Horus bull of the Egyptians. On the other hand, the Sun-god easily becomes a warlike deity. The poets relate a legend, according to which, at the feast of the Mother of the Gods, Priapus lay in wait for Vesta (who is she ?) ; but that the ass of Silenus betrayed him by his bray. For this reason the Lampsacenes used to sacrifice an ass to Priapus. 5 The Greeks explained the worship of Priapus on the coast of the Hellespont by the abundance of wine in the country. 6 From his worship at Lampsacus he had the epithet ' Hellespontiacus.' " 7 He was the protector of the fields, 8 the dispenser of fertility, the tutelary deity of shepherds and goatherds, of the rearing of bees, of hor- ticulture, the cultivation of the vine, and of fishery. 9 I may here add, that the phallus (cpaWos) was the symbol of the procreating power of nature, whose worship extended, according to Witz- schel, 10 " through all natural religions from their rudest beginning until the decay of heathenism. In the Egyptian sculptures we frequently see ithyphallic gods. At the feasts of Dionysus-Osiris the women carried round to the villages puppet-like figures a cubit high, with a not much shorter phallus, which they pulled by strings. 1 Herodotus adds, that the opfxrjcrauTcov eVl rb rijxav avrbv rwv avOpunrccv, eireidr] vcpoSpa eud^nreAos eo-nv 7? %wpa Kal avrt] Kal [77] icpe^rjs o/xopos, rj re rwv Hapiavoov Kal tj ruv Kaii^aKrjv&v. 2 Athenaeus, i. 54 : rifxarai Se irapa, Aa/xtya- kt)vo7s 6 Tlpiairos 6 abrbs &v t<$ Aiovvaw, e| eiriQerov KaKovjxevos outws, ws dpia/xfios Kal SiQvpanfios. 3 Geschichte von Troas ; Leipzig, 1877, p. 43. 4 Lucian. de Saltat. 21 : rbv Upiairov Sal/xova iro\efiiarr]v, ruv Tirdvwv ol-xai eva y) rwv 'iSatW AaKrvXcav (?) ; Arrian, Frag. 32, edit. Miiller ex Eustath. ad 11. vii. 459 : Ylpleiros icapa 'Appiavui %v BLdvviakoTs, Trap' y Kal els "Hhiov aWrjyope?- rai Sia. rb yovi/xov. 5 Ovid. Fast. vi. 319-346 ; Lactant. de falsa Bel. i. 21 ; differently Ovid. Fast. i. 391-440. 6 Strabo, xiii. p. 587; Thucydides, i. 138: ravriqsyap ?ipxe r?is X^P as J S6vros fiaai\eu>s avrw Mayvqaiav fxev &prov, y) irpocrecpepe irevrrjKovra raKavra rov eviavrov, Aa/xxpaKov Se oivov (eZoKei yap icoXvoivorarov rwv rore eivai) y Mvovvra Se uipov. 7 Ovid. Fast. i. 440; vi. 341. 8 Voss, Myth. Brief e, ii. p. 344 ff. 9 Faus. ix. 31, § 2 ; Ovid. Fast. i. 415 ; Anthol. Pal. x. 7, 8 ; Voss, ad Virg. Eel. vii. 33 ; Georg. i. 110 ; Voss, Myth. Brr. ii. p. 37 ; Pauly, Real Fncyclopddie, s. v. Priapus. 10 Pauly, op. cit. s. v. Phallus. 1 Herodot. ii. 48 : rr]v Se aXXrjv avdyovcn bpr))vrco Aiovvaw ol Alyvirnoi, irXrjv xopwz/, Kara ravra o~x^bv irdvra "EXXrjaL' avrl Se (paXXa>v r &XXa G(pi ecrri i^evpT]/xeva ocrov re Trrjxvaia ayaX/xara vvpoaitacrra ra irepicpopeovai Kara Ku>fxas yvvdiKes, vevov rb aldoiov ov ivoXXcf recp eXaacrov ibv rov aXXov aoofj.a.ros. 278 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. seer Melampus was said to have transplanted to Greece 2 the worship of Dionysus with the phallic processions. But, according to another passage of the same author, 3 the worship of . the phallus was practised hy the Pelasgians in the remotest antiquity, and from them the Athenians learned to make ithyphallic Hermae. 4 For this reason the phallus is not only found on the islands inhahited by Pelasgians, 5 Lemnos and Imbros, 6 but also on the cyclopean walls of Alatri and Terni, 7 on the substruction of a house in the Pelasgian (afterwards Samnite) Saepinum, and else- where. On the tomb of Alyattes in Lydia there stood a colossal phallus, the head of which, 40 ft. in circumference and 12 ft. in diameter, is still extant. 8 In Greece the phallic processions (cfraWaycoyia, a\\rj- (jyopia) were general. 9 Before the temple of Dionysus in Syria there stood, according to Lucian, 10 two phalli, with the inscription, ' Dionysus has dedicated them to his step-mother Here.' Their height is given (c. 28) as 300 fathoms, which number Palmerius has corrected to 30. In the Dionysiac procession of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus at Alexandria a phallus figured, 120 (sic) cubits high, ornamented with a crown em- broidered with gold and with a gold star on the top. We see in sculp- tures and paintings a series of the most varied formations of the phallus, extending from these monstrous works to the amulets for suspension, 2-3 in. long. At Lavinium, during the whole month which was sacred to Liber Pater, the phallus was carried in procession through the villages, for warding off enchantment from the fields. 11 At weddings the newly- married woman was obliged to sit on the phallus, in order to present, as it were, her chastity to him. 1 Considering, therefore, that this worship extends through the whole history of natural religion from beginning to end, we must see in it an originally harmless veneration of the generating principle." 2 Professor Sayce kindly sends me the following interesting note : — "Last year I discovered on the northern cliff of Mount Sipylus in Lydia, about half a mile to the east of the pre-historic figure of Niobe, the representation of a large phallus, with two artificial niches on either side and two pit tombs in front. It had evidently been a place of pilgrimage, like a similar figure in a hollow on the summit of one of the lower Pyrenees, near Bidarray, which I once visited, and which is still venerated by the Basque women." In treating now of the pottery of this Second Stone City, I repeat that both in fabric and shape it is altogether different from that of the first city. It therefore gives us the most certain proof that the inhabitants 2 Herodot. ii. 49. 3 Ibid. ii. 51 : ravra /j.€U vvv kcu a\\a TTpbs TOVTOlffL TO, ijU} (ppOLCTCO, \ EWr)V€S COT hlyvTTTLMV vevo/AiKacri • rov 5e 'Ep/xew to aydAfxaTo, opQa exeij/ to. aldola iroievvres ovk air' AiyvTTTluv pufxaO^naai, aAA' airb UeKaayaiv, irpwTOt fxkv 'EAAtjjw airduTCcv , A6r]ua7oi irapaAa- fidvTes, irapa. 8e tovtwv ooWoi. 4 Gerhard, de Relujione Hermarum, 1845, p. 3. 5 Herodot. vi. 137 ; v. 26. 6 K. O. Miiller, Etruskcr, i. p. 77. 7 Micali, Monum. per la Stor. de' Ant. pop. xiii. a ; Gottling, Geschichte d. Rum. Staatsvcrf. p. 28. 8 K. O. Miiller, Arch. d. Kunst. p. 304. 9 Herodot. ii. 49; Aristoph. Acharn. 10 Be dea Syr. c. 16. 11 Augustin. de Civit. Dei, vi. 9. 3. 1 Augustin. Ibid. i. 6, vii. 24. 2 ; Lactant. i. 20. 39 ; Arnob. iv. 7. 2 J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythol. ii. p. 1209. Chap. VI.] POTTEKY. — THE GREAT PITHOI. 279 of the second city were altogether a different people from those of the first city, for, as my friend Mr. George Dennis 3 observes : " The several styles of art of the same race at different periods are bound to one another like the links of a chain ; and it is impossible for a people, after having wrought out a style of pottery which had acquired among them a sacred and ritual character, to abandon it on a sudden, and adopt another style of a totally different character. A people may modify, develop, perfect, but can never utterly cast aside its own arts and industry, because in such a case it would deny its own individuality. When we find, therefore, between two styles of art so many and such strongly pronounced dis- crepancies, that it becomes impossible to perceive the most remote analogy between them, it is not enough to attribute such diversities to a difference of age, or stage of culture; we can only ascribe them to different races." The large lustrous-black bowls, with long horizontal tubular holes for suspension on both sides in the rim, which are so very abundant in the first city that I was able to collect thousands of fragments of them, never occur in the second city ; neither do the vases with double vertical tubular holes on each side, which are plentiful in the first city. On the other hand, we find in the second city those gigantic terra-cotta jars — 5 or 6^ ft. high, from 3 to 5 ft. in diameter, and from 2 to 3 in. thick in the clay — which are altogether wanting in the first city. It is true that I found there now and then fragments of coarse pottery ; but as they are usually less than half an inch thick, and as none of them has a thickness of 1 in., the jars (pithoi) to which they belong cannot have been large. Certainly the large jars (pithoi) of the second city are rudely made : where they are broken, we see an enormous mass of pieces of silicious stone, or mica, many of them a quarter of an inch thick ; but nevertheless, as his Highness Prince Otto Bismarck, the Chancellor of the German Empire, ingeniously remarked to me, in July 1879, at Kissingen, the manufacture of these large jars proves already a high degree of civiliza- tion, for to make them is just as difficult as to bake them, and they can, consequently, only have been manufactured by a people who had an experience of centuries in the potter's art. The Prince thinks that they must have been made in the following manner : — " The shape of a pithos was first made of willow rods or reeds, around which the clay was built up gradually, beginning with the base. When finished, the pithos was filled with wood ; a large pyre of wood was also heaped up around it. The wood was simultaneously kindled inside and outside the jar, and thus, by the double fire from within and from without, a very great heat was produced. This operation being several times repeated, the jar became at last thoroughly baked." I feel sure that Prince Bismarck's opinion is perfectly correct ; for, whilst even the smallest and thinnest clay vessels are at the most only half baked, the large jars, though from 2 to 3 in. thick, are always perfectly baked ; and as the pre-historic peoples had — as I have explained (p. 219)— no kilns, and had to bake all their pottery at 3 The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria ; 2nd edit., London, 1878. 280 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. 71 an open fire, a heat great enough to do this could, I think, only be produced by a double fire several times repeated. I may add that the thorough baking of these large jars was a necessity ; for, owing to their great size and ponderous weight 4 (sometimes nearly a ton), they could not have been moved without breaking to pieces had they been as im- perfectly baked as all the other pottery. It is from this thorough baking also that these large pithoi have always a pretty dark-red colour. 5 In the accompanying engraving (No. 156) I represent a fragment of a pithos of this second city, the terra-cotta of which is 2J in. thick. It is decorated with two pro- jecting bands, of which the upper one is com- posed alternately of the fish-spine or herring- bone ornament and a row of circles, the lower one also of fish-spines, to which, however, the primitive artist has added a stroke in another di- rection, in order to make his decoration more va- ried and attractive. All this ornamentation looks as if it had been im- Ko. 156. Fragment of a larsre Jar. (1 : i actual size. -i i , i Depth, about 42 ft.) pressed ; but on closer examination one finds that it has been incised before the first baking of the jar. Prof. Sayce remarks to me regarding this fragment that " the band with circles may be compared with the necklace of the pre-historic head from Boujah,--near Smyrna, now in the British Museum. This head displays a very strange and barbarous style of art, and a very peculiar type of countenance." The large jars, ttlOol, are only once mentioned in Homer. 6 Just as we find them standing in rows in the store-rooms on the ground-floor of the 4 A pithos of this kind, found in the third (the burnt) city, which I presented to my worthy collaborate™-, Professor Rudolf Virchow, for the Royal' Museum of Berlin, was so heavy that fourteen of my very strongest workmen, who had put it on two poles, laboured a whole day in carrying it a distance of 150 yards. 5 Professor Virchow remarks to me that the baking of the pithoi could also be effected with cow-dung in a closed pit. But I cannot accept his theory, thoroughly baked pottery being always much more solid, pretty, and valuable than slightly baked pottery. If, therefore, a thorough baking of the immense pithoi, whose clay is from 2 to 3 in. thick, could be obtained in this way, the same could certainly have been obtained at once for the small vessels whose clay has a thickness of from 3 to 4 mm. (l-8th to l-6th in.). But it is a fact that, however thin the clay of the small vessels may be, it is only baked to one-third, seldom to one half, of its thickness. The baking can consequently only have taken place in an open tire ; in fact, only by this theory we can explain the total baking of the pithoi and the partial baking of the thin pottery. 6 II. xxiv. 527-533 : hoio\ yap re ttWol naTaKe'iarai eV Aibs ovSei du>paov oTa S'ldwtri, kclkoov, eVepos 5e ('awe. v Xvypwv Suy, Xw^rhv i'Qrjicev ttai e Kaicr) fiov^puarts eVi xfloVa Slav i\avvei, (poira 8* ovre Beolcri Terifxevos ovre fiporoiaiv. Chap. VI.] TERRA-COTTA PLATES. 281 houses in the four upper pre-historic cities in Hissarlik, so the poet repre- sents to us two such TTL0OI standing on the ground-floor in the hall of the palace of Zeus. In these two ttLQol lay stored the gifts of good luck and the gifts of misfortune, the bitter and the sweet, like apples or pears, or rather like two sorts of wine, so that the poet considers the fioipa as a substance which Zeus can employ and distribute according to his pleasure, — an allegorizing naivete such as we find in the legend of Pandora. 7 In relating this legend, Hesiod represents a jar standing in the house of Epimetheus, full of diseases and evils for mankind, which fly out when Pandora, through curiosity, opens the jar ; but Hope alone remained under the edge of the jar, for, before she could fly out, Pandora clapt the lid on again. 8 I may here also mention the terra-cotta plates, from half to two-thirds of an inch thick, which are peculiar to this second city, and which are not found anywhere else. They consist of the same sort of clay mixed with crushed granite, as the vases ; but being thoroughly baked and having evidently been repeatedly dipped in a wash of fine pure clay before the baking, they are perfectly smooth on both sides and have a lustrous dark-red colour. As they are completely flat, and only increase almost imperceptibly in thickness towards the middle, they cannot possibly be fragments of vessels. As I never found such a plate entire, I cannot judge of their original size. I am puzzled as to what may have been their use. Were they perhaps employed as decorations of the internal house-walls ? I cannot think that they can have been used for paving the floors of the houses, as in that case they would have marks of having been so used. I call the particular attention of visitors to these flat terra- cottas, which peep out everywhere in my trenches from the strata of the second city. They strike the eye by their lively red colour on both sides, which has of course been produced by the oxide of iron contained in the clay ; they glitter all over with sparkles of mica, which appears to have entered very largely into their composition. The most interesting vases in this second city, as well as in the three following pre-historic cities at Hissarlik, are undoubtedly those with an owl's head and the characteristics of a woman. Considering the great similarity of the owl's faces on the vases to these on the idols (such as Nos. 205, 212), we may suppose with much probability that these vases had a sacred character, and were used for religious rites, the more so as the vases themselves have the shape of the idols. I call particular attention to the fact, that the only Trojan statue mentioned by Homer, that of Athene, as well as all the idols of marble, bone or terra-cotta, and all the owl-vases, are female, and that they are placed in apparent relation with Athene through her favourite bird the owl. In January 1874 9 I made bold to declare that the hundreds of female idols and vases with owl-heads, found in the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, could represent but one goddess, and that this goddess could be 7 V. H. Koch, Homer's Wade ; Hannover, 1873, ii. p. 137, foot note. \ Hesiod, Op. et. Di. vv. 50 ff. 9 In my book Trojanische Alterthumer, Leip- zig, 1874 ; Troy and its Remains, London, 1875. 282 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TKOY. [Chap. VI. none other than Athene, the tutelary goddess of Troy ; all the more so as Homer continually calls her y\avfca)7rc<; (that is, literally translated, " with the face of an owl "), and never gives this epithet to any other goddess or mortal woman. Thereupon I was challenged by my honoured friend, Professor Max Miiller 10 of Oxford, who evinced his readiness to accept my interpretation, provided I proved that Here fiowiri? was represented as a cow-headed monster. I eagerly accepted the challenge, and began the excavations at Tiryns and Mycenae, with the most perfect confidence that I could there solve the problem for ever, as both these ancient cities lie close to the celebrated Heraeum, and as even the name of Mycenae appeared to me to be derived from the lowing of the cow (jxvicao-Qai, but always /xv/cdv in Homer). 11 The result of my researches certainly far exceeded my expectations, for I found there thousands of cows of terra- cotta, also 56 cow-heads of gold, one of silver with gold horns, some cow- heads engraved on gems, many hundreds of female idols with two pro- jections like cow-horns, in the shape of the crescent, proceeding from the breasts, also females with cow-heads. 1 In consequence of these dis- coveries, I think it has been universally admitted that the original mean- ing of the epithet /3ow7u? is cow-faced. Upon this subject Mr. Gladstone says in his Preface to my Mycenae : 2 " He (Schliemann) presents to us the rude figures of cows ; and upon a signet ring (No. 531) and elsewhere, cow-heads not to be mistaken. He then points to the traditional worship, from the first, of Hera in Argolis ; and he asks us to connect these facts with the use of Bodpis (cow-eyed) as a staple epithet of this goddess in the poems ; and he might add, with her special guardianship of Agamemnon in his interests and his personal safety (II. i. 194-222). " This appears to me a reasonable demand. We know that upon some of the Egyptian monuments the goddess Isis, mated with Osiris, is represented in human figure with the cow's head. This was a mode of exhibiting deity congenial to the spirit of an Egyptian 3 immigration, 4 10 In the Academy of 10th January, 1874. 11 Professor Sayce is not of my opinion. He thinks that, if Greek, the name MvKrjuai would be derived from /jlvxos. But I think there can be no doubt regarding the derivation from /ulvkciv, perf. fxijxvKa, /mefivKevai, this active form being exclusively used in Homer, and having undoubt- edly been used also in a pre-Homeric time. Professor Max Miiller writes me on this subject as follows : — " 1 do not venture to speak posi- tively about the name of Mvicfjuai. Words end- ing in rjurj are derived both from nouns, like V7)u6?, I'c&rivds, and from verbs, like t iQ'favT). fhilologically, therefore, a derivation of Mv- Krjuai from /jLvudca is not impossible. But names of towns are ticklish subjects for etymologists. Professor Curtius, of Leipzig, admits a possible etymol',~y of MvKrjvai and Mv/caA7} from fxvaau. All I can say is, that your etymology from /ui/Kctw is equally possible, but no more." 1 See my Mycenae, Plate A, figs, a, b, d; Plate B, figs, e and/; PL C, fig. h; PI. D, fig. n, o, p ; and pp. 216 and 217, Nos. 327 and 328 ; p. 218, Nos. 329, 330 ; p. 309, No. 471 ; p. 360, No. 531 ; p. 362, No. 541. 2 Pp. vi.-viii. * 3 M. Burnouf observes to me : " It is not only in Egypt that the gods were represented with animal heads : the Vedas perpetually repre- sent divine beings by animals; the sun by a horse, mother earth by a cow, &c. And do not the ten incarnations of Vishnu also present striking examples of this fact? It was there- fore a custom of the greatest human races in antiquity." 4 "Since this preface was put in type, the fragments of an ostrich egg, originally mistaken for an alabaster vase, have been tested and verified. This object seems to afford a new indication of pre-historic relations between My- cenae and Egypt." But Professor Sayce observes on this that " it rather points to Phoenician trade. Elsewhere ostrich eggs, covered with stucco, have been found among Phoenician remains." Chap. VI.] THE OWL-HEADED ATHENE. 283 such as might, compatibly with the text of Homer, have taken place some generations before the Troica. But it was also a mode against which the whole spirit of Hellenism, according to the authentic type of that spirit supplied in the poems, utterly revolted. We find there a Hera, who wore, so to speak, the mantle of Isis, besides carrying the spoils of one or more personages enrolled in the Golden Book of the old Pelasgian dynasties. Nothing could be more natural than a decapitation of the Egyptian Isis, not penally but for her honour. She might consequently appear with the human head ; but, not to break sharply with the tradi- tions of the people, the cow-head, and even the cow-figure, might never- theless be retained as symbols of religion. And the great Poet, who invariably keeps these symbols so to speak at arms' length, in order that he may prevent their disparaging the creed of which he was the great, doctor, might nevertheless select from the bovine features that one which was suited to his purpose, and give to his Hera, who was never a very intellectual deity, the large tranquil eye of the cow. The use of the epithet for Hera in Homer is not, indeed, exclusive, and I admit that he may have inherited that use. But, though not exclusive, it is very special ; and this speciality is enough to give a sensible support to the doctrine of our famous explorer." Another honoured friend, and one of the highest authorities in ancient Oriental literature, M. Francois Lenormant, writes : 5 " Schliemann is right to insist upon the fact, that the greater part of the rude figurines found by him at Mycenae represent positively a cow. In Argolis we are in the very land in which, in the remotest antiquity, there prevailed the worship of a female deity in the form of a cow, who afterwards, reduced to the proportions of a heroine, became Id in poetical fable." Further on, M. Lenormant admits that Here's epithet Boopis can only refer to the primitive cow-head of this goddess. I may here refer to a principle conspicuous in Homer's language, which at once disposes of the most formidable objection to my view. When asked, whether Homer himself conceived of Athene as a owl-headed monster, and of her image in her temple on the Pergamus as nodding its owl-head in response to the prayers of the Trojan women, — I reply, in the words already used in the Preface to Troy and its Remains, that "one of the most striking characters of his language is the use of fixed epithets," which are constantly repeated without any regard to their fitness on each particular occasion of their use. Thus, like his heroes in general, Aegisthus is still " blameless " {ajjuvfjucovf even in the mouth of Zeus, denouncing his crimes as the climax of human impiety. And as of persons, so of things : for example, the colonnade (aWouaa) round the front court of the palace, as the resort of the people who came to wait upon the king by day, obtained the fixed epithet of epiSovTros, " very noisy ; " and so by night guests were lodged " under the very noisy colonnade " (u7r' aWovay epthovirw), a somewhat inhospitable entertain- 5 Gazette des Beaux Arts, Feb. 1, 1879, p. 108. 6 Od. i. 29. Whether or no " blameless " be the exact meaning, the epithet is at all events one of dignity and respect. 284 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. ment, if the sense of the epithet held good! 7 This point, which many modern scholars have overlooked, was recognized hy the poetic instinct of Alexander Pope. Speaking, in the Preface to his Biad, of the importance of placing ourselves at the poet's point of view, so remote in every re- spect from our own, he says : " This consideration may further serve to answer for the constant use of the same epithets to his gods and heroes ; such as the ' far-darting Phoebus,' the ' Hue-eyed Pallas,' the ' swift-footed Achilles,' &c, which some have censured as impertinent, and tediously repeated. Those of the gods .... had contracted a weight and veneration from the rites and solemn devotions in which they were used : they were a sort of attributes ivith which it teas a matter of religion to salute them on all occasions, and which it was an irreverence to omit." I think it not out of place to repeat here what I have written on this important subject : 8 " It is not difficult to prove that Hera had originally a cow's face, from which her Homeric epithet ftowiris was derived. When, in the battle between the gods and the giants, the former took the shape of animals, Hera took the form of a white cow, ' nivea Saturnia vacca.' 9 We find a cow's head on the coins of the island of Samos, which had the most ancient temple of Hera, and was celebrated for its worship of this goddess. 10 We further find the cow's head on the coins of Messene, a Samian colony in Sicily. 11 The relation of Hera to the cow is further proved by the name 'Eu/3oLa, 1 which was the name of one of her nurses, 2 the name of the island in which she was brought up, 3 and the name of the mountain at the foot of which her most celebrated temple (the Heraeum) was situated. 4 But in the name Evftoia is contained the word /3o0s\ Hera had in Corinth the epithet fiovvaia, 5 in which the word pods may also be contained. 6 Cows were sacrificed to Hera. 7 The priestess rode in a car drawn by bulls to the temple of the Argive Hera. 8 16, the daughter of Inachus, the first king of Argos, was changed by Hera into a cow. 9 16 was priestess of Hera, 10 and she is represented as the cow-goddess Hera. 1 Id's cow-form is further confirmed by Aeschylus. 2 7 Od. in. 399 ; vii. 345. 8 See my Mycenae, pp. 19-22. 9 Ovid. Mctam. v. 330 : " Fele soror Phoebi, nivea Saturnia vacca." 10 Mionnet, Descr. des Med. Ant. PL lxi. 6. 11 Millingen, Anc. Coins of Greek Cities, tab. ii. 12. 1 Paus. ii. 17, § 2 : rb yap Srj opos tovto avoixa^ovaiv Evfioiav, \4yovrss 'Aarzpiwvi ytvi- (rdai t£ iroTa-ixS) Qvyaripas Evfioiav Kal Upoav- [xvav Kal 'Aicpaiav, elvai 5e ar]v en irapQevov, virb rod Aibs KKair?\uai. 4 Pans. ibid. 6 Paus. ii. 4, § 7 : ravrr) ical rb t?\s Bovvaias v AiaA. 3 : Zeus. OvK€TiTra?s iKeiurj iarlu, aXkadd/xaXis . . . . Zr) KoTviri] a aa a 7] "Hpa fxeTefiaAev avr^v (rr]u 'Ic "Hpas, tt}s lxevK6pr)s a^ajxtvos els fiovv /nersj-Lopcpwae AeuK^f. 1 Creuzer, Symbolik, ii. 576. 2 Prom. 589, Tauchn. edit. : KAuets (pdeyfia ras (iovKepw -xapQivov. Chap. VI.] THE COW-SHAPED HERA. 285 The Egyptian goddess Isis was born in Argos, and was identified with the cow-shaped I6. 3 Isis was represented in Egypt as a female with cow- horns, like 16 in Greece. 4 " The cow-shaped 16 was guarded in Hera's sacred grove at Mycenae by the hundred-eyed Argus, who was killed by Hermes, by order of Zeus ; and Hera next persecuted 16 by a gad-fly, which forced her to wander from place to place. 5 Thus Prometheus says : ' How should I not hear the daughter of Inachus, who is chased around by the gad-fly ? ' G But the wandering of 16 is nothing else than the symbol of the moon, which moves restlessly in its orbit. This is also shown by the very name of 16 flw), which is derived from the root Ya (in el/M, 'I go'). Even in classical antiquity 16 was still frequently represented as a cow; as at Amyclae. 7 16 continued to be the old name of the moon in the religious mysteries at Argos. 8 Apis, king of the Argive realm, was the son of Phoroneus, and thus the grandson of Inachus, and the nephew of 16. From Apis the Peloponnesus and also Argos were called Apia ; after his death he was worshipped under the name of Serapis. 9 According to another tradition, Apis ceded his dominion in Greece to his brother, and became king of Egypt, 10 where, as Serapis, he was worshipped in the shape of a bull. Aeschylus makes the wanderings of 16 end in Egypt, where Jove restores her to her shape, and she bears Epaphus, another name for the bull-god Apis. The cow-horns of the Pelasgian moon-goddess 16, who became later the Argive Hera and is perfectly identical with her, as well as the cow-horns of Isis, were derived from the symbolic horns of the crescent representing the moon. 11 No doubt the Pelasgian 16, the later Hera, had at an earlier age, besides her cow-horns, a cow's face. Hera, under her old 3 Diod. Sic. i. 24, 25 : 'Icriv Qfxolcos ivpocrriyopevcrav. Hygin. 145 : " Deamque Aegyptorum esse fecit quae Isis nuncupatur." 4 Herodot. ii. 41 : rb yap rr\s ''icrios dyaX/xa ebv yvvaiKi\'iov fiovKepwv eari, Kardirep ' r EXAf]ves tt]u 'lovv ypd T7js olarpodiuriTov Koprjs ttjs 'Ivaxelas. 7 Pans. iii. 18, § 13 : to. 8e iv 'A/AVKAais deas &£ta .... "Hpa 8e dcpopa irpbs 'leu tV 'ivd- Xov fiovv ovaav f?87j. 8 Eustath. ap. Dionys. Perieg. 92, 94: 'Iw yap 7] aeArjvrj Kara tt)v tuv 'Apydwv StaAe/CTO*', on which Heyne, ad Apollod. p. 100, says : " Fuisse suspicor nomen hoc caputque feminae cornutum symbolum Lunae apud Argivos anti- quissimum." See also Jablonsky, Panth. ii. p. 4 ff. 9 Apollod. ii. 1. 1 : "Attis jxev ovv els rvpav- vlda rrjv eavrov neraarricras Svvapuv, Ka\ fi'iaios &v rvpavvos, ovoixdaas ot(p' eavrov rrjv Ue\oTr6v- v7)v avaipeiTai virb ®e\£iovos Kai TeAxIVos, ct(p' ov Kai 7/ x^pa'Airia f) ttjs TIe\oTrovvr]o~ov. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. iv. 263 : 'AwiSav^ccv 8e', tS>v Hekoirovvrjalcov, dirb "AttiSos rod 8e "icriv oi>x erepav rrjs ae\riv7)s dirocpalvovres Kai rwv ayaA- ixdrwv avrrjs ra. fxev Kepao~(p6pa tov /j.7]voei8ovs yey ovevai /j.ifxr]fxaTa. Macrob. Sat. i. 19 ; Aelian. Hist. Anim. x. 27 : Kai avrr/v r^v^lffiv Alyxmrioi fiovKepctiv Kai irKarrovo'i Kai ypdcpovo'iv. 233 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. moon-name 16, had a celebrated temple on the site of Byzantium, which city was said to have been founded by her daughter Keroessa — i.e., ' the horned.' According to Stephanus Byzantinus, it was founded by Byzas, son of Keroessa and Poseidon. 1 The crescent, which was in all antiquity and throughout the Middle Ages the symbol of Byzantium, and which is now the symbol of the Turkish empire, appears to be a direct inheritance from Byzantium's mythical foundress, Keroessa, the daughter of the moon- goddess 16 (Hera) ; for it is certain that the Turks did not bring it with them from Asia, but found it already an emblem of Byzantium. But M. Burnouf remarks that, long before Byzantium was founded, it existed in Babylonia and Assyria, where it is most frequently found ; he therefore suggests that it may have thence been imported to Byzantium. Hera, 16, and Isis must at all events be identical, also, with Demeter Mycalessia, who derived her epithet, ' the lowing,' from her cow-shape, and had her temple at Mycalessus in Boeotia. She had as doorkeeper Hercules, whose office it was to shut her sanctuary in the evening and to open it again in the morning. 2 Thus his service is identical with that of Argus, who in the morning unfastens the cow-shaped 16, and fastens her again in the evening to the olive-tree, 3 which was in the sacred grove of Mycenae, close to the 'Yipalov} The Argive Hera had, as the symbol of fertility, a pome- granate, which, as well as the flowers with which her crown was ornamented, gave her a telluric character. 5 " In the same way that in Boeotia the epithet Mycalessia, ' the lowing, a derivative from ixvKaaOai^ was given to Demeter on account of her cow-form, so in the plain of Argos the name of Mv/cyvac, a derivative from the same verb, was given to the city most celebrated for the cultus of Hera, and this can only be explained by her cow-form. I may here mention that Mv/cdXrj 7 was the name of the mount and promontory directly opposite to, and in the immediate neighbourhood of, the island of Samos, which was celebrated for the worship of Hera. "In consideration of this long series of proofs, certainly no one will for a moment doubt that Hera's Homeric epithet /3oo)7tls shows her to have been at one time represented with a cow's face, in the same way as Athena's Homeric epithet yXavKojins shows this goddess to have once been represented with an owl's face. But in the history of these two epithets there are evidently three stages, in which they had different 1 O. Miiller, Dorier. i. 121 ; Steph. Byz. s. v. Bv^dvriou : Kal ovrws iKTiadr) airb Bv(avros tov Kepoecrorrjs, tt/s 'lovs 6vyaTp6s, Kal UcoaeiSwuos. 2 Paus. ix. 19, §4: MvKaXrjaabv 8e oixoXoyovaiv ovo\xaaQ^vai Sioti 7} (Sods ivravda i^vKr](raro 7/ KaS/nou Kal rbv avv avrcp crparbv fryovaa is ®rj&as. Professor Sayce remarks to me that here we have a reference to " Astarte with the crescent horns" of the Cadmeian Phoenicians. Europa on the bull is another form of Astarte or Ashtoreth, the Assyrian Istar. 3 Ovid. Metam. i. 630. 4 Apollod. ii. 1, 3 : ovtos 4k rrjs e'Aoi'as e5e- fffitvev ai)T-f}u, fym iu t<£ MvKTjmlwu virripx^ 5 Panofka, Argos Panoptes (1837), tab. ii. 4; E. de Cadalvene, Recueil de Med. Gr. PI. iii. 1 ; Miiller, Denkmdler, xxx. 132 ; Due de Luynes, Etudes Numismat. pp. 22-25. 6 I again call particular attention to the fact that this verb only occurs in Homer in the active form, /uLVKay. 7 Professor Sayce holds Mu/t-ctA.7j to be a Lydo- Karian and not a Greek word. But I point to the remarkable fact that we find names begin- ning with the syllable Mvk- always close to a Heraeum. Chap. YL] STAGES OF THE SYMBOLISM. 287 significations. In the first stage the ideal conception and the naming of the goddesses took place, and in that naming, as my honoured friend Professor Max Miiller rightly observed to me, the epithets were figurative or ideal ; that is, natural. Hera (16), as deity of the moon, would receive the epithet /3ow7n? from the symbolic horns of the crescent moon and its dark spots, which resemble a face with large eyes ; whilst Athena, as goddess of the dawn, doubtless received the epithet yXavicomLs to indicate the light of the opening day, yXavxos being one of the forms of Xev/cos, which is an adjective of Xv/crj, in Latin lux. " In the second stage of these epithets the deities were represented by idols, in which the former figurative intention was forgotten, and the epithets were materialized into a cow-face for Hera and into an owl-face for Athena ; and I make bold to assert that it is not possible to describe such cow-faced or owl-faced female figures by any other epithets than by /3ow7u? and yXavKwiros. The word irpoawirov for ' face,' which is so often used in Homer, and is probably thousands of years older than the poet, is never found in compounds, whilst words with the suffix -ec&r)$ refer to expression or likeness in general. Thus, if Hera had had the epithet of fiooec&ris, and Athena that of yXavfcoeiBr/s, we should have understood nothing else but that the former had the shape and form of a cow, and the latter that of an owl. To this second stage belong all the pre-historic ruins of Hissarlik, Tiryns, and Mycenae. " The third stage in the history of the two epithets is when, after Hera and Athena had lost their cow and owl faces, and received the faces of women, and after the cow and the owl had become the attributes of these deities, and had, as such, been placed at their side, f3o6)iri^ and y\av/ca)7rts continued to be used as epithets consecrated by the use of ages, and probably with the meaning 4 large-eyed ' and ' owl-eyed.' To this third stage belong the Homeric rhapsodies." I may add here what M. Francois Lenormant has written 8 regarding my interpretation of yXavKour^ as the epithet of Athene : " The images with owl-heads, which Schliemann sees on the idols and vases of Hissarlik, are represented by him as the type of the representation of Athene Ilias, the tutelary deity of Priam's city. In his opinion, contrary to the gene- rally admitted ideas, Athene y\av/cco7ris was originally not a goddess ' with blue eyes ' of the colour of the luminous sky which she personifies, but a goddess ' with an owl-face,' just as Hera /3ow7rt? became a goddess ' with the face of a cow,' and no longer ' with large eyes,' wide open, like those of a heifer. This idea has roused a real tempest. It has appeared to some persons a sort of crime of high treason against Hellenism. That the Greeks could, at any epoch, have conceived in their imagination gods with animal heads, like those of Egypt and like certain gods of Asia, is a thing which was too great a shock to preconceived aesthetic theories of the genius of the Hellenic race, which, as was affirmed a priori, could have admitted in some figures the mixture of animal and human forms, only by always reserving to humanity the head, the noblest part, the 8 Lcs Antiquites de la Troade ; Paris, 1876, pp. 21-23. 288 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. seat of thought. I must confess that this kind of argument, belonging to a philosophy more or less shallow, touches me very little ; for, in my opinion, it should give place to the reality of archaeological observation. The idea of a primitive Athene with an owl-head or a Here with a cow- head, like the Egyptian Hathor, or like certain forms of the Syro- Phoenician Astarte, has nothing which scandalizes me or appears impossible to me. It is true that there is some philological difficulty in the view that epithets like yXavfcwiris or /9ow7rt? apply rather to an aspect of the face than to the eye. It appears, however, to me that this difficulty has been exaggerated; and that, for instance, when Empedocles, in a celebrated verse, qualified the moon as yXavfcwTns, he alluded to the appearance of the lunar face, and not to an eye. " Besides, monumental examples altogether positive prove to us that the Greeks of the remotest times, who copied their first works of art from Asiatic models, borrowed from those models, and themselves represented, figures with animal heads on human bodies. Mr. Newton has pointed out a little figure found in Cyprus, which represents a woman with a ram's head, probably an Aphrodite. On an archaic painted vase from Camirus, preserved in the Louvre, is represented a man with a hare's head. When Onatas, the great sculptor of Aegina, who lived in the beginning of the fifth century B.C., executed for the people of Phigalia the statue of their Demeter Melaena, he copied faithfully from a painting the consecrated type of the ancient image of this goddess, which had a monstrous appearance. Thus he put on the shoulders of her female body a horse's head, accompanied by serpents and other monsters. The book of the Philosoiohiimena 2 has preserved to us the description of one of the symbolical paintings which decorated the family sanctuary of the sacred race of the Lycomids at Phlya in Attica. The great Themistocles had caused these paintings to be restored, and Plutarch devoted a special treatise to their explanation. Among them was represented a winged ithyphallic old man pursuing a woman with a dog's head. Herodotus says that Pan had sometimes the face as well as the feet of a he-goat, and this assertion is confirmed by a bronze figure discovered in the Peloponnesus and preserved at St. Petersburg. "The Minotaur, who is originally the Baal-bull of the ancient Phoenician worship of Crete, always keeps his animal head in the works of the best period of Greek sculpture. A painted cylix with red figures, of the best epoch, which may be seen in the Cabinet des Medailles, in the collection of the Due de Luynes, represents Dionysus-Zagreus as a child sitting on the knees of his mother Persephone ; he has a bull's head like a little Minotaur. It is, therefore, not the notion of an Athene with an owl's head which staggers me, and which could prevent my accepting Schliemann's theory, the more so as there would, properly speaking, be no question here of Greek productions, but of those of Asia Minor. 9 Mr. Philip Smith remarks to me that this Portus (at the mouth of the Tiber), in the first work, formerly ascribed to Origen, is now known half of the third century after Christ, to have been written by Hippolytus, bishop of Chap. VI.] THE ILIAN ATHENE OR ATE. 289 For me the whole question is to know whether there are really owls' heads on the vases and idols of Hissarlik." Another honoured friend, Professor Otto Keller, 10 writes as follows on the Athene jXavKcoir^ : " The attribution of the owl to Athene is explained 11 by a jeu de mots between y\av^ and yXavKooTns, and it is asserted that it has arisen only in a post-Homeric time, as it ivere by a misunderstanding of the epithet ^XavKwiris. This view is certainly in a high degree far-fetched, unnatural, and improbable. The non- Hellenic origin of Athene's owl appears also to be proved by her double head at Sigeum and Miletopolis, both of which are in close proximity to Ilium. 1 To recal a parallel case, I cite the equally non-Hellenic attribu- tion of the mouse to Apollo Smintheus, which is also found in the Troad. The mouse loves the heat of the sun, and thus it prospers under the rays of Phoebus Apollo. The owl is first of all nothing else than the bird and symbol of night : this is its most natural signification, and of most primitive growth ; from this we have to proceed. Herewith coincides in a remarkable manner a point in which the Ilian Athene differs alto- gether from the common Hellenic Athene ; indeed, a certain coin of Ilium represents the Trojan Palladium as Athene Ilias (A©HNA2 IAIAAOS), having the Phrygian cap on her head ; in her right hand she brandishes the spear, in her left she holds a burning torch, whilst close to her is sitting the owl. 2 In the same manner another type of coin from Ilium re- presents the Palladium with the spear in the right hand, the torch in the left ; in front of it a cow is being sacrificed. Here is more than that far- fetched jeu de mots theory : as the torch illumines the darkness, so the owl's terrible eyes lighten through the night ; her eyes (6/jl/aclto) are yXav/corepa Xeovros kol ra? vvKras aaTpdirrovTa (as Diodorus says of a horrible animal, iii. c. 55). Thus probably the Ilian Athene, or Ate, was originally far from being that peaceful Hellenic goddess of art and industry who issued from the head of Zeus, an emanation from the supreme wisdom of the highest god. She was rather the goddess of the night and terror, also of the din of battle and the evils of war : she therefore brandishes the spear and torch, and has the owl. She has become the Amazon of Olympus on Asiatic soil, whence also the Amazons descended. I need cite no proofs for the owl as the bird of night. As a death-announcing bird, it sat on the spear of Pyrrhus when he advanced against Argos. 3 By the Ionian Hipponax 4 it is considered as the messenger and herald of death. As birds of death, two owls (yXavices) sit to the right and left of a Siren, the songstress of the death-wail, on a sepulchre. 5 On a vase painting of a very ancient style (brown figures on a dead yellow ground) with figures of 10 Die Entdeckung Eion'szu Hissarlik ; Freiburg, 1875, pp. 56, 57. 11 Welcker, Griech. Gotterlehre, i. 303 f. 1 Mionnet, Me'dailles nouv. Gal. myth. 16. 7, 8 ; Eckhel, Doctr. Numm. i. 2, 488, 458. 2 Mionnet, PI. 75, 6 ; see Eckhel, Doctr. Numm. ii. 484 ; and E. Gerhard, Uebcr die Minervenidole Athens, Tfl. iv. 11, 12. 3 Aelian. Hist. Anim. x. 37 : 'H y\av£ eVt Tiva cr7rou5V wpfirj/x&cf audpl avvovaa. na\ imaTao-a ovk ayaQbv av/j.^o\6v (pact, fiaprvpiov 5e, d 'HiretpwTTis Uvppos vvKrcop evOv rod 'hpyovs rjei, kou avrw iuTvyx^vei : /]de r] vpvis KaOrj/xevca fxev eVt tou r tWou, /jvrj is not ascertained with certainty. The gods of the north put on the plumage of eagles, crows, and hawks, when they are in haste ; so, in Homer, Athene puts on winged shoes when speed is necessary. The winged shoes of Perseus also may originally have signified his complete metamorphosis into the bird. 9 In the Homeric language y\avfcw7n,<; is 'owl-eyed' or 'with glancing eyes:' the notion 'bluish,' found in yXavtcos, appears to belong to the post-Homeric development of the language. For the rest, I hold the whole question treated here an open one, so long as no excavations have been made in the Samian Heraeum down to the pre-Hellenic stratum, which must probably exist there also. As Schliemann has instinctively felt, it is only the parallel of the /3oco7T£? ttotvlcl v Hpr) that can offer the solution of the problem." I may remind the reader that Professor 0. Keller wrote all this in January 1875, whereas my excavations at Tiryns and Mycenae, close to the great Heraeum of Argolis, went on from the 31st July to the 6th December, 1876. As by the many hundreds of idols, of gold, silver, or terra-cotta, in the form of cows, cow- heads, or women with cow-horns or cow- heads, which I found there, I have solved for ever the problem of the ftoooiTis iroTvia "H-pr}, on which, as Professor Max Miiller and Prof. Otto Keller wisely remarked, the parallel of the 0ea ^/XavKwiris 1 'A6/]vrj de- pends, my interpre- tation of the latter should now be univer- sally accepted. No. 157 represents No. 157. Vase with Owl's Head, (i : 3 actual size. Depth, 3C to 40 ft.) a Vase with an Owl's . c King Ludwig's Collection of Vases, No. 053. p. 20) to be an allusion to the brilliancy of her 7 Stephani, Nimbus und Strahlenkranz. The eyes. 8 Od. iii. 372. nimbus is considered by F. WieseJer (Phacthon, 9 Wackernagel, eirea TrrepoWa, 34. Chap. VI.] OWL-FACED FEMALE VASES. 291 head from the second city; but it must be distinctly understood that the neck with the owl's head was found separate and does not belong to the lower vase, on which I have merely put it, as it can thus be the better preserved. No doubt the neck has belonged, as is always the case, to a vase with the characteristics of a woman. It is hand-made, and has a dark-red colour, produced by the oxide of iron contained in the clay. It was discovered in the calcined debris of the burnt house, in which I found the skeleton of the woman. Owing no doubt to the intense heat to which it had been exposed in the conflagration, it is thoroughly baked. The cover may or may not belong to it. As I found it in the same house, I have put it on the head, the rather as this sort of cover with a curved handle seems to belong to the vases with owl-heads. I am confirmed in this belief by the incisions on the forepart of these covers, which, like those on the idols Nos. 205, 206, 207, 216 (pp. 334, 336), appear to indicate the hair of the goddess. On many vase-covers on which the owl's face is modelled, and which evidently belong to vases with the characteristics of a woman, the hair is indicated either by long vertical scratches or tresses in relief, on the nape of the neck ; it is indicated by such vertical scratches on the idols Nos. 194, 196, 239, and on the remarkable ball Nos. 1997, 1998. The shape of the little curved handle on the vase- cover before us may probably have been copied from that of the ridge ((£a\o?) on the helmets, into which the crest was sunk. I represent under No. 158 another vase of this description, which was found at the foot of the fragmentary wall of large blocks b on No. 2 (p. 24). It is much injured by fire, so that its primitive colour No. 158. Vase with Owl's Face, two fema!e breasts, and two upright wing-like excrescences. (About 1 :4 actual size. Depth, 48 ft.) cannot be recognized ; its handles, in the form of wings, are partly re- stored. The face of the bird is here represented very rudely, the eyes being put in the same line as the lower part of the beak. The curved handle of the cover is broken. 292 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TEOY. [Chap. VI. Of No. 159 only the vase-cover belongs to this second city, the vase itself to the fourth city ; but this being the only vase with the female characteristics on which this small cover fits, I thought it necessary to represent it here, in order to show the reader the cover in its proper place. Of the face we see here only the eyes. The vase-cover is of a dull black colour and but very imperfectly baked. These Trojan vases with owls' faces are, as far as I know, unique ; no similar ones have ever been found elsewhere. But funeral urns, with rudely-modelled human faces, have been found in the Prussian province of Pommerellen, near Dantzig. They are always found in stone boxes composed of five flat stones, hardly deserving the denomination of coffins, containing the ashes and bones of the deceased. This funeral urn stands either alone in a stone box, or in the midst of six, eight, ten, twelve, or even fourteen, empty common vases. The clay of the funeral urns is either yellow or brown or black, sometimes of good quality and well burnt, sometimes very rough and but little baked. Up to August 1875, when I visited Dantzig, there had been discovered in all fifty-seven such urns, all of them hand-made, but only , thirty of them are preserved there ; two are at Neu Stettin, and the remaining twenty-five are in the Berlin and other Museums. It is impor- tant to notice that, with the exception of one funeral urn with a human face found at Sprottow in Silesia, another found at Gogolin (in the district of Culm, West Prussia 10 ), a third found in the province of Posen, and a fourth found in the province of Saxony, no such urn has ever been found anywhere but in Pommerellen. 1 Of course I do not speak here of the Eoman urns with human faces, of which some have been found on the Ehine, and large numbers in Italy. The characteristics of the Pomme- rellen urns, which distinguish them from the Trojan owl-faced vases, are these : that their manufacturers have evidently always intended to represent the human face, however roughly and incompletely ; that they never have either the wing-like excrescences or the female organ or breasts, which are nearly always conspicuous on the Trojan vases ; that they have always been used as funeral urns, whereas the Trojan vases can, on account of their small size, never have been employed for such purposes, and have probably only served as idols or sacred vases ; and, finally, that they have covers in the form of common caps, whereas the Trojan vases have covers in the shape of helmets, on which the female hair is often indicated. And with regard to the age of these Pommerellen face- vases, the glass beads with which they are ornamented, and the iron with which they are constantly found, cannot possibly authorize us to ascribe to them a higher antiquity than the beginning of our era, or, at the very utmost, the first or the second century B.C. ; whereas I now agree, I think, with all archaeologists, in claiming for the Trojan vases the very remote antiquity of 1200 to 1500 B.C. I will here describe some of the human-faced vases of the Dantzig collection : — ■ 10 See the Report of the Berlin Society of An- he has proved that a scries of transitions into thropology, Ethnology, and Pre-historic Archcco- " ear- and cap-urns " can be followed up from logy, Session of Jan. 18, 1879, p. 2. the province of Pommerellen to the river Oder. 1 Professor Virchow kindly informs me that Chap. VI.] HUMAN-FACED VASES ELSEWHERE. 293 1. A vase with two eyes, a nose, but no mouth, and two ears, which have three perforations ornamented with bronze rings, on which are fastened beads of glass and amber. The ornamentation of the neck is formed by six stripes of incised ornaments representing fish-spines. Below is the monogram of an animal with six legs. The cap has also incised ornaments. 2. A vase with no eyes, but a nose and a mouth ; the ears have four perforations ornamented with bronze rings ; a bronze chain fastened to the ears hangs down on the breast. 3. A vase with a nose and mouth, but no eyes ; ears with two perfora- tions ; ear-rings of bronze with beads of amber. In this vase was found an iron breast-pin. 4. A vase with ears not perforated; eyes, long nose, a mouth, and a beard ; a girdle indicated by points. 5. An urn with nose, eyes, and a mouth with teeth ; ears with six perforations, each ornamented with a bronze ring, on which are a large number of small rings of the same metal. 6. An urn without eyes or mouth, but with a pointed nose ; two ears, each with four perforations, which are ornamented with iron rings. 7. A very rough urn with eyes and nose, but no mouth; ears not perforated. 8. Urn with eyes, nose, and mouth ; but ears not perforated. 9. Urn with eyes, mouth, and nose ; ears with three perforations. 10. Urn with nose and eyes; no mouth; an iron ring is fastened round the vase. 11. A very remarkable urn with a falcon's beak, and large eyes; ears with three ear-rings in each, which are ornamented with brown and blue glass beads. This urn, as well as its cover, is decorated ail over with incised ornaments. A certain number of the Pommerellen urns, with human faces, preserved in the Koyal Museum at Berlin, of which Dr. Albert Yoss is the learned keeper, are very remarkable for the brooches with spiral heads, like No. 104, or linear animals similar to those on the Trojan whorls (see Nos. 1881-1884), which we see rudely incised on them. I cannot leave unnoticed the flagon-shaped vessels (oenochoae) found in the pre-historic habitations, below the deep strata of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes, in the islands of Thera (Santorin) and Therasia. On several of these two large eyes are painted near the orifice, as well as a necklace of large dots at the base of the neck, whilst two female breasts are modelled on the upper part of the body; each breast is painted brown, and is surrounded by a circle of dots. On none of them is a human face painted or modelled ; but still it is certain that it was the primitive potter's intention to imitate in these oenochoae the figure of a woman. From these barbarous oenochoae of Thera may be derived, as M. Fr. Lenormant 2 suggests, the beautifully painted oenochoae of Cyprus with the head of a woman. 3 But as these Cyprian vases belong to the 2 Antiquites Troyennes, p. 43. 3 See General Louis Palma di Cesnola, Cyprus; London, 1877, p. 394-, PI. xln. xliii. pp.401, 402. 294 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. historical period, and are perhaps a thousand years later than the owl- vases of Hissarlik, I cannot discuss them here. I would only add that on nearly all the Cyprian oenochoae, with a trefoil mouth, though without any characteristics of the human figure, two eyes are* painted. This is not the place to discuss the Roman urns with human faces, which occur at Oehringen in Wiirtemberg, 4 near Mainz j at Castel, oppo- site Mainz ; 5 and elsewhere. In the burnt house described above, together with the remains of the woman, there was also found the tripod terra-cotta vessel in the shape of a sow, No. 160. It is of a lustrous dark-brown colour, 8?- in. long, 7 in. high, and nearly 6 in. thick in the body. It has a projecting but closed head, and three feet. The orifice of the vessel is in the tail, which is connected with the back by a handle. Similar vessels in the form of animals, with No. 160. Terra-cotta Vessel in the shape of a Sow. No. 161. Two conjoined Oenochoae. (1:4 (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 42 ft.) actual size. D. pth, about 40 ft.) three or with four feet, are frequent in the third and fourth pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. They are very abundant in Cyprus, 6 and may be seen in the collections of Cypriote antiquities in the British Museum, the South Kensington Museum, the Louvre, and the Musee de St. Germain- en-Laye. There are also a number of similar vessels in the collections of Peruvian and Mexican antiquities in the British Museum. Of the pottery of this second city I mention further the curious lustrous-red vessel, No. 161, in the form of two separate oenochoae with long and perfectly upright beak-shaped mouths ; the two jugs being con- nected with each other at the bulge as well as by a handle. Terra-cotta vessels, with the same system of separate jugs connected at the bulge, occur in all the subsequent pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, and we shall have to pass several more of them in review. Vessels of terra-cotta made on the same principle are found in Ehodes, in Egypt, and in Cyprus. The collection of antiquities from a tomb at Ialysus, in the British Museum, contains four conjoined cups; the Egyptian collection, two conjoined flasks ; the collections of Cypriote antiquities, both in the British Museum 4 O. Keller, Vicus Aurelii, 1871, PL vii. 2. 6 General di Cesnola's Cyprus; London, 1877, 5 L. Lindenschmit, Die Alterthiimer unserer Plate viii. heidnischen Vorzeit ; Mainz, 1860. Chap. VLJ SUSPENSION-VASES AND TRIPODS. 295 and in the South Kensington Museum, contain vessels forming two con- joined flasks with one handle. Another vessel with three or four conjoined cups is represented by General di Cesnola. 7 The small collec- tion of pre- historic antiquities, found under the deep layers of pumice- stone and volcanic ashes in Thera, preserved in the French School at Athens, contains also two conjoined jugs with a trefoil mouth. I may also mention a vessel formed of two pitchers, joined both at the bulge and by a handle, in the Egyptian Collection in the Louvre. A vessel with three conjoined cups is certainly also indicated by the object No. 3 on PL xii. in Dr. Victor Gross's Atlas of antiquities found in the Lake- habitations of Moeringen and Auvernier in Switzerland. I may also mention a vessel with two conjoined flasks in the Peruvian Collection in the British Museum. Professor Yirchow kindly informs me that similar conjoined vessels are very common in the ancient tombs in the provinces of Lusatia (Lausitz) and Posen. No. 162 is a lustrous-black vase, 9 J in. high, with a long tubular hole for suspension on each side. The body, of globular form, is ornamented with incised zigzag lines ; the neck is very wide, in the form of a chimney, and ornamented with incised dots ; the bottom is flat. No. 163. Tripod Vase, with incised ornamentation, and a similar system for su-pension. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, about 42 ft.) No. 163 represents a lustrous dark-brown tripod, with tubular holes for suspension ; the long chimney-like neck has an incised ornamentation, 7 Cyprus, p. 406, No. 25. 296 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. resembling fish-spines. A similar tripod-vase, of a dull blackish colour, with incised circular bands, is represented under No. 164. No. 164. Globular Tripod Vase, with tubular holes for suspension. Ornamentation of circular bands. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 35 ft.) No. 165. Globular Vasa, with tubular holes or suspension. Ornamentation : triangles. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 35 ft.) No. 165 is a very pretty little dark-yellow vase of an almost globular shape, which has also tubular holes for suspension and an incised orna- mentation of triangles. All the vases of the second city which we have hitherto passed in review are hand-made ; but wheel-made pottery occurs here also, though rarely. A wheel-made vase, for example, is shown under No. 166; it is a tripod of a blackish colour, with incised circular bands, and has tubular rings for suspension. The cover may probably not belong to this vase. All these vases I can only represent, not compare with others, as no vases of anything like a similar type occur elsewhere. But to my list of the collections in which vases with vertical loopholes for suspension occur (see p. 222) I have to add the Museum of Stockholm, in which there are three vases, found in Dolmens of the Stone age, which are orna- mented with incised patterns ; two of them having on each side two, the third on each side four, vertical perforations, for suspension with a string. I saw in the Museum of Copenhagen, besides the vase already men- tioned, 8 two vases with incised patterns, having on each side two vertical tubular loopholes, which are not in projections, as on the Trojan vases, but in the clay of the body of the vase itself ; both of them have also tubula loopholes in the covers, which correspond with those in the body. There must have been a time when similar vases with holes for suspension were in more general use in Denmark, for I saw in the same museum sixteen vase-covers of the same system. No. 166. Wheel-made Tripod Vase, with incised bands and tubular holes for suspen- sion. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 35 ft.) See No. 100, p. 20, in J. J. A. Worsaae's Nordishc Oldsagcr, 297 VASES OF VARIOUS FORMS. Chap. VI.] Under No. 167 I represent a handsome black hand-made vase with two handles: under No. 168, a dull brownish wheel-made pitcher or goblet, No. 167. Black Jug, with two handles. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 39 ft.) No. 169. Oval Vase, with three handles. No. 170. Large lustrous-black Vase, with two handles (Nearly 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 42 ft.) and pointed foot. (1 : 6 actual size. Depth, 33 It.)' likewise with two handles. No. 169 is a lustrous dark-red wheel-made vase of oval form, with three handles. As it has a convex bottom, it cannot stand without support. The shapes of these last three vessels are very frequent here, but I have not noticed them in other collections. As on most vases with handles the ends of these latter project slightly on the inside of the vessels, it is evident that the handles were only made after the vases had been modelled, and that holes were then cut in them in which the handles were fastened. No. 170 is a hand-made lustrous-black vase, with a pointed foot and two handles, between which on each side is a projecting decoration in the form 298 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VI. of the Greek letter Lambda, or the Cypriote character go. Similar vases are rare in the second city, but very frequent in the following, the burnt city. I would suggest that the early inhabitants of Hissarlik, who used these vases with a pointed foot, must have had in their rooms heaps of sand into which they put them. Or might they perhaps have used as stands for this kind of vase the large stone discs, from 6 to 8 in. in diameter, with a round perforation in the centre, 2 to 3 in. in diameter, of which so many are found in the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik ? This idea was suggested to me by Dr. Victor Gross, who, in his beautiful Atlas of the objects found in the Lake-habitations at Moeringen and Auvernier, has on PI. xii., No. 22, put a vase with a pointed foot into a large ring, which appears to be of slightly-baked clay. But as clay rings of such large size are very rare at Hissarlik, the large perforated stone discs may have been used in their stead. Mr. Philip Smith men- tions to me that in chemical laboratories in England earthenware rings are used in the same way, as supports for basins, flasks, &c. No. 171 represents a hand-made lustrous dark-brown vessel with a convex base, two handles, and a spout in the rim. No. 171. Vase with spout and two handles. No. 172. Fragment of lustrous-grey Pottery, with an (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 48 It.) incised ornamentation. (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 33 ft.) No. 174. No. 175. No. 176. No. 178. Nos. 174-178. Fragments of Pottery, with an incised ornamentation. (Nearly hal actual size. Depth, 42 ft.) Chap. VI.] MEANING OF SeVa? ayi(j)iKVTTe\\ov. 299 Nos. 172-178 represent seven fragments of lustrous yellow or black pottery, with an incised ornamentation. Nos. 172, 175, and 17G are fragments of flat bowls. No. 178 is the fragment of a small vase. The ornamentation of these four pieces is filled in with white chalk. Nos. 174 and 177 are fragments of vases. No. 173 seems to be the fragment of a vase-handle ; the incised signs thereon appear to be written characters, to which I call very particular attention. 9 In the strata of ruins of the second city there also occur the terra- cotta goblets in the form of a champagne glass, with a pointed foot and two enormous handles, like No. 179, but they are rare here. Almost all of them have a lustrous-black colour. In the three following pre-historic cities they are of a lustrous-red colour, and so frequent that I was able to collect about 150 of themt Again they occur of a dull blackish colour (see No. 1393) in the debris of a settle- ment, which succeeded the latest pre- historic city, but preceded the Aeolic Ilium, and which for this reason I call the sixth city. There consequently appears No - m - oobiet with two handles, ^ . . . the Homeric SeVa? a.[x<}>uajireK\oi>. to be every probability that this iorm ot (i : 3 actual size. Depth, 35 it.) goblet was still in common use on the coast of Asia Minor at the time of Homer, who by his SeVa? a^iKvireWov cannot possibly mean anything else than a goblet with two handles. The universal explanation of the StVa? ajJLLKVTreXkov as having an upper and a lower cup, like an hour-glass with the ends opened out, seems to me to be altogether erroneous. As a goblet of such a description could, at all events, be filled only on one side at a time, there would be no raison d'etre for the two cups in opposite directions. Moreover, whenever a goblet with wine is presented by one person to another, Homer clearly always meant it to be understood that it is a StVa? a/i^LKvireWov, namely, that it is double-handled, and that, being presented by the one handle, it is received by the other. I may mention, besides, that no goblet with an upper and a lower cup has ever yet been found, while I found at Troy twenty differ- ently-shaped terra-cotta goblets with two handles, among them one of gold, and at Mycenae a large number of double-handled goblets, of terra- cotta or gold, all of which can be nothing else than heira a^LicvTreXka. I think, therefore, that Aristotle was wrong in his theory, that the afi^i- KvireXkov had the shape of a bee's cell : 10 " The cells for the honey and for the drones have openings on both sides; for on one bottom are two cells, like those of the amphikypella— the one inward, the other outward." The best judge, nay the highest authority, for the form of the Homeric SeVa? ajjb^LKvireXKov must necessarily be Homer himself ; and, according to him, the SeVa? ajjufyucvireWov is always synonymous with aXeicrov aji§u>Tov, 9 The inscription is discussed by Professor rov fj.4\iros teal al tuiv (rx^ovcav, afKpliTTOfxof Sayce in his Appendix. -rrepl fxiav yap fiaaiv 5vo OvpiSes elalv, So"7rep Twy 10 Hist. Animal, ix. 27 : At Se dvplSes Kal at aij.(pLKV7re\Kuii/, t] i*zv iuros, r] 8' inrSs. 300 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. YI. a " two-eared goblet " (literally, " with, an ear on both sides," for this is the exact meaning of d/jbcpl). Thus, for instance, in a passage of the Odyssey, one and the same goblet is called twice SeVa?, once aketaov, and once SeVa? dfufnrcvTreXXov : 11 "Then he gave them part of the entrails, and poured wine in a golden goblet (Se7r i fcvTr eWov)." See further Od. xxii. 8-11 : 1 "He spake, and directed the bitter arrow against Antinous. He was indeed about to lift a beautiful golden double- eared goblet (aXeicrov a fi(f> co r o v) ; and had already seized it with his hand that he might drink of the wine." See again Od. xxii. 17, where the very same goblet, which in verses 9 and 10 was called aXeucrov aficj)coTov, is simply called Se7ra?: "He sank sidewards, and the cup (SeVa?) fell from his hand." 2 See further Od. xxii. 84-86, where a Se7r |etVe, HoaeiSawvi dvaKTi' tov yap Kal SatTrjs i]VTr]aaTe, Sevpo jioXovTts. avrap iirrjv cnre'io-ps re Kai ev^eai, $ Oe/xis eaTiv, Sbs Kal Tovrcp %-nzna Seiras /xeAnjSe'os o'Lvov fffreiffai' iirel Kal tovtov b'iop.ai aQavdrroiaiv evx^o-Qai ■ irdvTes 8e decov x«Te'oucr' dvdpwiroi. aAAa ved!>Tep6s iaTiv, 6i*7)AiKir] 8 5 ip.ol avT$ • Tovvena crol irpoTepco Sdxrcc XP VTap eneiT aWoicri SlSov x a p' ie0 ~°~ av dfAOifirjv o-v/jLiraaiv UvXloicriv ayaKAeiTTjs eKaTO/xfiris. Sbs 5' eTi Tr]\€fxaxov Kal i/xh irpij^avTa veeaOai, ovveKa Sevp' 'iKo/necrOa 9orj ffvv vr]t fieXaivrj." ^ris dp' eVeiT 5 ifpaTO, Kal aiiTT) irdvTa TeAevTa' SooKe Se TrjXe/xdxv KaAbv Seiras a[xLKupTov. 6 But the phrase which follows can leave no doubt that the latter word signifies " with two handles," and this is confirmed by Passow's Greek Lexicon (ed. Kost and Palm). In another passage (xi. 65) Athenaeus asks : " What does KvireXXov mean ? Is it identical with aXeiaov and heiras, or is only its name different ? Or was its type different, and not like that of the oeVa? and the aXeuaov d/n^t- KvireXXov, but only curved ? For from the curved shape (fcvv. Ka7T7T€(re 8iz/7j0ei's, airb 8' ddara xeuey epa£e 5 xi. 65. /ecu Seras a/LKpiKvireWou. 6 Athen. xi. 24 : afxcpiKinrsWou Se Xiyoov 4 vi. 345 : TrA^flei' 8' avre KvireWa fiooov avro, ovdep aAAo ar}fxaivei ^ on i\v apty'iKvpTOV. 302 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. YI. being similar in shape to milk-pails, they were more narrow in the curve ; or the afKpL/cvTreWa have their name, like the dfi^Uvpra, from their handles, because they are made of the same form. For the poet also mentions a golden a/^ " Silenus says that the KvireWa are €K7ra)/Mara, similar to the a/cvcfroi, as Nicander the Colophonian says, ' The swineherd distributed icvireSXa' Eumolpus says that the fcvireXka are a kind of ironipiov, because they are curved. Simaristus says that the Cypriotes call the double-handled itot^lov a nvrreWov ; the Cretans call the double-handled cup as well as that with four handles by the same name." 7 I may here add that SeVa?, from the root hair, is related to helirvov, and is always the goblet of the wealthier class. The only cup discovered elsewhere, which shows any resemblance to the Trojan SeVa? a^LKvireWov, was found at Yulci, and is represented in Mr. George Dennis's famous work, The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, p. cxviii. No. 43. It has a pointed foot and two enormous handles, but the whole cup is not higher than the diameter of its mouth. From its resemblance to a woman's breast, Mr. Dennis identifies it with the ancient goblet called mastos, a name given to it by the Paphians. 8 This name (/mo-7-09) being Greek, there can be no doubt that goblets of this form existed in Greece also ; but they were probably but little in use, for the above cup represented by Dennis appears to be unique. 9 The fanciful vase, No. 180, was found in the town-chiefs house in the third, the burnt city ; but as fragments of similar vases — usually of a lustrous-black colour — are abundant also in the second city, I prefer representing it here. It is 25 in. high, and has a convex bottom and two handles, besides two projections in the form of wings, at each side of which is a spiral ornament in relief. The wing-like projections are hollowed, and taper away to a point ; they are, consequently, not adapted to be used as handles ; nay, they would break away if a full vase were lifted by them. Are they then mere ornaments, or are they meant to show the sacred 7 Athenaeus, xi. G5 : Kinre XXop. rovro irorepov icrn raurhu t£ aXelau Kai to> Senai, v) duo/man fxovov SiaX- Xdo-ffei ; tovs fxeu dpa xP v o-4oiai KvireXXois vies 'Axaiwi' 8ei8ex aT ' dXXoQev aXXos dvao'Tab'Sv. 5idx wcnrep to Senas Kai to aXeiaov d/xcpiKvireXXov ovtoi 8e Kai tovto, Kv.' 'AuTl/xaxos 8' ev irep.TTT(i> 0tj- fia'ib'os ' iraaiv 5' riyejx6vea , o'LV i-noixofxevoi inipuKes Xpvvea KaXa icvireXXa TeTvyjxeva va)fxi}(ravTO. ~2,eiX7]ubs 8e (pr)o~i 1 KvireXXa eKizdjfxaTa crKvcpois ofxoia, ws Kai N'utavfipos 6 KoXotydovios ' KvireXXa 8' eveifxe avfic!)Tr)s.' Ev[aoXttos 8e iroT7]plov yevos airb tov KviXr)Tus 8e ~XvpaKovaiovs KvireXXa KaXelv to. TTjs jJ-dfrs Kai t£>v dpTWV iirl Trjs TpaireQqs KaTaXe'i^fxaTa. 8 Apollod. Cyren. ap. Athen. xi. 74. 9 Considering the relations, now well esta- blished, of the people of Palestine and Phoenicia with Asia Minor, it is very interesting to find, among the spoil taken by the Egyptian king Thutmes III. from Megiddo, "a great flagon with two handles, a work of the KJial, i.e. / hoenieians," which reminds us of the silver vases named in 11. xxiii. 741-43; Od. iv. 615-19. This is named among objects of gold and silver ; and, later on, among the spoils of Kadesh, the capital of those very Kheta, or Hittites, whom we have already seen in connection with Troy, we find golden dishes and double-handled jugs, besides vessels ot gold and silver wrought in the land of Zahi, i.e. Phoenicia. (Brugsch, Hist, of Egypt under the Pharaohs, vol. i. pp. 374, 379, 385, Engl, trans., 2nd ed.) Chap. VI.] VASE-COVERS; WHORLS; PLATES. 303 character of the vase ? On the top of it I have put the bell-shaped cover with a double handle in the form of a crown, which was found close by, No. 180. Large, lustrous-black Vase, found in th • Royal House. (About 1 : 8 actual size. Dcptb, 30 ft.) and may possibly have belonged to it. Similar vase-covers, always of a lustrous-black colour, occur in the second city, but they are rare here, as compared with the abundance of them found in the upper pre-historic cities, and particularly in the third or burnt city. There was, no doubt, in the second city a vast variety of other pottery, but I have not been able to collect more types than those I have repre- sented, because, owing to the immense superincumbent masses of stones, nearly all the pottery has been smashed to small fragments. Of terra-cotta whorls, I have been able to collect a good number in the debris of the second city, though they are far less abundant here than in the subsequent pre-historic cities. They are also much smaller than those of the first city, and their incised ornamentation is identical with that of the whorls in the upper cities ; the only difference is, that all the whorls of the second city, like those of the first, are of a black colour. The shallow as well as the deep plates are here all wheel-made, and precisely of the same rude fabric as those of the third city (see Nos. 461- 468, p. 408); the only difference being in the colour, which is here brownish, whereas it is light yellow in the following city. In fact, except a certain class of yellow pitchers, which are plentiful in the following cities, and of the same rude fabric as the plates, these plates, though wheel-made, are almost the rudest pottery found at Hissarlik. My friend Mr. Joseph Hampel, keeper of the collection of coins and antiquities of the Hungarian National Museum in Buda-Pesth, informs me that plates 304 THE SECOND CITY ON THE SITE OF TKOY. [Chap. VI. of an identical shape and fabric have been found frequently at Magyarad in Hungary. But there also occur in all the strata of the second city large quan- tities of fragments of hand-made lustrous-black deep plates ; but, as has been said, none of them has here a trace of those horizontal tubular holes for suspension in the rim which characterize the bowls and plates of the first city. I never found a trace of columns in any one of the five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik ; hence it is certain that no columns of stone existed there. Moreover, the word klcov never occurs in the Iliad, but only in the Odyssey, where columns of wood seem to be meant. In a house, at a depth of about 40 ft., I found a prettily-carved and very hard piece of limestone No. 181. Block of Limestone, with a socket, in which the pivot of a door may have turned. (Ahout 1 : 7 actual size. Depth, 40 ft.) in the form of a crescent, with a round hole 1 \ in. deep in the centre of it, and I suppose that it may have been used as the support for the fold of a door \ I represent it here under No, 181, CHAPTER YIL THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. I have already shown that the site of the second city must have been deserted for a long time before it was again built upon. The new settlers began, as M. Burnouf remarks, " with levelling the debris upon the ruins of the Second City : they filled the cavities and ravines with stones and other material, in many places only with ashes or clay, inter- laid with clay cakes {galettes)." The great wall c on the view No. 144, which their predecessors had built on the south side, did not appear strong enough to them, because it sloped at an angle of 45°, and could, consequently, be very easily scaled. They therefore built just before it, on the south side, the large wall marked b on No. 144, which slopes to the south at an angle of 15° from the vertical line, whilst on the north side, where it faces the old wall c, it was built up vertically. In this manner there was formed between the two walls a great triangular hollow, which was filled up with earth. My excavations in this hollow have proved that it is pure earth, without any intermixture of debris. But, like the wall c, this second wall b does not consist altogether of solid masonry. Two walls, each from 4 to 6 ft. thick, were erected, the one vertically at the foot of the sloping wall e, the other at a distance of from 4 to 6 ft. to the south of the former, ascending on the south side at an angle of 75°, the space between the two walls being filled up with loose stones. In this way the outer wall, the southern face of which ascends at an angle of 75° with the horizon, or slopes at an angle of 15° from the vertical line, served as a sort of retaining wall for the loose stones, whose ponderous pressure it could probably not have sustained had it been built perpendicularly. •• Both these walls consist of small stones joined with clay ; they do not appear to con- tain a single wrought stone : but the flattest side of the stones having been put outside, the face of the wall presents a tolerably smooth appearance. The top of this wall was, like that of the wall c, paved with larger stones ; and, the two walls e and b being of equal height, and the hollow between them being filled up with earth to a level with the surface of the coping of the walls, a flat terrace was obtained, 100 ft. long by 40 ft. wide on the east, and 23 ft. on the west side. I found this flat space covered to the height of from 7 to 10 ft. with ruins of buildings, of slightly-baked bricks, which, having been exposed to an intense heat in the great confla- gration by which this third city was destroyed, had been partly vitrified by means of the silica they contained. These bricks had suffered so much from the fire that they had decayed into formless masses, among which I rarely found entire bricks well preserved. The really enormous masses x 306 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. of pottery, saddle-querns of trachyte, whorls, &c., contained in these shapeless masses of bricks and red wood-ashes, can leave no doubt that they belonged to tower-like inhabited buildings, which served both as an ornament and as works of defence for the walls. As I have before stated, to these third settlers- is also due all the masonry of small stones of a reddish colour, which we see on both sides of the entrance to the gate. The work of their predecessors, the people of the second city, can easily be recognized by the large blocks of white lime- stone with which they built, and which may be seen in the lower courses of the parapets on the view No. 144. As has been before explained, to the second settlers must also be attributed the pavement of the road, consisting of large flags of white limestone, whereas to the third settlers evidently belongs the superposed new pavement of large flags of a reddish colour, which visitors will easily discern on the whole of the lower part of the road ; while on the upper part of it the reddish flags have crumbled away from contact with the air, as they had been exposed to an intense heat in the conflagration. The reddish flags of this second pavement rest upon the white flags of the whole road ; there is no earth or debris between them. I have not been able to trace the handiwork of the third settlers in the building of the large wall, which continues from the gate in a north- westerly direction, and which is but a prolongation of the great internal wall, marked c on No. 144, and a on the little sketch No. 145. But the shapeless crumbling masses of slightly-baked bricks, mixed with large quantities of wood-ashes and stones, with which both this wall and the gate were covered to a depth of 7 and 10 ft., testify to the vastness of the works of defence which had been erected here by the third settlers ; because they, and they alone of all the different pre-historic peoples who lived here, used bricks. The masses of objects found in these heaps of hrick-debris in the gate, as well as on the wall which proceeds in a north- westerly direction from it, can leave no doubt that here, as well as on the great flat space formed by the walls b and e on No. 144, were tower- like, densely-inhabited, works of defence. If, as there can be no doubt, the wall of large boulders on the north side (b, in the engraving No. 2, p. 24) belongs to the second city, then certainly the third city, which now occupies us, was on the east side much smaller than its predecessor, because its walls, which I have brought to light throughout their whole circuit, stop 230 ft. short of the wall of large boulders. 1 To the south, on the contrary, it is somewhat larger, because, while the prolongation of the wall c on No. 144 continues to the east, the prolongation of the wall b on the same plate continues at first in a south- easterly direction, where it forms the projection marked d, which was a buttress ; it runs thence some distance to the east, and then bends at a sharp angle to the north-west. 2 The prolongation of this wall consists of only a few courses of slabs, which have been laid on the debris of the second city. For this reason, and from the consequent weakness of the 1 See Plan I. (of Troy). 2 See Plan I. (of Troy). Chap. VII.] CLAY CAKES FOR FOUNDATIONS. 307 stone wall, the brick walls by which it was surmounted were not built directly upon it. An agglomeration of clay cakes (gaieties) was first laid on this wall to give it greater solidity, and on these clay cakes the brick walls were built. M. Burnouf, who studied this singular sort of construc- tion for a long time, has given me the following interesting details, on the subject : — " Clay Cakes (gaieties). — Yellow clay is still employed to the present day in the villages of the Troad to form the coatings of the house-walls, and even the house-walls themselves. " The agglomeration of clay cakes (gaieties) represented under No. 182 may be seen on the large southern wall, at the angle of the trench in No. 182. Different Layers of Clay Cakes on the great Southern Wall, at the angle of the Trench opposite the nine Jars. front of the nine jars. 3 It is surmounted by solid brickwork in situ, which constituted part of the brick wall. 4 Above this remnant of brick wall are house-walls of the following city; they are inclined, and in a ruined condition ; above them is the Hellenic wall. The clay cakes (gaieties) may be also seen to the west and east of this point. They appear to have been used in the whole of the ancient stone wall, and to have belonged to the brick city. Has the legend of Apollo and Poseidon been applied to this construction with dried clay ? There are also, indeed, clay cakes (gaieties) in the first two cities, but they are there embedded in a dark-grey mass, and not employed, as they are here, as part of a general architectural system. The jars (the nine on the south side and the three at the south- western angle of the city) rest on a soil of yellow or dark-grey or ash- coloured clay cakes (gaieties). The same may be said of the houses of the unburnt part of the city, where we find yellow clay cakes (gaieties) still at a depth of 3 metres (10 ft.) below the surface of the hill. Above these clay cakes there is a stratum of grey earth, which has been formed from the debris, and on this stratum the last houses were built. At the north-west angle of the great rampart wall, where the last treasure was found, 5 there is also a mass of clay cakes (gaieties) belonging to the wall, and this mass was much larger before the last excavation. " In the gate, at the northern projection (jambage), the clay*cakes are mixed with the stones ; they are here made of yellow earth or of brown ashes, and they are covered by a burnt yellow stratum, which is derived from bricks. The mass of debris is composed of stones and ashes, which buried the gate in the conflagration, and have enlarged the city in that direction. 3 See Plan I. (of Troy), s. 5 About twenty yards to the north of the 4 See the engraving No. 183, which represents place marked A on Plan I. (of Troy), this cornei*. 308 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. " The system of the clay cakes (g alettes) has been applied on a large scale in the mound to the north-west, behind the quarter of the well below the Hellenic wall. 6 The clay cakes (galettes) are very large there, and sometimes 1 metre (3 ft. 4 in.) long. At the eastern angle of this mound we again see these clay cakes of the common size. " We also see clay cakes on the top of the great brick wall 7 of the city, at the north angle, where they served to obtain a solid basis for the houses which we see built upon them ; we perceive the same system below the adjoining houses. But these houses, as well as the clay cakes on which they rest, belong to "the following or fourth city. " We also see clay cakes below the little walls 8 to the east of and adjoining the gate. They are mixed with black ashes and fragments of burnt bricks. " In short, the clay cakes (galettes) appear to have been a system of building which was generally employed in the first three, and even in the first four, Trojan cities, but particularly in the Third City, in which they served for the large constructions." M. Burnouf goes on to describe the remains of the brick walls of this third city ; his description is so clear and precise that visitors can have no difficulty in finding them out. " The Brick Walls. — No. 183 represents that portion of the brick wall which is in front of the nine jars (s on Plan L). At a are sixteen courses of bricks, joined with a paste made of crushed bricks. These courses of bricks reach nearly up to the Hellenic wall c. They are inclined on the outside; the mass of clay cakes (galettes), b, on which they rest, is 1*70 m. (5 ft. 8 in.) thick ; they are separated from it by a course of limestone. The mass of clay cakes, b, rests on the large wall d, which is the circuit wall of the citadel. Later on the city was enlarged by the mounds of debris thrown outside the walls. R marks one of these mounds of debris, which contains a layer of black ashes, n. m is the wall of a house which leans against the Hellenic wall c. " This brick wall continued in an easterly direction. We find it again, with its exterior coatings, in the ramp which M. Schliemann has left standing to the west of the quadrangular Hellenic structure. 9 Here also 6 This Hellenic wall is marked z O on Plan I. (of 9 This ramp is 'distinctly indicated by the Troy) ; see also the engraving No. 186 (p. 311). letter T on Plan I., and by the letter R on Sec- » Marked ll on Sectional Plan III. tional Plan IV. 8 In the place marked o on Plan I. No. 183. The portion of the brick Wall in front of the nine Jars. Chap. VII.] THE BLOCKS OF BRICK WALLS. 309 the faces of this brick wall are inclined ; the latter forming, at the angle of the citadel, a large solid mass of masonry, probably a tower or a buttress. " In the massive block of bricks at the north angle of the fortress, 10 it may be discerned, first, that the courses of bricks are inclined to that side on which the conflagration was severest, namely, to the east ; secondly, that the exterior coatings on the wall indicate its thickness and direction. " The first massive block of bricks on the north side. 11 - — Instead of the stone wall we have here only one course of large flags, on which the brick wall rests. This course of flags passes below the first block of bricks, and penetrates below the second. It rests on a thin horizontal layer, formed of a more or less ashy earth and yellow clay. The surface of this wall is burnt. " On the stone wall or pavement is (1) a grey or black layer 6 to 10 ctm. (2*4 to 4 in.) deep, of burnt shells; (2) a layer 2 to 3 ctm. ('8 to 1*2 in.) thick, of yellow-red brick matter ; (3) the massive block of bricks (e, a, d, on the engraving No. 184). At the foot of the east front of the block of bricks, for a length of 1*50 m. (5 ft.) is a coating of a paste of crushed bricks, and of several very thin layers of fine earth, which are polished on the outer side. This coating is in situ, and inclined to the outside. It has sustained the action of an intense heat, whose black vapour (buee noire) has penetrated far into the wall. As the coating is at the foot of the massive block of bricks, and in an exact line with the course of large flags which constitutes its base, this latter was evidently the foundation of the brick construction. Above this brick construction is a layer of ashes mixed with the stones of subsequent houses, and remnants of house-walls 1 rise again on these ruins. Visitors will see this observation confirmed by examining the neighbouring houses, whose stone walls rest on ashes, which are frequently consoli- dated by the system of clay cakes (galettes). " The north side presents a vertical white coat ing (c, in the engraving No. 184), similar to that on the east side. Like the latter, it is inclined No i 84 The great brick waii, ' .North side. Ibis engraving serves and parallel to a third intermediate front, b. We to explain the first, the second, ,-■ „ ._ ni n/>i'i an( * tne third massive blocks of tnereiore recognize here two parallel walls ot bricks, bricks, which are remnants of the the space between which is filled in with broken cit ^ walL bricks. The whole rests on the course of large flags already mentioned. The front d is uncertain, as it has been demolished. " The proportions of the walls represented in the engraving No. 184 are : — " The first block of bricks: 2 from a to b, I'll m. (3 ft. 11 in.) ; from b to c, 53 ctm. (1 ft. 9 in.) ; from c to d, 1*37 m. (4 ft. 6-8 in.). " The second massive block of bricks. — The course of large flags continues to serve as the base of the wall. The aforesaid coating of a paste of 10 Marked H on Plan III. (Section X-Y). 1 Marked T on Plan III. (Section X-Y). 11 Marked H on Plan III. ; also represented by 2 The three blocks of bricks are marked H on the engraving No. 184. Plan III. (Section X-Y). 310 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. YII. crushed bricks continues here on the east front of the wall ; as does also the filling up of the interval between the two walls with crushed bricks. Also the above-mentioned white coating c, as well as the wall c cl, whose front cl is demolished, continues here. We likewise see here on the top of the brick construction the same layer of ashes mixed with the stones of subsequent houses, and on these again remnants of later house-walls. 3 " The third massive block of bricks. — We see here the continuation of the coated front a, against which lean ashes which have fallen from above. Behind the coating we perceive the continued action of the black vapour (buee noire) of the intense heat which has penetrated far into the wall. We see the continuation of the fronts b and e, between which the space is filled with debris. The mark of the black vapour (buee noire) below this filling seems to prove that the interval between the two walls was empty before the" conflagration, and that it served as a passage. The wall c d continues. The front d does not exist in the massive block ; it appears to have been defaced by time, for on this side the bricks are shapeless. Outside we see ashes, fragments of pottery, shells, fragments of bricks, &c. 3 accumulated against the front a. " Having excavated between the second and third massive blocks of bricks, I have found, on the regular level, the course of flags on which the brick wall rests ; further, the filled-up interior passage and the coatings of the fronts. " Important remark. — The east coating, which is marked a, is alone burnt; it is, in fact, vitrified, and has behind it the marks of the very dark black vapour " (buee noire), which has penetrated to a great depth between the courses of bricks. On the other hand, the coatings b and e have not been touched by the fire. Besides, the matter which fills the passage contains fragments of bricks, pottery, stones, bones, shells, &c, — all debris of the Trojan stratum. " If from the first massive block of bricks we look across the great northern trench on the other part of the town, we clearly discern the level of the buildings. It is marked by a black layer, which descends like black vapour (buee noire). Above it we perceive a yellow stratum of matter burnt by a white heat ; then a grey stratum, upon which are built the houses of the following city. Close to the gate we see the ruins of houses founded on a single layer of stones ; in this way the large house 4 close to the entry of the citadel has partly been built. " The site of the city was raised on an average 2 to 3 m. (6 ft. 8 in. to 10 ft.) by the conflagration ; it was also considerably enlarged in all direc- tions by the enormous masses of ruins and debris thrown down from the walls. What remained of the brick walls and the houses was buried in the new soil, which was composed for the most part of ashes and bricks, and of objects broken or defaced by the fire. This new soil is often consolidated by clay cakes (gaieties), or by a judicious employment of the materials which lay on the surface. On it was built the Fourth City. I call the par- ticular attention of visitors to the enormous mass of debris of the third, the 3 Marked t on Plan III. (Section X-Y). See engraving No. 188, p. 325. Chap. VII.] EEMA1NS OF GREAT WALLS. 311 burnt city, thrown from within into and before the gate. This debris con- sists for the most part of ashes and calcined stones from the neighbouring houses. This mass of burnt debris covered the gate, and increased the city considerably to the south. On this accumulation the new settlers built, to the right and left from the points A and b (No. 185), houses the walls of which may still be seen in the massive block of debris in front of the gate. 5 The form of the strata of debris before the gate shows a depression, which goes far to prove that the inhabitants of the fourth city continued to go in and out by the very same road. But this is not at all surprising, because the roads to the country commenced and ended at this point." The engraving No. 186 represents the north-west angle of the great wall built by the second settlers, and which continued to be used by the Debris at N. W. angle-' Pavement of l7ie dale No. 185. Debris of the Burnt City at the Gate. fcetom of the exi No. 186. Walls and accumulation of debris, N.W. angle. inhabitants of the third, the burnt city, as the substruction for their brick work of defence. The reader will be astonished to see in this wall a passage filled with clay cakes, which could have no other object than to consolidate it. To the left of the wall are slanting layers of debris, which descend at an angle of exactly 45°, and of which a small portion close to the wall contains fragments of pottery peculiar to the second city, and must, consequently, belong to it. Then follow the slanting strata of debris of the third, the burnt city, which visitors recognize at a glance by their calcined condition. All these layers of debris are very compact, and almost as hard as limestone. The great Hellenic wall, which we see to the left, could therefore be erected upon them without any foundations. To the left of the Hellenic wall are masses of light debris intermixed with fragments of pottery of the Eoman period. Th is massive block of debris is marked F on Plan I. ; see also Plan IV., Section Z'-Z' 312 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. OS'O t£ > c5 S o % V *> "3 Si 2 — 53 p o ,£> o g .6D -a 13 o n> 33 From this north-west angle the great wall of the second city proceeds in an easterly direction ; its prolongation may he followed up as far as my great northern trench, beyond which it appears again. The third settlers, the inhabit- ants of the burnt city, used it only as a substruction for their brick fortifications as far as the first massive blocks of bricks, to the left in entering the great trench from the north side. 6 Whilst the great wall of the second city continues in the same direction eastward, the brick wall of the third, the burnt city, ran from this point in a south-east- erly direction, as represented by the accompanying Section No. 187 and the Plan I. (of Troy). It must, however, be distinctly understood that for some distance from the block a on No. 187 the brick wall rested only on a single course of large unwrought flags of limestone. A little further on (probably already before the block marked g on the same Section), the great substruction wall of stones, which I have brought to light from the point b to the point d, where it was accidentally demolished, begins again. It may be seen peeping out of the ruins a few yards beyond the point g in the direction of b, but I suppose it must begin again a few yards from g, in the direc- tion towards a. It appears strange indeed that this great substruction wall should be missing for a short distance. Can the inhabitants have been forced by the approach of an enemy to hurry the build- ing of the wall, so as to con- struct their brick wall for a short distance merely on a single course of flags ? 6 See the engraving No. 184. The block is marked H on Plan III. (Section X-Y). 3 ^ « c ~ 5? « Chap. VII.] EFFECTS OF THE CONFLAGRATION. 313 As will be seen by the Plan I. (of Troy), this Third City was of tri- angular form. Its south-east corner alone has not been reached by the flames, but all the rest has been burnt. M. Burnouf remarks, that " during the conflagration the wind must have driven the flames from the south- west (that is, from the direction of the gate) to the north-east, because nearly all the treasures were found on the south-west side. In that part of the city which lies towards the middle of the eastern wall, was one of the great centres of the conflagration. In the debris of this centre we see, one above the other, (1) the black vapour (buee noire), which has deeply impregnated the soil ; a heap of debris, which has been exposed to an intense heat, and which, in falling, has broken some large jars into frag- ments ; a layer of ashes mixed with stones, bones, burnt shells, &c. : (2) a second time the marks of the black vapour (buee noire), with a series of beams ; then a second layer of debris, reduced by -an intense heat ; ashes ; a black line ; finally, brick earth which has been exposed to an intense heat, and on the top earth which also shows the action of fire. All these debris together are 4 metres (13 ft.) deep ; the house from which they are derived must have been two, perhaps three, storeys high : it was sustained on the south side by a wall 1 metre (3 ft. 4 in.) thick." The ground-floors of the houses consist generally of clay laid on a bed of debris, and in this case they are nearly always vitrified and form a porous mass with a lustrous green glassy surface, but sometimes the clay is laid on large horizontal flags, and in this case they have exactly the appearance of asphalt floors. In the former case they are generally 0*40 in. to ' 60 in., in the latter * 35 in., thick. In many cases the heat has not been intense enough to vitrify more than the surface of the ground-floors, and in this case the rest resembles pumice-stone in appear- ance and hardness. For a very long distance on the north side there was, at a depth of from 26 to 30 ft., a sort of vitrified sheet, which was only interrupted by the house-walls, or by places where the clay had been laid on flags. All the floors of the upper storeys, and even the terraces on the top of the houses, consisted of beams, laid close together and covered with a similar thick layer of clay, which filled all the interstices between the beams, and was made to present a smooth surface. This clay seems to have been more or less fused in the great catastrophe by the burning of the beams, and to have run down ; in fact, only in this manner can we explain the presence of the enormous mass of vitrified lumps in the ruins, which are either shapeless or of a conical form, and often from 5 to 6 in. thick. My lamented friend, the late Staff-surgeon Dr. Edward Moss, who, as before mentioned, when on board H.M.S. Research in Besika Bay, fre- quently visited my excavations in October and November 1878, maintained that these vitrified floors had been produced by the action of intense heat on the surface of the underlying clay, the straw in the latter supply- ing the silica for the formation -of an alumina glass. He informed me further that he exposed to a white heat a fragment of this clay, and even some of the fragments of the very coarsest pottery, and that they vitrified at the corners. But it still remains unexplained, why the clay floors 314 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. laid on the large flags should in no instance have been vitrified. I presume that their asphalt-like appearance is merely due to the black vapour (buee noire) by which they are impregnated. The action of the fire upon them has been so great that even the flags below them bear the marks of the intense heat to which they have been exposed; but still the clay is black throughout, and neither baked nor vitrified. Like the present village houses of the Troad, the Trojan houses must have had a very thick terrace of clay to protect them against the rain, and all this clay has contributed largely to produce the enormous accumulation of debris. According to M. Burnouf's measurement, the ordinary dimensions of the bricks of this third city are 52 ctm. x 43 x 13 J (20* 8 in. x 17*2 x 5' 4). The cement with which the bricks are joined is made of brick matter, probably of crushed bricks and water, and is generally from • 4 in. to 2 in. thick. The bricks are invariably mixed with straw, but they show different degrees of baking : some appear to have been merely dried in the sun and not to have been baked at all; others are slightly baked; others, of a reddish colour, are more thoroughly baked. M. Burnouf even found some bricks in the interior of the great wall which had been over-baked, for they are vitrified on the surface without having been exposed to the intense heat of the conflagration. But it must be distinctly understood that, as there were no kilns, the bricks were baked in an open fire, and hence none of them have either the appearance or the solidity of the worst of our present bricks. All the bricks which have been exposed to the intense heat of the conflagration are, of course, thoroughly baked, or rather thoroughly burnt, for they have lost their solidity by their exposure to the intense heat. " The architecture of the houses of this third city is," as Yirchow 7 observes, " exactly the prototype of that architecture which is still in use in the villages of the Troad. If we ride through such a village and enter one or more of the houses, we get a series of views which correspond with what we see in the ancient city. But this is not surprising, for it must be considered, in the first place, that, owing to its insalubrity, the Plain of Troy could never be the field of a great colonization. There are neither important remains of ancient settlements, nor are the few places now inhabited of any significance. On the contrary, they are poor little villages with wide lands attached. The few inhabitants have evidently also contributed but little to introduce a new culture. They have almost no connection with abroad ; roads, in the modern sense of the word, do not exist, and probably never have existed, in the Plain of Troy. This fact agrees with the peculiarities of the soil, which nearly everywhere engenders malaria. But just in proportion as a richer colonization, a more perfect agriculture, and in general a greater development of the higher arts of peace, are rendered difficult by the soil, in the same proportion have the inhabitants, though they are no nomads, always preferred the occupation of the herdsman. This is the second circumstance which explains the 7 See his Lecture to the Anthropological Congress at Strassburg, Aug. 13, 1879, and his Bcitrwjc zur Landeskunde dsr Troas; Berlin, 1879. Chap. VII.] VIRCHOW ON THE HOUSES OF THE TROAD. 315 continuance of primeval habits. Herdsmen have slighter pretensions to domestic settlement than agriculturists and artisans. They live much in the open air ; the house is of secondary interest to them. » The herds of the Trojans consist, to the present day, just as Homer described them, of a multitude of horses, sheep, and goats. Horned cattle, and especially^ hogs, are out of all proportion rarer. But horses are still bred in such multitudes, that the Homeric description of the wealth of king Erich- thonius, who had 3000 mares, is still applicable to certain regions. There are probably in the Troad more horses than men ; it is, consequently, never difficult to get a horse. " Under such circumstances, and as if it were an expression of the conservative disposition of the population, the ancient architecture has been preserved. On the levelled soil the house-walls of unwrought quarry- stones are generally built up to a little more than a man's height. These walls enclose store-rooms which are used as cellars, as well as stables for domestic animals. Sheep and goats are not housed in such stables ; for the winter and very bad weather there are half-open shanties or sheds, under which they are driven. Even camels remain in the open air ; they may be seen lying in large troops in the night in the courtyards or in the streets, and on the public places, always with those wooden fastenings on the back, on which saddle and luggage are put. Stables are, therefore, only kept for horses and cows, as well as sometimes for hogs. " Above this stone ground-floor is raised the storey containing the habitation, the bel Stage proper. Its walls consist, as they consisted of old, of clay bricks, which far exceed in size those we are accustomed to see. They are large quadrangular plates, sometimes a foot in length and breadth, and from 3 to 4 in. thick ; commonly but slightly baked, or dried in the sun. The clay of which they are made has been previously, and often very abundantly, kneaded with the cuttings of straw, which are obtained by the mode of threshing in use here. The clay is taken just as the heavy land offers it ; the dirt of the street, so abundant in wet weather, is used as cement. The substance of both bricks and cement is, therefore, not very different ; but the one may easily be distinguished from the other by the mixture of the straw cuttings with the clay bricks. These latter receive from it a lighter colour, whilst the cementing dirt exhibits a darker grey or bluish colour and a more equal quality. " The enclosing walls of the courts and gardens are made in a like manner. Sometimes they consist of stones, and in that case they often contain fragments of ancient house or temple buildings, blocks of marble, sometimes still bearing inscriptions. But most frequently they also are made of clay bricks ; the top of the walls is protected by a cover, generally of a vegetable nature. On the shore sea-weed is employed ; in the neighbourhood of the forest, the bark of trees ; elsewhere, reeds and shrubs. These court and garden walls are commonly joined to the house- walls. As they are nearly always of much more than a man's height, the whole presents the character of a small fortress. " Clay walls are, of course, much exposed to destruction. Fortunately, on the whole, it does not rain much -in the Troad. For comparatively 316 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. a long time there is dry weather, the effect of which, however, is in some degree compensated by the very constant sea-winds. Strictly speaking, there is scarcely a single wind in the Troad which is not a sea-wind; almost all winds are wet, which circumstance makes the climate, even in the hot days, very agreeable. The prevalent dry weather preserves the clay walls of the houses. They are, besides, protected by the wide projecting roof, as well as by the galleries which are built all round the bel Stage, and particularly on the west side. ''This mode of building explains two things: there is no need for direct access to the ground-floor ; people descend into it from above, as into an underground cellar. For this reason very commonly the stone walls run on without interruption, having no other entrance than the yard-gate. The access to the habitation is by a staircase, which leads at once into the house, and onto the universal verandah or terrace, which is raised upon the stone wall at the level of the bel Stage : it is the place where part of the household work is done, and where the inmates remain in the cooler time of the day. " Owing to the neglected condition of the country, one has not seldom the opportunity of seeing such houses in decay; in fact, modern ruins. Of this I saw the most striking example in Yerkassi Kioi, situated just opposite to Hissarlik on the western side of the plain, which always lay before our eyes as the dominating point of the landscape. There is a large old castle there. I was told that it had been built by an Armenian ; but, though it had been arranged like a fortress, he had nevertheless thought it advisable to withdraw from the unsafe country. So the property had passed over for a trifle into the hands of the Turkish Government. At present it is managed as a farm on behalf of the Minister of War, or rather the chief of artillery, and partly by soldiers. The consequence is that, for the most part, the houses have been abandoned and fallen into ruins. Here, therefore, was an excellent object of comparison with Hissarlik. " When it rains in the Troad, it pours in torrents. When the roof of a house is destroyed, the rain gradually washes down the clay bricks, and finally there remains nothing standing but the stone wall, which ultimately also begins to collapse. The ruins of Yerkassi Kioi, therefore, presented exactly the appearance of the excavations at Hissarlik. " In the house of the king the stone walls are proportionally high and more carefully joined, but they also consist of un wrought irregular quarry-stones. This material is evidently not fetched from a distance. The whole ridge, on the last spur of which Hissarlik lies, consists of tertiary and principally fresh-water limestone, which forms horizontal strata. These can easily be broken into large fragments ; and such frag- ments, as rude as when they come from the quarry, are used in the walls of the ancient cities of Hissarlik. Only the stones which were required for particularly important points, such as corner-stones, have been in some places a little wrought. For the rest, there is no trace of a regular manipulation, or of the working of smooth surfaces, on any of these Chap. VII.] TROJAN HOUSES AXD CELLARS. 317 stones. Everywhere the same rude form appears, just as it is used at the present day by the inhabitants of the Troad. " Many of the house-walls form enclosed squares without any entrance ; others have a door. The former were, therefore, evidently stores, into which access was only possible from above ; that is, from the house. In these more or less cellar-like recesses are the jars, which are often so large that a man can stand upright in them without being seen, and which are often ranged in rows of 4 or 6 in one cellar. Many of them have been destroyed by the falling of the houses or by the fire, and only a few have been preserved intact. In a few instances only these jars were found partly filled with burnt grain ; but there can be no doubt that all of them served for the preservation of food, wine, or water. Those lower recesses must, therefore, be considered as store- rooms, in which the inmates of the houses put all they needed for their sustenance. The habitation proper was evidently on the bel etage, and, therefore, in rooms whose walls consisted essentially of bricks. But one thing remained for some time unintelligible to me. In several places we found in the walls large quadrangular or cubical hollow places, which contained large masses of burnt matter, particularly calcined vegetables. The enigma was solved when I saw the internal arrangement of the present houses, in which the fireside is still established in a niche of the house-walls. There can, consequently, be no doubt that the firesides were arranged in the same manner in the third or burnt city of Ilium. " But, in many places, parts of the clay brick walls form shapeless masses. This has been produced in a twofold manner. One part has been exposed to the conflagration, and has been changed by it in very different degrees. We see there all the transitions from the common effects of fire to complete combustion. Most frequently the clay masses have been fused to a glassy flux. In proportion to the vehemence of the heat, the fusion has penetrated to various depths. For the most part, the clay bricks have only externally a sort of surface glaze, but sometimes the interior is also vitrified, or has even become a sort of pumice-stone, like sponge, full of blisters. Finally, in many places there has occurred only that little change which is produced by the baking of our bricks. These burnt masses have a great extent. It is in the highest degree surprising to see what piles of them lie one upon the other. It must have been a fearful conflagration which has destroyed nearly the whole city. " The other kind of change which the bricks have undergone has been their disintegration, such as I saw in its first stage at Yerkassi Kioi. When the roofs had fallen in or had been burnt, and when the masonry had been freely exposed to the influences of the atmosphere, the clay bricks of the walls were gradually softened, disintegrated, and dissolved, and from them has been essentially formed the greater part of the unstratified masses of earth, which, to the wonder of all who see them, have in some places accumulated to enormous masses, and have pushed themselves in between the remnants of the buildings. " In all the strata of ruins and debris of Hissarlik there is found a 318 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. large mass of remnants of food. Some of these are better, others worse preserved. The best preserved of all are the Conchylia. I have made, as far as possible, a complete collection of all the species which occur, and M. von Martens has had the kindness to identify them. 8 A glance at this collection suffices to show that the Trojans were very dainty. There are oysters and sea-mussels, especially oysters in such masses that whole strata consist almost exclusively of them. This cannot astonish us. We must consider what a quantity of oysters is required to satisfy one's hunger at a meal. Such Conchylia are found already in the debris of the first city. I even collected some specimens near the virgin soil. The Conchylia which were eaten here in antiquity are, however, generally the same as those which are still eaten on the shores of the Hellespont, and which we. had frequently on our table. Thus Cardium especially is much eaten raw ; on the banks of the Kalifatli Asmak I have seen at different places whole heaps of empty shells. They are also very plentiful in the third or burnt city, and, like the oyster-shells, they are for the most part blackened by the fire. I seldom found closed shells. At all events, the Cardium-shells form by far the greatest part of these kitchen remains. But in general the oysters preponderate in the strata of all the pre- historic cities here. It is different with the fancy shells. Apart from certain ornamental shells, like Columbella, Trochus, and Pectunculus, whose shells are perforated at the lock, like the shells in certain South European caverns, the purple fish deserves particular mention. This occurs more particularly in the highest stratum below the wall of Lysi- machus, at a time when the painted pottery was in fashion. At one place I found a whole layer formed exclusively of cut or crushed murex-shells. Otherwise they occurred but seldom, and always mixed up with other debris. Eemains of fish are likewise extraordinarily abundant. Accumulations of fish-scales and small fish-bones, vertebras, &c, particularly of Percoidae, formed sometimes whole layers a hand high. I found less frequently vertebras of very large tunny-fish and sharks. I was much surprised at seeing that remains of tortoises were altogether missing. This animal (according to Mr. Peters, Testudo marginata, Schopf) is so plentiful in the Troad, that one can hardly take a step in the country without seeing it. On the banks of the rivers, in the rivers themselves, on the fields and heaths, it can be seen in large numbers, particularly when the sun shines ; and when it is pairing time, there are most ridiculous scenes, particularly among rivals. But just as the present Trojan never thinks of eating tortoises or of using their shell, so was it with his predecessors in ancient times. " The bones of higher vertebrate animals are more abundant in the ruins of Hissarlik. Of birds there are but few. Though I carefully collected every bird's bone that I met with, yet I could not obtain many. Mr. Giebel, of Halle, who has kindly identified them, recognized bones of Cygnus olor, Anser cinereus, and A. segetum, as well as of a small kind of Falco or Circus. These are all wild birds. I endeavoured in vain to find See in pp. 114-116 the names of all the species which have been collected by Prof. Virchow. Chap. VII.] RELICS OF FOOD IN THE HOUSES. 319 a bone of a domestic bird, especially of a domestic fowl. I believed I could the more certainly hope to find such, as I saw in Mr. Calvert's possession at Thymbra (Batak), among the objects collected at the Hanal Tepeh, an egg, which I held to be a hen's egg. At all events, I found nothing of the kind at Hissarlik. It, therefore, appears that the domestic fowl was not used there. "In moderate, quantities, but in all the strata, occurred bones of domesticated mammalia ; but not by any means in such large quantities that the inhabitants of the ancient cities could be credited with being essentially meat-eaters. Nevertheless, there could be gathered a supply of bones large enough to give specimens of them to all the museums of Europe. But as the greater part of these bones were crushed, and as it was not my principal object to make osteological investigations, I have brought away with me only a small number of bones that can be dis- tinctly identified, especially jaw-bones. From these it can be recognized that the domestic animals chiefly represented here are the sheep and the goat, and next to them horned cattle. Of pigs, horses, and dogs I only found traces now and then. From this it is evident that, the cat excepted, all the essentially domestic animals existed, but that — as is still the case in the East, and even in Greece— oxen were only slaughtered exceptionally, and therefore that the meat which served for food was by preference taken from sheep or goats. I do not, of course, maintain that horses or dogs were eaten : their presence within the old ruins only shows that the inhabitants did not take the trouble to throw the carcases out of the city. " Of wild mammalia, I found bones of stags and hares. Horns of fallow-deer and boar-tusks have been collected in large numbers. Generally speaking, the study of the animal matter which I collected in the strata of Hissarlik proves the stability of the Trojan manner of life with reference to the culture of husbandry. To the present day, as has been already stated, herds of sheep and goats, next to those of horses and horned cattle, form the chief wealth of the Trojans. Camels and buffaloes were probably introduced at a later period ; but they are still possessed only by the more wealthy, whilst the common peasant does without them. " From the bones were made quantities of small instruments, especially scrapers, awls, and needles. But their forms are so trivial, that they might belong with equal right to any pre-historic settlement. Nothing could be more easy than to pick out from the ruins of these ancient cities a collection of bone and stone instruments, which, if they were found alone, would suffice to allot to these strata a place among the beginnings of civilization. " But the vegetable food found along with them, and that in a sur- prising quantity, proves to us that even the most ancient layers belong to a settled, that is, an agricultural population. Especially in the third, the burnt city, there are found in some places very large quantities of burnt grain, whole coherent layers, partly in their original position, but fre- quently in such a manner as to make it evident that, in the breaking 320 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. down of the buildings, the grain fell from higher places into lower. Thus, the bottom of some of the holes, resembling fireplaces, was especially- covered with large layers of carbonized grain. Among this grain the most abundant is wheat, of which very large quantities could have been gathered. The grains of it are so small that it comes very near to rye. 9 Much more rarely, but in several places at some distance from each other, I found in the burnt city, in small quantities, but also in heaps, a leguminous plant, whose calcined, roundish, angular grains reminded me somewhat of pease. But Dr. Wittmack has determined them to belong to the bitter vetch (Ervum Ervilia, L.). Hence may be decided the old question of the signification of the word epeftivOos. Manifestly the first two syllables correspond to Ervum. Certainly the words Erbse (' pease ') and opoftos (' chick pease ') 10 belong to the same family of languages, but at an early epoch a certain distinction had been established in their employment, and the pease proper ought to be excluded from the ancient Trojan agriculture. 11 9 Dr. Wittmack (Monatsschrift des Vereins zur Befdrderung des Gartenbaucs in den Konigl. preussischen Staaten, October 1879) has exa- mined this wheat and recognized in it a parti- cular variety, which he calls " Triticum durum, var. trojanum." 10 Victor Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und HaustMere in ihrem Uebergang aus Asien nach Griechenland und Italien, sowie in das iibrige Europa ; Berlin, 1874, p. 187. 11 In the Appendix to his Beitr'dge zur Landes- kunde der Troas Prof. Virchow proves, however, that pease (Erbsen) really existed at Troy. I give here a literal translation of the whole Ap- pendix, as it contains a great deal of interesting information : — " Somewhat late there has arrived here a parcel of seeds from the Troad, which I had ordered in order to compare them with the carbonized seeds of the burnt city at Hissarlik. Dr. Witt- mack has had the kindness to determine them. I add here a specification of them. " 1. Ertum Ervilia L., Ervilic, lentil-vetch. " 2. Dolichos melanophtlialmus D. C, black- eyed long bean. " 3. Phaseolus vulgaris albus Haberle, common white bean, of various sizes, mixed with some Ph. vulg. glaucoides Alef. (Ph. ellipticus ame- thyst inus, v. Mart.), some Ph. vulg. ochraceus Savi, and one Ph. vulg. Pardus carneus, v. Mart. (light-coloured panther-bean). (Transitions fre- quently occur with beans.) " 4. Vicia Faba L., hog's bean, for the most part very large. " 5. Cicer arietinum L., album Alef., chick- pea, white. " 6. Lathgrus sativus L., chickling-vetch ; white, with more or less rust-colonred dapples (in German, Schechcn), which proceed from the navel, and cover, in some cases, the whole seed- corn. It thus shows the transition from L. sat. albus Alef. to L. sat. coloratus Alef. ; but the rust-brown dapples (in German, Schattirung') are also frequent on pure E. sat. albus. " 7. Avena orientalis ?, flava, Kornicke, brown- yellow oats. Mixed with this : 1, barley ; 2, rye ; 3, Lolium temulentum L. ; 4, one single very small wheat-grain, of Triticum sativum L. ; 5, one single larger (eviscerated) grain of Tr. durum Desf. ; 6, a grain of Bromus secalinus L. ? ; 7, a fruit of Alopecurus ; 8, a fruit of Anchusa sp., belonging to the section Buglossum — perhaps A. Italica Retz, perhaps A. Barrclicri D. C, the granulation of the little nut being missing; 9, a fruit of Alsi- nearum sp. " 8. Sorghum vulgarc, Pers. Durrlia, millet of Mauritania, white (Andropogon Sorghum album, Alefeld). " 9. Yellow maize (Indian corn), with 14 lines or rows, Zea Mays autumnalis Alef. ; clubs 24J centimetres (nearly 10 in.) long ; below the rows are irregular, and the diameter is there 6 centimetres (2 T 4 g in.), above 3-7 centi- metres (nearly 1| in.) ; grains for the most part very regular, somewhat flatly pressed. " 10. Red maize, with 14 lines or rows, Zea Mays rubra Bonaf. : clubs shorter than the, former, 15J centimetres (61 in.) long : the upper end for 1J centimetres (? in.) naked ; diameter, below 5 - 35 centimetres (2-^-, in.), above 3 - l centimetres (l-$ 5 in.). " 11. Gossypium herbaceum L., cotton. " 12. -> Hordeum vulgare L., gcnuinum Alef., barley, with 4 lines. With it : 1, the above- mentioned oats (No. 7) in some grains ; 2, Sinapis arvensis L., Ackersenf ; 3. Triticum durum, a grain ; 4, Coronilla sp. ; 5, several other weed-seeds (three grains). " Among these seeds the pease as well as the vetch are missing. On the other hand, the Ervilia is represented, which was also found in the burnt city. The probability that cpefiivOos is to be interpreted as ' pease ' would be somewhat Chap. VII.j THE PEOPLE WERE AGRICULTURAL. 321 " The very poetical passage in the Iliad, 1 in which ipeftivOot, are men- tioned, in a metaphor taken from the process of fanning, names both this vegetable and the bean : ' As from a broad fan on a large threshing-floor black-skinned beans or pease leap forth, driven by a shrill wind and by the winnower's power.' The ' black-skinned ' bean is the hog's bean (Vicia Faba, L.), 2 which is still cultivated in the Troad as one of the most common products of the soil. I collected an abundance of carbonized beans in different parts of the burnt city, and, in particular, very well preserved ones in a place immediately before the city wall, to the left of the gate ; whether it were that a building had fallen over the wall, or that the beans belonged to a still more ancient epoch. " It is certainly absolutely necessary that the two kinds of testimonies, of which I am treating here, should be rigorously distinguished. It is self- evident that the testimony of the Iliad proves nothing directly for the culture of a vegetable by the inhabitants of ancient Ilium, and least of all in a metaphor, the prototype of which may very well have been taken from Greece. On the other hand, the testimony of the carbonized seed is a positive one. Whether the old fortress were called Ilium or not, we now know undoubtedly that wheat, beans, and erva were cultivated in the plain, before the great conflagration destroyed the whole city. We know this with the same certainty as we now know that sheep and goats, horned cattle, hogs and horses, were already at that time pastured in the Troad ; that hares, 3 stags and fallow-deer, geese and swans, were at that time hunted. Whether the agreement of the poem with the real con- dition of the Troad, as it was preserved for a long time afterwards, and partly up to the present day, is to be rated higher or lower, I leave to the judgment of philologists. For the historian of human progress these testimonies may at all events have some importance. "With regard to the social condition of the ancient population, we have now the certainty : first, that they were agriculturists, which agrees with the Homeric representations ; secondly, that to a large extent they busied themselves with the breeding of cattle and fishing : this latter industry they carried on, not only in the rivers, but more particu- larly in the sea, and from both sources they derived rich results. For strengthened by this, if the last parcel from Hissarlik had not contained also carbonized seeds. When these grains came before me, I held them at once to be pease. (Zcitschr. fiir Ethnologic, 1879, vol. xi. ; Verhandlungen der anthrop. Gesellschaft, p. 50.) But the small samples of burnt seeds which I had brought with me seemed to contradict this interpreta- tion, because Dr. Wittmack recognized only Ervum Ervilia L., and perhaps Lathyrus Cicera L. By the last parcel only has Dr. Wittmack become convinced that Pisum sativum L. abun- dantly exists. It can, therefore, be considered now as firmly established, that the pease was already in use in the burnt city, if not earlier w the Troad. Consequently the interpretation of zpifrivQos ought to be made in the contra- dictory sense, and the word ought to be referred to the pease. " At all events the old botanical dispute as to the knowledge of the pease by the ancients has now been definitely decided. Among the car bonized seeds - from Hissarlik there occurred, besides, especially hog's beans and Triticum durum, whereas, strange to say, barley has not been found." 1 II. xiii. 588-590: &s 8' or airb irhartos irrv6(piv fxeydkyi' /cot' BpuxTKuariv Kva/uLOi ^XavSxpo^s '*) zpefiwOoi irvoirj vtto Kiyvprj /cat \iK/ji.r]TTjpos ipwfj . . . 2 Helm, p. 485. a //. x. 361 : ^ /ce^uaS' 77 e Xayoobv . . . Y 322 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. reasons easily to be conceived, fishing is not mentioned in the Iliad : if the coast was occupied by the Achaeans, it became impossible. Much more copious is the information of the Iliad as to the pastoral life of the ancient Trojans : the king himself had his principal wealth in the herds which his sons tended. In the main this condition has not changed o much, down to the present day. The population still consists half of agriculturists, the other half of herdsmen; and fishing is carried on with success in the Hellespont, as well as in the Aegean Sea." The late Staff-surgeon Edward L. Moss — who, as I have said, fre- quently gave me the pleasure of his company at Hissarlik in October and November 1878, and who for a great many days studied the osteology of this most remarkable third or burnt city — sent me the following highly interesting information from on board the ill-fated Atalanta, under date of 5th November, 1879 : — " I cannot leave England without sending you a note about the bones I collected from the ' burnt layers ' with my own hands, and which, by-the-bye, so nearly brought me to grief in the Scamander. 4 Since the animals are well known, I give the popular names : moreover, the bones are too much burnt and broken to make very certain of variety or species. Many of the bones are marked by sharp- cutting instruments, especially near their articular extremities, as if the carver had missed the joint. Others have been gnawed by dogs. The shin-bone of a deer has been used as a handle for some tool, is bored and notched at the lower end to receive a flint or bronze head, and is much worn by the hand. The marrow-bones are all broken open. The bones represent : — " Ox ; a small deer-like species, probably ' longifrons : ' — deer ; there are several cast antlers of red deer with the tip of the brow-tine sawn off ; bones are numerous: — goat : — sheep: — fig; more abundant than any other . bones ; the large proportion of very young animals points to domestication ; bones and tusks of large boars were common : — dog ; part of the skull and paw : — weasel ; a skull : — birds are represented by the tibia of a Teal and wing-bones of a Wader. " Fish ; vertebrae of Tunny, and of a small bony fish ; also vertebrae of a large cartilaginous fish, and palate teeth of a Bay. " The mollusca include almost all the kinds now used for food in the Levant : — cockles : — oysters : — mussel : — scallop : — limpet : — razor shell : — whelk. There is, in addition, a fragment of a Trochus; one or two specimens of a Cerithium vulgatuni ; and a Columhella rustica ; the latter bored as if to string it. 4 The Scamander being suddenly swollen by the heavy rain during Dr. Moss's visit at Hissarlik, he had, on his return, a very narrow escape. His horse having lost its footing, he abandoned the animal in order that it might return to Hissarlik, and, being an excellent swimmer, he swam through the torrent-like river and went on foot to Besika Bay. Whoever has seen the swollen Scamander with its powerful current will wonder how it was ever possible that even the best swimmer in the world could swim through it. I am a good swimmer myself, but failed to cross even the Jordan at Easter 1859, though this latter river is hardly half as broad as the Scamander, while its current is less rapid. After having escaped thousands of dangers in the Arctic seas, and after having miraculously saved himself from the Scamander, it was des- tined for Dr. Moss to perish in the Atalanta. Chap. VII.] BONES OF UNBOBN CHILDREN". 323 " I saw no human bones except those of an unborn child of about six months lying in an earthen pot, on a quantity of much-charred fragments of other bones." Having submitted to Professor W. H. Flower, of the Eoyal College of Surgeons of England, eight vertebras of fish found by me in the third or burnt city, for identification, he declares one of them to be the caudal vertebra of Delphinus Delphis, the common Dolphin of the Mediterranean ; two others he finds to be the dorsal vertebrm of the Tunny (Thynnus vulgaris) ; and five he recognized to be the vertebras of a small species of Shark. A very curious petrified bone, found in the " burnt city," was sub- mitted by me to Mr. Wm. Davies, of the Fossil Department of the British Museum, who writes to me on the subject as follows : — " The fossil bone submitted to me for examination is a middle caudal vertebra of an extinct Cetacean, allied to the Delphinidae or Dolphin family. It is completely mineralized, and was probably obtained by its ancient owner from a Miocene tertiary deposit, either in the Troad or in Greece, Fossil remains were objects of attraction to pre-historic man, as they are occasionally found — the smaller forms frequently perforated for ornamental wear — associated with bone and flint implements, in caves and Lake-dwellings, though not always derived from deposits in the imme- diate locality of such dwellings." As Dr. Moss mentions in his letter the embryo child whose bones he saw in my possession, I may here say that I found besides it, and also besides the one discovered in an urn on the virgin soil (see p. 227), the bones of two more embryo children, both together with ashes on the bottom of fractured jars. It appears wonderful that the bodies of these unborn children should have been preserved, whilst all other bodies were burnt. In the opinion of Prof. Aretaeos, who kindly recomposed the first skeleton of the embryo (as I have said before), its presence in an urn filled with human ashes can only be explained by supposing that, the mother having died from the effect of her miscarriage, her body was burnt and her ashes put into a funeral urn, into which the unburnt body of the embryo was also thrown. But if this occurred in the case of the embryo found in the first city, may we not suppose that it was a custom so general in high antiquity as to survive the first two cities, and to be still practised by the inhabitants of the third city ? As I have before mentioned, 5 besides the large street, which leads from the plain to the gate, I brought to light only one more street, or rather lane ; it is 1*20 m. = 4 ft. broad, and paved with large flags of limestone. 6 Visitors will easily find it on the east side of my great northern trench. There is, besides, a passage only 2 ft. broad between the Trojan houses, running off at right angles from the street d to the N.E. Among the many problems which the ruins of the burnt city present, there is one which has puzzled us very much indeed. It is the shape of a large quadrangular chest, which is most distinctly seen in the mors 5 See p. 54. 324 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. YII. northerly of the two large blocks of debris which mark the original height of the hill before my excavations, on the east side of my great central trench, and whose height is indicated as 8 metres. 7 It contains at its bottom a large quantity of carbonized grain ; the rest of the chest- like quadrangular space being filled with ashes and bricks, which have evidently fallen from above. The shape of the chest is distinctly marked by lines of charcoal. Now the most embarrassing thing is, that the layers of grain and debris in the chest continue, for some distance outside of it, with no other interruption than the carbonized lines. On carefully examining the lines of charcoal, M. Burnouf found the matter to consist of a burnt texture, probably of reed, and he recognized on either side of it a layer of earth vitrified by the conflagration. M. Burnouf now writes to me that he finds the following in the work of Xavier Kaymond on Afghanistan : — " The grain is shut up in large baskets placed on wooden feet, and coated over with earth, to preserve it from the contact of the air, and to protect it against humidity ; it is also preserved in large jars of raw earth, and in bags of camel's hair." M. Burnouf thinks that this account of X. Kaymond might explain the above enigma. I admit that it must indeed have been a large basket in the form of a chest, coated outside and inside with earth, but I do not understand how this can explain the existence of the same strata of grain and debris outside and inside of the chest ! By far the most remarkable of all the houses which I have brought to light in the third, the burnt city, is undoubtedly the mansion immediately to the north-west of the gate, which I attribute to the town-chief or king : first, because this is by far the largest house of all ; and secondly, because, as before stated, I found in or close to it nine out of the ten treasures which were discovered, as well as a very large quantity of pottery, which, though without painting and of the same forms as that found elsewhere, was distinguished, generally speaking, by its fabric. A good view of this royal mansion is given in the engraving No. 188, from a drawing made by my late lamented friend Dr. Edward Moss in November 1878, when the buildings in the foreground, which appear to be its depen- dencies, had not yet been excavated. Just in front of the entrance to the chief or king's mansion is an open place : this is the only open place in the town, and may therefore have been the Agora. This would agree with Homer, who tells us that the Trojans, young and old, were assembled in the Agora before the king's doors. 8 In another passage the poet tells us that the Trojans held a tumultuous and stormy Agora before the king's door in the Acropolis of Ilium. 9 What the reader sees of the town-chief's mansion in the engraving are merely the walls of the ground-floor, 4 ft. 4 in. high on the average, which consist of small uncut stones joined with earth, and also (as M. Burnouf finds), " with ashes containing charcoal, shells, fragments of pottery, and ' See Plan III., Section X-Y. 9 II. vii. 345, 346: 8 //. ii. 788, 789 : Tpaiwv air ayopy yever 'IAuw eV 7roAei &Kprj, o* 8' ayopas ay6pevov iir\ Ylpiafxoio dvpycriv Zzivrj TeTpj^uta, irapa IlpidfAOio Qvpr, . . . 1 II. vi. 242-250 : aAA.' bVe Sfy Ylpidjxoio Zojxou irepiKaXXe "tcavev, |«ctt^s aidovo-pai Tervyfxivov — avrap iv avTai irzvTriKovr tvzaav QaXauoi £e so that this wooden scaffolding might not be moved. At the point where the two pieces of wood were joined, there was a small hole, in which a third piece of wood, in the form of a lance (called Pramantha), was rotated by means of a cord made of cow-hair and hemp, till the fire was generated by friction. Then the fire (Agni) was put on the altar close by, where the priest poured the holy Soma, the juice of the tree of life, over it, and made, by means of purified butter, wood and straw, a large fire." 4 Burnouf further maintains that the mother of the holy fire was Maya, who represents the productive force. 5 If his views are correct, they would go far to explain the presence of the pj£ on the vulva of the idol No. 226. They would also show that the four points which we so frequently see under the arms of the ^ or indicate the wooden nails with which this primitive fire-machine was fixed firmly on the ground; and, finally, they would explain why we so frequently see the pj-J or the in company with the symbol of lightning or burning altars. The other cross too, which has also four points, (E^, and which occurs innumerable times on the whorls of the three upper pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, might also claim the honour of representing the two pieces of wood for producing the holy fire by friction. Burnouf asserts that " in remote antiquity the Greeks for a long time generated fire by friction, and that the two lower pieces of wood, that lay at right angles across one another, were called aravpos, which word is either derived from the root stri, which signifies lying upon the earth, and is then identical with the Latin sternere, or it is derived from the Sanskrit word stdvara, which means 1 Zobel, de Zangronis, 1863, PI. 1 and 3, and p. 397. 2 Rochholz, Altdeutsches Burgerleben, p. 184. 3 Guillaume and Perrot, Exploration archeo- logique de la Galatie et de la Bithynie, Atlas, pi. ix. 4 See Emile Burnouf, La Science des Religions, p. 256. 6 Emile Burnouf, op. tit. 352 THE THIED, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. ' firm, solid, immovable.' After the Greeks had other means of producing fire, the word aravpos passed simply into the sense of cross." The p]-J or j-fj may be found in nearly all countries of Europe, and in many countries of Asia. We see them on one of three pot-bottoms 6 found on Bishop's Island, near Konigswalde, on the right bank of the Oder, 7 as well as on a vase found at Eeichersdorf near Gruben. 8 A whole row of them may be seen round the famous pulpit of Saint Ambrose in Milan. The sign occurs a thousand times in the catacombs of Kome ; 9 we find it very frequently in the wall-paintings at Pompeii, even more than 160 times in a house in the recently excavated street of Vesuvius ; we see it in three rows, and thus repeated sixty times, upon an ancient Celtic funeral urn found at Shropham, in the county of Norfolk, and now in the British Museum. 10 I find it also very often on ancient Athenian 1 and Corinthian vases, and exceedingly frequent on the jewels in the royal tombs at Mycenae ; 2 also on the coins of Leucas and Syracuse, and in the large mosaic in the royal palace garden at Athens. The Kev. W. Brown Keer, who visited me in 1872 at Hissarlik, assured me that he has seen it innumerable times in the most ancient Hindu temples, and especially in those of the Jainas. I see also a fjJ on a vase 3 which was found in the county of Lipto, in Hungary, and is preserved in the collection Majlath Bela; further, on terra-cottas found in the cavern of Bara- thegy, in Hungary. 4 Since the appearance of my work Troy and its Remains, I have been favoured with letters from correspondents who have observed the Lj^ and in various parts of the old world, from China at the one extremity to Western Africa at the other. Dr. Lockhart, of Blackheath, formerly medical missionary in China —to whom I am indebted for other interesting communications 5 — says that "the sign pj-J is thoroughly Chinese." 6 Major-General H. W. Gordon, C.B., Controller of the Koyal Arsenal at Woolwich, wrote, with reference to the nations amongst whom I have traced the " You may to these nations add the Chinese, since upon the breech-chasing of a large gun lying outside my office, and which was captured in the Taku Forts, you will find the same identical sign." For the very interesting discovery of the symbol among the Ashantees, I am 6 Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologic, Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologic und Urgeschichte, 1871, iii. 7 Third Sessional Report of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Pre-historic lie- searches, of 1871. 8 Sessional Report of the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Pre-historic Re- searches, of July 15, 1876, p. 9. 9 Emile Burnouf, op.cit. 10 A. W. Franks, Horae ferales, PI. 30, fig. 19. 1 G. Hirschfeld, Vasi arcaici Ateniesi ; Roma, 1872, Tav. xxxix. and xl. G. Dennis, The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, p. xci. 2 See my Mycenae, p. 259, figs. 383, 385, and in many others. 3 No. 3, PI. xx. in Dr. Joseph Hampel's Anti- quite's pr€'aistoriques de la Hongrie ; Esztergom, 1877. 4 Joseph Hampel, Catalogue de V Exposition preliistorique des Muse'es de Province ; Budapest, 1876, p. 17. 5 For example, the Chinese sacrificial cup, engraved under No. 774 (p. 466), resembling the double-hnndled gold cup of the large treasure. Dr. Lockhart finds various indications of Chinese influence among the Hissarlik antiquities, and traces Chinese letters on some of the whorls : but I do not now enter into that question. 6 M. Burnouf asks me whether it has not been imported into China by the Buddhists. Chap. VIL] THE pjJ AND CYPEIOTE CHARACTERS. 353 indebted to Mr. E. B. iEneas Macleod, of Invergordon Castle, Koss-shire, who wrote : " You may judge my surprise when, a few weeks ago, on looking over some curious bronzes captured at Coomassie during the late Ashantee war by Captain Eden, son of Bishop Eden, of Inverness, and now in his possession, I observed the same symbol, with some others, as was usual in Asia Minor so many thousand years ago. I enclose photo- graphs of the three bronzes with the symbol in high relief, and of nearly the natural size." No. 248. No. 249. No. 250. Professor Sayce observes to me : " It is evident that the sign found at Hissarlik is identical with that found at Mycenae and Athens, as well as on the pre-historic pottery of Cyprus, 7 since the general artistic character of the objects with which this sign is associated in Cyprus and Greece agrees with that of the objects discovered in Troy. The Cyprian vase figured in Di Cesnola's Cyprus, PL xlv. 36, which associates the sivastika with the figure of an animal, is a striking analogue of the Trojan whorls on which it is associated with the figures of stags. The fact that it is drawn within the vulva of the leaden image of the Asiatic goddess (No. 226) seems to show that it was a symbol of generation. I believe that it is identical with the Cypriote character fjs or B J» (ne), which has the form in the inscriptions of Golgi, and also with the Hittite or i|et 3 which Dr. Hyde Clarke once suggested to me was intended to represent the organs of generation." Mr. Edward Thomas kindly sends me a copy of his most able dis- sertation on the p]-J and j-pj, 8 in which he says : "As far as I have been able, to trace or connect the various manifestations of this emblem, they one and all resolve themselves into the primitive conception of solar motion, which was intuitively associated with the rolling or wheel-like projection of the sun through the upper or visible arc of the heavens, as understood and accepted in the crude astronomy of the ancients. The earliest phase of astronomical science we are at present in a position to refer to, with the still extant aid of indigenous diagrams, is the Chaldean. The representation of the sun in this system commences with a simple ring or outline circle, which is speedily advanced towards the impression of onward revolving motion by the insertion of a cross or four wheel-like 7 Di Cesnola, Cyprus, PL xliv., xlv., xlvii. 8 The Indian Swastika and its Western Counterparts ; London, 1880. 2 A 354 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. spokes within the circumference of the normal ring. As the original Chaldean emblem of the sun was typified by a single ring, so the Indian mind adopted a similar definition, which remains to this day as the ostensible device or caste-mark of the modern Sauras, or sun-worshippers. The tendency of devotional exercises in India, indeed, seems from the first to have lain in the direction of mystic diagrams and crypto symbols rather than in the production of personified statues of the gods, in which it must be confessed that, unlike the Greeks, the Hindus did not attain a high style of art." I now come to the tripod-vases, of which a really enormous number was found. In fact, most of the Trojan vases are tripods. I found, in my excavations in the Acropolis of Mycenae, a few fragments of terra-cotta tripods, 9 but never an entire one. Besides, the Mycenean tripods are very different from the Trojan ; for they have two large handles, which, as well as the three feet, have each two, three, four, or even five perforations, for suspension with a string. On the contrary, the feet of the Trojan tripods are never perforated, but there is on either side of the body a projection with a vertical tubular hole, and, in the same direction, a hole in the rim and the cover. The string was drawn on each side through the tubular holes of the projections, and a knot being made below, as I have shown in No. 252, the string was drawn through the tubular holes of the neck or the cover. It deserves attention that whenever a vase has a cover with long tubular holes, such as No. 252, there is no per- foration in the vase-neck ; and there being none in the tripod-vase No. 251, it must have had a cover similar to that of No. 252. In fact, vases with pro- jections on the rim and long tubular holes in these projections, a system such as we see it on No. 253, always pre - suppose flat vase-covers perforated on either side. In either way, — by means of the cap- like covers with tubular holes, such as we see on No. 252, or by means of perforated flat covers, such as there must have ex- isted on. No. 253,— the vase could be shut close, and it could be carried by the string. But if, as is evident from the fragments I discovered at Mycenae, the tripod form of vase was in use in Greece from a very remote antiquity, it No. 251. Ornamented Tripod Vase, with tubular holes for suspension. (2 : 5 actual size. Depth, 27 ft.) 9 See my Mycenae, p. 69. Chap. VII.] USE OF TRIPODS IN HOMER. 355 most certainly was no longer in use there or elsewhere in the so-called Graeco-Phoenician period, and far less in later times. The hest proof of this is, that neither the Museums of Athens, nor the British Museum, nor the Louvre, nor any other museum in the world, can boast of possess- ing a tripod-vase of terra-cotta, except one found at Ialysus, preserved in the British Museum, two from Etruria (one of them in form of an animal from Corneto) as well as one from Peru in the Koyal Museum of Berlin, 10 one apparently of a late period in the Museum of Leyden, 11 and three bronze tripod-vases of a late time in the Middle Ages in the Museums of Neu Strelitz, Stralsund, and Brandenburg. We must also, of course, except the censers, consisting of a very flat bowl with three very long, broad feet, which occur among the Graeco-Phoenician as well as the Corinthian pottery, and of which the Museum of the Bapftd/cetov in Athens, as well as all the large European museums, contain a few specimens. No fragment of a tripod-vase of either terra-cotta or bronze has ever been found in the Lake-dwellings ; 1 nor, indeed, so far as I know, has any bronze or copper tripod-vase ever been found anywhere, except the above, and one which I discovered in the fourth royal sepulchre at Mycenae, and of which I gave an engraving, No. 440, p. 278 of my Mycenae. But as tripods are continually mentioned by Homer, the fact now mentioned goes far to prove that he either flourished in Greece at that remote age to which the Mycenean sepulchres belong, or that he lived in Asia Minor, where tripods may have been still in use at the time usually attributed to the poet (the ninth century B.C.). But my excavations at Hissarlik have not proved that tripods were still in use so late : for no trace of them was found either in the layer of debris of the sixth city, which I hold to be a Lydian settlement, or in the most ancient strata of the Aeolic Ilium. Tripods of copper (or bronze) were used in the Homeric times for various purposes. In the Odyssey, 2 as well as in the Iliad? we find them given as presents of honour. In the Iliad 4 one is offered as a prize in 10 The Royal Museum of Berlin contains also a terra-cotta vase with four feet, but I have not been able to learn where it was found. 11 L. J. F. Janssen, Be Germaanscho en Noord- sche Monumenten van het Museum te Leyden ; Leyden, 18-tO. 1 Professor Virchow informs me that in the peat-moors of Northern Germany are often found copper kettles with three feet, which belong, however, to a late period, and probably to the Middle Ages. Two such tripod-vases— the one of iron, the other of brass or bronze — are repre- sented in the Sessional Report of ihe Berlin Society of Anthropology, Ethnology, &c, of July 11, 1874, PI. xi. Nos. 4 and 5. 2 Od. xiii. 13 : aAA' aye oi dwjuev rp'iiroda \xiyav r/Se Ae^ra . . . Od. xv. 82-84 : ov84 tis 7}/ii4as avrais a-rnrc/uL-ipei, 8u>crei 5e Tt eV 76 (p4pejJ.e0oj/ rje \c(ir]TOS . . . II. xxiii. 512, 513: S&Ke 5' ayziv krapoHTiv {nrepOv/jLOKri yvva?Ka Kal rpiVoS' wTwecTa

ev8ovrjTai) formed, with the javelin-men (clkov- rtt&Tai, jaculatores) and archers (ro^orai, sagittarii), the three kinds of light infantry. 8 77. xiii. 599, 600 : avT7)v Se [xet/>a] £vi>487](T6V £v(TTpe (Tcpeudour], %v apa 61 depdirwv ex e > irot/x4vi Aaav. 438 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. Nos. 617, 618, and 619 are, according to Mr. Davies of the British Museum, of brown haematite. Similar well-polished stones are frequently No. 619. Nos. 617-619. Well-polished Sling Bullets of brown Haematite. (3 : 4 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) found in the stratum of the third or burnt city : as they are very heavy, these also may have served as sling-bullets. Bullets of brown haematite of an identical shape, and equally well polished, are frequently found in Greece. No. 620 represents a well-polished battle-axe of green gabbro-rock, with two edges and a perforation in the middle for the handle. Stone No. 620. Perforated Axe of green Gabbro-rock. (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) battle-axes of a perfectly identical form are found in Denmark. 9 Pro- fessor Virchow tells me that they also occur in Germany. Axes of this form are very frequent at Troy, but nearly all the specimens are fractured. No. 621 is another battle-axe of grey diorite, of a ruder fabric and but little polished. It has only one sharp edge; the opposite end runs No. 621. Stone Axe, with a groove in the middle. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) out nearly to a point ; a shallow groove in the middle of each side proves that the operation of drilling a hole through it had been commenced, but was abandoned. 9 P. Madsen, Antiquity pr&histor. du Dane- J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager ; Copen- marc; Copenhagen, 1873, PI. xxxi. No. 12. hagen, 1859, p. 13, No. 38. Chap. VII.] PERFORATED STONE HAMMERS. 439 No. 622 is a polished perforated stone hammer of black diorite : similar perforated stone hammers are found in England and Ireland, 10 and are also represented in the Markisches Museum at Berlin. No. 624. Stone Hammer with groove. (Half actual size. Deptb, 29 ft.) No. 623 represents a hammer of porphyry of a very curious form, the perforation being at the thick end and not drilled, but evidently punched out with a chisel. A very remarkable form of hammer is also represented by No. 624, which is of green gabbro-rock : here also the drilling of the hole, as the grooves on both sides denote, had commenced, but was again abandoned. I have not noticed that this peculiar shape with a furrow for fastening the hammer to the handle with a thong ever occurs else- where. No. 625 represents another form of perforated hammer, of polished porphyry : as the reader will see, the hole here tapers towards the middle of the stone. Hammers similar to this have been found in England. 1 Professor Virchow assures me that they are frequent in Germany. No. 626 is a hammer of silicious rock, of the same shape ; but here again the perforation has been merely commenced on both sides, but is not completed. Of nearly identical form is the polished hammer of diorite No. 627, on which likewise the drilling of the hole has not been completed : the lower end of this hammer shows that it has been much used. A similar hammer, in which the drilling had been commenced on both sides, but remained incomplete, was found by Miss Adele Virchow in the excavations she made with her father in the graveyard of Zaborowo. No. 628 is an unpolished hammer of serpentine, with very deep grooves on both sides, but the perforation is not completed. No. 629 is a small hammer of limestone, likewise with a groove on each side. A hammer of identical shape was found in Denmark; 2 another one, found on the 10 John Evans, Ancient Stone Implements, 1 John Evans, Ibid. p. 204. Weapons, and Ornaments; London, 1872, pp. 2 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, p. 12, 199, 200. fig. 33. 440 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. Island of Sardinia, is in the Museum of Cagliari. 3 The shape of the hammers Nos. 622, 625-628 is very plentiful at Troy. Specimens of No. 625. Perforated Stone No. 626. Stone Hammer with a groove No. 627. Stone Hammer, Hammer. (Half actual size. on either side. (Half actual size. with a groove on both sides. Depth, 32 ft.) Depth, 26 ft.) (Half actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) No. 628. Stone Hammer with a No. 630. King jf Terra-cotta. deep groove on either side. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) (Half actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) similarly shaped hammers may also be seen in the Markisches Museum at Berlin. No. 630 is a ring of baked clay, which must have served as a support for vases with a convex bottom. Twenty-six similar rings, found at Kanya, county of Bars, in Hungary, are in the National Mus ium at Buda- Pesth ; 4 they are also found in the Swiss Lake-dwellings and elsewhere. They are very frequent in the third and fourth pre-historic cities at Hissarlik ; a fact explained by the many hundreds of vases with a convex bottom. It is doubtful whether the object of gneiss No. 631 represents a hammer; it has a furrow round the middle, and may have served as a weight for a loom or a door. 3 Vincenzo Crispi, 11 Museo d' Antichita di * Joseph Hampel, Antiquite's prtfiistoriqucs de Cagliari; Cagliari, 1872, PI. i. No. 3. la Hongrie, PI. aciii. fig. 34. Chap. VII.] MASSIVE HAMMERS OK BRUISERS. 441 The very large hammer No. 632, which, according to Mr. Davies, is of porphyry, has round its middle the marks of the rope by which it was attached to the handle ; but as the stone weighs more than fifty pounds troy, the handle must have been very thick : its upper end seems to show long use. Prof. Virchow suggests that this instrument has probably been a club for crushing and bruising granite and silicious stone, for mixing it with the clay for making pottery. No. 633 is of diorite, of a conical shape, and well polished ; both extremities show long use ; it was probably No. 632. Large Hammer of Porphyry. Depth, 26 ft.) (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 33 ft.) used only as a pestle or bruiser. No. 634 is one of the finer specimens of the common hammers, which occur by many hundreds in all the foui lowest pre-historic cities, and are particularly plentiful in the third and fourth cities, for in these two cities alone I could have collected some thousands of them. Mr. Davies, who examined all the specimens of them contained in my collection at the South Kensington Museum, declares them to consist of diorite, porphyry, serpentine, hornblende, gneiss, brown haematite, silicious rock, or gabbro-rock. Most of these rude stone hammers bear the marks of long use, but a great many others appear to be quite new. Similar rude hammers are found in almost all countries, but certainly nowhere in such an enormous abundance as at Hissarlik. The shape of one such rude hammer, found at Scamridge, Yorkshire, and represented by Mr. John Evans, 5 is the most frequent at Troy. Nos. 635 and 636 are two perforated and well-polished balls of ser- pentine ; but on the ball No. 637 the drilling of the perforation has only commenced and then been abandoned. The use of these serpentine balls 5 Ancient Stone Implements, &c, p. 221, fig. 166. 442 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. is a riddle to us; may they perhaps have been attached to lassos for catching cattle ? I am not aware that they have been found in Europe, No. 635. Perforated Stone Ball. (Half actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) No. G36. Perforated Stone Ball. (Half actual size. Depth, 32 ft.) No. 637. Stone Ball, with a deep groove on both sides. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) but they occur in Cyprus; there are several specimens of such perforated serpentine balls in the collection of Cypriote antiquities in the Louvre. Similar perforated balls of greenstone were found in Santa Kosa Island, California. 6 Nos. 638 and 639 are again two of those spherical stones which we have discussed before, 7 and of which such enormous numbers are found in the debris of the four lower pre-historic cities of Hissarlik, and No. 638. Round Stone tor bruising. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 it.) No. 639. Stone Ball for bruising grain. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) particularly in the third, the burnt, and fourth cities. Mr. John Evans 8 shares my opinion that they were used as pounders or bruisers. About fifty similar pounders were found by me at Mycenae. Dr. Joseph Hampel writes to rne that similar corn-bruisers are pretty frequent at Szihalom, Toszeg, Magyarad, &c. Professor Virchow informs me that they are also very frequent in Germany, and he showed me a number of them in the Markisches Museum at Berlin. There is also one in his private collection. No. 640 represents an implement of limestone grooved round the middle, for fastening the strings or thongs by means of which it was connected with the net. Similar implements are found in America 9 and 9 See No. 107, p. 27, of The Archaeological Col- lection of the United States National Museum, in charge of the Smithsonian Institution, by Chas. Rau ; Washington, 1876. 6 Charles Rau, The Arch. Collection of the U.S. National Museum, in charge of the Smithsonian Institution ; Washington, 1876, p. 31, No. 125. 7 See page 236. 8 Ancient Stone Implements, p. 224. Chap. VIL] WHETSTONES AND POLISHERS. 443 in Denmark. 10 Nos. 641, 642, and 643 are three objects of steatite, of which the first has three holes, the two others only one, through the No. C40. Stone Implement, with a deep furrow round it. Nos. 611-643. Perforated Objects of Steatite. (Half actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) (7 : 8 actual size. Depth, 22 to 26 ft.) centre. The first two are flat ; the last has the shape of a whorl. In reviewing, in company with my friend Mr. Athanasios Koumanoudes, Assistant-Keeper of the Museums at Athens, the antiquities excavated by me four years ago at Mycenae, I find, as before mentioned, that I collected there more than 300 whorls of blue stone, of this shape or of a conical form. But, as I have said before, stone whorls are rare at Troy. Nos. 644 and 645 are whetstones of green stone ; the former has a furrow around its broader end, the latter a perforation for suspension. Similar whetstones occur frequently in all the pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. At Mycenae I found only four of them. I have in the preceding pages 1 enumerated the other sites where they are found, and No. 646. Nos. 614-647. Whetstones of Green Stone and polishing Stones of Jasper. (Half actual size. Depth, 28 to 32 ft.) I may add that a similar whetstone, found in a sepulchre at Camirus in Khodes, is in the British Museum. Similar whetstones are also found at Szihalom in Hungary, and two of them are in the glass case X. Nos. 82 and 83, in the National Museum of Buda-Pesth. A whetstone of granite, preserved in the collection of the French School here at Athens, was found in the pre-historic city, below the strata of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes, on the Island of Thera (Santorin). Under Nos. 646 and 647 I represent two specimens of polishing stones of jasper, and under Nos. 648, 649, 650, and 651, four more of the same J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsagcr, p. 18, fig. 88. 1 See p. 248. 444 THE THIRD, THE BUKNT CITY. [Chap. VII. stone, of diorite, and of porphyry, all used for polishing pottery. Polishing-s tones of a similar shape, of jasper, silicious stone, porphyry, No. 649. No. 651. Nos. 648-651. Polishing Stones of Porphyry, Diorite, or Jasper. (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 23 to 33 ft.) &c, are very numerous at Troy. Of a very peculiar shape is No. 651, which is well polished and has almost the shape of an animal, whose eyes may he represented by a groove on either side of the head. On the back of this object is incised the sign Q] or mo, which also occurs on two funnels of the fifth city and on other objects. No. 652. Nos. C52, 653. Little Pyramid of Gabbro-rock and perforated Stone Implement. (Half actual size. Depth, 28 to 32 ft.) Under No. 652 I represent a small pyramid, which, according to Mr. Davies, consists of gabbro-rock ; it is of a variegated colour, green and black, and has through the middle a tubular hole filled with lead. We are at a loss to guess what it could have been used for. No. 653 is a per- forated object of very hard limestone, of a yellowish colour. No. 655. Nos. 654, 655. Perforated Stone Implements, perhaps Weights. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) Nos. 654 and 655 are two objects of silicious stone : the latter has two perforations, the former only one ; both may have served as weights for doors or looms. Chap. VIL] SILEX SAWS: STONE AXES OR CELTS. 445 Under Nos. 656 to 659 and 663 to 665 I represent seven more saws of chalcedony or silex, of which several — as, for example, Nos. 656 65G 657 658 659 660 661 662 663 664 Nos. 656-66 I. Saws of Chalcedony or Flint, and Knives of Obsidian. (Half actual size. Depth, 24 to 33 ft.) No. 667. N^s. 666, 667. Stone Axes. (Actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) and 665 — bear the marks of having been fixed in a wooden handle. Nos. 660, 661, and 662 are knives of obsidian ; but, as I have fully discussed similar objects in the preceding pages, I shall not speak of them here any further, merely adding that knives of obsidian have also been found in the pre-historic city on the Island of Thera (Santorin). Nos. 666 to 677 represent twelve axes or chisels which, according to Professor Maskelyne and Mr. Davies, are of blue serpentinous rock, green No. 670. Nos. 668-670. Stone Axes. (Half actual size. Depth, 26 to 32 ft.) 671 Nos. 671-677. Stone Axes and Chisels. (Hall actual size. Depth, 22 to 32ft.) 446 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. gabbro-rock, grey diorite, dark-green hornstone, and jade or nephrite. The chisel No. 672, and the axes Nos. 671, 675, 676, and 677, consist of the latter rare and precious stone. Though I have discussed the jade axes at great length in the preceding pages, yet I cannot refrain from copying here in a foot-note, from the Times, three most interesting letters on the subject, written by Professor Max Miiller and Mr. Story-Maskelyne, as well as the very ingenious editorial article of the Times which accom- panies the former friend's last letter. 2 Jade Tools in Switzerland. (To the Editor of the Times: Dec. 18, 1879.) Sir, — The account sent by your correspondent at Geneva (December 15), of a scraper made of jade, lately found in the bed of the Rhone, is very important. But your correspondent is hardly quite right in calling this scraper a soli- tary specimen. Scrapers or cutting instruments made of real jade are very rare, in Switzerland and elsewhere, but I have myself seen several beautiful specimens — among the rest, one found by Dr. Uhlmann of Miinchen-buchsee, whose collection of lacustrine antiquities, all taken out by his own hand from one and the same small lake, the Moossee-dorfsee, is perhaps the most authentic and most instructive collection in the whole of Switzerland. Your correspondent asks whether, as true jade is never found in Europe, the Aryan wan- derers could have brought that scraper from the cradle of their race in Asia. Why not ? If the Aryan settlers could carry with them into Europe so ponderous a tool as their language, without chipping or clipping a single facet, there is nothing so very surprising in their having carried along, and carefully preserved from generation to generation, so handy and so valu- able an instrument as a scraper or a knife, made of a substance which is acre perennius. Oxford, Dec. 17, 1879. F. Max Muller. Jade as an old-world Mineral. (To the Editor of the Times : Jan. 1, 1880. ) Sir, — The space you have given in your columns to the curious question discussed by Professor Rolleston and Mr. Westropp regarding the sources of pre-historic jade, emboldens me to hope that you may not reject another letter on the subject. I believe Professor Rolleston is right in assert- ing an Oriental, possibly a single Oriental, source for the pre-historic jade of the Europ-Asiatic continent. I think so for these reasons : — Jade celts are very rare ; they are found, however, few and far between, from Mesopotamia to Brit- tany ; and they evince the passion of every race of mankind for the possession of green stones as objects endowed with an intrinsic preciousness. Now, if jade was a native product of all or of several of the numerous countries in the buried dust of which these jade implements are thus sporadically scattered, how comes it to pass that so remarkable a mineral has never been lit upon by the races of men who have lived and died in those countries since the " old men " wandered over them ? One does, indeed, see a small jade celt once worn in a necklace by a Greek girl still pendant, as a talisman probably, from that specimen of antique gold jewellery in the British Museum. But it is a celt, not an object of Roman workmanship. One single cylinder among the hundreds of Assyrian and Babylonian cylinders in the same great repository attests the exceptional character of jade as a material among the peoples who inhabited Mesopotamia, where, however, jade celts have been found of still older date. But among the numerous materials of Egyptian ornamental and sacred art, jade is, I believe, unknown. There is no evidence that Greeks or Romans ever employed jade or (pace Mr. Westropp) had even a name for it. Had it been a product of the rivers or of the quarries of the Roman world, specimens of it would certainly have survived as the mate- rial of gems or in some other form of art. It may seem a startling proposition to maintain that the jade mines of the Kara Kash river, in the Kuen Luen range, north of the mountains of Cashmere, should have been the sources of the jade celts found over the whole of Europe. The difficulty of believing this seemed all the greater, for that, while white as well as green jade may be quarried there, it was only the green jade, and not the white, which thus permeated the pre-historic world. But a few months ago Dr. Schliemann asked me to look at some of the strange stones which he had lit upon in the oldest of the cities of Hissarlik, and there, with several specimens of green jade — one of them being a beautifully translucent specimen of the stone — was a single celt of fine white jade, just such as might have been dug from one of the pits above the Kara Kash, or fashioned from a pebble out of its stream. In contemplating these venerable treasures from that old town or fortress, one had to recog- nize that Dr. Schliemann had lit upon a place of importance, perhaps a sort of emporium planted on the stream of a pre-historic com- merce, and situated just at one of the points where Asiatic products might collect previously to their being distributed by a process of barter among the peoples of the West. Or was it a halting-place at which some great wave of emi- gration was arrested for a time by the barrier of the Dardanelles ? At any rate, there in con- siderable numbers were the green jade celts, the Chap. VII.] JADE AN OLD-WORLD MINERAL. 447 No. 678 is a saddle-quern of trachyte. I have discussed saddle-querns No. 673. Saddle-quern of Trachyte. (1 4 actual size. Depth, 33 ft.) kind, no doubt, more valued on account of their colour; and there too was this solitary white celt, their companion probably from a common far-distant home in the Kuen Luen Mountains. To what cause is the failure in the supply of jade to the world lying to the south and west of the Pamir, after pre-historic times, to be attributed? I do not attempt to answer this question ; I would only suggest the apparent evidence of such a failure. It is far from im- probable that the green jade implement had in some sense a sacred character in pre-historic times, and was borne westwards by emigrating peoples, as they might bear their household gods, while by a slow process of barter specimens might have penetrated from the Hellespont to the Atlantic sea-board. And it may be that in even that remote age, or towards the close of it, people of Chinese race came to dominate over the district that produced the jade and closed the rugged passes that led south and west from that inhospitable region ; and so, while China has from time immemorial had jade in plenty, the rest of the Asiatic continent may have been cut off from the source of its supply. Or, pos- sibly, the geological changes that have raised the level of the lands to the north and east of Persia may have been still in action, and were gradually increasing the inhospitable features of the district towards the close of the period which we call the pre-historic period in Asia. It is probable that other sources of jade further north may have contributed some of the material borne westward in the form of celts. The Amoor in the far north rolls down jade pebbles from the Yablono Mountains of the Trans-Baikal dis- trict of Siberia, and the Chinese have probably some sources of green jade unknown to us. Their jadeite, a different mineral from jade, is supplied, though probably not exclusively, by mines in the mountains to the north-west of Bhamo in the Lao State of Burmah. The introduction of jade, or at least its use as a material for artistic workmanship, in India, dates almost from yesterday, since it belongs to the time of the early Mogul Emperors of Delhi. "The magnificent son of Akbar," Jehanghir, and Shah Jehan seem to have taken pleasure in jade cups and ornaments ; and the art of inlaid work that found such exquisite expression in the Taj Mahal was copied under their munificent aus- pices in the most precious materials, rubies and diamonds and other precious stones being inlaid in jade of various colours, which was cut in delicate openwork and adorned with enamels, in the production of which India is still unrivalled. The collection of these beautiful productions of Indian art contained in the India Museum is the finest ever brought together. It was purchased, at a suggestion from myself, when the present Chancellor of the Exchequer [Sir Stafford North- cote] was Secretary of State for India ; a selec- tion having been made by the late Sir Digby Wyatt and me from an unique collection of jade vessels of all sorts, formed at great expense and trouble by the late Colonel Charles Seaton Guthrie. But these may be said to be the only forms in which civilized man beyond the confines of China has made jade the material for carving artistic creations. The Mexicans worked a kind of jadeite. The Maoris worked jade, which is a native mineral in their hornblendic rocks ; and the inhabitants of New Caledonia, and indeed of Polynesia gene- rally, have fashioned jade or some varieties of jadeite into implements, useful, ornamental, and perhaps too, in some sense, sacred. Jade is erroneously supposed to be a very hard substance. It is by no means so. Its most re- markable property — a property eminently fitting it for an implement — is an extraordinary tough- ness. Like well-tempered steel, in which tough- ness is combined with only enough hardness to do the work of cutting and to retain an edge, the implement of jade shared with the imolement of 448 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. in the preceding pages: I repeat that they are very abundant in the fibrolite an unique combination of these quali- ties, essential alike in a weapon and in a working tool. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, Nevil Story-Maskelyne. British Museum, Dec. 30, 1879. Jade Tools. (To the Editor of the Times: Jan. 15, 1880.) Sir, — The interesting and instructive letters on jade tools, to which you have lately granted admission in your columns, will, I hope, have convinced most of your readers that the theory which I tried to uphold in my letter, published in the Times of December 16, was not quite so wild as at first sight it may have appeared. What are called wild theories are in many cases very tame theories. Students at first laugh at them, turn their backs on them, and try every possible exit to escape from them. But at last, when they are hemmed in by facts on every side, and see that there is no escape, they tamely submit to the inevitable, and after a time the inevitable is generally found to be the intelli- gible and the reasonable. The problem of the jade tools is really very simple. Mineralogists assure us that jade is a mineral the identity of which, if properly tested, admits of no doubt, and they tell us with equal confidence that Europe does not produce true jade. These two statements I accept as true till they are upset by competent authorities. If, therefore, jade tools of exquisite workmanship are found in Europe during what is called the Stone age, I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion that these tools were brought from those well-defined areas in Asia — I suppose I may leave out of consideration America and Oceania — where alone jade has been found, and where it is still worked to the present day. Some of these are not so very distant, for true jade is found in the Caucasus and the Ural Mountains. I do not deny that at first one feels a little giddy when, while handling one of those precious scrapers, one is told that the identical scraper was the property of the first discoverers of Europe. And it was chiefly in order to remove that feeling of giddiness that I wished to call attention to another class of tools, equally ancient, possibly even more ancient, which were likewise brought into Europe from Asia by our earliest ancestors, and which we use every day without feeling the least surprise. Though no one nowadays doubts that our language came from the East, yet we do not always realize the close continuity between ancient and modern speech and the unbroken chain that holds all the Aryan dialects together from India to Ireland. We wonder how jade tools should have been brought from the East and passed from hand to hand during many thousands of years, " before pockets were invented," and yet every word of our language came from the East and must have passed from hand to hand during thousands of years before pocket dic- tionaries were invented. If we take such useful tools as our numerals, and consider what is pre- supposed by the fact that, making allowance for a certain amount of phonetic wear and tear, these numerals are the same in Sanskrit and in English, we shall, I think, feel less upset, even when brought face to face with the jade tools in the lacustrine dwellings of Switzerland. Aye, I go a step further. Let us look at the fact that, of all the numerals from one to ten in Sanskrit, saptd (seven) and ashtdu (eight) alone have the accent on the last syllable, and then turn our eyes to ancient and even to modern Greek, and observe exactly the same exceptional accentuation there. Any one who can look with- out a tremor into the depth thus suddenly opened before our eyes will hardly feel a swim- ming of the head when examining the wildest theories that have been founded on the jade tools unearthed in Switzerland and other parts of Western Europe. It is not necessary to enter here on the ques- tion, whether these jade instruments were brought into Europe by Aryan or pre-Aryan colonists.. It is certainly strange that there is no ancient Aryan name for jade, but neither is there a pre-Aryan or Turanian name for it in any of the ancient Indo-European languages. I have collected elsewhere (Lectures on the Science of Language, vol. ii. p. 251, 9th ed.) some facts which make it seem not unlikely that Aryan lan- guages were spoken in Europe during the age of stone and the prevalence of the Scotch fir, and I may add that the nature of the arguments brought forward against that hypothesis has strengthened rather than weakened my own con- fidence in it. Yet it is an hypothesis only. But, whether brought by Aryan or pre-Aryan settlers, certain it is that these jade tools were not made in Europe, and that, though jade is softer in situ, they testify to a high degree of humanity and mechanical skill among the people who made them. My friends Professors Rolleston and Maskelyne have left me but little to add in support of the foreign origin of the jade tools. Two facts only I may still mention, because they may help others, as they helped me, in forming their own opinion on the subject. It is a fact, I believe, that with a few and somewhat apocryphal except'^ns, such as the finds at Potsdam and Schwemsal, no raw or un- worked jade has ever been met with anywhere in Europe. This, to my mind, speaks volumes. It is another fact that there is in Europe no ancient name for jade. If on page 311 of H. Fischer's excellent work on Nephrit und Jadeit, 1875, we consult the chronological list of writers by whom jade is mentioned, we find in ancient times the name of jaspis, jaspis virens, jaspis Chap. VII.] DEEP INTEREST OF JADE. 449 four lower pre-historic cities, particularly in the third and fourth ; nay, viridis, but nothing to enable us to identify that name with true jade. Jaspis itself is a name of Semitic origin. In Chinese, on the contrary, we find from the most ancient to the most recent times the recognized name for jade — viz. yu or chiu. It is mentioned as an article of tribute in Professor Legge's translation of the Shu-King (Sacred Books of the East, vol. iii. p. 72), and it is curious to find in that, as we are told, most ancient among ancient books, articles such as " gold, iron, silver, steel, copper, and flint stones to make arrow-heads," all mentioned together as belonging to the same period, and all equally acceptable as tribute at the Imperial Court. Forsan et haec olim meminisse juvabit ! The word jade is not met with before the discovery of America. The jade brought from America was called by the Spaniards piedra de yjada, because for a long time it was believed to cure pain in the side. For similar reasons it was called afterwards lapis nephriticus (nephrite), lapis ischiadicus, lapis divinus, piedra de los reaones, piedra ischada, pietra del fiancho, kidney-stone, Lendenhelfer, &c. The first who introduced this new nomenclature into Europe seems to have been Monardes, in his Ilistorla Medicinal de las Cosas que se traen de las Indias Occi- dentales; Sevilla, 1569. The name which he uses, piedri de yjada, is meant for piedra de ijada, i.e. groin-stone, or a stone supposed to remove pain in the groin. The Spanish ijada is, according to the Dictionary of the Spanish Academy, il lado del animal debaxo del vientre junto al anca, and there can be little doubt that it is derived from the Latin ilia. Iliaco in Spanish is il dolor colico. As the name ijada, jada, or jade, and the belief in its healing powers, came from America, it can only be an accidental coincidence if, as Professor Skeat tells us in his excellent Etymological Dictionary, there existed in Sanskrit Buddhist texts the word yedd as a name of a material out of which ornaments were made. This is the state of the question of the jade tools at the present moment. To those who wish to study its history in all its bearings, Fischer's exhaustive work on Kephrit und Jadeit will give the necessary information. His survey of the literature on a subject apparently so abstruse and remote from general interest fills no less than 248 pages.— Your obedient servant, Oxford, Jan. 10, 18S0. F. Max Muller. Editorial Article, Times, Jan. 15, 1880. " Swiss dredgers did something more last December than bring up from the bed of the river Rhone a piece of polished carved stone. They uncovered the very foundations of history. It is as if the channel of the Calabrian river had been laid bare, and the tomb of the Visi- goth conqueror of Italy revealed, with all its pomp of pillaged gold and gems. Only, the jade scraper found among the lacustrine dwellings of Switzerland is the key, not to mere dead remains of a vanished civilization, but to the languages living men speak and to the thoughts they think. Professor Max Miiller, in the letter we publish to-day, opens up so many suggestive and pro- found ideas, that the question on the nature and origin of manufactured jade, which was the basis of them all, is in some danger of being buried under the pile of riches of which it has unlocked the doors. Yet, were there nothing beside and beyond it, the inquiry would be sufficiently in- tricate, how this Rhone jade scraper came among the Alps, whence was brought the mineral, and whence the skill which sculptured it, why it was valued, and in what way it was used. At everv turn the history of jade involves us in a dense thicket of problems. The further the explorer advances, the more entangled he finds himself. "The Chinese have possessed jade from before the beginning of human records. In ' the most ancient among most ancient books ' jade is enumerated as an article of tribute to sovereigns ot China. Throughout the thousands of years of human history until the discovery of New Zealand the only known worked mines of pure jade were on the river Kara Kash, in the Kuen Luen Mountains. Over that region China was suzerain ; and thus the source of Chinese jade can be traced. The strange thing is that, though Europe also has possessed jade, no one can say on more than theoretical evidence whence the European jade came. The lake- dwellers of Switzerland are discovered in possession of it. It is found, however rarely, among the ornaments of Roman ladies. Dr. Schliemann has dug it up in the ruins of his Ilium. It is never found among pre-hi toric monuments except with marks of manufacture upon it ; but the manufacture testifies, often unmistakably, if not always, not to European art, but to Eastern. This jade scraper, or strigil, from the Rhone could neither have been wrought nor, it may be supposed, used by its lacustrine owner. It would have had its meaning in a Pompeian mansion or in an Oriental vapour- bath, but not amid the forests and torrents and glacial atmosphere of the Alps. As the in- quirer advances into the domain of history, jade advances with him. But the secret of its presence in Assyrian and Greek and Roman palaces is no more plainly solved than among stone pile hovels. The ancients, though they esteemed it very precious, had not even a distinct name for it. They called it jasper, though jasper it clearly is not. The Middle Ages of Europe valued the stone, but had no more under- standing of the process by which it came into their hands than Greeks and Romans. India itself, while it made much account of it, received it as something strange and mysterious. The Mogul Emperors of Delhi had the jade, which 2 G 450 THE TII1KD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. that I could have collected thousands of them. To the list of localities in came they hardly knew whence, cut and jewelled and enamelled. They called Italian artists from Venice and Genoa, and bid them work it into the exquisite shapes which drive European jade collectors mad after a special form of insanity. But the spring and fountain-head of the material which their artists wrought upon remained hidden in the clouds of legend and fable. Before, however, the Moguls had transformed a cult into a passion and a fashion, veins of a mineral resembling jade had become known to Europe, though not to Asia. The Spaniards, when they occupied the southern regions of the New World, found there, too, not indeed pure jade, but a stone of similar properties, prized and rever- enced. The Aztecs wore jadeite ornaments carved after their manner, and reposed faith in them as charms against disease. Their con- querors soon learnt where they obtained the substance itself, and then for the first time jade acquired a real European name. As if to confirm faith in the occult powers of the mineral, when Oceania was explored, pure jade deposits were discovered ; and it was discovered, also, that the Maoris credited the stone with the same healing qualities as the natives of Spanish America. *' Here, then, is a mineral which four out of the five divisions of the globe have agreed to covet and adore without understanding in the least why or wherefore. Africa alone has re- sisted the worship of jade. It does not appear among the treasures of the Pharaohs. The stone in its natural state has distinctive merits. The colour, shading from dark green to milky white, is seductive to artistic eyes. It possesses also, as Professor Story-Maskelyne has told us, the virtue of an extraordinary toughness. Easy to work when freshly extracted from the stratum, it hardens just sufficiently to do the work of cutting yet retain an edge. On that account New Zealanders used jade as well for tomahawks as for amulets, and the jade relics disinterred in Switzerland are often in the shape of hatchets. Yet, throughout the early stages of the world, there was clearly another use of jade, inde- pendent of the commonplace necessities of life, and which made its value higher in the eyes of primitive man. When Akbar's son and his luxurious successors accumulated their exquisite carvings in jade, the texture would seem to have constituted the stone's essential attraction. What, however, had at first fascinated the world's regard was not toughness and texture or even beauty ; it was some recondite associa- tion with a sentiment and a legend which had engrafted itself for once and for all on human nature. There is one problem of jade ; another, not altogether disconnected from that, is the difficult question whence and how the mineral has wandered from its only known sources. It cannot have been extracted from European rocks, or modern traces of it would have been before this time unearthed. Jade hatchets have been found in Brittany, and even in Ireland, as well in Switzerland. If European mines had supplied the material of the ubiquitous relics, it would be one more enigma added to the rest, that in the countless ages since these treasures of museums were hammered and caiwed, modern Europeans should never have lighted upon a single un- worked morsel of the vein whence they were hewed. By a species of exhaustive process of argument, the mind is forced to one particular inference. Bretons of Brittany, Celts of Ire- land, lake-dwellers under the shadow of Mont Blanc, must have conveyed with them their jade ornaments and utensils from the far-away home of themselves and jade in Central Asia, for the simple reason that they could have found the material nowhere in their new country. An Oriental or Greek or Roman scraper found in the Rhone might conceivably have been the fruit of old plundering forays across the Alps into Italy. But jade hatchets could not have been robbed from classical Italy. Greeks and Romans knew nothing of the traces of the Stone age which students have now discovered alike in the learned dust of Italy and the primeval forests of America. Professor Max Miiller's argument leads us into a loftier region of speculation. There may be no alternative for the hypothesis that European barbarians brought with them from Asia the jade which archaeologists have traced to their possession. But at first sight the explanation appears to be itself inexplicable. Tossed over such an ocean of deserts, forests, wildernesses, frozen mountains, and parched plains, as those poor wanderers, our European forefathers, had to traverse, they might be imagined cast up on the desolate extremities of the world without a single recognizable trace of the similitude they bore when launched on their woful journey. That these tempest-buffeted Aryans should, when reco- vering from their swoon of bewilderment at the strange land on which their feet at last were resting, have found in their hands a jade hatchet or jewel which they had prized as a charm, whether against earthquakes or disease, in the depths of torrid Asia, doubtless seems as abso- lutely impossible as that a child drowned at the Tay bridge should be washed on shore holding the toy it was playing with at the moment of the plunge into the abyss. Professor Miiller would allow it to be impossible if a more impossible phenomenon had not proved itself possible. A language is the growth of circumstances. No circumstances could be less alike than those which environed Indo-Europeans when they were Asiatics and when they became Europeans. As they passed from their first country to their last all must have been tempting them to forget their early language and to frame their tongues to a new speech. Gradually, it might have been Chap. VII.] IMPLEMENTS OF STONE. 451 which similar saddle-querns are found, I may add the Italian terramare 3 and Holyhead 4 in England. No. 679 is a large piece of granite, flat on the lower side, with a large hole through the centre. The hole is too large for us to suppose that the stone could, by means of a wooden handle, have been used as an upper millstone; I rather think that it served as a support for vases with convex bottoms. Similar to this are the stone discs, which are plentiful in the four lowest pre- historic cities ; they are of course quite round, and have a large hole through the centre. No. 680 marks a massive hammer of No. 679. Peiiorated Object of Granite. (About 1 : 5 actual size. Depth, 33 ft.) expected, first one turn of expression, one tone would have dropped away, and then another, till nothing of the old survived. On the con- trary, they brought with them, wherever their lot was cast on this wide world, their vocabulary almost intact. So careful were they to lose nothing that, though everything counselled change, so delicate a thing as an accent on a couple of numerals has withstood what might have seemed the irrepressible genius of Attic and Doric and Ionic Greek. If they could transport their Aryan speech to the banks of the Ehone, they might, yet more easily, urges Pro- fessor Miiller, transport a few fragments of stone. They might as easily, he might have proceeded to argue, transport the undefined instinct and the religion which made those frag- ments of stone precious in their eyes. It is a wide field of thought to which the Professor has led us. Traversing it we feel composite beings, centos and compilations, ourselves and all our belongings, of the dead past, which in us lives and breathes. In one respect Professor Miiller is even too successful in meeting the argument of the supposed impossibility of the transport of jade by the more than equal hypothetical im- possibility of the transport of a language. In the case in point the jade has been conveyed ; the name for jade, the Professor himself tells us, was not conveyed. If any addition were needed to the many physical and historical and philo- sophical mysteries of this strange mineral, there it is." Jade. (7b the Editor of the Times: Jan. 19, 1880.) Sir, — It is curious to find the remark in a leading article in the Times of Thursday to the effect that the ancients had no distinct name for jade confirmed also in the case of the Chinese. They call it Yuh or the gem, and they have classified the different kinds known to them under seventy-seven headings, but for the mineral itself they have no distinct generic name. Unlike, however, the admirers of jade in other countries, they have at least tried to explain why, to use the words of the leading article, they " covet and adore it." According to the celebrated philosopher Kwan Chung, who wrote in the seventh century B.C., the contemplation of a piece of jade opens to the eyes of a true China- man a whole vista of poetic visions. In it he sees reflected nine of the highest attainments of humanity. In its glossy smoothness he recog- nizes the emblem of benevolence ; in its bright polish he sees knowledge emblematized ; in its unbending firmness, righteousness ; in its modest harmlessness, virtuous action ; in its rarity and spotlessness, purity ; in its imperishableness, endurance ; in the way in which it exposes its every flaw, ingenuousness; in that, though of surpassing beauty, it passes from hand to hand without being sullied, moral conduct ; and in that when struck it gives forth a note which floats sharply and distinctly to a distance, music. " It is this," adds the philosopher, " which makes men esteem it as most precious, and leads them to regard it as a diviner of judgments, and as a charm of happy omen." Other philosophers who have dived into the depths of the very being of this mysterious mineral have pronounced it to be no other than the essence of heaven and earth. Hence its enhanced title to honour, and its supposed potency as a charm. That the veneration shown for jade in China rests on no more substantial basis than the visions of mystics need not sur- prise us. Are not most of the beliefs which lead men captive founded on dreams ? — I am, Sir, your obedient servant, Robert K. Douglas. 5, College Gardens, Duluich, Jan. 17. 3 W. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene : Leip- zig, 1879, pp. 17, 101. 4 See Mr. Owen Stanley's paper in the Archaeological Journal. 452 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII diorite. Nos. 681 to 684 are objects of white marble or compact lime- stone, and probably phalli or priajn. Jlu 683. Object of Stone, probably a Priapus. (Half actual size. Deptb, 26 ft.) As I have had occasion to mention before, 5 Prof. Sayce writes to me : "When travelling in Lydia last year (September 1879), I discovered a curious monument hidden in bushes on the northern slope of Mount Sipylus, about half a mile to the east of the famous statue of Niobe, and not far from the top of the cliff. It was a large phallus, with a niche cut out of the rock on either side of it, and two pit-tombs in front similar to the pit-tomb in front of the statue of Niobe. The phallus was a natural formation, like that near Bidarray in the Pyrenees, which I once visited, 5 See p. 278. Chap. VII.] THE GREAT TREASURE. 453 and which is still an object of veneration and a place of pilgrimage among the Basque women. The natural formation, however, had been assisted by art. The artificial niches at the side were each about half a foot from the image. It must plainly have been a place of pilgrimage in the pre-historic days of Lydia, and the Lydian women may have visited it, just as the Basque women still visit the so-called ' Saint of Bidarray,' in the hope of getting offspring. I noticed my discovery in a letter to the Academy of October 18th, 1879." I now come to discuss the metals of this third, the burnt city, and I begin with the objects contained in the large Treasure discovered by me on the great wall close to the ancient royal mansion to the north-west of the gate, at the place marked A on Plan I. I shall here first name the various articles contained in the Treasure in the order in which I took them out : — 1. The copper shield, No. 799. 2. The copper cauldron, No. 800 3. The copper plate, No. 782. 4. A fractured copper vase. 5. The globular gold bottle, No. 775. 6. The large SeTras aficpiKVTreWov, Nos. 772 and 773. 7. Six silver talents, Nos. 787 to 792. 8. Three silver vases, Nos. 779, 780, 781. 9. One silver vase-cover, No. 778. 10. A silver cup, No. 785. 11. A silver cup or dish ((f>id\r)), No. 786. 12. Two silver vases, Nos. 783 and 784. 13. Thirteen bronze lance-heads, of which I represent six in the engravings Nos. 801 to 805 and 815. 14. Fourteen battle axes of bronze, of which five are represented under Nos. 806 to 809 and 810. 15. Seven double-edged bronze daggers ; see the four represented under Nos. 811 to 814, and the two curious bronze weapons Nos. 8i6, 817. 16. A bronze knife, like No. 956 or No. 967. 17. The copper (or bronze ?) key, No. 818. The silver vase, No. 779, was found to contain on the bottom :— 18. A gold diadem (irXeKTrj avaheafirj), Nos. 685 and 686. 19. Another such diadem, No. 687. 20. A gold fillet, No. 767. 21. Four gold ear-rings with pendants, Nos. 768-771. Among and upon these lay : — 22. The fifty-six gold ear-rings, like Nos. 694, 695, 698-704, 752-764. 23. The 8700 small gold rings, perforated prisms, dice, gold buttons, small perforated gold bars, small ear-rings, &c, represented by the separate cuts Nos. 696, 697, 705 to 738, 765, 766, and by those of the thirteen necklaces, Nos. 739-745 and Nos. 746-751. Upon these lay :— 24. The six gold bracelets, No. 689, four of which are shown separately, Nos. 690 to 693. 454 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. And on the top lay : — 25. The gold goblet, No. 776. 26. The goblet of electrum, No. 777. As I found all these articles together, forming a quadrangular mass, or packed into one another, it seems to be certain that they were placed on the city-wall in a wooden chest (^co/kg^o?), such as those mentioned by Homer as being in the palace of King Priam : " And he opened the beautiful lids of the boxes ; he selected from out of them twelve gorgeous garments, then twelve simple vestures and as many carpets, also as many mantles and as many tunics. Weighing then the gold, he took ten full talents ; also two shining tripods and four cauldrons ; also a most beautiful goblet, a rich possession which the men of Thrace had presented to him when he went thither as ambassador : even this the old man did not spare now in the palace, but he excessively desired in his mind to ransom his beloved son." 6 The contents of Priam's chests may, therefore, well be compared with the articles of the treasure before us. It is possible that in the conflagration some one hurriedly packed the treasure into the chest, and carried it off without having time to pull out the key ; that when he reached the wall, however, the hand of the enemy or the fire overtook him, and he was obliged to abandon the chest, which was immediately covered to a height of from 5 to 6 ft. with the reddish or yellow ashes and the bricks of the adjoining royal house. This was certainly my opinion at the time of the discovery ; but since then I have found, in the presence of Professor Yirchow and M. Burnouf, on the very same wall, and only a few yards to the north of the spot where the large treasure was discovered, another smaller treasure, and three more treasures on and near the walls of the adjoining royal house. I, there- fore, now rather believe that all these treasures have fallen in the con- flagration from the upper storeys of the royal house. This appears to be the more likely, as, a few days previously to the discovery of the large treasure, I found close to it a helmet in fragments and the silver vase No. 793, with the goblet of electrum No. 794, all of which articles I shall discuss in the subsequent pages. On the wood-ashes and bricks, which covered the treasure to a depth of 5 or 6 ft., the people of the following, the fourth city, erected a forti- fication wall, 20 ft. high and 6 ft. broad, composed of large hewn and unhewn stones and earth : this wall, which has been demolished in the subsequent excavations, extended to within ft. of the surface of the hill. The gold diadem (yfkeicTr) avaSea/jbrj),' 1 No. 685, of which No. 686 6 77. xxiv. 228-237 : ^H, /cat so''n)v 4\66uri, /xeya Krspas • ouSe' vv rod irep (peta'aT' 4vl fxeydpois 6 yepuv, irepi 8' fjfleAe dv/ncp XvcracrQai cpiKou viov. 7 Mr. Gladstone has ingeniously suggested that these gold diadems, Nos. 685 and 687, must be identical in form with the 7rAe/fT?? dua- SeV/nj which Andromache casts from her head in her profound grief over the death of Hector; the order of the words implies that this ornament was worn over the Kp^^ivov : " Far from her gives another view, consists of a fillet, 22 in. long and nearly \ in. broad, from which there hang on either side 7 little chains to cover the head she threw the glistening adornments, the fillet, the net, and the beautifully entwined diadem, also the veil which golden Aphrodite had presented to her." II xxii. 4G8-470 : T/}Ae 5' curb Kparbs )3aA.e SeCjuaro . 6S9 460 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. No. 691. No. 695. Nos. 694, 695. Two of the Gold Ear-rings from the small Gold Jewels in the Silver Jug (No. 779) of the large Treasure. (Half actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) Of the 56 gold ear-rings, I represent the different shapes under Nos. 694, 695, Nos. 698 to 704, and Nos. 752 to 764. With the excep- tion of Nos. 703 and 704, all these ear- rings consist of solid gold wires, which were soldered together, one end being beaten out into a ring and point ; then grooves were sunk to receive the beads which we see on Nos. 698, 700, 701, and 702. The curious ear-ring No. 703 is in the form of two serpents, and No. 704 in form of three such serpents. They consist, as Mr. Giuliano explains, of as many plates as there are serpents : these plates were bossed out, and rows of grooves made in each of them ; then the two bossed plates were joined together and the lines of grooves filled with globular grains ; after that a gold bead was soldered to each end ; into the bead at the one extremity was then soldered a globular piece of gold, such as we see it on the thick end of the ear-ring No. 841, whereas a gold wire was soldered to the other side to form the ear-ring. Here, therefore, we see for the first time granular work. Very simple but highly curious are the gold ear-rings Nos. 705 and 706, of which about a dozen were found. They are nearly in the form of our modern shirt studs, and are 0*3 in. long. They are, however, not 696 697 loooooooQoooooooooooo) C~oooo coo" OOP o oooooooooo) Nos. 696-733. S lection from the small Gold Jewels in the Silver Jug (No. 779) contained in the large Trojan treasure. (About 2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) soldered, but simply stuck together; for, as we see in No. 707, from the cavity of the one-half there projects a tube (ai\iff/eo?) l-4th in. long, and from the other, No. 708, a pin (e/jL/3o\ov) of the same length, and the pin was merely stuck into the tube to form the ear-ring. Each half of these ear-rings consists of two small gold plates, of which the one has Chap. VII.] SMALL GOLD JEWELS OF THE TREASURE. 461 been hammered into a miniature bowl, the other turned into a small tube or into a pin. Then the little tube was soldered into one of the little bowls, the pin was soldered into the other, and the ear-ring was formed by merely putting the pin of the one half into the tube of the other. My friend Professor Wolfgang Helbig 8 does not admit that jewels such as Nos. 694, 695, 698, 700, 701, 702, and 752 to 764 can have been used as ear-rings. He is of opinion that they served as ornaments for the hair. Professor Virchow observes to me that they look more like nose- rings than like ear-rings. But I certainly believe they were used as ear-rings, and for nothing else. Very curious also are the gold studs, l-5th in. high, of which I represent three under Nos. 709 to 711 ; they have in their cavity a ring l-8th in. broad for sewing them on : of these studs about a dozen were found. Under Nos. 712-738 I represent the various shapes of the 8700 small objects of gold, already mentioned as having been found in the silver vase, No. 779. I haye strung these in two sets ; one of which, consisting of 4610 objects, is represented by the 13 necklaces, Nos. 739 to 745 and Nos. 746 to 751. The other set of 12 necklaces, containing 4090 objects, is precisely similar. The reader sees here gold rings only l-8th in. in diameter ; perforated dice, either smooth or in the form of little indented stars, about l-6thin. in diameter ; gold perforated prisms, 0*1 in. long and l-8thin. broad, decorated longitudinally with eight or sixteen incisions; and small longitudinally perforated leaves, like No. 712, consisting of very fine double plates, which were made, as Mr. Giuliano explains, by placing the mandril between them, pressing on both sides, and soldering. The gold square prisms, like No. 722, are so perfect that they must have been drawn through a metal drawplate. This was done by bending the fine gold plate into the form of a long pipe, then drawing it through the square holes of the metal plate and soldering it afterwards ; but for the most part these prisms are merely bent over, and are not soldered. To make the little indented wheels and stars, like Nos. 714-717, 726, 728, 729, 732, 734, the Trojan goldsmith took a piece of gold, put it on charcoal, and melted it with the blow-pipe, thus making a globular grain ; then he perforated it with a round punch, placed it on a mandril, and cut out the grooves with another oblong punch ; but before doing so he beat it square. Mr. Giuliano further explains that the Trojan goldsmith, in order to make the very small plain gold rings or beads, like No. 731, took a long gold wire, wound it round a copper or bronze mandril, and cut off the rings ; he then put the latter on charcoal in long rows, and soldered the two ends of each of them separately with a minute portion of solder in order not to increase the bulk of the wire. He could do this because the gold was more malleable than ours, through being very pure. To make 8 Volfango Helbig, Sopra il Trattamento della Capellatura e delta Barba all' cpoca Omerica ; Roma, 1880. 462 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. objects like No. 723, he took a small bar of gold, beat it out at one end, and flattened and perforated it with a punch ; to the other end he soldered a thick bead. As Mr. Giuliano has shown me, the singular rings, like No. 725, consist of two spirals of gold wire, each wit!i three or four turns. These two spirals were placed one upon the other and soldered together ; but so that a hole remained on either side between them, for stringing the object on the thread of the necklace. Chap. VII.] GOLD FILLET AND EAR-RINGS. 463 The large gold beads, like No. 736, were made in the following manner : — Two small cups were beaten out of fine gold plate, a piece having first been cut out from each of them, on either side, one-half of the size the hole was to have ; and then the two cups were soldered together. Objects like Nos. 718 and 719 consist of from eight to sixteen small gold rings, like No. 720, which were soldered together. Objects such as No. 735 were made of a gold bar, of which one end was flattened and perforated ; the other end was made pointed, and ornamented with seven circular cuts. This object looks like a screw, but it is not one. Objects like No. 730 were thus made : — A piece of gold was put on burning charcoal, and by means of the blowpipe it was melted into a bead, which was perforated, and then hammered and punched into the desired form. Files were certainly unknown, for I found no trace of them in any of the pre-historic cities of Troy, nor at Mycenae. How the primitive goldsmith could do all this fine work, and parti- cularly how he could accomplish the minute granular work on the ear- rings Nos. 703 and 704, where grains of gold infinitely minute were to be soldered into the microscopic grooves — how he could do all this without the aid of a lens — is an enigma even to Mr. Giuliano. 9 But it was done, and with a powerful lens we can easily distinguish the soldering, even on the smallest rings of a less size than No. 720. The objects Nos. 696, 697, 765, and 766 consist of long flat pieces of gold with a large number of perforations, on which ornaments composed of small objects like Nos. 712-738 were no doubt suspended. I represent under No. 767 the golden fillet (afxirvl;) of the Treasure, No. 767. Gulden Fillet (u/xttu^), above 18-4 in. long, contained among the Jewels in the Silver Vase No. 779. (Depth, 28 ft.) which is 18-4 in. long and 0*4 in. broad. It has at each end three perfora- tions for fastening it round the head, and is ornamented all round with a border of dots in punched work. Eight quadruple rows of dots divide it into nine compartments, in each of which there are two large dots. Of the four ear-rings with pendants, Nos. 768-771, only two, Nos. 768 and 769, are exactly alike. Each of them is composed of 16 round gold wires, soldered together and bent round into the form of a basket, to the upper part of which three gold wires are soldered horizontally in parallel lines, thus forming two fields, in the upper of which are soldered 12, in the lower 11 gold beads. To the lower part of the baskets is soldered a small flat plate of gold, on which 6 rings are soldered ; and from each of these is suspended a gold chain made of links of double gold wire, each adorned with 6 quadrangular gold rings, 9 Professor Virchow remarks to me that in the Mexican gold jewels there may be seen granular Work of equal fineness. 464 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. between every two of which there is a cylinder made of thin quad- rangular gold plate, which is merely bent over and not soldered together. No. 738. No. 769. No. 770. No. 771. Nos. 768-771. Four Gold Ear-rin^s, with Pendants or Tassels (dvcravoi), each 3J in. long, from the small Jewels in the Silver Jug (No. 779), found in the Trojan treasure. (Depth, 23 ft.) At the ends of the chains are suspended little figures of gold plate, similar in shape to the usual form of the idols ; but they have only one dot on the head, and three on the lower part. To the middle of the basket described above was soldered the hook of the ear-ring with a sharp end. Still more remarkable are the gold ear-rings Nos. 770 and 771 ; for their upper basket consists of 40 round gold wires; 18 very fine wires being on each side, and in the centre a bunch of 4 thicker wires which have been beaten flat. All the 40 wires are soldered together, and the 4 central ones are ornamented with linear patterns. On the upper part of this basket are soldered horizontally three parallel wires, thus forming two fields, into each of which are soldered 7 or 8 rosettes, composed of large gold beads surrounded by a number of minute beads. To the lower part of the baskets is attached a gold plate with incised linear patterns, and 5 perforations, in which are suspended 5 chains, formed of links of double gold wire. Every chain is adorned with 23 gold leaves, each having two holes, by which they were suspended on the wire of the links before its ends were soldered together. At the end of each chain is suspended an idol-like figure, cut out of thin gold plate and adorned by the punch with 4 large dots, around each of which is an infinite number of small ones : but this punched work is only on the idols of No. 770; those of No. 771 are quite plain. I now come to the large double-handled gold goblet, the SeVa? afifafcuireXkov, Nos. 772 and 773, which Mr. Giuliano declares to be 23 carats fine. It weighs exactly 600 grammes (about 1 lb. 6 oz. troy) ; it is 3*6 in. high, 7*5 in. long, and 7*3 in. broad. It is in the form of a ship ; its handles are very large ; on one side there is a mouth 2*8 in. broad for drinking out of, and another at the other side, which is 1*4 in. broad. As my friend, Professor Stephanos Koumanoudes of Athens, remarks, the person who presented the filled cup may have first drunk from the small mouth, as a mark of respect, to let the giest drink from the larger mouth ; or, as suggested in the Quarterly Revieiv for April 1874, a person, holding the cup before him by the two handles, may have Chap. VII.] THE GOLD heiras a/JL(j)iKV7reX\ov. 465 poured a libation from the further spout and then have drunk out of the nearer. Thus Achilles used a choice goblet (Se7ra?) for pouring libations to Zeus. 10 The heiras apfa/cvTreWov has a foot, which projects about l-12th in. and is 1*4 in. long and 4-5ths in. broad. Mr. Giuliano declares this cup to have been beaten out of a single plate of gold, but that the two handles, which are hollow, have been beaten out of sepa- rate plates of gold, the edges being then soldered together and the handles also joined by soldering to the cup. He explains that this soldering could only be done by mixing silver with gold, by beat- ing the mixture very fine, and by cutting it into very small pieces which would melt, whilst the pure gold would not melt ; thus the soldering could easily be made by means of the mixture and a little borax : in- stead of borax, glass have been used. might Nos. 772, 773. Outside and Inside Views of the remarkable Two-handled Cup of pure Gold (Se'n-a? aixtyucvneWov), weighing about 1 lb. 6 oz. troy, contained in the large Trojan treasure. (Depth, 28 ft.) 10 //. xvi. 225-227 : evOa 54 ol SeVas ecr/ce reTvy/xevov, ovde tis txWos out' avSpwu irtVecr/fez/ air' avTOv cuQoira olvov, ov T€ Tew a\6e(rcra of Homer) in the form of an oval salver, in the middle of which is a large boss encircled by a small furrow (av\a%). This shield is 8 II vi. 513 ; xix. 398. 474 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. a little more than 20 in. in diameter. It is quite flat, and is surrounded by a rim (dvrv^) 1J in. high. The* boss (o/z^aXo?) is 2'4 in. high and 4*4 in. in diameter ; the furrow encircling it is 7*2 in. in diameter, and is 3-5ths in. deep. It has evidently been composed of four and perhaps five pieces. First the high projecting boss (6/jL #« %aA/cevs tfAaaev, ivTOdxy(Te 8e x^A/cos. 4 Brugsch, Hist, of Egypt, vol. i. p. 385, Eng. trans., 2nd ed. 5 See my Mycenae, pp. 278, 279, fig. No. 441. 6 Victor Gross, Moeringen et Auvernicr, PI. iv., Nos. 1, 8-13. Ferdinand Keller, Pfahlbautcn, vii. Bericht, PI. iii. Nos. 14, 18. 7 L. Lindenschmit, Die Vaterldndischen Alter- thiimer, PI. iii. Nos. 27 and 28. 8 Ibid. PI. iv. Nos. 2, 9, 10, 13, 14. 9 Ibid. PI. vii. Nos. 3, 4, 9, 11, 12. 10 Ibid. PI. xii. No. 10. 1 Ibid. PI. xii. Nos. 5-7. 2 Ibid. PI. xxxix. 3 Ed. Freih. von Sacken, Das Grabfeld von Hallstatt, PI. vii. Nos. 1, 3-6. 4 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordishe Oldsager, PI. 38 and 82. s Joseph Hampel, Antiquite's prehistoriques de la Hongrie, PL ix. Nos. 1-6, and PI. xv. No. 1 : and Catalogue de V Exposition prehistorique, p. 25, No. 10 ; p. 27, Nos. 13 3 14. 47(3 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. No. 803. No. 804. Nos. 801-804. Trojan Lance-heads of Bronze. No. 805. Bronze Lance and Battle-axe fused together by the conflagration. The pin-hole of the lance is visible. (Nearly 1 : 3 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) No. 808. Nos. 806-809. Trojan Battle-axes of Bronze. Nos. 807 and 809 have pieces of other weapons fuse:! on to them by the fire. (Nearly 1 : 3 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) a tube in which the wooden lance-shaft was fixed. The Homeric lance- heads seem to have had a similar tube in which the ihaft was fixed, for Chap. VII.] BRONZE BATTLE-AXES. 477 the poet says : " And the brain ran out from the wound along the tube of the knee." 6 But the British Museum and the Louvre contain in their collections several specimens of bronze lance- heads found in tombs in Cyprus, which are identical with the Trojan lance-heads. 7 I further took out from the treasure four- teen battle-axes of bronze, of which I represent four entire ones under Nos. 806-809 and a fractured one under No. 810. They are from 6*4 to 12*4 in. long, from half an inch to 4-5ths in. thick, and from 1*2 to 3 in. broad. The largest of them weighs 1365 grammes, or about 3 pounds avoirdupois. M. Ernest Chantre, Assistant Director of the Museum at Lyons, sent me the result of the analysis of these battle-axes made by the famous chemist, M. Damour of Lyons I had drilled two of them and sent him the drillings: — No. 810. Trojan Battle-axe. (Nearly 1 : 3 actual size. Depth, 2S ft.) No. 1.— Drillings from one of the battle-axes of the treasure : — For analysis Dt ducting the sand contained in it Analysed metal . . Grammes. 0-3020 0-0160 0-2860 Grammes. In 1 1 0000 part. This consists of copper 0-2740 = 0-9580 Do. do. tin 0*0110 = 0-0384 No. 2. — Drillings of another battle axe from the treasure :- For analysis Deducting the sand contained in it Analysed metal . . 0-2850 = 0-9964 Grammes. 0*2970 0-0020 0-2950 This consists of copper Do. do. tin Grammes. In 1 • 0000 part. 0-2675 = 0-9067 0-0255 = 0-0864 0-2930 = 0-9931 I have still to mention a curious sling-bullet of copper ore which was analysed by M. Damour of Lyons with the following result : — 6 II. xvii. 297 : £yKe ueyav ye crueiraovov elv vdari ipvxpy PaTrrji fxeyaXa laxovra (papfxacracau • to yap avre ctS^pou ye Kpdros iffrlv 6 Aen, viii. 450; Georg. iv. 172. 2 i 482 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VIT. says that bronze was dipped into it while it was still ignited and burning. 7 Kossignol 8 quotes Pollux, " who confirms the passage of Pausanias by a remarkable example. Noticing the use of /Sdyfn^ instead of /3acf)rj, Antiphon, he observes, speaks of the tempering (/Scn/r^) of copper and iron." 9 I have further to mention the 7 large double-edged bronze daggers of the Treasure, of which I represent one under No. 811, 11 in. in length and 22 in. broad at the broadest part. A second dagger, No. 812, which is 1 J in. broad, has had the point broken off, and is now only 9 in. long, but it appears to have been 11 in. long. A third dagger (not engraved) is 8*6 in. long, and measures 1 J in. across at the broadest part. A fourth, No. 813, has become completely curled up in the conflagration, but appears to have been above 11 in. long. Of the fifth, sixth, and seventh daggers No. 811. No. 816. Nos. 811-814. Trojan two-edged bronze Daggers, v\ith hooked stems that have been fastened into wooden handles; the Dagger No. 813 is curled up by the conflagration. No. 815. Six Battle-axes, Daggers, and Lance-heads molten together. Nos. 816, 817. Quadrangular bronze Bars, probably weapons, with a sharp edge at the end. (1 : 5 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) I only discovered fragments, such as No. 814 : these are from 4 to 5 J in. long. But in the mass of lance-heads and battle-axes, No. 815, which have been fused together by the intense heat of the conflagration, another entire dagger is visible in the front of the engraving. All these daggers have handles from 2 to 2*8 in. long, the end of which is bent round at a right angle. These handles must at one time have been 7 ii. 3. 3: Kal rhv KopivBiov x a ^ K0V Sidirvpou 8 Les Metaux dans VAntiquite, p. 241. Kal Oepfjibv ovtol virb vdaros tovtov fidirTecrdai 9 vii. 169 : 'KvTKpwv Se et/^Ke fidtyiv x a * K0 *> K4yov(Tiv. Kal aiS-qpov. Chap. VII.] NO SWORDS FOUND AT TROY. 483 encased in wood ; for, if the cases had been made of hone, they would have been still wholly or partially preserved. The handle was inserted into a piece of wood, so that the end projected half an inch beyond it, and this end was simply bent round. I can only represent these singular Trojan daggers to the reader, as similar ones have never yet been found elsewhere. Of common one-edged bronze knives, like No. 956 or No. 9G7 (pp. 505 3 507), I only found one in the Treasure. I also thought at first that I had found in the Treasure a fragment of a bronze sword ; but, as visitors to the South Kensington Museum may see in my collection, the object referred to is no sword, but merely a very thin bronze saw : the fragment is nearly 9 in. long and 2 in. broad. If swords had been in use at all, I should probably have found some of them in this Treasure, among so many other weapons ; or at least I should have found them elsewhere in this third city, which was destroyed so suddenly and unexpectedly by a fearful catastrophe, that the inhabitants had not the time even to save their treasures, of which ten were left for me to discover. Even with the skeletons of men, apparently warriors, I found only lances ; never even so much as the trace of a sword. Neither did I find a trace of a sword even in the ruins of the two upper pre-historic cities. Moreover, had swords been in use, I should probably have found the moulds in which they were cast ; but among the 90 moulds or thereabouts, which I collected, and which have forms for all the weapons I discovered, as well as for others which I did not find, there is not one for a sword. This absence of swords is the more astonishing to me, as I found hundreds of bronze swords in the royal tombs of Mycenae. Their non-existence at Hissarlik, even in the latest of its pre-historic cities, is the clearest proof of the very high antiquity of these ruins, and of the great distance of time which separates them from Homer, with whom swords are in common use. But if from the absence of this weapon, seemingly so indispensable, we might be forced to infer a low state of barbarism at Troy, our minds are bewildered when we look at the Trojan gold ornaments, which in artistic execution come fully up to those contained in the Mycenean treasures ; and we are still more bewildered when we consider the Trojan inscriptions, since written characters were altogether unknown at Mycenae. I may here add that no swords have ever been found in the ancient British tumuli of the Bronze period. But I return to the description of the Trojan Treasure, from which I also took out the four-cornered bronze bar No. 816, which ends in an edge ; it is 15 in. long, and may have served as a weapon. The bronze bar No. 817, which likewise ends in a sharp edge, was found elsewhere in the burnt city. T) -I ,-, . . - |XP -i • ,i No. 818. Copper or Bronze Key remaps tne most curious object I iound m the supposed to have belonged to Treasure is the copper (or bronze?) key No. 818, ^IZT^S which is 4-2 in. long, and has a head 2 in. in length and breadth ; it greatly resembles a large key of an iron safe. Curiously enough, this key has had a wooden handle ; there can be no 484 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. doubt of this, from the fact that the end of the stalk of the key is bent round at a right angle, as in the case of the daggers. We read in Homer of a bronze key (/cXt/1?), with a handle encased in ivory, in the hand of Penelope ; but that was not like the key before us, because it was in the form of our pick-locks, having, instead of the head, a crooked hook. 10 With this key— by means of a hole into which it was stuck — the bar (or bolt) of the door was pushed back. 1 On the other hand, in the Iliad the Kkr]U is merely the bolt or bar which fastens two folding doors. 2 Of such a /cXti'is I found four specimens in the third, the burnt city ; two of them, which have been already engraved in the Introduction, 3 I picked up at the gate itself, the larger one between the two first projections of masonry in coming up from the plain, the other between the two next No. 820. Large Silver Vase found in the Royal House. (About 1 : 3 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) No. 819. Trojan Key in form of a Bolt. (Actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 10 OJ. xxi. 6, 7 : s'/Aero Se K\r)'iS' evaa/unreci x et P^ 7ra X et '?7> X.a\T)v xaA/ceiTji/ • Kunvr] 5 J i\4(pavros ivrjev. 1 Od. xxi. 47, 48 : i> 5e kXtjiS' 7)K€, Ovpeoov 5' aveKoirrev ox^as 6.7'TCL TlTVaKO/ULfUT). Mr. Philip Smith observes to me that "the form of the ancient Egyptian keys was similar to this. (See Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 354, No. 123, new edit.)" 2 II. xiv. 167, 168 : TrvKivas Se dvpas araQ^oicnv iirripcrev KA^tSt KpvirTrj ' tt]u 8' ov Oebs &AAos avyyev. 3 See Nos. 11 and 12, p. 36. Chap. VII.] THE THREE SMALLER TREASURES. 485 projections. Of this latter fckrjfc a piece is broken off. A third bronze (or copper ?) fckrj'fe, found in a house of the third, the burnt city, at a depth of 28 ft., is represented under No. 819. Both these /cA^tSe? are of quadrangular shape ; at one end thick and gradually tapering towards the other. Of objects found in the Treasure, and not represented here, I may mention a copper vase 5J-in. high and 4^- in. in diameter. No. 820 is another silver vase found in the royal house. I now come to the three smaller treasures, found at the end of March 1873, at a depth of 30 ft. on the east side of the royal house and very close to it, by two of my workmen, one of whom lives at Yeni Shehr, the other at Kalifatli. One of them was found in the owl-headed vase No. 232, which was closed by the pointed foot of another vase ; the two other little treasures were found, together with the battle-axe No. 828, close by. But as the statements of the labourers differ as to the particular objects contained in each treasure, I can only describe them here conjointly. The two workmen had stolen and divided the three treasures between them- selves, and probably I should never have had any knowledge of it, had it not been for the lucky circumstance that the wife of the workman of Yeni Shehr, who had got as his share of the plunder all the articles Nos. 822- 833, besides two more pendants like Nos. 832 and 833, had the boldness to parade one Sunday with the ear-rings and pendants Nos. 822 and 823. This excited the envy of her companions ; she was denounced to the Turkish authorities of Koum Kaleh, who put her and her husband in prison ; and, having been threatened that her husband would be hanged if they did not give up the jewels, she betrayed the hiding-place, and thus this part of the treasure was at once recovered and is now exhibited in the Imperial Museum of Constantinople. The pair also denounced their accomplice at Kalifatli, but here the authorities came too late, because he had already had his part of the spoil melted down by a goldsmith in Ren Kioi, who, at his desire, had made of it a very large, broad, and heavy necklace, with clumsy flowery ornaments in the Turkish fashion. Thus this part of the treasure is for ever lost to science. I can, therefore, represent here only that part which was taken by the Yeni Shehr thief, because it exists, and everybody can see it in the Constantinople Museum. As both thieves declared separately on oath before the authorities of Koum Kaleh that the owl- vase No. 232, with part of the gold, was found by them immediately to the west of the well (marked a z on Plan I. of Troy), and that the two other treasures were found close by, and indicated the exact spot of the discovery, there can be no doubt as to its accuracy. No. 821 is a bar of electrum, 6 J in. long, weighing 87*20 grammes. Each of the ear-rings, Nos. 822 and 823, consists of 23 gold, wires, which are soldered together and bent round in the form of a basket ; the middle wire, which is beaten flat and is as broad as three of the other wires, is ornamented with horizontal incisions; the wire baskets are decorated with four horizontal plates ornamented with vertical incisions ; to the middle of the upper part of the baskets are soldered the ear-rings, which are flat at the top and decorated with incised vertical and hori- 486 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. zontal strokes. To the lower part of the baskets is soldered a gold plate decorated with linear patterns ; and to this latter are soldered 6 rings, from which are suspended as many long chains ornamented with leaves No. 822. No. 823. size. Nos. 822-828. Two Gold Ear-rings, •with long pendants ; Gold Beads; a large lump of melted Gold, Depth, 30 ft.) with traces of Charcoal in it, and a bronze Battle-axe. (Nearly 3 : 5 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) of lancet form, in precisely the same way as those of the TrXetcrr] avaBeo-fiij, No. 687, with the sole difference that the leaves are here larger. A large double leaf of lancet form is suspended at the end of each chain. The length of each of these ear-rings with the pendants is 10 in. I Chap. VII.] OBJECTS IN THE THREE TREASURES. 487 The necklace No. 824 consists of 70 quadrangular gold beads. The large gold beads, Nos. 825 and 826, are in the form of whorls. No. 827 is a lump of melted gold weighing 97'30 grammes, or a little less than 3 oz. troy. Several pieces of charcoal are visible in it: a large one is seen in front. No. 828 is a bronze battle-axe, similar to those we have passed in review. 4 The thieves asserted that they had found the battle-axe together with one of the treasures. No. 829 is a gold bracelet, 3 in. in diameter ; it is merely bent together. At the place where the two ends join is a soldered plate of oval form, decorated with incised linear patterns. Nos. 830 and 831 are two ear-rings in the form of serpents ; they are hollow, and have been punched out of thin plates of gold and soldered. On the thick end was soldered a thick quadrangular bead, and on it a grain of gold in the form of a button. On the upper and lower parts three rows of small holes were punched, into which were soldered small grains of gold ; to the thinner end of the serpents was soldered the ear-ring proper. Nos. 832 and 833 No. 832. No. 833. Nos. 830, 831. Gold Ear-rings, in the form of serpents. Nos. 832, 833. Pendants of Gold. (3 : 4 actual (3 : 4 actual size. Depth, 30 ft.) size. Depth, 30 ft. are gold pendants, consisting alternately of leaves and chains made in the same manner as those of Nos. 685 and 686, which we have explained above (pp. 455, 456). At the end of each is suspended a figure similar in shape to those of No. 687 (p. 457). As already stated, there are four of these pendants or hangings. Both thieves concur in their statement that the other part of the treasures, which was melted down, contained, amongst other jewels, a pair 4 See Nos. 806-809. 488 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VIL No. 834. No. 835. of golden ear-rings with long pendants, like Nos. 822 and 823, and a very large round plate of gold with most curious signs engraved on it. The loss of this latter object grieves me more than anything else. Of gold ear-rings of an identical shape with those figured under Nos. 830 and 831, I found one at a depth of 30 ft. in a large bundle of 25 silver bracelets, which were cemented together by the chloride of silver : this bundle contained also 4 or 5 ear-rings of electrum, in form like Nos. 752 to 764. The pretty golden hair or breast pins, Nos. 834 and 849 (p. 489) 5 were found by me in my north-western trench, at a depth of from 46 to 48 ft., exactly 16 ft. below the great Hellenic wall attri- buted to Lysimachus. The stratum of the third, the burnt city reaches at this point much deeper than usual, and the two brooches certainly belong to it. No. 834 is 3 in. long and very massive, consisting, according to Mr. Carlo Giuliano, of gold 23 carats fine. It is ornamented with a quadrangular plate of gold, 1J in. long and 0*7 in. broad, the lower side of which is soldered on a band of gold, which has been turned at both ends into spirals with 7 wind- ings. On the top has been soldered another flat gold band, on which again are soldered 6 vases of solid gold, each with 2 handles, placed in such a way that each vase is turned with one handle towards the front ; the covers of these vases are circular. The surface of the plate is divided by five vertical flat bands, soldered on it, into four vertical fields, each of which is filled up with a spiral ornament made of thin gold wire and soldered on. These ornaments are identical with those found by me in the third royal tomb at Mycenae ; 6 but to enhance the beauty of this ornamentation the Trojan goldsmith, or whosoever may have been the maker of this brooch, has taken care to represent the spirals in two columns with their heads upwards, and in two others head downwards. The 6 little gold vases have exactly the shape of the terra-cotta vase No. 261, if we suppose its three feet removed. I found the other gold brooch, No. 849, hardly 1 ft. distant from Nos. 834, 835. Brooches of Gold. (3 : 4 actual size. From the Trojan stratum.) 5 I am obliged occasionally to refer the reader to other pages on account of the grouping of the cuts according to the taste of the engraver. 6 See my Mycenae, p. 196, Nos. 295, 296. Chap. VIL] ORNAMENTS OF GOLD. 489 No. 834; it is somewhat longer, but lighter and simpler. Its upper end is ornamented with a solid gold ball, both below and above which is a spiral decoration, precisely like a Mycenean ornament, 7 with the sole difference that here each spiral has only four turns. The top ends in No. 836. No. 838. No. 837. Nos. 836-850. Gold Ornaments : Beads for Necklaces, Ear-rings, Ear-rings with pendants, Hair-rings, and Brooches. (About 3 : 4 actual size. Depth, about 26 to 23 ft.) an object which has a large flat cover, and looks much like a screw ; but on closer examination we find that it is merely ornamented all round With six horizontal parallel incisions. 7 See my Mycenae, p. 196, No. 295. 490 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. Another treasure was found by me on the 21st October, 1878, at a depth of 26 ft. 5 in., in the presence of seven officers of H.M.S. Monarch, to the north-east of the royal house (in the place marked r on Plan I.), in a chamber of the buildings which may have been its dependencies. It was in a broken wheel-made vessel of terra-cotta, containing a good deal of powder, chiefly snow-white, but here and there bluish, which lay in an oblique position, about 3 ft. above the floor, and must have fallen from an upper storey. The jewels consisted of 20 gold ear-rings, of which 16 are precisely similar to those found in the large treasure, which are repre- sented under Nos. 694 and 695. The other 4 ear-rings, of which No. 840 is one, are similar in form to those given under Nos. 830 and 831. There were also 4 very pretty gold ornaments, of which I represent 3 under Nos. 836, 838, 853. Precisely similar gold ornaments were found by me in the third royal sepulchre at Mycenae. 8 They must have been used for necklaces, as they have in the middle a long tubular hole. They were made in the following manner : — To each end of a small gold tube were soldered two thin gold wires, which were on either side turned five times round, and the spirals thus formed were soldered together, the outside twist of each being also soldered to the tube. Of the like pattern is the gold hairpin No. 848, from the top of which runs out on either side a gold wire, forming spirals with 4 turns. Of a similar pattern is another gold hairpin, No. 850, the top of which is ornamented with a solid gold ball, and with spirals on both sides : on the ball is soldered a piece of round gold wire, covered with a round plate, so that the object resembles a bottle. There was also found a very large quantity of gold beads of the various shapes represented under Nos. 851 and 854-858, as well as of those No. 851. No. 853. No. 852. Nos. 851-853. Objects of Gold and Cornelian for necklaces. (About 3 : 4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 28 ft.) found in the large Treasure and represented under Nos. 708-738 (p. 460). The shape of the buttons on the necklace No. 858, of which Nos. 859 and 860 are two separate specimens, were found here for the first time. They are made of gold plate, hammered out in the shape of a boss, and 8 See my Mycenae, p. 196, Nos. 297, 299. / Chap. YII.J ANOTHER TREASURE DISCOVERED. 491 in the centre of the hollow an ear is soldered; the row of dots is of punched work. To this treasure belonged also the bracelets of electrum, Nos. 861 and 862. The former is composed of three turns ; it is 016 in. thick, and so small that it could only fit a child's arm. To this bracelet 492 THE THIKD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. one of the gold ear-rings had been fused in the great conflagration, as well as a large number of the gold beads, and parts of a necklace of Nos. 861, 862. Two Bracelets of Electrum, to one of which a large number of silver rings and gold beads, also a gold ear-ring, were fused in the conflagration, and have been firmly attached together by the cementing agency of the chloride of silver. (3 : 4 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) small silver rings, which are also cemented together by the chloride of silver ; all these objects form, as it were, one solid mass with the bracelet. The little treasure further contained 11 silver ear-rings of the same form as Nos. 694, 695 (p. 460), and 754-764 (p. 462), except one which resembles a pair of tongs. This latter is attached by the chloride of silver to another silver ear-ring, and to two gold beads. Of the other silver ear- rings also, four are cemented together by the chloride in one packet, and three in another. There are, besides, 20 parts of necklaces, like Nos. 863 No. 863. Nos. 863, 864. Parts of Necklaces, consisting of innumerable silver rings cemented together by the chloride of silver and strung on sticks of ivory. (3 : 4 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) and 864, consisting of innumerable silver rings, each 0*28 in. in diameter, which are stuck together by the cementing action of the chloride. They are strung on pieces of a substance which I believe to be ivory, and / Chap. VII.] TWO MOEE SMALL TREASURES. 493 my lamented friend Dr. Edward Moss (in 1878 of H.M.S. Research) fully confirmed this. All the parts of necklaces form curves, and seem to have retained the shape they had when in use. In one instance two of these parts of necklaces are cemented together by means of a silver ear-ring. I further counted 158 similar silver rings, either single or joined by the chloride. In a like manner there were also many parts of necklaces composed of silver beads, cemented together by the chloride, to which are attached numerous gold beads. I further mention a cylindrical bar of electrum, l-9th in. long, as well as a hairpin of the same metal, which I represent under No. 865 : it has nearly the common form of the bronze brooches, being in the form of a nail with a globular head. To the west of the gate visitors see the longest wall of the house of the king or town-chief. It runs parallel with the great city wall (see Plan I., of Troy), and is 53 ft. 4 in. long and 4 ft. 4 in. high. Near the north-western extremity of this wall, and just 3 ft. above the ground, 7 I found in a layer of grey ashes two more small treasures, both contained in broken hand-made terra-cotta vases, with a good deal of the same white powder which I noticed in the other treasure. Of these vases, the one lay in an oblique, the other in a horizontal position, from which circumstance I conclude that both had fallen in the catastrophe from an upper part of the house ; the orifices of the two nearly touched each other. The vase which lay in a horizontal position contained 6 round and 4 oval beads of cornelian, like those under No. 852 (p. 490) ; a flat plain gold frontlet, having at each end three perforations for stringing them together ; 43 large globular gold beads, like those under No. 856 (p. 491), and innu- merable small gold beads of various shapes ; the gold bar No. 866, with 18 perforations, apparently for suspending ornaments, probably chains with pendants ; a gold plate, ornamented with zigzag lines and crowns of tolerable intaglio-work, but, either by the action of the fire or by the hand of man, this plate has been folded together four or more times, and, as it is very thick, it is impossible to unfold it with the hand. No. 866. No. 866. Object of Gold for suspending ornaments. Nos. 867-872. Six Lumps of Gold. (3 : 4 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) There were also large and small lumps of gold, Nos. 867, 868, 869, 870, and 871 ; also a very large one, No. 872, which seems to have been inten- 7 At the point marked t on Plan I. 494 THE THIED, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. tionally melted into the shape of a bell : to this lump has been fused in the conflagration a good deal of silver, now turned into chloride. I have also to mention a nugget of silver, which latter has turned into chloride, to which are cemented ten gold beads of different forms; a long quadrangular gold wire, almost in the form of an ear-ring ; 14 gold ear-rings of the common Trojan type, like Nos. 694, 695, 754-764 ; a gold ear-ring in the form of a serpent, like Nos. 840, 841 (p. 489) ; and a gold ear-ring in the shape of an inverted vase, to the mouth of which a gold wire with 21 windings is soldered (see No. 844). There was also a gold ear-ring with a plain pendant and two pointed ends, so that it could be put through the ear by either of them; further, a pretty gold ear- ring, in the shape of No. 817, formed of 14 gold wires, which had been bent over in the form of a basket and soldered together ; the inner side had then been smoothed and polished. On one of the external sides it is ornamented with one row, on the other with two rows, of 5 rosettes, with one rosette at the top. To the lower part is soldered a small gold plate, ornamented with five triangles between two lines — all of intaglio- work ; and below each triangle is a perforation : from each of these latter is suspended a gold chain, covered with 16 gold double leaves orna- mented with dots, and at the end of each chain hangs a gold ornament, much like a Trojan idol, but terminating in four leaves decorated with dots. This and all the other articles of gold and silver I can unfortunately only show as they are ; for, except the spirals and rosettes, which occur frequently in Mycenae, and also abundantly in Assyria and Babylonia, nothing like these Trojan gold articles has been ever found elsewhere. Professor Sayce thinks the ornamentation with rosettes to have been invented in Babylonia, to have passed into the handiwork of the Phoeni- cians, and to have been brought by them to the West. 8 I further mention an ear-ring of electrum, ornamented with a little crown, in which is fixed a pendant, apparently of silver, for it is much destroyed by the chloride ; to this latter object have been cemented a silver ear-ring and innumerable silver beads : also a pendant of electrum, to which are attached numerous gold and silver beads : also about ten silver ear-rings, all cemented together by the chloride, and covered with gold beads, which likewise stick firmly to them ; these ear-rings have the usual Trojan shape (see Nos. 694, 695, 754-764) : also a gold disc with 18 incisions. Close to the two vases with the jewels there lay embedded in the ashes a bronze battle-axe, 9^ in. long, of the common Trojan shape (see Nos. 806-809 and 828), and two of those strange weapons repre- sented by Nos. 816 and 817 (p. 482). Only 3 ft. from this discovery, but on the house-wall itself, and at a depth of 26 ft. below the surface, there was found another and larger treasure of bronze weapons and gold jewels : 9 these latter again more or less embedded in the same sort of white powder. The weapons consisted of two lance-heads, like Nos. 803 and 804, a knife like No. 964 (p. 506), and two small weapons like Nos. 816 and 817— all fused together in the conflagra- 3 Contemporary Review, December 1878. 2 The place where this treasure was found is marked S on Plan I. Chap. VII.] ANOTHER LARGER TREASURE. 495 tion ; further, a battle-axe, like those previously described ; also a broken copper vessel, with many gold beads cemented to the oxide on its surface. It contained the two heavy gold bracelets Nos. 873 and 874, each of which weighs nearly as much as 18 sovereigns, and is, according to Mr. Giuliano, of the fineness of 23 carats. They are almost an inch broad, and consist of a thick gold plate, which on No. 873 is piped with gold wire, on No. 874 No. 873. Nos. 873, 874. Gold Bracelets, found on the wall of the Royal House. (7 : 8 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) with silver wire. The outside of the former is divided by four vertical rows of three rosettes in each, into four nearly equal fields, which are filled up by two rows of the spiral ornamentation which we see on the Mycenean jewels ; 10 and, to enhance the beauty of the bracelets, the primitive artist has taken care to represent the ornament in one row with the head up- wards, and in the other with the head downwards. The one row contains 8, the other 9, of such spiral ornaments ; there is, besides, a vertical row of four of them, and thus all round the bracelet there are 72 such ornaments, made of gold wire and soldered on the plate. The ornamentation of the other bracelet, No. 874, is almost identical with this, the only difference being that, instead of rosettes, the vertical columns are filled with beads. These vertical columns, of which 5 are to the right of the spectator, 4 to the left, and another 4 on the other side, are bordered by vertical gold wires soldered to the plate of the bracelet. In each central column there is a border of double wires. Each of these vertical columns has 8 rings, except one which has only 7 ; thus they contain 103 rings altogether. The number of spiral ornaments is 54, there being 18 in each field. I may also mention large lumps of melted gold, one of which is similar to the gold nuggets found in mines ; also a lump of gold, evidently cut from a bar, similar to Nos. 869 and 870. Together with these objects was found the lower half of one of those large Trojan goblets of terra-cotta with two handles (SeVa a/jL(f)CKV7reWa), 10 See my Mycenae, p. 196, No. 295. 496 TEE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. from which 16 bars of gold protruded, each being 4*33 in. long, and having from 52 to 60 horizontal incisions. I represent here under Nos. 875-877 three of these gold bars. I mis Saaasiai Nos. 875-877. Three Bars of Gold, with 52 to 60 horizontal incisions. (About 7 : 8 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) again ask, if the 6 blades of pure silver (Nos. 787-792) are not Homeric talents, have we to recognize the latter in these 16 gold bars ? Professor Koberts, of the Koyal Mint, who kindly analysed a portion of one of them, writes to me the following note on the subject : — " A very small portion cut from the end of one of the gold rods was scraped clean and submitted to analysis, the weight of metal examined being 2*536 grains. It was found to contain 65*10 per cent, of gold and 33*42 per cent, of silver, together with minute traces of lead, copper, and iron, but the amount of these metals collectively does not exceed 1*5 per cent. The alloy of which the talent is composed is, therefore, electrum." Having pulled these 16 bars out of the goblet, I found below them two pairs of very heavy gold ear-rings, of which I have represented one pair under Nos. 842 and 843 (p. 489). Each of them is made of 40 gold wires, soldered together, beaten round, and cut out in the upper part, so as to have the shape of a crown, in the middle of which was soldered the hook or ear-ring proper, at first flat and ornamented with vertical incisions, and tapering gradually to the point. On the inner side the wires were polished to a smooth surface ; on the outer side of each ear-ring basket were soldered four rows of 7 rosettes, making in all 28 rosettes on each, except on one of them, which has only 27. To render the ear-rings more solid, a gold wire, which may be easily discerned in places where it is detached, was soldered all round the edges. To the lower part of each basket were soldered two gold plates : on that in front we see, between an upper border of two flat gold stripes and a lower one of a very narrow stripe, a row of 18 beads soldered into grooves ; the other gold plate is not orna- mented, as it was on the side of the head. To each of these plates are fastened 8 rings, made of double gold wire, so that, as there are 16 rings, we may with all probability suppose that to each of these ear-rings were suspended 16 chains, which must, however, have been strung on thread, because they have disappeared; but the many hundreds of gold beads which have remained are silent witnesses to their splendour. The beads are either quadrangular and ornamented with incisions, like those shown at No. 855, or of round or oval form, like No. 857 or No. 721 ; or they consist of long and very thin rings, like Nos. 894-897. I represent the other pair of ear-rings under Nos. 881 and 882. Both were made of gold plate, to either side of which were soldered 13 gold wires ; then the whole was turned round into the form of a basket, the hook or ear-ring proper being soldered on the top in the middle, and Chap. VII.] GOLD EAR-KINGS AND OTHER JEWELS. 497 decorated at its lower end with 20 beads soldered into grooves. Each side of both ear-rings was then decorated with 5 rows of 25 beads, soldered 878 879 880 Nos. 878-900. Three Rings for fastening and ornamenting the.tresses or locks of Lair, four richly ornamented Ear-rings, and Beads for pendants and necklaces— all of g^ld. (3 : 4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 33 ft.) into grooves, between 6 borders of double horizontal wires : thus there were in all, on both sides of each ear-ring, 270 beads. Very simple linear patterns are incised on both sides of the plate in the middle, as well as on the plate soldered below : in this latter there are 5 holes for suspending ornaments. M. Alessandro Castellani thinks that "the primitive goldsmiths imitated the types of the Diademiae, the pseudo- Diademiae, and the family of Echinae, covered as these aquatic creatures are with a variety of lines and raised points. It is natural that artistic decoration should derive its elements from surrounding nature." 11 Mr. Giuliano estimates the fineness of these two pairs of ear-rings to be 23 carats. But the gold beads are of different degrees of fineness; Mr. Giuliano considers some to be 20, others 18 or only 16 carats fine. This agrees with the analysis made by Prof. Eoberts, who writes to me : " 0*0910 gramme of gold beads were found by assay to contain 67*91 per cent, of gold. A single bead, weighing 0*0920 gramme, of richer colour than the rest, contained 75*8 per cent, of gold. The standard of these beads varies, therefore, from 16 to 18 carats. In all the beads submitted to me the colour of the surface of the metal appears to have been brought out by artificial means, and it may be well to remember that the Japanese, 11 Alessandro Castellani, at the German Archaeological Institute in Rome, Jan. 3, 1879. 2 K 498 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. who employ an interesting series of gold alloys, use plum-juice vinegar for this purpose." There were further found in this treasure 9 simpler gold ear-rings one of which, No. 837 (p. 489), is ornamented with four rows of two spirals in each, resemhling those on the second Mycenean tomhstone. 1 Another, No. 879 (p. 497), has a pendant in the shape of a bell-clapper. Three others have the usual Trojan form of Nos. 694, 695, and 754-764. The remaining four, of which I represent two under Nos. 878 and 880, are merely spirals with two twists, and, on closer inspection, I find both extremities of them far too thick to be put into the lobe of the ear. They must, therefore, have been used for holding together the locks of the hair, and they may, in my opinion, perfectly explain the passage in Homer : " Dabbled with blood were his locks, which might vie with the Graces, and the braids twined with gold and silver." 2 I suppose the curious ring No. 879, which has no point, could also not have been any- thing else but an ornament of the hair. I further collected from the Treasure two gold bars like No. 866, the one with 18, the other with 20 perforations for suspending ornaments ; also 45 gold buttons of a semi-globular form, like those marked Nos. 858, 859, 860, with an ear in the hollow and a border decorated with 25 dots of punched work ; also a small plain hairpin, like No. 865, but with an octagonal head. I have still to mention another smaller discovery of gold, made by me in November 1878, in my excavation on the north side of the hill, exactly at the north-east corner of the brick wall. 3 It consisted merely of a pair of heavy massive ear-rings, like No. 841, in the shape of a serpent decorated with three rows of beads soldered into grooves, a small object of silver with six perforations, and a silver plate of oval form measuring 2'4 in. in its broadest part : its length cannot be well determined, as it has been folded in the fire and both ends are bent over, but it appears to have been about 5 in. long. Together with these objects were found hundreds of gold beads, among which are many in the form of leaves, like No. 912, with tubular holes in the middle. Finally, I have to record the finding of the pretty gold hairpin, No. 835 (p. 488), which exhibits on each side a rosette with eleven flower-petals ; but this round part with the two rosettes consists of two distinct gold discs with no punched work. They were made in the following way : — A small semi-globular gold plate was soldered in the centre, and around it a border of gold wire ; then the leaves were formed of gold wire and soldered on symmetrically. When the two discs had been thus decorated, they were joined by a broad flat gold band, which projects slightly over both of them. Then this double disc was soldered on the long pin, the upper part of which is decorated with incisions. The pin was then stuck through a flat gold band, which was soldered on both sides of the double disc, and coiled at both ends into a spiral with three turns. The pin was further pierced 1 See my Mycenae, p. 81, No. 140. 3 See Plan I. (of Troy) and Sectional Plan 2 II. xvii. 51, 52 : III. H. TTKoX^OI 0' Oi XP Va\o?), in which the horsehair plume (\6o? tWoujot?), so frequently mentioned in the Iliad, was fixed. 8 In both cases the <£a\o? consists of two pieces, such as we have seen under Nos. 795-798, and as I have recomposed them in No. 979. The reader 8 iii. 362 ; iv. 459 ; vi. 9 ; xiii. 132 ; xvi. 216. Mr. Philip Smith says in his foot-note at p. 281 of Troy and its Remains: "Few coinci- dences have struck us more than the comparison cf these helmet-crests with the frequent allusions in Homer, especially where ' Hector of the dancing helmet-crest ' (Kopv6alo\os"EKTwp) takes off the helmet that frightened his child {11. vi. 469, foil.) : rap^j](Tas x a ^ K & v T6 *8e \6(pov ImrioxaiTWi Seivbv air aupoTarris K6pv6os vevovTa vo4]o? 'nnrovpis was inserted and fixed there can be no doubt, for the opening at the top of the ridge can have served no other purpose. 9 By the side of one helmet I found the copper ring No. 980, by the side of the other the fragment of a similar ring. I am at a loss to say how these rings could have been connected with the helmets. Under No. 981 I represent six primitive bronze brooches, of which only two have globular, the others flat heads. They had been stuck No. 981. Six Bronze Brooches, stuck together in the hollow of a bone, and cemented together by the oxide or carbonate of copper. (2:3 actual size. Depth, 26 ft.) together into a hollow bone, and are consolidated by the cementing action of the oxide or carbonate. This is the sole instance of brooches with flat heads in the burnt city. No. 982 marks an object of bronze in form like a small coin. On the front side it is slightly concave, and represents in very low relief a little figure, in which, by the help of what we have learned from those on the whorls Nos. 1826, 1883, 1971, 1994, we see a man with uplifted arms. On the reverse side this object is quite flat; we only see there a single dot. I think that, with all its resemblance to a coin, this object cannot be one, for nothing else like it has ever been found in any one of the 9 A similar contrivance is also seen on the gold bead and a gold ring. See my Mycenae, helmet of a warrior in the intajlios of a Mycencan p. 174, No. 254 ; p. 223, No. 335. 514 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. pre-historic cities of Hissarlik. Besides, coined money was still unknown even in the time of Homer. No. 982. Object of Bronze in shape of a coin. (Actual size. Depth, 23 ft.) No. 983. Curious Object of a white substance, with three perforations. (3 : 4 actual size. Depth, 26 to 33 ft.) No. 983 is a very curious object of a perfectly white substance, with traces of blue colour on the outside. It has nine semi-globular pro- jections, a linear ornamentation, and at one end one perforation, at the other two, by which it was pinned on another object. I, therefore, hold it to have served as an ornament of a wooden box. In the fracture it has quite the appearance of gypsum, and it is much softer and lighter than Egyptian porcelain. As nothing like a similar paste has ever been found by me, and also on account of its blue colour, which never occurs else- where at Hissarlik, I think it to be of foreign importation. No. 984 represents a plain perforated lentoid gem of cornelian, found in the royal house ; its sole decoration is an incised line, which goes round it lengthwise. A perfectly similar gem of cornelian, found in a tomb at Camirus in Rhodes, is in the British Museum. I cannot conclude this chapter on the third, the burnt city, without examining once more the question, whether this pretty little town, with its brick walls, which can hardly have housed 3000 inhabitants, could have been identical with the great Homeric Ilios of immortal renown, which withstood for ten long years the heroic efforts of the united Greek army of 110,000 men, and which could only at last be captured by a stratagem. First, as regards the size of all the pre-historic cities, I repeat that they were but very small. In fact, we can hardly too much contract our ideas of the dimensions of those primeval cities. So, according to the Attic tradition, Athens was built by the Pelas- gians, and was limited to the small rock of the Acropolis, whose plateau is of oval form, 900 ft. long and 400 ft. broad at its broadest part ; but it was much smaller still until Cimon enlarged it by building the wall on its eastern declivity and levelling the slope within by means of debris. 10 The Ionians, having captured the city, forced the Pelasgians to settle at the southern foot of the Acropolis. According to Thucydides, Athens was only enlarged by the coalescence of the Attic demi there (auvoiKior^) No. 984. Plain Lentoid Gem of Cornelian. (3 : 4 actual size. Depth, 28 ft.) 10 Paus. i. 28, § 3: Tfj 8e aitpoir6Xei, irX))v '6}/3£u), Mycenae (Mu/cfjvai), and all the other cities whose names are of the plural form, were probably at first limited to their stronghold, called ttoXis, and had their names in the singular ; but the cities having been enlarged, they received the plural name, the citadel being then called Acropolis, and the lower town ttoXis. The most striking proof of this is the name of the valley " Polis " in Ithaca, which, as I have shown above, 2 is not derived from a real city, or acropolis, — for my excavations there have proved that this single fertile valley in the island can never have been the site of a city, — but from a natural rock, which has never been touched by the hand of man. This rock, however, having — as seen from below — precisely the shape of a citadel, is for this reason now called castron, and was no doubt in ancient times called Polis, which name has been transferred to the valley. The ancient Polis or Asty (darv) was the ordinary habitation of the town-chief or king, with his family and dependants, as well as of the richer classes of the people ; it was the site of the Agora and the temples, and the general place of refuge in time of danger. We have traces of this fact in the extended sense of the Italian castello, to embrace a town, and in the Anglo-Saxon burh ; also, as Professor Yirchow suggests to me, in the Slavish gard = hortus (Burgwall). "What, indeed," says Mr. Gladstone, "have we to say when we find that, in the period of the incunabula of Home, the Romans on the Palatine were probably faced by the Sabines on the hill of the Capitol ?" 3 It is, therefore, not the small- ness of the third, the burnt city, which can prevent us from identifying it with the Homeric Troy, because Homer is not a historian, but an epic poet. Besides, he does not sing of contemporaneous events, but of events which happened probably 600 or 700 years before his time, and which he merely knew from hearsay : — 7)fie?s 5e k\4os olov aKovo/xev, ouSe ti ifS/xer. 4 " If," as Professor Sayce observes, 5 " Greek warriors had never fought in the Plain of Troy, we may be pretty sure that the poems of Homer would not have brought Achilles and Agamemnon under the walls of Ilion." Great national heroic poems always rest on the foundation of great decisive national combats and definite regions which had become famous for these combats. The whole of Greek antiquity, and at its head the greatest of all historians, Thucydides, never doubted of such combats at the entrance of the Hellespont. " The capture of Troy is," as M. Lenormant says, 6 " one of the five or six primitive reminiscences of the Greeks, which seem to refer to real facts, and which, in spite of the exuberant mythological vegetation in the midst of which they appear, throw into the dark night of the heroic ages a light on the successive phases of growing civilization. Such are, the foundation of the kingdom of Argos by the early Pelasgic dynasty of Inachus; its replacement by 1 Thucyd. ii. 15 : -rb 5e irpb tovtov 7) a.Kp6irokis 7] vvv ovaa tt6\ls 9jv, Kal rb vtt' o.vtt)v irpbs votov f^d\i(TTa TeTpa.nfj.kuov. 2 See Introd. p. 46. 3 Homeric Synchronism, p. 39. 4 II. ii. 486. 5 Contemporary Review of December 1878. 6 Antiquites de la Troade, pp. 35, 36. 516 THE THIRD, THE BURNT CITY. [Chap. VII. the new dynasty of Danaus ; the power of the monarchy of the Pelopids ; and, in another part of Greece, the Phoenician colonization of Thebes. The Greeks always considered these events as marking the principal and decisive epochs of their primitive annals and their pre-historic traditions. For the Trojan war there is a remarkable unanimity of tradition, a unanimity too decisively marked not to be founded on a positive fact. I am particularly struck by the constancy with which, in the midst of the infinite divergence of the heroic legends of the Greeks, there is always maintained the same space of time between the capture of Troy and the Dorian invasion, which is placed a little less than a hundred years later, and opens the historical ages." In the catalogue of ships 7 the poet mentions " the lower Thebes " ( f T7r o0Pj /3ai), because the upper town, the Cadmea, destroyed by the Epigoni, had not yet been rebuilt. His mention of the lower town only seems, therefore, to confirm another ancient tradition. Mr. Gladstone writes : 8 "As to the question what light Schliemann's discoveries throw upon the question, whether Troy had a real or only a mythical existence, it is difficult to suppose that the mythical theory, always wofully devoid of tangible substance, can long survive the results attained. In the Plain where the scene of the Iliad is laid, upon the spot indicated by the oldest traditions, which for very many centuries were never brought into question, and which, as testifying to a fact the most simple and palpable, were of high presumptive authority ; at a depth of from 23 to 33 ft., with the debris of an older city beneath it, and of three more recent successive towns above it ; has been found a stratum of remains of an inhabited city, which was manifestly destroyed by a tremendous conflagration." As we have seen in the preceding pages, the third city of Hissarlik perfectly agrees with the Homeric indications as to the site of Troy ; and the fact, that there is no second place in the Troad which could possibly vie with it, goes far to prove its identity, the more so as the third city has, like the Homeric Ilios, been destroyed by the hand of an enemy in a fearful catastrophe, which fell on it so suddenly that the inhabitants had to leave even a large part of their treasures behind. In this respect also the third city agrees with the Homeric description, because the poet says : " Priam's city used to be far-famed for its wealth in gold and bronze, but now the precious wealth has disappeared from its houses." 9 If, therefore, in spite of its exhaustion by a long-protracted siege, the third city of Hissarlik was still so rich that I could find in it ten treasures, this is an additional proof of its identity with the poet's Ilios. In proportion to the wealth and power of Ilium it was but natural that the sudden catastrophe, by which this rich and famous capital of the Trojan kingdom perished, should have made a very deep impression on the minds of men, both in Asia Minor and in Greece, and that it should at once have been taken up by the bards. But while, as Mr. 7 II. ii. 505 : 9 xviii. 288-290 : o'L 6 "YiroO-nfSas eTx 0J/ > ivKT'ifievdV irroXUepoy. irpiv fx\v yap Ylpiafxoio ir6\iv fxfpo7res av9punroi 8 Homeric Synchronism, p. 20. naures fxvOea-KovTo iroKvxpv Qair6\w\z dofjiwv Ket^Ata KaAa. Chap. VII.] HOMER'S KNOWLEDGE OF THE TROAD. 517 Gladstone says, the local features of the site and Plain of Troy were given sufficiently for a broad identification, the bards handled them loosely and at will in point of detail. They treated the Plain without any assumption of a minute acquaintance with it, like one who was sketching a picture for his hearers, boldly but slightly, and not as one who laid his scene in a place with which he was already personally acquainted, and which formed by far the most famous portion of the country he inhabited. The ruins of the burnt Ilium having been completely buried under the ashes and debris, and people having no archgeological desire for the investigation of the matter, it was thought that the destroyed city had completely disappeared. The imagination of the bards had, therefore, full play ; the small Ilium grew in their songs, in the same proportion as the strength of the Greek fleet, the power of the besieging army, and the great actions of the heroes ; the gods were made to participate in the war, and innumerable legends were grouped around the magnified facts. I wish I could have proved Homer to have been an eye-witness of the Trojan war ! Alas, I cannot do it ! At his time swords were in universal use and iron was known, whereas they were totally unknown at Troy. Besides, the civilization he describes is later by centuries than that which I have brought to light in the excavations. Homer gives us the legend of Ilium's tragic fate, as it was handed down to him by preceding bards, clothing the traditional facts of the war and destruction of Troy in the garb of his own day. Neither will I maintain that his acquaintance with the Troad and with Troy was that of a resident ; but certainly he was not without personal knowledge of the localities, for his descriptions of the Troad in general, and of the Plain of Troy in particular, are too truthful for us to believe that he could have drawn all his details from the ancient myth. If, as appears likely, he visited the Plain in the ninth century B.C., 10 he would probably have found the Aeolic Ilium already long established, having its Acropolis on Hissarlik and its lower town on the site of Novum Ilium. It would, therefore, be but natural that he should depict Priam's Troy as a large city, with an acropolis called Per- gamos, the more so as in his time every larger city had its Acropolis. My excavations have reduced the Homeric Ilium to its real proportions. I have never called in doubt the unity of the Homeric poems, and have always firmly believed both the Odyssey and the Iliad to be by one author, except perhaps— partly or entirely — the 24th Pthapsody of each poem, on account of the contradictions they contain with the preceding text. Besides — to use Mr. Gladstone's words, 1 — " If I consider how much learn- ing and ingenuity have been expended in a hundred efforts (scarcely any two of the assailants, however, agreeing except in their negative or revo- lutionary criticism) to disintegrate the Homeric poems, to break up into nebulous fragments the Sun of all ancient literature," — I think it idle on my part to attempt a task already marked by so many failures ; and I rest content with those immortal epics as they stand — the first-fruits of the noblest literature of the world, and the fount of poetic inspiration for all later ages. 10 Professor Sayce observes to me that, according to Euphorion and Theopompus, Homev was a contemporary of Gyges of Lydia. 1 Homeric Synchronism, p. 7. \ CHAPTER VIII. THE FOUETH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. As we have seen in the preceding pages, the inhabitants of Novum Ilium held, according to an ancient legend, that Troy, the city of Priam, had not been entirely destroyed by the united Greek army under Agamemnon, and that it had never ceased to be inhabited. This legend is certainly confirmed by Homer, who, when Aeneas was on the point of being killed by Achilles in single combat, makes Poseidon say : " It is fated that Aeneas should be saved, in order that the race and the name of Dardanus may not utterly disappear — Dardanus, whom Zeus loved most of all the sons he begat of mortal women ; because the race of Priam has now become odious to the son of Kronos : now, therefore, shall the mighty Aeneas reign over the Trojans, and the sons of his sons hereafter to be born" 1 This legend has apparently been also confirmed by the criticism of my pickaxe and spade, for — as visitors can easily convince themselves with their own eyes — the south-eastern corner of the Third, the brick city, has not been destroyed by the conflagration. I must further say that this legend is also confirmed by the relics I have discovered, for— as the reader will see in the succeeding pages — we find among the successors of the burnt city the very same singular idols ; the very same primitive bronze battle-axes ; the very same terra-cotta vases, with or without tripod feet ; the very same double-handled goblets (Sewa a/uL 20 fc -) as are likewise the double-handled tripod-pitchers Nos. 1104 and 1105, as well as the red double handled tripod-cups, Nos. HOG, 1107, and 1108. No. 1109 is a vase with two handles, of a shape which often occurs. Chap. VIII.] VESSELS OF VARIOUS FORMS. 541 No. 1110 marks a very curious lustrous-brown tripod-goblet, consisting of a circular tube with three cups. This goblet could serve for three persons sitting round a table, each of whom could drink from a separate mouth of the goblet. A similar vessel is indicated by No. 1111 ; it also consists of a tube resting on three feet, and having four cups, one of which is larger than the rest. No. 1112 is a large rude urn with two handles, of a common shape. No. 11 13 is a rare lustrous-brown double-handled bottle, with a rather flat body and a convex bottom; No. 1114, a globular two-handled red vase with a hollow foot ; No. 1115, a flat double- No ' 1112 " Large Urn (1 : 6 actual size " No. 1115 Nos. 1115, 1116. Lentil-shaped Bottle and Jug. with two handles. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, ahout 16 ft.) No. 1113. Lentil-shaped Bottle, with two handles. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) No. 1117. Vase with two handles, and projecting ornament in the form of spectacles on either side. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) No. 1114. Globular Vase, with two handles. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) 542 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. handled lustrous-red vessel in the form of a hunting-bottle, with a convex bottom : such bottles are not rare here. No. 1116 is a vessel with a convex bottom, and perforated projections on the sides for suspension. No. 1117 is a double-handled vase, decorated on either side with a projecting double spiral : vases with the same spiral decoration are frequent in the third and fourth cities. No. 1118 is a red double-handled vase of a common shape, with a convex bottom : the bell-shaped cover is of a dark-red colour; it does not belong to this particular vase. No. 1119 is a large No. 1119. Vase wi'tli two handles anci long nock. (1:5 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) No. 1 1 2i. Vase with a vertical and a horizontal handle. (1 : 6 actual size. Depth, 19 it.) No. 1121. Vase with a vertical and a hoiizonlal handle. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) unpolished double-handled vase mth a convex bo torn : va es o this shape are common in this and in the preceding city. No. 1120 marks a lar^e vase of a rude fabric, having one handle joining the neck to Chap. VIII.] TERRA-COTTA BOTTLES : VASE WITH A SPOUT. 543 the body, and a smaller handle on the opposite side. The rude vessel, No. 1121, has its two handles in similar positions ; the foot is hollow, and has two perforations. Vessels like these are very rare. No. 1122 is a wheel-made black bottle ; its foot is convex, and almost pointed. The grey bottle, No. 1123, is also wheel-made; its foot is hollow. No. 1124 is a wheel-made black bottle with a pointed foot : similar terra-cotta bottles are not rare here, but they do not occur in the subsequent city. No. 1122. Terra-cotta Bottle with point d De P th ' about 19 ft foot. (1 : 4 actual feize. Depth 22 ft.) No. 1125 is a lustrous-brown wheel-made globular vase, with four breast-like protuberances on the body ; the bottom is flat. A vase very similar to this, found by Professor Yirchow in his excavations in the graveyard of Zaborowo, is in his collection. The curious vessel, No. 1126, No. 1126. Vase with spout. (About 1 : 4 actual size Depth, 16 ft.) has a globular base, and a spout in the upper part of the body. It is wheel-made, but of a rude fabric. No second specimen of this shape was found. The terra-cotta plates of this fourth city are of two sorts. They are 544 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TKOT. [Cuap. VIII. either wheel-made, and in this case they are always shallow, very rude, often of irregular form, always unpolished, and perfectly similar in shape to those of the third, the burnt city, of which I have represented some under Nos. 455 to 4G8 (p. 408). Or they are hand-made, and in this case they are from 2 to 2 J in. deep and nearly 8 in. in diameter, made with great symmetry, well polished, and of a lustrous dark-brown or red colour ; nay, on account of their depth they might rather be called bowls than plates. They have generally no handle, but sometimes they have one, and even two. There also occur double-handled bowls, 18 in. in diameter, and from 7 to 8 in. deep. The wheel-made plates have always a flat bottom ; the hand-made ones always a convex one. There also occur very rude wheel-made tripod plates, with sieve-like perforations. I represent here under No. 1127 a dark-brown hand-made plate or bowl of the usual form with one handle, and under No. 1128 a hand-made lustrous-red plate of a different shape, having a large cross painted with dark-red clay in its Nos. 1127-1132. Bowls, Tripods, Bottle, and Y'ase of Terra-cotta. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 13 to 19 ft.) hollow : this cross was evidently painted there before the plate was baked. Similar deep dishes or bowls, but wheel-made, found in Cyprus, are in the British Museum. The bottle, No. 1129, is hand-made. The pretty tripod No. 1130 is wheel-made; the feet and the handle were added after the upper vessel had been fashioned ; holes were made into which they were stuck, and in which they were consolidated with clay. In all vessels whose orifice was large enough to introduce the hand, the places where the feet or handles had been stuck in were smoothed, so that nothing appears of them on the inside of the vessels ; but in the vessels with a narrow mouth the feet and handles were often left protruding on the inside. No. 1131 is another hand-made lustrous-red double-handled tripod- Chap. VIII.] VASES OF FOREIGN ORIGIN. 545 cup; No. 1132, a hand-made vase of the same colour, with two handles; No. 1133, a brown wheel-made jug, of a globular form, with one handle. No. 1134. Curious lustrous- black Jug, having a bottom with eleven perforations. (Half actual size. Depth, 1G ft.) No. 1134 is a very massive lustrous-black jug, having a flat bottom with eleven perforations. Though but slightly baked, it is very solid; it has Nos. 1135, 1136. Large Vessels of lustrous-black Terra-colta, with four handles. (1 : 8 actual size. Depth, 14 to 20 ft.) 2 N 546 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. a trefoil orifice and a rope-like handle ; it has round the neck an incised zigzag decoration, from which bands of a rude linear ornamentation extend downwards, right and left. All these incised ornaments seem to have been made with pointed flints ; they are filled in with white chalk, in order to strike the eye. The peculiar sort of clay of this jug, its shape, fabric, and deeply-incised decoration, are widely different from all that we are accustomed to find here. I only found the very same clay and fabric in the vase-head Nos. 1002 and 1003, in the terra-cotta ball No. 1993, and in the vases Nos. 1135 and 1136. If the clay of which these five objects were made, and the potter who made them, had belonged to Troy, we should undoubtedly have found more specimens of such ware. I therefore feel bold to attribute to these objects a foreign origin. The vases Nos. 1135 and 1136 are 2 ft. 2 in. high, wheel-made, very imperfectly baked, well polished, and of a lustrous-black colour. Very characteristic are the four thin handles and the very wide protruding border all round the orifice in both. The bottom is flat. Of this same form only three vases were found ; it does not occur in any of the other cities. No. 1137 is a rude hand-made one-handled yellow pitcher : No. 1138, No. 1138. Jug with one handle. (1:6 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) a dark-brown hand-made jug or bottle, of irregular form, with one handle ; its bottom is convex. All the following jugs (Nos. 1139 to 1147) are wheel-made, except No. 1144, which is hand-made. Nos. 1139 and 1140 are one-handled yellow globular jugs. No. 1141 is a lustrous-red jug, with a convex base and three handles, of which two are on the body and one joins the neck to the body. The pretty little vase, No. 1142, has four handles. No. 1143 represents a pear-shaped lustrous-yellow oenochoe, with a convex bottom and a trefoil orifice ; it has a large handle joining the neck to the body, and two small ones on the body. The red hand-made vase, No. 1144, has a pointed foot and two handles; it has a spiral ornament on each side. No. 1145 is a pretty red pear-shaped vase, with three handles and a cover of crescent form, which reminds us of the vase-handles of crescent form found in the Italian terramare; No. 1146, a large dark-brown jug, with a convex bottom and three handles. This last vase, as well as the three foregoing ones, were found in the large house which Chap. YIIL] THREE-HANDLED VASES. 547 >• 1144. Lar-e double-handled Vase, with pointed foot. No. 1146. Vase with convex bottom and three handles. O :4 actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) 548 THE FOUKTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TEOY. [Chap. VIII. No. 1145. Vase with three handles, and Cover No. 1147. Oval Vase, witn lour handles, ■with a handle of crescent form. (1:7 actual size. Depth, about 13 ft.) (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) was built on the top of the old royal house. No. 1147 represents, in l-7th of its size, a large egg-shaped vase of a blackish colour, with four handles. No. 1148 is a globular wheel-made lustrous-brown oenochoe, with a flat base and a long upright neck ; it has three breast-like protuberances. The red globular oenochoe, No. 1149, is likewise wheel-made; the bottom is flat ; the mouthpiece is restored. The grey oenochoe, No. 1150, with No. 1148. Globular Jug, with long No. 1149. Globular Jug ; mouthpiece No. 1150. Jug with long neck, neck and breast-like projections. restored. (About l : 4 actual size. (About 1 : 4 actual size. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, about 22 ft.) Depth, about 15 ft.) Depth, about 20 ft.) a long neck, is hand-made. The pretty red tripod oenochoe. No. 1151, is hand-made. The blackish oenochoe, No. 1152, is wheel-made. No. 1153, again, is hand-made. No. 1154 is a pretty hand-made pear-shaped red oenochoe, decorated with incised lines round the neck ; the mouth has a trefoil shape, and so also has the mouth of the pretty red oenochoe No. 1157. No. 1155 is also hand-made; but the red oenochoe, No. 1156, Chap. VII Ij LONG-NECKED OENOCHOAE. 549 No. 1154. Oenochoe with straight neck. (Nearly No. 1155. OvalJug or Oenochoe. 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) (Nearly 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 19 to 22 ft.) is wheel-made. The globular oenochoe, No. 1158, is wheel-made ; it has a protuberance on the fore-part of the neck, and a small one on each side of it : these protuberances may have been intended to represent a face. All the following jugs or oenochoae, Nos. 1159-1169, are hand-mada 550 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. No. 1163. Jus of globular form, with one handle. V.1 : 4 actual size. P< p.h, about 13 ft.) N,». 1164. Jug with long perpendicular neck. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) Chap. VIII.] JUGS WITH LONG UPRIGHT NECKS. 551 No. 1161. Globular Oenochoe, with straight neck. No. 1162. Globular Oenochoe, with upright neck. (Nearly 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 20 to 22 ft.) No. 1159 is a pretty black jug, of a form which very frequently occurs. The forms of the jugs or oenochoae, Nos. 1161, 1162, and 1163, are also frequent, particularly the last. No. 1165. Globular Jug, with a straight neck. No. 1166. Jug with long neck. (1 : 4 actual size. (Nearly 1 : 3 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) I have discussed in the preceding pages the different places where jugs with a narrow upright neck, like Nos. 1164 to 1168, occur elsewhere, and shall, therefore, not repeat what I have said. The black jug No. 1169, again, is wheel-made ; it is decorated on the neck with three impressed lines. All the following jugs, from No. 1170 to No. 1178, are hand-made. 552 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. 1:4 actual size. Depth, 18 to neck. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, sizs. Depth, 13 ft.) 22 ft.) about 13 ft.) Very curious is the shape of the blackish jug No. 1170, with its neck bent backward and ornamented with a protuberance, its trefoil mouth, long No. 1170. Jug of Terra-cotta, with spout in the No. 11 71. Remarkable lustrous-yellow Vessel, with body. (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) a small orifice (No. 1172) and a sieve-like bottom (No. 1173). (About half actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) No. 1172. Half actual size. No. 1173. Hall actual size. Chap. VIII.] JUGS WITH TWO SEPARATE NECKS. 553 handle, and the spout in its body. But still more remarkable is the lustrous-yellow jug No. 1171, of which I represent under No. 1172 the very curious orifice, and under No. 1173 the flat sieve-like bottom. No. 1174 is a pear-shaped dark-red jug, with a hemispherical bottom and two distinct upright necks. A similar but globular dark-brown jug with a flat bottom is represented under No. 1175; it has also two distinct No. 1174. Jug of oval lorm, with two distinct necks. No. 1175. Globular Vase, with two separate necks. (Nearly 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) (Nearly 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) upright necks, joined by a handle to the body. No. 1176 is a globular yellow jug, likewise with two upright spouts ; but here the spouts stand one before the other, so that, when the liquid was being poured out, it could only run from the foremost (to the right in the engraving), and thus the hinder one was of no use. These two conjoined spouts seem, therefore, to have been only a fancy of the primitive potter, as we have seen in the case of No. 358, p. 384. This particular shape of double spout is unique ; other shapes of double-spouted jugs are not rare here, but, as has been already said, they have never occurred elsewhere except in Hungary and in Cyprus. Very curious and unique is the red vase No. 1177, which has, both to the right and left of its large mouth, a spout slightly bent forward ; the cover which I have put on the large mouth may or may not have belonged to it : this vessel has on each side a breast-like protuberance, which cannot have been intended for a handle. No. 1178 represents a one- handled jug of very coarse grey clay, covered all over with protuberances, which may have been intended to imitate birds' feathers ; on either side is an ear-like projection. Under No. 1179 I represent one more of the common wheel-made pitchers which are so abundant here. No. 1180 is a small hand-made, one-handled basin ; No. 1181, a hand-made red pitcher with a very small 554 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TEOY. [Chap. VIII. No. 1176. Globular Vase, with two distinct necks. No. 1177. Vase with ihiee mouths and two handles. (Nearly 1 : 4 actual size. Dspth, about 19 it.) (Abou; 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) No 1178. Jug of coarse grey clay, covered all over with No. 1181. Pitcher. No. 1182. Cup. (About protuberances ; having one handle, and an ear-like pro- (About 1 : 4 actual size. 1 : 4 actual size, jection on either side. (1:4 actual size. Depth, 20 to 22 ft.) Depth, 13ft.) Depth, 1G ft.) handle. No. 1182 is a lustrous-red one-handled wheel-made cup : this shape does not occur in the third, the burnt city, but it is very frequent in the fourth as well as in the fifth pre-historic city of Troy. No. 1183 is a one-handled red hand-made pitcher, with two breast-like excrescences. No. 1184 is a one-handled wheel-made vessel of cylindrical shape ; it is of very thick unpolished clay and very rude fabric : like the vessels of this shape found in the third city (see No. 347, p. 381), it is particularly massive and heavy in its lower part. The deep impressions made by a rope may be seen in the handle of a similar specimen which lies before me as I write ; I, therefore, readily accept the suggestion of Mr. A. S. Murray of the British Museum, that, as in Ancient Egypt, vessels of this sort may have served as buckets for drawing water from the wells. Chap. VIII.] BUCKET AND CENSERS. 555 No. 1183. Pitcher with one handle, and No. 1184. Vessel of No. 1185. Censer of Terra-cot; a, of very two breast-like projections. cylindrical shape. rude fabric. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) (1 '-. 4 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) (1 :4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) The vessels Nos. 1185-1187 are also hand-made. No. 1185 is a very rude brown, unpolished, but massive censer, with a hollow foot decorated No. 1186. Globular Bowl, with one handle. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) with four lenticular perforations. This shape of vessel is unique. But who knows whether the lustrous-black vessels of the first city, of which only a vast number of feet have been found, had not a similar shape ? I remind the reader that all those feet are hollow, and that, as in the censer before us, they are decorated with large perforations. Professor Virchow informs me that censers of a similar shape are found in tombs in Lusatia (Lausitz) and in the duchy of Posen, and calls my attention to a censer of this kind found at Keichersdorf, between the little rivers Neisse and Lubs. 7 He has in his own collection some such censers, which he found in the graveyard of Zaborowo, and many others, found elsewhere in 7 See the Sessional Bcport of the Berlin Society of Anthropology, Ethnology, &c. of July 21, 1877 p. 23, and PI. xvii. No. 7. 556 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. Germany, are in the museums of Berlin. Under No. 1186 I represent a large single - handled red globular bowl, with a hollow foot ; under No. 1187, a single-handled red globular cup, with a convex bottom. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) No. 1188. Vase of globular shape, with two curved handles and two straight ones in the form of wings. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) Gups of this shape are very common in the fourth and also in the fifth cities. No. 1188 is a globular black vase, with a convex bottom and two curved handles of the usual shape ; it is decorated, besides, with two wing-like upright projections and with dots all round. Similar vases, but of a light red colour, are not rare, but they are much more frequent in the preceding city. No. 1189 marks a small hand-made globular lustrous-black vase, with perforated projections on the sides for suspension ; it is decorated on both sides with strokes. No. 1191. Vase with two handles, covered with sieve-like perforations. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, about 22 It.) No. 1190 is a sieve or colander of terra-cotta, in the shape of a bowl: like all the following sieve-like vessels, Nos. 1191 to 1196, it is of Chap. VIII.] SIEVE-LIKE PERFORATED VASES. 557 coarse clay, unpolished and of rude fabric. Even if we could explain the use of this sieve, we can hardly explain that of the sieve-like double-handled 3*0. 1193. Two-handled Globular Vase, the body of which is perforated all over. (1 : 5 actual size. Depth, about 22 it.) vessel No. 1191, which has the shape of a wine-cup, or of the perforated vase No. 1192, or of the large double-handled sieve like perforated vases No. 1194. Two-handled Vase, with sieve-like perforations. No. 1196. Cup, perlorated in ihe form oi a sieve. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, about 20 ft.) (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) Nos. 1193 and 1194. We experience a like difficulty in explaining the use of the sieve-like tripod vessel, perforated all over, No. 1195, which 558 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. |Chap. VIII. resembles a pitcher standing on one side, and of the perforated cup No. 1196. Of these different shapes of sieve-like vessels, those of Nos. 1193, 1194, and 1195 occur oftener than the others, but they are by no means very frequent. 8 The British Museum contains a jug and a tripod of terra-cotta with similar sieve-like perforations, which were found in sepulchres at Ialysus in Khodes. Another vase with sieve-like perforations may be seen in the Phoenician Collection in the Louvre, at Paris. Similar sieve-like per- forated vases were also found at Szihalom in Hungary, 9 as well as in the Lake dwellings in the Lake of Bienne ; and Dr. V. Gross suggests that they may have served for draining out honey from the comb. 10 A like use is suggested by Professor W. Helbig for the vases of terra-cotta with perforated bottoms found in the Italian terramare. 11 The Koyal Museum at Berlin contains a sieve-like bowl like No. 1190, as well as a one-handled jug, perforated all over like No. 1191. Professor Virchow suggests that they may have been used to preserve fruits ; and probably he is right. No. 1197 is a crucible of but slightly- baked clay, which, as Mr. Giuliano says, was mixed with cow-dung to make the vessel stronger and better able to resist the fire. No. 1198 is another crucible. No. 1199 marks a smaller boat-like vessel, of a similar clay and fabric, which must also have been used in Trojan metallurgy. Nos. 1200 and 1201 represent perforated cylinders of grey clay, which have evidently been only sun-dried, and never baked. Clay cylinders of this shape are frequent in the fourth city, but they are still much more abundant in the third, the burnt city, where, owing to the intense heat to which they have been exposed in No. 1197. Crucible of Clay. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) No. 11 No. 1199. Nos. 1198, 1199. Crucibles of Clay. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 13 to 19 ft.) the conflagration, they always have a yellow colour. It deserves attention that these clay cylinders occur neither in the following, the fifth city, nor in the first or the second city, and that they are peculiar to the third and fourth. Those of the third, the burnt city have for the most part become c A vessel like No. 1195 was found in the Third City: see No. 327, p. 373. 9 See Nos. 23 and 36 in the glass case No. IX. in the National Museum of Buda-Pesth. 10 V. Gross, Resultats des Rccherches dans les Lacs de la Suisse occidentale, p. 23. 11 Wolfgang Helbig, Die Italikcr in der Toc- bene; Leipzig, 1879, p. 17. Chap. VIII.] PERFORATED IMPLEMENTS OF CLAY. 559 so fragile by the conflagration that they easily dissolve in the rain. Those of the fourth city have not been exposed to the conflagration, and are for that reason much more compact and solid. Clay cylinders of the same shape No. 1200. I'erforated Clay Cylinder. (Half actual bize. Depth, laft.) and fabric are found in the Lake-dwellings in the Lake of Constance, 1 and, as Professor Yirchow informs me, they are found in tombs in many regions of Germany. I also saw several specimens of them in the Museum of the Lacustrine Antiquities at Zurich, though I do not see them represented in Ferd. Keller's Pfalilbauten (7ter Bericht). The use of these cylinders is unknown to us. We cannot admit Lindenschmit's 2 opinion, that they served as weights for fishing-nets, as they are not baked, and would, No. 1202. Implement of Clay, with perforation. No. 1203. Perforated Implement of Clay. (Half actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) (Half actual size. Dsptb, 19 ft.) , consequently, dissolve in the water. Of precisely the same fabric are the nearly flat objects of sun-dried clay, like No. 1202, which are also very fre- L. Lindenschmit, Die Vatcrlandischen Alterthumer, PI. xxx. No. 16. 2 Ibid. p. 218. 560 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. quent, not only in the third, the burnt, and the fourth cities, but also in the fifth : they have a perforation near the smaller end ; in a few cases they have a furrow all round the edge, or only on the edge of the smaller end. Similar objects of clay occur also in the uppermost or seventh city ; but there they are thoroughly baked, and have a more symmetrical shape. An object of baked clay of an identical shape was found below the strata of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes in Thera (Santorin), and is in the col- lection of the French School at Athens. An object of clay, similar to No. 1202, found at Nimroud, is in the British Museum ; several similar pieces are in the Museum of Saint Germain-en-Laye, and in the Royal Museum at Berlin. Lastly, I have to mention the quadrangular objects of the very same clay and fabric, like No. 1203, which are perforated through the smaller side. They are likewise very abundant in the third as well as in the fourth and fifth cities. Nos. 12C4, 1205. Cows of Terra-cotta. (3 : 4 actual size. D.-pth, 16 ft.) No. 1206. Ox of Terra-cotta. (3 : 4 actual size. Nos. 1207, 1208. Dogs of Terra-cotta. (3 ; 4 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) Depth, 16 ft.) Nos. 1204-1206 represent oxen or cows, Nos. 1207 and 1208 dogs, of slightly-baked clay. Such animal figures were found exclusively in this fourth city. A large number of similar figures, found at Szihalom, are in the National Museum at Buda-Pesth, 3 where similar ones found at Pilin may also be seen. 4 The Trojan cows before us correspond very well with those found by me in such abundance at Mycenae, 5 with the difference that the Mycenean cows are thoroughly baked, and have always a painted ornamentation. I may add that there is in the British Museum a cow of terra-cotta found in a tomb at Ialysus in Khodes. No. 1209 is a funnel-like object of terra-cotta of unknown use; it is of very thick clay, and has one perforation in the bottom and two on either side. No. 1210 is a fragment of a six-stringed lyre of terra-cotta. No. 1211 is a ring of clay, but slightly baked ; similar rings are abundant in the 3 In the glass case No. X. under Nos. 85-100. de V Exposition prehistorique des Musc'es do 4 See Joseph Hampel, Antiquity's pre'historiques Province, pp. 118, 119. de la Ilowjrie, PI. xiii. Nos. 10-15 ; and Catalogue 5 See my Mycenae, Plate A. Chap. VIII.] SEALS AND CURIOUS TERRA-COTTAS. 561 third and fourth cities. They were prohahly used to support vases with a convex or pointed bottom. Similar terra-cotta rings, found at Pilin, are in the National Museum at Buda-Pesth. 6 Under Nos. 1212 and 1213 I represent two seals of terra-cotta ; the former with a linear decoration. The ornamentation of No. 1213 seems to be floral: this latter seal has a perforated handle. Prof. Yirchow No. 1209. Curious Object of Terra-cotta, having a perforation in the bottom and two on either side. (Actual size. Depth, 13 it.) No. 1210. Fragment of a Lyre with six chords, of Ti (7 : 8 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) rra-cotta. suggests to me that No. 1212 may not be a seal, but the button of a vase-handle : as the lower part is fractured, this is possible, but it is certainly not the case with No. 1213, which is entire. No. 1211. Ring of Terra- cotta. (2 : 5 actual size. Depth, 22 ft.) No. T.-12. No. 1213. Nos. 1212, 1213. Seals of Terra-cotta. (7 : 8 actual size. Depth. 10 to 16 ft.) No. 1214. Small massive quadrangular Object, with incised ornamentation. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 20 to 22 ft.) No 12 No. 1216. No. 1217. Nos. 1215-1217. Curious cubical Object of black clay, having on one side a deep, wide, smooth hole, ar.d an incised ornamentation on four sides. (Almost actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) 6 Joseph Hampel, Antiquites pr&iidoriques de la Ffonjrie, PI. xiii. No. 34. 2 o 562 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. A striking analogy to these Trojan seals is offered by the terra-cotta seals found at Pilin in Hungary, 7 on which the sign of the L-f^ r pj^ predominates; in fact, there are no fewer than seven seals with such signs ; one seal has even two and two L^. No, 1214 is a solid object of terra-cotta, with four feet, having on the top and on the four sides an incised linear ornamentation. Nos. 1215, 1216, and 1217 represent three sides of a very curious object of black slightly- baked clay, in the form of an inkstand ; it is ornamented on one side (1215), within a border of incised hooks and strokes, and an incised circle, enclosing a sign resembling the pjJ, with curved arms, and the middle arms turned downward into spirals; the other sides are decorated with incised strokes or lines. No. 1218 is a pretty lustrous-red. vase-cover No. 1218. Terra-cotta Vase Cover, perforated for tying down to the Vase. (Half actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) of terra-cotta, with perforated projections for tying it down to the vase, which could then be hung up by the same string. 8 This cover has an incised ornamentation representing within a border of strokes a circle with a cross, each arm of which ends in a small circle : between the arms of the cross are three and one L-fj. Professor Yirchow calls my attention to the similarity which exists between this vase- cover and a vase-cover found near Guben in Lusatia. 9 This latter has also a richly incised decoration of concentric circles, crosses and dots, but it has not the two perforated projections of our vase-cover No. 1218. No. 1219 is a little tripod-dish of terra-cotta, with an incised ornamen- tation representing a caterpillar, a tree, and a cross. No. 1220 represents the decoration of a whorl with three Lj^ ; No. 1221, the incised decora- tion of another whorl. Under Nos. 1222 to 1224 I represent three more whorls, calling very particular attention to the signs on Nos. 1222, 1223, 7 Joseph Hampel, Catalogue de l' Exposition from Homer (p. 221). preliistorique des Muse'es de Province, pp. 120, 9 See Sessional Report the Berlin Soc : ety 121. of Anthropology, Ethnology, &c, of July 21, 8 See the explanation of the method, verified 1S77, Plate xvii. No. 5a. HAP. VIII.] TERRA-COTTA WHORLS AND BALLS. 563 Nos. 1223, 1221. Whorls of Terra-cotta, with incised ornamentation. (Actual size. Depth, 20 ft.) No. 1225. No. 1226. Nos. 1225-1227. Terra-cotta Ball. No. 1225. Side View. No. 1226. Upper Hemisphere. No. 1227. Lower Hemisphere, with the signs. (Actual size. Depth, 13 it.) No. 1223. No. 1229. Nos. 1223, 1229. A remarkable Terra-cotta Ball. (Actual size. Depth, 20 ft.) 564 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII which may be written characters. Nos. 1225, 1226, and 1227 represent the three sides of a ball of terra-cotta, with incised signs, which may be written characters. Nos. 1228 and 1229 represent the incised decoration of the two hemispheres of another terra-cotta ball, decorated with a great number of signs resembling the Greek p. Of knives, several were found of the same shape as before represented. Of a different shape is the bronze knife No. 1230, which has been worn No. 1230. Knife of Bronze. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) down by long use. Nos. 1231 to 1243 are brooches of bronze, of which nine have globular heads and four have the head turned into a spiral. These brooches, as Mr. John Evans points out to me, consist of the needle (acus) without the support (fibula). No. 1244 is a bronze wire. Nos. 1245-1247 are bronze arrow-heads. No. 1248 is of bronze, and pro- bably the handle of a small box. Nos. 1249, 1250, and 1251 are bronze 1231 1232 1233 1234 1235 1236 1237 1238 1239 Ncs. 1231-1252. Primitive Brooches, Arrow-heads, &c, of Bronze. (Nearly half actual sizo. Depth, 13 to 20 ft.) needles, 3-3 J in. long, with eyes for threading. The needles Nos. 1249 and 1250 have two pointed ends. Very remarkable are the forms of the Chap. VIII.] NUMBERS OF SPOKES IN ANCIENT WHEELS. 565 last-named needle No. 1250, the eye of which is not in the head, but nearly an inch distant from it, and of No. 1251, the head of which has been beaten flat, and then perforated. The object under No. 1252 is of bronze, and may be an awl or punch. Of bronze battle-axes of precisely the same shape as those found in the burnt city, and represented under Nos. 806-809, only five were found in the fourth city, but all of them of a smaller size. Bronze lances or daggers were not found there. No. 1253 is a wheel with four spokes of lead, and may be an ex-voto. But there can hardly be a doubt that this wheel was copied from the wheels existing at the time it was made. Wheels with four spokes were also in use at Mycenae, for they are seen in the three chariots represented on the tombstones of the royal sepulchres, 10 as well as in the chariot represented on one of the gold rings. 11 I also found at Mycenae two wheels of bronze 1 and six wheels of gold with four spokes. 2 In the Swiss Lake-dwellings at the station of Corcelettes were found two ornaments of bronze in the shape of a wheel with four spokes, and two others of gold with six spokes ; 3 also an ornament of tin, and another of bronze, in the form of wheels with four spokes, at the station of Auvernier. 4 We see also wheels with four spokes on two miniature bronze chariots found at Burg in the bed of the river Sprea, and of which one is in Professor Yirchow's collection, the other in the Boyal Museum at Berlin ; and also on two other chariots of bronze, one of which was found at Ober-Kehle, the other near Drossen, in Prussia. I shall revert to these four chariots in the subsequent pages. The Trojan wheel before us (No. 1253) is unlike the wheels (kv/cXo) of Homer's chariot of the gods, which had eight spokes round the axle. 5 No. 1254 is the fragment of a flat disc of ivory, decorated with incised circles, each with a dot in the centre. Nos. 1255, 1256 are also flat No. 1253. Wheel of Lead. (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) 10 See my Mycenae, p. 52, No. 24; p. 81, No. 140; p. 86, No. 141. 11 Ibid. p. 223, No. 334. 1 Ibid. p. 74, No. 120. - Ibid. p. 203, No. 316. 3 V. Gross, Eesultats des Recherches exe'cutees dans les Lacs de la Suisse occidental; Zurich, 1876, PI. viii. Nos. 9, 16, 18, 19. 4 V. Gross, Deux Stations lacustres, Moeringen et Auvernier; Neuveville, 1878, PI. vii. Nos. 31, 61. 5 II. v. 722, 723 : "H/37J 8' a/x(f)' oxteccri Oows /3aAe KajxirvXa KvKka XctA/cea oKraKvr\}xa, ai^piw a^ovi a/ncpis. My friend Mr. W. S. W. Vaux calls my attention to the fact that the four-spoked chariot-wheel is characteristic of the earliest Greek coins. The early Egyptian, Ethiopian, and Assyrian wheels have six spokes. The Persian Achaemenid sculptures show chariots with eight-spoked wheels. Professor Sayce observes: "The wheels of the Hittite chariots, however, are represented on the Egyptian monu- ments with only four spokes. The wheels of the Egyptian chariots also sometimes have only four, sometimes eight; and a Persian chariot- wheel given by Ker Porter has eleven." (See Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, i. pp. 223-241, new edit., 1879.) In two of the earliest repre- sentations of chariots in Egypt, in the same tomb at Thebes, of the time of Amenhotep II., two chariots have wheels with six spokes, but another chariot has wheels with four. (Villiers Stuart, Kile Gleanings, PI. xxxviii. xxxix. pp. 294, 295.) 566 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. No. 1254. Disc of Ivory, with incised stars (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 16ft.) No. 1256. Nos. 1255, 1256. Objects of Ivory; with incised stars, probably ornaments of a horse's harness. (Actual size. Depth, 20 ft. and 13 ft.) objects of ivory, ornamented on both sides with similar circles ; the latter has three perforations. These three objects may have served as orna- ments on horse-trappings. No. 1257 is of bone and has three perforations. Mr. John Evans holds it to be a guard or bracer used by archers, to prevent the wrist from being hurt by the bow-string ; he adds that the Esquimaux use to the present day similar guards or bracers of bone. The guards or bracers found in England are of stone, and have three perforations at each end. Nos. 1258-1260 are ribs of animals sharpened to a point, and probably No. 1258. No. 1259. No. 1260. Nos. 1258-1260. Ribs of Animals, sharpened to a point, and probably used as awls. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 13 to 18 ft.) Chap. VIII.] STAFF-HANDLES : INSCRIBED WHETSTONE. 587 used as awls. Nos. 1261 and 1262 are awls of thicker bone. Nos. 1263 and 1264 are very rude staff-handles of stag-horn ; both of them having Nos. 1263, 1264. Staff-handles of Bone. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 16 to 20 ft.) quadrangular perforations. A similar staff-handle, of better fabric, found at Inzighofen, 6 is considered to be a small hammer. But this I cannot admit, stag-horn being ill-suited for hammers. Under No. 1265 I represent in double size a whetstone, which, according to Mr. Davies, No. 1265. Whetstone of porphyry, with an inscription. (Double actual size. Depth, about 22ft.) is of red porphyry ; it has an incised inscription, to which I call very particular attention. Professor Sayce discusses this object in his Appendix on the Trojan inscriptions. 7 No. 1266 is a piece of mica-schist, with the bed for a very curious instrument, which is altogether unknown to me. No. 1267 is another mould of mica-schist, with the bed for casting a rude leaf. I represent under No. 1268 a third mould of mica-schist. The object to be cast in it seems to be a large ring with a handle : this mould has two per- forations, by which it was fixed to another mould which had the same form. A perfectly similar mould of green basalt, found at Nimroad, is in the Assyrian Collection of the British Museum. 6 L. Lindenschmit, Die Vatcrland. Alterth. copied here. A facsimile will De found in PI. xxv. No. 2. the Appendix. 7 The characters are not quite correctly 568 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. No. 1266. Mould of Mica-schist. (Half actual No. 1268. Moul I of Mica-schist. (Half actual size. Depth, 16 ft.) size. Depth, 13 to 16 ft.) Nos. 1269 to 1272 are, according to Mr. Davies of the British Museum, hammers and axes of porphyry, diorite, brown haematite, and silicious rock. No. 1272. Nos. 1269-127 J. Stuiie Hammers. (Half actual size. Depth, 13 to 22 ft.) No. 1269 is a perforated hammer of a common type ; the perforation has been worked from both sides, narrowing towards the centre. No. 1270 is a hammer with grooves on both sides : similar grooved hammers occur in England 8 and Denmark. 9 No. 1271 is a perforated hammer of a form 8 John Evans, Ancient Stone Implements; London, 1872, pp. 215, 217. 9 J. J. A. Wovsaae, Xordiske Oldsagcr, p. 12, No. 33. Chap. VIIL] STONE HAMMERS AND AXES. 569 which is also found in England. 1 No. 1272 is a perforated axe, of a form which has also been found in Hungary. 2 Nos. 1273 and 1274 are two groove in the middle. (Half actual size. Depth, 19 ft.) more grooved hammers, of a shape which I have not noticed elsewhere. No. 1275 is a very rude axe of diorite. Nos. 1276-1281 are six axes, No. 1281. Depth, 16 to 20 ft.) Depth, 20 ft.) Depth, 13, 19, and 22 ft.) of which, according to the investigations of Mr. Davies, Nos. 1277 and 1278 are of green jade. I have discussed the jade axes at length in the preceding pages. 3 Of the four other axes, according to Mr. Davies, one is of green gabbro-rock, two are of diorite, and one is of blue serpentinous rock. No. 1282 is, according to Mr. Davies, a pear-shaped object of polished crystalline limestone. No. 1283 is another of those round corn- bruisers which we have discussed before, and which are found here in very large masses. These round corn-bruisers are also found in the debris 1 John Evans, op. cit. p. 203. 2 Joseph Hampel, Collection de V Exposition prchistorique des Musces de Province ; Buda- Pesth, 1876, p. 67, Nos. 34, 38. 3 See pp. 240-243 and 446-451. 570 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. of the Stone age in Egypt, 4 and in the pre-historic city below the strata of pumice-stone and volcanic ashes on the island of Thera. 5 With reference to the stone balls for bruising corn, I am informed that the process may still be seen among the Indians of the Yosemite Valley in California. Their squaws pound acorns with round stone mullers on a granite rock, the flat surface of which is worn into holes by the operation. The same Indians offer another parallel to my discoveries at Troy in the beautiful little arrow-points of obsidian, which they make and use for small game, though they have rifles for large game, — a remarkable No. 1284. Implement of Stone. (Half actual size. Depth, 18 to 22 ft.) example of mixed states of civilization. No. 1284 is an instrument of haematite : as the upper side is well polished and perfectly smooth, it may have served, as Professor Virchow suggests, for smoothing cloth or other textures, while the other side may have been used as a hammer. This is one of the better specimens of the rude stone hammers, which occur by thousands at Hissarlik. No. 1285 is a hollow object of granite, the bottom. (1 : 5 actual size. Depth, about No. 1286. Stone Implement. 13 ft.) (Half actual size. Depth, about 16 ft.) of globular form, with a large perforation in the bottom ; its use is unknown. Of granite also, according to Mr. Davies, is the implement No. 1286, which has a deep groove all round it, and which may have 4 Friedrich Mook, Aegypten's Vormetallische 5 Some specimens of them are in the small Zeit ; Wiirzburg, 1880, PL xii. Nos. 4-6. collection in the French School at Athens. Chap. VIII.] VARIOUS PATTERNS OF WHORLS. 571 served as a weight for fishing-nets. Similar stone implements are found in Denmark, 6 in Georgia, and in Ehode Island. 7 No. 1287 is a quad- rangular piece of limestone, with a semi-globular hollow; its use is a mystery to us. Polishing stones of jasper are frequent. There were also found in the fourth city many needles of bone for female handiwork, boar-tusks, spit-rests of mica-schist, whetstones of slate, porphyry, &c, of the usual form, hundreds of small silex saws, and some knives of obsidian. Stone whorls, which are so abundant at Mycenae, are but rarely found here : all those which occur are, according to Mr. Davies, of steatite. On the other hand, terra-cotta whorls, with or without incised ornamentation, are found by thousands ; their forms hardly vary from those found in the third, the burnt city, and the same may generally be said of their incised ornamentation, of which a fair selection may be seen in the Plates at the end of the volume. The depth at which each whorl has been found is always marked in metres ; and, as a general rule, all the whorls which are marked as from 4 to 6 m., may with great probability be supposed to belong to the fourth city. But of course this can never be said with certainty, because a whorl belonging to the fifth city may by some accident be found in the debris of the fourth, or even of the third city. The only thing of which I can assure the reader with certainty is, that I have spared no care and pains to avoid mistakes. Regarding the whorls with patterns which are found of an identical shape in the third, the burnt, and in the fourth cities, I may say that, for example, the cross patterns Nos. 1817, 1818, 1820, &c, which are frequent in the third, abound also in the fourth city. I can only lay before the reader all the incised patterns of the whorls, leaving it to him to see or not to see in them symbolical signs. I shall remark on those only which, in my opinion, deserve very particular attention. Among these are No. 1838, on one side of which we see three burning altars and a large number of dots, on the other a and three such altars. On No. 1852, again, we see three LJ^ ; on No. 1860, probably, written characters ; on No. 1863, again, a and a Lpj , and similar signs on Nos. 1865, 1866, 1871. More curious is the incised orna- mentation of No. 1867, in which we recognize four hares with a dot below each of them ; and still more so that of the whorls Nos. 1879 and 1880. On the former we see a number of Pj-j and J— -j , a burning altar, a zigzag line generally thought to be the sign of lightning, and three male animals with dots over the back. On No. 1880 we see on each side of the circle a singular sign, which is probably intended to represent a man ; each of these figures is touched by the horns of a large quadruped. In marked contrast with these rudest of rude linear representations of man and animal is the very symmetrical ornamentation on many of the whorls; as, for example, that on No. 1895. I again call attention to the curious written character which we see on No. 1905 on the top of four LC 6 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, p. 18, the U.S. National Museum ; Washington, 1876, No. 88. p. 27, Nos. 107 and 108. 7 Charles Rau, The Archaeological Collection of 572 THE FOURTH CITY ON THE SITE OF TROY. [Chap. VIII. and one f^. It also occurs on Nos. 1912, 1936, and 1939. On No. 1911 we again see three pj- 1 , and as many burning altars. May the curious figure on the side of the whorl No. 1951, to the right, be perhaps meant to represent a cuttle-fish ? From the experience we have gathered of the rude linear representations of men, we venture to propose to the reader to recognize also a human figure in the strange sign on No. 1954. We believe we see written characters on No. 1972, but they still await their decipherer. On No. 1990, again, we see three j^p, alternately with three circles. Under No. 1991 we represent a curiously engraved ball with two y-j, and on the side shown in the upper row to the right a strange figure, which tempts us to ask whether it is not also meant to be a cuttle-fish. The most curious of all the terra-cotta balls is no doubt No. 1993, which is divided by incised lines into eight equal fields, in three of which we again see the same very strange figure ; we again ask the reader if we are permitted to recognize also in these three figures the primitive artist's representation of a cuttle-fish ? CHAPTER IX. THE FIFTH PKE-HISTORIC CITY OF TROY. Above the stratum of ruins of the Fourth City there is a layer of debris about 6 ft. thick, evidently consisting of the remains of houses built of wood and clay. That the people of the Fourth City, of which we see innumerable house-walls, should suddenly have abandoned the architecture they were accustomed to, and have built their houses of wood or mud, or of both conjoined, seems incredible. Besides, the rude stone hammers, which are found in such enormous quantities in the fourth city, are no longer found in this stratum ; nor do the stone axes, which are so very abundant there, occur again here. Instead of the hundreds of axes I gathered in the fourth city, I collected in all only two here ; but one of these — the axe of white jade represented under No. 1288 - is, in the opinion of Mr. Story-Maskelyne, the most precious of all my thirteen Trojan jade axes, on account of its extreme rarity. I attribute it to this Fifth City, as it was found at a depth of only 6 ft. The saddle- querns of trachyte, which occurred in the fourth city by hundreds, were very rarely met with here. The forms of the terra-cotta whorls, too, are in innumer- able instances different here. These objects are of a much inferior fabric, and become more elongated and pointed. Forms of whorls like Nos. 1801, 1802, and 1803, which were never found before, are here very plentiful. Nos. 1289 and 1290 represent two whorls, the former of which is decorated with three linear quadrupeds in rude incised work. Two of them No. 1288. A very rare Axe of white Jade. (Ha'f actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) SI No. 1289. A Whorl with three animals. (Actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) No. 1290. A Whorl with curious signs. (Actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) are no doubt intended to be stags with long horns ; the third is perhaps a roe. In the decoration of the other whorl there is nothing intelligible. 574 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTOKIC CITY OF TROY. [Chap. IX. We continue to find here the same patterns of pottery, hand-made or wheel-made, but they manifest a general decline. We also find here a large quantity of plain wheel-made pottery, which looks quite modern when compared with that of the preceding city. Moreover, the mode of life of the people to which this stratum belongs was entirely different from that of their predecessors : instead of throwing all their kitchen- remains on the floor of their rooms, they carried them away and shot them from the mound, since we but very rarely see in this stratum of debris the shells of oysters or mussels, which visitors may see in such really stupendous masses in the houses of the fourth city. Now that a people should on a sudden have completely changed their mode of life, appears perhaps still more impossible than that they should on a sudden have changed their mode of architecture, or that they should on a sudden have thrown away their numberless stone im- plements and weapons, and have used in their stead implements and weapons of bronze. This series of facts seems to present as many proofs that the stratum of debris, which we are now to discuss, belongs to a new people, among whom, however, part at least of the old inhabitants continued to live. We shall, therefore, call this settle- ment the Fifth Pre-historic City of Troy. Whether the old settlement was conquered, or peacefully taken possession of by the new settlers, must for ever remain uncertain. At all events, there are no traces of a catastrophe ; be- sides, as we have seen in the preceding pages, the inhabit- ants of the fourth city can only have had partial works of defence; they had no regular city walls, like their predecessors. It is difficult to say whether the inhabitants of the fifth city had walls. I certainly brought to light small works of defence in several places, but these may equally well have belonged to the sixth as to the fifth city. It may be that the fifth city had regular walls, but that these were destroyed by the next settlers, or even by the builders of the later Aeolic Ilium. In describing those of the objects found which deserve particular atten- tion, I begin again with the owl-headed vases, which in all probability must Nu 1291. Vase with two breasts and two wing-like handles ; the Cover has an owl's face. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) Chap. IX.] OWL-HEADED FEMALE VASES. 575 have had a sacred character. All of them, without exception, are wheel-made, of a rude fabric, and unpolished} One which I represent under No. 1291 has only two female breasts and two upright projections. The very conspicuous owl's face is modelled on the cover, which has a crest-like handle. May not these strange vase- covers have been copied from the ancient helmets ? Of much inferior fabric is the vase No. 1292, on which the owls face has been rudely modelled ; in fact, the inability of the primitive potter was such that he made the beak above the eyes. On this vase, besides the breasts, the vulva is indi- cated : to this vase belongs a flat cover with a crest-like handle, like that I have put on it. The owl-features and ihe characteristics of a woman have been much more symmetrically modelled on the vase No. 1293, to which also belongs a flat cover such as the reader No. 1292. Vase with an owl's head, the characteristics of a woman, and two wing-like handles. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, G ft.) 576 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTOMC CITY OF TROY. [Chap, IX. sees on it. No. 1294 is again a vase with the characteristics of a woman; to it belongs a cover with an owl's face, like the one I have put on it : the wing-like upright projections are here merely indicated. The face we see on the vase-cover No. 1295 resembles a human face. Very cha- racteristic owl-heads are seen again on the vase-covers Nos. 1296, 1297, No. 1298. Owl-bea'led Vase-cover. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, about 10 ft.) and 1298. No. 1299 marks another vase with the characteristics of a woman, to which has belonged a cover like that which we see on No. 1294. No. 1300 is a very rude terra-cotta idol, on which the owl's beak is indicated by two scratches, and the eyes by two dots ; the hands, which are broken off, appear to have projected. No. 1301 represents one more No. 1299. Terra-cotta Vase with No. 1300. Idol of Terra-cotta, No. 1301. Marble Idol, with owl's bead the characteristics of a woman. with owl's head. (Half actual and girdle. (Nearly actual size. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 6* ft.) size. Depth, 6£ ft.) Depth, about 8 ft.) No. 1301A. Marble Idol, No. 1302. Two-handled Cup (Senas No. 1303. Sieve-like perforated Terra- with owl's head and girdle. iix^iKvneWov). (1 : 4 actual size. cotta Funnel. (About l : 3 actual size. (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, Depth, about 6* ft.) Depth, 6* ft.) G to 10 It.) Chap, IX.] IDOLS : VASES AND JUGS. 577 of the common idols of marble on which an owl's head is rudely scratched. On the waist the girdle is indicated by four parallel incised lines. A further very characteristic specimen of an owl-faced marble idol is repre- sented under No. 1301a. Similar owl-faced marble idols are even more plentiful in this fifth city than in any of the preceding cities. No. 1302 is a Serra? a^ucvireXkov, belonging to this fifth city. Like all similar goblets found in this stratum, it is but of very small size when compared with the large goblets of the preceding cities. No. 1303 is a large sieve- like perforated funnel, which is represented here head downwards. No. 1316. Large Jug with straight neck, a : 6 actual size. No. 1307. Jug with long neck. Depth, 9 ft.) (Nearly 1 : 3 actual size. Depth, 9 ft ) 2 p 578 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTOKIC CITY OF TEOY. [Chap. IX. No. 1304 is a very rude hand-made double-handled grey vase, having on either side two breast-like excrescences ; its neck is decorated with four rudely-incised lines and signs without signification. The double- handled lustrous-red goblet, No. 1305, is hand-made and well polished ; its type but rarely occurs in this stratum. No. 1306 is a wheel-made globular lustrous-yellow jug, with an upright spout and trefoil orifice, such as we have already passed in review ; the bottom is convex. Wheel-made also is the dark-red jug No. 1307, with an upright spout of a peculiar shape, such as we have never seen before. A spout of an identical shape is seen on the wheel- made tripod-jug No. 1308. No. 1309 is a grey hand-made jug of a very No. 1303. Tripod Globular Vase, with straight neck. (Nearly 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) rude fabric, with a convex bottom ; No. 1310, a wheel-made black tripod- jug, with a trefoil mouth. No. 1311 is a very large wheel-made globular well-polished lustrous-yellow jug, with a trefoil mouth j No. 1312, a red wheel-made bottle ; No. 1313, a hand-made jug, with a long spout and one handle; No. 1314, a wheel-made black bottle, with a convex bottom ; No. 1315, a wheel-made red globular vase, with a long cylindrical neck and convex bottom. Very frequent in this fifth city is the shape of the one-handled lustrous-red pitcher No. 1316, as well as that of No. 1317, both of which may probably have been used as drinking cups. Cups already shown under Nos. 1094 to 1100 are very abundant in this city also. No. 1318 is a brown hand-made basin, with one handle ; No. 1319, a rude hand-made Chap. IX.] JUGS, BOTTLES, AND PITCHERS. 579 580 THE FIFTH FRE-fflSTOEIC CITY OF TROY. [Chap. IX. No. 1321. Eude Censer. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) No. 1320. Vass with incised ornamentation. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) ladle ; No. 1320, a pretty little lustrous-black wheel-made vase, with an incised zigzag ornamentation round the neck; No. 1321, a very rude un- polished censer. No. 1322 is a large wheel-made globular yellow vase, with double upright curved handles. The fabric and form of this vase, as well as the clean though very common clay of which it is made, appear very modern when com- pared with any of the other vases found in this last pre- historic city, or in any of the preceding ones. The cover is also wheel-made, of a lustrous dark-red colour, and has a pretty handle in the form of a crown ; it is decorated with two parallel incised lines. This par- ticular sort of vase-cover does not occur any more, but vases of the shape of that before us are frequent in this fifth city. No. 1323 is a wheel- made one-handled jug, of an oval form, with a flat bottom ; it is of a rude fabric, and badly polished ; the rim of the orifice is bent over. Jugs of this form are not rare. No. 1322. GlobuUir Vase, with two handles and Cuver in form of a crown. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) Chap. IX.] POTTERY MOSTLY HAND-MADE. 581 No. 1323. Jug with one handle. No. 1321. Globular Jug, wiih a projection on the (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) neck. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) No. 1324 is a wheel-made one-handled grey jug, of a glohular form, with a flat bottom ; it has a trefoil mouth and a curious boss on the neck. No. 1325 is a red one-handled hand-made cup, with an ear-like pro- tuberance on either side : cups of a similar shape are not rare. No. 1326 is a grey hand-made vase, with a flat bottom and tubular holes for sus- pension on the sides, as well as near the mouth. No. 1325. Globular Vase, with projecting ornament on No. 1326. Vase with tubular holr s fcr either side in the form of a horse-shoe. (1 : 4 actual suspension. (About 1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 9 ft.) size. Depth, 13 ft.) The pottery shown under Nos. 1327 to 1330 is all hand-made and of a rude fabric: the shapes of the jug No. 1327, and of the pitcher No. 1328, No. 132t. No. 1330. Nos. 1327-1330. Three Pitchers and a Baby's Feeding Bottle. (1 : 4 actual s'ze. Depth, 6 to 10 ft.) are frequent. Very remarkable and unique is the cup No. 1330, with its handle above the mouth and the spout in the body ; it is probably a baby's 582 THE FIFTH PRE -HISTORIC CITY OF TROY. [Chap. IX. feeding bottle. The black double cup, No. 1331, with flat bottoms, is also wheel-made, as well as the double cup No. 1332, which has four feet. No. 1331. Terra-cotta Vessel, composed of two No. 1332. Terra-cotta Vessel, with four feet, forming separate cups. (1 : 4 actual size. two Vases. (1 : 4 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) Depth, 6 ft.) Both of these vessels are partly restored with gypsum. No. 1333 is a hand-made bowl of a dark-brown colour : similar bowls frequently occur here. It deserves peculiar attention that there are no wheel-made dishes in this city. One might suppose that the people had become disgusted with the rude unpolished dishes of the two preceding cities, and preferred to use hand-made ones, which are much more solid and prettier. Nos. 1334 to 1336 are three very small, rude, very slightly-baked clay cups, with convex bottoms and flat covers. These lilliputian vessels No. 1333. Dark-brown Bowl. (1 : 4 actual size. with flat covers. (Nearly half actual size. Lepih, 6 ft.) Depth, lo ft.) only occur in this fifth pre-historic city, but they are found here in large numbers, sometimes by the dozen together : their use is an enigma to us. Professor Koberts thinks they may possibly have been crucibles. No. 1337 is a seal of terra-cotta, with a perforated handle for suspension ; it is badly baked and of a rude fabric, with a rudely-incised linear decora- tion and four dots. Nos. 1338 and 1339 are two funnels of slightly- No. 1339. No. 1337. Terra-cotta Seal. (About Nos. 1338, 1339. Two little Funnels of Terra-cotta. balf actual size. Depth, 3 ft.) (About half actual size. Depth, 10 ft.) Chap. IX.] CURIOUS INSCRIBED FUNNELS. 583 baked clay, of a lustrous-brown colour. On botb of tliem we again see the written character mo, which so frequently occurs in the preceding cities. As Prof. Sayce shows in his Appendix, these funnels are almost identical in shape, material, and character with a funnel found by Mr. George Smith under the floor of the palace of Assur-bani-pal or Sardanapalus at Kou- yunjik, and inscribed with Trojan characters, which was probably brought to Nineveh by the Lydian ambassadors of Gyges. They seem to have been used as measuring vessels, and the word mo with which they are inscribed may be derived from the Aryan root ma, " to measure." No. 1340 is another terra-cotta seal, better baked, but decorated merely with small concentric circles. 2 No. 1341 is a perforated object of stone of unknown use. No. 1342 is a large saw of silex, with marks on its upper part of its having been cased in a wooden handle. To the many localities enumerated in the preceding pages where similar flint saws are found, I can now also add Egypt ; for in Fr. Mook's Aegyptens VormetalliscJie Zeit 3 I find a great many silex saws No. 1340. Seal of Terra-cotta. No. 1341. Object of Stone. (7 : 8 actual size. Depth, 6 to 10 ft.) No. 1342. Silex Saw. (Half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) represented, also one (PI. xiii. 8) made of jasper found at Helwan in Lower Egypt, which is nearly of an identical shape with the saw before us (No. 1342). But I must add that in the fifth pre-historic city of Troy I found only two saws of this shape and not one of any other shape, though the silex saws occur in such vast abundance in the preceding cities, and particularly so in the fourth. No. 1343 is a curious well-shaped hammer of diorite ; it has no hole. This is the only specimen of a hammer found in the fifth city. I do not find that hammers of a like shape have ever occurred elsewhere ; but Prof. Virchow observes to me that stone hammers of a somewhat similar shape have been found in Oregon. No. 1344 is one of the very few stone grain-bruisers of this fifth city. I do not think I found more than three 2 In terminating Avith this seal my review of the pottery of the five pre-historic cities of Troy, I beg leave to say that, in spite of the most scrupulous attention devoted by me to the sub- ject, it may be that there are a few vessels be- longing to the third city which have been classed under the fourth, and again a few belonging to the fourth which have been classed under the fifth city, or vice versa; indeed, this is almost unavoidable, owing to the inequality of the level of these last three cities. But if there be any confusion, it can only be in a few instances. There can be no mistake in the pottery of the two lowest cities, the types being so vastly different from each other, and also from the pottery of all the following cities. The depth was carefully noted on each object, either by my overseers or myself, when it was found. 3 Wurzbursr. 1880. 584 THE FIFTH PRE-HISTOEIC CITY OF TROY. [Chap. IX. of them in all here, whilst, as has been said, they occur by thousands in the preceding cities, and particularly in the fourth. Besides the many places enumerated in the preceding pages in which they have been No. 1343. Hammer of No. 1344. Stone Ball for use. Weight, 472 grammes. No. 1346. Object of Stone: Diorite. (Half actual bruising grain. (Half actual (Half actual size. Depth, a Phallus? (Half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) size. Depth, 6 ft.) 6 to 8 ft.) size. Depth, 9 ft.) met with, they are found in Egypt. 4 No. 1345 is an instrument of silicious stone, which may have served as a weight for fishing-nets. Similar stone instruments are found in Denmark. 5 No. 1346 is of white marble, and from its shape we are led to think that it may be a symbol of Priapus. I have discussed this subject in the preceding pages. Similarly- shaped stones occur in all the five cities. No. 1347 is a perforated disc or quoit of granite, the only one found in this fifth city, but similar discs occur in all the four other pre-historic No. 1317. Stone Disc or Quoit. (Half actual size. No. 1348. Mould of Limestone, in the shape Depth, 9 ft.) of a bottle. (Half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) cities of Hissarlik. The game of quoit-throwing was in general use in the Homeric age. The player who threw it farthest gained the prize ; 6 hence 4 F. Mook, Aegyptens Vormetallische Zcit, No. 88. PI. xii. Nos. 4-6. « 77. ii. 774: 5 J. J. A. Worsaae. Nordis\e Oldsager, PI. xviii. BliTKoiaiy ttpirovTO Kal alyavtricnv tivres. Chap. 'IX.] QUOITS: MOULDS: BRONZE NEEDLES, ETC. 585. the word hlaicovpa, signifying the distance of a quoit's throw : — " For although at first he remained a quoit's throw behind, yet quickly he came up with him." 7 Also hlcricov ovpa, to express the same thing. 8 The word Blcr/cos may be derived from hweZv, SeU-vvfii, the Sanscrit dig, for hUyos. The quoit was always round and smooth, usually of stone, but also of wood, and once in the Iliad of iron, and was then called T7* i • • -r» i i ii • jji head. (Half actual size. ot bant Lusebio, m Koine ; but this is as yet the Depth, about is ft.) first specimen of such a horned vase found in Latium. Chronologically, therefore, it belongs to the Bronze age in the terramare of the Emilia, and perhaps to the Stone age in the Lake- dwellings on the other side of the Po ; but it belongs to the first Iron age in the tombs and fields in the district of Bologna, and in the tombs of Yolterra ; to the Bronze age, in the fields of the Abruzzi ; and to the Bronze age, also, on the Esquiline. 9 These two-horned vase handles have called forth many learned dis- cussions, but it never yet occurred to any one that they might be the inheritance of the Lydian vase-handles with cow-heads. I feel sure that the explanation I now offer will at once be universally adopted. I may add that cow-heads never occur in any of the first five pre-historic cities of Hissarlik; and also that among the pottery from Chiusi in the British 8 L. Pigorini and Sir John Lubbock, op. cit. No. 6. 9 Pigorini, in the Bulkttino di Paletnologia Italiana of January 1878, p. 16. 600 THE SIXTH OR LYDIA.N CITY OF TROY. [Chap. X. Museum there are some terra-cotta vases having handles ornamented with heads of horses or cows. 10 I remind the reader that cow-heads of gold or terra-cotta, and par- ticularly those of gold, are very frequent at Mycenae, where I found fifty-six solely of the shape represented in my Mycenae, p. 218, Nos. 329, 330, and numerous fragments of others. They also occur of hronze in Germany. Thus, for instance, Professor Virchow calls my attention to a small two-wheeled chariot of bronze in his collection, which is decorated with three cow-heads and as many birds ; also to a three-wheeled chariot of bronze, decorated with two cow-heads and three birds, which is in the Eoyal Museum at Berlin. Both chariots were found in the bed of the river Spree, near Burg, in Lower Lusatia. 11 He further recommends to my notice a third two-wheeled chariot of bronze, found near Ober-Kehle, in the district of Trebnitz (Lower Silesia), and preserved in the Breslau Museum, which is likewise decorated with two cow-heads and three birds, and to a fourth similar one found at Frankfurt on the Oder, and preserved in the Museum of Neu Buppin. Professor Virchow further mentions a cow-head of bronze with long horns, found near Gr. Pankow in Westprieg- nitz, near Pritzwalk, and a three-horned cow-head of bronze with a bird's beak, preserved in the Museum of Copenhagen ; the horns are long, and strongly bent forward. He also draws my attention to two cows or oxen of pure copper found near Bythin, in the district of Samter, in the province of Posen. Professor Virchow writes on them : " The length of the horns and their wide span decidedly point to southern prototypes. So far as it is known, such long-horned cattle have never existed in our country ; even now we do not see them before coming to Moravia, Hungary or Italy. The pointed heads do not permit the idea that buffaloes might be intended." 1 The Markisches Museum at Berlin also contains a vase found in Germany with handles in the form of two cow-horns, similar to the vase-handles found in Italy. Some small cow-heads of gold have also been found in Scythian tombs in the south of Bussia. Perhaps the most remarkable vessel I ever saw is a terra-cotta vessel with a well-formed cow-head 2 in Professor Virchow's collection. It was found by the sagacious Miss Adele Virchow, in the excavations she undertook, as before mentioned, in com- pany with her father and her brother, in the pre-historic graveyard of Zaborowo, in the province of Posen. I cannot conclude the discussion on pre-historic heads of cows or oxen without calling particular attention to the marvellous collection of bronzes found in the island of Sardinia, and preserved in the Museum of Cagliari. Among the numerous animals represented there, we see 10 Among the spoil taken from the Shasu Arabs by King Thutmes III., we find " one silver double-handled cup, with the head of a bull " — pro- bably, like other objects mentioned in the same record, of Phoenician workmanship. (Brugsch, Hist, of Egypt, vol. i., p. 383, Eng. trans. 2nd ed.) 11 See Auszug aus dem Monatsbcricht der Konig- lichen Ahademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin, November 16, 1876. 1 Sessional Report of the Berlin Society of Anthropology, Ethnology, &c, of December 6, 1873. 2 See Sessional Report of the Berlin Society of Anthropology, Ethnology, &c, of May 10, 1873, PL xiii. fig. 1. ClIAP. X.] OBJECTS OF IYORY, ETC. 601 bulls and cows ; 3 we also recognize some cow-heads among the horned animal heads which decorate the very curious miniature round boats of bronze, called in the Sardinian dialect Gius (perhaps a corruption of the Greek tcvaOos, cup), and supposed to be votive offerings. 4 We also see there an object of bronze representing a woman riding on a cow, 5 as well as a large number of female idols with cow-horns on their heads, 6 or with cow-horns proceeding from the shoulders, 7 like those on most of the Mycenean idols. 8 As these Sardinian idols have the arms well formed, there is no possibility that the cow-horns (or perhaps symbolic horns of the crescent) might be mistaken for arms, as has been the case with those of the Mycenean idols. I may add that the remarkable Museum of Cagliari contains also horned man's heads. 9 No. 1406 represents a brooch of ivory, ornamented with a bird. No. 1407 is a small disc of ivory exhibiting in intaglio-work a scorpion, on each side of which is an animal. One of these is represented No. 1406. Brooch of Ivory. No. 1407. Object of Ivory. (Double (2 : 3 actual size. Deptb, 5 It.) size; found on the surface.) No. 1403. Watch-shaped Object of Terra- cotta, with two perforations. (About half actual size. Deptb, 5 to 8 ft.) with three teats, and is turned upwards ; the other is turned the reverse way. They resemble fitchets or polecats, though the primitive artist may have intended to represent lions or dogs : that this latter animal was intended to be represented is the opinion of Professor Virchow. The scorpion was, in Egyptian mythology, the symbol of the goddess Selk. I picked up this curious disc of ivory on the surface of the ground on the high plateau of the hill, where excavations were going on at a depth of from 6 to 12 ft. : it must therefore have fallen from a cart-load. As nothing like it was found in the debris of any of the first five pre- historic cities or in the ruins of the Aeolic Ilium, whilst in the artistic style of the intaglio there is at least some analogy to that of the head No. 1391, and the cow-head No. 1405, I attribute it with much confidence to the Lydian city. No. 1408 displays the same dull black colour and the same fabric as all the pottery of this Lydian city ; it is of the size and shape of our watches, 3 Vincenzo Crespi, B Museo d' Antichita di Cagliari; Cagliari, 1872, PL v. figs. 7, 8. 4 Ibid. PL vi. 5 Ibid. PL iv. fig. 10. * Ibid. pp. 52, 53, 54, figs, c, e, f, g, k. 7 Ibid. p. 52, fig. b. 8 See my Mycenae, p. 12, figs. 8, 10 ; PL xvii. figs. 94, 96; Coloured PL A, fig. d, PL B, figs. e,f. 9 Vincenzo Crespi, op. cit. PL iii. fig. k. 602 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN CITY OF TROY. [Chap. X. and has two perforations. It is remarkable for the character or symbol incised on it, which so very frequently occurs on the Trojan whorls ; and, curiously enough, also oyer the doors of three of the hut-urns found in the ancient necropolis below a stratum of peperino near Marino, 10 as well as over the door of a similar hut-urn from the same necropolis, preserved in the Eoyal Museum at Berlin. It also occurs seven times on the bottoms of vases found by Miss Sofie von Torma in her excavations in the Maros and Cserna valleys in Siebenbiirgen (Transylvania). 11 Whorls are frequent in the sixth city ; all of the very same slightly- baked, dull blackish clay of which all the vases consist. They have for the most part the form of Nos. 1802, 1803, and 1805, and have generally only an incised linear decoration filled with white chalk ; but there are also some whorls ornamented with p|J or Lpj and other signs, which may have a symbolical meaning. No. 1409. Marble Knob of a Stick. (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 1 It.) No. 1410. Marble Knob of a Stick. (Half actual size. Depth, 5 ft.) No. 1411. Die of Stone. (7 : 8 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) No. 1409 and No. 1410 are marble knobs of sticks; No. 1411, a die of silicious stone. Herodotus 1 attributes to the Lydians the invention of dice. No. 1412 is of the same clay, and is probably a female idol. All the marks we see on it — eyes, nose, mouth, &c. — have been incised before the No. 1412. Figure of Terra-cotta, pro- bably a female idol. (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) No. 1413. No. 1414. Nos. 1413, 1414. Female figure with large eyes. No. 1413. Front. No. 1414. Back. (Nearly 2 : 3 actual size. Depth, about 9 ft.) 10 L. Pigorini and Sir John Lubbock, op. cit. PI. ix., Nos. 7-9 ; only on No. 8 the sign has one vertical stroke more than on the two others and on the object before us. 11 Carl Gooss, Bericht iiber Fraulein Sofie von Torino's Sammlung praehistorischcr Alterthumer aus dem Maros- und Cserna- Thai Siebenbiirgcns ; Hermannstadt, 1878, Nos. 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 17. 1 i. 94 : i^vp^drjvai dr) Siv rdre koI tuv Chap. X.] BKONZE BROOCHES AND KNIVES. 603 baking : the horizontal line above the eyes may indicate the frontlet ; the necklace is indicated by another horizontal line, with three ornaments, hanging down from it. The figure has a projection to the right and left to indicate the arms. These are joined by a third horizontal line. In its middle is a dot, perhaps intended to mark the vulva. No. 1413 is probably another female idol, for two breasts are indi- cated. The eyes are particularly large ; the eyebrows and the nose are marked in the rudest way. The mouth is not indicated as in the owl- headed vases and images, or the rude idols found in the Aegean islands. Three horizontal lines on the neck seem to denote necklaces. The arms are represented by small projections to the right and left. Vertical scratchings on the back of the head (No. 1414) indicate the female hair. The bronze brooch, No. 1415, as well as the fragment of another brooch, No. 1416, were found by a shepherd in digging a furrow a few No. 1415. Primitive Bronze Brooch, with a file of gold beads attached to it. (Actual size. Found near the surface.) No. 1416. Fragment of Bronze Brooch, with two files of gold beads attached to it. (Actual size. Found near the surface.) inches deep round a barrack of wood and straw which he had built for me at the western foot of Hissarlik. I attribute these objects to the Lydian city only because the inhabitants of the succeeding Aeolic Ilium were too civilized to use such rude nail-like brooches with flat heads, and I do not see how these objects could lie so close to the surface if they belonged to any one of the pre-historic cities. That they were used as brooches is evident from the gold beads, of which twenty-five adhere to the large brooch and twenty-two to the fragment. Professor W. Chandler Koberts of the Eoyal Mint, who examined these objects, is of opinion that the gold beads must have been suspended by a string to the brooches, and must have become attached to them by the cementing action of the oxide and carbonate of copper. Professor Yirchow suggests to me that No. 1415 might have been a hair-pin. But I hardly think this pos- sible, on account of its heavy weight and its length of • 12 metre, or nearly 5 in. No. 1417 is a knife of bronze plated with gold, but in many ptaces No. 1417. Knife of Bronze, thickly gilt. (Actual size. Depth, 6* ft.) 604 THE SIXTH OR LYDIAN CITY OF TROY. [Chap. X. covered with oxide and carbonate of copper. Nos. 1418 to 1420 are crooked bronze knives : in No. 1418 may be seen the hole by which it was fastened No. 1418. Nos. 1418-1420. Three Knives of Bronze. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 3ft.) in the wooden handle. No. 1421 is an iron knife, with a ring for suspen- sion. A nail, the head of which is clearly seen in the engraving, can leave No. 1421. Iron Knife, with ring for suspension and a rivet of the wooden handle. (About 2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 13 ft.) no doubt that the handle was enclosed in wood. This knife was found at a depth of 13 ft. below the surface, and, judging from the depth alone, it ought to belong to the fourth or fifth pre-historic city. But as not the slightest trace of iron has ever been found by me in any of the five pre- historic cities of Troy or in Mycenae ; as, moreover, the shape of this knife is so widely different from the shape of all other knives found in those cities, whilst it has the very greatest similarity to the Etruscan knives, and also to the blade of a bronze knife found in the necropolis of Eovio, 2 as well as to a bronze knife found in the tombs of Soldo near Alzate (Brianza), 3 I am forced to attribute it to the Lydian city. The weight of the iron would easily account for its having sunk to the depth at which it was found. No. 1422 is evidently also an arrow-head with two barbs, but we are at a loss to say in what manner it could have been fastened to the shaft. No. 1423 is a bronze arrow-head without barbs. Similar arrow-heads are found in Denmark. 4 No. 1424 is a lance-head of bronze. Unlike all the lance-heads found in the third, the burnt city, 5 this lance-head has a 2 Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana, 1875, PI. iv. No. 1. 3 Ibid. January and February, 1879, PI. i. No. 11. The knife before us resembles likewise some of the bronze knives found in the Swiss Lake-dwellings (see V. Gross, Ekultats des Recherclies dans les Lacs de la Suisse occidental ; Zurich, 1876, PI. v.). 4 J. J. A. Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager, PI. xxxii. No. 145. * In the other four pre-historic cities of His- sarlik no lance-heads of bronze were found. Chap. X.] LANCE AND ARROW-HEADS : HORSES' BITS. 605 tube, in which the wooden shaft was fixed. As I have already stated, all the Homeric lances seem to have had a similar tube for the shaft. Moreover, all the lance-heads found by me at Mycenae are similar to that before us. Nos. 1422-1425. Lance, Arrow-heads, and Fragment of Bridle of Bronze (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) The object No. 1425 is also of bronze, with three rings, of which the lower one is broken ; it seems to be part of a bridle. This is also the opinion of Mr. John Evans, who has in his collection a similar object, with the sole difference that the rings, instead of protruding as on the Hissarlik bridle, are here in the centre of circular projections in the rod of the bridle. Moreover, a bronze bridle was found by Dr. Y. Gross in the Lake- dwellings at the station of Moeringen, in the Lake of Bienne, composed of two pieces almost perfectly similar to that of the object before us; the bit for the mouth of the horse was fixed in the middle ring in both cases, the sole difference being that the rings from Switzerland form long ovals. 6 Professor Yirchow calls my attention to two objects of bronze, each with three protruding rings, strikingly similar to the bridle-fragment No. 1425, which were found at Seelow, in the district of Lebus, near the Oder. 7 Only here each piece is in the form of a lizard, and has four feet. The curious instrument of copper or bronze (No. 1426), in the shape of a bar with the two ends turned into pointed hooks, has also the appearance of a bit. No. 1427 is a small bronze cup, perforated like a colander. No. 1428 is a bronze cup on a tall stem, but without handles, and with a very large foot. A cup of a perfectly identical shape is in the Museum of Verona. 8 The cup No. 1428 is also very similar in form to the Greek and Etruscan cup called holkion by Mr. Dennis. 9 Nos. 1429 and 1430 represent a curious sort of large double-edged bronze battle-axe, of which I found four at a depth of 6 ft. As I never found 6 V. Gross, Resultats des Recherches dans les 8 Pigorini, in the Ridlettino di Paletnologia, Lacs de la Suisse occidental, PI. xv. No. 1. Feb. 1877, PI. ii. No. 3. 7 See Sessional Report of the Berlin Society of 9 TJie Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, p. cxxi. Anthropology, Ethnology, &c, of April 17, 1875. No. 55. 606 [Chap. X. No. 1428. Kos. 1427, 1428. Goblet and sieve-like Cup of Bronze. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) No. 1429. Nos. 1429, 1430. Axe of Bronze. (About 1 : 3 actual size. Depth, 6 ft.) this shape in any of the other pre-historic cities, I attribute them with much probability to this Lydian city. I found two double-edged bronze hatchets of a perfectly identical shape at Mycenae. 10 A similar double- edged axe of copper was found in Hungary. 1 These double-edged axes are characteristic of Asia Minor, and Zeus Labrandeus of Caria derived his name from labranda, which meant a double-edged battle-axe in the Carian language. They also frequently occur in Greece and Assyria, as well as in Babylonia. A similar double-edged axe, but of copper, was found in the Lake-dwellings at Liischerz ; 2 another on the Lower Danube. 3 A similar double-edged axe, also of pure copper, was found by Dr. V. Gross in the Lake-dwellings at the Station of Locras, in the Lake of Bienne in Switzerland. 4 I also found them very frequently represented on the gold jewels in the royal tombs of Mycenae ; as, for example, between the horns of fifty-six cow-heads ; 5 also two such double -edged axes are 10 See my Mycenae, p. Ill, No. 173. 1879, PI. xvii. Nos. 2a, 2b. 1 See Joseph Hampel, Catalogue de V Exposition 3 Ibid. Nos. 3a, 3b. pre'historique des Musees de Province, p. 139, 4 V. Gross, Les dernieres Trouvailles dans les No. 147. Habitations lacustres du Lac de Bienne ; Porren- 2 See Sessional Report of the Berlin Society of truy, 1879, PI. i. No. 1. Anthropology, Ethnology, &c, of October 18, 5 See my Mycenae, p. 218, Nos. 329, 330. Chap. X.] DATE OF THE LYDIAN CITY. 607 represented on the gold seal-ring in the archaic Babylonian style, 6 and one on the remarkable gem of agate. 7 M. Ernest Chantre, assistant director of the Museum of Lyons, has sent me the analysis of one of these battle-axes made by the celebrated chemist, M. Damour of Lyons. I had drilled the axe, and sent him the drillings : — Grammes. Analysis 0-5280 Deducting the sand contained in it 0*0070 0-5210 In 1 • 0000 part. 0-4810 = 0-9232 0-0385 = 0-0739 0-5195 = 09971 Now, regarding the chronology of this Lydian city, I think every archaeologist will admit that all the articles which we have passed in review, and particularly the pottery, denote an early state of civilization. Moreover, here were still in use the vases with long rams' horns and the vase-handles with long-horned cow-heads, from the former of which the bosses on the most ancient Etruscan vases seem to have originated, while from the long-horned cow-heads we may trace the famous two-horned or crescent vase-handles found in the terramare and elsewhere in Central Italy. No vases with rams' horns, or handles with long-horned cows' heads, have ever been found in the terramare ; but this does not by any means prove that the Lydian city on Hissarlik must be anterior to the Lake-dwellings by which the terramare were formed ; because vases with bosses or with crescent handles may have existed for centuries in the Italian terramare, whilst the ram-horned vases and the cow-headed handles, from which they were derived, continued to be used in the Lydian settlement at Hissarlik. But it is pretty certain that the immi- gration of the Etruscans into Italy took place before the Dorian invasion of the Peloponnesus, 8 which, as explained in the preceding pages, became the cause of the Aeolian emigration to the Troad. Having to the best of my knowledge and belief selected and described the objects belonging to the Lydian city from among those found in the strata between the fifth pre-historic city and the ruins of the Aeolic settlement, I now proceed to the description of the seventh city, the Greek Ilium. This consists of copper . tin 6 See my Mycenae, p. 354, No. 530. 7 Ibid. p. 362, No. 541. 8 Wolfgang Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene ; Leipzig, 1879, p. 100. CHAPTER XL THE SEVENTH CITY : THE GREEK ILIUM ; OR NOVUM ILIUM. 1 § I. Eemains of the City. The founders of Novum Ilium built their city botli to the east and to the south of Hissarlik, 2 and used this hill as their Acropolis and the seat of their sanctuaries. They did so probably for three reasons : first, because they were conscious of the fact, that here had once stood the sanctuary of Athene as well as the houses of Troy's last king and his sons, and that here the fate of sacred Ilios had been decided, and therefore a religious reverence deterred them from giving up the place to profane use ; secondly, because Hissarlik had strong natural defences, and was admirably situated for an Acropolis ; and, in the third place, because the new settlers were too numerous to build their town on so small a space. This explains the thinness of the Greek stratum of debris on Hissarlik, the scarcity of objects of human industry, even of fragments of pottery, and the abundance of terra-cotta figurines and round pieces of terra-cotta, in the form of watches, with two perforations, which here replace the pre- historic whorls, and seem, along with the figurines, to have served as votive offerings. In commemoration of the Acropolis of old, erroneously attributed to Ilium by Homer, and probably believed by the new settlers to have occupied this identical hill, Hissarlik was thenceforth called Per- gamus, or Priam's Pergamon, as Herodotus 3 names it. Of the first sacred buildings erected here by the new settlers nothing is known to us. The first mention made of a temple is by Herodotus, who relates that Xerxes, on his expedition to Greece (480 B.C.), went up hither to sacrifice to the Ilian Athene. 4 Strabo says that this temple, up to the time of Alexander the Great, was but small and insignificant ((iiKpov Kal ei/reXe?). 5 To this, and to other old temples built by the Aeolian settlers, probably belong the very numerous wrought blocks of lime- stone, often with rude sculptures, which I found embedded in walls of a later time. Of the later costly temple of Athene built by Lysimachus, destroyed partly or entirely by Fimbria, and restored by Sulla, 6 but little had escaped the pious zeal of the early Christians, and no trace of it was visible above ground. The drums of its Corinthian columns, with their 1 I once more remind the reader that no used by Strabo to distinguish the Greek city ancient author calls this city by any other name from Homer's — rb vvv "lhiov, rb . itui. very ueuuuiui renuiie ixca (Half actual size. Depth, 2 to 3 ft.) No. 1456. Female Head; probably Macedonian time. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 2 ft.) No. 1457. Cup-bottom, representing in relief two boys kissing each other. (Nearly half actual size. Depth, 2 ft.) 618 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Chap. XI. No. 1457 is the fragment of a cup-bottom, representing in relief two boys kissing each other. This object finds its analogue in the fragment of a vase from Tarsus (Cilicia) in the Louvre, on which two youths kissing each other are likewise represented in relief. No. 1458 is a mould of terra-cotta, representing a woman and a man ; the latter seemingly with a halo of glory round the head. A two-handled vessel is represented between their heads, with powers below it. This mould seems to be of the late Koman time. Nos. 1459-1464 are six terra-cotta tablets, the first three of which repre- sent, in the opinion of Prof. Yirchow No. 1453. Terra-cotta Mould, repres?nting a man and Prof. SayCe, the winged thundei'- and a woman ; probably late Roman time. , , , on • i t»p (Nearly half actual size. Depth, i to 2 ft.) bolt ot Zeus m low reliet. Professor Yirchow sees in No. 1462 the repre- sentation of a quiver for arrows. Nos. 1463 and 1464 are more difficult to explain. These tablets, of which a large number were found, have probably served to ornament boxes or furniture. No. 14 59. Nn. 1 No. 1461. No. 1463. No. 1464. Nos. 1459-1461. Terra-cotta Tablets, with curious r presentati ns in relief, from the Greek Stratum. (Half actual size. Dep' h, 2 ft.) No. 1465 is the fragment of a painted Hellenic vase, with curious signs resembling Egyptian hieroglyphs. Whorls of clay still occasionally occur in the stratum of Novum Ilium, but all of them are thoroughly baked, and have never any incised or painted ornamentation. But much more abundant here are the objects of terra- cotta, but slightly baked, in the form of our watches, with two perforations § I.] WAX-VOTOS WITH STAMPS. 619 near the border. Many of these objects are round ; in many others the border, just above the two perforations, is flattened. In most instances these objects are decorated with a stamp, in which we see a dog's head, a bee with extended wings, a flying figure, a swan, &c. : this stamp is sometimes in the middle of the object, sometimes on the flat border. But many of them have no stamp, and in this case they are generally much larger, more bulky, of coarser clay and fabric, and more thoroughly baked. Those with stamps are usually of a much better fabric and less baked, probably in order that the stamp might not be injured by long exposure to the fire. Of this latter class I represent seven under Nos. 1466 to 1472. We see in the stamp on No. 1465. Fragment of painted Greek Po.tery. (Half actual size. Depth, 2 to 3 ft.) No. 1466. 01 jet of Terra-eotta, with two perforations, represent- ing a swan and an ihex. (Half actual size. Depth, 2 to 6 ft.) No. 1467. Object of Terra-cotta, with two perforations, representing curious signs. (2 : 3 actual size. Depth, 2 to 5 ft.) No. 146S. Object of Terra-cotta, with two perforations, repre- senting the bust of a man. (Half i ctual size. Depth, 2 to 6 ft. ) No. 1469. Object of Terra-cotta, with two perforations, represent- ing a pigeon. (Half actual tize. Depth, 2 to 6ft.) No. 1466 an ibex and a swan ; in that of No. 1467, curious signs resem- bling Egyptian hieroglyphs ; in that of No. 1468, the bust of a young man with a helmet on his head ; in that on No. 1469, a pigeon ; on No. 1470, a naked woman ; on No. 1471, two ibexes ; on No. 1472, a horse. No. 1470. Curious Object of Terra-cotta, with two perfo- rations, representing a naked woman. (Half actual size. Depth, 2 to 5 ft.) No. 1471. Object of Terra- cotta, with two holes, repre- senting two quadrupeds, pro- bably meant to be ilexes. (Half actual size. Deptb, 2 to 5 ft.) No. 1472. Object of Terra-cotta, with two holes, representing a horse. (Actual size. Depth, 2 to 5 ft.) 620 THE SEVENTH CITY : THE GREEK ILIUM. [Chap. XL Similar objects are found all over the Troad; I picked up some of them from the surface on the sites of Aeanteum and Khoeteum. They are also frequent in Greece, but there they do not occur with stamps. I am not aware that they have been found elsewhere. It has been suggested that they were used as weights for fishing-nets ; but this is contradicted by the neat appearance of these objects, for none of them show marks of wear and tear ; besides, the slightly-baked ones would at once deteriorate in the water, while the delicate figures in the stamps are ill adapted for submersion. I would therefore suggest that, like the ornamented whorls in the five pre-historic cities, these neat objects with double perforations served in the Aeolic Ilium as ex-votos to the tutelary divinity, the Ilian Athene. Of the Greek terra-cotta lamps found in the ruins of Novum Ilium, I represent one, No. 1473, which has a pillar-shaped foot, 7 in. long. No. 1475A. Ho. 1475b. Nos. 1475a, b. Curious bronze Key in the form of a Hermes. (Actual size. Depth, about 4 ft.) As mentioned in the preceding pages, lamps were entirely unknown in all the pre-historic cities, unless certain little bowls served the purpose, like KEY WITH SYMBOLS OF HERMES. 621 the candylia still used in Greek churches. Homer only knew Xa/jLTrrfjpes, fire-vessels or cressets, of which three stood in the great hall of the palace of Ulysses. They consisted of pans of terra-cotta or copper, prohahly placed on pedestals, in which very dry wood mixed with resinous wood 8 (Safc) was hurned. The Homeric torches, Sai'Se?, 9 were therefore nothing else than pieces of resinous wood. From Ba'fc originated the later word Sa?, for " torch," which is used by Thucydides, Polyaenus, Plutarch, and others. No. 1474 is a quadrangular object of lead, representing a boar's head in relief ; it was found in my shaft 10 sunk at the eastern extremity of the town, near the road to Chiblak. It weighs 18 ounces avoirdupois, and recals to mind the ^ Attic dimnaeon, on which likewise heads of animals are usually represented. Nos. 1475a and b represent a very curious key of bronze, with a ring for suspension. Professor Athanasios Bhousopoulos, who examined this key carefully, writes to me the following valuable note on the subject : — " I do not remember having ever seen anything like this key, either in private collections or in museums. It has the shape of the so-called quadrangular images of Hermes, with an altar-like base forming one piece with the body, to which a quadrangular projection is fixed on the back, with a hole corresponding to the lock-bolt. Without this it would not be easy to find out the use of the object, and one might think it to be rather an anathema than a key. The body of the Hermes increases in width towards the top, as is often the case with similar objects ; it has in the middle the phallus, which is indispensable in every Hermes, on account of its symbolical signification. It has also the quadrangular shoulder-projections, which are often conspicuous on the stone Hermae, and which were used for suspending wreaths. You may see this custom in a wall-painting from Herculaneum, in K. 0. Miiller's Benhnaler der alien Knnst, i., PI. i. No. 3. The Hermes body is sur- mounted by a female head, having two tufts of hair above the forehead, which seem to indicate that it was intended to represent Ariadne or a Bacchante ; otherwise we should recognize in it a head of Pallas, and call the whole figure a Hermathene. From the head projects a ring for suspending the key. The whole length of the key is 0*115 metre (about 4J in.). You may see such forms of stone Hermae at Athens, in the Patesia Street National Museum, near the Polytechnic School, of which I have published the best in the Archaeological Ephemeris, New Series, 1862-1863, pp. 183 and 205, PI. xxx., xxxi., and xxxiii." 1 8 Od. xviii. 307-310 : avTiKa \afiirTrjpas rpus 'Icrraaav iv /xeydpoiaiv, ucppa (patlvoiev • 7repi 8e |uAa KayKava BrjKav, ava 7raAai, irepiKTiXa, veov KeKsacrfxiva xaA/cw, Kai Sa'tSas /J.eTe/j.i(Tyov • 9 II. xviii. 492, 493 : vvfxcpas 8' e/c dakd/xuv Sa'iScov vtto Aa/JLirofxevdcav yyiveov dvd &/xa rod ep/xov TrXarvverai jxzv irpoibv 6's ra dvw, wo-n-eo -KoXXams Kal iv 'dXXois dfxoiois, exet Se rbu avayKatov iravrl ipp-fl (paXXbv iv T

, eXet Se ev9ev Kal evQev Kal ras fxao-xaXiaias rerpayooviKas e'|oxas, wcrirep Kal iv\ twv XiOivoov epfxuv TroXXdicis trpbs dvdpTi)o-iv aT((pdvu)v, Sxrirep iSetV trot irdpeo-n e<"/ ad>;iaTi tov kpfiov ttetpaXi) yvvaiKos, rjs 7] k6/j.wo-is Svo Kopvfxfiovs virepdvo) tov fxeTdoTTOv exouca 'ApidSvyv Tiva •/) BdKxVv vTroo-rjuaivei, dXXws yap av irpoo-t'iKaoa avrrjv tt} t7)s IlxXXdb'os Kal 'E p fia07)vr]v av to oXov etfa- Xeaa. tVeo-Ti Se tt? KtcpaXrj Kp'iKOS crvfxcpvrjs trpbs avdpT*r\mv t7)s KXeiSos • to ix^kos bXov t?is KXeibbs • 1 15 yaXXueov yueroou • i'Sots 8' av TOiavTa axy- fxara kpfxwv XlOiva iv "KQ^vais iv Tif Kara tt)v dbbv YlaTTio-'iwv iOviKcp ^oixreuw t<£ irpbs ru> noAvTex- veicp, wv to, KaXXio-Ta SeS^ocneuyueVa Kerrou vn ifxov iv tt) 'ApxaioXoyiKtj 'Ecprjy.fp'ib'i, irep^Bcf SeuTepa 1862-1863, creAt'Si 183 Kal 205 Kal iv'ivaKi A' Kal AA', irpfiX. /cat Ar. 'Ev "A6r)vais tt? B' toO firjvbs tov IB , CTOVS THE GRAND METOPE OF APOLLO. 623 which has to be imagined as concealed by the foremost horse. Moreover the position of the god is half turned forwards, slightly following that of the head, and here also the arm is again strongly turned inwards, but not so as to bring the position into conflict with the rules of relief. If the encroachment of the head on the upper border of the triglyph is con- sidered inaccurate, we find in this a very happy thought, which may remind us of the differently conceived pediment of the Parthenon, where only the head and shoulders of Helios rise out of the chariot still under 624 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Chap. XI. the ocean. Helios here, so to speak, bursts forth from the gates of day, and sheds the light of his glory over the universe. These are beauties peculiar only to Greek art in the fulness of its power." " The sculpture has also," as my friend M. Fr. Lenormant remarks to me, " a real importance for the history of art : it marks a particular phase of it, which is also indicated by the numismatic monuments and the vase- paintings of Greece. This results from the intentional disposition, by which the sculptor has presented nearly the full face of the god's figure, as well as of the whole composition, instead of giving it in profile, as may be seen, for example, in the celebrated bas-reliefs of Florence, repre- senting the like subject. A disposition like this is very rare in Greek art. Numismatists agree that there was an epoch at which all the cities of the Greek world adopted almost simultaneously the custom of placing on their coins an effigy with a full or three-quarters' face, instead of the head in profile which had been in use before. This was in the time of Alexander, tyrant of Pherae in Thessaly, who himself participated in the new fashion by coining a superb silver medal bearing the head of Artemis with a full face : this was also the time when the victories of Epami- nondas and Pelopidas gave Thebes for a while the supremacy over the rest of Greece. In the same century, if we may judge from the style of the coins, Larissa in Thessaly, Amphipolis in Macedonia, Clazomenae in Ionia, Lampsacus in Mysia, Sigeum in the Troad, Thebes in Boeotia, Rhodes, Velia, Croton, Heracleum in Italy, Syracuse and Catania in Sicily, Barca in the Cyrenaica, and many more obscure cities, represented their tutelary divinities with the full face on their coins. In point of material perfection this was the furthest point of progress attained by monetary art. It was the application to this branch of art of the discovery made by Cimon of Cleonae in painting, who was the first to represent heads with the full face, or with three-quarters of the face, which even Polygnotus and Micon themselves had not dared to attempt ; and the discovery passed rapidly over into the domain of sculpture. Until then artists had not ventured to draw or model in the flat a figure with the full or three- quarters' face : this was indeed at first a very difficult enterprise, in which the Greeks had no predecessors. In painting and relief the figures were represented in profile. The school of Phidias itself had not dared to represent them otherwise, except in the sculptures of nearly full relief, like the metopes of the Parthenon or the frieze of the Temple at Phigalia. The invention of Cimon of Cleonae consequently appeared marvellous, and the fashion to which it gave birth is borne witness to by the painted vases with full and three-quarter faces. It has also been found in works of sculpture, and the metope before us must hence- forward be reckoned among the number of these monuments. But the new fashion passed rapidly away. The exquisite taste of the Greeks made them soon feel how far, merely from the point of view of the laws of art, the use of the profile was superior to that of the face on coins. At the same time it was found that, in order to place on them heads of this kind, it was necessary to give to the monetary types a relief which, being worn off by constant friction, exposed them to rapid and prejudicial CAVERN CROWNED WITH W T ILD FIG-TREE. 625 deterioration. Hence, from the time of Alexander people had almost everywhere, except in a few places, such as Ehodes, returned to profiles, the moderate reliefs of which secured for the coin a longer duration with a less rapid diminution of weight. In sculpture in low-relief, also, artists returned, though perhaps a little less promptly, to the habit of representing figures generally in profile, without, however, renouncing completely the new resources at their command, and the element of variety furnished to the artist by the step of progress realized by the Peloponnesian painter." As to the halo of rays which we see on the head of Phoebus Apollo, it first occurs about the time of Alexander the Great. The special form of long and short rays is found on the coins of Alexander I., of Epirus, and of Ceos (Carthaea), mentioned by Curtius. Archaeologists universally agree in claiming for this metope the date of the fourth century B.C. About 60 yards to the west of the spot where this monument was found, I came upon a second Doric triglyph-block, 2 with a metope repre- senting warriors fighting ; but this sculpture is much mutilated and had evidently never been finished, and is therefore of no interest to science. Visitors will see it lying in my large northern trench. About 200 yards to the west of Hissarlik, at a place where the site of Novum Ilium slopes gently down to the plain, is a protruding rock crowned with three fig-trees, which have grown up from the same root. Beneath this rock only ten years ago a hole was visible, said to be the No. 1480. Cavern with a spring, to the left on leaving Troy. The water of this spring runs in the direction of the ancient Scamauder. The tree above it is a wild fig-tree. entrance to a passage called lagoum by the villagers ; but now this hole had been entirely filled up. Mr. Frank Calvert, who crept in about twenty years ago, when the hole was still large, saw before him a long passage ; but several villagers, who pretended to have done the same, 2 This second triglyph-block was found at the place marked P P. 2 s 626 THE SEVENTH CITY : THE GREEK ILIUM. [Chap. XI. assured me that they had seen in it a great many marble statues, standing upright. "Wishing to clear up the mystery, I resolved to excavate the cavern, but in spite of all the kind endeavours of my honoured friend, Sir Henry Layard, it took a long time to obtain the necessary permission from the Sublime Porte. Having at last got this, I set ten labourers to work with pickaxes, shovels, and wheelbarrows, to excavate it. To facilitate the excavation, I made them first dig a trench before the cavern, so as to be able to work it at once on the virgin soil. The proprietor of the land had consented to the excavation, under the condition that he should be one of the workmen and receive treble wages. I found a vaulted passage, 8 ft. 4 in. broad and 5J ft. high, cut out in the limestone rock. About 30 ft. from the entrance a vertical hole, 2 J ft. in diameter, has been cut through the superincumbent rock. It reminded me vividly of a similar hole cut through the rock above the Grotto of the Nymphs in Ithaca, in order to serve as a chimney for the smoke of the sacrifices (see p. 49). But the hole in this Trojan cavern can hardly have been made for such a purpose, for I found in the cavern nothing but potsherds of a late epoch and some bones of animals. I therefore think that the chimney-like hole must have been cut merely for letting in fresh air and light. At a distance of 55 ft. from the entrance the large passage divides into three very narrow ones, only large enough for one man to enter, and of which one turns to the north-east, the second to the east, and the third to the south-east. In the floor of each of these narrow passages a small trench has been cut in the rock, from which water flows. The water of the three trenches unites in a larger trench cut in the floor of the large passage, from which it flows into an earthen pipe. According to Virchow's observation, the water has a temperature of 15°'6 centigr. = 60°*08 Fahr. As the reader will see from the engraving, No. 1480, the rock which covers the entrance to this passage looks as if it had been artificially cut : but this is not the case ; it is a natural formation. At a short distance to the right and left of it are the remains of a large city wall, which has evidently passed over it. Thus the entrance to the passage was imme- diately below the wall, but outside of it ; a fact inexplicable to us. We, therefore, presume that there has been a second larger city wall still further to the west, where the road now runs from Hissarlik to Kalifatli. This certainly appears to be confirmed by the potsherds and marble frag- ments, which reach down as far as that road. THE GREEK INSCRIPTIONS. 627 § II. The Greek Inscriptions found at Novum Ilium. Of Greek inscriptions six were found among the ruins of the Temple of Athene. The largest of them, on a marble slab in the form of a tomb- stone, 5j ft. long, 17J in. broad, and 5f in. thick, is as follows : — ME AETATPOZ !A I EQ NTH I BO YAH I KA ITfll A HMOJXAl PElNAn EAO KENHMINAPI ZTOA I K I AHZOAZZ IOZ E n I ZTOAAZIIAPATOYBAZ IAEQIANTIOXOYONTANTI TPA 4AYM I NYnorErPAA M E NE N ETYXEN AK Ml N KA I AV ' s TOI 4> A ME NOT POAAQN AYTQ.I KAI ETEPQN AlAA£ rOMENQNKAILTEc^ANON A I AONTftN-OZnEPKAIH MEIIflAPAKOAOYGOYM EN A I ATOKA I nPEZBEYZAIA nOTHN nOAEilNTI NAI flPOZH MAI BOYAEI0AI THN XftPANTHN AEAOMENH N AY Tfll YOOTOY B A 1 1 AEILI AN 10 TIOXOYKAI Al ATOI EPONKA I Al ATHNPiPOZYMAIEYNOl A N n POI ENETKAXOAl (IPO ITH NY METE PAN IIOAINA MENOYNAEIOirENEIOAIAYTill nAPATHinOAEfll AY ' TO LYMINAHAIIIEI KA AfiEAAN RO H IAITEY H IAM£ NOlTEnANTATA^I AANOP^nA AYTftl KAl KAOOTI AN 15 CYrXilPHIH ITHN ANArPA^HN nOHXAMENOI KAlZTW AQZANTEZKAIOENTEZ EIZTOIEPONI NAMENHIYMIN BEBAlDIEIZnANTATOrXPONONTAZYrXriPKOENTA EPPftXGE BAZIAEYZANTIOXOIM EAEA rPniXAlPElNAEAQKAMENAPIITOAIKlAHITfilAXZIftl 20 rHZEPrAIIMOYriAEOPA AlIXlAlAriPOZENErKAZOAl nPOZTHNIAIEQN flOAINHZKHYIftN ZYOYN IYNTAZON flAPAAElZAIAPIZTOAlKIAHIAnOTHZOMOPOYIHZTHl rEPriOlAiHTHIZKKYIAIOYANAOKlMAZHIZTAAIIXIAIA nAEOPATHZTHZKAl flPOZOPIZAIEIZTHNIAIEONHTHN 25 IKHYIflN EPPftZO B AZI AEYZ ANTI OXOZM E AE ATPQIXjMPEIN ENETYXENHM I N APIZTOAIKI AHZO AIZIOZAEI.QNAOYN Al AYTX7I HMAZENTH I EEAAHX 'I! ONTOYZ ATP A n E I A I TH N U ETPA N H M n POTE PO H EIXENMEAEATPOZ K Al THZXaPAZTHUlETPI AOZ so EPrAZIMOY FIEOPAXIAIATIENTAKOZI AK A (A AAA rKXnAEOPAAIIXIAl AEPTAZIMOYAn OTHZOMO POYZ HZTH I n POTEPO N A O O ElZ HIAYTniMEPIAUll KA IHMEISXHNTEnETPAN AEA-fr KAMENAYTfrlEI MH AEAOTA(_Aj\ AHIJlPOTEPONKAITHrXflPANTHH 35 flPOZTH] n ETPA I K Al AA A_A rKZHAEGPAAIZXlAlA £PfA.ZIMOrAIAT04)|AoNONTAHMETEPONnAPE£ X H.Z O A I H M I NTAZ KATAYTO NX P£ I AZ M ETA PI A Z H Z EYNOIAZKAinPOOYMIAZZYOYNEniZKEYAMENOZ E I M H A EAOTA I A. A A.Q I PI POTEP O N A YTH H M EPI Z 77 A w PAAEIEONAYTHNKAfTHNnPOZAYTHIX-nPANAPIZ TOAIKJKI. AHfKA f Ano TJHZBAZIAlKHZXnPAZTHXOMO POYZ KZTH I n POTE PON AEAOM E N H I XilPA f A PI ZTOA I J AMENOZT1ETPA NTO Xn PI O NJ< A 1 TH T XjaPANTHNnrKYPOYIANOEPiHinPOTEPONErPAYAMEM A I AONTEZ A YTO I OYAETl KA I NYNn APE I AH4>E NAJ A I ATOAOH N ALQITOI E n ITOYN AYZTAO.M OYEFI I KEXnP HIOAIKAI HHI 55 niENAJSltlMENTHEnETPITLAOI3(nPAI.nAPAAEIX0HNAI' AYTaiTAllAnAEGPAZYrXnPHOHNAIAEKAl AAAAnAE GPAAIIXIAI A nPOZ ENEPKAZO Al nPO Z H N A M B OYAHTA 1 T£LM n OAEQN T£1N E NTI-I I H METE PA I XY M M A X I A I K A © A nEPKAinPOTEPONErPAYAMENOPXlNTEZOYNAYTOW eo EYNOYNONTAKAin PO0YMONE iZTAHKETEPAHPArMA TA BOYAOME0 A no AYfLP EINTA NO PflHOY K AI I"l EP I T O Y TI1.N Z Y r K E XSIP HKAMEN^HZINAEEINAITHZ n ETPI TfAOZXflP AZT AZY rXflPHOENTA AYTHI (1 A E O PAX ^ A I A H E N TA KO Z I AZ Y N TA^E O N OY N K A T A 66 M E TPH I A I A PIXTO Al KlAH IKAl I~l APAAE IEAI J~HZ E P TA Z ! M OYTAT E AIZXIAIAKAIflE NTA K O Z I A n A E OPA KAIANTITHN HEPITHN n ETPAN A AAA EPTA Z f MOYXI A(AHENTAKOZ| A A HO TH I B AZIAIKHXXQ PAZTKZXYN O PI Z OYZ H ZTH IE N APX H I AO O E I ZH I 70 AYTilin APR KflNEAZAI AEKA inPOZENETKAZOAI TH NXflPA N A PI ZTO Al K(A H Nil PO ZHN AN BOYAHTAI nOAlNTHN ENTHIHMETEPAIZYMMAXl A I KA©A riEPKAl ENTH I nPOTEPON EniZTOAHl ETPATA MEN EPPniO 3 M.e\eaypos 'IXiecw rrj f3ov\y ical too Bt^/im %at- peiv. ' A7re8(jQfcev rj/mlv 'A p lcft oB t k i Bt]<; 6 "Acrcnos eVi- (TToXas TTapci rod (SaaCkecos 'Avrio^ov, &v ravrlypa" real erepcov BcaXe- jofievcov /ecu are(f)avov BtBovrcov, toenrep teal rj- yLtet? TTapaKo\ov6ovjJi€v Bid to kcii irpea^evaai d- 7ro rcov irokewv nvd<; 7rpo? (3ov\ea6ai t?]v ^copav rr]v SeBo/juevTjv avru> viro rod ftaciXecDS 'Az^- 10 Tioyov fcal Sid to lepbv /cat Bed rrjv irpbs vfids evvoi- av TTpocreveyKaaOaL rrpbs rrjv vfxeTepav ttoXlv. ' A fiev ovv d^iol yeveaOai avru> irapd t?)? TroXecos, av- 3 " Meleager greets the Council and the people of Ilium. Aristodicides, of Assos, has handed to us letters from king Antioehus, the copies of which we have written out for you. He (Aristo- dicides) came to meet us himself, and told us that though many other cities apply to him and offer him a crown, just as we also understand because some have sent embassies to us from the cities, nevertheless, prompted by his veneration for the temple (of the Ilian Athene), as well as by his feeling of friendship for your town, he is willing to offer to you the land which king Antiochus has presented to him. Now, he will communicate to you what he claims to be done for him by the city. Thus you would do well to vote for him every kind of hearty friendship, § II.] KING- ANTIOCHUS, MELEAGER, AND AMSTODICIDES. 629 to? v/mv SrjXcocreL' /caXws S' av irorjaaire tyrftyicrdfjLe- voi re irdvra ra (pcXdvOpcoira avrcp /cal /cad' on av 15 avy^copr'jarj ryv dvaypacprjv 7ro7jcrd/jL6VOL /cal arr)- Xcoaravres teal Oevres el? rb lepov, Tva fievrj vpXv /3e/3aicos eh irdvra rby yjpbvov ra Gvyyodpi)Q&vra. eppcoade. BacrtXei)? 'Azmo^o? MeXea- ypco ^alpeiv. AeSco/cafiev 'Apio-roSi/ciSy rco 'Ao-aicp 20 yi}? ipyao-Lfjbov irXeOpa Bia^tXca irpocrevey/cacrOac 7rpo? rrjv 'IXtecov iroXiv i) X/cr)y]rL(ov. Xv ovv o~vvra%ov irapaSel^at ' ' Apicrrohi/clhr] dirb rf}<; 6fjLOpovo~r)<$ rfj YepyiOlat rj rfj Zfcrpfricu, ov av SoKifid^rjt; ra Bto-^lXca irXedpa t?}? 7?}? ical irpoaoplaai eh rrjv 'IXiecov rj rrjv 25 %K7)-tylwv. eppcoao. Bao-tXei>? Avrloyp'i MeXe- dypep %aipeiv. ^verv^ev rjfuv 'Apto-roSi/ccSr)? 6 ""Aaato^ d^icjv hovvai avrcp rjfias ev rfj ecj) 'EXX^o-- irbvrov aarpaireiai rrjv Tierpav, rjfi irporepov el^ev MeXeoyypo? ical tt}? ydypas tt}? UerpiSos 30 epyaai/jLov ireOpa 41 %lXta irevra/coaia /cal aXXa 777? irXeOpa hia^lXia epyaaifiov dirb rrjs 6/jlo- povcrrjs rfj irporepov hoOelarj avrcp piepihlcp' /cal rjfieh rrjv re Herpav hehco/capiev avicp, el 1X7] SeEorac aXXco irporepov /cal ryy 'ycopav rrjv 35 77-/50? rfj Tierpat /cal aXXa 7% irXeOpa Sia^iXta epyaalpLov, hid to cpuXov ovra rjfierepov irapea- yfiaQai ijfuv tpai re kcll av/jL/ma^iat' oi he ftaatXiKol Xaol oi etc rod to- ttov, iv o> iarlv rj Tier pa, ia/ju (BovXwvrai oUelv iv rfj Uerpai datyaXelas eve/ce, avvrerd^a/jbev 'Apiaro- rohiKthrj 6 idv avrovs ol/celv. eppcocro. 50 Bao-iXev? 'Aim'o^o? WLeXedypw yaipeiv. ^verv^ev r}- Hlv 'Apio-rohLKihrjs, (frdfjLevos Uerpav rb ywplov Kal rrjy %(opav 77}v o-vyKupovaav, irepl 97? rrpbrepov iypd-^rafiev hthovre^ avra>, oi)£>' en Kal vvv irapeLXrjfyevaL, hid to 'A#?;- vaicp tco iirl rov vavcrrdOpuov iiriKeywpricjQaL^ kcli rfei- 55 coorev dvrl fiev t?)? Tierpinho^ n'apdSei'xd'rjvai avrw rd iaa rrXedpa, avy^wprjOrfvai he /ecu dXka irXe- Opa hio-^iXia irpoaeveyKaaOav rrpbs fjv dpi ftovXyrai too/a iroXecov rwv iv rfj rjpierepai av/x/jia^lat, KaOd- rrep Kal rrpbrepov iypd^apiev. 'Opwvres ovv aiirbv 60 evvovv ovra Kal irpoOvpiov eh rd rj/merepa rrpdypba- ra, /3ovXojj,e6a iroXvwpetv rdvOpwirov, Kal irepl rovrcov GvyKeywpr]K,afxev. Qrfcrlv he elvai rrjs Uerplnho^ ^copcis rd avy^coprjdevra avrco rrXedpa %[Xlci irevraKoaia. Xvvra^ov ovv Kara- ts pberprjaai 'ApiarohiKihrj ical rrapahel^ai yrjs ipyao-tfjLov rd re hia^iXia /cal irevraKocria rrXe- Opa Kal dvrl rcov irepl rrjv Uerpav aXXa ipya~ (TLpbov %lXia rrevraKOGia dirb tt}? ftao-iXiKTjs %co- pa<$ rrjs avvopi^ovar}<; rfj iv dp^rj hoOeiaj] 70 avra) irap'' rjpicov idaat he Kal irpoaeveyKaaOaL tt]v yoapav ' ApicrrohiKihrjv 7rpo? fjv dv fiovXrjrai rrbXiv roov iv rfj 7]\xerepai Gvpbixaylai, Ka6d- rrep Kal iv rfj rrpbrepov iiricrroXfj iypd-^ra- fjiev. eppcoao. This inscription, the great historical value of which cannot be denied, seems with certainty to belong to the third or second century B.C., judging from the subject as well as from the form of the letters, for the king racy he pleases. Regarding the royal subjects in the estate in which Petra is situated, if for safety's sake they wish to live in Petra, we have recommended Aristodicides to let them remain there. Farewell. "King Antiochus greets Meleager. Aristo- dicides came to meet us, saying that Petra, the district and the land with it, which Ave gave to him in our former letter, is no longer disposable, it having been granted to Athenaeus, the commandant of the naval station ; and he begged that, instead of the land of Petra, the same number of plethra might be assigned to him (elsewhere), and that he might be permitted to confer another lot of two thousand plethra of land on whichsoever of the cities in our confederacy he might choose, according as we wrote before. Now, seeing him friendly disposed and zealous for our interests, we wish to show great regard for the man's interest, and have complied with his request about these matters. He says that his grant of land at Petra amounts to fifteen hundred plethra. Give order therefore that the two thousand five hundred plethra of arable land be measured out and assigned to Aris- todicides ; and further, instead of the land around Petra, another lot of fifteen hundred plethra of arable land, to be taken from the royal domains bordering on the estate which Ave first granted to him. Let now Aristodicides confer the land on Avhichsoever of the cities in our confederacy he may Avish, as Ave have written in our former letter. Farewell." 6 Sic. § II.] THE INSCRIPTION PROBABLY RELATES TO ANTIOCHUS I. 631 Antiochus, who is repeatedly mentioned, must be either Antiochus I., sur- named Soter (281 to 260 b.c), or Antiochus III., the Great (222 to 186 B.C.). Polybius, who was born in 210 or 200 b.c. and died in 122 B.C., speaks indeed in his History 7 of a Meleager who lived in his time, and was an ambassador of Antiochus Epiphanes, who reigned from 174 to 164 B.C., and it is quite possible that this Meleager afterwards became satrap of the Hellespont. But in the first letter of Antiochus to his satrap Meleager, he gives him the option of assigning to Aristodicides the 2000 plethra of land, either from the district bordering upon the territory of Gergis or upon that of Scepsis. The town of Gergis, however, according to Strabo, was destroyed by king Attains I. of Pergamus, who reigned from 241 to 197 B.C., and transplanted the inhabitants to the neighbourhood of the sources of the Caicus in Mysia. These sources, as Strabo himself says, are situated at a great distance from Mount Ida, and therefore also from Ilium. Two thousand plethra of land at such a distance could not have been of any use to the Ilians ; consequently, it is impossible to believe that the inscription can be speaking of the new town of Gergitha, which was rising into importance at the sources of the Caicus. Thus the old town of Gergis must be meant, whose ruins are probably those on the height of the Bali Dagh beyond Bounarbashi. Livy 8 gives an account of the visit of Antiochus III., the Great, to Ilium. I also find in the Corpus Inscrijptionum Oraecarum (No. 3596), that this Antiochus had a general called Meleager, who may subsequently have become satrap of the Hellespont. On the other hand, Mr. Calvert calls my attention to Chishull, who, in his Antiquitates Asiaticae, says that Antiochus I., Soter, on an expedition with his fleet against the king of Bithynia, stopped at the town of Sigeum, which lay near Ilium, and that the king went up to Ilium with the queen, who was his wife and sister, and with the great dignitaries and his suite. There is, indeed, nothing said of the brilliant reception which was there prepared for him, but there is an account of the reception which was arranged for him at Sigeum. The Sigeans lavished servile flattery upon him, and not only did they send ambassadors to congratulate him, but the Senate also passed a decree, in which they eulogized all the king's actions, and proclaimed that public prayers should be offered up to the Ilian Athene, to Apollo (who was regarded as his ancestor), to the goddess of Victory, and to other deities, for his and his consort's welfare ; that the priestesses and priests, the senators and all the magistrates of the town, should carry wreaths, and that all the citizens and all the strangers settled or temporarily residing in Sigeum should publicly extol the virtues and the bravery of the great king ; further, that a golden equestrian statue of the king, raised on a pedestal of white marble, should be erected in the Temple of Athene at Sigeum, and that it should bear this inscription : " The Sigeans have erected this statue to king Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, for the devotion he has shown to the temple, and because he is the benefactor and the saviour of the people : this mark of honour is to be proclaimed in the popular assemblies and at the public games." 7 xxviii. 1, and xxxi. 21. 8 xxxv. 43. 632 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GEEEK ILIUM. [Chap. XL It is very probable that a similar reception awaited Antiochus I. in Ilium, so that he kept the city in good remembrance. That he cherished kindly feelings towards the Ilians is proved also by the inscription No. 3595 in the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. But whether it is he or Antiochus the Great that is referred to in the newly-found inscription, I do not venture to decide. Aristodicides, of Assos, who is frequently mentioned in the inscription, is utterly unknown, and his name occurs here for the first time. The name of the place Petra also, which is mentioned several times in the inscription, is quite unknown : it must have been situated in the neigh- bourhood, but all my endeavours to discover it in the modern Turkish names of the localities, or by other means, have been in vain. Another inscription is on a marble slab 2 ft. broad and 3 ft. long, and runs as follows : — niMlOYTOYEYA OZMEN OYKA M E N AXOl TAAYKO EnErPATAME N E HXTHAHN KATATON NOMON EP1D4»I AON riATPCJIOY X PH M ATIZZ H E2 H M I &M E N O N Yll OT&N n POTA N EJXN T£LN (1 EPI AIO 6 4> A N R N H full AHMOYO$ IA O NTATOYZKATATON NOM ON ITATHPAEAY O K A 1 M H N O TEN H N M N HSLA PXOYKA I APTEM lAftPON 4> AN I AKAI AIOMHAHN AnOAAfLNIOYEZHM lil-M ENOYI YTIO TflN I1PYTAN EGNT12N T1 EPI AIOAN HN HrHIIAHMOYYnOHMEPAITPEIIO^IAONTAIEKAITONAYTIlNLTATHPAIAYO M H NOAOTON M H NO AOTOYK Al H PAKAEI AH NK A I M H N OAOTON TOYIHPAKAEI io AOYE Z H M I il M E N OYrYfTOTG N f] E P I $ A I N £ N A KTA EY AH MO Y n PYTA NEHNOflAONTA EKAlTON AYT&N ZTATH PAX AYQ APTEM I AflPON MHNO^ANTOYEZHMIIlMENONYnOTIlN NO MO YA A KiiNTilN TIEPl Ifl n APXON H THIM A H MOYO ! AON TAZTATHPAZAYO covlov rov EuS .... oa/xev ovKapevayos TXavKO . . eireypd^ayiev eU arrjXrjv Kara rov vo/jlov 'JLpyotpikov Uarpoaov (?) Xptf/Aans 1 i&fALco/jLevov vtto tcov irpordvecov 3 tcov Trepl Alo- 5 cf)dv7]v 'HyrjacBr^ov, ocplXovra 41 roz)? Kara rov vo/ulov ararrjpa^ Bvo Kal M.7jvoyev7]v Wlvrjadp-^ov Kal ' 'Apre/mlBcopov avLa /ecu &io[ir)Br)v 1 AiroXXcovlov, e^rjfiico/Aevovs viro tcov rrpvrdvecov tcov irepl Atocf)dvr}v ^yrjcriSij/jLov viro rj/iepas rpeU bfyiXovras* eKaarov avrcov ararrjpas Bvo. M.t]v6Botov M.t)voB6tov Kal ' HpaKXelBrjv Kal MrjvoBorov tow? f Hpa/e\et- io Sou ety]fiLco[JL€vovs viro tcov Trepl QaivcovaKra ^vBrjfiov irpvrd- vecov, btfilXovra* eKaarov avrcov ararrjpa<; Bvo. 'Apre/jLLBcopov M.r)votf>dvrov i^rj/xLcofievov viro rcov vo- fiocpvXaKcov rcov irepl "lirirap^ov 'HyrjaiBrf/jiov, btplXov- ra ararrjpas Bvo. In the inscription quoted in the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum under No. 3604, which is admitted to belong to the time of Octavianus Augustus, Hipparchus is mentioned as a member of the Ilian Council; and as on line 13 the same name occurs with the same attribute, I do not hesitate to maintain that the above inscription belongs to the time of Augustus. 1 Sic. 2 Sic. 3 Sic 4 Sic. INSCRIPTION IN HONOUR OF CAIUS CAESAR. 633 In the first wall of the temple I found a marble slab nearly 1 ft. thick, 32Jin. broad, and 3 J ft. long, with the following inscription : — HBoYAHKA (OAHMOZ rA ION KAIZAPAToN Yl 0IMT0Y ZEBAZ TOYToNZYN TENHKAI Fl ATPftN AKAIEY .EPTETKNTH ZITOAEilZ 'H /3ov\r] fcal 6 8r}/jLO<$ Ydlov Kaiaapa tov vibv tov 2e/3acr- rov tov avvyevr) fcal Trarpwva /cal ev- epyerrjv t?}? 7roXeo)?. The person praised in this inscription can by no means have been the Emperor Caligula, for in that case the title avroKparcop would have been added. . But as this word is wanting, the person meant is certainly Caius Caesar, the son of Marcus Yipsanius Agrippa and of Julia, the daughter of Augustus. He had a brother called Lucius. Both were adopted by Augustus, and, owing to this adoption, they received the title of viol tov Xeftao-Tov, and both were selected by Augustus as his successors. Caius Caesar, born in the year 20 B.C., was adopted at the age of three years. He took part in the Trojan games, which Augustus instituted at the dedication of the Temple of Marcellus. At the age of fifteen he was appointed Consul, and when nineteen he was made Governor of Asia. During his administration there he became involved in a war with Phraates, king of Armenia, was wounded, and died in the year 4 after Christ, on the 21st of February, at the age of twenty-four. 5 As in the inscription he is called the kinsman, the benefactor, and the patron of Ilium, it is probable that he often came here during his administration : at all events, he took great interest in the city, and lavished favours upon it. The family of the Julii always attached great importance to their descent from Itilus (or Ascanius), the son of Aeneas ; and the political object of Virgil's Aeneid was to prove and glorify their genealogy. This explains the favours which the Julii lavished upon Ilium, and their .hatred against the Greeks, because they destroyed Troy, and also because they had espoused the cause of Mark Antony. I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Frank Calvert for a squeeze of another inscription engraved on a marble slab, which he found on his field at Hissarlik after my departure thence in the summer of 1873. It has been carefully re-copied from the squeeze by my friend Professor Stephanos Koumanoudes, who, judging from the shape of the characters, thinks that this inscription dates from the time of Antigonus Doson, who died in 221 b.c. (TvcofMTj to)V avve§p)(dv' iireiSrj MaXovcnos 'BaK^iov (Tapyapevs . dvrjp ay)a6b(s) wv SiaTeXel irepl to iepbv tt)<; 'A6- ivv$? T V^ 'I^t^o? fcal) irepl ra? 7roXe^?, real irpoTepov re iroXka %p?70"(a=) Vclleius Paterculus, ii. 102. 634 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Chap. XI. (jievos rco re) avvehp(t)cp Kal rah irbXeaLv el? re ra KaraaKevdapta- 5 (ra irdvra ra rrj)? iravrjyvpeco^ Kal eh ra? irpea^e(l)as teiXopbkvoL<; a(vrco,) tou9 he dycovoOeras oh pLev av avrol yjp^acovraL, (rd) h(?)e d(?)(vaXco-) 45 ptara OelvaL eh to lepov, av he rt irepLyevrjraL (eK ?) ho6evr(cov rcov) epycov, dirohovvaL MaXovalco. — Tvcopui) rcov avvehpcov ' eireLhr) Ma- Xovaios TiaKylov Tapyapeh^ dvrjp dyaObs cbv hLareXe(l ire pi rb) lepov rrjs 'AOrjvas rrjs 'IXtaSo? Kal rb avvehpLov, h(ehb^6aL) roh avvehpoLS, arecpavcoaaL MaXovatov ypvaco ar(ecf>dvco diro) so XP V<7 ( C ^ )V fpid ? Kov)ra, KaXelv he av(rbv Kal) eh irpoehpta(v avv roh avvehp- ?) ot? ev toZ? dyco(?)atv bvofJtaa(rL ) elvat h(e dreXeiav) BASE OF THE STATUE OF METRODORUS. 635 Kal avrcp Kal eyybvois' to Be yfrj](})? iravriyvpeco^ /ca( /ca#&)? eKaa-) ttj vbfjbos ecrr(t . . . ) — ^LjjLakos Aafjb^aK7)(yb<; eiTrev' eVe^r? MaXovaios) 60 6 Tapyapev? i(7nfiejbL?)e\r}Tat Trpo6v(fico$ . . .) tcl dpa\co(fiaTa ) iroXeaiv e oti 7rpo6v(/xcD<;) BeB6%6at Tot? aweBpois GTefyiavoicrai MaXovaiov Ba/c^iou Yapyapea yjpvato crre-) (pdv(cp) I also found in the Temple of Athene, besides an inscribed pedestal of black slate, 3 ft. 8 in. high and 20J in. broad, the statue of a man, of fine white marble, nearly 4 ft. high. As is proved by the inscription, it was sculptured by Pytheas of Argos, and was erected by the Ilians in honour of Metrodorus, the son of Themistagoras, of whom it is a representation. The figure was in the position of an orator, as is shown by the footmarks on the pedestal. The head and the feet are unfortunately wanting. The inscriptions run as follows : — OA HMOXOIAI E IGN MHTPoAftPONQEMIZ TATOPOY And lower down, on the same side of the pedestal — nYGEAZAPrElOZEnolHZE f O Srjfios 6 'IXtaW Mtjt poBcopov (^epLio-Tayopov, Tlv6ea<< 'Apyelo? eirotrjae. There were in antiquity many men named Metrodorus, but only two of them were especially celebrated, and both were natives of Asia Minor. The one, born in Lampsacus, was a pupil of Epicurus ; 6 the other, a native of Scepsis, was a philosopher, orator, and statesman, and was held in high esteem by Mithridates VII. Eupator, 7 who afterwards had him put to death in a horrible manner. 8 The name of the father of this Metrodorus of Scepsis is unknown, and whether he was called Themista- goras or otherwise, is uncertain ; but it is extremely probable that the inscription and the statue were raised in honour of the Scepsian orator, philosopher, and statesman. I find no mention whatever of the sculptor Pytheas of Argos. Only one Pytheas, a silver-chaser, is named by Pliny, 9 6 Strabo, xiii. p. 589. 7 Strabo, xiii. p. G09. 8 Plutarch, Life of Lucullus. 9 //. N. xxxv. 12, s. 55. 636 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Chap. XL as being a contemporary of Pompey the Great : Pliny, however, does not state his birth-place. Another Pytheas was a wall-painter and a native of Achaea. Neither of these can therefore be the Argive sculptor who carved the statue and put his name on the pedestal. But, as Professor Koumanoudes, observes to me, it is not astonishing that the name of an insignificant sculptor should be forgotten, seeing that the names of so many great kings are lost. In the same part of the Temple of Athene we found the fragment of a marble slab, which has evidently been very long, with the following inscription : — E JTEITO Y A NG Y RATO Y rA IOY kA A Y A lOYnOn A I OYY I OY N E PflNOIE II ITA Z A NTOF TOUnOI MAN HNQNA PXO YElNEEAnOETEtA A IflPQENM A£E I TWA RA4>YAA KKM /THI nOAEfllXTPATlflTAIKA I EnAYTON HrEMON AST IIOIMANH NHN < ONITEI H Mfl N 1AO I K Al EYNOftI Al A K E IMENOI n POZTON AH M N HMftN s E^AnEITEIAANTOYrTEITPATIOTAIK AlEOAYTflN H rEMON A N IK APON M H NO IAOYYIOHCAITTAPATENOMENOI EIITHN nOAINHMflN TE ENAH.M IAN HOIEITA 1 KAAHNK A I EYIXH MON A KAlAZl POYA HMOYICA 1 TH I EA Y TO Y f! AT P I A O IXH N TETON EAYTOI N E A N 1EK&NEN AHMIAN EYT. ..ONR io TONKAOATTEPEniBAAAEIANAP XEJ PI IMEN H N E AT&J fl) THNYnEPTHIYAAK EII EPETAlZnOYA EKKAINilNOYAEI is MON KA I eVel tov avQvTrcLTOV Yatov K.Xav$lov VLottXlov vlov Nepwz>o? eirLTa%avTO$, rot9 UoLfjiavrjvcov apyovo-iv e^airoarTeXKai 7rpb<; fijia? eh 7rapaov Kai The Proconsul Caius Claudius Nero, the son of Publius, who is praised in this inscription, ruled over the province of Asia from 674 to 675 after the foundation of Kome (80-79 B.C.). Hence he lived in the time of Cicero, who mentions him in his orations against Verres. 10 The Poemanenians {Hoifiavrjvol) are the inhabitants of the fortress of Poemanenon, to the south of Cyzicus. 11 10 Waddington, Fastes des Provinces Asiatiques 11 Pape-Benseler, Lexikon dcr Griechischcn de V Empire Romain ; Paris, 1872, pp. 43, 44. Eigcnnamen. § II.] INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ANTONINUS PIUS. 637 To judge from the form and thickness of the stone, this inscription must have been very long and have contained more than 70 lines. But even the fragment is of historical value, and all the more as we know for certain that it comes down to us from the year 80 B.C. Upon the site of the Doric Temple of Apollo, on the north side of the hill, I found at a depth of ft. a block of marble, ft. high and 2J ft. both in breadth and thickness; it weighs about 50 cwt. and bears the following inscription : — HBOYAHtvAlOAHMo IAIEJINETIMHEANAY KAAYAIONKAIKINAI A loN KYZlKHNoNA 5 TA AO r I HTHN VfloTo OTATOYAYTOKPATOPO IAPOZTIToYA I AIOYAA NOYANTUN loYEELBA EYIEBOYZK. .1 noA A mME r AA ATH I n(o)A E I KATo ZANTAKAlT.^AIXoNT TETHAoriZT.JAKAIEY fopiAllAlsLA. . .nAZH ZT A=ION A PETTH. *E N EKENK as EYNolA ITH ZnPOZTK noAIN The first name occurring in this inscription, of which the syllable AY is preserved, is probably AYAOZ. The word KAIKINAI should no doubt be KAIKINAN, Caecinam. Whether the other name, of which AlON remains, is intended for TA I ON, I do not venture positively to decide, but I consider it to be probable. For the inscription, which I read as follows, is written in bad Greek, especially towards the end : — C H /3ov\rj /cat 6 8^cic(?) 'Wiecov erL/irjaav Avkov KXavStov Y^aiKivav Tdiov (?) KvQktjvov a(p^ov)ra XoyiaTrjv vtto ro(y 6ei)oTaTOv avTOKpdropo(s Kal)aapos Tltov AlXlov 'AS(pia)vov 'Ai/- tcoviov %ej3a(cFTOv) Euo-e/Sou? k(o)\ tt6XX(cl koi) /neyaXa ry iroKei Karo(p6(o)- cravTa kclI irapdayovTOL re rrj \o iroXirelav, rrpo^eviav, eyKrrjaiv, dreXeiav &v /cal oi iroXlrai dreXeh elcri /cal eia6aL ^/caSpeis o . . ? avSpas tovs avv6r]ao{Mev(ovs) .... epov virrjp^ev teal aTrjXco 10 .... i iv tco 1 tcov Sa/uLO0pdfc 2 (cov) .... . . . . ciirofcaOicTTafievo .... evovs T7]v avvOeaiv (6)fAo\o9 T179 Boiffeurrfi et irevre kol ov e\a{3o(v) .... 5 . . . . (to e7ri)l3d\Xov T&3 evicLVTw(i) . . .... TTjv auveSpeiav ov Ka .... t?}9 /3oo9 tv)V TiyJr\v v .... TC07 KpeoiV Ta9 \oLTra(s) .... (re) rpcofloXov rrjv itoXlv rrjfi . . 10 ... . (rjvdy T)Kaaav Tovk tokovs T0119. . .... (a)KOo-ias reaaapaKOvra ire{vTe) . .... #€T09 8ta/cocrtv *X €l - Accord- ing to Apollodorus (iii. 12. 3), the Palladium, which had fallen from heaven, held in the left hand a distaff and a spindle. • 6 Spicilegio numisinatico, p. 152. 7 121-63 B.C. according to Eduard Meyer, Geschichte des Konigrekhs Pontos ; Leipzig, 1879, 8vo. p. 56. 8 It is to be understood that the following descriptions and cuts are of the reverses of the medals. 9 Choiseul-Gouffier, Voyage pittoresque de la Grece. 2 T 642 THE SEVENTH CITY : THE GREEK ILIUM. [Chap. XI. in a long chiton and holding a patera and a lyre ; or Ganymedes carried away by the eagle of Zeus (No. 1482). No. 1484. No. 14S5. No. 1486. No. 1437. Hector standing, with his head turned aside, holding in his right hand a lance, in his left a sword, with the legend eKTOJP (Nos. 1484 and 1485). Hector walking, his right hand uplifted, holding in his left a shield and a lance, and the legend EKTUP or eKKTOP (sic) (No. 1486). Hector naked, walking, having a helmet on the head, a sword in the uplifted right hand, a shield in his left, with the legend EKTOP lAlGHN. Aeneas walking, carrying Anchises on his back and holding Ascanius by the hand. Aeneas flying with Anchises and lulus. 10 Aeneas going on board a ship, carrying Anchises on his back and leading Ascanius by the hand (No. 1487). The legends and types of the imperial coins are more numerous and more varied ; the most important and curious of them are the following : — No. 1488. No. 1489. No. 1490. AIA IAAION IAIGIC or IAI6QN. Zeus Nikephoros seated, holding in his right hand a spear ; sometimes, instead of Nike, he holds the Palladium : on coins of the younger Faustina, of Commodus (in the collection of Br. Schliemann), of Crispina and of Julia Domna (No. 1488). AAPAANOC IAIEQN. Dardanus seated, holding in his left hand a sceptre, with a woman standing by : on the coins of Crispina (No. 1489). The type in question represents, according to Cavedoni, 11 the colloquy of Dardanus about his marriage with Batieia, daughter of Teucer, king of the Troad; 1 or, according to another tradition, 2 with Teucer's wife Chryse, who brought him the Palladium as a dowry. ElAOC lAIEON or IAIGON. Ilus standing, wearing an upper garment (ifidrtov), and sacrificing on an altar before a column on which stands the Palladium : on a coin of Julia Domna (in Dr. Schliemann's collection) and of Caracalla (No. 1490). The following coins, all of which have only the legend lAIEON or lAienN, have these types : — 10 According to Sestini, D^scriptio Num. Vet. p. 30,% No. 1. 11 Op. cit. p. 153. 1 Apoliodorus, iii. 12. 1. 2 Dionys. Halicarn. Antiq. Roman, i. 68, 69. § III.] COINS FOUND AT NOVUM ILIUM. 643 Nip. 1491. No. 1492. No. 1493. A man (Ilus) riding on a bull, which is jumping near a tree ; in front the Palladium on a column : on a coin of the younger Faustina (No. 1491). Athene on a column, towards which a cow is approaching : on a coin of the same empress. Ilus leading a cow to the statue of Athene Ilias on a small column ; in the field is a column : on a coin of Gordianus III. (No. 1492). These four types find their interpretation in Apollodorus, 3 who relates that Ilus travelled to Phrygia, carried off the victory in the sacred games, and, having consulted an oracle, received the answer that he must follow " a speckled cow," and build a city on the spot where she might lie down. This took place on the so-called hill of Ate, where Ilus built a town called by him "Duo?. Praying to Zeus to grant him a favourable sign, he saw falling from heaven before his tent the Palladium, which for that reason was called Sa7rere? : hence the reason is evident why the Ilian Zeus holds the Palladium on his hand. 4 ANXEICHC APOAEITH or ANXEICiC AcfcPOAITH IAIEON. Aphrodite, wearing a long chiton, and Anchises are standing joining hands : on coins of Julia Domna (No. 1493). This type may be interpreted by the verses in the Homeric Hymn : 5 — rbu 51] eireiTa Ifiovcra tpiAo /jL/me i$}js 'AcppoSirri, ilpdaaT', iKirdykws 8e Kara, typtvas 'ifiepos efAev. Compare also what Apollodorus says. 6 riPiAMOC IAIEHN or IAIGQN. Priam, wearing a Phrygian cap, seated and holding a spear in his left hand : on coins of Commodus and Crispina (No. 1494). NGCTHPHC IAI6QN. Nestor, clad in an upper garment (tfidriov), is sacrificing with his right hand on an altar before the statue of Athene, and holding in his left a spear in an oblique position : on a coin of Caracalla. EKTQP IAIEHN or €KTf2P or 6KT00P IAI€HN. Hector's ideal youthful head covered with a helmet : on a coin of the younger Faustina. Hector stand- ing, armed with lance and shield : on a coin of Maximinus I., the Thracian. Hector standing before a burning altar, holding in his right hand a patera, in his left a lance and shield: on a coin of Julia Domna, in the collection of Dr. Schliemann. Hector standing, wearing a helmet ; his head is turned aside ; in his right hand he holds a shield : on a coin of Septimius Severus with Geta. Hector standing, naked, wearing No. 1494. 3 iii. 12. 3. 4 Cavedoni, op. cit. p. 15C In Aphrodit. iv. 56, 57. 6 iii. 12. 2. 644 THE SEVENTH CITY: THE GREEK ILIUM. [Chap. XI. a helmet, holding in his right hand a lance, and leaning with his left on a shield : on a coin of Caracalla and Geta (No. 1495). Hector standing armed before a column with a statue, holding in its one hand a lance and shield, in the other a small figure : on coins of Caracalla. Hector standing armed, holding in his left hand a shield and spear, and touching with his right the statue of Athene on a column : on a coin of Caracalla (No. 1496). Cavedoni observes 7 that the last two types remind us of the passage in the Iliad, 8 where Hector leaves the camp by the advice of Helenus and goes quickly up to the town, to order the Trojan matrons to go in suppliant procession to the Temple of Athene in the Acropolis. Hector walking, armed : on coins of Faustina the elder and of Caracalla (No. 1497). Hector walking, armed ; he lifts in his right hand a spear in the attitude of fighting, and his left hand holds the shield as if warding off a blow : on coins of Caracalla (No. 1498). Hector armed, marching forth to battle : on a coin of Hadrian. Hector on a chariot drawn by two horses : on a coin of Marcus Aurelius. Hector, in full armour, on a chariot drawn by two horses : on a coin of Gordianus III. Hector on a chariot drawn by two horses, holding in his uplifted right hand the whip, and in his left the reins No. 1499. No. 1500. as well as lance and shield : on coins of Marcus Aurelius and Caracalla 9 (No. 1499). The last three types are according to the Iliad, xix. 399-401 : cr/j.cpda\€Ov 8' 'tirKOiaiv eKc/fAero irarphs io7o • "ZdvOe re Kal BaAte, TTjAeKAirra tckvo. Tloddpyris, ttAAws 5r? (ppdfccrOe aaware/xeu rjvtoxno. .... Hector on a chariot drawn by four horses, holding in his right hand the reins and the shield, in his left the whip : on a coin of Marcus Aurelius. Hector on a chariot with four horses : on coins of Commodus, 7 Op. cit. p. 153. 8 vi. 86 and ff. 9 Mionnet, Description dc Medailles antiques, Suppl. v. PI. 5. § in.] COINS FOUND AT NOVUM ILIUM. 645 Caracalla, and Gallienus. Hector on a chariot with four horses, holding in his right hand a lance, and in his left a shield and the reins : on coins of Commodus (No. 1500). No. 1501. No. 1502. Hector standing, holding a shield and throwing a hurning torch : on coins of Julia Donina and Yalerianus I. Hector as on the preceding coin, but armed with a javelin, which he throws upon a ship before him : on a coin of the younger Faustina (No. 1501). In the two last types Hector is represented as fighting (with Ajax), and intending to set the Greek ship on fire. So thinks Cavedoni, 10 having in his mind the following verses Of the Iliad : *E*t«/> 5e trp^v^v eVel \e££ev, otj ri fiediei &(p\a(TTOV /.tera x € P°~^ v ^X^i Tpcoclv Se /ceAeuei/ • Otaere irvp, c.y.a S 5 avTol doAAees upwr' aiirrju. 1 vr)\' Qjrj To\ 0° €[a(5(X\OV OLKO.fJl.aTOV TTVp Hector walking, holding in his left hand a shield, and throwing with his right a burning torch upon the two ships before him. On a coin of Elagabalus 3 (No. 1502). No. 1503. No. 1504. Hector armed with a lance and shield, fighting on a chariot with four gallopping horses. Patroclus is lying under the horses, lifting his right arm, and resting the left on the ground ; behind him is his shield : — on a coin of Macrinus (No. 1503). Cavedoni 4 thinks that on this coin Patroclus is represented as uttering to Hector these last words : — $57j vvv, "EKTwp, fxeyd/X' €vx €0 ' 0-0 ' edooicev v'iK7]v Ze£>s Kpovidrjs /cat 'AttoAAojc, o't jx 45dfj.acraai' p7}t5t