'Qiyc^ SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY PLATE I Oh SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ARCHi^i- OLOGY OF THE SOUTH AMERICAN CONTINENT WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU. BY THOMAS A. JOYCE, M.A. WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS MDCCCCXII PREFACE IT is not without great diffidence that I have ven- tured to compile the following chapters on the archaeology of South America. The subject is one of great magnitude, and the literature dealing with it is vast. Besides this, there exist so many gaps in our knowledge, gaps which can only be filled by years of patient excavation, that the formation of theories is still a precarious task. At the same time it is useful to pass in review the work which has already been completed, with the object both of pointing out the missing links in the chain of evidence, and of stimulat- ing further research by calling attention to the results already achieved. Again, much of the literature is scattered broadcast in the pages of scientific journals, and therefore escapes the notice of the general reader ; while the fact that a large proportion of it is in German, Spanish or Portuguese, renders it inaccessible to many would-be students. Thanks to the labours of Sir Clements Markham, backed by the Hakluyt Society, many of the early chroniclers have now been translated into English, but there exist numbers of more recent treatises, all of great value, written by investigators in South America, which are not likely to find a translator. This country has taken little part, in recent years, in the scientific exploration of the South American continent. Expeditions from Germany, France, Sweden and the United States have been productive of the most valuable results, but this rich field for archaeological enterprise has been strangely neglected by England. The national collection con- VIU PREFACE tains a fairly representative series of objects illustrating the archaeology of South America, including many specimens of great value ; but the collection is small, and some regions, such as the Argentine Republic and Brazil, are poorly represented, while certain classes of Peruvian pottery are entirely lacking. If this book can in the smallest degree help to stimulate interest in the early remains of South America, some of which are among the most remarkable in the world, the purpose of the author will be achieved. As for the book itself, no claim for completeness can be put forward ; I have conscientiously tried to neglect no important source of information, and if I have omitted any such I apologize, not so much to the reader, as to the worker whose re- searches have thus passed unnoticed by me. To Dr. Uhle, the Director of the Museum at Lima, I owe a great debt of gratitude, not only for permission to publishcertainof the illustrations, notably the frontis- piece, but also for his kindness in discussing by corre- spondence a number of questions relative to the early period in Peru, and in generously contributing some essential information. To Miss Breton I must also ex- press my thanks, for permitting me to select from her sketches the fine water-colour which appears as Plate I ; and again to Col. F. H. Ward, for placing at my dis- posal his collection of South American photographs. To Dr. C H. Read, P.S.A., of the British Museum I owe much, not only for his permission to photograph many of the objects in the national collection, but for his advice and instruction on innumerable points con- nected with this subject ; and to Mr. Henry Balfour, Curator of the Pitt- Rivers Museum at Oxford, I am indebted for the photograph of Peruvian skulls on Plate IX. I wish also to thank Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge of the British Museum for the interest which he has taken in the book, which, in fact, owes its inception to him. My acknowledgments are due also to the Editor PREFACE ix of The Times for permission to republish part of an article which appeared in the South American supple- ment of September 27th, 1910. Finally I would thank Messrs. C. J. Praetorius and Norman H. Hardy, and also my wife, for the care they have expended on the pen-and-ink drawings which constitute not the least attractive feature of the volume. T. A. JOYCE. London, March f 191 2 CONTENTS CHAPTER rAGK Introduction ...... i I. Colombia ....... 8 II. Colombia (continued) . . . . .27 III. Ecuador ....... 47 IV. The Growth of the Peruvian Empire . 75 V. Peru : Government ..... 99 VI. Peru: Daily Life and Occupations . • H? VII. Peru : Burial and Religion . . . 144 VIII. Peru: The Sequence of Cultures . .168 IX. Peru : Arts and Crafts .... 193 X. The Southern Provinces of the Peruvian Empire . . . . . . .216 XI. The Southern Andes and Plains . . 236 XII. East and Central South America . . 255 Appendix . . . . . . • ~1S Index ........ 283 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE IN COLOURS TE L Peru : Pottery from Nasca . . . Fronthpine PLATES IN HALF-TONE FACING PAGE II. Colombia : Pottery Vases, and Miscellaneous Objects of Pottery, Stone and Copper in. Colombia : Pottery Vases IV. Colombia and Ecuador : Examples of Gold work ...... V. Colombia : Gold Helmet Ecuador : Stone Seat .... VI. Ecuador : Pottery .... VII. Ecuador : Pottery Vases and Copper Discs Peru : Polygonal Masonry at Cuzco VIII. Ecuador and Peru : Pottery Vases, and Wood carvings from the Macabi Islands IX. Peru : Doll, Qjtipus, and Feather-work Head dress ...... Artificially deformed Skulls Inca Hous ^ near Ollantaitambo Chttllpas near Lake Titicaca . The Fortress of Ollantaitambo Balsas on Lake Titicaca Niche in Inca Wall at Cuzco Inca Palace, Valley of Pisco Sacsahuaman Fortress at Cuzco " Convent " at Pachacamac Stucco Reliefs at Chanchan . X. Peru XI. Peru XII. Peru XIII. Peru XIV. Peru XV. Peru XVI. Peru 28 32 42 62 62 70 76 76 86 102 128 132 132 134 138 138 140 146 150 150 XIV ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE XVII. Peru: "Seats" cut in the rock near Lake Titicaca ....... The Intihuatana at Pisac XVIII. Peru ( Bolivia) : Models of Carved Stone Blocks The Megalithic Stairway at Tiahuanaco XIX. Peru (Bolivia) : The Monolithic Gateway at Tiahuanaco .... XX. Peru : Types of Pottery Vases XXI. Peru : Stone Vessel, and types of Pottery Vases XXII. Peru : Silver Vessels . Types of Pottery Vases XXIII. Peru: Textiles .... XXIV. Argentina : Diaguite Masonry Carved Monolith XXV. Argentina : Stone Mortars, Copper Disc and Ceremonial Axe-blade XXVI. Argentina : Rock with Pictographs Peru and Chile : Objects of Wood, Bone and Copper ..... FACING PAGE 186 204 224 224 230 FIGURE I 4- 5- 6. 7- 8. 9- 10. 1 1. 12. ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT Colombia : Gold ornaments, and stone die for making reliefs ..... Colombia : Pottery ..... Ecuador : Stone relief, from Manabi . Ecuador : Stone axe-blades and club-heads Ecuador : Copper axe-blades p'^'l mace-heads Ecuador : Pottery .... Series of Maps illustrating the Growth of the Peruvian Empire .... Peru : Hunting scene, from a vase Peru : Fishing scene ,, ,, Peru : Warriors fighting ,, ,, Peru : Personal ornaments Peru : Plan of Inca dwelling, near OUantaitambo 36 43 63 68 69 72 «3 124 126 127 130 132 ILLUSTRATIONS xv FICURF. PACE 13. Peru : Types of dwellings, from vases . .1:^9 14. Peru : Mummy, from Ancon .... 1^5 15. Peru : Ceremonial dance, from a vase . '155 16. Peru (Bolivia): Sketch-plan of the megalithic enclosure at 'I'iahuanaco , . . .169 17. Peru (Bolivia) : Central figure of PI. XIX. . 171 18. Peru (Bolivia) : Side figures „ „ . 172 19. Peru : Sculptured monolith, from Chavin de Huantar . . . . . . .176 20. Peru : Designs in the Tiahuanaco style, from vases 178 183 199 200 21. Peru and Argentina : Designs from vases 22. Peru : Pottery vase and trumpet, from Truxillo 23. Peru : Fragment of textile, from Truxillo . 24. Peru : Detail of the above 25- Peru : Tapestry, needles and whorls, and textile designs . ..... 20 1 26. Peru (Bolivia) : Stone cup (fragment), from Tia- huanaco ....... 207 27. Peru : Objects of copper and stone, from the high- lands . . . . . . . .211 28. Argentina : Pottery ...... 227 2q. Argentina: Pottery ...... 229 30. Argentina: Objects of copper . . . .232 31. Chile and Patagonia : Objects of stone . . 247 32. Chile and Patagonia : Flaked stone implements . 251 33. Brazil : Objects of stone and pottery . . . 259 34. Argentina and Brazil : Pottery fragments and en- graved designs from vases . . . .261 35. Brazil : Engraved designs derived from the human face, from vases ...... 263 36. Brazil : Vase, from Marajo Island . . . 265 37. Brazil : Pottery burial-urn, from Para . . 267 MAPS Series of Maps illustrating the Growth of the Peruvian Empire (Fig. 7) ....... 83 South America ....... FoUer at end South American Archaeology INTRODUCTION CERTAIN of the early chroniclers who wrote of South America, when they did not take the Flood as their starting-point, prefaced their remarks with a disquisition on the existence of the antipodes. Though, at the present date, either of these topics would hardly be regarded as relevant to the subject, a short summary of the physical history and geographical features of the continent is necessary for a proper understanding of its archeeology. Shaped rather like an inverted pear, South America lies with the great bulk of its territory within the tropics, but with its southern extremity with- in measurable distance of the antarctic circle. Though it forms at the present time a single land-mass, it must, at an early period of geological history, have been a group of large islands, separated by a wide inland sea. The greatest of these in extent lay to the east, and is represented to-day by the Andes, stretching in an un- broken line from Panama to the Straits of Magellan, and sending an off-shoot eastward along the north coast of Venezuela. Greater in area than this, but occupying fewer degrees of latitude, was another island, which constitutes at the present time the highlands of Brazil, and bore a striking resemblance in outline to the entire continent of which it was destined later to form a part. A third island, smaller than the other two, lay to the north of the last, where the highlands of the Guianas 2 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY attain their greatest elevation. The great sea which they enclosed, a sort of American Mediterranean, was thus separated from the Pacific by the long Andean chain, but communicated with the Atlantic by channels represented to-day by the basins of the Orinoco, the Amazon, and the Rio de la Plata. As time went on, through the gradual elevation of the Andes and the deposits of alluvial soil washed down from the great islands, this inland sea gradually disappeared, leaving as its only traces the mighty river systems above men- tioned, and the swamps about their water-sheds. Even at the present time these river systems are connected at their sources, the Orinoco with the Amazon, and the Amazon with the Parana ; and at the divide between the two latter, the so-called lake Mojos, at certain sea- sons of the year the country becomes inundated to such an extent that it presents in miniature a picture of the primeval inland sea. As the ground appeared above the surface of the waters, it became covered with vege- tation, still existing in the great forest of the Amazon basin. Even the Patagonian plateau, now desert, or covered only with grass and low scrub, must have been wooded, since the remains of great sloths have been found there, animals which are forest-dwellers. But here, as the land continued to rise, a process of desic- cation set in, which, combined with the more southerly latitude, proved fatal to the larger forms of vegetation and the fauna which sought their shelter. But Patagonia is not the only region where this has occurred. The narrow west coast of South America, between the Andes and the Pacific, is for the most part a waterless region. Here rain is exceptional, and be- yond the range of the few short rivers which empty themselves into the Ocean on this side, the country is desert. The cause of this lies in the fact that the easterly trade-winds, after supplying with rain the eastern portion of the continent, deposit their remain- INTRODUCTION 3 ing moisture upon the Andes, which thus rob the coast of its rainfall. But there is reason to believe that at one time the Andes were several thousand feet lower, and did not offer an insurmountable barrier to the rains. At this period the coast must have been wooded, and a forest must have stood where now is the waterless desert of Tarapaca, a forest of which the only traces are the numerous skeletons of anteaters which once it har- boured. Further evidence of the gradual elevation of the country is afforded by the presence of beaches now raised many feet above the sea-level and some miles from the coast ; while it is evident that this elevation has been proceeding since the advent of man, since traces of his settlements have been discovered in these raised beaches. At points along the coast, however, a good deal of erosion has taken place and the victory has sometimes rested with the sea. The history of the Brazilian highlands has been in the main the converse of the Andean region, since they seem to be the remains of mountain country which once attained a far more imposing elevation than at pre- sent, but which has been greatly reduced by atmospheric agencies. The coast, too, seems to have sunk in places, so that the Tocantins, which was once a tributary of the Amazon, now communicates direct with the Atlantic. But along the more southern coast of Brazil the land has encroached locally upon the sea, a fact to which the presence of great shell-heaps at some dis- tance from the coast bears witness. Where such variety of physical features prevails, a similar variety of cli- mate must necessarily follow. Within the tropics, on the low-lying coast and in the forested plains, the temperature is extreme, and aggravated in the latter region by the excessive moisture ; but in the uplands, especially the valleys of the Andes, conditions more akin to those of the temperate zone prevail ; while on the loftier plateaux the cold is often intense and cereals 4 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY cannot ripen there. Theopen plains of the extra-tropical region are in the main extremely healthy, but the coun- try, as we proceed south, is more suited for grazing than agriculture. Such, very briefly, is the environment, and the question of man now arises. The earliest traces of man are found in the southern portion of the conti- nent, in Buenos Aires and Patagonia, and certain of these date back to quaternary times. Along the coasts of Peru, Chile, and Brazil are found the remains of a very early population, who lived chiefly on shellfish, and who were probably related to, and even contempo- rary with, the early inhabitants of the country further south. All these tribes were long-headed, and had no knowledge of metals, but used rough implements of shell, bone, and stone. Later there came another wave of people, distinguished by round heads, who, with the Andes as their principal home, gradually drove the early population from the eastern half of the continent, until the inhospitable regions of Tierra del Fuego and the dense forests of the Amazon alone afforded them shelter. Whence the two types of man came is a question which cannot be discussed with profit until geologists are agreed as to the relation of America to the other con- tinents ; but it is possible that the long-headed race travelled via Greenland from Europe, and that the round-heads crossed the Behring Straits from Asia. But both these immigrations must have occurred at a time so remote that the invaders brought with them no implements, customs, or even language, that was charac- teristically "European" or "Asiatic," in the cultural senses of the words. The evolution of the various forms of culture characteristic of the different regions of South America was, as always, in accordance with environment. In the stifling forests but little progress was made, and some of the tribes remained at the lowest ebb ofculture,without knowledge of weavingor pottery. INTRODUCTION 5 Here agriculture was impossible, and hunting the only means of subsistence. The inhabitants of the open plains were more advanced, though they were com- pelled to lead a nomadic existence in search of the game on which they lived ; and the conditions of a nomadic life preclude the formation of organized communities in which alone a high state of culture can be evolved. In fact, the only environment suitable to be the birth- place of a civilization are the fertile valleys of the Andes, where the temperature of the tropics is tempered by the elevation, the soil is fertile, and water-supply con- stant. Here man can provide himself with means of sub- sistence, not indeed with the fatal facility of the tropics elsewhere, which seems to discourage all enterprise, but without having to expend the whole of his energies on providing the necessary food-supply, and so being left with no leisure to apply to the perfection of arts and crafts. And, in fact, it is just in this region that South American culture reached its zenith, culminating in the organized empire of the Inca, which the Spaniards found upon their arrival. The exact position of the Inca class, the people originally dominant in the valley of Cuzco, has often been misapprehended. There is a tendency to regard this people as the fofis et origo of all advanced culture ; as the creators of an elaborate and thoroughly efficient form of imperial government and the inaugurators of a communistic social system ad- mirably suited to the needs and characters of their sub- jects. As the rulers of the empire they have been viewed as in some way antithetically opposed to the tribes which they conquered, and the fact that they were originally merely one of a large number of similar tribes has been often overlooked. Neither the form of government, nor the social system, nor the religion of the empire were invented by them, but were common to all the Andean tribes from Colombia to the Argen- tine highlands, and the rapidity of the Inca conquest 6 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY was due chiefly to the fact that a general homogeneity of culture and beliefs underlay all the local differences which might be expected to exist between tribe and tribe. The picture afforded by the Colombian tribes who lived in the highland valleys of Cundinamarca is remarkably illustrative of this fact, and it is well known that the Inca never penetrated so far north ; and, to the south, the Inca empire stopped short where the nomadic tribes began, that is to say, where the common Andean culture ceased. The genius of the Inca states- man lay not in the creation of new forms of govern- ment, but in the adaptation of a constitution devised for small states to the needs of an extended empire. From the cultural point of view, therefore, the peoples of South America may be divided into three — the dwellers in the Andes, the nomads of the plains, and the inhabitants of the forests ; and the order in which they are named is their order in the scale of culture. In the use of the term " Archaeology " as applied to America far greater latitude must be allowed than when the Old World is under discussion. Though Ameri- can archaeology goes back to quaternary times, and deals with many remains which are prehistoric in the sense that they have no history, yet it is usually allowed to include within its sphere all those manifestations of higher forms of culture which the European discov- erers found flourishing in the sixteenth century, and which in so short a time became obsolete. This being so, it is obvious that a work such as this must deal principally with the inhabitants of the Andean region. Here alone wc find an advanced form of culture, and here alone was preserved any traditional history of the times prior to the discovery. For the rest the archae- ologist must gather what evidence he can from pottery fragments and stone implements. As will be seen in the later chapters, this evidence does not amount to very INTRODUCTION 7 much, partly owing to the fact that scientific explora- tion of vast areas has not yet been effected, and partly because so many of the finds do not from their position afford any indication of their date. A great deal, how- ever, remains to be done in the way of investigating the traces left by the tribes of lower culture, but it is not surprising that archaeologists should have turned their attention principally to those regions where the arts and crafts had reached a higher stage of develop- ment, and where historical evidence could be applied to the elucidation of the remains and vice versa. The present book deals only with the archaeology, as defined above, of the actual continent of South America. From one point of view it should also in- clude that of the Isthmus of Panama and of the Antilles. The tribes of the Isthmus seem to be connected cul- turally with those of Colombia, a connection which appears especially in the pottery and gold-work of the Chiriqui. But Antioquia and Chiriqui are separated by forests which probably at no time sheltered a popu- lation of any numbers, and when we reach the Chiriqui Lagoon we come in contact with another influence, that of the Nahua tribes of Mexico. In the Antilles are found traces of an early population who seem to have been a branch of the South American Arawak, and who were exterminated, as far as the Lesser Antilles are concerned, by later Carib immigrants, also coming from South America. But for reasons of space it has been considered desirable to confine attention to what is geo- graphically the continent of South America. CHAPTER I— COLOMBIA THE north-western corner of the South American continent, known to-day as Colombia, affords a picture of great geographical diversity. The twin chain of the Andes, shortly after entering Colombian terri- tory from Ecuador, divides into three branches. Of these, the eastern branch continues for some distance unbroken, but later splits up into several chains which extend through Venezuelan territory to the sea. The western branch runs parallel with the coast until it reaches the gulf of Darien ; while the central branch dies away in the marshy plains of the two northern- most provinces of Colombia, Bolivar and Magdalena. These three chains or Cordilleras confine, not, as through- out the greater part of Peru, a series of tablelands, but two deep valleys along which run two important rivers northwards, to the west the Cauca, to the east the Magdalena. The courses of the two are approximately parallel, until, after the disappearance of the central Cordillera, the Cauca joins the Magdalena, which is the larger of the two, being, indeed, the fourth longest river in South America. East of the eastern cordillera is a vast series of plains sloping gradually to the Orinoco and Amazon. Corresponding to this geographical diversity, Colom- bia possesses an equal diversity of climate. In spite of the tropical latitude the temperature of the tablelands is extremely pleasant and uniform ; in the valleys and the eastern plains the heat is excessive, with a mean of 86 or 88 Fahr. ; on the coasts, the temperature, though lower, is still very high, and is aggravated by the damp- 8 COLOMBIA 9 ness attendant on a tremendous rainfall. Amid this variety we may safely seek for the remains of such cul- ture as existed among the early inhabitants, not in the torrid regions of the coast and eastern plains, where the conditions are more favourable to vegetable than human development, but on the elevated slopes and tablelands of the Cordilleras. The Spaniards on their arrival found the country peopled by a large number of tribes differing consider- ably in language, and representing various stages of cultural development. Of the vast majority of these little or nothing is known save the name alone, and as no systematic attempt has yet been made to explore the country from an archaeological point of view, it is impos- sible to speakwithcertaintyas to the inter-relation of the more advanced sections of the population. From the scanty materials at hand in museums and from the in- dications given by early Spanish writers, four culture centres may be distinguished, all situated on the higher ground bordering the valleys of the Cauca and Magda- lena rivers. The first and most northerly of these lies in Antioquia, where the Tamahi and Nutabi tribes had developed agriculture and attained some proficiency in the weaving and dyeing of cotton ; the second is found to the south, in the country around Cartago, where lived the Quimbaya, the most skilled of all the gold-working tribes ; the third, around Popayan, of which the Coco- nuco may be taken as the representative tribe ; and fourthly, the highland region on either side of the modern provinces of Boyaca and Cundinamarca to the east of the Magdalena, where the Chibcha or Muisca people had attained a political development far in ad- vance of the rest of the Colombians. Though the respective cultures of these tribesdiffered indetail, yet underlying the differences was a very strong similarity, a similarity which extended also to the cul- ture of the Peruvian highlands. In fact, when due lo SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY allowance is made for the difference in environment, we may take it that the more advanced Colombians afford a good illustration of the condition of the various tribes of Peru before the Inca welded them into a single empire. Surrounding the peoples of higher culture were many tribes, some possibly as advanced as they, but the majority more primitive, some even in the lowest stages of savagery. A long list might be given of the names of these, but it would be of little interest to the general reader, especially as it would, for the most part, be un- accompanied by any details concerning their manners and customs ; it will be better to concentrate attention on the more civilized peoples concerning whom most information can be gathered from the accounts of early historians and from the remains in musems. Little can be said of the respective origins of the Colombian tribes ; the gold-work of the Cauca valley and some of the pottery show considerable similarity to thecorrespondingmanufacturesfromtheChiriqui people of the Isthmus (see PI. IV) ; it is stated also that a langu- age akin to that of the Chibcha was spoken by the early inhabitants of the high ground on the sea-coast, east of the mouth of the Magdalena river ; but the Chib- cha, to judge from their traditions as recorded, seem to have regarded themselves as indigenous. Certain tribes, such as the Quimbaya, and the Muzo and Colima, western neighbours and enemies of the Chibcha, claimed definitely to be immigrants from the north,* and it is said that a certain tribe called Achagua settled near Popayan after wandering all the way from Venez- uela. Further evidence of the westerly and southerly ^ Further evidence of this is contained in the fact that two hills, sacred in the eyes of the Chibcha, were situated in Muzo territory ; thither the Chibcha would make secret pilgrimages by night to perform certain rites, even at the risk of Ix-ing killed by the hostile Muzo. The explanation would seem to be that tiiis tract of country belonged origin- ally to the Cliibcha, but was seized by Muzo invaders. COLOMBIA II drift of tribes is contained in the native tradition, pre- served by Oliva, that the early inhabitants ot South America landed first at Caracas in Venezuela and spread thence along the coast to Ecuador. All that can be said is that while there are traditions of a southerly and south-westerly movement of peoples, there is no single account of a movement in the reverse direction ; but at the same time, to speak generally, there is no definite break in the continuity of culture between Colombia and Ecuador. Of the origin of the world and themselves the Chib- cha gave the following account. In the beginningall was darkness, until a Being, named Chiminigagua, created light and anumberofgreat birds ;thesebirds,acting under his instructions, seized the light in their beaks and distributed it over the earth. Subsequently Chimini- gagua created the sun and moon. Like many creators in primitive mythology, no actual worship was paid him, his work was done and he was not regarded as a force to be reckoned with ; but the sun and moon, his handiwork, were the centre of an elaborate cult. Shortly after this a woman emerged from a lake, called Iguaque, north-east of Tunja, bearing in her arms an infant boy ; this woman, called variously Bachue and Furachogue, came down to the plain, where she lived until the boy grew up. She then married him and bore innumerable children, changing her abode from time to time until the land was peopled. Finally she returned to the lake with her husband, and the pair disappeared beneath the waters in the form of snakes. Bachue, afterwards wor- shipped as one of the gods, is believed to have given men their first laws and form of worship. A different crea- tion legend was current locally at Tunja. Two chiefs named respectively Iraca and Ramiriqui, uncle and nephew, lived in the primeval darkness. Feeling lonely they made men from yellow earth and women from a certain plant; Iraca then bade Ramiriqui ascend to 12 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY heaven and become the sun, while he himself became the moon. It is possible that the first part of the story may have been introduced from the Muzo, who main- tained the tradition that a ghost or shadow named Are formed faces of sand and sprinkled them with water, whereupon they became men and women ; the latter part of the Tunja myth may be based upon local pride, since Ramiriqui was the name of the early capital of the district of which Tunja became the later centre, and Iraca was the site of one of the holiest temples of the Chibcha country. The next feature of Chibcha mythological history is one common to all the cultured peoples of Central and South America, namely the arrival of a white culture- hero who gave the people laws and instructed them in arts and industries. Such is the Quetzalcoatl of the Nahua, the Uiracocha of the Peruvians, and the Tsuma of Venezuela. This personage, known variously as Bo- chica, Nemterequeteba, and Xue, is said to have come from the east and to have entered the territory of Bogota at Pasca on its southern border, and finally to have dis- appeared at Sogamoso or at Iza, east of Tunja, where his footprint was shown on a rock. His worship was universal in Chibcha territory and many temples were raised to him. The Tamahi of Antioquia had a culture- heroine named Dabeciba. The preaching of Bochica enjoined a serious mode of life, and his laws were severe, but it is related that shortly after his disappearance a woman appeared, none knew whence, named Huitaca or Chie, whoscteachingboreaverydifFerentcomplexion ; she bade the people rejoice and indulge to the utmost in dances and revelry, but her rather frivolous turn of mind was displeasing to the creator, who is said on this occasion to have interfered with the affairs of men and to have turned her into an owl. In anger at this treat- ment, Huitaca is related to have aided Chibchachum, the special god of the Bogota section of Chibcha, to COLOMBIA 13 cause a great flood. The inhabitants took refuge in the mountains, and in their distress called upon Bochica, who appeared in the rainbow and, with a golden rod, opened a passage for the waters in the mountains. Bochica further punished Chibchachum by compelling him to bear the earth, Atlas-like, upon his shoulders, but the god often grows weary and shifts his burden from one shoulder to the other, causing an earthquake. A deluge myth was also current in Antioquia among the Tamahi, and indeed such stories are found all over America. The Chibcha alone of the Colombian tribes have left a history ; meagre as the details are, they are never- theless of great interest in so far as they show the first steps in the creation of what might, but for the arrival of the Spaniards, have become an empire. At the mo- ment of the conquest there were five centres of power in the Chibcha country. Inthe extreme north was Gua- nenta, ruled by a chiefof that title ; to the south-east was Tundama, also ruled by an eponymous chieftain ; south of Tundama lay Sogamoso, the smallest principality, again ruled by a chief who took his title from his terri- tory ; south and west was the important district of Tunja, the ruler of which bore the title of Zaque ; and finally in the extreme south lay the most powerful state, that of Bogota, under the leadership of a chief entitled Zipa. All these chieftains were emperors on a small scale, exercising suzerainty over a number of petty chiefs who were supreme in their own districts, and suc- ceeded to power in accordance with their ancient laws, but whose accession required ratification at the hands of their respective overlords. But the country was not always divided after this fashion ; the history of Chibcha territory as it has come down to us is largely the story of the rise of the formerly insignificant and dependent chiefof Bogota, and the incorporation in his sphere of influence of several independent chiefs and their re- 14 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY spective territories. Iraca and Ramiriqui, as has been seen from the early mythology, seem to have been im- portant states in early days ; indeed the earliest Chibcha chief known to historyis Nompanem of Iraca, who codi- fied the laws of Bochica immediately after his disap- pearance. As Nompanem had no male heirs he was followed by his sister Bumanguay and her husband, a man of Firavitoba. The next, or a later, chief, named Idacansas, claimed supernatural power over the elements and diseases ; his fame waxed great, and his kingdom and the temple of Iraca acquired a reputation for holiness and attracted many pilgrims. After the death of Idacansas a rather remarkable event occurred; it is possible that the combination of civil and religious authority acquired by him appeared dangerous to the surrounding chiefs, and they took measures to prevent such authority from falling into the hands of a man who might use it against them. Whatever the reason, the fact remains that the normal succession was interrupted, and four chiefs were appointed hereditary electors, their choice being limited to the inhabitants (presumably the ruling families or prominent men) of Firavitoba and Tobaza alternately. So carefully was the rule observed that on one occasion when a man of the former town usurped the power out of turn, the electors made war upon him and killed him. If the electors were unable to agree on the candidate, the chief of Tundama was called in to settle the question. Ramiriqui, however, soon lost its important position at the hands of a chief named Garanchacha, the reputed son of the Sun and a daughter of the chief of Guacheta in the south-west of the Chibcha country. This Garan- chacha killed the chief of Ramiriqui in revenge for the death ofoneof his attendants, and usurped his kingdom, later removing the seat of government to Tunja. This legend is recounted only by Simon,who says that Garan- chacha was still ruling when the Spaniards entered the COLOMBIA 15 country, a statement which, from other evidence, is contrary to fact. Elsewhere we hear of other Zaque of Tunja : Hunsahua, whomarried his sisterand thus inau- gurated a custom which was observed by his successors, acustom which was also found among the Inca ;Toman- gata, who is said to have possessed a tail and four ears, and to have been granted power by the Sun to change men into beasts ; Tutasua his nephew ; and lastly Michuaand Quemuenchatocha mentioned below in con- nection with the history of Bogota. So powerful was the Zaque of Tunja that it has been said that at one time he was the overlord of the whole of the Chibcha country ; this, however, does not seem to be likely. Another point of importance was Guatabita, which, even more than Iraca, may be regarded as the religious centre of the whole of the Chibcha country ; here were held periodical religious ceremonies, to which came pilgrims from all the Chibcha tribes, and during which all hostilities were suspended. In early times Guatabita had probably been an independent principality, but later it seems to have fallen under the influence of Tunja, later still of Bogota. In fact the whole of the struggle between the Zaque of Tunja and the Zipa of Bogota appears to have resulted from the determination of the latter to secure control of Guatabita and Iraca, which, from a religious point of view, were the two most im- portant villages of the southern Chibcha country. The exact position of Bogota at the time of its rise towards the end of the fifteenth cen ury is not quite clear; one account seems to make its ruler the vassal of Guatabita, the other, of Tunja. In either case the inhabitants were well qualified to make a bid for power ; for years they had been engaged in hostilities with the warlike Panche and Muzo to the west and north-west respectively, and they had thus developed into better fighters than the rest of the Chibcha. Their ruler at this moment, Saguanmachica, was a bold and able 1 6 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY general, as ambitious as he was capable. While his pre- decessors had been content to extend their power slowly, absorbing the weaker chiefs on their borders, he boldly attacked and reduced most of the more powerful rulers of thesouthernpartof Chibcha territory. Finally Guata- bita took alarm and sent a force against the Zipa, but thelatter prevailed and carried the war into the territory of Guatabita. The latter then appealed to the Zaque of Tunja, Michua, but even this powerful ruler was un- able to lend material assistance. According toone story the Zipa conquered Guatabita by treacherously break- ing the truce imposed at the season of the great festival, but however this may be, an incursion of the Panche, and the revolt of certain lately-conquered chiefs in the neighbourhood of Bogota, forced Saguanmachica to divide his forces, and for the moment Guatabita and the Zaque were able to resume the offensive. After some years' struggle the Zipa was again free to resume his attempt on Guatabita, but only to fall in a pitched battle, in which the Zaque Michua also lost his life. But though the inaugurator of the scheme of conquest was dead, the Bogotans found a worthy successor in Nemequene, who speedily suppressed all attempts at revolt on the part of his immediate neighbours, and compelled the Panche to keep within their border. Finally Guatabita fell to him by a stratagem. The inhabitants of that region were famed for their gold- work, and their services were in request in many parts of Chibcha territory. To prevent serious de- population the ruler had made a regulation that every chief who obtained a goldsmith from his country must replace him by two of his own men, and the Zipa took advantage of this ordinance to fill the court of the chief of Guatabita with his own retainers. He made a forced march upon Guatabita ; his men rose to his assistance, and the territory of Guatabita fell into his hands, the chief and all his relations being killed. Following up COLOMBIA 17 hissuccessNcmequcnenext proceeded against theZaque Quemuenchatocha and the chief of Iraca; a fierce battle was fought, but while fortune was still in the balance he received a severe wound and was obliged to retire, dying shortly afterwards. His nephew Tisquesusa, however, resumed the campaign, sending an army against Tunja under the command of an able general named Saque- saxigua, but the arrival of the Spanish interrupted operations, and Tisquesusa himself fell in an engage- ment with the white invaders. Whether the rulers of Bogota would have succeeded ultimately in extending their rule over the whole of the Chibcha it is difficult to say ; so far they had been hampered by continual incursions on the part of a war- like and unsubdued foe on their borders, as well as by the continual revolt of neio^hbourinof chiefs. From the former danger the Inca were free, from the latter they suffered much in the early days of conquest ; but the Inca possessed one advantage which the Zipa never had, their claim to divine origin ; and the religious character which this claim gave to their wars of con- quest, was of inestimable value to them in dealing with tribes so susceptible to supernatural influences as the Andean races of South America. It is possible that the possession of Guatabita and Iraca, the two chief religious centres, might have given the Zipa the prestige they lacked, and it is certain that the conquest of Tunja, which appeared probable as matters stood, would have increased their temporal power enormously. Whether fate would have granted to Bogota, as to the Peruvians, the rulers capable of consolidating its power remains of course an unsolved question; but at least the first steps towards empire had been taken with a courage and determination worthy of ultimate success. Politically speaking, the Colombians were in a low stage of evolution. With the exception of the Chibcha c 1 8 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY they were ruled by independent petty chiefs, and his- tory shows that even the Chibcha had not advanced very far in the science of government. The Quimbaya, among whom the arts and crafts had attained a higher level than among the Chibcha, were still living, it is stated, under the rule of sixty petty chieftains at the time of the conquest ; these chieftains would usually unite under the leadership of one of their number in order to repel a common foe, but they were perfectly ready to fight among themselves when peace reigned along their borders. The chiefs of the Chibcha were all absolute mon- archs ; they made their own laws, carried on the civil government, and directed warlike operations, as far as is known, with entire irresponsibility. In matters of religion too they exercised considerable control, since the appointment of the priests lay in their hands ; in fact, no small portion of their power was derived from the semi-divine state with which they encircled them- selves. No subject dared look his ruler in the face, but when in his presence turned aside or assumed a stooping attitude ; no messenger might appear before him without bearing in his hand some gift as a cere- monial acknowledgment of his high rank. Regulations somewhat similar were observed in the Inca court. The Zipa of Bogota, perhaps for the very reason that he was a parvenu among the overlords, maintained a state which in a small way resembled that of the divine rulers of Peru ; his garments were of the finest cotton, his throne was of gold studded with emeralds, and he travelled in a litter hung with golden plates, preceded by officials who removed all obstacles, spread textiles and scattered flowers in his path. His head-dress was of gold and a golden crescent ornamented his brow ; nose- and ear-ornaments were of the same metal, and also the breastplate he bore upon his chest (PI. IV). Though the power of a chief was absolute in his territory, and COLOMBIA 19 no detail was beneath his cognizance,^ it is probable that no ruler would have ventured directly to contra- vene the traditional customary laws handed down from the legendary legislators, though he might modify these or make new ordinances. All the great chiefs, of Bogota, Tunja, Guatabita, Iraca, and elsewhere, possessed pleasure palaces, like those of the Inca, a little removed from their respective capitals, whither they retired to refresh themselves after the cares of State, to bathe in hot or cold springs, and to enjoy the society of their numerous wives. But if the position of a chief in power might be re- garded as enviable, he was forced to undergo a very severe probation before he could enter upon a life of despotic ease. Office was hereditary in the female line, that is to say, a chief was succeeded normally by his sister's son, his own sons receiving only a portion of his personal property. In default of nephews on the sister's side, the power devolved upon the brother next in age ; if there were no heir, an independent chief would designate his successor before his death, but in the case of a dependent chief, the successor was chosen by the overlord. In any case the succession of a dependent had to be ratified by his superior. In the territory of Bogota the chieftainship of Chia, due north of Bogota, was always conferred upon the heir of the Zipa, just as the title " Prince of Wales " is borne by the heir to the British throne. The origin of this practice is explained in the following legend. The brother of an early chief of Chia had an intrigue with one of the royal women ; his guilt was discovered and he was sentenced to impalement, a fate which he escaped by flight. He took refuge at the court of the Zipa and eventually became a successful general in ^ It is said that if a subject of the Guatabita wished to wear a dress of a pattern different from that which was customary, he was obliged to obtain his lord's approval and receive the new garment from his hands. 20 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCH/EOLOGY his service. As the Zipa had no heirs, he designated the warrior as his successor, and at his death the former fugitive became lord of Bogota and overlord of his brother who had condemned him. The brother in fear sent his mother and sister to intercede, and it was finally arranged that the son of the sister should be heir to the chiefdom of Chia, and subsequently to that of Bogota. From that time the chief of Chia has always succeeded to the throne of Bogota. As said above, the heir to a chiefdom was obliged to submit to a severe probation. For five years or more he was secluded in a temple, whence he issued only by night; he mortified the flesh with frequent scourgings and fasts, and abstained from meat, salt, and aji (red pepper, a very favourite condiment) ; he was bound by oath to confess any breach of the stringent regulations with which his life was hedged, and severe penances were imposed on him. At the end of this trying period his nose and ears were pierced for the ornaments which his rank entitled him to bear, and he made an offering of golden figures of animals to the gods. The ceremonies attending the installation of a chief were conducted with great state ; and in this connection special allusion must be made to the rites performed when the chief of Guatabita ascended to power. Not only was the ceremonial particularly elaborate, but it gave rise to the stories o^ el Dorado which so fired the imagination of the early conquerors and gave such im.- petus to the exploration of the interior. According to Fresle the population of the neighbourhood repaired to the sacred lake of Guatabita clad in their finest orna- ments of gold and feathers. Innumerable sacrificial fires were kindled on the banks, and the lake was encircled with a cloud of incense. The ruler-elect was divested of his garments, anointed with an adhesive earth, and powdered with gold-dust. Attended by his four prin- cipal sub-chiefs he embarked upon a reed raft orna- COLOMBIA 21 merited with gold and furnished with four braziers for incense ; at his feet was piled a mound of gold and emeralds, and amidst the shouts of the multitude, and the sound of whistles (PI. IV, 6) and other instruments, he proceeded to the middle of the lake. There he plunged into the waters and washed off the offering of gold-dust, and the gold and emeralds were thrown in at the same time, the four chiefs making offerings on their own account. The raft then returned and the proceed- ings terminated with the revelry and c/z/V/^^-drinking so dear to the heart of the Colombians. Tribute in gold and textiles was exacted by the chiefs from their subjects, and the method of dealing with defaulters was decidedly original ; when a man failed to send his due contribution, a court attendant together with a bear or puma was quartered upon him, and he was further forced to give a cloth garment for each day that he was in arrears; it is probable that he made great efforts to rid himself of such undesirable "men in possession." In some places less severe measures were taken, the defaulter's fire was extinguished and he was not permitted to rekindle it until the debt was paid. The customary law, which was preserved by oral tra- dition, was on the whole severe ; in Guatabita the pun- ishment for most crimes was death; the code of Nom- panem imposed the capital penalty in cases of homicide, but lesser crimes were punished with flogging the first time, infamy the second, and infamy extending to the relations of the culprit the third. Cowards were com- "jDelled to assume female dress and perform the work of women. Women suspected of infidelity were usually forced to eat red pepper until they confessed the name of their lover, after which their agony was alle- viated with a draught of water and they were killed, unless they were ransomed by the man named. Theft was punished with stripes on the first two occasions, but on the third the offender was compelled to look the chief 22 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY in the face, a proceeding which branded him with per- petual infamy. The mutilation of hands, noses and ears was also practised occasionally as a punishment. In the case of offenders of higher rank the punishments were lighter, and consisted in tearing the garments or cutting the hair, but the disgrace attending the penalty was greater in proportion to the rank of the culprit. As may be gathered, high rank and purity of blood were held in great estimation, and a wide gulf sepa- rated the nobles from the commoners ; the upper classes possessed many privileges, mostly connected with the wearing of certain ornaments, which they held in virtue of their station; others, such as the right to be carried in a litter, could only be granted by one of the great chiefs. Slavery existed as an institution, at least among the Quimbaya and Chibcha, but, as among most primitive peoples, the slaves appear to have been well treated. Among the Chibcha the slaves seem to have been native- born prisoners of war, the subjects of some hostile chief captured in fight. As a rule, at any rate in the Bogota region, men so taken were sent to fight the national enemy, the Panche and Colima, serving as archers. A plurality of wives appears to have been permitted throughout Colombia, but the "table of prohibited de- grees " varied from one locality to another. In the neighbourhood of Cartago a man's first cousin seems to have been regarded as his natural mate, but in the Zipa's territory no marriages were permitted within the second degree of consanguinity. In the Tunja district, however, even marriage with a sister was not forbidden. The Panche were the most particular of all, since the man was compelled to seek a wife outside his sub-tribe. The intending husband was obliged by custom to hand over a price to his prospective father-in-law, and the bride brought no dowry save her ornaments and a quan- tity of chicha. COLOMBIA 23 The Chibcha wife seems to have enjoyed rather un- usual privileges ; on the authority of Jimenez de Que- sada, Piedrahita relates that she was permitted to beat her husband, though the number of lashes she could in- flict was limited to six. The chief wife, moreover, that is to say the first married, had even greater power. If she so willed she might on her death-bed condemn her husband to chastity for a certain period, even up to five years. Children, except, apparently, among the Quim- baya, were regarded as belonging to the mother's family; this fact is seen in the custom by which a man inherited from his maternal uncle (except in the case of sons of free men and slave women), and also in the ordin- ance which compelled a man, who lost a wife and child at birth, to pay one-half of his property as compensa- tion to the woman's relatives. When a child was born a ceremony was often performed which was supposed to give an indication of the fortune which might pur- sue him throughout life. A tuft of cotton, moistened with the mother's milk, was wrapped in grass and thrown into a stream; six chosen swimmers immediately plunged into the water and tried to seize it before the bundle became unrolled. If they were successful, the omen was good, and the parents rejoiced in the cer- tainty that the infant would be lucky. Twins were regarded as a proof of inconstancy and were killed. The various peoples of Colombia appear to have had but little intercourse with their respective neighbours, and that chiefly of a warlike nature ; our knowledge of friendly relations between tribes is confined mainly to the facts that the Quimbaya obtained gold from their neighbours in exchange for salt, and that the southern Chibcha orocured the same metal from tribes on the Magdalena, below Neiva, in barter for salt, textiles, and emeralds. Within the borders of their own territory, however, the Chibcha at least were energetic traders ; periodical markets were established at many of the 24 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY larger villages, and even a kind of currency was in vogue. The existence of this currency, the only thing of the kind in South America, is attested by several of the early chroniclers. It consisted of gold discs, of which the value was estimated by measuring against the first joint of the thumb ; besides being employed in commerce it was also used by the chiefs subordinate to the Zipa and Zaque in the payment of their tribute. Even the military operations of the more civilized peoples seem to have been confined within their own borders. Certainly the Quimbaya at one period under- took a war of conquest when they exterminated the aborigines of the country where they were found by the Spaniards ; but in historical times they had sadly de- generated, and confined their energies to guarding against the attacks of their fiercer and more savage neighbours, always avoiding a combat when possible. The Chibcha, too, were content to keep at bay the Panche and Colima on their south-western and south- ern border, and, so far as can be gathered, never at- tempted reprisals, nor even made an effort to recon- quer the territory from which they had been driven by the Muzo. But the continual strife with the Panche had the effect of inuring the southern tribes to war and was the cause of the rise of Bogota; it had, more- over, a more surprising effect in producing the only democratic institution in this land where hereditary rank counted for so much. Upon men who showed unusual bravery in war was conferred the title of Guecha, and certain privileged ornaments. TheGuecha wore his hair short and bore in his lips and ears a number of gold rods, said to correspond with the number of foes slain by him in fight, as well as the nose- ornament which was in other cases the sign of high birth. To such proved warriors was entrusted the guardian- ship of the villages on the Panche frontier. War was declared formally by messengers sent to the COLOMBIA 25 enemy, who were entertained unharmed by the latter as long as hostilities lasted. Certain religious cere- monies were performed, including the sacrifice of a child to the Sun and Moon ; and the petty chiefs of most distinguished lineage, who bore the military title of Usaque, summoned their retainers. The fighting- men grouped themselves round their feudal lords, whose tents were dyed each some distinguishing colour, and many women followed in the train with a generous supply of chicha for the thirsty warriors. An army in the field afforded a fine spectacle. The nobles glittered with gold : gold forehead-ornaments in the shape of crescents, gold nose- and ear-ornaments, gold collars, gold bracelets, gold breast-plates (PI. IV) and shields, and over all a feather crest set in gold and emeralds. The rank and file, though less richly clad, made a brave show adorned in the many-hued feathers of tropical birds. They were armed with spears of palmwood with the points hardened in the fire, with long and heavy two-handed swords of hard wood, with slings and spear-throwers. The last-mentioned appli- ance is found widely distributed throughout America, and again in Australia, and consists of a rod with a hook at the end which fits into a socket in the butt of the javelin,^ by this means the arm of the thrower is arti- ficially lengthened and he is enabled to hurl his weapon with far greater force than with the unaided hand. This appliance was also used in Peru (see Fig. 8). Some of the fighters carried bows, but this weapon was not used nearly to the same extent as by the wild forest tribes to the east, who, again unlike the Chibcha, were accustomed to anoint their arrows with poison. The battle-array of the Quimbaya was similar, though in this district a chief was always to be distinguished ^ In parts of America, though not in the Andes, the end of the spear- thrower is furnished with a socket in which tlie spear-butt rests instead of the hook mentioned above. 26 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY by a hemispherical casque of gold bearing designs in relief (PI. V. i). Among the Chibcha, as among certain Peruvian tribes, the mummies of famous warriors were carried into battle in the hope that the spirit of the brave departed might animate their compatriots. Head-hunt- ing was practised to some extent in Colombia, especially by the less civilized tribes,such as those of the Cartagena coast, the Muzo, the Colima, and the Panche ; and even the Chibcha decorated their sanctuaries with the heads of Panche enemies. In the arts of pleasure the Colombians were more ex- pert than in war, but they were much addicted to drunk- enness ; large stores of the intoxicating chicha figured prominently on all occasions of rejoicing and religious ceremonial, and thecarousals,especially among the Quim- baya, frequently ended in a fight. A more strenuous form of amusement consisted of the foot-races so dear to the heart ofthe Chibcha, inwhich the winner received a prize of textiles and was accorded the privilege ofwear- inghisgarmentsoastotouch the ground, while theLache people tothe north-eastof theChibcha indulged in gene- ral melees in which fists were the only weapons. Feasts and games were a great feature of reljgious worship, and this subject requires a short consideration. CHAPTER II— COLOMBIA {continued) VERY little is known of the religion of the Quim- baya ; it is stated that they had no idols nor tem- ples, and practised no cult of animals nor plants. Men- tion is made of a creator, Abira, an evil deity, Cani- cuba, and a culture-heroine, Dabeciba,in Antioquia, but nothing is related of the worship paid to them. About the Chibcha more information exists ; at the head of the pantheon stood the creator, Chiminigagua, and the cul- ture-hero and god of chiefs, Bochica. Bachue, men- tioned before, was the patron of agriculture; Chaquen, of races and boundaries ; Nencatacoa, the bear-shaped god, of <:/^/t^«-drin king, weaving and dyeing ; and Chib- chachum, the peculiar god of the Bogotans, of com- merce. It is more than probable that definite gods of this nature were only found among the more highly- organized Chibcha, and that elsewhere prevailed the cultof natural features, the heavenly bodies, mountains, rocks, lakes, and streams. Such seems to have been the primitive religion of all the Andean tribes, surviving among the Chibcha and also locally among the Peru- vians, and based on the desire to propitiate the hidden powers of nature, or on the idea that the object of the cult was in some way connected with the ancestry of the worshippers. The Sun, Sua, and the Moon, Chia, were important deities among the Chibcha and the more primitive tribes on their south-eastern border, and the Moon was also worshipped by the Panche on the west. The cult of water was very important in the Chibcha country, and this is not surprising, since the inhabitants 27 28 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY were agriculturists and droughts were not uncommon. There were five sacred lakes, of which the most impor- tant was that of Guatabita. Mountains also were con- sidered sacred, and offerings were deposited on them, but chiefly because of their association with some god, principally the Sun. A snake-cult was found among two tribes to thewestofChibcha territory,and traces of simi- lar worship were found also among the Chibcha them- selves, in so far as a large snake was supposed to issue from the lake of Guatabita and receive the offerings of gold and emeralds placed on its banks. Two tribes con- terminous with the snake-worshippers paid reverence to two stones said once to have been men, and stone worship was found among the neighbouring Lache, who believed, moreover, that the dead became stones, and were later reincarnated. A similar idea is seen at the root of the legend of the former chief of Tunja who married his sister and, with her, was subsequently turned to stone. It is only of the cults practised by theChibcha that any detailed accounts have come down to us, and most of these relate to the worship of the Sun. To Bochica and the Rainbow offerings were made of gold and emeralds ; to Chibchachum, of gold ; Bachue received certain agri- cultural produce, and Nencatacoa libations of chicha ; to Chaquen were dedicated the feather ornaments worn by the competitors in races and by the warriors in war. The Sun was more exacting. Besides offerings of gold, emeralds and incense,^ of which the two former were often buried on mountains, human sacrifices were made to him. Not far from Bogota, to the south-east, was a temple to the Sun, in which was reared a large number of children, purchased in infancy by traders in distant pro- vinces. These children were regarded with the utmost » Tlic invadinj; Spaniardii were received at first with offerings ofTire and incense, since, as in Peru, lliey were tliought to be the children of the Sun. I'l.A'll: II ^/ - ;,♦ .jm riiJIiaifc Aar: # «l -5 — - ^ 4- 5' COLO.MIUA Stone Pkndant : Chibcha 6.8. I'otteky Stamps: X.E. Caixa Copper Fish : Saxtander 7. Stone Plate : An'itoquia Pottery spindle-whorts : 9. Pottery Vase: Bogota N.E. Cauca and Tolima id. ii. Potiekv Vask: Antkku'ia (Scale: 1-8, 1/4111; 9-11, iSm) COLOMBIA 29 veneration, and acted as mediators between penitents and theofFended deity ; they were not permitted to touch the ground with their feet, and their chief occupation was as singers in the temple. At the age of puberty they were sold to chiefs for sacrifice ; the victim's blood and heart being offered to the Sun amidst music and song somewhat after the fashion of the Nahua people of Central America. If one of these Moja, as they were called, were found to be guilty of unchastity, he escaped the fate destined for him, but lost his sacred character, and was thenceforward regarded as an ordinary indi- vidual. Children were also sacrificed in time of war or drought. In the latter case the victim was taken on a fine day to the summit of a mountain and beheaded with a cane knife, his blood being smeared on the rocks where the first rays of the sun would fall ; the body was some- times hidden in a cave, and sometimes left on the moun- tain for the sun to " devour." Another common form of human sacrifice was the following : a slave was con- ducted in procession to a lofty pole supporting a small platform which stood in the corner of the chief's en- closure ; on this he was set, and arrows and darts were hurled at him until he died of his wounds ; meanwhile priests collected in bowls the blood which constituted the offering ; the body was buried on a hill-top. In some cases parrots, brought from the hot plains and trained to talk, were substituted for human victims, as many as two hundred being offered at a time. The practice of human sacrifice was not confined to the Chib- cha country ; in Tolima the custom was also found, and in certain features the ceremony closely resembled that of the Aztecs in so faras the victim was himself supposed to be the god. Prisoners of war were sacrificed in Antioquia and by the Quimbaya. Of other celestial phenomena theRainbowwas personified underthe name ofCuchabiba ; it was regarded as the protector of women in childbirth and of the fever-stricken, and offerings of 30 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY emeralds were made to it. Its appearance, however, was supposed to portend death. Closely connected with the cult of the Sun was the cult of idols, at any rate in the Chibcha territory. These idols were made of various materials — wood, clay, cotton, wax, copper, and even gold. One of the most celebrated of those in the precious metal was a solid image of the son of Bachue in a temple at Iguaque. There were many idols in a single temple, and offerings were made to them through the priests, in the hope that they might inter- cede with the Sun and Moon to grant the prayer of the petitioner. Offerings consisted of textiles, emeralds,and gold figures of men, beasts, birds, reptiles, and insects, as well as tiaras and other ornaments also of gold ; and were deposited in vases shaped like a human figure (PI. II, Fig. 9), sunk in the ground up to the neck, and fur- nished with a cover of clay or feathers. When the vase was full it was removed and buried with its contents in a secret place. Besides the temple idols, which were usually arranged in pairs, male and female, were the pri- vate idols, approximating more in character to fetishes, which individuals kept in their huts and carried with them in small baskets. These served a variety of pur- poses, such as to guard the possessor against sickness and the like. Idols of wood, pottery, and gold were also found in Antioquia, Southern Cauca, and among the Sutagao, neighbours of the Chibcha on the south ; but it is said that neither the Quimbaya nor the inhabitants of Tolima made use of them. IF this statement is true the two small figures shown on PI. Ill, Figs. 6 and 7, one of which still retains the gold nose-ring which usually adorns these figurines, must be of a votive character. A few words must be said about the cult of the sacred lakes in the Chibcha country. Connected with this cult was the ceremony of investiture of the chief of Guata- bita, which has been described above, but more impor- tant from the national point of view were the ceremonial COLOMBIA 31 pilgrimages which were made periodically to the chief lakes of the country. The lake of Guatabita was thus honoured by the northern Chibcha, while the lake of Ubaque, south of Bogota, was rendered similar homage by the southern tribes. During the period of the pil- grimage hostilities were suspended, and the assembled tribes held foot-races and indulged in prolonged drink- ing-bouts. With such zeal were these amusements pur- sued that deaths from exhaustion or over-drinking were not unknown, and the victims were buried in holy caves on the spot and honoured as martyrs to religion. In conclusion was celebrated a great sacrifice to the lake. At Guatabita the populace thronged the holy shores, which twinkled with the flames of their incense-fires ; long cords were stretched from bank to bank, and to the sound of drums and whistles the offerings were made. Chiefs and nobles cast their gold and ornaments into the lake, but the commoners buried their contributions on the shores, standing with their backs turned towards the holy waters. Some of these offerings have been dis- covered; one lucky explorer securinggold totheamount of no less than 12,000 pesos. ^ On the banks of Ubaque pottery figures have been disinterred, their faces turned away from the lake, probably the offerings of the poorer class. Apart from the sanctity which seems to have at- tached to large sheets of water, Guatabita seems to have possessed additional holiness from the fact that its waters were supposed to be inhabited by the wife of a former Zaque of Tunja, of whom a legend was told. An important ceremony took place in Bogota on the occasion of the harvest, which occurred in September. The people in all their finery, accompanied by the priests wearing golden tiaras, assembled in the broad street lead- ing to the chief's house ; many were clad in the skins of wild beasts, a custom which is also found in Peru. Prayers were made to the Sun and to Bochica, and an appeal was ^ The value of the /tfso de oro is about £i 12s, 6d. 32 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCH/EOLOGY made to their pity by the use of masks on which were painted tears. The priests were followed in procession by a troop of worshippers manifesting every sign of joy and announcing that the Sun had granted their supplica- tions ; next came a number of men wearing gold masks, spreading textiles before a richly adorned band of musi- cians who escorted the Zipa and his dependent chiefs. At the end of the street offerings were made to idols, and the proceedings terminated in dancing and chicha- drinking. At Tunja a ceremony was performed in memory of the two mythical chiefs who became respec- tively the Sun and Moon. This took place at the end of the year, when twelve men clad in red formed a circle round a thirteenth in blue and sang songs mainly con- cerned with death. The performers were considered to represent respectively the months and the sun. An in- teresting piece of symbolism was manifested in some of the drinking-bouts which occurred after sacrifices ; two men sat at the gate of the enclosure where the revelries were taking place and played mournful airs on flutes. These men, who neither ate nor drank during the pro- ceedings, were supposed to represent death. The ceremonial which the Chibcha religion had deve- loped required the services of a priesthood. The priest- hood was hereditary in the female line, but the chiefs seem to have had some control over the disposal of the more important oflices. After a period of twelve years' probation, during which the candidate received both re- ligious and medical instruction, and practised various austerities in the seclusion of an isolated hut, he was in- ducted into his office, his ears and nose were pierced, and he was allowed to assume ornaments of gold. The lite of a priest involved much self-denial ; he lived abstemiously and in celibacy, performed many penances, and slept but little, spending the greater part of the night in chewing coca. His position in general was that of intercessor be- tween man and the supernatural powers ; for instance, in /'/..IVK /// COLOMl'.IA I; 2, 5-7, 9-14. I'dTTKKY: CmCA \'A1.1.KV, AnTIOijUIA 3. \'ask : Toi.iMA 4. \'A.SF, : GUATAKriA 8. P'lGi'iii'; : BotiOTA (Scale: i-S, i/6rii : 9-12, iSth) COLOMBIA 33 time of drought a number of priests, after fasting, pro- ceeded to the top of a mountain and there burnt various offerings, including hair soaked in resin, scattering the ashes to the winds. In times of sickness, the invalid, after fasting, brought some offering, such as a gold figure wrapped in cotton, to the priest, who had meanwhile pre- pared himself also by a fast. The latter would then divest himself of his clothing, declaim the circumstances of the illness in a loud voice, and cast the offering into a lake, deposit it in a cave, or bury it in the earth. Next morn- ing he announced the divine will to the suppliant. Such were the offices of the regular priesthood, in the ranks of which there was no hierarchy, all being, at least nomi- nally, equal. But there existed in addition a number of itinerant diviners, whose methods included some such proceeding as the following. If a man lost an object of value he would call in the services of a diviner ; the latter would trace in the dust ten lines radiating from the spot where he stood, and associate each of these with one of his fingers. After taking an intoxicating drug he awaited the twitching of one of his fingers, by which he was supposed to discover the direction in which the robber might be found. The popular magic was extremely varied; omens were taken from dreams, the cries of foxes and owls, and the twitching of various parts of the body ; and no one would undertake a project of importance without ensuring success by the consumption of certain herbs. The Quimbaya possessed prophetic priests who interpreted the supernatural will from the observation of natural phenomena, and similar diviners were found among the Colima and Muzo. In the plains south-east of the Chibcha, candidates for the priesthood were edu- cated for their future profession in the temples. The Chibcha temples were ordinary huts, such as are described later, furnished with small stools on which were set the idols ; the floor was usually covered with grass and the walls with mats. In the case of the im- D 34 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHtEOLOGY portant temples, such as that of Iraca,the main postswere planted each on the body of a living slave. The houses of chiefs were similarly "established in blood." Each temple was dedicated to some particular god, and small shrines were scattered over the country, on the hills, on the shores of lakes, and by the roadside. The Chibcha believed that the souls of the dead tra- velled to another land in the centre of the earth, crossing a river in a boat made of spider's web, for which reason spiders were never killed. There they entered upon another life, similar to that in this world, but the position they occupied depended to some extent upon the death by which they had perished. Men who had fallen in battle, and women who had died in childbirth, were supposed to be particularly fortunate in the other world. When a chief came to power the priests pre- pared him a grave in a secret place, in a wood, on a hill, or in the bed of a stream ; at his death his body was em- balmed with resin, and a public mourning was accorded him, at which his various exploits were recounted, a practice which obtained also in Peru. The priests then buried him in secret, placing with the body bags of coca and maize and jars of chicha. In the grave, or in the earth above, as at Tunja, they placed much gold and jewels, and over his body they buried his favourite wives and slaves so that they might serve him in the other world. The ruler of Bogota was buried seated on a gold- plated stool, and the Zaque of Tunja was enfolded in many wrappings and placed on a couch in the temple, jewels and gold having been placed in his body at the embalming. In the palace at Tunja the Spaniards found an urn of gold, set with emeralds and weighing thirty libras^which contained the bones of aformerchief. Caves, as in Peru, were often used as mausolea, and the mum- mies of chiefs have been found in them surrounded by ' 4^7i ()/.. troy, the value of the j^old, if pure, being about jf^ijoo, cxcKi.sive of that of the jewels. COLOMBIA 35 the bodies of their retainers. Like the Chibcha, the Quimbaya buried maize with the dead and, in the case of a man of importance, deposited his favourite wives and slaves in the earth above his body. But the latter was usually burnt and the ashes placed in an urn of gold or clay. The graves too were much more elabor- ate and of considerable variety. They consisted in the main of one or more vaults, lined with stone slabs or plastered with clay ornamented with painted and en- graved designs, and access was gained to them by a vertical or inclined shaft, sometimes furnished with stairs. The body was laid from east to west, the grave filled in with earth of a different colour from that of the locality, and a mound, the proportions of which corre- sponded with the importance of the deceased, reared above it. The graves were grouped in regular ceme- teries, connected by roads, on the upper slopes of the Cordillera, and individuals of the same class were buried together. The practice of mummification was known also, it is said, to the Panche tribes. The practice of moulding the heads of infants in ac- cordance with certain preconceived ideals of beauty, a custom which was common among other Andean races, was found also in Colombia. Among the tribes which practised it were those of the Cauca valley and the pro- vince of Tolima. The usual method practised by the Quimbaya was to apply two boards, by means of which the forehead and the back of the child's head were flat- tened, and a corresponding bulge on either side of the skull was produced. The square heads of the clay fig- urines from the neighbourhood of Cartago and Mani- zales (PI. Ill, Figs. 6 and 7) give some idea of the shape which the process was designed to produce. Occasion- ally pressure was applied at the sides so that the head became elongated in a backward direction, but this was less common. The right of wearing nose- and ear-or- naments, especially in the Chibcha country, was only 36 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY allowed to men of the highest rank, the chiefs, Usaque, Guecha, and priests ; and, as in Peru, the piercing of the ears was a jealously guarded privilege. Such ornaments were invariably of gold, in the shape of rings or plates (Fig. i,f, ^and/) for the nose, and rings, plates, cylinders and spirals (Fig. i,d) of thick wire for the ears. The ornaments of greatest variety and perfection of work- manship were found among the Quimbaya, including Fig. I. — Colombia — a, Stone die for gold reliefs ; 6, gold figure, Chibcha ; r, t', /, gold nose-ornaments; d, gold ear-ornament. necklaces of gold, stone and quartz beads, pendants of various materials, some in the form of animals (PI. II, i) or small rattles and circlets for the arm and leg. Other or- naments have been mentioned in the course of the pre- ceding pages. Among most of the Colombians, clothing was reduced to a minimum ; in fact the Chibcha alone wore anything worthy of the name. Men wore a short cotton skirt and a shoulder-cloth knotted on each shoulder, women a long skirt and a shoulder-cloth fastened with a pin of gold or copper. In general the garments of the ordinary man were white, those of the nobles were ornamented with red or black designs, but COLOMBIA 37 the women of the north-eastern boundary tribes wore clothes woven of variously coloured cotton. The hair was worn long, but was usually concealed by the head- dress, a narrow fillet of cotton, a net, or a cloth or skin cap with a high crown and sometimes with ear-flaps, as seen in Peru. The rank of an individual was indi- cated by the pattern of his head-covering. Men plucked out their scanty beards with small tweezers of gold. Neither shoes nor sandals were worn. The rest of the tribes were content with a girdle and their ornaments, but the Quimbaya chiefs wore cotton garments orna- mented with gold plate. Painting the body was a re- cognized method of increasing beauty, at feasts and in war, and for this purpose stamps or cylinders of pottery with geometrical designs in high relief (PI. II, Figs. 6 and 8) were frequently employed by the Chibcha and Quim- baya. These appliances were also used in the decora- tion of textiles. The dwellings of the Colombians were constructed of canes supported by wooden posts, the walls, in the Chib- cha country, being sometimes plastered with clay; the roofs were of thatch, and the more important buildings were usually enclosed in one or more palisades, the doors and windows were small. Though constructed of primi- tive materials, the huts of the Quimbaya and Chibcha were often large enough to be imposing, and contained several apartments. The walls of the Zipa's palace were ornamented with reed-grass, interwoven with thread of different colours, and a broad corridor encircled the building, sheltered by an awning of coarse cotton cloth. The palisade-doors of the chiefs of Tunja and Sogamo- so were hung with plates of gold, which gleamed in the sun and clashed melodiously when the wind blew. It is stated that the value of the gold from the door of the Sogamoso palace amounted to eighty thousand ducados.^ The Quimbaya huts contained separate rooms for the ^ The value of the ducado is nearly j[^2. 38 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY men and women, and were invariably constructed on the banks of a stream. Stone implements were used by the Colombians for various agricultural and other purposes, and polished axe- or adze-blades are often found. They are usually more or less trapezoid and regular in outline, but some are grooved at the butt to facilitate attachment to a haft. Though at the time of the Spanish conquest the only people who used stone for structural purposes were the Quimbaya (who lined their graves with stone slabs), yet remains of stone-working are not absent in the Chibcha area. Not far from Tunja, in a north-westerly direction, are a number of well-dressed stone columns, measuring seven to eight feet in length. When first discovered, many were still standing ; others again had fallen. Most of them were cylindrical or elliptical in shape, and a few were faceted. In some cases one end was encircled by a groove, possibly for the attachment of the cords by which they were dragged into position ; in other cases the masons had not yet completed the task of shaping them. Their purpose is still a mystery, unless indeed it can be explained by the story related by Simon. He says that the ZaqueGaranchacha,who,according to him, ruled from the time of Bochica to the Spanish conquest, projected building a stone temple to the Sun, his father, and for that purpose had a large number of rough columns brought to Tunja secretly and by night ; but the arrival of the Spaniards interrupted his plans. Un- fortunately the later inhabitants of the neighbouring villages have used this site as a quarry, and many of the columns have disappeared. But the most extraordinary ruins of this region are found in the neighbourhood of a small village called San Agustin, on the right bank of the upper Magda- lena, just outside the boundary of Chibcha territory. Here, at some time unknown, was built a series of small chambers, the walls composed of large slabs of COLOMBIA 39 stone, roofed with a slab of still greater proportions. Pillars, sculptured with the figures of men or gods, stood at the entrances, and carved slabs formed part of the interior decoration. The figures are armed with clubs,and above their heads the conventionalized repre- sentation of some animal, probably a puma, is shown. But the most striking feature, according to the accounts of travellers, is constituted by the large tusks which are shown projecting from their mouths. This charac- teristic, which is also seen on the early pottery of the Peruvian coast, we shall meet again, when we come to consider the early stone remains of Peru. Sculptured slabs, again, are found on the Ecuadorian coast. There seems little in common between these remains and the Chibcha civilization, and it is probable that they date from an earlier period. It is in the highest degree de- sirable that the site should be properly investigated, since there is every reason to believe that additional light would thereby be thrown on the earliest remains of the Ecuadorian and Peruvian coasts and the pre-Inca culture of the Peruvian highlands. The Colombian tribes lived by hunting and agricul- ture ; they possessed no domestic animals and no beasts of burden, since the range of the llama, the only animal in South America which was ever put to such a use, did not extend so far north. Of the agriculturists the Chib- cha were the most adept ; game was not plentiful in the high ground, and was carefully protected by the chiefs. The chief produce was maize and potatoes, the former of which yielded two hundred to three hundred-fold and the latter twenty to thirty-fold. In the valleys, yuca, sweet potato, cotton and leguminous plants were grown. The ground was prepared with wooden spades or digging-sticks, hardened in the fire ; but irrigation was probably not practised before the conquest, though droughts were not infrequent. The Chibcha harvest took place in September ; but the Panche, who inha- 40 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY bited a far moister district, gathered their crops three times in the year. TheQuimbaya were hunters rather than husbandmen, though among them also maize was the principal food. Coca and tobacco were much prized throughout the country, and the latter was both used as snufFand smoked in stone pipes. The coca-leaves were carefully dried in pots over the fire and reserved for chewing. Maize was prepared for eating in various ways, principally by grinding on stones ; the meal was then wrapped in leaves and boiled or roasted. Salt was a valu- able article of trade and was exported from those dis- tricts, such as Cartago, where salt-springs existed. It was obtained by evaporation in large vessels constructed, among the Quimbaya, of copper, among the Chibcha, of pottery. In the latter case the pots could be used but once, since they had to be broken to extract the salt. Cannibalism was practised by many of the more savage tribes of Colombia, particularly in the north of the pro- vince of Antioquia and the northern part of the Cauca valley, though it was less prevalent in the south. Even the comparatively civilized Quimbaya were not inno- cent of the custom, although theyonly partook of human flesh ceremonially. Of the various industries practised in Colombia most interesting is the working of gold, owing both to the great quantities of gold ornaments which have been, and are still, found throughout the country, and to the abil- ity which certain of the tribes, notably the Quimbaya, showedinthe treatment of the metal. Most of the tribes except those on the lowest plane of culture worked gold to some extent, but the principal centres of manufacture were the Cauca valley, Antioquia, and the Chibcha dis- trict, named in order according to the quality of their respective products. Neither the Quimbaya nor the Chibcha obtained the raw metal locally, but were sup- plied by their neighbours ; both, however, were adepts in casting and soldering. TheQuimbaya seem to have per- COLOMBIA 41 formed the former operation by the cire perdue process ; a model of the required object was made in wax on a core of clay, and over this more clay was plastered to form a mould ; the mould was then baked, the wax run out through a holeleft forthe purpose, and the molten metal poured in. The core and mould were kept apart by small pieces of wood set in the wax, and the holes which ap- peared in the finished cast were carefully concealed by small plates soldered on. The mask on Plate IV, 5, has been cast on a pottery core, of which traces remain in the nose. The gold figures of the Chibcha, which were far inferior to the work of the Quimbaya, consist appar- ently of plates of metal cut to the desired outline, with the edges and details emphasized by gold wire soldered to the surface (Fig. i, b). It is improbable that the cire perdue process was extensively employed by this people, if indeed at all ; but it is evident that some of the figures belongingtothis typewere produced by a processof cast- ing. In some cases the metal background is incomplete, and the "wire" details project unsupported. Here a model, probably of copper, must have been prepared, by soldering wire on a plate, and a mould taken from this ; small irregularities show where the mould crumbled when removed from the model, a mishap which the "undercut" detailsformedof roundwire rendered inevitable. Where the platewasthin themolten metal mightwell fail to make its way between the walls of the mould, but would run readily along the broader channels formed by the wire. Gold was also worked by hammering, and designs ob- tained by beating outthe metal on stonescarved in relief with the design required. Such stones (Fig. i,*^) have often been found in theChibcha country, and at first gave rise to the supposition that a system of hieroglyphic writingexisted in Colombia, a supposition which is entire- ly without foundation. Gold was alloyed with silver and copper, the formergiving a greenish, the latter a reddish tinge to the finished article ; sometimes both were used. 42 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY with the result that a pale yellow was obtained. The fine surface on some of the Quimbaya objects was prob- ably obtained by polishing with stone burnishers. The graceful shapes of the Quimbaya vessels and whistles (Plate IV, 4 and 6) bear ample evidence to the skill of their goldsmiths, who were also capable of producing minute beads, of which thirty-five go to the gramme. Some of the figures found are of a base alloy with a sur- face of pure gold, and from this it would appear that the art of gilding was known. The best emerald mines were situated in the territory of the hostile Muzo, but others existed at Somondoco, which were worked by the Chibcha. The earth was dug out with pointed stakes and washed with pond water. Mining took place in the rainy season, and was preceded by religious ceremonies. In the making of pottery the Chibcha were surpassed by the Quimbaya and the other Antioquians, the ware of the two latterbeing superiorboth indesign and finish. A considerable amount of Colombian pottery exists in various museums, but no systematic study has been made of it, and the number of specimens which are ac- companied by exact details as to the locality where they were found is comparatively small. At the same time it is possible to assign certain types to certain definite areas. Two kinds of clay appear to have been used generally,one reddishincolour,the other a greyish buff; ware of a dark grey is sometimes found locally, especi- ally in the neighbourhoods of Manizales and Anzerma. In the Quimbaya and Antioquian pottery the clay is betterworked and morehomogeneous ; it isto a large ex- tent micaceous, and a small percentage of sand seems to have been added. TheColombian potter builtup his vases solely by hand, for the use of the wheel was entirely unknown to him ; the larger vases appear to have been made in several pieces, which were allowed to harden before they were put together. After firing, which was PI. A TE Kfitish Muidiiii COLUMBIA AND IX'UADUK I. Gold retousse mask: Fxuador 5. Got.d mask : <^)ni.MBAYA ,3. Gold pkndanis 6. Gold ^VHIS■1LE: (Jtimbava 4. Gold vase: (Juimhava 7. (iOLd bkeast-plai e: ( h:imhava (Scale : aboul 1/4TH) COLOMBIA 43 done in the open air, the pots were decorated with a coloured slip, red, black, or buff; usually a single colour was employed, but vases with painted designs in two or more colours are by no means uncommon, especially from Manizales and the neighbourhood (PI. Ill, Figs. 9, 1 1 and 13). Painted patterns are purely geometrical, and not of high artistic merit. Engravetl ornament is far more common, and in this case again the deeply incised, bold decoration characteristic of the buff and grey ware of the last-mentioneddistrict (Pl.III, oL e S ^-^ 'J Fig. 2. — Colombian PoUery — a, Anrerma ; d, Neiva ; c, Tunja ; d~^, Popayan. Fig. 3) is superior to the more minute and less effective patterns of the red Chibchaware (Fig. 2,<:). Many of the vases from all parts are in the form of human figures, or are furnished with a human head or features in relief (Pis. II and III). Such specimens show the Colombian artist at his worst ; a naturalistic treatment of the human form seems to have been beyond his powers, and some of the faces are so conventionalized as to be barely recognizable. Characteristic of the Bogota region are the figures in buff ware covered with a cream-coloured slip (PI. Ill, Fig. 8), and the large vases in human form, greyish buff in colour, which were used as receptacles for the offerings to the gods (PI. II, Fig. 9) ; while figures with 44 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY exaggerated legs (such as PI. Ill, Fig. 14) are generally to beattributed to Manizalesand thesurrounding country. Small moulcied ornaments, other than the features of the human form, applied after the formation of the body ot a vase, are rare, and consist chiefly of figures of frogs (Fig, 2,rtand(:). Characteristic again of the Cauca-Anti- oquia boundary are graceful vases and shallow bowls of grey ware with carefully moulded bodies (PI. Ill, Fig. 2), but stemmed vessels are not usually found so far north. Such shapes are far more common in the Popayan dis- trict, where vases with pointed bases are also found (Fig. 2, d-g). This pottery, which is almost always red, relies far more on the beauty of its outline for artistic effect than on applied or engraved ornament. Vases with pointed bases are not unknown further north, but were usually large in size and used for cooking. The spinning and weaving of cotton were practised by many of the Colombian tribes, and the engraved spindle- whorls of pottery are common in museums (PI. II, 3-5), as well as the pottery stamps with which dyed patterns were applied to the textiles (PI. II, Figs. 6 and 8). The latter were also employed for ornamenting the body. Such was thestate ofculture which prevailed in Colom- bia when the Spaniards arrived ; at one end of the scale naked and savage cannibals ; at the other, a people with a feudal form of government, whose political system was not decadent but progressive, who possessed indeed no form of writing, or any substitute for such (as the quipu of Peru), but who had a system of measures and a calendar, and who had made considerable progress in craftsmanship. A few words may be said here about Venezuela, though this country has been so little investigated from an ar- chaeological point of view that no connected picture can be given of it. At the same time the northern portion of it is, geographically, a continuation of Colombia, and COLOMBIA 45 certain of the remains suggest a relationship with the Colombian tribes. Geographically Venezuela can be divided into three distinct zones : in the north is a strip of agricultural land ; south of this, a zone of steppe afford- ing good pasturage ; and south of this again are plains covered with thick forest. The high ground was in- habited by a number of distinct tribes, the very names of whom are doubtful, but who offered the most deter- mined resistance to the Spaniards, a resistance which resulted in their ultimate extinction. They were ruled by petty chiefs, who exercised a patriarchal authority, and were quite independent one of the other until they combinedagainsttheir commonfoe,thewhiteman. They lived in small hutswith low doors, wore very little cloth- ing, and gained their livelihood by agriculture and the chase. Maize and the sweet potato were the principal food-plants, the former being ground in stone mortars with large stone pestles, some of which are too heavy for a single person to manipulate. Like the Colombians, they worshipped the powers of nature, as personified in certain mountains, trees and animals, and made their offerings in special huts, or deposited them on rocks, on river-banks, or in the forks of trees. Their arms consisted of arrows and darts pointed with bone, and sword-shaped clubs of hard wood. Their implements were of stone, and axe-blades of rectangular, or tri- angular, shapehavebeen found in some numbers. Their pottery is rude and thick, but is interesting owing to the variety of moulded ornament with which it is decorated. Vases in form of tortoises or birds are common, and most of the pots, bottles and bowls were adorned with human faces or the figures of monkeys, frogs and other animals in relief, or with incised geometrical patterns. Plain bottles and bowls are also found, always with rounded bases, as well as the pottery stands upon which they rested. Gold wastheonly metal known in the north- ern valleys, and was used entirely for ornament. Other 46 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY forms of adornment were necklaces of shell, clay and stone beads, and stone pendants in form of animals. Burial customs were various ; in places the dead were buried in the house, but some form of urn-burial was more usual. In this respect the Venezuelan tribes differed from those of Colombia, and show an affinity with the Carib and Arawak peoples(seeCh.XII). Themost interesting burials arefound intheneighbourhoodof Lake Valencia, the ancient Tacarigua, the seat of a primitive hunting population. Here a large mound has been discovered, within an enclosure of rough stones, in which had been deposited a number of urns, most of which contained bones. Round the mound were traces of the funeral feasts which had accompanied the obsequies. Other similar burial mounds occur in the neighbourhood, as well assiteswheretheurnshavebeen deposited in simple trenches. In the latter case remains of as many as eight skeletons have been extracted from a single urn. Like the burials of the Arawak and Carib, the bodies were evidently dismembered before burial, or more probably had been buried for a season and the bones collected and deposited in the urn as their final resting-place. Many of the skulls show that artificial deformation was prac- tised, the foreheads being flattened, probably by the ap- plication of a board. Other remains are pottery ocarinas, shell trumpets, bone flutes and pottery figurines, many of which have pierced ears. Numbers of pictographs are found on the rocks, which show great similarity to those of Colombia, and a further link with the region to the south-west is constituted by the stone statues which are found especially in the Sierra de Merida. CHAPTER III— ECUADOR SOUTH of the river Ancasmayu, roughly as far as the boundary between the modern states of Ecua- dor and Peru, existed, some century before the arrival of the Spaniards, a state which was more advanced po- litically than that of the Chibcha, but still considerably inferior to that of the Inca, by whom it was conquered. If the Chibcha may be regarded as illustrating in broad outline the condition of the Peruvian tribes before the people of Cuzco had established their hegemony, the small empire of Quito may equally be taken to repre- sent the Inca empire in its infancy. The comparison must not, of course, be pressed too closely ; the Cara, the dominating tribe in Ecuador, did not possess that genius for organization which distinguished the Inca, and their power rested on far less stable foundations. In fact the relations existing between them and the powerful Caiiari in the south of Ecuador were rather those between allies, than between a suzerain state and its subjects, and the bond soon broke under the stress of the Inca invasion. From the geographical point of view the country exhibits the same main features as Colombia, with the exception that the central mountain chain disappears, and the two remaining cordllleras en- close, not a single unbroken valley, but a high table- land Intersected by small valleys and transverse chains of hills. The coast In northern Ecuador is still well wooded and possesses a heavy rainfall, but moisture and vegetation decrease towards the south, and here commences the succession of arid coastal deserts which 47 48 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY extends through Peru far into Chile. The general as- pect of the country between Quito and the river Maule has been so well summarized by Cieza de Leon that it will be as well to give his description in his own words.^ " In this land there are three desert ranges where men can in no wise exist. One of these comprises the montana (forests) of the Andes, full of dense wilder- nesses, where men cannot, nor ever have lived. The second is the mountainous region, extending the whole length of the Cordillera of the Andes, which is intensely cold and its summits are covered with eternal snow, so that, in no way, can people live in this region, owing to the snow and the cold, and also because there are no provisions, all things being destroyed by the snow and the wind, which never ceases to blow. The third range comprises the sandy deserts from Tumbez to the other side of Tarapaca, in which there is nothing to be seen but sandhills and the fierce sun which dries them up, without water nor herb nor tree nor created thing, ex- cept birds, which, by the gift of their wings, wander wherever they list. This kingdom, being so vast, has great deserts, for the reasons I have now given. The inhabited region is after this fashion. In parts of the mountains of the Andes there are ravines and dales, which open out into valleys of such width as often to form great plains between the mountains,and, although the snow falls, it all remains on the higher part. As these valleys are closed in, they are not molested by the winds, nor does the snow reach them, and the land is so fruitful that all things which are sown yield abun- dantly, and there are trees and many birds and animals. The land, being so fertile, is well peopled by the natives. They make their villages with rows of stones roofed with straw, and live healthily and in comfort. Thus the mountains of the Andes form these dales and rav- ' From the translation by Sir Clements Markham, published by the Hakluyt Society. ECUADOR 49 ines, in which there are populous villages, and rivers of excellent water flow near them." The inhabitants of this area, with one important ex- ception, differed in no very marked degree from the southern tribes of Colombia on the one hand, and from the northern tribes of Peru on the other, at any rate before the coming of the Inca. Practically the same culture persisted as we have described i n the last chapters, modified indeed by local influences, but showing no in- dications of abrupt transition. In the north were the Quillacinga and Pasto tribes, in and around Quito were a people compounded of the Quitu and Cara, of whom more will be said immediately, Riobamba was the centre of a tribe called Puruha, and, to the south of them, were the powerful and turbulent Caiiari and the Palta. Along the coast was a series of tribes, varying slightly in cul- ture among themselves, but differing in a more marked degree from, the inhabitants of the highlands than from each other. In this region the coastal stripis of particu- lar interest ; the early inhabitants were artistically far more advanced than the tribes of the Colombian coast, and from this point we begin to find that peculiar anti- thesis between the culture of the coast and the culture of the highlands, neither of them being of a low order, which exists throughout the whole of the Inca Empire. The question is intricate and complicated, since spo- radically in the highlands exist traces of a very early culture, which, as will be seen, seems to be connected by certain similarities with that of the coast. Another point, of even greater interest, connected with the mari- time district of Ecuador lies in the fact that several legends have come down to us which afford definite indications of immigration from the sea ; traditional evi- dence on this point is almost entirely lacking for the rest of the South American coast with the exception of the neighbouring Peruvian province of Lambayeque ; and for the sake of completeness the myth which has E 50 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCH/EOLOGY been preserved concerning Intrusive culture at this point will be related in this chapter. In Guayaquil a story prevailed that once upon a time a number of men of great stature arrived from the sea in large balsas (reed rafts of peculiar construction which are described below). They were a fierce people who wore little clothing, and they perpetrated many cruelties upon the original inhabi- tants. Nothing is known of their culture, except that certain remarkable well-like excavations in the neigh- bourhood were attributed to them, and that they lived by fishing with nets and other gear. Owing to the remoteness of their arrival and the fear with which they were regarded by the aborigines, an atmosphere of myth had gathered around their persons and their ultimate fate. Their large stature had been magnified until it attained gigantic proportions, and the fossil bones of huge mammals were pointed out as their bodily re- mains ; while their disappearance was assigned to super- natural means. It was said that their crimes incurred the wrath of the unseen powers, and a youth, gleam- ing like the sun, came down from the sky and drove them to a valley, where he slew them with flames of fire. The Lambayeque story is more rational ; a number of balsas arrived from the sea under the command of a chief named Naymlap. The company seem to have been a complete tribe or clan rather than a marauding party, since it included many women, and the chief himself was surrounded by awholesuiteof personal attendants. The legend details the names and functions of these attend- ants in the most circumstantial manner; there were a conch-blower, a guardian of the royal throne, a cup- bearer, an official to scatter shell-dust in the path of the chief, another to prepare his bath, another to supervise the preparation of his body-paint, and a maker of feather garments. With them these travellers brought an idol of green stone, which they callctl Llampallec, and their first act on landing was to build a temple for it, to which ECUADOR 51 they gave the name Chot. The chiefs of these immi- grants seem tohave laid claim to divine attributes ; at the death of Naymlap a report was spread that he had as- cended to heaven with wings, and his successor Cium, after along reign, shut himself in asecret chamber under- ground, and starved himself to death, so that his decease should not be witnessed and the fictitious immortality of the sovereign might be preserved. Ten more chiefs followed, all of whom reigned but a short time, and the last of these, Tempellec, was guilty of an act of sacrilege which put an end to the dynasty. He wished to move the idol Llampallec from its shrine, and thus apparently incurred the anger of the god ; a deluge of rain, rare on this part of the coast, fell without intermission for thirty days, and was followed by a year of famine. This mis- fortune was attributed by the priests and nobles to the wickedness of the chief, and the unfortunate ruler was seized, bound hand and foot, and cast into the sea. By this time the immigrants had increased in numbers; most of the chiefshad been blessed with a numerouspro- geny, and the younger sons had moved off and founded other villages. After thedeath of the ill-fated Tempellec, a republic was established which lasted until the country was annexed by the powerful chieftain of Chimu, whose seat of government lay in the neighbourhood of Truxillo farther south. The conqueror established a line of trib- utary chiefs, nine of whom had succeeded in order by the time the Spaniards arrived. We are told that the reigns of all the rulers were short, and the fact is explained by the statement that the prolonged fasts which a chief had to observe at his succession invariably proved prejudi- cial to his health. But the true explanation may be that the Lambayeque chieftains were divine kings, in whom was incorporate the collective soul of the community; aslong as thechief retained thevigour of youth, this vital principle flourished, but when he began to show signs of age, it was necessary to remove him lest the general 52 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCH/EOLOGY prosperity might become impaired. At his death the communal soul was automatically transferred to his suc- cessor, who continued to reign until he, in his turn, showed signs of waning powers. Chiefs of this nature are known in several parts of the world, as may be seen in Dr. Frazer's monumental work the Golden Bough. If this explanation be accepted the peculiar circumstances surrounding the deaths of the first two chiefs become much more intelligible, and the fact that Tempellec was held responsible for themisfortunesof his people follows as a matter of course. Yet a third immigration remains to be related, which had a more enduring effect upon the district with which we are immediately concerned. At an early date a de- scent was made upon the coast north of Manta by a people who, like the giants, came from the sea in balsas. Their chief, or Scyri, was named Caran, and their first settlement was called after him Cara. After some stay they turned northward along the coast, and, upon reach- ing the river Esmeraldas, ascended the stream until they arrived at the territory of the Quitu on the slopes of Pichincha. The Quitu were then ruled by a chief of the same name, and were surrounded by a number of tribes of similar culture who lived under petty independent chieftains. The immigrants, called Cara after their first leader, seized a number of villages, and, being better armed and more warlike than the aborigines, succeeded in establishing themselves firmly in the country. The reason which led them to migrate from the coast to the highlands is obscure ; it is said that they moved inland to escape from the proximity of the giants, but it is more probable that the climate of the coast proved too un- healthy for them, and it is equally likely that this same climate proved fatal to the giants. Once established in the country, the Cara soon succeeded in annexing the territory of the Quitu, and amalgamated with the former inhabitants, forming a single nation. As time went on, ECUADOR 53 a policy of expansion was inaugurated, and the land to the north fell under their influence. The conquest of the south followed, at least as far as the territory of the Pu- ruha ; here, however, the Cara received a check, and it was not until the reign of the eleventh Scyri after the conquest of Quito that the province of Puruha was in- cluded in their empire. Even then the annexation was effected by diplomatic means and not by force of arms. The course of events was as follows : With the eleventh Scyri the male line ot the ruling house became extinct ; all his sons died young, and he had no nephews. One daughter, however, was left to him, and, though women were by law excluded from power, it was agreed that a husband should be found for her, who should rule in her name. The Scyri, ambitious of further extending his do- minions, suggested to the chiefof Puruha that a marriage should be arranged between the latter's son Ducilela and the girl, whose name was Toa. At this time the state of Puruha was engaged in war with the Huancavillca of Guayaquil and the Caiiari on the southern border, and no doubt the chief was glad to avail himselt of an ar- rangement which promised not only to relieve him from fear of attack on the north, but also to yield him assist- ance against his other foes. The marriage took place, and it was agreed that the two provinces should be united, that of Puruha being included in the empire of Quito, The subsequent course of events, however, was little to the taste of the chief of Puruha ; the Scyri died, and Ducilela succeeded to his position. To be vassal to his own son was more than the haughty chieftain of the Puruha could brook ; he retired from the country into the mountains farther inland and was never heard of again. The hostilities with the Canari were soon re- placed by an alliance, which was later extended to include the Palta chiefs, and the influence of the new Scyri thus included practically the whole of the Ecuadorian high- lands. 54 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY How far these three immigrations, of the " Giants," the people of Naymlap, and the Cara, were connected it is almost impossible to say. Information concerning the " Giants " is almost entirely lacking ; the remains of the Cara empire show such similarity with the regions to the north and south that it is evident their original culture became absolutely merged in that of the aborigines as soon as they migrated inland ; while the archaeology of Lambayeque does not differ in any im- portant degree from that of the coast as far as and be- yond Truxillo. The remains of the Ecuadorian coast, though possessing an individuality entirely their own, show, nevertheless, certain similarities with those of the Peruvian coast, as will be seen later. It is conceivable that the whole of the coast culture, from Esmeraldas to Yea, may owe its origin to a series of migrations from a common centre, the divergencies being explained by local development. No traditions have been preserved from the maritime population further south which shed any light on the question ; but this is not surprising, since the people were practically extinct before their folklore was regarded as aught but the direct fabrication of the devil. The question of origin is best reserved until the remarkable culture of the Peruvian coast has been discussed. To return to the history of the Cara empire, after the union of Quito and Puruha, a short period of peace prevailed ; Ducilela was followed by his son, Antachi Ducilela, and he again by his son Hualcopo. The suc- cession of the latter prince was marked by circumstances which indicate that the system of government was con- stitutional rather than autocratic. Hualcopo was not the eldest son, and his brother Guallca should normally have become Scyri, but the latter was cruel and un- popular, and the assembly exercised their right of selec- tion and passed him over in favour of his younger brother. In this reign trouble fell upon the country ; ECUADOR 55 thelnca had been extending their power northward, and the great conqueror Tupac Yupanqui arrived with a large army at the southern borders of the empire. After an attempt at resistance the country of the Palta fell into his hands, and Hualcopo, rejecting the overtures of the Inca, determined to entrench himself in Puruha, sacri- ficing the country of the Canari to the invader. In this he was wise, the Canari were allies rather than subjects, and no doubt the Scyri did not feel sure of their fidelity ; besides this we are told that there were no fort- resses in the country, and communication was difficult owing to the absence of regular roads and bridges. The Inca advance was slow as it was sure ; it was part of Tupac Yupanqui's military policy to ensure control over every foot of newly conquered ground, and he spent two years in the country of the Canari building large fort- ressesand otherwise making his position secure. Mean- while the Scyri prepared for an energetic resistance, and in this he was aided by his brother Epiclachima, who was a general of no mean ability. Fortifications were raised in Puruha, as well as in the country farther north, in order to provide a retreat in case the first line of de- fence fell. At length, all being ready, the Inca advanced, and after three months made himself master of Puruha. No doubt the death of Epiclachima, which occurred early in the course of hostilities, did much to discourage the defenders, and ultimately proved a greater disaster than the loss of the province itself Whether the city of Quito fell into the hands of the invader at this time is doubtful, but at any rate the Inca was obliged to re- turn to Cuzco before he had made his footing abso- lutely secure. In his absence Hualcopo died, and was succeeded by his son Cacha, who, though infirm in health, possessed the indomitable spirit of his father. Aided byCalicuchima, the worthy son of Epiclachima, the new Scyri succeeded in reconquering Puruha, but spent his energies in vain against the Canari. In this province 56 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY the Inca had established too firm a hold, many of the inhabitants had been deported and their places filled with colonists well-disposed to the Inca, and those who re- mained had grown accustomed to the new rule. Finally, another Inca host appeared, under the command of Hu- ayna Ccapac the son of Tupac Yupanqui, and gradually forced the Scyri back to the northern provinces of his empire, until Quito definitely fell into the hands of the invader. In these operations the Canari were of much assistance to the Inca troops, and the forces of the Scyri were continually diminished by desertion. The last act was played in the plain of Hatuntaqui, not far from Cay- ambe, where a desperate battle took place. Fortune at first inclined in favour of the defenders, but the death of Cacha spread dismay among his troops and the Inca achieved a signal victory. The body of the ill-fated prince was taken to Quito for burial, and his daughter Ccacha was installed as regent under the suzerainty of the Inca. One last effort was made by the northern provinces, but the revolt was soon subdued ; many of the rebels were captured and all were executed, their bodies being thrown into a lake which afterwards bore the name Yahuar- cocha, or "Lake of Blood." Finally Inca rule was placed on a constitutional foundation by the marriage of Hu- ayna Ccapac, now himself Inca, with Ccacha, by which union the imperial emerald of Quito was added to the llautu (fringe), which was the insigne of the rulers of Peru. The country was organized on the lines usually adopted by the Inca ; great buildings were erected in the important towns, especially at Quito, which soon rose to be the capital of the northern part of the Peru- vian empire, almost rivalling Cuzco in importance ; large sections of the population were deported and replaced by colonists from elsewhere; roads were made ; a hier- archy of officials introduced ; and the river Ancasmayu was established as the northern frontier of the Peruvian empire. So complete, in iact, was the conquest, with the ECUADOR 57 exception, perhaps, of the provinces in the extreme north, that, in spite of the short time which elapsed be- fore the arrival of the Spaniards, the archaeology of the Ecuadorian highlands is represented in museums by almost as many Inca remains as aboriginal. Along the coast different conditions prevail ; though in part conquered by the Peruvians, the hold of the latter upon this region was comparatively slight, and their progress was marked by several notable reverses. It is said that Tupac Yupanqui first journeyed to the coast at the invitation of the people of Tumbez, and proceeded thence to Guayaquil, where he prepared a fleet of balsas in which he sent an expedition to certain islands far off in the Atlantic. If the latter part of this account is true it would seem as if he reached the Galapagos islands, but the evidence is very doubtful. At any rate, the Inca troops made a reconnaissance in the maritime district, and Huayna Ccapac subdued the district. At the time that the latter leader arrived, the people on the island of Puna, under the leadership of their chief Tumbala, were engaged in a war with the people of Tumbez. The Inca, after settling the strip of mainland, including the region of the Huancavillca in Guayaquil, sent for Tumbala and demandeci his submission. The chief complied, though with an ill grace, a body of Inca troops with leaders of royal blood was established on the island together with officials to organize the district, and the Inca departed. Then followed the tragedy. Tumbala conspired with the Huancavillca to murder the intruders, and a cunning plan was arranged. The Inca had left instructions that the main portion of the garrison was to be conveyed by the islanders to a certain spot on the coast where they were to rejoin him. The convoy started, but when at some distance from the land, the treacherous islanders cut the ropes which held the rafts together and precipi- tated the unfortunate Peruvians into the water. "If any that knew how to swim," writes Cieza de Leon, "tried 58 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY to save their lives, they were killed by fierce and cruel blows, and if they dived, and thus tried to fly from their enemies by seeking favour of the fishes that dwell in the depths of the sea, it was of no avail, for the islanders, who live much in the sea employed in their fisheries, swim as well as the fishes, and easily overtook the fugitives and strangled them." A second convoy fell victims to a similar fate, and the rest of the garrison, together with the troops and officials on the mainland, were overpower- ed by a sudden rising. Those that were not killed out- right were reserved for sacrifice, and their hearts were offered up at the temple on the island. The Inca exacted a terrible vengeance ; large numbers of the islanders and Huancavillca were put to death in a cruel fashion, and the survivors on the mainland were compelled, as a mark of disgrace, to extract four teeth in addition to the two which each individual removed in accordance with local custom. The imposed ordinance was still observed at the time of the Spanish conquest. But in spite of these drastic measures the Inca seem to have paid little subse- quent attention to the coastal districts, and the result is that few of their remains are found in that region (an ex- ception being the island of La Plata, where remains of Inca type, including the vase shown in Fig. 6, c, have been discovered). In the general sketch of Ecuadorian culture which follows, attention will be confined as far as possible to those features which appear to be independentof Inca in- fluence. As might be expected, our knowledge of the people from literary sources is far less complete than in the case of the Chibcha, since the country had been re- organized by the Inca before the white man arrived upon the scene. Still many of the old customs had survived, and some of the gaps can be filled by deduction from the archaeological remains. What literary evidence is avail- able is practically confined to the inland parts and is found principally in the writings of Vclasco. Some features of ECUADOR 59 the social system of the Cara have already appeared in the sketch of their history ; the government was mon- archic, and hereditary in the male line ; if the deceased chief left no sons, the succession passed to the sons of his sisters, but not, in the ordinary course of events, to a woman. The throne was supported by a feudal nobility, who exercised considerable control; the ordinances of the chief required ratification at their hands, and they even had the power of diverting the succession, within the limits mentioned above, if the natural heir was unfit for the position of Scyri. As before stated, the insigne of the Scyri was a large emerald ; it is possible that the use of this stone as a royal emblem was a pure Cara practice, since we are told that the coast people of Manta wor- shippedan emeraldas agod,anditmay bethatthe^'idol" of green stone of the Lambayeque immigrants was also an emerald. At the same time, as we have seen, emeralds were held in high estimation as ornaments by the Chibcha. The people of the highlands were agriculturists, grow- ing maize, quinoa (a small grain similar to buckwheat) and potatoes ; the first and last of these were also culti- vated on the coast, together with other plants, such as pepper, which were suited by the warmer climate. The llama was not found in the maritime provinces, and at the present time its northern limit inland is Rio- bamba, but it existed in the northern provinces of Ecua- dor as late as the time of the Spanish conquest, as we know from the following amusing story. The news of the white strangers, and their audacity in seizing the sacred person of Atahualpa, had filled the empire with dis- may ; the stories of their invincible power, the terrible monsters which they bestrode, and their lust tor gold — stories which, we may be sure, lost nothing in the telling — had increased the general apprehension. In particu- lar the chief of Cayambe, near Otovalo, was filled with anxiety, since he had a large treasure stored at the village of Caranqui. The chief of Otovalo, taking advantage 6o SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY of his fears, concocted the following ingenious plan. He mounted a number of his men on llamas, placed wands in their hands, and told them to show themselves on the mountain slopes above Caranqui. He then with the rest of his retainers rushed in disorder to that village, crying out that the Spaniards were coming, and pointing out the strange troop which was descending the mountain- side. The ruse was successful, the inhabitants of Car- anqui sought safety in immediate flight, and the chief of Otovalo possessed himself of the treasure at his leisure. On the coast, and especially in the islands, the inhabit- ants were expert fishers, and the peculiar craft in which they plied their trade merit a word of description. These rafts, or balsas as they were called by the Spaniards, were made of an odd number of poles or bundles of rushes fastened together, the longest in the centre ; on these the passengers sat or knelt, and plied a single paddle of wood or bamboo first on one side, then on the other (see Pis. XIII, i,andXXI,2,and Fig. 9). In fish- ing, when the Indian got fast in a large fish, he clasped his small craft with his legs and allowed the quarry to tow him hither and thither until worn out. The balsas were mostly small, but some were seen by the Spaniards which could carry fifty men and three horses. This type of boat, which in this neighbourhood seems occasionally to have been used with sails in the pre-Spanish days, was found all down the Peruvian coast, as well as on lake Titicaca. The clothing of the peoples of Ecuador differed from that of the Colombians, and was based on two garments, a girdle with a strip passing between the legs and a short tunic. In the highlands a robe was worn also and the women wore a short skirt. Here the tunics reached to the knees, but on the coast they were cut short at the lower part of the chest or at the waist. The clothing was woven of cotton, and also, in the highlands, of llama-wool. Methods of hair- ECUADOR 6 1 dressing and types of head-covering differed consider- ably, since it was the custom among the Andean peoples for different tribes to observe different fashions in this respect. With regard to the inland tribes of Ecuador, it is difficult to say how far the local fashions were of Inca introduction, since the Inca were accustomed to regulate the hair- and head-dresses of their vassals by law, so that a man's tribe could at once be known from his costume. Thus the Caiiari wore their hair long, but fastened up on the head and confined by a cane hoop, from which depended a fringe, or by a calabash ; the Puruha plaited their hair into numerous little tresses. On the coast the centre of the head was shaved, and the hair at the sides brushed up so as to add breadth to the head and exaggerate the form of artificial deformation which was common in the district. Here the heads of infants were confined between two boards, fastened along the forehead and at the back of the head, so that these parts were flattened, while free expansion was allowed at the sides (compare PI. X, i and 2) ; a like practice was common among the Palta, neighbours of the Cafiari. From a study of the many figurines which have been found on the coast, we know that close-fitting caps, sometimes with flaps for the ears, were worn, and that the inhabitants pierced their ear- lobes, nostrils, and lower lips for the reception of or- naments. Gold and emeralds were worn in this way. Other ornaments were beads of gold, pottery, and stone, finger-rings, breast-plates, and pendants. Simi- lar ornaments were worn in the highlands ; here the semilunar nose-plates of the Quillacinga were particu- larly characteristic, and probably gave this tribe their name, which is said to mean " Men of the crescent." Sandals were also worn in the upland districts. It seems probablethat some form of tattooing was practised locally on the coast ; Garcilasso speaks of people who "punc- tured their faces with sharp-pointed stones," and Cieza 62 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHi^OLOGY de Leon of men who were " marked in the face, and the mark begins at the root of the ear and descends to the chin." Thecoastpeopleof Peru certainlytattooed them- selves, and also, as will be seen, practised the same form of head-deformation. But the most interesting form of mutilation concerns the teeth ; some individuals, presumably the more prom- inent men, had small holes drilled in the outer face of the incisors, and small plugs of gold hammered in. This was done solely for ornament, and the practice does not correspond in any way to the dentist's " filling " of civilized countries. The enamel of the teeth is an ex- tremely hard substance, and it is difficult to imagine by what means these holes were made. It is possible that the implement used was armed with one of the small flakes oftransparent quartz-crystal which are found only on the coast (and which may also have been used for cutting emeralds, an operation in which the coast- people were very adept). In any case it is interesting to note with what skill the operator has avoided the nerve. The holes are sunk about half-way through the tooth, the base is flat, and the sides quite perpen- dicular. Of ornaments expressing rank the great emerald worn on the forehead by the Scyri has already been mentioned ; the Cara nobles were entitled to bear on their heads a crest consisting of a double row of feathers, while the warriors bore a similar crest, but with only a single row of plumes. The habitations of the Ecuadorian tribes fall roughly into two types, corresponding to the coastal and inland regions. Inland were found small dwellings, built of rough stones and roofed with thatch, and it is probable that such buildings were in use before the coming of the Inca. But of more important buildings, even in the sixteenth century, traces of two alone remained which could with certainty be assigned to the aborigines. One of these was of rough stone, the other of mud. On the PLATE V COLOMBIA Gold Helmet : (^uimbaya (Scale : 2'5Tiis) ECUADOR SroNK Seat: Manabi ECUADOR 63 coast mud was regularly employed, fashioned into large bricks called adobes, and a roof of mats was added; huts of cane were also constructed. But in Manabi, just that region where, as we have seen, tradition relates that immigration occurred, remains of stone dwellings have been discovered, with which are associated remains of a peculiar character. Many of these buildings are large, as much as 190 feet long; some are divided into several chambers, and some are on terraced slopes ap- proached by graded ways. The walls consist of a double iK'/'^pii''^^ facing of rough stones filled with smaller stones and earth. Associated with these build- ings are certain remarkable chairs, cut from solid stone, consisting of a seat with arms but no back, supported on the back of a crouching man or puma (PI. V, Fig. 2). A com- paratively large number of these seats has been discov- ered, but all within a small area, and it is of interest that no mention either of them or of the buildings is made by the early chroniclers. Lareje Fig. 3.— stone slab carved in relief; / 1 1 -^1 r Manabi (after Saville). stone slabs carved with fig- ures of men and animals in relief also occur in the neighbourhood and are quite peculiar to the district (Fig. 3). In some of the figures the face is represented upside-down, as if to imply, by a peculiar convention, that the creature is gazing sky-ward, a convention also found occasionally in Peru, both in the inland and mari- time districts. Other peculiar objects are stone pillars, some with animal supporters, the object of which is unknown, 64 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY but which bear a certain resemblance to thecarved wooden tables made by the prehistoric inhabitants of the Greater Antilles, and used by them as altars on which to deposit offerings. The wells mentioned above, which were at- tributed to the "giants," are found in this locality ; they are deep circular excavations cut in the solid rock or lined with rough stones. One of the former class is 42 feet deep, exclusive of the earth which has been washed into it ; many of them are now filled up, but the water reappears as soon as they are cleared. Several forms of burial were practised ; of which that indigenous to the highlands seems to have been simple inhumation, which is recorded of northern Ecuador, Puruha and the original inhabitants of Quito. Velasco states that the Cara introduced another custom ; the body was laid on the ground, or seated on a stool, and the nearest relation placed a stone at its side ; more stones were brought until a wall was built enclosing the corpse. A vault was then added, and the whole, by the further addition of stones and earth, transformed into a mound, the height of which was proportionate to the rank of the deceased. Such mounds or tolas are said to be characteristic of a definite region, extending roughly from Quito northwards, and the attribution may be correct. These tolas are of various shapes, circular, oval or cruciform, and sometimescontain more than onebody. In some places rude stone statues have been found in them. The finding of stone statuary appears to link this typeof burial with the Manabi districtof the coast, where so many stone sculptures have been found, and where mound-burial was also practised. The tomb of the Scyri was a more elaborate construction, rectangular in plan and pyramidal in outline, built of large stones. The bodies were arranged round the walls, and above each was a niche in the wall with a figurine of pottery or metal representing the deceased ; over all a mound was heaped. Velasco says that the bodies of the Scyri were embalmed, ECUADOR 65 and that the small figurines were encrusted with stones of various colours which indicated the age of the dead Scyri and. the length of their reigns. The Ecuadorians had no form of writing, and the Peruvian method of recording events and keeping accounts by means of knotted cords was also unknown to them ; but it is stated that small pebbles of various sizes, shapes and colours were used for a similar purpose. Of the coast little can be said on this subject ex- cept of Manabi and Esmeraldas, where Saville's ex- cavations have produced interesting results. Here, as said above, the dead were buried in large mounds ; these are low flat structures, larger than the inland tolas, reared in some cases on a floor of baked clay. The upper surface measures at times as much as 50 by 30 feet, and there is usually a short monolith at each end. An important feature of the mound is a clay platform at one end, where pots with ashes have been found. Such platforms may have been placed where ofi'erings were made. It is said that the Cara performed ceremonies on the tola, both at the funeral and on the subsequent anniversaries, and possibly these coast people did the same. The bodies are generally found dotted here and there in the mound, and various fragments of pottery, implements, and stone statues are found associated with them. Mortuary chambers and pits were also cut in the rock, for the reception of the dead. Of the inland peoples it is said that, in the case of an important individual, his favourite wife was in- terred with him, but no trace of any form of human sacrifice on the occasion of a funeral has been found on the coast, though Cieza de Leon attributes the practice to the inhabitants of Porto Viejo. It is interesting to note that urn-burial, which seems in general not to have been practised by the Andean peoples, has been re- ported of one of the northern provinces, and, further, that the Puruha are said to have sacrificed their first- 66 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY born and preserved the bodies in vessels of stone or metal. It will be seen later that in the territory of the Diaguite tribes of the mountainous districts of north- west Argentina cemeteries have been discovered in which the bodies of new-born children were deposited, enclosed in well-painted pottery vases, while in parts of Peru the bodies of twins are said to have been similarly preserved. With regard to religion, the beliefs and practices throughout Ecuador seem to have been much the same, to speak generally,as in Colombia. In the highlands, the "official" cult was that of the Sun and Moon, and Moon- worship was found also among the Caiiari. In Quito were two chief temples on opposite hills ; one of these was dedicated to the Sun, a square building of stone with a pyramidal roof and a door facing the east. On either side of this door was a monolithic pillar, said to have been used as a gnomon for calculating the calendar, and round the building were twelve shorter pillars repre- senting the months. The other temple was that of the Moon, a circular construction with windows of similar shape. These temples were erected by the early Scyri, but the cult seems to have existed in the country before they arrived, since Sun-worship, probably, was not prac- tised on the coast before the Inca conquest. At Liri- bamba was a temple to the god of war, whose image was a pottery vase in the shape of a human head into which the blood of prisoners was poured before the Scyri abol- ished the practice. But the popular religion consisted in the worship of certain animals ; for instance, the Caiiari believed themselves to be descended from a huge snake, which had its home in a lake above Sigsig, and to which offerings of gold in the form of figures were thrown, just as in the Chibcha country. A similar snake-cult was found in the northern provinces, and the local worship of pumas, trees, and stones was common throughout the country. This more primitive form of ECUADOR 67 religion was also typical ot the coast. Trees, stones, snakes, beasts, and fishes were worshipped. According to Zarate, writing of Manabi, the doors of the temple faced east, and were covered with cotton hangings, in- side the door were two figures of black goats to which incense was offered. These " goats " were probably pumas, such as that seen by Benzoni. But, besides the local cults, there existed a general worship of the sea, the element from which the inhabitants drew their supplies, and which here took the place accorded to the Sun by the inlanders. At Manta in Manabi was a cele- brated temple to the god of healing, named Umina, whose image was cut from an enormous emerald. On the island of Puna was another, equally famous, to Tumbal, the god of war, where the hearts of prisoners were offered up ; and the island of La Plata was rlso re- garded as sacred. Human sacrifice seems to have been fairly common on the coast, the blood and heart of the victim constituting the offering. In Manabi the victims were flayed, the skins filled with ashes, and preserved; and omens were taken from the condition of the entrails. At Guayaquil human sacrifices were made at the season of sowing, and the same occasion was marked by sacri- fices of children among the Caiiari inland. With regard to the arts and crafts of the Ecua- dorians some details have already transpired in the fore- going passages. It has been seen that the coast people, at any rate in the district of Manabi, worked stone with considerable facility. Indeed, they were far more ex- pert in this particular than the inland peoples, among whom nothing comparable to the sculptured slabs, seats, and pillars of the coast are to be found. It is a little surprising, therefore, to note that, in the area where such sculptures are relatively common, implements of stone are extremely rare, and that in the highlands they have been found in considerable abundance. These consist in the main of club-heads and axes, all of pol- 68 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCH/EOLOGY ished stone, of various patterns, none of which are pecu- liar to a given district. The variety of type is best expressed by means of illustration, and can be seen in Fig. 4. The most common form of club-head is that in the form of a star (Fig. 4, g), somewhat similar to the type found in New Guinea, and this is furnished with a Fig. 4. — Stone axe-blades and club-heads from the Ecuadorian high- lands, a, Kiobainba ; /-', i , and .;■■, (^uito ; I'EKU I, 2. \'ases : TnK Hu;iii,am s, Ecuador 3. Vase : Pkki- 4, T, 6. Wooden cakvini-.s: Macahi Islands (Scale: 1-3, i' 9TH ; 46, i/SiH) THE PERUVIAN EMPIRE 87 means ; towards their subjects they were cruel and un- merciful, holding them fettered in the bonds of a miser- able oppression. Sai-miento's aim was to prove that the Inca were cruel tyrants who abused the power which they had unjustly usurped, and thereby to invest the con- quering Spaniard with the halo of a liberator, an attempt which, viewed from the standpoint of the present day, is not without a certain humour of a rather grim nature. Between these two extremes the truth must lie, and to judge from the accounts of other historians and wit- nesses, some of whom even, to their subsequent repent- ance, had taken part in the oppression which followed the overthrow of the Inca kingdom, it lies in this re- spect nearer to Garcilasso than to Sarmiento. No doubt the Inca, as the Spaniards themselves, used the name of religion as a pretext for extending their power, but the power once gained was not abused, and the laws by which they governed, though strict, were not unneces- sarily harsh, and were well suited to the psychology of their subjects. One of the firstacts of Rocca was toenlarge the temple of the Sun, the famous Curicancha, and to inaugurate certain improvements in the city, notably the filling up of a swamp. As to the question whether he attempted to extend his sway by external conquest, historians differ. The majority represent this Inca, and also his two suc- cessors, as confining themselves moreor less totheCuzco valley, and gradually, by diplomatic means, extending their influence over the surrounding inhabitants. Garcilasso, however, makes the expansion of Inca power far more rapid. Sinchi Rocca, indeed, according to him, employed peaceful rather than warlike methods (a fact which is rather surprising, since the title Sinchi was that given to war-chiefs), but his successor, Lloque Yupanqui, obtained thesubmissionof theCanaand Colla people to the south-east, and even built a Sun-temple at Hatun-Colla, the chief city of the latter district. Nor 88 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY did his successes stop there; another expedition added the tribes of the west shore of lake Titicaca, and some of those on the Desaguadero river, to the growi ng empire, as well as certain of the peoples dwelling to the west- ward, as far as the foot of the snowy range dividing the inland country from the plains of the coast. The next Inca, Mayta Ccapac, showed equal energy ; proceeding with an army to the Desaguadero river, he crossed the stream by means of a bridge of boats, and, after a great battle with the Colla to the east, subdued the country as far as lake Aullagas to the south, and the region of La Paz to the east. Nor was he content merely to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor; the mighty gorge which confines the waters of the Apurimac to the south- west of Cuzco was spanned with a bridge, a great marsh beyond the Chumpivilca people was crossed by means of a causeway, and the Inca army pursued its way vic- torious to lake Parinacochas and thence on to Arequipa (see Fig 7, b). So far Garcilasso ; but other authors give no indication of operations outside the Cuzco valley (with the exception of a foray into Andahuaylas, men- tioned by Montesinos) until the reign of Ccapac Yupanqui, the successor of Mayta Ccapac, though Cieza states that the latter prince died when he was making preparations for an expedition to the south-west. But with regard to Ccapac Yupanqui, the fourth ruler, all the historians agree in making the region to the south- west of Cuzco, Condesuyu, the main scene of his mili- tary operations, though Garcilasso credits him with further conquests in the south-east also, as far as Potosi. His account would seem to show that hitherto there had been no real conquest of the Collao, but that the Inca had been content to make incursions, which amounted to little more than military displays, into the country, and to accept a nominal submission. But this time an opportunity occurred for a more vigorous policy and the history of thccampaign affbrdsan excellent illus- THE PERUVIAN EMPIRE 89 tration of the methods by which the Inca were able to add large regions to the territory they had already acquired, and explains the rapidity with which their empire grew. As might be expected the people of Cuzco werenot theonly tribe to form the nucleusof aconfedera- tion, nor were the Inca the only chiefs who cherished dreams of empire. In the Collao to the south-west a chief of the name or title of Zapana had in early times united a number of tribes under his sway, and his suc- cessors, ruling at Hatun-coUa, had maintained the power which he had gained. At last a rival chief arose, of the name of Cari, who established himself at Chucuito on the western bank of lake Titicaca and made many success- ful raids upon the surrounding country, including the islands of the lake. The Zapana of the time tried in vain to reduce the upstart, but without success, and finally both parties appealed to the Inca for assistance. Gar- cilasso and Cieza give rather different accounts of sub- sequent events, but the account of Cieza seems the more probable. According to this, the Inca with considerable skill played off one claimant against the other, and finally, when both sides were weakened, stepped in and annexed the whole territory. By this means a large region already accustomed to imperial rule was added to the Inca dominions. Whether these events occurred in the reign of Ccapac Yupanqui, as Garcilasso avers, or two reigns later under Uiracocha, according to Cieza, is not of great importance; the chief point to be noted is that the conquest of the Collao preceded the Chanca invasion which so nearly destroyed the Inca empire.^ The fifth Inca, Rocca, is said to have improved the water-supply of Cuzco, and to have founded schools for the education of children of high birth. He also under- took an expedition to the Collao, reaching, according to ^ The official history of Sarmicnto, it is true, places the CoUa con- quest after the repulse of the Chanca, but for reasons which will appear later this does not seem so probable. 90 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY Garcilasso, as far as Sucre; and the same author credits him with penetrating to the Amazonian forests on the north-east, and with extracting an unwilling and, as events proved, utterly insincere submission from certain of the Chanca on the west. A most romantic story is told by Sarmiento of his son and successor Yahuar- huaccac; the name of this prince means "Weeping blood,"and is explained by the following incident. When quite a child he was kidnapped by a disaffected chief of the Ayamarca to the south-west of Cuzco, who had desired to marry his mother. His cruel captor ordered him to be killed, but the child, appalled at the prospect of im- mediate death, wept tears of blood and prophesied ruin and disaster for his would-be murderers. The chief was alarmed, and spared his life, but sent him to a desolate spot to tend llamas in the care of a body of shepherds, from whom he eventually made his escape. This story is told by Montesinos of the fourth chief of his early list, and denied altogether by Garcilasso, who credits Yahuarhuaccac with the conquest of the coast region from Arequipa to Atacama. The seventh Inca was Uiracocha, whom Cieza regards as the conqueror of the Collao, and at this point the subject of the Chanca invasion arises. Concurrently with the empires of the Inca and of Zapana in the south, a very important confederation had been formed to the north-west and west of Cuzco. The Chanca people, under two chiefs named Uscovilca and Ancovilca, had extended their sway over a number of tribes, and their descendants had become masters of an empire which probably rivalled in extent that of the Inca. For some time there had been a gradually increasing friction be- tween the two powers; the Inca had extorted an unwill- ing submission from some of the Chanca towns, and the Chanca had made attempts to subdue the small Quichua people, who looked to the Inca for protection. Suddenly matters came to a head, and the Chanca con- THE PERUVIAN EMPIRE 91 fcderacy, led by two brothers, Asto-huaraca and Tomay- huaraca, hurled its united forces against Cu/co. Garci- lasso and Montesinos statethat the invasion took placeat the end of the reign of Yahuarhuaccac, Sarmiento in the reign of his successor Uiracocha, and Cieza in the reign of Uiracocha's incompetent son Urco. Except Cieza none of the chroniclers admit that Urco ever wore the royal fringe, though Sarmiento says that Uiracocha intended him as his successor. But all give the same account of the war. The extent of the Inca empire at this period accord- ing to Garcilasso and Cieza respectively is shown in Fig. 7, c. The Chanca host advanced rapidly, and practically without opposition, totheverygatesofCuzco; thereign- ing Inca fled; and had it not been for the steadfastcourage of his ultimate successor (according to the one account Uiracocha, according to the other Pachacuti, the eighth ruler), the Inca domination would have been extin- guished. This prince, aided by a few of his relations and some of the more stout-hearted generals, rallied the panic-stricken people and prepared a desperate resistance. He was supported by a contingent of Quichua, but many of the other vassals, who had been hurriedly summoned, waited upon the surrounding hills to see which way the fortune of battle would incline before venturing to take part in the struggle. The fight commenced, and the Inca troops acquitted themselves so well that they were able to keep the foe in check until a large party, detached forthepurpose from the main body,fell upon the enemy's flank and threw them into some confusion. The hesi- tating vassals, seeing this, seized the opportunity to cast their lot in with the defenders, and the result was the complete rout of the Chanca host. This brilliant victory was ever after ascribed to the direct intervention of the god Uiracocha, who was said to have transformed stones into warriors to assist the Inca army, and great honours were paid to this deity after the battle. This point is noteworthy, for Uiracocha was in particular the god of 92 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY the Collao, and the honours paid to him were probably in recognition of the fact that the Colla vassals by siding with the Inca turned the scale ; had they joined the in- vaders it seems impossible that Cuzco could have been preserved. This fact seems to prove that the Inca had acquired an ascendancy in the Collao before the Chanca invasion. Though the Chanca and the Inca were bound at some period, for political reasons, to come to grips, this struggle had also an underlying religious signifi- cance. The Chanca and their allies were supporters of the low form of huaca-worship which the children of the Sun were continually striving to suppress. Excess of zeal in this direction had brought about the fall of the early empire, and the later rulers showed greater diplo- macy. Provided that the Sun were recognized as the chief object of worship, they refrained from active in- terference with such local cults as did not involve human sacrifice and vicious practices, and it seems as if on this occasion by a timely concession the support of the Collao was assured now and for the future. The reigning Inca who deserted the city was held by that act to have ab- dicated the throne, and the prince who saved the for- tunes of the empire assumed the insignia of power. There is little profit in discussing the identity of this Inca. Those who support the claims of Uiracocha state that he adopted the name of the god, who appeared to him in a vision, predicting the onfall of the Chanca and promising his aid. On the other hand there is the point that Pachacuti bore the title only accorded to a great reformer. The fact remains that the conquest of the Chanca confederacy added to the Inca empire an even greater stretch of territory on the west and north-west than had accrued to it in the south when the region ruled by the Zapana was subdued. The sketch-map Fig. 7, c shows the extent of the inca influence at the time of the Chanca invasion as given respectively by Garcilasso and Cieza ; while Fig. 7, d gives the limits THE PERUVIAN EMPIRE 93 to which it attained under Pachacuti. In looking at these it must be remembered that the hold of the Inca on the country west of Cuzco was little more than nominal until after the conquest of the Chanca, which followed immediately upon the failure of their invasion. One of the effects of this conquest was to open to the Inca the road to the coast, with the result that after a sharp struggle the maritime valleys from Arica to Truxillo were added to the empire. Some little confusion has resulted from the fact that both Pachacuti and his war- like son bore the same name, Yupanqui, and it cannot be said for certain at what point the conquests of the one ended and those of the other began ; but the matter is of little consequence ; the chief point of interest is that in the course of three reigns, respectively of Pacha- cuti, Tupac Yupanqui and Huayna Ccapac, the Inca dominion grew from a comparatively small confedera- tion to the great imperial state which was found by the Spaniards (Fig. 7, e). Of these three Inca, Tupac Yu- panqui was not the true heir to Pachacuti, but was selected in place of his elder brother, Tupac Amaru, in consequence of his ability as a general. Tupac Amaru acquiesced in the arrangement, and afterwards served his brother faithfully as a trusted commander. However, before thecampaign against the coast valleys commenced, importantevents had occurredin the south. The chiefs of Tucuman sent ambassadors offering their homage, and friendly relations were established with the people of Chile. According to Cieza no actual expedi- tion was made to Tucuman until the reign of Huayna Ccapac, but there is little doubt that this province be- came part of the Inca empire. Remains of Inca type are very common there, and the ease with which the region fell into the hands of the Spaniards, as compared with the neighbouring districts of the north-west Argen- tine, can only be explained by the supposition that it was fully under the control of the Inca. As regards 94 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY Chile, Montesinos states that Yahuarhuaccac had mar- ried a daughter and a niece to two Chilean chiefs, and that their children came to pay a visit to their uncle Uiracocha after he had become Inca. After being enter- tained with lavish hospitality, they returned to find their country in a state of rebellion. They appealed to the Inca with the result that they were re-established in power, but as vassals of Cuzco. The operations in the north and west were more important; from the Chanca country, now thoroughly reduced to submission, a slow advance was made through Xauxa, Bonbon and Huanuco as far as Caxa- marca. But this time the expeditions were no mere military demonstrations ; every foot of the ground traversed was assured before further advance was made ; a chain of fortresses was built, and a great road con- structed which ensured the possibility of rapid com- munication. The northward advance of the Inca troops was marked by an interesting occurrence. The con- quered Chanca had been compelled to furnish levies for the expedition, and a part of their forces were under the command of a chief named Hanco-huallu, who had taken part in the invasion of Cuzco but had been pardoned. This chief could not bear the subordinate position to which he was now reduced, and, with a large number of follov/ers, fled rapidly in a northerly direction, cross- ing the Andes and disappearing in the forests near the Maraiion. The chief of the Caxamarca region offered the most obstinate resistance to the I nca forces, and here the latter came into collision with the highly-cultured people of the the valleys round Truxillo, who came to the assistance of the ruler of Caxamarca. Once in possession of the strip of highlands bordering the coastal plains, the Inca next proceeded to conquer the coast itself. This was a lengthy and difficult task. The maritime valleys were inhabited by a numerous and warlike population whose THE PERUVIAN EMPIRE 95 culture, in some respects, surpassed that of the Inca, and the hot climate of the coast proved insupportable to the invading highlanders for any length of time. The ques- tion of religion was also involved. The Sun, whose worship the Inca insisted should be accepted, was no benefactor to the coast-people, whose life was one long struggleagainstdrought. Butthelncawasfirm; arrange- ments were made by which the invading troops were relieved every few months, the valleys were closely in- vested, and finally the sources of the only water-supply were seized. Rain on the coast was a phenomenon of great rarity, and practically the only water came from the mountains. By means of a wonderful system of reser- voirs and aqueducts it was distributed over the coasta districts, and large tracts of what had been uninhabitable desert were thus brought under cultivation. But the very engineering skill, which enabled the coastal tribes to bring their water-supply from a distance inland, con- tributed to their overthrow. The aqueducts were too long to admit of adequate defence, and, as soon as the upper channels fell into the hands of a foe, the choice lay between submission on the one hand and starvation on the other. The habitable valleys of the coast were grouped under several rulers ; much the same culture prevailed through- out the whole district,and the inhabitants were known to the Inca under the common name of Yunca. In the south. Yea, Nasca and Pisco seem to have formed one group ; Chincha was ruled by a prince of the same name, and the valleys between this point and Pachacamac were con- trolled by a chief named Chuquimancu. From Pacha- camac to Huaman a more powerful chief, Cuismancu, held sway, and from here to Truxillo stretched the domain of the most powerful of all, Chimu. But if the last-mentioned chiefdom was the largest, the kingdom of Cuismancu was the most important from a religious point of view. At Pachacamac was a great temple to the 96 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY deityofthatname, who was revered throughoutthemari- time district, and received the homage of countless pil- grims from other valleys. At Lima was a hardly less celebrated shrine, where the god Rimac ("The Speaker") delivered oracles to those who came to inquire the will of heaven. Of such importance were these two divinities that the Inca permitted thecontinuance of their worship, and even made offerings himself at their respective temples. At the same time he caused a magnificent Sun- temple to be built at Pachacamac in a more exalted posi- tion than the older shrine. A concession of this nature no doubt made the conquest of this region of the coast easier ; but in the kingdom of the Chimu a fierce re- sistance was made from valley to valley, and the chief only gave way when he was invested in the Santa valley in the north of his realm. Cieza places the con- quest of the coast after that of Quito, and represents it as taking place from north to south, but as the Chimu had assisted the chief of Caxamarca against the Inca, it seems more likely that the latter preferred to subdue the maritime districts before proceeding further north. Flushed with success, the Inca about this time under- took an expedition of far greater difficulty. A large body of troops was sent across the eastern Cordillera to the Amazonian forests, which stretched unbroken from the foot of the chain to the Atlantic. Efforts were made to penetrate the country from several points, and the Inca troops forced their way through the dense undergrowth and over trackless swamps, continually harassed by the arrows of the savages, with whom they could never come to grips. A body of them penetrated so far that they shrank from the perils involved in a return, and settled with one of the less hostile tribes, where they were found by Spanish explorers of a later age. Little was done in the way of conquest, but a few of the tribes on the fringe of the forest were subdued, a tribute of macaws, monkeys, honey and wax was THE PERUVIAN EMPIRE 97 levied, and a number of coca-plantations were prepared. In the north the way was now open to the empire which had been established by the rulers of Quito, and the conquest of Ecuador, commenced by Tupac Yupanqui, was finally effected by Huayna Ccapac. This has already been sketched in the last chapter, and it has been mentioned that the river Ancasmayu was fixed as the northern boundary of Inca rule. In the south the great Atacama desert was traversed by a road con- structed across it ; and the Chilean tribes beyond were conquered as far as the river Maule. An attempt to penetrate still further southward brought disaster upon the invaders at the hands of the nomad Arau- canians, and the Maule was finally accepted as the southern limit of Peruvian power. In one other quarter the Inca arms suffered defeat. East of the Bolivian province of Charcas was a region of dense forest and morass inhabited by a fierce and uncultured people called Chiriguano. For two years an army strove to subdue the region, but, as among the Anti further north, the physical features of the district provided insuperable difficulties, and it was obliged to retreat baffled. Before the end of the reign of Huayna Ccapac the Inca empire had reached its greatest extent, and almost immediately the news arrived of the advent upon the coast of white and bearded strangers. Subsequent history is well known, but for the sake of completeness it may be summed as briefly as possible. Huayna Ccapac died before Pizarro made his attempt upon the country. He left two sons, Huascar, the legitimate heir, and Atahualpa. To Atahualpa he left the kingdom of Quito, or so it was claimed, and thus sowed the seed of dissension between the two brothers. Never before had the empire been thus divided, and the act was a direct violation of the customary law govern- ing the succession. The supportersof Atahualpaalleged that he was the son of Huayna Ccapac by the last prin- 98 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY cess of Quito, and thus tried to substantiate his claim to the chieftainship of Ecuador. But Sir Clements Markham has shown that this can hardly have been the case. After a short period of extreme tension Atahu- alpa marched upon Cuzco, supported by the northern army of occupation and some of the best fighting tribes of Ecuador. Huascar was defeated, and fell into his hands, and Atahualpa assumed the supreme power. Whether he ordered a general slaughter of the nobles who supported his brother is uncertain ; at any rate, he refrained from taking the life of Huascar himself, until he feared that the Spaniards were about to support his cause. With the capture of Atahualpa by the Spaniards, and the subsequent murder of Huascar, the history of the Inca empire ends for the purposes of this work. CHAPTER V— PERU : GOVERNMENT THE constitution of a people, like its language, being the product of its past, is always a little behind the needs of the present ; anything like radical change in the method of government is always repug- nant to the people at large, and one of the distinguish- ing features of good statesmanship is to adapt the old machinery to the performance of new tasks, so that the changes necessitated by altered circumstances shall be as little apparent as possible. Judged by this standard the Peruvians were remarkably fortunate in their states- men ; the primitive constitution of the village com- munity had been expanded to fit the needs of a great empire, yet the inhabitants at large, except those of the capital, can have been conscious of little change in their circumstances, save in the direction of increased pros- perity and security. From within, the great bureau- cracy which directed the communistic system must have been hardlyapparent, while the benefits of the com- munistic system itself were visible to every eye. The Inca system has sometimes been represented as decadent at the time of the Spanish conquest, as a mechanical and soulless tyranny ready to collapse at the first impulse from without. This is not so. In popular language it was in every sense a "going concern," and the very ease with which the Spaniards achieved their conquest when once they had laid hands upon the motive power within the bureaucracy, bears witness, not to the effeteness of the latter, but,on the contrary, to the remarkable control which it exercised throughout the whole empire. In the earliest times the Peruvians seem to have 99 loo SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY lived in small independent communities, or groups of such communities, ruled by the heads of families, but in war accepting the leadership of some distinguished warrior who bore the title of Sinchi. Under such cir- cumstances it was inevitable that men should arise who, having gained the position of war-chief, would encourage the tribe to adopt an aggressive policy in order to retain their power. Gradually a few of the neighbouring tribes would be conquered and absorbed, and the Sinchi, from the continual exercise of his authority when upon the warpath, would begin to ac- quire influence in times of peace also, and would finally attain the position of chief. By further conquest and alliance the embryo state would expand, the individual tribes would not necessarily change their communistic manner of life, nor their former leaders, only the latter would be subordinated to the chief of the paramount tribe. In a country where nearly all families claimed descent in some miraculous manner from a lake, a stone, a tree, or an animal, the claim of the ruler to divine lineage would be hailed with no surprise, for his ancestor would be magnified with him, and would soon attain the status of a tribal god. In some such way the miniature empires of the Colla and Chanca must have developed, as well as that of the Inca. The basis of the Peruvian social system was the family, and the people were divided into a number o{ aylluy or lineages ; at Cuzco these ayllu were divided into two groups, living in different parts of the city, and called respectively Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco ("Upper Cuzco "and " Lower Cuzco"). The origin of this two- fold division is obscure, and is explained differently by different authors. Manco Ccapac, Lloque Yupanqui, and Inca Rocca have respectively been credited with the arrangement, while Montcsinos makes it date from as far back as the fifth reign of his early list. It is probable that it was of early date, since it was not PERU— GOVERNMENT loi peculiar to the Inca. The two chiefs who led the Chanca invasion are said to have ruled respectively over the Hanan-Chanca and the Hurin-Chanca ; so it is not unlikely that the institution may be connected with the early empire of pre-Inca times. As to its meaning, nothing can be said. The two divisions may have represented two original tribes of a confederacy, or they may conceivably have been connected with some exogamous form of marriage. If the latter they must be very ancient, for the Peruvians tended, as far as our knowledge goes, far more in the direction of en- dogamy than exogamy.^ While the Inca state was yet small, the primitive communistic system continued in operation without much supervision ; but as the em- pire grew, and tribe after tribe was added to it, an official class gradually sprang into existence, whose duty it was to see, not only that every man performed his share of work, but also that the products of united labour were fairly distributed. The idea of constant supervision, so repugnant to the Anglo-Saxon tempera- ment, was neither new nor distasteful to the Peruvians. Individual freedom meant nothing to them, and obedi- ence to a superior was a habit. Superstitious to a de- gree, they were always ready to credit a conqueror with supernatural powers, and readily acquiesced in a new ruler when the change brought no alteration in their in- dividual prosperity. The contrast in this respect be- tween the Peruvians and Araucanians is most striking ; the latter form the subject of a later chapter, but we may anticipate by sayingthatamongthem individual freedom was a creed, as among our own forefathers, which rose superior to any supernatural terrors. And when a people as a whole is prepared to perish rather than sub- mit, it is unconquerable. Hence it is not surprising that the Inca empire ceased at the river Maule. ^ Endogamy = the practice of seeking a wife within the group ; exogamy = the practice of seeking a wife outside the group. I02 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHifiOLOGY Of the growth of the huge bureaucracy which the Spaniards found in Peru, little can be said, but it is probable that it only began to be evolved from the primitive communism when, under Pachacuti, the policy of effective conquest and colonial expansion was seriously inaugurated. Later its ramifications extended to every hamlet of the empire. The latter, for the purposes of administration, was divided into provinces, each ruled by an hereditary Cura^a who had power to impose local by-laws in accordance with the customary code of the Inca. Under the Cura9a was a hierarchy of officials, ranging from sub-chiefs to subordinate in- spectors whose responsibility was limited to the super- vision of no more than ten heads of families. A strict census was kept of the population and resources of each province, and the returns were sent regularly to Cuzco. In accordance with the census, tribute was imposed, and, as money was a thing unknown in Peru, all tribute was in kind. Of this tribute the most minute records were kept, and the system by which the imperial accounts were registered deserves a short description. No form of writing can be proved to have existed under the Inca. It is true that Pacha- cuti is said to have had certain events recorded by paintings on boards, but we have no warrant to sup- pose that these paintings approximated in any way to a hieroglyphic script. Montesinos, again, says that under the older empire writing was practised on stones and banana-leaves, but the statement is in the highest degree doubtful, and we possess no single trace of cor- roborative evidence. But if they had no form of writ- ing, the Peruvians had invented a very serviceable substitute, the quipus. These quipus (PI. IX, 2) were cords on which were made knots of almost in- finite multiplicity. For the purposes of reckoning, each form of knot represented a different number, and each string a different subject; to some of the strings, /'/.AVE IX PERU— GOVERNMENT 103 subordinate strings were attached (as can be seen in the illustration), serving as footnotes, and the strings form- ing one set of accounts were arranged as a fringe along a master-string. An indication of the nature of the objects enumerated was furnished by the colour of each string, and the combinations of colours and types of knots gave an almost endless variety to the uses to which this method of recording could be put. It is even said that events were recorded by means of the quipus, and the statement is not incredible, since the system was in the hands of professional accountants, Quipucamayoc, who gave their whole lives to its study and elaboration. The census made, and the local resources estimated, it remained to impose the tribute, which consisted in the performance of the various tasks necessary for the main- tenance and defence of the individual and the state. From two classes of work no man was exempt except by special privilege, agricultural labour and military ser- vice, but apart from this, those individuals who were masters of a particular craft were not set to work at any- thing else. Weaving and spinning were matters of com- mon knowledge, but mining, metallurgy, stone-working and the like,were the tasks of selected artisans. Whether a time-system was in vogue, or whether a man's tribute consisted in the performance of a definite piece of work, is uncertain, since Garcilasso,who gives the best account of this communal labour-system, seems to contradict himself, but probably the system varied according to the nature of the task. No one was allowed to be idle ex- cept the sick ; and even the aged, the deaf and blind, and young children, were accorded tasks suited to their limited capacities. It was because the whole of the labour was in the hands of the state that the Inca were able to achieve such marvels in the way of building and road-making ; but the corvee-system was not abused, the extent of a man's services, as said above, was limited I04 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY (probably in this case by time) and his labour was in- terrupted by regular rest-days on which he was en- couraged to hold festival with his fellows. As for the artisans, their task consisted solely in the manufacture of definite articles, their material being supplied them ; and, in the same way, each man received wool for spin- ning and weaving sufficient for the needs of himself and his family. The various manufactures and the field- produce were collected by the officials, and sent to the chief city of the province at a fixed time ; there they were registered by the Quipucamayoc in the presence of the Cura9a,and were henceforward at the disposal of the state. The officials themselves did not labour, their ser- vices in the matter of supervision being regarded in the light of tribute ; and the Inca class, those who were of the blood royal by birth or ex officio^ were exempt from tribute altogether. Besides this no actual tribute was exacted from youths below the age of twenty-five, but they might assist their father in the performance of his allotted task, or he might employ them in the perform- anceof household duties or the tillingof the land allowed him by the state. In any case, the subordinate inspectors saw to it that they were not idle. But if no one, save the members of the ruling caste, was altogether exempt from some kind of labour, at least there was no poverty. The produce of the state lands was stored ready for the victualling of an expedition, or for the relief of a famine in any quarter of the empire, and the condition of the peasant in Peru approximated nearer to the ideals of the doctrinaire socialist than in any country in the world. But it was at a price which perhaps the natives of no other country would consent to pay. From the cradle to the grave the life of the individual was marked out for him ; as he was born so would he die, and he lived his allotted span under the ceaseless supervision of officials. His dress was fixed according to his district ; he might not leave his village except at the bidding of PERU— GOVERNMENT 105 the state, and then only for state purposes, he might not even seek a wife outside his own community. An individual of ability might perhaps rise to be one of the subordinate inspectors, but the higher ranks were in- exorably closed to him. Even his own family was not entirely under his control, for his daughters, if of ex- ceptional beauty, might be taken by the state to serve in one of the " convents " described later. Each new province, as it was added to the empire, was organized after the same fashion. Though the Inca empire grew so rapidly, it was not built in haste. The corvee-system enabled the ruler to call up enormous masses of men, and to relieve them at reasonable inter- vals, and it seems to be a fact that actual force was not employed until all the resources of diplomacy were ex- hausted. The regions already annexed were assured by the building of fortresses and government residences, and there followed in the track of the army a whole host of officials, road-makers and artisans, by whom the coun- try was organized on the accepted lines. Further se- curity was ensured by an ingenious expedient. Large sections of the indigenous population were deported to some distant province of similar climate,and their places filled by others of whose fidelity there was no question. The mutual suspicion which was bound to endure, at any rate for a period, between the new-comers and the old inhabitants rendered anything like organized revolt im- possible. Deported colonists were known as mitimaes. The same system was employed to relieve a congested population, and to bring under cultivation fertile lands which lay fallow for lack of husbandmen, and resulted in the introduction into many regions of forms of pro- duce before unknown there. Mitimaes sent to a district hitherto uncultivated were accorded certain minor privi- leges, and their tribute was remitted for a given period until the land was well under cultivation. The com- munal system enabled supplies of grain to be sent from io6 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY the fertile valleys to the sterile pasture-lands of the high country for the support of the numerous shepherds who watched the state flocks. At first, at any rate, the former ruler of a newly conquered district was not deposed, if he promised allegiance to thelnca, but was established as Curaga. At the same time an Inca governor was ap- pointed to the province, to command the garrison and to receive the tribute, but not otherwise to interfere with the government of the people except in emergency. But in later times, according to Sarmiento, Tupac Yupanqui deposed the existing chiefs throughout the country, and appointed officers of his own. The heirs of the Curaga were sent to Cuzco to be educated, and were thus hostages for the fidelity of their parents, at the same time imbib- ing all the Inca traditions. Rapid communication between the most remote dis- tricts and the capital was secured by roads, which in their way are marvellous examples of primitive en- gineering. Two main routes led from the northern extremity of the empire to the southern, the one fol- lowing the coast-line, the other the lofty region between the Cordilleras. These were connected by cross-roads, such as those between Cuzco and Nasca (Wiener), Xauxa and Lima (Cieza), Pampa and Huaura, Chavin and Paramonga, Caxamarca and Zaran (Wiener). Of the two, that in the highlands was by far the more difficult of construction and Cieza writes of it as fol- lows :* "One of the things which I admired most in contemplating and writing down the affairs of this kingdom, was to think how and in what manner they can have made such grand and admirable roads as we now see, and what a number of men would suffice for their construction, and with what tools and instruments they can have levelled the mountains and broken through the rocks to make them so broad and good as they arc. . . . Some of them extended for over one ' From tlic- translation by Sir Clements Markham. PERU— GOVERNMENT 107 thousand one hundred leagues, along such dizzy and frightful abysses that, looking down, the sight failed one. In some places, to secure the regular width, it was necessary to hew a path out of the living rock ; all of which was done with fire and their picks. In other places the ascents were so steep and high that steps had to be cut from below to enable the ascent to be made, with wider spaces at intervals for resting- places. In other parts there were great heaps of snow, which were more to be feared, and not at one spot only, but often recurrinfj. Where the snows obstructed the way, and where there were forests of trees and loose clods of earth, the road was levelled and paved with stones when necessary." It was even the custom some- times, when an Inca travelled, to disregard the road made by a predecessor, and to construct a new route. Thus Cieza speaks of three or four roads in the neighbour- hood of Vilcas, and states that he once lost his way on one of the older tracks, believing it to be that still in use. On the coast the difficulties were less, and the road was broad, paved with stone slabs, protected by walls and shaded by trees. But, where it led through the desert, the presence of moving sand-dunes rendered a paved way a waste of time. In such places the route was marked by long poles set in the earth at short dis- tances, many of which ultimately served the improvi- dent Spanish conquerors for firewood 1 The roads were made and kept in repair by local labour, each province being responsible for the section passing through its territory, and, in the desert parts, the in- habitants of the nearest villages were called out to per- form the work and were supplied with provisions until the completion of their task. The main routes met in the centre of Cuzco, forming four cross-roads. According to Wiener, the mountain road to the north ran through Xauxa, over Cerro de Pasco, past Huanuco Viejo and Chavin, to Caxamarca ; io8 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY that to the west, to Nasca, where it turned north, and fol- lowed the coast to Tunibez, proceeding thence inland w'rf Loja and Cuenca to Quito, and so to the Ancasmayu. That to the east, led to the Andes beyond Paucartambo ; and that to the south, via Arequipa, to Arica, whence it must have crossed the Tarapaca and Atacama deserts to Coquimbo. Another southern route kept to the highlands, proceeding through the Collao and along the western shore of lake Titicaca to Tiahuanaco. From here there was possibly an extension to southern Bolivia, and even into the north-west Argentine ; at any rate traces of Inca roads have been found recently in that locality. Along the main roads were established a series of small huts, and in each hut were posted two men, who watched the road in each direction. If it were necessary to send a message to the capital, the provin- cial official would communicate it to one of the men at the nearest post-house, who immediately started to run as fast as he could to the next, which was about half a league distant. As soon as he drew within ear-shot he commenced to shout his message, and as soon as it was understood, one of the watchers would dart off on the road to the next post, and so the message was carried to its destination. The posts were set at short intervals in order to allow the runners, or Chasqui, to cover the distance at the top of their speed ; the Chasqui them- selves were selected for their swiftness of foot, and each remained on service for a stated period during the year, thus paying his'"tribute" to the state. By this means, in spite of the precipitous nature of the road, a message could be transmitted from Quito to Cuzco, a distance of over a thousand miles as the crow flies, in eight days. Quipus were also handed from Chasqui toChasqui when it was necessary to send a communication of greater length. The system is attributed to Pachacuti. Along the route were also constructed tamho^ "inns" or store- PERU— GOVERNMENT 109 houses, which formed provision depots for the use of expeditionary forces or those who travelled on state affairs (in fact there were no other travellers). The provinces were visited periodically by high officials who went a round of inspection, and at the same time listened to complaints; these were registered and referred to Cuzcowhence judges were sent to administer justice. But it was only the most serious offences which came before them ; in each village was a magistrate who tried cases of less importance, and inflicted summary penalties in accordance with a definite code. The various subordinate inspectors were obliged to report the small- est misdemeanours to their superior officers, under pain of suffering double the penalty attached to the offence ; the local judges kept strict account of the cases which had come before them, and the quipus on which these cases were recorded were liable to scrutiny by the travel- ling inspectors. Serious crime, or indeed crime of any sort, seems to have been exceedingly rare ; partly no doubt owing to the elaborate system of supervision, and partly owing to the fact that the ordinances of the Inca were regarded as divine commands, but partly also by reason of the natural docility of the Peruvian. Then too, as regards the most serious offences of all, a man's relations, and even his entire village, were held respon- sible for his acts and shared his punishment. This system of collective responsibility is common in primi- tive communities, and invariably proves to be an ex- tremely efficient check upon crime. Children were not exempt from the law, and special punishments were allotted to them, but their fathers were punished at the same time, because a child's naughtiness was held to be the result of bad up-bringing. The chief punishments were flogging and death, fines of course did not exist among a people where there was practically no private property. Besides the regular inspections there were also occasions, occurring at irregular intervals, when the no SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY Inca himself made a visitation of his empire, a proceed- ing which, in the days of its greatest extent, occupied several years. The ruler himself lived in divine state, and bore the title of Sapa Inca, or Only Inca; the title Inca was also assigned to all males of royal blood generally, married Inca being called Atauchi, and the sons of the ruler, Auqui. Women of royal blood were called Palla, the unmarried daughters of the ruler, Nusta, and his chief wife, Ccoya. It was a rule for the Sapa Inca to marry his sister, who thus became Ccoya, but the antiquity of the practice is at least doubtful. The idea which seemed to underlie it was that the purity of the succes- sion should be preserved as far as possible, for it was only the sons of the Inca and Ccoya who were the rightful heirs to the kingdom. Of them the eldest had first claim, but, as in the case of Tupac Amaru, eldest son of Pachacuti, he could be superseded in favour of one of his brothers if the exigencies of the moment demanded. The Inca generally formed a ruling caste, sharing in the divine origin of the head of their clan ; they were possessed of numerous privileges, such as exemption from tribute, and were distinguished by various insignia of which the most important were the two large studs worn in the lobes of their ears. To such an extent were these ornaments the peculiar privilege of their class, that the Spaniards gave them the name of Orejones. The badge of sovereignty was a fringed cord called llautUy of vicuiia-wool, wound three or four times round the head. In the case of the ruler the fringe was red, in the case of the heir, yellow; and the higher officers, such as viceroys, seem to have borne similar fringes of other colours. Another ornament, peculiar to the Sapa Inca, was a golden diadem in which were fixed two wing-feathers of the bird called Cora- quenque ; his garments, a long tunic and a square cloak, were made of the finest vicuiia-wool, and he sat on a PERU— GOVERNMENT 1 1 1 throne of gold supported by a large plate of the same metal. Before him was carried a banner, blazoned with the rainbow, the badge of the royal house. The Inca's court was brilliant in the extreme; all the utensils of the royal household were of gold or silver, and mag- nificent gardens were attached to the palace in which every kind of plant was imitated in the precious metals. Not even his own relations could enter the presence of the rulerwithoutremoving theirshoes andcarrying burdens on their backs, expressing thus the sense of their own unworthiness. When he travelled abroad to visit the provinces he was carried in a wooden litter resplendent with gold and jewels, and furnished with curtains which could be drawn when the divine inmate desired privacy. The bearers were all chosen men, inhabitants of certain provinces, who gave their services by way of tribute, and had undergone long training in the art ; while in front went runners whose duty it was to remove the slightest obstacle from the path lest the bearers might stumble, an offence punishable, it is said, with death. The whole resources of the empire were at the service of the Inca. Large bodies of selected labourers drawn from the provinces built his spacious palace inCuzco and his hardly less magnificent residences in the suburbs, whither he retired to refresh himself when tired with the cares of the state. All the gold and silver produced throughout the country was royal property,and even the other Inca and the Cura9a only employed ornaments and utensils made from the precious metals by his per- mission. Forhimtheinhabitants of themany "convents" spent their days in weaving clothing from the wool of the vicuna and llama ; of these the finest were reserved for his personal use, while the rest were distributed among the other Inca. When a ruler abdicated or died, one of the highest officials was appointed to actas regent, since it was neces- sary for the heir to prepare himself for his new office 112 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY by a long and severe fast. The heir then received the fringe, llautu^ in the great Sun-temple at Cuzco, and was henceforward absolute ruler of the empire. It was necessary that the coronation ceremony should take place at Cuzco, and one of the chief reasons why Atahualpa was regarded as a usurper was the fact that he assumed the fringe at Tumebamba. Such then was the Peruvian constitution ; at the head the divine ruler ; next, the Inca nobility, who held the principal offices of state ; next the Cura^a who were not Inca, but who were often permitted to adopt certain of the Inca insignia^ notably the ear-studs ; next, the humbler members of the great official hierarchy, and finally the populace. In connection with the noble class an institution of the greatest interest was the ceremony called Huara- chicu, at which the youths of high birth were admitted to a kind of chivalrous order. This ceremony was closely connected with the very ancient and holy huaca called Huanacauri, the origin of which has been related above. It is said that just before Ayar Uchu became a stone, he laid upon his brother Manco a command that after the foundation of the prospective city he should be regarded as the patron of all the youths of the clan on the occasion when they were admitted to manhood. It seems probable that the ceremony was extremely ancient, and dated from pre-Inca days. It is almost undoubtedly the survival of some primitive initiation ceremony, such as exists among so many bar- barous peoples, at which the youths were dedicated to the god, and proved their manhood by submitting to numerous ordeals more or less severe. After a six-day fast, in which the near relations participated, the candi- dates took part in a foot-race from the sacred Huana- cauri hill to the fortress at Cuzco. The winner received great honour, and was selected as captain over his com- panions. So writes Garcilasso, but another author, also PERU— GOVERNMENT 1 1 3 of Inca blood, states that the race took place from the city to the Huanacauri hill where were placed certain animals typical of swiftness and sluggishness. A more severe test than the foot-race was provided by a sham fight in which one half of the candidates at- tempted to storm a fort held by the other half; blunted weapons were used, but severe wounds were by no means infrequent. The struggle lasted for one whole day, and on the next the attacking party assumed the role of defenders, and vice versa. Next followed a series of individual competitions in various athletic exercises, and in the use of different weapons, javelin, bow, and sling, in which candidates of similar age were pitted one against the other. Their vigilance was proved by long spells of sentry duty, their fortitude by scourging with wands of osier, while their self-control was made the object of the following peculiar test. A skilled warrior brandished a club or spear close to the faces and limbs of the novices while they, as Garcilasso says, "were expected to stand as immovable as rocks beaten by sea and wind " ; the slightest sign of flinching, the mere blinking of an eye, brought disgrace upon the unlucky candidate. The thorough nature of soldierly training among the Incas is well illustrated by the fact that the young aspirant to military honours was expected to be pro- ficient not only in the use of arms, but also in their manufacture, and, further, in the preparation of sandals, a matter of great importance in a country so extended as ancient Peru, where a campaign entailed a series of long and wearisome marches. Provision was also made for the moral training of the candidates in a series of lectures delivered by men of distinction in which ideals, strangely similar to those of Spanish chivalry, were set before them — ideals which in practice often suffered a distortion as great as those of their conquerors. At the conclusion of the month of probation the 114 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY candidates were brought before the ruler to receive at his hands the insignia of their new rank, " without which," Garcilasso writes, *'as the books on knighthood would have it, they were virgins unable to bear arms." The occasion was one of great solemnity. The ruler, surrounded by the highest princes of the blood, received the homage of each of the candidates in turn, and with his own hands conferred upon him the most important mark of the dignified position to which he had attained, by piercing his ears with a golden bodkin. The holes were not allowed to close, but were gradually enlarged until they could support ornaments of considerable size. Such ornaments, as remarked above, were the mark of the ruling caste. After this honour the candidate passed before the Inca who ranked next in authority to the ruler, and received from him a pair of cloth shoes of the pattern worn by the ruling class — a proceeding which Garcilasso compares to the investiture of a Spanish knight with spurs. After this he was conducted to another apart- ment where other Incas of high rank clad him in the loincloth, huara. This proceeding ranked next in im- portance to the piercing of the ears, which was a royal privilege only to be conferred by the Son of the Sun himself ; but, in so far as it marked the boy's attainment of his majority, it gave the name to the whole ceremony. The presentation of the shoes, it is said, was not an essential part of the investiture, but was regarded rather in the light of a reward for the hardships undergone during the month of probation. As remarked above, no Inca who had failed to pass through the whole course of initiation could hope for an honourable position either in civil or military life. Even the heir-apparent himself was not exempt from any of the ordeals to which the other candidates were submitted. In fact, it is recorded that he was treated with greater rigour than hiscomradcs, forit was held, in proportion as PERU— GOVERNMENT 1 1 5 his destiny was higher than theirs, his probation should be more searching; the wider his experience in the toils and hardships of war, the more ready would be his re- cognition of good service on the part of his future subjects. For a similar reason his clothing during this period consisted ofthe "vilest and most wretched clothes that can be imagined," so that his future prosperity might not render him blind to the evils of poverty, but that, inspired by the sympathy of experience, he might indeed merit the royal title of Hacchacuyac, the mean- ing of which is "Lover and Benefactor of the Poor." During his novitiate his exalted rank secured him but one distinction; the prize for victory in the foot-race from the sacred hill of Huanacauri to the citadel was awarded him as of right. His investiture also was similar to that of the rest, with the exception that two other insignia were conferred upon him as the future ruler. One of these was an axe with a blade of copper, which was put into his hands while the word "Aucca-cunapac" was pronounced; a word pregnant with meaning in so far as it signified "for the punishment of tyrants, traitors, the cruel, the per- fidious, and the false." "All this and much more is meant by the word *aucca,' " writes Garcilasso. The second was the fringe of yellow wool which was bound upon his temples. In the matter of the upbringing of their children the Peruvians were by no means over-indulgent. Infants were kept fastened in their cradles, and were never taken in the mother's arms when fed, because it was thought that otherwise they would want continually to be nursed. As soon as the infant was weaned, an important ceremony, including the ritual shearing of the hair, took place. At this, the first lock was cut with a stone knife by one of the elder relations, who stood to the child in the relation of godfather, and the rest of the relations followed in order of precedence, ii6 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCH/EOLOGY Or, according to another account, the ceremony was inaugurated by the eldest uncle. After this the child received a name, and the proceedings terminated with a feast at which presents were given to him. In the case of the heir to the empire these gifts were exceedingly magnificent, and included offerings brought or sent by the various provincial Cura9a ; while the high-priest of the Sun cut the first lock from his head. For the children of the Inca nobility, special schools were erected in Cuzco, where instruction in religion, history, the arts of war and government, was given them by special professors. They were also taught to read the quipus to some extent, and were trained in astrology and music. The foundation of these schools was associated with the name of the Inca Rocca, and Pachacuti is said to have reorganized and extended them ; but it is prob- able that some such form of instruction for the youths of the ruling class existed before, on lines similar to that practised by certain more primitive peoples, as, to give one instance, the Whare-kura of the Maori. In fact Montesinos states that the 42nd ruler of his early list founded a "university" at Cuzco, and that the 78th re-established it at Timpu-tocco. The children of the provincial Cura^a were allowed to share in this instruc- tion, but the rest of the population were excluded from any part in "higher education." It was held sufficient to teach them the employments of their fathers, and the rulers feared that by over-education they might " be- come proud and endanger the commonwealth." This was part of the price they had to pay for the benefits which they received under the communal system. CHAPTER VI— PERU : DAILY LIFE AND OCCUPATIONS THE Peruvians were primarily agriculturists, and though the valleys were extremely fertile, yet throughout the greater part of the country cultivation was carried on under difficulties. Large tracts of the in- terior were situated at such an altitude that maize could not ripen there,and, under ordinary circumstances, were unable to support a large population. On the rainless coast agriculture was, normally, only possible in the neighbourhood of the rivers, none too numerous, which had their sources in the mountains ; and their fertilizing influence extended but a short distance from their actual banks. Where the climate was favourable, the very uneven nature of the country, and the steepness of the mountain-slopes, rendered special measures necessary for the retention of the soil, and here too arrangements had to be made for irrigation. For agricultural purposes a threefold division of the land was made. Certain tracts throughout the empire were reserved for the Sun, and the revenues from these were devoted to the maintenance of the temples and ministers of the state religion. Part of the remainder was divided among the population at large according to their needs ; and the rest was royal property. Each head of a family received a plot for himself, with additional plots for each child. When a son married, he took over the con- trol of that portion which his father had received at his birth, but when a daughter married, her portion lapsed to the state. If the population of a neighbourhood increased, part of thecrown-lands passed into their hands. 117 ii8 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY The cultivation of the land, like everything else, was controlled by special officials, and the inhabitants of the village laboured in common. The local "church-lands" received thefirstattention, and nextthelandsapportioned for the use of the villagers. Even here a certain pre- cedence was observed, in that the fields of the widows, agedandsick, camefirst. Thisrule was carefully observed, and Garcilasso mentions that, in the time of Huayna Ccapac, a local official of Chachapoyas was hanged because he arranged that the lands of a certain Cura9a, to whom he was related, should be tilled before those of a widow. The crown-lands came last. From these crown-lands the ruler portioned out estates to the members of the nobility and the provincial Cura9a, and the produce of what remained was reserved for his own maintenance, the needs of the army, and the relief of famine. Each day the local overseer announced which fields were to receiveattention ; themen assembled with their digging- sticks, long stakes with sharpened points and a foot- rest, and, acting in concert to the cadence of a song, proceeded to turn up long furrows. The women fol- lowed behind to break up the clods and pick out the weeds. Later when the crop was sowed — and where seed was lacking it was supplied from the state gran- aries — the services of the less able-bodied were em- ployed to scare the birds from the growing crops. On the coast the digging-sticks were often shod with copper blades, many of which have been discovered, and textiles have been found with inwoven scenes depicting cultiva- tion. On these are seen men equipped with such spades working among the crops, while others, armed with blow-guns and slings, protect the produce from the birds fluttering among the leaves. Every available inch of fertile ground was used for cultivation wherethc climate allowed, and we are even told that one of the Inca or- dered the destruction of a number of villages in the neighbourhood of Cuzco in order that the land might DAILY LIFE AND OCCUPATIONS 119 be devoted to agricultural purposes. One of the chief features of the Peruvian landscape is constituted by the terraced mountain-slopes. Here long series of parallel walls were built of rough stones, one above the other, each inclining slightly inwards in order to support the weight of the earth with which the space between it and the hill-side was filled. By this means a series of horizontal surfaces, similar to a flight of stairs, was obtained, decreasing in depth as the mountain was ascended. These terraces,called locally ^«(i^ . .1 i,i |M|||iiiJlAilLlij^UUu^UU!J.il]ilNlLilULL'.iUUlMAiIilliUUf "^-^ ^"> /' g Fig. II. — a Stone figure of llama, inlaid. [B>itii/i nruseum li Necklace of shell, wood and turquoise. c-f Copper pins. g Mosaic ear-stud. // and i Silver tweezers. h Biiiie l)aiance-l)eam with "pans" of netting. In the maritime districts ear-studs were usually of wood, carved in open-work, or inlaid with shell and turquoise (Fig. I I , g). Beards and moustaches were not worn, but the hair was plucked out by means of small silver and copper tweezers, of which numbers have been found, DAILY LIFE AND OCCUPATIONS 131 especially in the coastal region (Fig. i r, ^ and i). The coast people of early days seem to have been peculiar in wearing stockings, unless indeed the markings on the legs of the figures represented in the vase-paintings are meant for painted ornament (Figs, i o and 1 5), but some form of foot-covering was universal throughout Peru. Sandals, called usutas^ were made of llama hide or vege- table fibre, very similar to those worn by the monastic orders in Europe, were fastened to the feet by means of cords. The early coast people, however, seem to have evolved a kind of slipper, which was worn probably by the more important men. Many forms of ornament besides those mentioned above were in vogue, and again the graves of the coast have provided more evidence than those of the interior. Necklaces (Fig. 11,^) of small beads of coloured shell and turquoise are common, often interspersed with larger beads of carved wood and shell in the form of animals and human faces, of which the details are inlaid with shell of another colour or with turquoise. Finger- rings, anklets and bracelets of silver and gold are also found, while the pins used by women for fastening their cloaks arecommon throughout thecountry (Fig. i lyC-f). These are of two principal types, one with a flat semi- circular head, the other with a head modelled to re- present that of a llama, the latter being more common in the highlands. These are made of silver or, more frequently, of copper, and were called topo. Head-de- formation was practised locally, principally on the coast and in the Collao. The maritime people applied boards to the heads of their infants so that a flattening was pro- duced along the forehead and at the back of the head, while a corresponding expansion took place at the sides (PI. X, I and 2). In the Collao the fashion was different ; here the aim was to prolong the crown in the form of a cone (PI. X, 3 and 4). The extent of distortion pro- duced in either case was considerable, and skulls have 132 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY been found which exhibit an almost incredible degree of deformity. Tattooing also was practised on the coast, patterns similar to those on the textiles being produced in a bluish pigment. The subject of habitations next arises, a subject which it is extremely difficult to treat shortly, and at the same time to give an idea of the astonishing facility with which ■J ^^ ■"■ "^ WT"" :iHi ' * Fig. 12. — Plan of Inca dwelling, near OUantaitambo. the Peruvians of the inland region, possessing no metal but copper for the manufacture of tools,^ and relying solely on human labour for the traction of great weights, handled enormous masses of stone. Speaking generally the buildings on the coast are composed of clay, those of the highlands, of stone, and this antithesis holds true to the extent that after the Inca had conquered the coast, * The copper, as will be seen later, nearly always contains an element of tin, and is therefore a bron/.e ; but this element was purely accidental, and not intentionally added as an alloy. I'I..\IF. XI WK^A WOT^ ^^:« ttfti H^ i^T 1*3 IBv f w'Jl^ ^^ 1 9'<'^I^^^B i'v^-^^ S-ight's '' 01KRU— SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 175 storm-clouds." Moreover, as we have seen on p. 157, the double-headed belt may typify the lightning. The continual repetition of the condor and puma, animals sacred throughout practically the whole of the Andean region, constitutes a fitting ornament to the dress of the supreme deity. The subsidiary figures would then re- present the membersof three ayllu, each clad in the dress of the huaca of their respective clans; and it is worth mentioning in this connection that the immigrants led by Manco from the south to the Cuzco valley are said by Sarmiento to have been divided into three ayllu. The art of Tiahuanaco is distinguished by certain well-marked features, notably a remarkable boldness and certainty of outline, recalling in some respects that of the north-west coast of North America, and also by a number of peculiar conventions. Of the latter the princi- pal are the three-fingered hand (Fig. 17), the circular nostrils of the puma-heads when shown in profile, and the angular S-shaped ear attributed both to birds and beasts. The two latter features are well shown on the fragment of a beautifully carved stone cup illustrated in Fig. 26. Pumas and condors painted in a style exactly similar to the carvings, are found on the pottery vessels, of which the most typical are the beakers shown on PI. XX, 7-9. At the ruined fortress of Chavin de Huantar, far to the north of Tiahuanaco, the discovery was made of a remarkable stone, some twenty-five feet long, which had fallen from the fagade of the building. This monolith is of diorite, rectangular in shape, and, though the for- tress itself is of Inca construction, is evidently of far greater age. The design engraved on one surface is shown in Fig. 19, and is traced from a photograph which the writer owes to the courtesy of Professor Uhle. The design is confused, but a little study reveals a figure bearing a distinct resemblance to the central figure of the Tiahuanaco frieze, though the style is very different. 176 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCH/EOLOGY In each hand he holds a staff, and these staves, unlike the objects held by the Tiahuanaco fig- ure, are exactly similar, though they are too over- loaded with orna- mentfor their exact nature to be deter- mined. Round his waist is a belt in the form of agrotesque face, terminating at each extremity in a double fillet fur- nished with eyes. But the most curi- ous feature of the figure is the head, which is quite inex- plicable until the figure is turned up- side down. When this is done, a series of monstrous faces (B-F) can be dis- tinguished issuing onefrom the mouth of the other, fur- nished with for- midable tusks and surrounded with rays resembling conventional os- trich-feathers and Fig. 19 Sciilptuicil niniiolilh, from Cli:iviii IliKiiitar. (Lima Museum.) PERU— SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 177 fillets with eyes. From the mouth of the last face protrudes a tongue, G, also overloaded with conven- tional ornament. The principal face, B, has under- neath the eyes the U-shaped mark so often seen in the conventional faces of the Maya, and, to antici- pate, this U-shaped mark is replaced in the pottery characteristic of Nasca, by a simple horizontal band (see the faces on the vase PI. I, Fig. 2). Over the princi- pal face is a diadem. A, with a puma-head in front, like those worn by the figures in the lowest row of the Tia- huanaco frieze. The full-face position of this puma- head is expressed somewhat conventionally by placing two profiles face to face and joining the mouths; when each half of the puma-face is regarded as a profile, the shape of the nostril suggests strongly the conventions of Tia- huanaco art. Below the principal face follow the subsi- diary faces in order,C,D,E and F, each issuing from the mouth of the other, the series terminating in a tongue, G. A grotesque face of similar character can also be seen on each staff immediately below the elbow of the figure. Both in general appearance and in certain details, though not in all, this remarkable figure bears some resemblance to the Maya carvings of Yucatan, while the reversed position of the head and the " ostrich-feather " rays can be paralleled in some of the reliefs of Ecuador (Fig. 3). The position of the personage portrayed, and his attri- butes, seem to connect him with the god of the heavens ; the rays may well be those of the sun, the staves thunder- bolts, while the reversed position of his multiple heads may indicate in conventional fashion that his gaze is turned skyward. But for any closer parallel we must leave the sierra and descend to the coast. Here we come into direct contact with the results achieved by Uhle, whoselongresearches, carried out on scientific principles, have at last given us the material on which to base a sys- tem of comparative chronology. In his excavations at Pachacamac, he discovered that 178 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY the celebrated temple, erected to the god of that name, had at an early time been enlarged. At the foot of the original wall, and in ground covered by the later addi- tions, he discovered a cemetery, containing pottery ornamented in the unmistakable style of Tiahuanaco (such as the designs shown in Fig. 20). In a stratum of earth above the original ground-level, but still beneath Fig. 20. — Desi<^ns in the Tiahuanaco style on vases found near Truxillo, the later buildings, he found burials containing pottery ornamented in a style apparently derived from the last. Again, at the foot of the more recent construction, an- other series of graves was examined, which contained black wareof a typecommonon thccoast (PI. XXI, 2-5), associated with vasesof Inca type. In another cemetery similar black ware was found without Inca remains. It has thus been proved,at any rate forthis region, that four periods can be distinguished : that of Tiahuanaco, that I'lAlh X.\ I'F.RU POITEKY TVI'ES : I. 2. 3. Tkuxi 1.1,0 5. Arica 4. I.N'CA 6. Kkcuay. near Tkixiiic^ 7, 8, 9. TlTICACA (Scale : I-3, i/6th ; 4-9. I 5TH) PERU— SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 179 distinguished by a style derived from the former (gener- ally known as the red-white-black period, from the colours in which the vases are painted), that of the black pottery, and that of the Inca. The Tiahuanaco style, as it appears on the coast, is distinguished from that in the highlands by the more conventional styleof the painting, and by the fargreater variety of colours employed ; but the figure shown in Fig 20, ^, unmistakably represents the personage on the great monolithic gateway, and the ob- jects which he holds are more easily recognizable as spear-throwers of the type shown still more realistically in Fig. 8. Vases painted in this style are found through- out the whole coast, from Truxillo to Nasca. But though the Tiahuanaco style appears as the oldest of the series at Pachacamac, it does not hold this position in every site. In Truxillo, from the archaeological evidence collected by Uhle, it was preceded by vases painted in masterly fashion in red on a white slip, and others modelled with a skill which even a modern artist might envy (Pis. XX- XXII). Here too follow in order the red-white-black type, the black, and the Inca. The fine painted ware is associated with walls con- structed, not of adobes, but of clay balls, piled together and left to dry in position. At Moche, near Truxillo, are two large pyramids, built in this style, but now so weathered as to present the appearance of natural hills; and at the foot of one is a cemetery, with walls of similar construction, containing the fine painted ware. In the mass of the pyramid itself have been found graves containing vases in the Tiahuanaco style, and the in- ference is that the pyramid was used as a burial-place after it had become obsolete as a place of worship. This assumption is supported by the fact that burials of the Tiahuanaco type have been discovered in ground full of fragments of the fine ware. The conclusion is almost inevitable that, at Truxillo, the Tiahuanaco style is later than the finer vases. i8o SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHi^OLOGY The style of the oldest ware from the Truxillo dis- trict is, as said above, well shown in Pis. XX, XXI, and XXII ; but though it differs in many respects from that characteristic of Tiahuanaco, a closer study reveals certain peculiar similarities. Take for instance Fig. 15. Here we have represented, apparently, a ceremonial dance ; the figures wear dresses and masks to represent animals, the first a falcon, the second a fox, the third a pelican, and the head of each is crowned with a head-dress in the form of a puma or tiger- cat. Each again carries an object, the exact nature of which cannot be determined, but which is divided above the hand into two projections. The attitude of the personages depicted, the animal dresses, es- pecially those with bird wings and tails, the puma head-dresses, and the bifid object in the hand, all recall the series of minor figures on the great gateway at Tia- huanaco. That the scene represents some ceremony important in the life of the people is obvious from the fact that, in a series of two hundred and fifty of these vases recently acquired by the British Museum from the Chicama valley, it occurs no less than fifteen times. The animal head-dress and the belt terminating in animal heads, such as worn by the central figure in the Tiahuanaco frieze, are found as constant features on vases where human figures are depicted (Fig. 10), while condor-heads are also common as terminals (e.g. to the bands depending from the knives held by the figures in the same illustration). If we turn now to the Nasca and Yea valleys in the south, we find yet another style of pottery, of which two examples of the finest type appear (jn PI. I. Here the decoration, though far less free than that of the Truxillo vases, surpasses the latter in the variety of the colours employed. Vases moulded to represent human figures are as rare at Nasca as they are common at Truxillo, and in this respect PI. I, Fig i, is not typical, though the painted ornament is ; but the PERU— SEQUENCE OF CULTURES i8i crest projecting from the side ol the head-dress is quite in the Truxillo style (e.g. PL XXII, 8), and the designs on many of the vases, both from Yea and Nasca, show a close correspondence with Truxillo art. Again we find figures clad in animal dresses, though the style, being more conventional, is in this respect more closely allied to that of Tiahuanaco ; another feature recalling the Tiahuanaco art is the fringe of faces to the tunic of the figure on the vase, PI. I, Fig. 2 (compare Fig. 17). But the closest parallel by far to the Nasca style is constituted by the Chavin monolith, to which the figure on the vase shown on PI. I, Fig. 2, bears a distinct re- semblance. In both cases we have the same exuberance of detail, as if the artist did not know when to stop, the same multiplication of heads, encircled by the same " ostrich-feather " rays. Sometimes, too, the head of a figure is shown in reversed position, as on the Chavin monolith, while the idea of faces or figures issuing from the mouths of others is often expressed in the designs of the Nasca vases. The figure in PI. I, Fig. 2, holds two serpents, and, as we have seen, the ser- pent probably typified the lightning in Peru. It is conceivable, therefore, that here too we have a repre- sentation of the all-powerful sky-god who seems to have figured at the head of the Peruvian pantheon. Two of the features shared by the respective styles of the Nasca pots and the Chavin stone, viz. the reversed heads and the rays, appear also in the stone carvings of Manabi ; but the art of the latter locality and that of Nasca have another point in common. In both the spider appears as an ornamental motive, conventional- ized in much the same manner. Excavations carried on by Uhle in the Lima valley, show that the Nasca art, or a style derived immediately from it, prevailed here also at an early period, and was associated with a class of building resembling the early mounds at Moche. 1 82 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY Pottery in the Tiahuanaco style is also found under conditions which suggest a later date. It is of particu- lar interest to note that in this neighbourhood the ear- liest graves contained bodies buried extended at full length, that is to say in a position extremely rare in Peru. In the graves in which pottery of the Tia- huanaco style was found, however, the dead were arranged in the usual contracted posture, though at Tiahuanaco itself bodies buried in a horizontal position were found by Courty. The Nasca style is, moreover, found at Pachacamac, though not in relation with the stratified graves at the foot of the ancient temple, but from the evidence yielded by the neighbouring valleys, it may be assumed that the Nasca style is here too the earliest. At Chancay and Ancon, pottery of a style related to that of Nasca also occurs, but in these localities remains of an even earlier date are found. These are the relics of a primi- tive fishing population, who did not possess metal, but used implements of bone, and, though very unskilled in weaving, manufactured basket-work of good quality. Their pottery is not painted, but engraved. These re- mains are found in shell-heaps, similar to those which, as will be seen in a later chapter, fringe the Chilean coast, some being at a considerable distance from the sea. This primitive population came in contact with the makers of the fine painted ware, and in many of the graves pottery of the Nasca type is common, showing that they plundered the graves of the settlers from Nasca, and used their pots, besides, towards the end of their period, copying the Nasca designs. At Chancay the Tiahuanaco style follows next, and it is possible to trace the development of the red-white-black from it ; and again the evolution of the black and white type, so characteristic of this nciu^hbourhood, by the omis- sion of the red pigment. Upon this last style super- venes that of the Inca. PERU— SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 183 The conclusion, therefore, seems to be inevitable that the Tiahuanaco style is later on the coast than certain local styles, exemplified in that of Truxillo and that of Nasca, but that a connection, at any rate psychological, under- lies all three. Turning now to the south-east of the Fig. 21. — a from a vase, Truxillo, Peru. b ,, ,, Tinogasta, Argentina. f ,, ,, Andalgala ,, d ,, ,, Recuay, Peru. t' ,, ,, Santa Maria, Argentina. (d, c, € after Lafone Quevedo.) Tiahuanaco district, we find what appear to be certain traces of the Tiahuanaco style in north-west Argentina. For instance the engraved potsherd found at Tinogasta shown in Fig. 2 1,/', bears a close resemblance to the cen- tral figure of the Tiahuanaco gate; and the monster. Fig. 21,^, trom an engraved vase from the Calchaqui valley, resembles as closely the animal from a painted red-white-black vase found at Recuay (Fig. 21, ^/) ; and 1 84 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY the designs of the red-white-black ware, which is found along the coast from Truxillo to Pachacamac, are them- selves derived from the art of Tiahuanaco. The ques- tion becomes more complicated when practically the same monster is found on many of the older Truxillo pots (Fig. 2 1, <^), treated with the freedom characteristic of the art of that region. The black pottery (PI. XXI, 2-5), common on the coast from Truxillo to Pachacamac, next demands atten- tion. It is found in greatest quantities in the neighbour- hood of Truxillo, and, though it is indisputably more recent than the Tiahuanaco style of pottery,it is superior in technique even to the fine pots characteristic of the early Truxillo period. But though the makers of this black ware were better artisans, they were far inferior as artists. Since the colour of the vases did not admit of painted decoration, the potter was compelled to employ moulded and engraved ornament alone, and the model- ling, though based upon the early Truxillo style (e.g. PI. XXI, 5), is far inferior to it. From the excavatory evidence it is clear that this black pottery was the pre- dominant type in the region of the coast above men- tioned during the period immediately preceding, and subsequent to, the Inca conquest. The problem presented by the researches of Uhle is by no means easy of solution, but it is possible to base upon them a tentative reconstruction of the early history of Peru. Excluding the primitive fishing population mentioned above, the earliest inhabitants seem to have been fairly homogeneous; though three culture-centres may be distinguished, at Truxillo, Nasca and Tiahua- naco, which seem to have sprung from a common root, though they developed, at first in isolation, on different lines. In the north, the art of modelling was found at its best, extending into the region of Manabi, and paint- ing occurred in its freest and most vigorous style. In the south, the art developed in the direction of colour, PERU— SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 185 but lost in effect through over-luxuriant conventional- ization. In the highlands, it maintained a severer style than at Nasca, and found its fullest expression in stone, achieving results unparalleled in America. " In the highlands " is written advisedly, since many authorities hold that the cyclopean structures beyond the immediate region of Tiahuanaco, such as the ramparts of the Sacsa- huaman fortress at Cuzco (PI. XV), portions of the fortifications at Ollantaitambo (PI. XII, i),and the larger polygonal style (PI. VII, 4), are relics of this early cul- ture. These three centres were flourishing when a new phase becomes evident ; the art of Tiahuanaco appears throughout the coast, not indeed in stone, for stone was lacking in this region, but in pottery, and, locally, in textiles. Thegeneral supersession of thecoastal styles by this inland art can hardly be explained except on the hypothesis that thehighlanders overran the mari- time region, and the inhabitants of the latter adopted the style of their conquerors. It is obvious that most of the vases, painted in the Tiahuanaco style, which have been found on the coast, are the work of local artists ; instead of the simple black and white pigments found in the neighbourhood of Tiahuanaco itself, a variety of colours often appear (as can be seen in Fig. 20, where they are indicated by shading), and polychrome designs are typical of the Nasca art and its derivatives. Moreover in many cases the artist, working in an un- familiar style, loses the vigour of the original design, and even in some cases misunderstands it.^ Nor was the Tiahuanaco influence exerted only in the direction of the coast, since traces of it can be seen also in north- ^ Uhle divides the Tiahuanaco style as found on the coast into two periods ; Tiahuanaco style proper, and a later derived type which he terms " Epigonal." It seems almost impossible to make a definite dis- tinction, there must from the first have been considerable variation according to the skill and intelligence of the artist, but still a gradual transition seems to have taken place from the " classical " Tiahuanaco designs to the later style of the coast. 1 86 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY west Argentina. The Tiahuanaco domination seems to have lasted long enough to extinguish the local arts, except at Truxillo, which was perhaps the last region to be reduced ; and, when its influence waned, a new style, still bearing a relation to the imposed art, appeared, the red-white-black, and its later derivatives. But the unitingof the maritime region under a single, if only temporary, control, had produced considerable intercommunication between the various coastal dis- tricts, so that the distribution of the red-white-black type was fairly uniform ; and when a degenerate variety of the older art made its appearance in the black ware of Truxillo, it spread readily down the coast to meet at Pachacamac the advancing wave of Inca culture. The Chavin stone is as yet unexplained, and certainly pro- vides a difficulty. Like as it is to the Tiahuanaco sculp- tures, it bears a closer resemblance to the painted style of Nasca. It is probably the result of the reaction of the Nasca art on that of Tiahuanaco, and it may well be that, just as the Tiahuanaco style is later on the coast than that of Nasca, so the Nasca style is later in the high- lands than that of Tiahuanaco. It is interesting to note that this Nasca-Chavin style seems also to have reached the north-west Argentine, as can be seen from the de- tail from a vase engraving shown in Fig. 21, c. If this interpretation of the archaeological evidence is correct, there seems yet more reason to believe that the account of Montesinos is based on genuine tradition, garbled and perverted it is true, but containing never- theless a substratum of fact. The rulers of his early list, viewed in this light, become the sovereigns of the Tia- huanaco empire. Whether the seat of government re- mained fixed at Tiahuanaco, or whether it was trans- ferred to the more fertile Cuzco valley, it is impossible to say, at any rate Cu/xo and Ollantaitambo must have been two of the most important frontier fortresses of the early empire. It is tjuitc true that a difficulty Is consti- I'l.A-JE XXI PERU I. Carved stone vessel: Cuzco 2-5. Br.ACK pottery : Tkuxii.lo 6-8. Red I'niTKKV : Truxili.o (Scale : i. i I2TH : 2-5. 1/9TH ; 6-8, i/6th) PERU— SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 187 tuted by the fact that pottery of the Tiahuanaco type has not been found in the highlands north of Titicaca, but the archaeology of the highlands is very imperfectly known. No graves of undoubtedly early date have been dis- covered (exceptatTiahuanacoitselfand in Titicaca island) and theclimaticconditions in this region are not favour- able to the preservation of remains for a great lapse of time, as in the coastlands, except at great altitudes such as the Titicaca region itself. It may be that the con- quest of the Cordillera north of Ollantaitambo has been transferred by Montesinos from the latter Inca empire to the period covered by his early list of kings, and that the Tiahuanaco dominion may have been con- fined to the Collao and the coast ; but this leaves the Chavin monolith unexplained. However, in the present imperfect state of our knowledge an entirely satisfac- tory explanation cannot be expected ; it is only possible to put forward a tentative theory which must be modi- fied in accordance with future researches. It is worth while calling attention to a tradition which, according to Garcilasso, existed among the inhabitants of the Chincha valley. They stated that in former times they were a powerful people, making frequent razzias in the Collao. Though Garcilasso discredits the tradition, it may have been based on fact, and may have called forth reprisals on the part of the Tiahuanaco rulers, leading to the conquest of the coast. It is probable, too, that some such intercommunion took place, owing to which designs such as that shown in Fig. 21 filtered through from the coast to the Argentine. An interesting point in connection with the repre- sentations of the creator-god of Tiahuanaco and his worshippers has not hitherto been noticed. On looking at Fig. 17 it will be seen that the engraved bands run- ning down each cheek from the eye contain two en- graved circles, and the same feature is observable in the case of the lesser figures (Fig. 18). In the vases painted i88 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY in similar style from the coast (Fig. 20) these bands con- taining circles are particularly noticeable. The circles strongly suggest tears, and the probability that they were actually intended as such is greatly strengthened by the fact that masks, on which tears were painted, were worn by the Chibcha at the ceremonies held on the occasion of the harvest (see p. 32). As the Tiahuanaco god was evidently a sky-god, it is probable that these tears represent the fertilizing rain, and the fact, that no such symbolism occurs in the art of the coast before the introduction of the Tiahuanaco style, can be explained by the circumstance that rain was extremely rare in that region. The early chronicler explains the tears on the Chibcha mask as an appeal to the pity of the supreme powers, but it is quite possible that he did not fully un- derstand the meaning implied, and that here too they were symbolical of rain, especially as the ceremony was connected with the harvest. A pottery head with what appear to be indications of tears has been found in Ecuador and is figured in Gonzales Suarez' Atlas Arqueo- /o^/Vo, PI. VII,^. On the fine funerary vases characteristic of the Diaguite region in north-west Argentina, tears are also represented (Fig. 28, a^ and it may be that the chil- dren whose bodies these vases contain were sacrificed to the sky-god worshipped there. The same feature is seen on the fine bronze shown in Fig. 30, a. Still more inter- esting does the question become when it is noticed that grooves running from the eyes over the cheeks are a common characteristic of the idols of the ancient in- habitants of Jamaica,^ especially as these grooves were evidently emphasized by inlay, probably of shell. Some of the anthropomorphic vases from the island of Marajo ^ It is a noticeable fact that the double-headed snake, which, there is reason to believe, typified the lightning, frequently appears on these vases ; see the illustration quoted. 2 See Journal of the R. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XXXVII, Pis. XLVIII and XLIX. PERU— SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 189 in the Amazon estuary also seem to show traces of painted tears, after the fashion of the Argentine urns, but this is not so certain. In any case the convention seems extremely widespread, and appears to imply that the fundamental ideas underlying the religions of a great part of South America and the early population of the Antilles were closely akin. This is a convenient place at which todeal shortly with the question of external influence on South American culture. Many archaeologists in the past have found it difficult to believe that the culture of the Andes at its highest could be of indigenous origin, and have sought its source in Egypt, China and other parts of Asia, Poly- nesia and the fabulous Atlantis. At the present time it is recognized that, given an environment where the con- ditions of life are not too arduous, there is no reason why a culture of a high type should not develop inde- pendently of other culture-centres ; and that external influence ought not to be inferred without explicit evi- dence. As we have seen, the evolution of the different varieties of llama, and of the potato-culture, imply centuries of settled life; while the fact that the American languages stand, structurally, apart from those of the rest of the world proves that any immigration which may have taken place from elsewhere can have been but inconsiderable. Traditions of immigration exist, as has been stated, at Manabi and Lambayeque, and Garcilasso writes that the people of Chincha preserved the tradition that their ancestors had come from a far country. Monte- sinos, again, chronicles the arrival of immigrants upon the coast. The Lambayeque legend is the most im- portant, since it preserves the names of the chief and his successors, and the titles (or names) of his chief officers. The legend is related by Balboa, and it is well known that the early Spanish chroniclers were very accu- rate in the transcription of native words, both as regards Peru and Oceania. Mr. S. H. Ray, one of the lead- 190 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY ing authorities on Oceanic languages, fails to identify these terms with any Polynesian or Melanesian dialect, and states that, in his opinion, they bear far greater re- semblance to some American tongue. The inference is that the Lambayeque immigration proceeded from some other point of the American coast ; and if this is the case with the Lambayeque immigration, why not with the others ? Certainly the two following facts in combination tell in favour of an indigenous origin for the Andean culture ; firstly, the purely "American" character of the languages, and secondly the homogeneity which seems to underlie the Andean culture from Colom- bia to Bolivia and the highland provinces of the north- west Argentine. Another point is worthy of attention. Any people arriving on the Pacific coast must have been skilled seamen,and it seems incredible that, after settling, they should have proceeded immediately to forget their craft, especially as their chief source of nourishment must have been the sea. Yet throughout the whole of the coast of South America nothing but the most primi- tive form of raft was found, and it appears that sails were entirely unknown south of Tumbez. It is not possible, or even reasonable, to deny that occasionally a stray canoe manned by Polynesians may have made the American coast; it is known that the eastern Poly- nesians were expert and daring mariners, and there is reason to believe, on the strength of a tradition, that the Maori penetrated even into Antarctic waters. Besides this certain of the food-plants, notably the sweet potato, common in Polynesia, are believed to be indigenous to America. But if occasionally an isolated crew of wan- dering Polynesians made the American coast they could have had practically no influence upon the indigenous population, even if they settled there, which is very unlikely. They would most probably have come un- provided with women, and if they took wives, permanent or temporary, from among the aborigines, their children PERU— SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 191 would have grown up speaking the mothers' language (for the influence of the mother in this matter is para- mount), and practising the local customs. Another im- portant point relative to the Polynesians is the following. From a consideration of the traditions and genealogies collected in various parts of the Pacific it is possible to trace with reasonable certainty the colonization of the islands from west to east and to estimate the date at which each group received its Polynesian population. Now the Eastern Pacific can hardly have been colonized before the middle of the seventh century ; and therefore if the Polynesians had landed on the American coast in sufficient numbers to affect Peruvian culture, some traditions of their arrival would surely have survived. In any case the early culture can hardly have been subjected to their influence. The event of a Chinese crew finding its way across the breadth of the Pacific, and passing by the islands to settle in South America, is almost unthinkable, and in any case could never have occurred with sufficient frequency to have left any im- pression whatever. Egyptmaybedisregarded altogether. The possibility of influence emanating from Central and North America is not so remote; the artof Nascaand the Chavin monolith suggests that of the Maya to a certain extent, and there are points of resemblance between the Tiahuanaco and Truxillo styles on the one hand, and the art of the north-west coast of North America on the other, a resemblance which also appears in some of the coast legends. But these resemblances do not amount to much more than a common " American " character, and in the present state of our knowledge we are not justified in admitting more than the possibility of some early intercommunication. Even if we admit this we are forced to allow that the various schools of Andean art, and the culture and beliefs of the eastern half of South America, have developed locally and on separate lines ; and our admission amounts to no more than this, 192 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY that the art and culture of this region, starting from a common " American " basis, have completed their evo- lution in South America, and have therefore every claim to be considered indigenous. To presume more than this, in the present state of our knowledge, would argue ignorance of the value of scientific evidence. [*#* Since this chapter was written. Dr. A. Hrdlicka has published a preliminary note on his researches at Truxillo and Pachacamac. His extensive collection of human remains (including over 1 1 oo skulls from Trux- illo) still awaits detailed investigation, but he distin- guishes three types which he assigns to three successive periods. First, a round-headed population who made pottery, simple in form and with sombre painted orna- ment, and who possessed little metal and that chiefly gold. Second, another round-headed people, with pro- nounced artificial deformation (of the type shown in Pi. X, Figs. I and 2), who made better and more brightly- ornamented pottery, used copper freely and some gold. Third, a long-headed type, which appears in small num- bersat the time of the greatest prevalence of the deformed type. Until his researches are published fully, it is im- possible to say how they bear upon the theories put for- ward in the above chapter, but at present they seem to support rather than to controvert them.] CHAPTER IX— PERU : ARTS AND CRAFTS OF the various products of Peruvian craftsmanship the pottery is themost important archaeologically, as may be inferred from the last chapter ; it is, moreover, the most important from an artistic point of view. By far the greater proportion of the pottery remains come from the coast ; for in the interior the atmospheric con- ditions are not so well suited to the preservation of ceramics for a long period. Naturally there was great variation in the quality of the ware, both according to locality and period, and according to the purpose for which the vessel was intended, but, in the case of the better specimens, the clay was well-mixed and the firing good. Most of the pottery, red or black, light or heavy, porous or compact,isof the same kind of clay,containing much volcanic detritus. In the better specimens, the fine surface and the thinness of the walls are the result of careful polishing. They are not heavily fired, for the vegetable substances are not entirely carbonized, and the firing must have been performed in the open, probably in a hole in the ground. Throughout the whole of Peru the use of the wheel was entirely unknown, and the re- markable regularity and gracefulness of some of the forms in which the vaseswere moulded(such as Pis. XX, 1-3, and XXI, 6-8) bear witness to the masterly skill with which the primitive potter handled his material. Un- doubtedly the early inhabitants of Truxillo and the neighbourhood take the premier place as workers of clay. Their vases are moulded chiefly in reddish clay, often covered wholly or partially with a white slip and bur- nished. On this white slip, patterns are painted in red. o 193 194 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY The variety of designs is endless ; vases are found in the form of human heads or figures (Pis. XXI, 6-8, and XXII, 8-10) modelled with such skill that an excellent idea can be obtained of the personal appearance of this early people, their dress, ornaments, weapons and musi- cal instruments. Warriors with theirweapons (PI. XXII, 10), musicians with pan-pipes, flutes and drums, indi- viduals in ceremonial masks and dresses, personages of monstrous appearance, furnished with formidable tusks (recalling the San Agustin carvings mentioned on page 39), and probably intended for huaca, women carrying children or burdens, are all portrayed ; even the more sombre side of life is illustrated in the vases represent- ing maimed and diseased persons and cripples. The painted type (PI. XX, 1-3) show regular scenes, repre- senting fishing (Fig. 9), hunting (Fig. 8), combats (Fig. I o) and ceremonial dances (Fig. 1 5). The animal world iswell represented in both typesof pottery; land-animals, such as dogs, deer, jaguar and cavies; birds, principally pelicans, falcons, wild-fowl and owls; dwellers in the sea, such as sea-lions, fish, crabs, lobsters and shell-fish, are all to be found. An especially pleasing vase of this class is shown in PI. XX, 2 ; here a marsh-bird is represented as seated on the vase, while below is painted its nest and young in a rced-bed, and cranes are en- gaged in catching fish close by. But it is in the repre- sentation of the human face that the Truxillo artist excelled, and the character expressed in such masterpieces as PI. XXI,6 and 8, and PI. XXII, 8 and 9, can hardly be surpassed in the plastic art of any country or period. Many pots show conventional designs, continuous spirals, step-patterns, frets and meanders, all drawn with remarkable freedom and certainty. Many of these are evolved from, or combined with, animal designs, as can be seen in PI. XX, i. A common feature of the potteryof thisneighbourhood is a spout forming a loop- handle, which fulfilled a utilitarian purpose.. In the hot PLATE XXII Hritish Mus i'i:iu' I, 3,4. Silver Vases: kko.m the cdast near Tri'xii.i.o 2. Silver Mace-head : erom the coast near Truxillo 5, 6, 7. Vases: from the hiciilands 8, 9, 10. Vases: from the coast near Truxillo (Scale: 1-4. 1/5111; 5-7, 1/7TH ; 8-10, i/6rH) PERU— ARTS AND CRAFTS 195 and dry atmosphere of the coast a long and narrow neck was necessary to prevent evaporation of the contents, while the loop allowed the vessel to be slung on a baldric so that the owner could carry a supply of drink with him. That these vessels were so used is proved by Fig. 22. — a pottery vase, /> pottery trumpet ; from Truxillo (scale jy). [Britisli Museum.] the discovery of vases representing men with vases sus- pended in this manner. A type of vase almost peculiar to this locality and period consists of a circular body with projecting handle, somewhat resembling a saucepan (Fig. 22,^). The qualification is necessary, since a single example of this type has been found on the coast of Ecua- dor, but it must almost certainly have been of Truxillo manufacture. Pottery trumpets in the shape of bugles 196 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY are also characteristic of this region (Fig. ii^b). At Trux- illo are found the finest specimens of the black ware (PL XXI, 2-5), which in later times became common far down the coast. This ware is covered with a plumbago slip, which takes a fine burnish. It seems that the plum- bago ware was known in early times also, since some of the figure-vases in this style closely resemble those in the red ware, and are almost as well modelled (compare PI. XXI, 5, and XXII, 10). Most of them, however, are undoubtedly later, and though they are technically superior to the earlier type, in so far as the ware is of extreme and uniform thinness, the soul has gone out of the designs and they have become mechanical. They ex- hibit, however, an almost equal variety of form, with the exception of course that they are not found with painted decoration. The red ware also persisted in later times, but exhibits an equal degeneration. At all periods vases with double bodies (PI. XXI, 3) were found, though this type was not so common in the early age. The bodies are connected, and one is furnished with a spout, the other with a whistle, so that the motion of the liquid within produced a sound, which was no doubt supposed to represent the cry of the animal in the form of which the spoutless portion of the vase was moulded. The coast vases were often made in sections, the body being composed of an upper and lower part accurately fitted together, and subsequently furnished with spout and handles. At any rate in later times moulds were com- monly employed, a fact which might be gathered from the frequent occurrence of identical designs, even if numbers of the moulds themselves had not been discovered. The joints were completely concealed by the slip, and it is only from broken pots that the composite nature of the vases can be determined. Next to the Truxillo ware, the most striking specimens of Peruvian ceramic art are found at Nasca. These are distinguished by an extraordinary variety of colour, as may be seen PERU— ARTS AND CRAFTS 197 from PI. I. In this region moulded vases, such as PI. I, I, which represents a man holding a sling, are comparatively rare, and the painted type predominates, the variety with twin spouts such as PI. I, 2, being especially characteristic. The later pottery of the province of Yea derived from this early type, is dis- tinguished by a more subdued colouring, and is usually covered with all-over designs derived from the figures of birds and fish expressed in the angular method pecu- liar to basket-work and textiles (such as PI. XX, 4). En- graved pottery, some of it dating from the earliest times, is far commoner in southern Peru than on the northern coast. In the inland parts the pottery is characterized by great restraint both in colour and form, especially in the earliest times. The Tiahuanaco vases are as a rule of red ware, painted in red and white, but a black engraved variety has also been found. When the Tiahuanaco style reached the coast it deteriorated, losing to a great extent its vigorous simplicity, though gaining in colour. For instance the design shown in Fig. 20 is painted on an orange-red ground in white, black, crimson, grey and buff. The beaker type of vase, as shown on PI. XX, 7-9, is especially characteristic of Tiahuanaco, and the specimens found in the highlands are distinguished by considerable elegance of form and good proportions ; but jars with single and double handles have also been found. The beaker type also occurs on the coast, though all its elegance has vanished, and here the better examplesof the Tiahuanaco art consist in designs painted on vases moulded in the style of the coast. It is difficult to write with freedom on the subject of Cuzco pottery for two reasons. Firstly, the remains in the highlands are few, and much of the material, perhaps even the greater part, has been collected on the coast and in other provinces whither it was carried by mitimaes ; and secondly, the Inca deported many of the 198 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY coast-artisans to Cuzco, in order that the capital might reap the benefit of their skill in pottery-making and metallurgy. In this way arose no little confusion in styles, but at any rate certain types can be indicated as characteristic of the dominant people. The principal of these is the type shown on PL XXII, 5-7, examples of which are found in every quarter where Inca influence penetrated, from Quito in Ecuador to Copiapo in Chile. In many of the provinces the pattern was copied by the local potters, who further sometimes ap- plied their own style of decoration (as in the north-west Argentine ; see Fig. 29, c) ; but in none of these cases were the products of provincial artists equal to those of the capital. This type of vase seems to have been made in great numbers and all sizes, from a few inches to over 2 feet 6 inches in height. The ware is red, sometimes covered with a white slip, and the patterns are in red and black. The tones are very subdued, as in all the highland pottery. A small knob may be noticed at the base of the neck; for carrying the larger specimens of this kind of vase, a cord was passed through each handle, and over the knob, which prevented it from slipping off, and the vase was hoisted on the back of the carrier, the cords passing over his shoulders. Another type of pot (also found in Ecuador, the Argen- tine and on the coast), which is typical of Cuzco, is a round cup, often with a cover, supported on a stem with expanding foot, and furnished with a single loop- handle arranged in a horizontal plane (Fig. 6, c). This type is usually undecorated. Dishes again are regarded as typical of Inca influence, and are sometimes painted on the interior with elaborate designs in the usual sub- dued colours. But the most pleasing examples of Inca pottery, always excepting the graceful type shown on PI. XXI 1, 5-7, are certain fragments found on the island of Titicaca, on which are painted naturalistic representa- tions of butterflies and other insects. The above short PERU— ARTS AND CRAFTS 199 summary, taken in connection with the preceding chap- ter, will perhaps be sufficient to give a general idea of the pottery of Peru, though the subject is by no means mm exhausted. Many complex questions are connected with it, and it cannot be treated fully except in a special work containing a vast number of illustrations. The question of the textile art is no simpler. Weaving was an art in which the Peruvians excelled, and the woollen and cotton cloths which they manufactured were often of very fine quality. Originally the former mat e"r.i al was charac- teristic of Fig. 23. — Fragment of textile ; Truxillo (scale i). [British Museum. J the highlands, the latter of the coast, but the establish- ment cf the Inca empire brought about an interchange of produce, so that the distribution of both became more or less general. The coast however furnishes by far the greater number of textile remains, even of those in the style of the highlands, owing to the dryness of the cli- 200 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHi^OLOGY mate. The earliest textiles known are those in the Tiahu- anaco style, which is as easily recognizable in tapestry as in pottery. In the earliest times the loom does not seem to have been known ; the warp was arranged on a frame and the weft put in by hand by means of wooden needles, each wound with thread of a different colour. The main outlines of the de- sign ran parallel with the warp and weft, and the design was built up in patches of colour and was not surrounded with an outline in black as in the pottery. This method of tapestry - weaving was followed later on the coast, es- pecially in the northern parts, but with a techni- cal difference. Where the dividing line be- tween two colours runs parallel with the warp, it is evident that a slit must result (e.g. behind the tails of the birds in Fig. 23). In the later tex- tiles these slits were al- Fk;. 24.— Detail of Fig. 23. lowed to occur,and they performed a definite function in adding emphasis to the design. The technique of this particular fragment is shown enlarged in Fig. 24 (in which, however for the sake of clearness, the number of weft-threads has been reduced by one-half), so that PERU— ARTS AND CRAFTS 201 the structural nature of these slits may be seen; the por- tion shown being the tail of one of the birds. But in the tapestry woven in the Tiahuanaco style, no slits occur, the weft-threads of two contiguous patches of colour being interlaced as shown in Fig. 24, inset. This method of avoiding a slit seems to have been character- istic of the highlands, since it is found in Inca cloth of im HKuy-nuzz: Fig. 25. — a-e pottery needle-whorls (scale |). f-g tapestry needles. h-n textile designs. [British Museum.] a later date ; but it appears to have been forgotten on the coast in subsequent times, since in cases where a long slit occurred, it was closed by sewing, or by overlapping of the colours, and not by interlacing the weft. Long slits, however, were avoided as far as possible by making the main outlines of the pattern run diagonally, and not vertically as in the Tiahuanaco style. The coastal tapestry is always in bright colours, the earliest in yellow, brown, blue and red; in the later manufactures a more extensive variety of tints is found (as may be seen from 202 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY Fig. 23, where the colours are represented by shading), of even greater brilliancy. The needles (Fig. 25,/and^) with which tapestry was woven were weighted with small pottery whorls, ornamented with engraved and painted patterns ; some of these are among the most decorative of the smaller objects found in the coast graves, notably the specimen with a bird design shown in Fig. 25,^. Less often they are moulded to represent a human figure or an animal such as a frog, as illustrated in the same figure. But the great bulk of the textile manufactures was pro- duced by true weaving on a loom. The loom employed was a very primitive appliance; the warp consisted of a long continuous thread,passing backwards and forwards between two horizontal rods, which thus corresponded to the warp-beam and cloth-beam of the European hand- loom ; each alternate warp-thread passed through one of a series of cotton loops arranged along a third rod; so that, when this rod was raised, every second warp-thread was lifted sufficiently to allow the passage of the shuttle carrying the weft. The warp-threads connected with the loops passed under a thick rod inserted in the warp, and the rest of the warp-threads passed above it; so that as soon as the rod which bore the loops was lowered, the warp-threads connected with it fell below the level of the rest, and, in the technical language of weaving, the " shed " (or aperture between the two series of warp- threads) was divided in the opposite direction, and the shuttle was passed back again. From certain differences in the technique of cloths of the periods characterized respectively by the Tiahuanaco designs and their deri- vatives on the one hand, and by the diagonally arranged patterns on the other, there seems reason to believe that a change in the form of loom took place; the former being manufactured on a horizontal, the latter on a vertical loom. Various methods of decoration were employed ; patterns were woven in the material, or introduced by means of embroidery after manufac- PERU— ARTS AND CRAFTS 203 ture ; designs were painted on the cloth (PI. XXllI, 4), or the latter was dipped in dye, certain portions being " reserved " from the action of the pigment by- being tied tightly so that the dye could not pene- trate. Fine specimens of painted and dyed work exist dating from the Tiahuanaco period, and garments have been discovered made up of a patchwork of variously dyed pieces, forming symmetrical patterns in recipro- cal colours. Since the warp consisted of one continuous thread wound round the primitive cloth- and warp- beams, the ends appeared as a series of loops. To join two patches together a thread was passed through the end-loops of adjoining pieces, uniting them so closely that they appear to have been woven in a single piece. In the later periods, stripes were often introduced into the fabric by the insertion of warp-threads of different colours, and this method of ornamentation is especially frequent in Inca textiles. Another late development was the employment of a double warp and woof, in two colours, by means of which a double-faced cloth was woven, the pattern appearing in reciprocal colours on each side of the fabric (PL XXIII, 3). A peculiar variety of three-ply weaving, which seems practically to be con- fined to America, was also practised. In many cases pat- terns were applied to plain cloth by simple embroidery, for which, according to Garcilasso, thorns were used as needles. As regards designs, considerable variation occurred throughout the long period during which weaving and tapestry were practised. The finer Tiahuanaco patterns are conceived on a bold scale, and the details appear as patches of colour unemphasized by outline except in the case of the painted figures. Later, an outline became a regular feature (PI. XXIII, i), and a greater variety of colours was introduced. At the same time the figures became curtailed, a tendency towards symmetrical ar- rangement showed itself; with the result that all-over 204 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY patterns of a geometrical nature were gradually evolved. The modification ot naturalistic designs into simple geometrical ornament may be seen from the few examples shown in Fig. 25, and is a frequent feature in the history ol decorative art, especially in periods of decadence. The heads of birds are interlocked and repeated (Fig. 25, k^ ;;z, and ri) until the eye loses the significance of the detail in the geometrical pattern to which its symmetri- cal repetition gives rise ; and the figures of fish (Fig. 25, /; and /) and heads of beasts (Fig. 25, i) suffer simi- lar degradation. The process was no doubt hastened by the application to cloth of patterns taken from basket-work. In basket-work the designs, even though they may be taken from the natural world, are obliged, for technical reasons, to assume a geometrical form. The kinship of later Peruvian textile ornament with basket-work is especially seen in southern Peru, — such designs as PI. XXIII, 2, being particularly charac- teristic of Yea. Indeed these basket-work patterns in- vaded even the pottery, the painted decoration of which became modified according to the conventions of tex- tile art. Delicate gauzes(Pl. XXI II, 5) were also manufactured during the later period on the coast, consisting of a fine net background on which were embroidered designs characteristic of the period ; and reticules of ornamental network, often in colours, are found in the graves. The textiles of the Inca, like their pottery, were distin- guished by the sobriety of their colours, black and brown predominating, though subdued yellows, reds and blues are also found. Stripes and small all-over patterns are the most common, and the garments are remarkable for the excellence of their technique rather than for the brilliance of their hues. Embroidery and the manu- facture of double-faced cloth were also practised by the i nlanders, and it is possible that the latter may have been introduced on the coast from the highlands. Cloth was PLATE XXIJI n-.ki 2. Tapes iRV, coa.^t siyi.e 3. Cl.nril, INCA .STYLE 4. rAINlED CI.OIH, COAST STYLE 5. Gauze, coast style (Scale: 1-4. i/8th : 5, 1/4TH) \ PERU— ARTS AND CRAFTS 205 also ornamented with brilliantly coloured feathers form- ing patterns, and many beautiful examples of this work, some with designs in the Tiahuanaco style, have been preserved. A specimen of this kind of work is seen in the head-dress figured on PL IX, 3, The preparation from cotton and wool of the thread for weaving was one of the principal occupations of women. Garcilasso tells how " even in going from the villages to the city, or in passing from one house to another on necessary business, they took with them the means both of spinning and twisting. On the road they went along twisting what they had already spun, as being more easy ; and on their visits they took with them the distaff and span while they conversed. Those who went along the roads twisting or spinning belonged to the lower classes. The Pallas [princesses] of the royal blood, when they paid visits, caused their servants to carry their distaffs ; but both visitors and those who were visited were thus occupied while they talked, so as not to be idle. . . . If any woman who was not a Palla, even though she might be the wife of a Cura9a or a lord of vassals, went to pay a visit to a Palla of the blood royal, she did not bring any work of her own with her. But after the first few words of the visit, or rather adoration, for such it was, she begged to be given some work, saying that she had not come on a visit, but to serve as an inferior to a superior. The Palla, as a great favour, complied with this request, and gave some of the work that either she or one of her daughters was doing; for she did not degrade her to the level of the servant-girls by giving her some of their work. This favour was all that the visitor could wish for, seeing that the Palla thus made her in some sort on an equality with herself and her daughter." ^ In wood-carving, as might be expected, the Peruvians ^ From the translation by Sir Clements Markham, published by the Hakluyt Society. 2o6 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY showed much skill, but remains of this perishable nature are few, and consist mainly of small objects, such as caskets, ear-ornaments, and the like. The most inter- esting examples of this art are certain wood-carvings found buried deep in the guano on some of the islands off the coast. A few of these are shown in PI. VIII, 4-6, and their style bears aclose relation to the older artof the maritime region. Figs. 4 and 6 resemble sceptres, and present a personage seated on a throne(in one case under a canopy), holding, apparently, a vase and a club, and surrounded by a number of animals. The figures bear a remote resemblance to the stone figures discovered at Tiahuanaco, who also hold cups, and the birds and beasts may be condors and pumas, the inevitable attend- ants of the creator-god. The central figure is carved at the top of a post, and represents a seated man with a cord round his neck. JVIany similar figures are shown with the hands bound behind them, a feature which has given rise to the supposition that the islands may have been used as penal settlements in early times. That the carvings are of great age is proved by the depth of the guano deposits under which they were found and to which they owe their preservation. Inlaying was widely practised, wood with shell, bone with turquoise, stone with stone of another colour, and shell with shell and turquoise. Some of the inlaid beads of necklaces show a very pleasing contrast of colours. The white shell frogs in Fig. 1 1, /», have eyes of red shell, while the central bead is of mother-of-pearl inlaid with turquoise. The small llama figure (Fig. 11, a) is cut from a hard stone, of a faint mauve colour, the eyes are red, and the muzzle and feet were originally encircled by gold bands. Wooden carvings were also inlaid with a kind of coloured mastic, but examples of this art seem to be peculiar to the highlands,andtobclongtothelateIncacmpire. Incrusta- tion of shell-mosaic, set in a matrix of gum, frequently occurs on wooden ear-plugs, such as Fig. 11, g; in this PERU— ARTS AND CRAFTS 207 specimen the double bird in the centre is of mother-of- pearl, with turquoise eyes, while the surrounding mosaic ground is of scarlet and dark crimson shell. The occur- rence of turquoise, proved by the analysis of certain of the inlaid fragments, is in- teresting, since the nearest deposits of this material which are known to exist are those of Santa Fe in New Mexico. This fact does not necessarily prove connection, since it is pos- sible that turquoise de- posits may yet be dis- covered in South America. Inlaid work has a wide range in America, extend- ing from Arizona through Mexico and the Antilles to the north-west Argentine. As regards carving in stone, the skill of the Peru- vians in handling large masses of sandstone, ande- site and diorite has been remarked in a previous chapter. Of smaller objects the figures of llamas (Figs. II, rt, and 27, b) show con- siderable skill ; while the stone cup from Tiahuanaco (Fig. 26) and the mortar carved in the Cuzco style (PI. XXI, i), and ornamented with snakes in relief, are veritable masterpieces. The style of building in poly- gonal blocks, which at least survived into the Inca period, necessitated enormous labour in so far as each stone had to be shaped separately to fit its neighbours. For the Fig. 26. — Stone cup (fragment) from Tiahuanaco (scale j). [IJritish Museum.] 2o8 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY purpose of stone-dressing, copper, or at best an acci- dental bronze, was the only metal available, and it is probable that stone tools were employed, since stone can be worked with stone more easily than with such metal as was at the disposal of the Peruvians. In any case it is difficult to realize the difficulties which must have been mastered in the preparation of such triumphs of the mason's art as are seen at Tiahuanaco. Of metals, gold and silver were used for ornament and for the manufacture of the utensils used by the Inca and the nobility, and formed an important part of the offer- ings presented to the Sun. Gold was collected chiefly from the alluvial deposits of certain rivers, but silver could only be obtained by regular mining. The labour was hard, and each miner worked for only a few months in the year, his services being regarded as his tribute to the state. Miners were exempt from the necessity of cultivation, and their fields were tilled for them. We are also told that they were required to be married, in order that they might have someone to prepare their food. Ore was smelted in small pottery furnaces, in the base of which were holes to admit the copper tubes serving as bellows. Through these tubes, the inner end of which was furnished with a small perforation, the metallurgist blew to fan the flames. Some of the silver ore required a greater heat than could be obtained by this primitive method, and other means were called into requisition. Pottery furnaces, called huaira^ tubular in shape, about a yard wide at the base, but expanding in diameter towards the top, were set up on the loftier slopes of the hills, where they caught the evening breeze, which blows with great force and regularity. Holes were pierced to admit the draught, and in front of each hole was a small shelf, on which a fire was lit in order to warm the air before it entered the furnace. The ore and fuel were placed inside, and the molten metal ran out into a clay receptacle at the base. These huaira were PERU— ARTS AND CRAFTS 209 used at the mines of Potosi well on into Spanish times, and Acosta writes : "There were in old time upon the sides and tops of Potozi, above five thousand Guaynis, which are small furnaces where they melt their metall, the which were placed like lights (a pleasant sight to behold by night) casting a light afarre off like a flame of fire. But at this day there are not above two thousand, for that (as I have said) they use little melting, but re- fine it by quicksilver, the which is the greatest profit." Quicksilver was familiar to the Inca, but its properties were unknown, and lead was sometimes used as a flux. Though the methods of smelting were primitive, there is no doubt of the skill of the smiths ; the ordinary tools were an anvil of a particularly hard variety of stone, and copper cubes with rounded corners, of different sizes, which served as hammers. Gold and silver were cast, soldered, hammered and inlaid, and the finer ex- amples of the goldsmith's art excited the wondering admiration of the conquerors. The Inca even possessed gardens in which the trees and plants were imitated all "in gold and silver, with their leaves, flowers and fruit ; some just beginning to sproutjOthers half-grown, others having reached maturity. They made fields ot maize with their leaves, heads, canes, roots and flowers, all ex- actly imitated. The beard of the maize-head was of gold, and all the rest of silver, the parts being soldered together. They did the same with other plants, making the flower, or any part that became yellow, of gold, and the rest of silver." As remarked above, the vessels and furniture of a ruler were never used by his successors, and the quantity of treasure found by the Spanish was enormous. Some idea of it can be gathered from the fact that Atahualpa within a few days was able to collect bul- lion to the value of three-and-a-half millions sterling as his ransom, and this consisted of worked gold. Unfor- tunately nearly all the treasure discovered in the high- lands found its way to the melting-pot, and the hopes of p 210 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY archaeology now centre on the traditions of the treasures which were hidden by the Indians when the conquerors threw off the mask. Most of the surviving remains in the precious metals have come from the deserted ceme- teries on the coast ; but even these are the less intrinsic- ally valuable, consisting of thin silver cups, often in the form of human heads (PI. XXII, i, 3 and 4), which, though of low artistic standard, display great technical skill, in so far as they appear to have been beaten out of a single sheet. The puma-head figured on the same plate is cast solid and appears to have formed the head of a sceptre. In beating gold the Peruvians excelled, and Wiener mentions certain golden butterflies which he saw in the possession of a Spaniard, the wings of which were only one-tenth of a millimeter thick. Even these delicate objects, the intrinsic value of which was very small, were melted down and sold as bullion ! Gold was worked by the old inhabitants of Tiahuanaco, and a beautiful embossed plate is figured by Baessler in Ancient Peruvian Arty PI. 145. But the implements of everyday use were made of copper, and in this copper is usually found a percentage of tin. The percentage is always low and variable; thus Mortillet^ gives the percentage of tin in copper imple- ments, including two T-shaped cramps from Tiahuanaco used in stone-building, as varying between 5*83% and 7*70%. Near Potosi the variation is greater, from 2*io% to 10*72% ; while in the north-west Argentine it is greatest of all, from 1*57% to 16*53/^. It seems almost certain that the presence of tin is accidental, since it is found in greatest quantities in those implements which require it least. Of copper were made the character- istically shaped knives of Inca times, such as Fig 27, r, as well as spade-blades, spiked club-heads (in the form of Fig. 5, /»), of which a variety especially characteristic ^ Congrcis Prehistorique df I'rancc, 1905, Lc lirotixc dntis P Jmhi^ue ). The shapes of the vases are graceful and sym- metrical ; the bodies are usually globular with a small flat base, and are furnished with a short neck terminating in a rim, and, in many cases, a pair of handles. The Peruvian pattern shown in PI. XXII, 5-7, is frequently found, and many of the specimens were, no doubt, im- ported, but the type was frequently copied on the spot and adorned with designs which are quite local in char- acter (Fig. 29, c). Other Peruvian types are vases with Fig. 29. — A and b Diat^uite black engraved ))ottery (scale i). c Vase of Peruvian type but local manufacture ; Calchaqui valley (after Boinan : scale i). globular bodies on an expanding foot (like Fig. 6,t), and jugs with a single handle. In general the ornament is much the same as that of the funerary urns, with the ex- ception that the vases for ordinary use were not given the same anthropomorphic character. Birds, frogs and snakes, in all stages of conventionalization, are common, as well as geometrical designs, which in some cases re- call the Yea style. The engraved pots bear designs even more closely akin to those of the Peruvian coast, gro- tesque monsters with multiple heads (Fig. 21, c) which bear a striking likeness to the oldest Nasca vases, and 230 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHi^OLOGY dragon-like creatures (Fig. 21,^) which must certainly belong to the same species as those of the red-white-black ware of Recuay and elsewhere (Fig. 2 i,dand^). Certain of the painted vases from the Tinogasta area, which bear figures of conventional pumas drawn in bold flowing lines (Fig. 28, ^), also recall the Nasca pottery. It was once thought that the black ware, which is commoner in the neighbourhood of Tinogasta, might belong to a period different from that of the painted pottery, but the recent discovery of both types in a single grave would seem to prove that they were contemporary.^ Pottery figurines made of both classes of pottery are common. Few implements of wood and bone have been found, possibly owing to the fact that the climate is unfavour- able to the preservation of these materials. Bone arrow- heads, however, are found in some numbers, as well as arrow-heads of silicious rock. The bow seems to have been the chief weapon of the Diaguite tribes, some of whom, we know, were good fighters, and offered con- siderable opposition to the Spaniards. We are told that the warriors were accompanied by their women, who, torch in hand, drove back those who would seek safety in flight, and, when the battle was lost, hurled themselves from a rock rather than fall into the hands of the con- querors. Axes both of stone and copper were also em- ployed, the former perhaps rather in agriculture than in war. Characteristic of this region is a type of celt which is furnished with a transverse groove at the butt which does not quite encircle the implement. This type, though common in North America, is rare in the Southern Conti- nent except in Ecuador (Fig. 4, e). A single stone mask ^ I have just received from Prof. Lafone-Quevedo the following note on tlie quality of the j)Ottcry of the Tinogasta district : — "In the London district [i.e. around Tinogasta | especially, in the polychrome and black j)ottery ornamented with dragons and hydras, we liave very beauti- ful specimens of the potter's art ; perfect material, carefully prepared and burnt almost to a glaze — some of the fragments might be modern stone- ware, so very liard are they." J 'I. ATE XXV N.W. ARGEXTINA I, z. Stone Mortars: Catamarca 3. Copper Disc : C^atamarca 4. Copper Axeki.ai>e : Catamarca (Scale: I, 2, 1,8111 : 3, 4, I '6 111) THE SOUTHERN PROVINCES 231 has been discovered, and the occasional occurrence of more or less spherical stones, artificially ground, points to the fact that the sling was known here as well as in Atacama. Copper objects are common, and this metal was prob- ably smelted out locally, as in Peru. Many of the ob- jects are quite Peruvian in type, knives (similar to Fig. 27, c)y light tanged axes, small chisels, lopos (cloak-pins, as Fig. II, e)y tweezers (as Fig. 11, /'), and so forth ; but a certain number seem to be more or less peculiar to the district. These are certain types of axes, plaques, bells, and the so-called " knuckle-dusters." Besides the heavy axe-blades with one or more pairs of projections at the butt,a numberof ornamental blades have been found which were probably used as insignia or for ceremonial purposes. The simplest of these have a curved projec- tion issuing from the top edge of the blade (Fig. 30, <^), the more elaborate have the butt modelled and engraved to form a monstrous head crowned with rays (PI. XXV, 4) ; the most ornate represent in solid metal a blade of the latter form hafted in a flat handle. The plaques are of two types, large and solid, with rude faces and figures of snakes in relief (PI. XXV, 3), or smaller, covered with far more elaborate designs partly cast and partly worked. The finest specimen which has yet been dis- covered represents a human or divine figure standing be- tween jaguars or pumas (Fig. 30, a). The bells (Fig. 30, d)y which are quite unlike anything else in South America, are oval or rectangular in section, and wider at the mouth than at the top, round the rim usually runs a band of ornament in relief, and the top is flat and pierced with two holes for suspension. Wooden bells of similar shape have been found in Atacama, together with copper pendants and other objects which are obviously of Dia- guite origin. The so-called " knuckle-dusters " (Fig. 30, c) are also unique and consist of a semicircular band, large enough to admit the hand, with a more or less orna- 232 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHi^OLOGY mental spur or knife-blade projecting from one end. The portion of the band which would pass over the knuckles is usually broader than the rest, and is sometimes orna- mented with small figures in relief. The whole weapon recalls the ring-handled daggers which are characteristic of the western Sudan. Gold objects are rare, and con- l'"i(j. 30. — C()])pcr ohjccts, Diagiiile area. a'Ci)])pcr i)la(iuc ; Catainarca (J). b coiiiier axe ; Helen (,!.). ( copper "knuckle-duster" ; La I'aya (i). d copper bell ; Jujuy (i). \b-d after Ambrosetti.] sist mainly of ornaments, such as diadems, which were probably worn by chiefs. The metal was probably im- ported from Peru, for though gold-workings are found near Santa Catalina, there is no proof that they be- long to pre-Spanish times. Amongst other objects may be mentioned calabash bowls ornamented with de- signs in " poker-work," similar to those which have been found in the Atacama region and in Peru ; and a wooden THE SOUTHERN PROVINCES 233 beakerwith inlaid designs in mastic,lik:especimensfound in northern Bolivia. As mentioned before, the region of the Quebrada del Toro, which runs from Salinas Grandes to the Lerma valley south of Salta, and the Lerma valley itself, are in- teresting as affording remains which show a mixture of cultures. In the Quebrada del Toro, at different sites, are found pirca ruins, on the one hand of isolated build- ings like those of the Diaguite, on the other, of huge agglomerations of dwellings like some of those of the Atacama. Other points in common with the archaeology of the Atacama are, the number of wooden implements, knives and liama-harness-toggles, very rude pottery, and(locally)perpendicular burials. Features bearing wit- ness to Diaguite influence are: the presence of plumbago ware, large urns of the Santa Maria type, but undecor- ated, vases with painted ornament, and (locally) hori- zontal burials. The Lerma valley is interesting for two reasons, the presence of a remarkable series of tumuli, and a cemetery containing adults buried in large un- decorated urns. The tumuli are low mounds of reddish earth, nine or ten feet in diameter, each surrounded with a single or double row of stones ; they are disposed with perfect symmetry in long parallel lines, and number more than fifteen hundred. A group of them is surrounded with a rectangular rampart of earth, about three feet high and six feet wide, inside which runs a ditch. Excavations showed that the earth, of which these tumuli are com- posed, differs from the black soil on which they are raised, but revealed no remains of any sort, though a neigh- bouring " camp," also surrounded by a rampart, yielded many fragments of black engraved ware. The purpose of these tumuli is at presenta mystery. Adult urn-burial, which is not characteristic of Andean culture, is also found in the Lerma valley, in San Pedro east of Jujuy, and at one or two other places in the east of the region 234 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY with which we are now concerned. As stated before, it has been conjectured that this custom is due to Guarani in- fluence emanating from Brazil, and to the same source may be attributed the few pipes, of wood and stone, which are also found here. Of the eastern neighbours of the Atacama and Dia- guite peoples little can be said ; in the north, around the Quebrada de Humahuaca, north of Jujuy,lived the war- rior Omaguaca, who built pirca dwellings and fortifica- tions, made rude pottery with the heads of men and birds in relief, and lined their graves with stone. South of them were wild tribes called Lule, Toba and Toconote, hunters in the main, but practising a little agriculture. Further south in the Sierra de Cordoba lived the Come- chingon, linguistically different from the Diaguite, but with a culture more nearly approaching theirs. They in- habited small villages, one for each clan, composed of communal houses and surrounded with a cactus hedge ; they were agriculturists practising irrigation, and wove longtunicsofllama-wool,whichtheydecorated with shell buttons. Other ornaments were bracelets and frontlets of copper. Their area has not yet been archa:olo^ically explored. Petroglyphs and pictographsare by no means uncom- mon in this part of South America ; those of Chile and that portion of north-west Argentine which lies west of the Diaguite area (PL XXVI, 9) are similar to those of Peru, and figures of llamas form a frequent feature of the designs. In the Diaguite region the patterns consist in the main of irregular interlaced curves and geo- metrical ornament ; they are found usually at the side of roads where the valley narrows. Some of them in the Humahuaca valley show horses, a fact which proves them to be of a date subsequent to the arrival of the Spaniards. That the culture of this district is intimately related to that of Peru is obvious from its archaeology. The rf.ATE .\.\I7 K A.- Roc (Fr. K \VI ARGENTINA TH I'lCTOGKAPHS : ANTOKAGASTA DE LA SlERRA •■ii:kt's " Chill'," by f>criii!ssio:i of Messrs. Barry cr Sons) SOUTHERN PERU and CHILE i. bon'k awi. : huasco 2. Bone Spoon : Huasco 3. Bone Fishhook : Huasco 4. Wooden Arrowueai;: Arica 5. Stone Sinker : Arica 6. Copper Harpoon : Arica 7. Wooden Spoon : Arica S. Stone-headed fish-spear with copper karb : Arica THE SOUTHERN PROVINCES 235 evidence for the antiquity of that relation has already been discussed. It need only be mentioned that, besides the coast road through A tacama to Copiapo, traces of other Inca roads exist in the region of the Calchaqui valley, the Quebrada del Toro and the Lerma valley. It is prob- able that the Inca hold was strongest in Tucuman, since that province offered practically no resistance to the Span- ish conquerors. CHAPTER XI— THE SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS FROM the area last described we pass southwards to a region where all traces of Inca influence are lost, and a lower culture of different type prevails. This region is constituted by the southern section of Chile, the southern portionsof theArgentineprovincesof Mcn- doza, San Luis, Cordoba and Santa Fc, Buenos Aires and the rest of the Argentine Republic to the south. I n the west the physical formation of the land is of the same characterasinPeru. TheCordilleraoftheAndesstretches southward in an unbroken line until it falls gradually beneath the waters of the Antarctic, but the western Cor- dillera fails to preserve its continuity to the same extent. The latter begins to break down in Valdivia, where a suc- cession of lakes has been formed, and, after recovering itself, finally falls away in a series of islands off" the coast. In the north, the high ground of the Andes stretches into the Argentine provinces of Mendoza and Neuquen,but falls rapidly eastward into a vast open plain, known as the Pampas, covered with herbaceous vegetation sloping gently to the Atlantic, and extending as far south as the Rio Negro. This plain is broken only by isolated series of hills in Buenos Aires. South of the Rio Negro is the Patagonian plateau, consisting of a succession of low chains, undulating plains, deep depressions and table- lands. The scenery here is extremely desolate, at the worst, wide expanses of sand or gravel, at best, extended plains of scrub, ringed round with barren mountainous country. Even in the western district, where a succession of large lakes is found, the country maintains the same 236 SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS 237 character. West of the Andes the rainfall is consider- able, but in the Pampas and throughout Patagonia the climate is both dry and invigorating. The llama is not found in this part of America, but the huanaco is common, and the rhea, or American ostrich, is characteristic of the country east of the Andes. In earlier times a more varied fauna roamed the country ; remains of gigantic sloths have been discovered as far south as southern Patagonia, the toxodon, a large hoofed animal, wandered over the Pampas, where too existed huge armadillos and the sabre-toothed cat. Even a primi- tive form of the horse was present, though it had long been extinct when the first white men entered the conti- nent. It is necessary to mention these animals, which, at any rate in other parts of the world, are characteristic of the quaternary or pleistocene era, because the remains of man have been found associated with them. The jaw of a sabre-toothed cat has been discovered with a flint arrow-head fixed in it, the bones of great sloths and other animals, broken and scratched by the primitive hunter, have been found, and carapaces of the giant armadillo have been unearthed in surroundings which suggest that the men of this remote epoch used them as shelters. One of the most interesting of such finds is the discovery, in a cave at Ultima Esperanza (Last Hope) in Patagonia, of the remains of one or more huge sloths {mylodon) to- gether with abundant traces of the primitive hunters who • killed and ate them. Here the animal remains, some of which may be seen at the Natural History Museum, ap- pear so fresh that we are almost forced to conclude that these, and perhaps other, extinct monsters lingered on in South America until a period considerably later than quaternary times. However that may be, the discovery of actual human remains in strata belonging to the pleistocene era, proves the existence of quaternary man in this part of the New World. Most of these finds have been made in the pro- 238 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY vince of Buenos Aires, and the fact that man's presence in South America at this early age is now universally recognized is due inthemaintothelaboursof Ameghino. It was several years before the antiquity of his discover- ies was generally accepted, no doubt partly because his dating of the geological formations, in which the remains were found, could not be endorsed by geologists at large. Most of them he attributed to the pliocene, or even the miocene, era, but it is now generally believed that they belong, with one possible exception, to the middle qua- ternary period. Even that exception is generally held to be no earlier than the first quaternary epoch. In Europe the quaternary age is associated with a special type of rudely chipped stone implement, the suc- ceeding era, with stone implements showing finer flak- ing (including arrow-heads, not found in quaternary times), and tools of polished stone. It is interesting to observe that both these types, known respectively as palaeolithic and neolithic, are found in Patagonia. At present the palaeolithic remains are few, and confined principally to the coast region between the rivers Chubut and Chico,but one of the sites is of importance since here alone both types have been found in superimposed strata. In Arroyo Observacion, a little to the north of Cape Blanco, implements of palaeolithic type were discovered in a quaternary stratum, while in the ground at some distance above were imbedded others of neolithic charac- ter. The palaeolithic implements of South America con- sist mainly of knives and scrapers (Fig. 32) of a type corresponding, not to the earliest class of such objects which are found in Europe, but rather to those charac- teristic of Saint Acheul and Le Moustier; nor are they entirely li mited to Patagonia, since they have been found also in the province of Buenos Aires. As to the physical characteristics of the race which manufactured and used them, a suflicient number of skulls has been discovered to establish the presence of SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS 239 two types in South America even at this early date. One of these is distinguished by a long and narrow form of head, with retreating forehead, the other by a broader skull of higher type ; both were short in stature. The same elements, the broad-headed and long-headed, can be distinguished among the popula- tion, of which we are now dealing with the area, though by the time of the conquest they had become so mixed as to render exact classification of the various peoples extremely difficult. Along the southern Chilean coast and archipelagos are found the remains of the same two primitive populations as in the coastal districts of the region last described, the earlier long-heads and later broad-heads ; and right down in the south, in Tierra del Fuego, there still exists a very primitive race of hunters and fishers, of whom the northern section, the Alacaluf, are probably the descendants of the early long- heads whose remains can be traced so far to the north. But the later ethnology of the coast has been further modified by occasional intrusions from the Araucanian- speaking peoples further inland. The classification of the inlanders is a very difficult task ; though speaking a common language, they ex- hibit considerable physical and cultural variety. The strong probability that sedentary, agricultural habits prevailed to some extent in Chile before the coming of the Inca, has already been shown ; and it is also likely that the sedentary tribes were the originators of the Araucanian language, which, at the arrival of the Spaniards, prevailed from Atacama to Chiloe. Upon this population descended certain nomadic hordes from the Pampas, displacing and fusing with the aborigines. Where the adopted element was small, the invaders re- tained in the main their nomadic habits, though they gradually borrowed certain features of their neigh- bours' culture ; where it was large, they seem to have conformed to the more sedentary mode of life which 240 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY they found among the aborigines. The Picunche people, mentioned in the last chapter, seem to consist in the main of this early Araucanian element, with a slight admixture of invading blood ; their neighbours to the south however, the Moluche, between the Maule and the Token rivers, were nomads, and this section of the country was probably the point at which the invading tribes entered Chile, driving the former occupants to the south, where they became part of the Huilliche nation between the river Token and the north of the island of Chiloe. Here small agricultural communities were found by the explorers, scattered among the no- madic tribes, and these probably represented the re- mains of the old Araucanian stock. To the east of the tribes already mentioned, along the western brow of the Andes from Aconcagua to Valdivia, were the Puenche, in culture similar to the nomads of the Pam- pas, but speaking Araucanian. Beyond the Andes were the Pampas tribes proper. To the last-named, who extended as far east as Buenos Aires, the collective term Puelche is often given. These Puelche, whose original home seems to be north of the Rio Negro, also contributed an element to the population of Chilean territory, which they frequently raided between Villa Rica and Corcovado. Some of their tribes in this neigh- bourhood seem even to have adopted the Araucanian tongue. The names mentioned are not racial, but national. Thus the term Huilliche merely means " Men of the south," and includes the very primitive fishing popula- tion of the coast (the relics of the ancient shell-fish eaters mixed with more modern elements), the inhabi- tants of the small agricultural oases, and the nomads of the highlands, who appear to have been a branch of the Puelche. So too the name Puelche means '* Men of the cast," and was applied generally to the nomads of the Pampas. To some extent however there is SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS 241 justification for grouping the Pampas tribes together, in so far as one form of culture prevailed throughout. The physical characters of the people as investigated by Latcham seem to support the above classification of tribes. The more sedentary tribes of Chile have broad heads, but the Moluche type is less broad. The Puenche again is long-headed, and this fact agrees with the theory that the Moluche people had their origin in a Puenche invasion. In the Pampas itself, in historical times, only broad-headed people have been found, but on the Rio Negro long skulls have been discovered, the possessors of which were probably the ancestors of the Puenche. The Huilliche remains are very mixed, as well as those of the coast to the south as far as Fuegia. The fact that the invaders have abandoned their own language in favour of the Araucanian speech offers no difficulty ; a body of raiders do not usually carry with them many of their own women, but on the other hand, if the invasion is successful, many female captives fall into their hands. In the matter of language it is the female element which counts, since the children naturally grow up speaking the tongue of their mothers. We know that in historical times the frequent wars between the Moluche, Huilliche, Puenche and others were almost invariably caused by their custom of seek- ing wives outside the tribe. For this reason it is prob- able that large numbers of the women of the original Araucanians were captured by the more warlike in- truders, and thus their language spread, surviving the race which had given it birth. South of the Rio Negro, in the Patagonian plateau, the ethnology is far more simple. Here, at the time of the discovery, wandered small groups of nomad hunters, a tall round-headed race, known as Tehuelche. This people may be related to the Pampas tribes, though in many respects they stood on a lower plane of culture. In fact one of their tribes which must have 242 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY crossed in early times to Fuegia, the Ona, were found living under conditions nearly as primitive as the Ala- caluf. Some intermingling seems to have taken place between these Ona and the aborigines of Fuegia, since the former differ from the Tehuelche proper in being longer-headed. Thus we find present among the population of this area at the time of the discovery the two elements, long- and broad-headed, which have been discovered in the prehistoric graves. The former of these is prob- ably represented by the Fuegians, the vanished (earliest) population of the Chilean coast, and the more advanced Puenche, while the Tehuelche and the Puelche tribes may be the descendants of the early broad-heads, who amidst the healthy surroundings of the Patagonian plains and Pampas developed in stature far beyond their first ancestors. The comparatively short Arau- canian may be an offshoot of the broad-headed Andean race with which we have hitherto been dealing. The arrival of the white man, as usual, was the cause of considerable ethnic disturbance. In the province of Buenos Aires the Querandies, a people apparently allied to the tribes of the Pampas, rapidly became ex- tinct ; various Puelche drifted across and occupied the region formerly occupied by them, and were followed later by Araucanians. The nomadic population was eventually driven across the Rio Negro, where it occu- pied a portion of Tehuelche territory, driving the Tehu- elche further south. In the west a magnificent struggle for independence was made by the Araucanian-speaking nomads, who, we have seen, were for the most part of Pampean origin. For over a century a guerilla war was maintained, which proved very disastrous to the Spani- ards, and which forms the theme of Ercilla's great epic. Even in the end they remained unconquered by force of arms, and their independence within the Moluche dis- trict was recognized by treaty. Since that time they have SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS 243 gradually become merged in the rest of the Chilean popu- lation. Thus the distinction of resisting with success the arms of the white man belongs alone to one of the less cultured peoples of America, and though they were Araucanian in speech, yet, it must be remembered, the spirit which animated them was the spirit of their Pampean ancestors. The social system of the peoples of this region affords a remarkable contrast to that of the, almost, over-regu- lated country over which the Inca ruled. Though in the main patriarchal, as is usual among nomadic peoples, its leading features were individual freedom and equality. The Araucanians, at any rate in historical times, were led by four independent chiefs, whose authority was based upon the fact that they were the leaders in war. Each of these was supported by five Ulmen, or district chiefs, who acted as council and who regulated the affairs of the tribe, though their decisions had to be ratified by popular assent. In the case of injury to an individual the right of private revenge was recognized, and this fact limited the powers of the chiefs. It is highly probable that in former days a looser form of organization pre- vailed, and that in later times, owing to the protracted struggle with the Spaniards, the power of the leaders became consolidated by use. But it never in any way approached absolutism, custom was the real ruler, and what authority the Ulmen possessed was vested in them as the repositories of customary law. Chiefs were called Tokiy and, as the word itself implies, carried a stone axe of particular shape. Stone objects (Fig. 3 i, rt) of a re- markable type discovered within a comparatively small area, consisting of the Andean region of south Men- doza, Neuquen and the neighbouring part of Chile, have been thought to be the ceremonial axes of chiefs. This may be so, but it seems unlikely that they are to be con- nected with the Araucanian-speaking population found by the Spaniards; the form is so peculiar that some notice 244 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHvEOLOGY would probably have been taken of it by the early chroni- clers. The inference is that they became obsolete in pre- Spanish times, but so few have been found, and in so small an area, that it seems at present unprofitable to dis- cuss their origin. Among the tribes of the Pampas and the Tehuelche, a similar social structure prevailed, and, though here too the heads of family groups exercised little power, they possessed nevertheless more authority than among the Araucanians. This was especially the case among the Tehuelche, of whose leading characteristics that of filial affection is particularly noticed by early travellers. The families of this people were grouped in clans, and some have suspected the presence of totemism from the exist- ence of a legend that one clan once made war upon another because the latter had eaten a rhea. However, the cause of offence may have been simply an infringe- ment of hunting-rights, or trespass. The rank of clan- chief was hereditary, one of the sons of the deceased chief being chosen to fill his father's post. Among the Arau- canians marriage by capture, real or simulated, was the rule, among the Tehuelche and Pampas tribes, marriage by purchase. Among the second at least no man was allowed to marry until he had given proof of his prowess in war and the chase. The Araucanians sought their wives outside the tribe, but among the Tehuelche this practice was rather the exception than the rule except in the case of the chief. Comparatively little is known of the religion of this area, but the information which exists appears to point to a worship of the powers of nature. The Araucanians adored a god named Pillan, who had his dwelling in the Andes and manifested himself in the fire and smoke of volcanoes, in lightning and thunder ; to him they made supplication in times of war and rejoicing, performing ceremonies of an elaborate nature. They also believed in a variety of subordinate spirits good and evil. The SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS 245 Tehuelche seem to have reverenced a supreme god whom they invoked on hill-tops, but they also practised a cult of certain animal-shaped deities, who were supposed to inhabit caverns near particular lakes and mountains. These lesser deities were believed to have created and instructed men, and were probably clan-gods. Both Araucaniansand Tehuelcheemployed the servicesof pro- fessional shamanistic priests, whose duties were princi- pally medical. Their method of treatment was more vigorous than scientific, and consisted in continual sing- ing of charms and sounding of rattles, varied by suction applied to the seat of pain. The Tehuelche do not seem to have regarded them with very great awe, and a shaman who was believed to have caused the death of a tribesman was immediately killed. Priests in Patagonia might be of either sex, but were generally women. Throughout the whole region, simple burial seems to have been the universal method of disposing of the dead, but, especially in Patagonia, a considerable variety of graves has been observed. The most common is a sim- ple excavation in which the body is laid in a contracted position, and a cairn of stones piled on the top ; such cairns are both circular, and elliptical with a stone set on end at either extremity, and sometimes show signs of having been coloured red. Around lakes Colhue and Musters these cairns are common ; the stones have been heaped over the body, and hardly any excavation has been made in the ground for the reception of the latter. Here the corpse was usually arranged in a contracted position, lying on its side facing the east. In this locality no manufactured objects have been found associated with the burials, except one stone pipe, which was dis- covered in a grave surrounded by four others, placed one at each corner. Bones of the Patagonian hare have been found in the cairns, and may be the remains of funeral feasts. All these graves occur in spots affording a good view of one of the lakes, and some have interpreted this 246 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY fact as an indication that these sheets of water were re- garded as sacred. No remains of the horse have been found in these graves. In the Gallegos basin natural caverns have been utilized as burial-places, while advan- tage has been taken of natural crevices in the soil in the neighbourhoods respectively of Cape Blanco and Lake Colhue. On the coast the body is simply laid in the sand. The most elaborate form occurs on the upper Deseado, where the remains of several individuals are found with- in a circle of stones. Except in the case of the graves around lakes Colhue and Musters the implements of the dead were always laid with him among the nomadic tribes, and, in later times of course, his horse was sacri- ficed above his grave ; in Patagonia traces of what may be child-sacrifice have been found. The Tehuelche be- lieved that the souls of the dead were born again. The primitive tribes which fringed the coast buried their dead extended at full length, the men apart from the women : provisions and the various possessions of the deceased were placed in the grave. As before indicated, the population of this region derived its sustenance principally from hunting. The primitive coastal tribes collected shell-fish, caught fish and other marine animals by the aid of rude canoes, and shot sea-birds with bows and arrows. The Araucanians, the tribes of the Pampas and the Patagonians, pursued the huanaco and rhea, but though bows, and arrows with stone heads, were common to all, the Puelche tribes were distinguished by the use of the bolas. This weapon con- sisted of a stone fastened to one end of a cord of twisted hide, to the other end of which was attached a smaller stone ; the latter was held in the hand, while the first was whirled around the head, and the whole launched at the quarry so as to entangle it and prevent escape. The bola-stones, of which numlicrs have been found, are wcll-mndc and beautifully symmetrical ; the larger, or bola proper, may be one of several types, spherical or SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS 247 ovoid with an encircling groove round which was fast- ened the cord (Fig. 31, c), or furnished with rounded bosses separated by grooves which give the implement a somewhat cubical outline (Fig. 31, ^). The smaller stones for holding in the hand are also of more than one pattern — both bi-conical and spherical examples have been found — but their method of attachment was different, since they were enclosed in a small hide Fig. 31. — a stone "axe"; Chilian, Chile. b and c bola-stones ; lower Chubut R. d stone axe, Chulmt. (a, i, after Lehmann-Nitsche ', b,i ; c, \; d, I; after Outes ) bag to which the cord was fastened. They are also fre- quently furnished with a small depression in which the knot of the cord fitted. The appliance was one which, owing to its utility, was bound to be borrowed by the peoples who came in contact with the Puelche, and isolated finds of bola-stones have been made as far north as Jujuy, as far south as the Chubut, and also in Chile ; but it is known that the Chileans were not using it at the time of the Spanish conquest, and there is no mention of it among the Tehuelche before 1776; in both cases therefore its presence must 248 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHi^OLOGY be due to late Puelche influence. As regards the types of arrow-heads an elaborate study has been made of these and other stone implements by Outes, with the result that he has established the existence of a close similarity throughout the Tehuelche and Puelche areas ; the remains of the Chubut valley, the lower Negro basin and the southern portion of Mendoza and the neigh- bouring provinces being especially closely akin. A dif- ference exists between the arrow-heads of this area and those of Chile ; by far the larger proportion of the for- mer are furnished with a tang by which to secure them to the shaft (Fig. 32, «), whereas the latter have no tang(Fig. 32, i^ and c). The triangular form is the most common, and, at least in Patagonia, arrow-heads of bone were also in common use. As remarked above there is reason to believe that the original Araucanians practised a rude form of agriculture, whereas the tribes of the Pampas were purely hunters ; the use of maize however was known to the Araucanian-speaking nomads, and meal and chicha were prepared from it. Agriculture was also practised in isolated parts of the island of Chiloe, where sharpened stakes were used for digging. The Queran- dies of Buenos Aires province indulged in a little cul- tivation, and also the Tehuelche, though to a very slight extent. The Patagonians usually ground their grain on a flat stone, with the aid of a rude pestle, but regular mortars have been found in Chile, on the Rio Negro, in Buenos Aires and on the Chubut. Whether the perforated stones which are so character- istic of Chile were used as the weights for digging- sticks is uncertain, since many of them seem too light for the purpose. A few of these objects have been dis- covered in Patagonia, and in the Andean region of Santa Cruz, but they were almost certainly brought from Chile. It is quite possible that they were club-heads, similar to the more elaborate specimens from Peru and Ecuador. SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS 249 Besides hunting, the pursuit which was the mainstay ot their existence, the nomad Puenche also played the part of traders in salt and textiles. Their wanderings took them far afield, and, at any rate in later times, bodies of them penetrated to the Atlantic shore and the Straits of Magellan. In their trading operations they played, of course, the part of middlemen, obtaining their wares from their more settled Araucanian neigh- bours ; it seems likely that this commerce is of com- paratively late origin. Fire was produced by all the tribes north of Fuegia by the friction of two pieces of wood, one of which was used as a drill upon the other. In the treeless parts of Tierra del Fuego sparks were struck from two lumps of pyrites. The Araucanian nomads were a very warlike people, as the Spaniards found to their cost, and it is safe to infer that, before they were forced to combine against a common foe, inter-tribal combats were very frequent. War was decided by the council of Ulmen, and the chief summoned the warriors by sending round an arrow dipped in blood, or, according to some, a blood- stained axe and arrow. The Tehuelche were a less quarrelsome and revengeful people, and though their habit of abandoning the aged and useless members when the tribe changed its residence seems cruel, yet in cir- cumstances such as theirs the presence of the unfit was a public danger, and their reputation for hospitality would seem to prove that such a custom was imposed upon them by necessity. Yet wars between the clans were not infrequent,if we may judge from the numerous traces of battlefields which are found in their country. The arms of the chase were used in war, the bow and the bolas, and also spears ; though among the Tehuelche the last-named appear to have been borne by chiefs rather as insignia than as weapons. This people carried their ar- rows arranged in a sort of crest in their head-bands, and also used defensive armour in the shape of hide cuir- 250 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY asses, but the latter practice is not earlier than the eigh- teenth century. The Querandies of Buenos Aires, at any rate in their wars with the Spaniards, employed ar- rows armed with burning grass. Textile garments were manufactured in Araucanian territory, and also by the Querandies, but the true nomads clad themselves in skins, though the Patagonians wove narrow head-bands. In the north their clothing was of a limited description, but the Tehuelche, especially the women, were more fully clad in apron and cloak. Bone necklets and shell beads were worn as ornaments ; the Tehuelche used ostrich feathers for personal embellishment,and, locally, nose-pins and lip-ornaments. Silver pins and ear-orna- ments, so common in later times, appear to have been introduced among the Tehuelche by the Puelche. A stone ring, found in a Tehuelche grave, appears to have been a breast -ornament. Foot-gear of sewn hide was worn in Patagonia, and paint was applied to the body as ornament both here and in Chile. A distinc- tion is seen in the character of the habitations con- structed respectively by the more sedentary and by the nomadic peoples. Where agriculture was practised in Chile, small huts were built ; elsewhere hide tents were erected. Those of the Tehuelche were large, of huanaco- skins stretched on a wooden framework ; they were di- vided into compartments by means of screens, and one such dwelling sheltered a number of families. Caves also were inhabited in the region of the Gallegos valley and the upper Deseado. As might be expected in an area inhabited for the most part by nomadic tribes, there are few manufactures to chronicle. Theweavingof the Araucanianshasalready been mentioned ; very rude pottery was made in Chile and also in Patagonia, but not in Fucgia or, apparently, by the Puelche, though fragments of coarse vases with impressed geometrical ornament (such as Fig. 34) have been found in the territory of the extinct Querandies. SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS 251 By far the largest and most important class of remains isconstituted by the stone implements, concerning which a few words must now be said. The implements of palaeolithic type have already been mentioned ; these consist of knives of various shapes, oval, lanceolate and asymmetrical (Fig. 32, /'), furnished with an edge all round, which in some cases shows traces of secondary Fig. 32. — (z, d-l, Patagonia ; b and c, Taltal (Chilean coast, about 25° S.); w, modern glass scraper, mounted ; Punta Arenas, Patagonia. (Scale, a-l, ^\ ; w, i ; d, e, g, h, after Outcs ; rest British Museum.) flaking. Nearly all are surface finds except at Observa- cion, near cape Blanco, where they occur at some depth. Finds of similar implements have been made at Tandil, Lobos and Bahia Blanca in the province of Buenos Aires. The implements of neolithic type are all found on the surface, and were in use at the time of the dis- covery. As regards material the primitive stone-worker seems to have shown a preference for silicious rocks ; obsidian implements are found but are not common. 252 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHiEOLOGY "Factories" have been discovered in the Sierras Colora- das, a range of hills near and parallel to the coast between the Rio Seco and the Rio Deseado, and it would seem, from a study of the remains here, that the implements were rough-hewn on the spot and taken away to be finished at leisure. The ruder, and probably earlier, specimens were shaped by direct percussion, the finer by indirect percussion or pressure with some primitivetool, just as the Fuegians at the present time fashion delicate arrow-heads of glass by pressure with a bone. Thanks to the labours of Outes, more can be said of the imple- ments of Patagonia than of any other part of this area, but even in Patagonia thereare large tracts of which very little is known, such as the region between the valley of the Rio Negro and that of the Chubut, and again south of the Santa Cruz. Up to the present, the richest sites have been discovered in the valleys of these two rivers and in the neighbourhood of lakes Colhue and Musters. A certain amount of research has also been carried on in the provinces of Buenos Aires and Mendoza. The finds in general consist of objects of a type familiar to students of prehistoric archaeology. Small "scrapers" (Fig. 32, ^ and g), worked along the edges, were probably used in the preparation of hides; they were no doubt fixed in a haft in the same manner as in historical times (Fig. 32, m). "Perforators" of various patterns (Fig. 32, ^^and h) are not very common, though they have been found in Patagonia and in southern Mendoza and were probably employed for making holes in hides through which to pass thongs — aprimitiveform of sewing. Knives (Fig. 32, k), varying in quality from simple flakes with retouched edges to shapely blades worked all over, arc found in considerable quantities from the Santa Cruz to Mendoza ; arrow-heads have already been mentioned above, as well as thebola-stones, characteristic of the Puelche region, and the perforated stones which are in the main confined to Chile. Axes SOUTHERN ANDES AND PLAINS 253 seem to be characteristic of Chile and Patagonia, though in the latter region they are rare. The Chilean type is oval in section, narrowing towards the butt, sometimes regularly, sometimes somewhat abruptly. The most interesting of the Patagonian forms is an implement with a curious abrupt constriction at the centre (Fig. 31, ^). Like all Patagonian axes,^ the majority come from the lower Chubut valley, the rest from the lower Negro. Some of them are ornamented with shallow engraving, and they were probably hafted by bending a pliant branch round the ** waist" of the implement and securing the ends with a lashing. In spite of the fact that this type is confined to a comparatively small regionof Patagonia, its peculiarity has led some students to suppose that it must be referred to some intrusive influence;if this be so, that influence would probably be Puelche. In any case none of the specimens show signs of wear and were probably carried as insignia or reserved for ceremonial use. The remarkable bird-headed axes from south Men- doza and the neighbouring region of Chile have been described above. Other objects which may be mentioned are stone pipes of Puelche pattern from the lower Chu- but; spindle-whorls from the Rio Negro, Chubut and Santa Cruz, and peculiar engraved stone tablets which arefoundover a more extended area from the Rio Negro to the Santa Cruz, and from the great lakes to the sea. An engraved pebble has been found at San Bias nearViedma in the province of Buenos Aires. In the same province, it may be noted, close toCorrientes implements of a very rude class have been found. These are plain oval pebbles from one end of which a few flakes have been removed so as to give them a rough edge. From their appearance they might date from the very earliest times, but they ^ An aberrant type of axe has been found near lake Nahuel-Huape on a tributary of the upper Negro ; this has two projections at the butt similar to the axes found in the Andean region from the Calchaqui area to Ecuador (e.g. Fig. 4, k). 254 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY have been found only in the most recent stratum on the surface and cannot therefore be of any antiquity. We may summarize shortly as follows. Flaked implements of palaeolithic type have been discovered in Patagonia and Buenos Aires ; while those of neolithic type are common to the whole area. The remains of the region between the Santa Cruz and the southern plains of Men- doza, including the southern corner of Buenos Aires, show remarkable similarity. Implements of polished stone seem to be of late introduction into Patagonia and in many cases show Puelche influence ; a close connec- tion seems to exist between the lower Negro and lower Chubut in this respect, and from this fact Outes sup- poses that the latter region was occupied, at least tem- porarily, by a group of nomads who made a razzia from the north and became isolated there. CHAPTER XII— EAST AND CENTRAL SOUTH AMERICA IT may appear absurd to attempt to deal comprehen- sively with this vast area, comprising Brazil, Uru- guay, Paraguay and the provinces of Argentina confined between the rivers Uruguay and Parana, an area equal in extent to one-half the South American continent, but there are several reasons why such a course is advisable. Though very little is known of the archaeology of the region in proportion to its enormous size, yet the re- searches made seem to point to a culture which is fairly homogeneous, belonging to a low evolutionary stage, and of no great antiquity. This homogeneity extends also to the geography of the area in question. That area consists of the highlands of the south and east of Brazil, which extend also into Paraguay and Uruguay, and the low plains which surround them, and which formed in very early times the bed of the great inland sea separating these highlands from the Andes (including at a later date the Patagonian plateau) and the highlands of Guiana. Nowhere were the physical conditions favour- able to the development of an advanced culture ; the low-lying country to the north and north-west, drained by the Amazon and its tributaries, is covered with a vast forest so luxuriant as to exclude both light and air ; while that to the south-east is liable to periodical floods, when the rise of the Parana and Uruguay transform the country for miles into the semblance of a vast lake. The northern forest extends down the eastern coast, and even the higher ground of the coastal provinces of Brazil, at any rate in former times, was thickly wooded, 255 256 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY with the exception of Ceara, which is subject to long- continued periods of drought. In the central uplands grassy country exists, but the soil is not very fertile. Except for the llama and its congeners, found only in the Andes, South America possessed no animal the care of which could give rise to a pastoral population, and the llama is not found in Brazil. In Uruguay, where the high country gradually loses itself in the plain, roll- ing grass-country is found, and here the early explorers discovered a nomad population of hunters, similar in mode of life and in character to the inhabitants of the Pampas. The classification of the primitive tribes which peopled this region is not, and can hardly be, complete ; many of them disappeared soon after their discovery ; and very little is known of the rest. In any case no at- tempt to group them according to physical characters has yet been successful, and ethnologists have been com- pelled to fall back upon language as a determining fac- tor. According to this criterion, four main groups of tribes can be distinguished : the Carib, whose original home appears to have been the upper Xingu, and who have spread thence over Guiana and the lesser Antilles ; the Arawak, who appear to have originated in the north, and to have occupied gradually the Orinoco and Amazon basins ; theTupi-Guarani, who, starting probably from some point in the west or southern centre of this area, seem to have gradually worked down to the estuary of La Plata, and thence up the coast to the Amazon and even beyond ; and finally the Ges, who were the ab- origines of the plateau district. The various and ex- tended migrations of these peoples have rendered the distribution of their various tribes extremely complex, and it is difl^cult to point out an area of any size which is inhabited by one of them alone. In the main, the Carib and Arawak occupy the Amazon and Orinoco plains, the Tupi-Guarani and Ges the rest of the region. EAST^-CENTRAL SOUTH AMERICA 257 It is to some extent doubtful how far the remains which are scattered over this huge area should be in- cluded in the purview of archaeology proper. In so far as they represent a form of culture which has for the most part disappeared before the advance of white settlers, they stand on the same footing as those of the Andean region ; but the process of extinction has not proceeded so far, and there exist still many tribes living under conditions very similar to those of early times. Even in the localities from which the aborigines have vanished there are indications that their old habits were not aban- doned so hurriedly, and there is little or no evidence to show that their remains are of any degree of antiquity, except in one case. The exception occurs in the province of Minas Geraes, where, at Lagoa Santa, a number of human remains were discovered which were associated with the bones of extinct mammalia usually regarded as typical of the pleistocene period. The human skulls which were there found have been shown to stand in relation both to those of the more primitive tribes of the Ges family, and to those found buried in some of the shell- mounds of the coast. The question of these shell- mounds, usually known as sambaqui^ has afforded some difficulty,and the question of their origin, and that of the remains found in them, cannot yet be regarded as abso- lutely settled. Investigations, except in a few cases, have not been carried out with sufficient exactness, and details as to the exact position of the various finds are for the most part wanting. These shell-mounds are found scattered along the coast from the mouth of the Amazon to the most southern province of Brazil, as well as on the banks of the lower Amazon and Tocan- tins. It has now been proved that by no means all of them are due to human agency, such as the well-known kitchen-middens of the Danish coast. The larger mounds, amounting in some cases to over one hundred thousand cubic yards in volume, show many strata 258 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY each composed of a different variety of shell, and it can- not be supposed that the inhabitants of the shore con- fined themselves to a diet of one species of mollusc for many years together; it has also been shown that some of them occupy ground which was still under water in times prior to the advent of the white man. But other less enormous mounds undoubtedly occur, the com- position of which proves their artificial origin. These consist of shells mixed withearth, bones offish and mam- mals, charcoal, and stone implements, as well as remains of human skeletons. The human remains are buried simply and not enclosed in pots, a practice to which frequent allusion will be made later, and no traces of cannibalism have been found. The question as to how far pottery can be associated with the primitive tribes of the shell-mounds is not easy to settle. As regards the mounds of the southern provinces, competent ob- servers have stated that pottery has never been dis- covered in their undisturbed interior; for the northern provinces exact information is lacking, and a further difficulty has been added by the fact that the mounds had been much disturbed, by those in search of shells from which to manufacture lime, before attention was called to their archa^^ological importance. The mere dis- covery of pottery fragments on the surface of a mound is not sufficient to prove that the tribes responsible for the presence of the latter were acquainted with the art of working in clay, for the pottery may be due to later- comers. In fact it is probable that an invading people of higher culture would select convenient eminences in the low country on which to establish temporary settle- ments, or in which to bury their dead. The discovery at Laguna in Santa Catharina, on the sea-level, of re- mains of all periods, including a fragment of telegraph insulator, is sufficient to prove this. Fragments have been found in the surface earth of shell-mounds on the Amazon and Tocantins, and these may be placed in a EAST ©'CENTRAL SOUTH AMERICA 259 similar category. They are few and of coarse manufac- ture and in any case could only be associated with the latest generations of mound-builders who might have learnt the art from more advanced neighbours. But if the Fig. 33. — Brazil: a stone " palette " ; Santa Catharina. b stone lip-stud ; Pernambuco. d steatite carving ; lower Amazon. c stone arrow-head ; San Paulo. c pottery " tanga," island of Marajo. f stone axe, Minas Geraes. (Scale, about f ; a-c after Netto. ) mound-builders were ignorant of the fictile art they were admirable workers in stone. In the mounds of Santa Catharina have been found numbers of small diorite mortars probably for grinding pigment, in the shape of fish or birds (Fig. 33, rt), extremely well finished, and unlike any other objects discovered in the area under 26o SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY discussion. In San Paulo, finds have been made of peculiar bi-conical objects (Fig. 33, c)y probably arrow- heads, of syenite and serpentine, which show equal skill in manufacture. Besides these more striking objects, stone axes are common, and in the neighbourhood of many of the mounds are grooved rocks where they were polished. From such indications, then, as maybe gathered from the method of burial, the nature of the human remains, the absence of pottery and the excel- lence of the stone implements, the conclusion is not unwarranted that the people, to whose presence these remains bear silent testimony, belonged to the Ges family, whose best-known representatives of the present day, the Botocudo, are good workers in stone, are ig- norant of pottery, and do not practise urn-burial. The shell-mounds must be distinguished from the many settlements of which traces are found along the shore, and inland on the banks of the rivers where exploration has been most active, and also from the artificial mounds of earth unmixed with shells in which native burials and remains have so often been discovered. It is difficult to summarize results of investigations made throughout the rest of this huge area and assign the various shades of culture to their proper authors, without becoming tedious. Arguments based upon the quality and ornament of potsherds, or the pattern of stone implements, are apt to make extremely dull read- ing except to the enthusiast. Still, some picture must be drawn of the culture of the eastern portion of the continent if only to point the contrast between the con- ditions prevailing there and, on the other hand, in the Andes. By far the largest proportion of remains consists of pottery, and it will be well to start with that of ruder type and more simple decoration, which occurs in the south, and proceed northwartls to where, at the mouth EAST G? CENTRAL SOUTH AMERICA 261 of the Amazon, the art had risen to a considerably higher plane. In Entre Rios and Corrientes, especially along the banks of the Parana, in the open country between Buenos Aires and Rosario, and in the more thickly wooded dis- trict from Rosario northward, many traces of aboriginal settlements have been discovered in the shape of pot- tery, stone arrow-heads and mortars, implements of Fig. 34. — a head of pottery figurine ; island of Marajo. b ,, ,, i> ; Santarem. c fragment of pottery vase ; Parana delta. Below, impressed designs on pottery characteristic of Buenos Aires, Entre Rios and Corrientes. (Scale, a-c about \. a and b after Netto ; c after Torres.) bone and antler,and human remains. The pottery shows considerable homogeneity, and from two localities as far apart as Campana, a little to the south-east of Zarate, and Goya, fragments which may be taken as typical of the district have been found. These are portions of small vases, of rather thick ware, mixed with sand and well baked, with the heads, chiefly of birds, in bold re- lief (Fig. 34>^). The modelling, if somewhat coarse, is vigorous, and the details are emphasized by impressed *' string-patterns." Traces of a red slip are found on 262 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY some of these. Fragments of other vases, with similar incised designs, mainly rectilinear, of dots, meanders, key-patterns, zigzags and series of diagonal lines (see Fig. 34), are also common. No great age can be attribu- ted to these, since the mound at Campana, in which objects of this description are found, rests upon alluvial soil of quite recent date, belonging to the same formation as the islands of the delta. Further north, on both banks of the Parana, in Mis- siones and Paraguay, pots with similar impressed orna- ment have been found ; and, though the bird and animal forms peculiar to the last district do not occur, a finer class of pottery appears, with impressed designs of a like nature or patterns in red and black on a white slip. That there is no difference in age between the two styles is evident from the fact that representatives of both have been found enclosed in a large funerary urn. Similar painted and engraved pottery has been discovered in the islands of the Parana delta. We shall see that the ware of south-eastern Brazil also resembles thatof Missiones, and it must be mentioned that the vases from ceme- teries on the right bank of the Paraguay, right up in the Brazilian province of Matto Grosso, and even from two burial-places discovered by Boman in the Argentine provinces of Jujuy and Salta, display a similarity to the funerary pots of the upper Parana. Engraved ware was also manufactured by the semi-nomadic Charrua, now extinct, of the southern coast of Uruguay. With regard to the forms in which the early potters of these districts made their vases, one feature is con- stant, a rounded base. The commonest types are globu- lar or pyriform, the upper portion of the wall often inclining inwards more or less abruptly to form a shoulder, which is sometimes surmounted by an everted lip. As a rule the burial-urns are ornamented with rude impressed patterns. in the southern provinces of Brazil, pots with de- EAST er Ruinen-stdtte von Tiahuanaco (Berlin i 892), while the most recent re- searches are sketched by the Comte de Crequi-Montfort in the Report of the Americanist Congress mentioned above. The ruins on the island of Titicaca have been treated in detail by R. E. Bandelier, The Islands of Titi- caca and Coati (New York 19 10), and the same author has also published a description of the peninsula of Sillustani in Vol. VII of the American Anthropologist, This publication contains many useful papers both by Bandelier and by Uhle dealing with Peruvian archae- ology, while the Reports of the Americanist Congresses, and of the Societe des Americanistes de Paris, include a variety of papers of great importance. Of books deal- ing in general with certain sides of Peruvian culture,may be mentioned the three works of A. Baessler, Peruan- ische Mumien, Alt-Peruanische Metallgerate (both Berlin 1906) and the imposing four volumes of Peruvian Art (Berlin 1902-3) of which a translation by the late Prof. A. H. Keane exists. StObel and Uhle's Kultur und Industrie must also be mentioned in this connection ; while the treatise on weaving by Max Schmidt, Alt- peruanische Gewebe (Baessler-Archiv 1, i, Berlin 19 10), and Max Steffen's JDie Landwirtschaft bei den Altameri- kanischen Kulturvolker (Leipzig 1883), are worthy of special mention. From the religious side a paper by S. A. Lafone-Quevedo, El Quito de Tonapa (Revista del Museo de La Plata, III, 32 1), is suggestive, though the conclusions are liable to dispute ; but the book on the religion of Peru yet remains to be written. As regards the Argentine Republic the literature is also extensive ; but a very good idea of the archaeology can be APPENDIX 281 gathered from a small book by F. F. Outes and C. Bruch, Los Aborigines de la Republica Argentina (Buenos Aires 1 9 1 o), which contains a well-chosen bibliography. An- other book furnished with a still more extensive biblio- graphy, includingalso many works on Peru, is E.Boman's Antiquites de la Region Andine de la Republique Argentine (Paris 1908), whichis an excellentworkin every respect; while for other literature, all of it of great importance, the names of J. B. Ambrosetti, S. A. Lafone-Quevedo, and F. F. Outes may be sought in the British Museum Catalogue. In particular may be mentioned El Bronce en el Region Calchaqui (Buenos Aires 1904), and Los Cemeterios prehistoricos del Alto Parana (Buenos Aires 1895) ^y ^^ ^^^^ °^ these authors, Tipos de Alfareria en la Region Calchaqui (Rev. Mus. Plat. XV, 295) by the second, and Alfarerias del Nordoeste Argentino (Ann. Mus. Plat. I, 5) by the third. Other papers which may be consulted with advantage are R. M. Torres, La Cuenca ael Rio Parana (Rev. Mus. Plat. XIV, 53) and J. H. Figueira, Los Primitives Habitantes del Uruguay, while the Revista of the La Plata Museum, so often cited, is a veritable storehouse of knowledge concern- ing this region. For Chile the literature is far less abundant. The works of J. T. Medina, including his Aborigines de Chile (Santiago 1888), contain a great deal of information, and the paper by R. E. Latcham, Anthropologia Chilena (Rev. Mus. Plat. XVI, 241), gives the latest theories regarding this region. Two papers by O. H. Evans (Man 1906, 12, and 1907, 41) give a good idea of the coastal district of Atacama, while the work of Boman, mentioned above, deals in part with the inland region. Of Patagonian archaeology, as far as the remains of early man are concerned, a treatise edited by R. Lehmann- Nitsche called Nouvelles Recherches sur la Formation Pam- peennc (Rev. Mus. Plat. XIV, 143) not only sums up the excavatory and geological evidence in masterly fashion, T 2 282 SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY but gives references to the works of others, principally of Ameghino, who have laboured to elucidate the prob- lems presented by Patagonian archaeology. This paper, taken in conjunction with the admirable work of F. F. Outes, El Edad de la Piedra en Patagonia (Buenos Aires 1905), gives practically a complete picture of our know- ledge of ancient Patagonia. Brazil cannot boast of a literature commensuratewith its great size. The most important treatises are perhaps C. F. Hartt's Contribucoes para a Ethnologia do Valle do Amazonas, and L. Netto's Investigacoes sobre a Arch^ologia Brazileira (both in the Archivos do Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, VI), and H. von Ihering's A Civilisacao prehisiorica do Brazil Meridional (Revista do Museu Paul- ista, I). To these may be added two papers by E. A. Goldi in the Report of the fourteenth Americanist Con- gress (Stuttgart) and a number of papers, by Ehrenreich, von den Steinen, Kunert and others, published at in- tervals in the Zeitschrift fUr Ethnologie (Berlin). The works given above, as before stated, constitute in no sense a complete list, but they will at least form a nucleus, or a series of nuclei, around which students may construct their own bibliographies if they desire to become more closely acquainted with the fascinating problems of South American archaeology. INDEX Ablra, 27 Achagua, 10 Aconcagua, 240 Acosta, J. de, 209, 279 agriculture, 5, 9, 39, 40, 45, 59, 1 1 7-1 2 2, 158, 220-222, 225, 226, 230, 234, 239, 240, 248 Alacaluf, 218, 239 Alagoas, 269 alpaca, 122-124 Atnauta^ 81, 83, 215 Amazon, 2-4, 255-274, 277 Ambrosetti, J. B., 222, 281 Ameghino, S., 238, 282 Ancas-mayu R., 47, 56, 75, 97, 108 ancestor-worship, 144, 154, 156, 157, 224 Ancon, 145, 147, 182 Ancovilca, 90 Andahuaylas, 75, 81, 88, 129, .157 animal costumes, 31, 154 155, 172, 180, 181, 225 Anti, 76, 96, 97, 156 Antilles, 7, 64, 1 88, 189, 207, 256 Antioquia, 7, S-^^ />assim, 275 Antofagasta, 218 Anzerma, 42 apacheta, 163 Apurimac, R., 88, 142 Araucanians, 97, loi, 217, 220, 221, 239, 240, 242-246, 24S-250 Arawak, 7, 46, 256, 270, 271 Are, 12 Arequipa, 88, 90, 108 Argentina, 5, 66, 72, 93, 108, 151, 183, 186-190, 198, 207, 210, 216-218, 221-254, 255, 262, 272, 276, 277, 280, 281 Arica, 93, 108, 125, 216, 219 Arizona, 207 Arriaga, J. de, 144, 147, 154, 156, 161, 279 Aruan, 271 Asto-huaraca, 91 astronomy, 213-215 Atacama desert, 90, 97, 108, 217, 219, 220, 235, 239 Atacama (people), 222, 224, 226, 231, 233, 234 Atahualpa, 78, 97, 98, 112, 209 Atures, 266, 268 Auca, 78, 79 Aullagas L., 88 Avila, F. de, 132, 279 Ayamarca, 75, 90 aylluy 100, loi, 141, 146, 154, Aymara, 75 Bachue, 11, 27, 28, 30 Baessler, A., 210, 280 Bahia Blanca, 251 Balboa, M. C, 189, 279 balsa^ 50, 52, 60, 125, 220 Bandelier, R. E., 280 Barba, A. A., 279 Betanzos, J. de, 78 Blanco, C, 238, 246, 251 Bochica, 12,13,14, 27,28,31,38 Bogota, 8-46 passim Mas, 123, 174, 212, 246-248, 269, 272, 273 283 284 INDEX Boman, E., 222, 262, 281 Bonbon, 94 Botocudo, 260 brazier, 73, Brazil, i, 3, 4, 234, 255-274 277, 282 bridges, 55, 142, 143 Broad-heads 4, 192, 218, 239, 241, 242 Bruch, C, 281 Buenos Aires, 4, 236, 238, 240, 242, 248, 250-254, 261, 277 Bumanguay, 14 burial, 34, 35, 46, 64-66, 135, 144-149, 179, 182, 218, 219, 222, 226, 227, 233, 234, 245, 246, 258, 260, 266, 267, 268, 270, 272 Cabe9a de Vaca, 274 Cacha, 55, 56 Cachi, 78, 79 Cafezal, 271 Calancha, A. de la, 279 Calchaqui, 183, 217. SceDhguite Calchaqui Valley, 227, 235, 253 calendar, 44, 66, 213, 214 Campana, 261, 262, 270, 271 Calicuchima, 55 Cana, 75, 87 Canari, 47, 49, 53, 55, 56, 6r, 66, 67, 69, 70 Canchi, 75 cannibalism, 40 Cara, 47, 65 Cari, 89, Canicuba, 27 Caracas, 1 1 Caran, 52 Caranqui, 59, 60 Carib, 7, 46, 256, 270, 271 Cartago, 9, 22, 35, 40 Catamarca, 216, 224, 225 Cauca, 8-10, 30, 35, 40 Cayambc, 56, 59, 68 Cayua, 270 Caxamarca, 94, 96, 106, 107, I 29 Ccacha, 56 Ccapac Yupanqui, 78, 88, 89 Ceara, 256 census, 102, 103 Cerro de Pasco, 107 Chachapoyas, 118, 129, 156 Ghana, 273 Chanca, 75, 76, 81,89-94, 100, 129, 135. I54> 159 Chancay, 182 Chancayillo, 136 Chanchan, 141 Chango, 219 Chaquen, 27, 28 Charca, 219 Charcas, 97 Charrua, 262, 268, 269, 272, 273 charqui, 124 C has qui, 108 Chavin de Huantar, 106, 107, \1$-\11, 181, 186, 187, 191, 276 Chia, 19, 20 Chibcha, 9-44 passim, 47, 59, 66, 69, 144, 160, 188, 266 Chibchachum, t 2, 13, 27, 28 Chicama Valley, 180 clncJia, 21, 25, 26, 34, 12 1, 157, 158, 162,163, 165, 166, 248 Chico R., 238, children, 23, 106, 109, 115, 116 Chile, 4, 81, 93, 94, 125, 182, 198, 213, 216, 223, 234, 236, 239-243, 246-248, 250, 252, 253, 281 Chiloc Id., 220, 239, 240, 248 Chiminigagua, 11, 27 Chimu, 51, 95, 96, 140 Chincha Is., 95, 187, 189 Chingana, 84 Chiqui, 225 Chiriguano, 97 INDEX 285 Chiriqui, 7, 10 Choapa R., 221 Chordeleg, 69, 70 Chubut R., 238, 247, 248, 252, 253. 254, 277 Chucuito, 89, 276 Chullpa, 135, 136 Chumpivilca, 75, 88 Chuncho, 76 ckuno, 121 Chuquimancu, 95 Cieza de Leon, P., 48, 57, 61, 62, 65, 75, 88-93, 96, 106, 107, 119, 129, 134, 148, 162, 278 Ciuni, 51 clothing, 18, 36, 37, 45, 50, 60, 61, 104, 1 10, III, 123, 127- i3i» 155' 159*223,225,234, 250, 262, 272 coca, 32, 34, 40, 97, 122, 163, 224 Cocama, 271 Coconuco, 9 Colhue L., 245, 246, 252 Colima, 10, 22, 24, 26, 33 Colla, 75,87, 88, 92, 100, 129, i3i» i35> i54»i56, 158, 168, 187, 219 Colombia, 5-7, 9-44, 47, 49, 66, 7i-73» 129, 130, 154, 167, 190, 275-278 communism, 99-101, 104, 105 Comechingon, 234 Conchucos, 161 confession, 164 coi2opa, 157, 158, 159, 163 convents, 105, 161, 162 Copiapo, 198, 217, 220, 224, 235 copper, 40, 41, 70, 132, 192, 208, 210, 212, 218, 219, 223, 225, 230, 231, 234, 274 Coquimbo, 108, 219 Cordoba, 216, 234, 236 Corcovado, 240 Corrientes (Buenos Aires), 253 Corrientes Province, 261, 269 Cotabamba, 75 cotton, 9, 18, 36, 37, 39, 44, 60, 128, 145, 195, 205 Courty, G., 168, 174, 182 creation-myth, 11, 12, 150, 151, 168 cremation, 35 Crequi-Montfort Expedition, 1 68, 276, 280 culture-hero, 12, 85 Cuenca, 68-70, 108, 212, 275 Cuismancu, 95, 140 Cundinamarca, 6, 9 Curicancha, 87, 153 currency, 24 Cuzco, 5, 55, 56, 75, 79, 80-85, 87-94, 98, 100, 102, 106-109, III, 112,116, 118, 134,136- 138,142,146, 148, 153, 155, 156, 159, 161, 164, 166, i75» iS5> 186,197, 198,207, 213-215, 224 Dabeciba, 12, 27 Darien, 275 deluge-myth, 13, 167 Deseado R., 246, 250, 252 Desaguadero, 88, 219 Diaguite, 66, 188, 217, 219, 224-235 divination, 33, 96, 160, 161, 164, 165 dogs, 125, 222, 226 dolls, 147 Dorsey, G., 278 dyeing, 9, 36, 44, 203 Ducilela, 53, 54 ear-ornaments, 18, 24, 25, 32, 35, 36, 61, no, 112, 114, 129, 130, 266 eclipse, 215 Ecuador, 11, 47-74, 97, 98, 286 INDEX 154, 177, 188, 195, 198, 228, 230, 248, 253, 275, 278 education, 115, 116, 215 Ehrenreich, P., 282 embroidery, 202 emeralds, 18, 23, 28, 30, 42, 59, 67, 70 Entre Rios, 261, 269 Epiclachima, 55 Erere, 267, 271 Esmeraldas, 52, 54, 65, 73, 74 Evans, O. H., 281 feather-work, 128 feasts, 26, 31, 32, 145, 149, I55» 164-167 fetish, 78, 150, 157, 158 fishing, 50, 60, 125-127, 219- 220, 246 Figueira, J. H., 281 food, 40, 121, 122, 124 foreign influence, 189-192, 266, 274 fortresses, 55, 81, 94, 135-138, 147, 185, 186 Fresle, R., 20 Galapagos Is., 57 Gallegos, 246, 250 Garanchacha, 14, 38 Garcilasso de la Vega, 61, 77, 78, 86-92, 103, 1 1 2-1 1 5, 1 1 7, 120, 125, 144, 148, 155, 159, 162, 187, 189, 203, 213,214, 215, 278 gauze, 204 Gavilan, A. R., 162, 279 geography, 1-6, 8, 45, 47, 48, 216, 217, 236, 255, 256 Ges, 256, 257, 260, 270, 273 giants, 50, 52, 54, 64 gold, 10, 16, 18, 20, 21, 23, 25. 28, 30, 31, 34, 36, 37, 40-42, 45, 62, 66, 70, HI, 130, 134, 145, 148, 149, 153, 163, 165, 192,208, 209,225, 232 Goldi, E. A., 282 Gonzales Suarez, 188, 278 government, 5, 6, 13, 17-22, 45> 54» 59'99>243. 245* 272 Goya, 261, 270, 271 Guanenta, 13 Guarani, 226, 234, 256, 270, 271, 273, 274 Guatabita, 15, 16, 19, 20, 21 Guatabita (lake), 15, 20, 21, 28, 31 Guayaquil, 50, 53, 57, 67, 70 Guecha, 24, 36 Guiana, i, 255, 256, 266, 268, 273 habitations, 37, 45, 48, 62, 63, 132-142, 220, 222, 225, 233, 234, 250, 272 hair-dressing, 61, 115, 116, 129 Hanco-huallu, 94 Hartt, C. F., 282 Hatun-Colla, 87, 89, 276 head-deformation, 35, 46, 61, 62, 131, 132, 192, 219, 223, 265 Heye, G. G. Expedition, 73, 275^ Hrdlicka, A,, 192, 276 huaca, 85, 92, 112, 146, 150, 153-160, 163, 166, 194 Huacho, 144 huaira, 208, 209, 223 Hualcopo, 54, 55 Huaman, 95 Huanacauri, 79, 112, 113, 115 huanaco, 122-124, 237, 246 Huanca, 76, 129, 156 Huancavillca, 53, 57, 58 Huanuco, 81, 94, 107, 135 huarach'uuy 79, 112-115 Huarochiri, 152 Huascar, 78, 97, 98 Huaura, 106 Huayna Ccapac, 56, 57, 78, 93, 97, 117, 148, 160 Huilliche, 240, 241 Huitaca, 1 2 human sacrifice, 25, 29, 34, 58, 65, 67, 92, 144, 162, 163, 188, 228, 246 Hunsahua, 15 hunting, 5, 39, 40, 123-125, 222, 234, 246 Idacansas, 14 idols, 30, 220 Ihering, H. von, 282 Inca (ruler), 18, 19, 78,110-112, 129, 149, 157, 161, 165, 166, 208, 209 Inca (class) 5, no, 112, 116, 129, 153, 213 inheritance, 19, 23, 32, 59 initiation, 112 installation of ruler, 20, in, 112 Intihuatana, 134, 214,215 Iguaque, 1 1 Iraca, 11, 12, 14, 17, 19 Iraya, 152 Irma, 151, 152 irrigation, 39, 95, 119, 120, 220, 221, 234 Itaituba, 267 Jimenez de la Espada, 279 Jimenez de Quesada, 23 Jujuy, 216, 224, 233-234, 247, 262 justice, 109, 243 Kakan, 224 Keane, A. H., 280 Kunert, 282 Lache, 26, 28 Lafone-Quevedo, S.A.,230, 280, 281 Lagoa dos Patos, 264, 273 Lagoa Santa, 257 INDEX 287 J^aguna, 258 lakes (sacred), 20, 21, 28, 30, 31,66,85, 153,154, 245,24.6 Lambayeque, 49-52, 54, 59,81, 189, 190 language, 189-191, 241 La Paz, 88, 174 La Plata Is., 58, 67, 72, 73 La Plata R., 2, 256, 268 La Rioja, 216, 224, 277 Latcham, R. E., 241, 281 Leguisamo, M. S. de, 153 Lehmann-Nitsche, R., 281 Lerma, 233, 235 lightning, 150, 153, 157, 158, 175, 181, 188, 244 Lima, 96, 106, 181 Linha, 274 lip-ornaments, 25, 6i, 129, 250, 269, 272 Liribamba, 66 literature, 212 litter, 18, III, 167 llama, 39, 59, iii, 122-124, 156, 161, 163, 165, 167, 168, 189, 217, 219, 222, 234, 256 Llampallec, 50, 51 llautu, 56, no, 112, 115, 129, 149, 174 Lloque Yupanqui, 78, 87, 100, 157 Loa R,, 218, 222 Lobos, 251 Loja, 108 Long-heads, 4, 192, 218, 239, 241, 242 Los Andes, 216 Lucana, 76 Lule, 234 Magdalena, 10, 23, 38 maguey, 121, 122 maize, 34, 39, 40, 59, 117, 121, 157, 160, 163, 165, 168, 222, 225, 248 288 INDEX Manabi, 63-65, 67, 70, 72-74, Si, 181, 184, 189 Manco, 78-80, 86, 100, 112, 153. i57» 175 Manizales, 35, 42—44 Manta, 52, 59, 67 manure, 120, 121, 220 Maori, 116, 190 maps, 215 Maraca, 266, 268 Marajo Id., 188, 264, 266- 272 Maranhao, 268 Marcano, G., 277 Markham, Sir C, 48, 75, 77, 98, 119, 134, 160, 205, 212, 213, 278, 279 marriage, 22, 23, 101,105, no, 117, 159, 208, 245 Matto Grosso, 262, 268 Maule R., 48, 75, 97, loi, 216, 220, 221, 240 Maya, 177, 191 Mayta Ccapac, 78, 88 Medina, J. T., 281 Mendoza, 236, 243, 248, 252, 253. 254 metallurgy, 40-42, 70, 103, 140, 208, 212, 223, 231, 232 Mexicans, 7, 12, 29, 134, 207 (See also Maya) Michua, 15, 16 migrations, 10,50, 52, 221, 241, 242, 254, 256, 273 Minas Geraes, 257, 268 mining, 103, 208 Missiones, 262, 265, 266 mitimaes, 75, 105, 197, 219, 221 Mochc, 179, 181 nwjos, 2 Mojos L., 2 Molina, C. de, 160, 162 Moluche, 240-242 Montcsinos, F., 77, 78, 80, 81, 83-86, 88, 90, 91, 94, 100, 102, 116, 168, 186, 187, 189, 213, 220, 279 moon-worship, 11, 25, 27, 66, 153. 154 Mortillet, A. de, 210 Moxo, 76 mummies, 26, 34, 35, 64, 144- 146, 148, 149, 153, 154, 156, 157. 159. 167 musical instruments, 21, 31, 32, 46 Musters L., 245, 246, 252 Muzo, 10, 12, 15, 24, 26, 33, 42, 43 Nahua (5^^ Mexicans), 7, 12, 29, 279 Nahuel-huape L., 253 Nasca, 95, 106, 108, 119, 148, i77> 179-186, 191, 196, 229 Naymlap, 50, 51, 54 Negro R. (Brazil), 267, 271 Negro R. (Patagonia), 236, 240- 242, 248, 252-254, 277 Nemequene, 1 6, i 7 Nencatacoa, 27, 28 Netto, L., 282 Neuquen, 236, 243 Nompanem, 14, 21 nose-ornaments, 18, 24, 25, 30, 32, 35» 36, 61, 130, 250 Nutabi, 9 Observacion, 238, 251 Oliva, D. de, 1 1 Ollantaitambo, 133, 136-138, 185-187, 214 Ollantay, 212, 279 Omaguaca, 234 Ona, 242 Ondegardo, P. dc, 148, 279 Orinoco R., 2, 256, 266, 268 ornaments, 18, 20, 24, 25,36,45, 61,62,110,129-132,225,234, 250. {See ear-ornaments, lip- ornaments, nose-ornaments) INDEX Otovalo, 59, 60, 68 Outes, F. F., 248, 252, 281, 282 Oviedo, G., 278 289 de, 23, 277 254. Paccari-tampu, 78 Pachacamac (god), 96, 151, 152, 159 Pachacamac (place), 81, 95, 96, 140-142, 146, 148, 159, 162, 177-179, 182, 184, 186, 192, 212 Pachacuti, 78, 91-93, 102, 108, no, 116, 135, 147, 167, 212, 215, 220 Pachamania, 154, 225 Pacoval {See Marajo) painting, 37, 250 Paha, 49, 53, 55, 61 Pampa, 106 Pampas, 236, 237, 239, 241, 242, 256, 273 Pampas Indians, 221, 240, 241, 244, 246, 248, 272 Panche, 15, 16, 22, 24, 26, 27, 35» 39 Para, 267-269 Para Id., 266 Paraguay, 255 Paraguay R., 262, 269 Paramonga, 106, 141, 147 Parana R., 2, 255, 261, 262, 268-270 Paranapanema R., 270 Parinacochas L., 88 Pasto, 49 Patagonia, 2, 4, 236-254 passim, 255' 277, 281, 282 Paucartambo, 76, 108 Peru, 9, 10, 17-19, 25-27, 31, 34» 36, 37. 39. 44> 47» 49. 62, 63, 72, 73, 75-215, 216, 224-226, 228, 229, 232, 234, 248, 274-276, 278-280 pictographs, 49, 234, 273, 274 Picunche, 220, 221, 240 Piedrahita, L. F. pilgrimages, 164 Pillan, 244 pipes, 269, 273 Pisac, 214 Pisco, 95 Pizarro, Hernando, 164 Polynesians, 76, 116, 1 89-1 91 Popayan, 9, 10, 44 Porto Viejo, 65, 150 posts, 108 potato, 39, 59, 121, 168, 189, 190 Potosi, 88, 209, 210 pottery, 4, 10, 40, 42, 44, 45, 61. 71-73. 129, 175, 178- 188,192-199, 218, 219,224, 227-230, 233, 250, 258-275 priests, 32, 2,3, 3^, 85, 159, 160, 164, 245 provinces, 105, 109, no Puelche, 240, 242, 244, 248, 250, 252-254 Puenche, 240-242, 249 Puna Id., 57, 67, 69, 70 Puna de Atacama, 216-218, 221 Puna de Jujuy, 217, 218, 221 Puruha, 49, 53, 55, 61, 64, 71, 72, 228 pyramids, 141, 142, 147, 179 Quebrada de Humahuaca, 234 Quebrada delToro, 224, 233, 235 Quemuenchatocha, 15, 17 Querandies, 242, 248, 250 Quetzalcoatl, 1 2 Quichua, 75, 76, 90, 91, 129, 150, 151, 213 Quillacinga, 49, 61, 71 Quimbaya, 9, 10, 18, 22-27, 7° quinoa, 121 (^uipus, 44, 83, 102, 103, 108, 109, 116 Quito, 47-49, 52-56, 64, 66, S3, 96-98, 108, 138, 198, 213, 214 290 Quitu, 49, 52, 53, 64 INDEX Rainbow, 13, 29, iii, 154 Ramiriqui, 11, 12, 14 Ray, S. H., 189 Recuay, 183, 230 Reiss, W,, 145, 280 Religion, 17, 18, 27-34, 45, 66, 67, 81, 8^, 85, 92, 95, 96, 149-167, 187-189, 220, 224, 225, 244, 245 Restrepo, V., 278 Restrepo-Tirado, E., 278 Ribeira R., 274 Rimac, 96, 160 Riobamba, 49, 59, 68 Rio de Janeiro, 268 Rio Grande do Sul, 263, 268, 269, 272-274 roads, 55, 56, 94, 106-108 Rocca, 78, 89, 100, 116 Rosario, 261 sacred lakes, 20, 21, 28, 30, 31, 66, 85, 153, 154, 245, 246 Sacsahuaman, 84, 138, 185 Saguanmachica, 15, 16 Salcamayhua, 212, 279 Salinas Grandes, 223, 224, 233 salt, 23, 40, 164, 223, 249 Salta, 216, 224, 233, 262 sambaqui, 257-260, 268 San Agustin, 38, 194, 275 San Bias, 253 sandals, 113, 131, 250 San Juan, 224, 277 San Luis, 236 San Paulo, 260, 263, 268, 274 San Pedro, 233 San Pedro de Atacama, 224 Santa, 96 Santa Catalina, 222, 232 Santa Catharina, 258, 259, 268 Santa Cruz, 248, 252-254, 277 Santa Fe (Argentina), 236 Santa Fe (Mexico), 207 Santa Maria, 227, 228 Santander, 276 Santarem, 266, 267, 271 Santillan, F. de, 151 Sarmiento de Gamboa, 86, 87, 89-91, 106, 215, 279 Saville, M. H., 65, 278 Schmidt, M., 280 sea- worship, 67, 154 Seco R., 252 shell-mounds, 3, 218. See samb:;qui Sierras Coloradas, 252 Sigsig, 66, 70 silver, 41, 208-210, 250, 274 Simon, P., 14, 38, 277 Sinchiy 100 Sinchi Rocca, 78, 80, 84, 86, 87 Siu-Yacu, 84, 85 sky-god, 150, 158, 177, I Si, 188, 244 slavery, 22 slings, 69, 113, 129, 197, 212 snake-worship, 28, 66, 67, 156 Sogamoso, 12, 13, 37 Sondar-huasi, 134 souls, 34, 144, 161, 226, 246 spear-thrower, 25, 69, 125, 174, 179 spmdle-whorls, 44, 73, 225, 253 spinning, 103, 104, 205 Squicr, E. G., 1 35, 136, 1 40, 162, 279 StefFen, M., 280 Steinen, K, von den, 282 stone implements, 4, 38, 45, 62, 67-69, 74, 218, 222, 223, 2385 243, 248, 251-254, 258, 260, 26S, 269, 271, 272. stone-working, 38, 39, 63, 64, 67, 74, 103, 132-138, 169, I70> I73> 174, 1^5' 207, 208, 218, 223, 259, 260 stone-worship, 28, 66, 67, 80, 85» M6, i53» '54, 156, 224 Stiibel, A., 145, 168, 276, 278- 280 INDEX 291 Sucre, 90 sun-worship, 11, 25, 27, 28, 31, 66, 80, 85, 87, 92, 95, 152- 156, i59> 164-167, 224 Tamahi, 9, 12, 13 Tampu-tocco, 78, 83, 116 Tandil, 251 tanga, 265, 266 Tapajos R., 267 Taperinha, 271 Tapes, 264, 272, 273 tapestry, 200-202 Tarapaca (god), 151 Tarapaca desert, 3, 48, 108, 216, 217, 219 tattooing, 61, 62, 132 Tehuelche, 241, 242, 245-250 Tempellec, 51, 52 temples, 30, 33, 34, 66, 79, 87, 95, 96, 112, 135, 136, 141, 142, 145, 148, 156, 161, 162, 164, 165, 178 Ternaux-Compans, H., 279 terrace-cultivation, 119, 134, 222, 226 thunder, 224, 244 Tiahuanaco, 108, 135, 138, 150, 157, 168-188, 191, 197, 201- 203, 206-208, 210, 276, 280 Tinogasta, 183, 217, 227, 228, 230 Tisquesusa, i 7 Titicaca Is., 133, 156, 162-164, 187, 198, 214, 280 Titicaca L., 60, 87, 89, 108, I25» I35> i5o> 154. 168, 187, 219 Toa, 53 Toba, 234 tobacco, 40, 269, 273 Tocantins R., 3, 257, 268 Toconote, 234 tolas ^ 64 Tolima, 29, 30, 35 Token R., 240 Tomangata, 15 Tomay-huaraca, 91 Tonapa, 150, 151 tooth-mutilation, 58, 62, 223 Torres, L. M., 281 trade, 23, 24, 40, 219, 223, 249 transmigration, 28, 246 tree-worship, 224 tribute, 21, 24, 96, 102-105, no, III, 208, 220 Trombetas R., 267, 269, 271,272 trumpet, 71, 195 Truxillo, 51, 54, 81, 93-95, 140, 141, 148, 154, 179-181, 183, 184, 186, 191-196, 211, 212, 276 Tsuma, 12 Tucuman, 81, 93, 213, 216, 224, 235 Tumbal, 67 Tumbala, 57 Tumbez, 48, 57, 108, 190 Tumebamba, 112 Tundama, 13, 14 Tunja, 11-17, 19, 22 Tupac Amaru, 93, no Tupac Yupanqui, 55-57, 78, 93, 97, 106, 148, 213, 220 Tupi, 256, 270, 271, 273 turquoise, 206, 207 Tutasua, 15 twins, 23, 66, 148, 158 Ubaque, 31 Ucayale R., 271 Ucho, 78, 89, 112 Uhle, M., 75, 140, 141, 146, 148, 151, 162, 168, 175, 177, 179, 181, 184, 185, 214, 276- 280 Uiracocha (god), 12, 8x, 85, 91, i35» 150-152, i57» i59» 160, 167, 168, 174 Uiracocha (Inca), 78, 89-92, 94, 120, 135, 148, 157, 220 Ulmen, 243, 249 292 INDEX Ultima Esperanza, 237 Umina, 67 Urco, 91 Urcos, 129 urn-burial, 34, 35, 46, 65, 66, 148, 219, 226-228, 233, 234, 260, 266, 268, 270, 271, 273 Uros, 219 Uruguay, 255, 262, 26S, 269, 270, 272, 273 Uscovilca, 90 Valdivia, 236, 240 Valera, B., 77 Velasco, J. de, 58, 64, 78, 278 Venezuela, i, to- 12, 44-46, 273. 275, 277 vicuna, iii, 122-124 Viedma, 253 Vilcamayu R., 75, 136 Vilcas, 107 Villa Rica, 240 war, 24-26, 249, 250 weapons, 25, 45, 113, 210-212, 218, 222, 223, 230, 246, 249, 250 weaving, 4, 9, 44, 103, 104, III, 122, 133, 199-205, 223, 225, 250 whistles, 73, 196 Wichama, 151 Wiener, C, 106, 107, 210, 279 wood-carving, 205, 206 writing, 41, 44, 65, 76, 77, S3, 102 Xauxa, 76, 94, 106, 107, 145 Xeres, F., 279 Xingu, R., 256, 272 Yahuarhuaccac, 78, 90, 91, 94 Yea, 54, 95, 148, 180, 181, 197, 204, 229 Yocavil Valley, 227 Yucay, 129 Yunca, 76, 95, 129, 141 Yupanqui, 78 Zapana, 89, 90, 92 Zaran, 106 Zarate, A de, 70, 278 Zarate (Argentina), 261 WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON. LTD. PRINTERS, PLYMOUTH 40' H N N N MILES 1000 20 /V \ R r H GETTY RESEARCH INSTITUTE lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllli 3 3125 01201 7543