j£)op~da An^el-cyiiiian: 
 
 O R 
 
 A COMPLEAT VIEW 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Manners, Cuftoms, Arms, Habits^ &c. 
 
 OF THE 
 
 INHABITANTS of ENGLAND, 
 
 from the ARRIVAL of the SAXONS, 
 till the REIGN of H E N R Y the EIGHTH. 
 
 WITH 
 
 A SHORT ACCOUNT of the BRITONS, 
 during the Government of the Romans. 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 By JOSEPH STRUT T, 
 
 Author of the Regal and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of England. 
 . VOL. I. 
 
 This deepe defire hath laftly moved me 
 On Pilgrimage Times traces to enfue, 
 The relick.es of his ruines for to fee ; 
 And for the love of my deere Nation due, 
 The things concerning them which I did view, 
 Tending to Englifli honour earft concealed, 
 Here in my Travels-Map I have revealed. 
 
 VERSTEGAN's Prefatory Poem to his Rejiitution of Decayed Antiquities. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Sold by Benjamin White, at Horace's Head, in Fleet-Street. 
 MDCCLXXV. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2014 
 
 https://archive.org/details/oraanzelcynnanorOOstru 
 
[ * ] 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 To the READER. 
 
 THE ftudy of antiquities is in itfelf both amuiing and ufefulf 
 it not only leads to extenfive difcoveries in ancient records 
 but in great meafure proves the truth and authenticity of thofe 
 venerable remains ; it brings to light many important matters, 
 which (without this ftudy) would yet lie buried in oblivion ; and 
 explains and illuftrates fuch dark paflages as would otherwife be 
 quite unknown. 
 
 To a total want of proper tafte in collecting of antiquities, and 
 application to the ftudy of them, are owing the ignorant errors 
 committed by the unlearned illuminators of old M3S. and fo far 
 were they from having the lea.ft idea of any thing more antient 
 than the manners and cuftoms of their own particular times, that 
 not only things of a century earlier than their own sera, are con- 
 founded together, but even reprefentations of the remoteft periods 
 in hiftory. The Saxons put Noah, Abraham, Chrift, and King 
 Edgar all in the fame habit, that is, the habit worn by themfelves at 
 that time ; and in fome MSS. illuminated in the reign of Henry the 
 Sixth, are exhibited the figures of Mdeager, Hercules, Jafon, &c. 
 in the full drefs of the great Lords of that Prince's court. At the 
 latter end of one of thefe MSS. indeed the illuminator, reading 
 fomething about a lion's {kin, has covered the moulders of the 
 beau Hercules, with that kingly animal's hide over his courtly load 
 of ftlk and gold embroidery. 
 
 Yet this is a lucky circumftance in the prefent want of antient 
 materials, for though thefe pictures do not bear the leaft refemblance 
 of the things they were originally intended to reprefent, yet they 
 neverthelefs are the undoubted characteriftics of the cuftoms of that 
 period in which each illuminator or defigner lived. If any one 
 fhould fay, by way of objection to this eftablifhed rule, that though 
 the illuminator has not given us the cuftoms, habits, &c. of thofe 
 people he deftgned to picture out, yet is it not moft likely that fuch 
 drerTes as are given fhould be fictitious, agreeable rather to his own 
 
 wild 
 
ii 
 
 P R E F A C E. 
 
 wild fancy, than to the real cuftoms and habits of his own times ? 
 To anfwer their objection, (and that becaufe the chief materials of 
 the prefent work are collected from the ancient MSS.) the reader 
 muft be informed, that many of thefe MSS. (efpecially fuch as are 
 illuminated) were done as prefents, or at the command of kings and 
 noblemen, who are generally reprefented in the frontifpiece in their 
 proper habits, receiving the particular MS. done for them from the 
 author, and they are generally pictured attended by their court, or 
 retinue. 1 hat thefe figures fhou Id be habited in the truedrefs of the 
 times will not be doubted ; and then, as far as the anonymous, illu- 
 minations which may chance to follow in the MS. (hall agree with 
 thofe figures in the frontifpiece, fo far they may be allowed as au- 
 thentic ; other MSS. were done for particular abbeys and monafte- 
 ries, in the embellifhments of which no pains were fpared. But a 
 ftill greater proof of the authenticity of thefe delineations is, that 
 on examining all the illuminated MSS. of the fame century together, 
 which, tho' various, every one written and ornamented by different 
 hands, yet on comparing the feveral delineations with each other, 
 they will be found to agree in every particular of drefs, cuftoms,&c. 
 even in the minutia?, which perfect Umilitude it would have been 
 impoffible to have preferved, had not fome fure ftandard been regu- 
 larly taken for the whole, therefore the fancy of the painter will be 
 found to have little fhare in thefe valuable delineations.* Beiides, 
 thefe pictures conftantly agree with the defcription of the habits 
 and cuftoms of the fame period, collected from the old hiftorians. 
 
 The following work (in its prefent drefs) is quite new, and 1 
 believe the firft attempt of this fort ever made in this kingdom. 
 Jt may be needlefs to obferve, that though this work is fo very 
 differently conducted, yet the original plan is the fame with that 
 of the celebrated Montfaucon's Monarchic Francoife, The defign 
 of compleating the letter prefs in fo full a manner as it is now 
 done, was owing to the early perufal of Camden, Verftegan, 
 Speed, &c. in whofe works I met with vaft materials, and fuch 
 
 information, 
 
 * I can aflVrt this fa& with the greater pofitivenefs, having examined fuch a vnft lum- 
 ber of different MSS. (I believe all in the public libraries that are illuminated, or at 
 leaft all that have come to my knowledge' and, for an example, I will only mention as a 
 fa<5t, that in upwards of 30 MSS. of the Saxons with delineations, I have not found any 
 variation worth mentioning. This alTertion may in fome measure bejufiified by the exa- 
 mination of the Saxon plates, colle&ed from a vaft variety of different MSS. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 iii 
 
 information, as naturally led me to the ftudy of thofe very au- 
 thors, from whence they themfelves had traced out fo perfect a 
 picture of our national antiquities. I have (as the reader will fee) 
 confulted with great care and diligence, every author that could 
 be thought likely to afford me any ufeful intelligence, and from 
 thofe numerous volumes faithfully felected the chief materials of 
 the following work. 
 
 How much labour has been beftowed to make this work as per- 
 fect as pofllble, I will leave to the judgment of the candid reader, 
 on an impartial perufai thereof. My chief care has been to re- 
 prefent things in their true light, without long and unnecefTary 
 comments: whatever I have afTerted, my reafons and authority 
 are fully explained; if they are not looked upon as permanent and 
 conclusive, I fhall be forry for having intruded on the patience of 
 the reader: yet in excule I muft fay, they are fuch as appeared, to 
 me in a more favourable light. The authors from whofe works 
 the chief matters are taken, are always mentioned in the margin, 
 oppofite to the quotation, fo that the reader may eaiily refer to 
 the original books themfelves, for his fatisfaction or further in- 
 formation. 
 
 If any defects mould be found in the arrangement of the mate- 
 rials, I hope fuch defects will be kindly overlooked, and the difl- 
 culty of fuch an arrangement properly confidered. 
 
 The ftile of the writing defective as it is, as well as the faults of 
 the prefs, (which may have efcaped my notice) I hope the reader 
 will alfo excufe ; for I mould not have commenced author^ had 
 not my love for national antiquities, and the abfolute neceftity of 
 a full defcription of this my collection conftrained me. Trusting 
 therefore entirely to the candour and lenity of my judges, I have 
 ventured to give this publication to the world, in its rough garb as 
 it came from my pen. (excepting only, the few alterations it may 
 have received from fome of my kindeft friend sj I will now con- 
 clude with the words of the learned Verftegan. 
 
 44 I know I have herein made myfelfe fubject unto a world of 
 judges, and am likeft to receive mort controulement of fuch as are 
 leaft able to fentence me. Well I wote that the workes of no 
 writers have appeared to the world in a more curious age than 
 this, and that therefore the more circumfpection and warinefie is 
 
 required 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 required in the publifhing of any thing that mint endure fo many 
 fharpfights and cenfures. The consideration whereof, as it hath 
 made me the more heedy not to difpleafe any, fo hath it given me 
 the lefs hope of pleating all. 
 
 The thing that firft moved me to take fome pains in this ftudy, 
 was the very natural affeclion which generally is in all men to 
 heare of the worthineffe of their anceftors, which they mould in- 
 deed bee as defireous to imitate as delighted to underftand. 
 
 Secondly, was I hereunto moved, by feeing how divers of divers 
 nations did labour to revive the old honour and glory of their 
 owne beginnings and anceftors, and how in fo doing they mewed 
 themfelves the moft kinde lovers of their naturall friends and 
 countrymen." 
 
 Thus I prefent to my countrymen, the portrait of their great 
 anceftors, and bring to light the elder glories of a noble nation : 
 which ought with the greateft care to be preferved, and handed 
 down to pofterity. 
 
 J. STRUT T. 
 
T 
 
 A B 
 
 L E 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Principal Heads contained in the Firft Volume. 
 
 BRITISH M R A. 
 
 MANNERS and Cuftoms of the Antient Britons - - i 
 
 Government of the Britons - 2 
 
 Arms and Accoutrements of War, &c. - "3 
 
 Fortifications, &c. ------ 4 
 
 Their Navigation - - - 6 
 
 Hufbandry - * - 7 
 
 Habits of the Britons - - - - * ib. 
 
 Of their Priefts, Religion and Idols 9 
 
 Some Obfervations on Stone Henge, Aubery, &c. - 13 
 
 Of Roman Fortifications, &c. - - 14 
 
 ANTIENT SAXON iE R A. 
 
 Of the Antient Saxons, before their arrival into Britain - 16 
 
 Arms and Warlike Cuftoms of the old Saxons ib. 
 
 Defcription of the Saxons - - - - - 1 8 
 
 Antient form of Government of the Saxons - - - 19 
 
 Of their Ordeals, &c, • - - ib. 
 
 Their Religion and Idols - - - 21 
 
 Their Navigation - - - 22 
 
 Habits, &c. . - - 23 
 
 The ANGLO-SAXON ./ERA. 
 
 The Fortifications of the Anglo Saxons - - 24 
 
 Weapons and Warlike Habits of the Anglo-Saxons - 29 
 
 Their Religious Buildings - - - 33 
 
 Their Domeftic Buildings - - - 36 
 
 Their Regal Courts - - - 37 
 
 Their Government and the Adminiftration of their Laws - 39 
 
 Navigation of the Anglo-Saxons - - - 41 
 
 Their Huibandry, &c. ... 43 
 
 Domeftic Employment - 45 
 
 Drefs and Habits, &c. - 46 
 
 Their Banquets, &c. ■ 48 
 
 Mufical 
 
TABLE, fifV. 
 
 Mufical Inftruments - _ ^ 
 
 Sports and Paftimes - - - - _ ib. 
 
 Antient Hiftory of Burials - - - 51 
 
 Of Monuments, &c. yet remaining in England - 59 
 
 Of Barrows - - - - ib. 
 
 Obelifks, Pillars, &c. - - 61 
 
 Of the Cromlech and Kift-Vean - - ib. 
 
 Of Rocking Stones - - - - - 62 
 
 Chriftian Burials of the Anglo-Saxons 66 
 
 Of the Arts and Learning among the Anglo-Saxons - 70 
 
 The Marriages, &c. of the Anglo-Saxons - 74, 
 
 The DANISH & R A. 
 
 Of the Danes both before and after their Eftablimment in England - 79^ 
 
 Obfervations on the Government of the Danes 82 
 
 Obfervations on the Arms, &c. of the Danes - 83 
 
 Some Obfervations on Danim Fortifications - - - 85 
 
 Sea Affairs and Shipping of the Danes - - ib. 
 
 Some general Obfervations on the Drefs, Habit, and Cuftoms of the Danes 86 
 
 The NORMAN JE R A. 
 
 Of the Antient Normans - • • ■ - - 88; 
 
 The Fortifications of the Anglo-Normans - 89 
 
 Of the Soldiers, Arms, and Warlike Habits of the Normans - 96 
 
 The Military Arrangement of the Norman Armies - 99 
 
 The Religious Buildings of the Normans - - - 102 
 
 The Domeftic Buildings of the Normans - - - 104 
 Some Account of the principal MSS. from which the Materials of this 
 
 Work are chiefly collected - - - - 10 £ 
 
 Defcription of the Plates - - - • - 107 
 
 T H E 
 
C i ] 
 
 THE 
 
 MANNERS and CUSTOMS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ANTIENT BRITONS, 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 Arrival of JULIUS C JE S A R, 
 
 UNTILL THE 
 
 SAXON CONQUEST. 
 
 TpVERY one who is converfant in the early parts of the Britifh Hiftory, muft 
 
 ' be acquainted with the doubtfulnefs and uncertainty of it: and with how 
 little fairnefs, much lefs truth and juftice, any of the peculiar cuftoms of the 
 Britons can be truly fet forth before the landing of Julius Ccefar. 
 
 The ridiculous and idle fables of that arch-dreamer Geofry Monmouth, (with 
 feveral others of the fame ftamp) are entirely (and that with the greateft juftice) 
 excluded from the leaft mare of authenticity. 
 
 Indeed the learned conjectures of many eminent men of later date, may very 
 well deferve the attention of the curious j and for the ingenuity of them be ex- 
 tremely amufing. Yet with how little certainty we can depend even on them, 
 is evident from the following circumftances ; every author who has fome 
 favourite hypothefis to fupport, is often obliged to wreft, if not confound, the 
 more perfect parts of hiftory, to clear up the imperfect tracings of his own in- 
 vention: and whatever degree of truth and reafon he may appear to have on his 
 fide, it will be impoftible (or at leaft hitherto it has been found to be fo) for him 
 to build on fo fare a foundation, but that other learned men may ftart fome 
 hidden or neglected fads, vvhofe irrefiftable force may greatly matter, if not 
 totally overthrow the ground-work of his labours. 
 
 And fo it muft always be, where the author is fo much in the dark, as to be 
 forced of neceffity to guefs at random; having befides this dilagreeable circum- 
 ftance attending, that, if by chance he mould hit the mark, it is impoffible for 
 him to be certain that he is perfectly in the right. 
 
 Since then the hiftory itfelf is fo little known; how much lefs (hall it be pof- 
 fible to point out the manners and cuftoms of a people, whofe exiftence is all we 
 can be cert.un of. — I hope then it will not need an excufe, that 1 have omitted 
 thofe things that are not confirmed by good authority ; chufing rather to leave 
 matters that are doubtful, in the dark as they are, than by intruding on the pa- 
 tience of the public, as well as wafting my own time, to render them, perhaps, 
 more confufed by endeavouring to clear them up. 
 
 B Neither 
 
2 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Neither in my opinion will it be in the lead necefTary for me to meddle with 
 the different opinions of the learned, concerning the feveral names, 6cc. with 
 their derivations, that have been given to this ifland, and its inhabitants. — All 
 SceCamden ^ ma ^ * av » * s > t ^ iat li was before Caefars time known to the Greeks and Phe- 
 Speed, nicians, by the names of Albion, Britannia, &c. who traded with the Britons 
 Sammcs,&c. Dar tering for their tin and lead, (which commodities are very plentiful in the 
 Sammes Weftern parts of the ifland) both iron and brafs, (thefe the Britons held in great 
 Brit. estimation) as alfo earthen veffels, fait, &c. Bat for the manners and cuftoms of 
 the inhabitants, we have no account of credit till the arrival of Csefar ; whofe 
 Csefar de Commentaries contain fome curious matters touching them. — The Britons thcm- 
 Bell. Gall, felves, (according to this author) held it unlawful to fet down the acts of their 
 kings, and heroes, in writing, or any other matters, fave only fuch public and 
 private accounts as it was abfolutely neceflary to keep; which were put down 
 in the Greek character, for which Casfar gives thefe reafons, firft, " Becaufe 
 they would not have their learning divulged among the vulgar; and, fecondly, 
 left thofe who were learned fhould depend too much on their knowledge of let- 
 ters, and by that means neglect: to cultivate their memories." 
 
 The Britons are divided by Casfar into two forts of people; of which he fup- 
 pofes the inland inhabitants to be the natives of the ifland, but thofe who were 
 in pofTeflion of the fea coafts, were fuch as for the fake of war and plunder, had 
 croffed over from the Belgas, 6cc. almoft all of whom retained the names of their 
 provinces. — But Tacitus, (who lived fometime after Julius Casfar, at a time 
 when the Romans were much better acquainted with the ifland and its inhabi- 
 Tacitus in tants) gives a nicer defcription of them. — " Who were the firft pofTeflbrs of 
 cohe AS "" Britain (foy s ne ) whether natives of its own, or foreigners, can be little known 
 amongft a people thus barbarous. In their looks and perfons they vary, from 
 whence feveral arguments and inferences are formed; for the red hair of the 
 Caledonians and their large limbs, teftify their defcent to be from Germany ; 
 the fwarthy complexion of the Silures, and their hair, which is generally curled, 
 with their fituation oppofite the coaft of Spain, furnifh ground to believe, that 
 the ancient Iberians had arrived from thence here, and taken pofleflion of the 
 territory. They who live next to Gaul are alfo like the Gauls ; whether it be 
 that the fpirit of the original ftock, from which they fprang, ftill remains, or 
 whether in countries near adjoining, the genius of the climate confers the fame 
 form and difpofition upon the bodies of men." 
 
 Government of the Britons. 
 
 Antiently Britain was under the government of feveral petty king?, who were 
 continually difputing with each other for Superiority; to which inteftine difcords 
 were owing the rapid conquefts of the Roman arms. 'Tis true, that on the firft 
 arrival of Casfar, Caflibelan was chofen by them to be the chief conductor of the 
 war, but they unhappily foon fell off from this good order, to their old quarrels 
 and diflentions, which rendered them an eafy prey to the enemy. '* For (fays 
 Vit. Agric. Tacitus) they were fwayed by feveral chiefs, and rent into factions and par- 
 ties, according to the humour and paflions of thofe their leaders. Nor againft 
 nations thus powerful does ought fo much avail us, as that they do not confult 
 in a body for the fecurity of the whole. It is rare that two or three com- 
 munities 
 
OF THE ANTIENT BRITONS. 3 
 
 munities affemble and unite to repulfe any public danger threatening to all : 
 fo that whilft only a fingle community fought at a time, they were every 
 one vanquished." 
 
 Arms and Accoutrements of War, &c. 
 
 The flight arms of the Britons were very unfit to withftand the Romans in 
 clofe encounters, but, in light fkirmifties, prudently made, they generally 
 gained confiderable advantage. 
 
 Caefar tells us that they had a dart, or javelin, which they threw from their Cacfarde 
 war chariots to annoy the enemy : befides this, they had a fhort fpear for the in- Bell. Gall, 
 fantry, with a bell at the nether end, and this they iuook with great violence 
 before the battle, fuppofing that the enemy would thereby be greatly intimidat- 
 ed. They had alfo a large fword and a fmall buckler, according to Tacitus. — Vit. Agr.c. 
 *' The Britons (fays he) who were poiTeffed at once of bravery and fkill, armed 
 with huge fwords and fmall bucklers, quite eluded our miffive weapons, or beat 
 them off, whilft of their own they poured a torrent on us, till Agricola en- 
 couraged three Batavian cohorts and two of the Tungrians, to dole with the 
 enemy, and bring them to an engagement hand to hand; as what was with thofe 
 veteran foldiers become familiar by long practice, but to the enemy very uneafy 
 and embarraiTing ; for the fwords of the Britons which are fo large and blunt at 
 the end are unfit for grapling, and cannot fupport a clofe encounter. Hence the 
 Batavians thickened their blows, wounding them with the iron bofies of 
 their mields, and mangled their faces, bearing down all who withftood them." 
 
 To thefe arms Dio Nicaeus adds a dagger. ~. xt . 
 
 We now come to their chariots or war; one lort or whicii is mentioned by 
 Casfar, and called Eflcdum*. " This (fays he) is the nature of their fighting rjjef. Coi 
 from their chariots; they firft ride in every part of the field and call: their darts 
 as they think them advantageous, frequently breaking the ranks by the prancing 
 of the horfes, and whirling of the wheels: when they have wound themfelves 
 amongft a troop of horfe, they alight from their chariots and carry on the attack 
 on foot; the chariotteers meanwhile draw off a little from the engagement, yet, 
 fo as to be ready at all times to fuccour the fighting parties, by being placed 
 where the retreat to them might be i'peedy and fafe. Thus they make advan- 
 tage of the nimblenefs of the horfes, and firmnefs of the foot; fo expert are 
 they from confhant practice, that they can ftop their horfes when in full fpeed 
 down a fteep hill, and check and turn them in the fmalleft compafs; run upon 
 the pole, rife upon the harnefs, and with the greateft nimblenefs from thence 
 return to the chariot." 
 
 Pomponius Mela fpeaks of another fort of chariot, called Covinus. " They Pomponius 
 (the Britons) fight (fays he) not only on horfeback and on foot, but in waggons Mela, 
 or chariots, after the manner of the Gctul4s: they call them covins, and they 
 are armed with hooks, and fcythes, fet into the axle-trees." 
 
 And Tacitus fpeaking of the Britons, tells us, that " Their principal force A ^ 
 confided in their infantry, tho' (continues he) fome nations amongft them made Lt ' SnC ' 
 war alfo in chariots, which the more honourable perfon always drove, and un- 
 der 
 
 \ icaeus 
 
 * Genus hc-c eft ex Effedis pugnae, &c. Csefar de Bell. Gal. lib. iv. cap. xii. 
 
4 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 der his conduct his followers fought." By this it mould feem that the ufe of 
 war chariots were not univerfal in Britain, hut particular only to certain provinces. 
 
 The f.rft mentioned chariot or EJ/edum, does not appear to have been armed 
 with hooks or fcythes, like to the Covinus ; to thefe two may be added a third 
 chariot, called Rheda, but it is uncertain whether it was armed like the Covinus 
 or not. 
 
 The Britons in their battles would often feign to fly, merely to draw the ene- 
 my to a purfuit, and when they faw a company following them from the main 
 body, they would immediately face about, and attack them with fuch amazing 
 fiercenefs and courage, that the purfuers paid forely for their zeal in following of 
 them. 
 
 TacitusAn- They fought not only under the conduct of men, but alfo of women, who were 
 na!. always admitted into their councils both of peace and war, and great deference 
 was paid to their opinions ; of which fex Boadicia was a wonderful example of 
 courage and greatnefs of foul, under whofe valiant conduct the Romans dread- 
 fully felt the weight of Britifh arms. 
 
 Cxf Com Before they began a battle they took feveral ftrange methods to intimidate the 
 enemy, fuch as making great fhouts, driving their chariots with great noife and 
 violence up and down the field, and making their fpears with the bells at the end, 
 being themfelves, to make their appearance more dreadful, painted of a blue 
 colour, with horrid images wildly traced on their fkin. We have this dcfcription 
 
 Tacitus An- given us by Tacitus, of the inhabitants of the Ifle of Anglefey, on the arrival of 
 
 nal. lib. xiv. Paulinus Suetonius, " So the footmen (viz. the foldiers of Paulinus Suetonius) 
 having paffed over, the horfemen followed by the ford, or by fwimming, if the 
 waters were high. The enemy's army flood on the lliore, well appointed with 
 men and weapons ; their women running up and down amongft them, with their 
 hair dimevelled, and clad in moft frightful attire, bearing fire-brands in their 
 hands, like the furies of hell; and round about them were their Druids, lifting 
 up their hands to Heaven, and muttering thoufands of imprecations and dreadful 
 curfes. A fight fo ffcrange and unufual ftruck the Roman foldiers with amaze- 
 ment, they ftood like inanimate beings, till they were by the General encouraged 
 to put forward, and not to fear a band of women and men, whofe frantic gellures 
 were only meant to intimidate them." 
 
 It was the cuftom with the Gauls and Britons to draw up the men of different 
 provinces diftinctly, that each party might have an opportunity of difplaying their 
 valour. 
 
 Their Fortifications, &c. 
 
 Diodorus 
 Siculus. 
 
 Their fortifications were very rude, confifting chiefly of a natural force. The 
 Britons, fays Csefar, call a thick wood which they have fortified with a ditch 
 and rampire of earth, a town, within which they built huts or cottages for 
 themfelves, and ftalls for their cattle. Their Houfes, (according to Diodorus 
 Siculus) were built with wood, the walls were made of fiakes and watlings, like 
 hurdles, and were thatched with either reeds or ftraw. * Such was the rude 
 ftate of the Britifh fortifications, domertic buildings, &c. in the earlier asra; but 
 foon after we find them (improving apace from their enemies experience) fetting 
 
 up 
 
 * Dio Nicxus tells us, that the northern parts of them dw«lt intents, going raked: 
 
OF THE ANTIENT BRITONS. 5 
 
 up ftrong flukes on the banks of earth, as well as large ftones rudely laid on each 
 other without mortar. Tacitus thus defcribes the camp of Caracfacus, — <c HeTacl . 
 (Caractacus) chofe a place for the battle, where coming in and going out was nal. lib. x'ti. 
 very inconvenient to us, at the fame time mod commodious and eafy to himfelf, 
 then he got to the top of a hill with his army, and where the paflage was eafy 
 for us to get to him, it was flopped up with a heap of ftones in the manner of a 
 rampire ; not far off ran a river, whole ford was dangerous and uncertain, and a 
 great troop of his beft foldiers were ported ready on the other fide to defend the 
 paffage, and prevent the enemy from landing." 
 
 However barbarous we may fuppofe the anticnt Britons to have been, they 
 certainly were not unufed to war, for long before the coming of the Romans, 
 they were continually making inroads into each other's provinces, with conftant 
 difturbances and civil broils, that were generally decided by the fword. But here 
 we mould obferve, this war was only amongft themfelves ; their manners of making 
 war and ©ffenfive weapons were known to each other, the chance then depended 
 much more on the courage, experience, and number of either army. But now 'tis 
 not the naked Briton fighting againft his fellow, but againft a man caled up in ftrong 
 armour, and trained by long practice and experience, under the greateft Generals 
 in the knowledge of every requilite to make a good foldier. Neither courage 
 nor number could much avail the Britons, for from their want of military order 
 and difcipline, joined with their own private controverfies, (each fcattered about 
 and fighting after his own fafhion) they were foon made the victorious triumph 
 of the more experienced Romans. 
 
 When Caviar croffed the Thames (in order to reach the city of Verulum, Cxf. deBrf. 
 where Caflibelan was entrenched) which was only fordable in one place, he found Gal. lib. v. 
 it fortified with fharp ftakes fet into the bed of the river, and but for the treache- 
 ry of one of the natives, who difcovered this to Caefar, he would have met with 
 a warm reception, but the Roman foldiers being apprifed of it, avoided the ftakes 
 and got clear over. — Bede tells us that thefe ftakes were in his time to be feen, ^ e 
 about the thicknefs of a man's thigh, fet into a beam, and caft round with lead jib. {. 
 to make them faft. 
 
 The Britons began about the time of Auguftus to be upon better terms with Camden 
 the Romans, infomuch that one of their Kings, named Cunobelin, (who was a&c. 
 great favorite of Caefar's) coined money with his portrait on it, in imitation of 
 the Romans, who had lately adopted that cuftom, and his fubjects began in many 
 matters to follow the Roman manners and cuftoms. In the time of Claudius, the 
 Romans grew into great favour with the Britons, for fome of them being (hip- ^JjJJ* jj 
 wrecked on the coaft of Britain, were received in a very friendly and hofpitable 
 manner, and at Camalodunum (the chief city of Cunobelin, but won from his Senec^ 
 fons by Claudius) there was a temple built to the honour of this Claudius Caefar, 
 for his great clemency to the conquered Britons. 
 
 Again we find them under the tuition of Agricola, building temples, houfes, 
 and places of afTembly ; the fons of the chief Britons were inftrucled in the li- 
 beral fciences. "Already (fays Tacitus) even in this early dawn of knowledge, yit. Affri. 
 the natural capacity of the Britons was preferable to the ftudied acquirements of 
 the Gauls ; they (continues he) began to honour our apparel, and the ufe of the 
 Roman gown became frequent amongft them; they were proud of the arts, and 
 learned the Roman tongue, which hitherto was not only hated but defpifed ; they 
 erected galleries and fumptuous baths, and were fond of grandeur and elegance 
 
6 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 in their banquetings." Thus we fee them advancing with hafty ftrides to lloth 
 and luxury. The crafty Romans meanwhile, as much as poflfible, encouraged 
 them in thefe purfuits, well knowing that by fuch means they mould not only 
 correct the natural ferocity of the Britons, but that in proportion as they gave 
 way to luxury, the ufe of arms and military arts would gradually lofe ground. 
 
 Of their Navigation. 
 
 C;ef. Com. 
 
 Polyhiftor, 
 
 Hift. du 
 Commerce. 
 
 Plott's 
 Staffqrdfbuife 
 Uorlafe's 
 Ant. of 
 Cornwall. 
 
 Speed's 
 Chron. of 
 Eng. p. 30 
 
 Speed's 
 Chronicle. 
 
 Their navigation muft have been very confined in this early time, not only from 
 the nature and fafhion of their velTels, but from their method of voyaging. 
 Csefar tells us that their boats were of a very flight conftruc~Hon,the keels and ribs 
 were of fome light wood, which was covered over with leather. And Lucan alfo 
 further explains them, " Firft (fays he) they were made of ofiers twifted and 
 interwoven with each other, which were covered over with ftrong hides." And 
 in thefe veffcls the Britons ventured out to fea, failing from hence to Ireland, 
 which paffage is often very rough and boifterous. Though fome learned men have 
 fuppofed that they had larger vefTcls for war and traffic *. 
 
 'Tis faid that when they undertook a voyage, they abftained from food 'till it 
 was completed ; whereby it plainly appears that they could not undertake any 
 long voyages. 
 
 They traded with the Greeks and Phenicians ; who, in return for the tin and 
 lead of the Britons, brought earthen pots, brazen ware, &c. We find Auguftus 
 Caefar levying a tax upon the commodities vended and received by the Britons, 
 which, befides what was before mentioned, coniifted of ivory boxes, iron chains, 
 and many other ornamental trinkets. 
 
 They had no coined money according to Cacfar, who exprefsly fays that "they 
 ufed pieces of brafs, and iron tallies of a certain weight, inftead of money"; but 
 Dr. Plott and Mr. Borlafe, with other learned authors, are of the opinion that 
 coined money was prior to Casfar's arrival. A gold coin (as is fuppofed) of Cafli- 
 belan, which Speed has given in his Chronicle, is brought as a fure proof of this 
 affertion ; but as this coin bears but the very doubtful traces of a name, and is 
 attributed to Caflibelan only from thofe fuppofed letters of a name, it may 
 be too hafty a conclufion in thofe that would give it as a certain proof : 
 I muft fay, (with all due fubmiflion) that to me the workmanfhip of this coin 
 feems much too good for thofe barbarous times ; the man and horfe are 
 both considerably too perfect and well proportioned to be executed by a peo- 
 ple, amongft whom the arts were not only not encouraged, but not known. Be- 
 fides this, there is another coin in the fame Chronicle, inferibed Com: Rex, fup- 
 pofed to be of that Comus (if, fays Speed, he be a Briton) who fled to Caefar, and 
 became a traitor to his native country. But even allowing (which is not barely 
 probable) this to be a coin of him, and he himfclf to have been a Prince of Bri- 
 tain, yet it is to be believed that he caufed it to be done not only in imitation of 
 the Romans, but alfo that he employed a Roman artift (or fome one by them in- 
 
 inftructed) 
 
 * Ou fi outre ces vaifleaux, qui etoient pour leur ufage journalier, ils n'en avoient point d'autres, de 
 gros bois, et de matiere folide, comme Selden Pa cm, pour les voyages de long cours, & pour la guerre, 
 il eft certain qu'on ne trouve aucun paffage dans les livres des anciens, qui marque qu'ils euffent de 
 grand vaiffeaux batis de bois folide, felon la fabrique ordinaire. — Hiftoirc du Commerce et de la Navi- 
 gation des Ancitns, page 202. 
 
OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS, 7 
 
 ftrudled) to fabricate this coin for him. This I dare fay will readily be allowed upon 
 the examination of it, and by comparing it with fome rude ones, doubtlefs of the 
 Britons, and evidently of a later date, the workmanfhip of which it greatly excello. 
 I think the words of Ceefar ought, (as the Rev. Mr. Pegge obferves) to be tranflat- See Pegge's 
 cd and taken in their full fenfe, * that is, that the Britons pofirively did not coin ^fiv on the 
 money prior to his (Caefar's) arrival. Mr. Pegge attributes (and 1 dare fay with Qunobelln 
 the greateft juftice) the firft coinage of money in Britain to Cunobelin, the 
 favorite of Auguftus. 
 
 HUSBANDRY. 
 
 The art of hufbandry was very little known to them till the arrival of the 
 Romans, for their inteftine quarrels and continual difcords muft necelfarily 
 prevent the proper cultivation of their lands, and hinder the progrefs of an art 
 that can only flourifti in the time of peace. They had great plenty of cattle, 
 and grew fome corn, the chief of which was barley, and of this they made their 
 drink. Their corn, fays Diodorus Siculus, theyhoufein the ear, and threfh it out Solinus 
 as they have occafion for it; but this is to be underftood of the more civilized Diofcorides, 
 Britons, for Casfar tells us that mod of the inland people fow no corn, but live Diod - Sic - 
 on milk and flefh ; and Dio Nicasus, fpeaking of of the northern parts of the DioNicaeus. 
 ifland, informs us, that the inhabitants tilled no ground, but lived on prey 
 which they got by hunting, and the fruits of trees; and though they have there 
 great quantities of fifh, yet they would not touch them : they dwelt naked in 
 tents, going even without fhoes : " thefe people (fays he) would endure hunger, 
 cold, and labour, with great patience; they would continue whole days up to 
 the chin in boggs, without food; in the woods they lived on the roots of the 
 trees, and had a kind of meat ready on all occafions, of which, only taking 
 the bare quantity of the fize of a bean, prevented their fuffering from hunger or 
 thirfV' 
 
 Camden tells us, that cherries were firft brought into England in the year 48. Camden's 
 And from feveral authors we learn, that the Britons, in the time of the Roman Brit. 485. 
 emperor Probus, were permitted to plant vines both for ufe and pleafure; tho' 
 at that time they could not be much farther ufeful than being ornamental, and 
 affording an agreeable (hade; the proper method of cultivating them they learn- 
 ed from the Romans, who were an induftrious people, and well verfed in every 
 branch of hufbandry. Neither had they much occafion to grow their own wine, 
 their neighbours from the continent gladly fupplied them, in return for their 
 other commodities. 
 
 They had, according to Strabo, fome flight notion of planting orchards. And Strabo. 
 Pliny further adds, that they manured their ground with marl, and were not s Nat * 
 altogether ignorant of gardening. 
 
 The Habits of the Britons. 
 
 We will begin with Casfar, who tells us that they were cloathed in fkins, and Gsfar Be], 
 ftained themfelves with i&oad, to make their appearance more dreadful in battle: ^ a1, 
 
 they 
 
 * " Utuntur aut xvCj atlt taleis ferreis ad certum pondus examinatis } pro nummo;" Cicfar de 
 
 Bel. Gal, lib. v. 
 
3 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Herodian. 
 
 Dio Nic. 
 
 Pliny's Nat, 
 
 Hift. 
 
 Sammcs 
 Brit. 
 
 As Ifidere 
 affirmcth. 
 
 Diod. Sic. 
 
 Speed's 
 Chron. 
 
 Tacitus 
 Annal. Jib. 
 xii. 
 
 Strabo. 
 Speed. 
 
 they wore their long hair hanging down on their moulders, and inaved all parts 
 of their body, the upper lip excepted. Here it is necelTary to obferve, that 
 Caefar has told us there were two forts of the Britons, of which, thofe inhabit- 
 ing in Kent, and on the fea ftiore, (of whom he fpeaks chiefly) were much more 
 civilized, and modeft, than the inlanders: for Herodian writing after Caefar of 
 the more northern nations, tells us, that " the inhabitants knew no ufe of cloaths, 
 but wore rings of iron and brafs about their necks and middles, to (hew their 
 riches, as in other countries they do gold and precious ftoncs: on their bodies, 
 (continues he) they painted ftrange refemblances of hideous animals : and left 
 the beauty (as they fuppofed it) of their painting mould be hid, might be the 
 prevailing reafon for their going naked: they had a fvvord hanging by their fides, 
 but were entirely ftrangers to the ufe either of the crofslet, or helmet, which 
 they fuppofed, would be not only unferviceable, but burthenfome to them in 
 crofting the bogs and fens." This account of Herodian, agrees with what has 
 been above faid of the northern Britons, from Dio Nicseus, that they lived 
 naked, dwelling in tents, &c. 
 
 Whether painting the bodies among the Britons was at all times, or in all 
 parts, a conftant cuftom, is much difputed ; fome fuppofe that it was only in war 
 to make them look terrible, and at their feftivals and facred rites ; when, fays 
 Pliny, they coloured themfelves like ./Ethiopians, being naked with their wives 
 and children at the folemnities ; other authors alTert, that painting of their bodies 
 became much more general after the arrival of Casfar than it was before, but 
 perhaps that might arife only from the illands being then better known to the 
 Romans, and of cenfequence the knowledge of the manners and cuftoms of the 
 people became much more extenfive, unlets we fuppofe with Sammes, that be- 
 ing after the arrival of Casfar involved in almoft a continual war with the Ro- 
 mans, they endeavoured to make themfelves as frightful as pofiible to thofe un- 
 lawful invaders, by a conftant Training and painting of their bodies. Some au- 
 thors have alio fuppofed, that the paint or die would warn off, which might be, 
 unlefs thofe who painted animals, &c. (which feem chiefly to have been orna*- 
 mental) cut thefkin, and fo pounced the colour into the wound. 
 
 We rind the civiller fort in Varro's time wearing robes, one of which he de- 
 scribes as a thick hairy garment, which the Britons themfelves called Gaunacum, 
 from whence perhaps our modern word gown may be derived. 
 
 And Strabo, fpeaking of the more polite fort uf the people, (inhabitants mo ft 
 likely of Kent, Cornwall, and Devon) allures us, that they wore long black gar- 
 ments reaching down to their ankles, walking with large ftaves in their hands, 
 (like furies in a tragedy.) However, Diodorus tells us that they were mild and 
 gentle in their difpofition, as well as plain and truly honeilin their dealings. 
 
 Carattacus, King of the Siiures, when he appeared before the Emperor Clau- 
 dius Caefar, is laid to have been attired in the following manner : His body was 
 for the muft part naked, and painted with divers animal?, an iron chain round 
 his neck, and a fecond round his middle ; his hair was long and curling, the hair 
 of his upper lip was unfhorn, and hung down on either fide falling upon his 
 breaft ; he neither hung down his head, (fays Tacitus) or in words craved for 
 mercy. 
 
 From feveral Hiftorians we have the following defcription of the habit 
 of our great Britifh Heroine Boadicia: " She wore a loofe robe of changeable 
 colours, over a thick plaited kirtle, the trefles of her hair hanging down to her 
 
 very 
 
OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS. ^ 
 
 very flcirts with a chain of gold about her neck, and carrying in her hand a fhort 
 fpear or dart. 
 
 Soon after this the Britilh people began under Agricola to adopt many of the Tac. Vie. 
 Roman manners and cuftoms, to wear their robes, and habit themfelves much A g pc - 
 after their fafhions. 
 
 Of their Priefts, Religion, and Idols. 
 
 Their priefts were called Druids. Caefar has given us a full defcription of CxC. Com. 
 the Druids of Gaul ; and tells us, that "they were not only the fame both in Bell. Gall, 
 manners and cuftoms with the Britifli Druids, but further adds, that this difci- llb * Vl * 
 pline was firft inftituted in Britain, * and from thence tranfported to Gaul ; fo 
 that thofe who would be thoroughly initiated in the Druid knowledge, came over 
 from Gaul to Britain to learn it in its original purity. 
 
 Although the kingdom was anciently divided into feveral petty governments, SeeCamdcn, 
 each having its own King and cuftoms, yet the power of the Druids was univer- g^f^ 7 ' & 
 fal y they were the arbitrators of all difputes, not only fpiritual but temporal, 
 determined all controverfies, both public and private ; if any crime was perpe- 
 trated, any murder committed, or difpute made about the right of inheritance, 
 or bounds of an eftate, the Druids were always thejudges to examine and deter- 
 mine the caufe : they would, according to their pleafure, decree rewards and 
 punifhments, and he who would not abide by fuch their fentence, was excom- 
 municated, and barred from being at their facrifices and folemn feafts, a pu- 
 nifhment the moft fevere, for they who were thus excommunicated being reckon- 
 ed amongft the vile and notorious wicked, were carefully fhunned like a dange- 
 rous infection by every one. 
 
 The Druids had over them all one primate or chief, j who fuperintended and Caefar 
 pofleffed the fupreme authority, at whofe deceafe the next fuperior in merit was 
 to fucceed ; but when there were many equals, the matter was determined by 
 the votes of the Druids ; though it fometimes happened that they had recourfe to 
 the fword, and difputed the fovereignty by the force of arms. 
 
 They of Gaul affembled, at an appointed time of the year, at a confecrated 'c^far de 
 place> near to the borders of Cbartres> fuppofed to be about the middle of Gaul. Bdl. Gall, 
 Hither they came from all parts who had difputes, and fubmitted them to the lib - vi * 
 general determination. 
 
 It is the common received opinion, that the Britifti Druids attended conftantly 
 at this meeting in common with thofe of Gaul, and that it was a great and ge- 
 neral aftembly of all the Druids, but I am of a contrary opinion ; for Caefar, who 
 tells us this, immediately afterwards fays, that thofe of the Gauls who were 
 willing to be more deeply learned in the myfteries of Druidifm, came into Britain 
 in order to be thoroughly inftructed. Now it feems moft reafonable to fuppofe, 
 that if this was fo great and general a meeting of the Druids, the place of affem- 
 
 bly 
 
 * Haec Difclplina in Britannia reperta, atque inde in Galliam tranflata efle exiftimatur ; & nunc 
 qui diligentius earn rem cognofcere volunt, plerurnque illo difcendi caufa proficifcuntur. — Caefar dc 
 Bel. Gal. Lib. vi. Com. viii. 
 
 % Sammes aad other authors make two of thefe chiefs, (of which one refided in the Ifle of Anglefca) 
 one prefid ins: over the North, and the other over the South Britons. — Sammes' Brit. Illuftrata. 
 
 c 
 
to THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 bly would certainly have been in Britain, where Druidifm was the beft known, 
 and of the longeft ftanding ; but it is moft likely, that thefe were only annual 
 meetings of the national Druids, aflembled together to adjudge fuch caufes as 
 might either from their nature or difficulty have been left undecided by the 
 See Stuke- particular Druids of each province ; and that in Britain they had alio their great 
 toy's Stone- an nual meeting at feme particular and confecrated place, perhaps Stone-Henge, 
 Hcnge. (which has been evidently proved to be of Britifh conftruction.) Befides, as 
 this was alio an annual aflize, or tribunal court, every one muft be ftruck with 
 the inconvenience (not to fay impoiTibility) of removing it out of the kingdom ; 
 and farther, it is to be remarked, Caefar is here fpeaking of the Gaulifh Druids 
 only, who, fays he, in all things copied thofe of Britain. 
 
 The Druids never went to the wars, nor did they pay any taxes, but held a 
 free enjoyment of all things. This encouraged many of their own accord to fre- 
 quent their fchools, whilft others were fent by their parents. They learned a 
 vaft number of verfes by heart, fo that fome of them continued twenty years in 
 their education, it (as was before obferved) not being lawful for them to com- 
 mit any thing to writing, (the public records and private accounts excepted 
 which were all kept in Greek characters.) 
 
 The Druids had the tuition of the youth ; for it was not cuftomary for the 
 fon to be feen with the father till he was able to bear arms. 
 
 There were alfo an inferior order of Druids, called Bards, moft remarkable for 
 their memory, finging the actions of their kings, heroes, and great men. Their 
 office moll: likely was to teach the pupils thofe hymns and verfes that it was ne- 
 cetfary for them to learn, whilft thofe of the fuperior order were employed in 
 higher fpeculations, and the more folemn and fecret myfteries of their duty. 
 Thofe youth who were not to be initiated in the fecrets of Druidifm, were dif- 
 milTed from the fchools as foon as they had courage and ftrength fufficient 
 to fight for their native liberty. 
 
 The Druid doctrine was, that the foul cannot perifh, but goes continually 
 from one body to another. They conftantly infpired the youth with thoughts 
 of honor and glory, teaching them to fing the heroic deeds of their great anceftors, 
 and above all things to hold thofe in the greateft contempt who manifefted the 
 leaft fear of death. They are fuppofed to have been very learned in natural phi- 
 Stukeley's lofophy, infomuch, that many authors have attributed to them the perfect under- 
 ^ t0 ^^ nge ftanding of the magnet, and, as fome fay, of the compafs. However, Casfar tells 
 us, that they ufed to inftruct their youth in the knowledge of the heavens, the 
 courfe of the liars, and their motions, the magnitude of the world, and of the 
 earth, as well as of the nature of things, and the power of the immortal Gods. 
 Hift.& Ant. They had female Druids alfo, according to Borlafe, of which there were three 
 of Cornwall different claries. 
 
 The firft were thofe who lived in perpetual virginity, and were conftant attend- 
 crs on the facred rites. 
 
 The fecond clafs were thofe who were married, but only faw their hulbands 
 once a year, that they might have children. 
 
 And thirdly, thofe who were married, and never feparated from their hulbands, 
 but governed their families, brought up their children, and laboured as much as 
 became their fex and circumftances, nothing differing from the common duties 
 done by other women. 
 
 Speed 
 
 Borlafe's 
 Hift. of 
 Cornwall. 
 
 Csefar. 
 
OF THE ANTIENT BRITONS. n 
 
 Speed adds a fort of Druids, who forbad the worfhipping of idols, or any other ^Speedjs 
 form intended to reprefent the Godhead. 
 
 However extenfive the natural knowledge of the Druids may have been, their 
 horrid fuperftitions and barbarous rites are fufficient teftimonies of their igno- 
 rance concerning the benign nature of a merciful God, as well as a great proof of Caffi * 
 their wanting the common charitable feelings of human creatures. Not only s jj nag " w ' 
 beafis but men were equally the victims of their bloody and hellifh facrifices. 
 They taught in common, that the Gods were never better pleafed than when 
 the life of one man was taken from him, in oblation for another; fo that when 
 a Briton was about to undertake any difficult and perilous enterprize, he either 
 would offer, or vow to offer, up a Man to the immortal Gods, impioufly fup- 
 pofing that they, in confideration of fuch afacrifice, would preferve him with un- 
 common care and diligence. The Druid then was the minifter to perform this 
 devililh office ; nay fo fond did they imagine that their Gods were of theflaugh- 
 ter of the human fpecie, that they had public facrifices, where, in a large wicker , 
 
 r J i r vi i n . Caef.de Bel. 
 
 image, (made to reprefent a human figure) the unhappy victims were lhut up Gal. lib. v i. 
 alive, which being fet on fire, the miferable wretches perifli in the flames. 
 Thofe thus burnt were generally malefactors, whole crimes had rendered them 
 obnoxious to the law, and thefe they fuppoled were always the moft acceptable 
 to the Gods ; but, fays Caefar, for want of thefe the innocent and harmlefs often 
 fuffer. 
 
 The rites and religious myfteries were by the Druids performed in their facredMax. Tyr. 
 groves, which were of oak. Max. Tyrius fays, that the Celtae, or Gauls, wor- 
 mipped Jupiter, of whom they made the talleftoak to be the refemblance. 
 
 'Tis undoubted that they had the oak in the greateft veneration, efpccially 
 when they found any thing growing round it, for then it was efteemed facred, 
 and they imagined that the Gods had chofen that tree for themfelves. But par- 
 ticular regard was paid to the mifletoe, when it was found growing round the oak, 
 which at a certain feafon of the year was gathered with great parade, and many ^'"^j^ 3 '* 
 fuperftitious ceremonies : Firft, they obferved that the moon was fix days old, 
 for then they began their months, as well as the new year ; then having the fa- 
 crifice prepared under the tree, two milk white bullocks were brought forth that 
 had never worn a yoke, whole horns were then, and not till then, bound up ; 
 this done, the prieft (habited in a white veftment) afcended the tree, and with a 
 golden pruning knife cut off the mifletoe, which was carefully received into a 
 white woollen cloth by them that attended below, over which many orations and 
 incantations were muttered, then it was keptficred; the decoction of which they 
 efteemed as an antidote to poifon, and a fure remedy for barrennefs, as well as 
 many other bodily difeafes. 
 
 The Britons worlhipped feveral gods; as Jupiter under the name of Toramis, Caef. Carri- 
 er Thunderer; (the fame with Tbor of the Germans; from whence our Thurf- de ", Speed, 
 day). — Mercury under the appellation of Tutates: him they efteemed the in- &c ' 
 ventor of arts, the patron and protector of travellers, and the great god of all 
 merchants and merchandize. 
 
 Mars according to feveral authors bore the name of Hefius*, the god of war: Camden, 
 when they made war, they vowed to devote to him, whatever fpoils they might Speed. 
 
 get 
 
 * In the Antient Univerfal Hiftory it is remarked, that this is a great error in confounding Mars 
 with Hefius, or Efus, which fignifies the great and fupreme deity; They undoubtedly did v/orfhip 
 Mars, but under another appellation. See vol, xix. 
 
12 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Gal" ]fb B v!' ^ et * n P r °g ref " s °*" tnat war: whence, fays Caefar, (of the Gauls,) " one often 
 * meets with large heaps of fpoils, laid up in their facred places, in feveral pro- 
 vinces, which none dared touch; for the mod terrible torment was the furc 
 punimment to be expected, by thofe detected in the perpetration of that crime." 
 Camden. Apollo, or the fun, was called Belenus, or Be/atucardus-\-, and was a favourite 
 Heame. g d amongft the Britons. 
 
 Diana they named Ardurena, or Ardoeuna: they alfo worfhipped the goddefs 
 of victory, by the title of Andrafte: they had befides, Minerva, Janus, and 
 feveral other gods. 
 
 Cajfar. But whether the Britons, like the Gauls, derived their original from the god 
 
 DtSy is uncertain ; yet, there is the fame reafon for thinking fo, that Caefar 
 afligns for the Gauls, namely, counting the time by nights, and not by days; 
 as fortnight, fevennight, inftead for fourteen days, feven days; unlefs we wholly 
 derive this cuftom from the Saxons, who certainly reckoned in this manner. 
 
 They had ftatues, and portraitures of fome of their gods, which (probably 
 not through intention, but want of fkill) were hideoufly ugly; which made 
 
 Gildas.Hift. the religious Gildas mournfully exclaim; calling them " ugly fpectres, merely 
 diabolical." And of the grotefque figures of their deities, that were yet in his 
 time, remaining on the ruined walls of their old cities ; to declare, that they 
 out-did the idolatry even of the Egyptians. 
 
 'Tis thought that the Druid worfhip continued in full force till the time of 
 Lucius, about the year of our Lord 177; when chriftianity being embraced by 
 him, and the nobles of the land, bifhops were ordained, (and by the civil power 
 protected) to preach unto the people, and to convert them. Thus the Druids 
 being deprived of all their authority in civil matters, their power began by degrees 
 to dwindle away, in proportion as the chriftian religion flourifhed, and became 
 eftablifhed in the realm. 
 
 ** c j^Gall. T ne wive ^^ t ^^^^. n ^^! :)r ^^^^^ x ^ r y were common to ten or twelve, 
 1 ' v * efpecially ]b^^%^»w^^^^ai^ii^^^£^tee^ andc^parents to their children. 
 But whatever children were born, were always attributed to him to whom the 
 woman was married. 
 
 "Dion. Caf. The emprefs "Julia, (confort of Severus) one day rallying a Britim lady, on 
 this indecent cuitom of her country; me replied, Indeed we Britim women do 
 herein much differ from the ladies of Rome, for we openly accompany with the 
 worthier!; men in the land; while here, they take up with every bafe fellow in 
 a corner. 
 
 Bell. Gall. Men had the power of life and death over their wives and children : and when 
 a king, or nobleman died, if the leaft fufpicion was entertained of an untimely 
 death, the wife in common was put to torture, the fame as a fervant ; and if fhe 
 was found guilty, me was tormented with fire till me died: from whence fome 
 
 Seldan. have thought we flill retain the cuftom of burning women, who murder their 
 hufbands. 
 
 The funerals of the Britons were performed (if the parties were of distinction) 
 with much pomp, and fuperftitious ceremony. They threw into the pile, 
 all that they fuppofed the deceafed held dear while living, not fparing the 
 animals that he affected; nay indeed, Caefar tells us, the Gauls ufed to put 
 the favourite Haves into the funeral fire, to be burnt with their matters. 
 
 Some 
 
 t It is faid by fome authors that this god is erroneoufly called Apollo, and who fuppofe him to hare 
 been the fame with Mars of the Romans. See Baxter's Glof. and Gale's Comment, in Antoninus. 
 
OF THE ANTIENT BRITONS. 
 
 '3 
 
 Some Obfcrvations on Stone-Henge, Aubery, &c. 
 
 I here take the liberty of offering fome few words, concerning thofe vener- 
 able old remains of antiquity, Stone-Henge, Aubery, &c. Dr. Stukeley and Mr. Stuk ^ e , 
 Borlafe, have between them, given a compleat account of the antient Druids; stoneHen^e 
 and Dr. Stukeley has taken infinite pains, to prove Stone-Henge, and Aubery, and Aubery, 
 to be not only of Druid conftruction, but that they were alfo the temples & Borlafe's 
 of worfhip of the Druids. Mr. Borlafe has partly agreed with the Dr. in cSfnwa°f 
 being temples of wormip, but imagines, that they may alfo have been made ufe 
 of as courts of judicature. My thoughts are, that they are beyond a doubt the 
 rude ftructures of the Britons, but I think they were intended as courts of ju- 
 dicature only. 
 
 All antient authors have told us, that the temples of the Druids were neither 
 more, nor lefs, than a thick grove of oaks; or at leaft, if there mould have been 
 a rude temple, it was on a hill, furrounded with oaken trees. Indeed Mr. Bor- 
 lafe has advanced an afTertion, that would entirely confirm the Doctor's opinion; 
 when he fays, "that Salifbury plain, however it is now a wild and barren plain, 
 was antiently a thick wood;" and in the middle of which wood, he fuppofes 
 Stone-Henge to have been built. But, I am afraid, Mr. Borlafe has gone a 
 little too far in his afTertion, to be able to keep pace with proofs. 
 
 Dr. Stukeley himfclf did not ftart fuch a conjecture, but thought Caefar, (or 
 rather the tranfcribers of Caefar) had miftakenly placed luco, pro loco, — a grove 
 for a place. In fhort, (with all fubmiffion) the Doctor's account is moft un- 
 doubtedly, very learned and ingenious, but to me it does not feem conclulive, 
 fince he is obliged to gainfay the very authority that his ftrongeft. arguments 
 are founded upon. 
 
 Casfar tells us, that the Druids of Gaul met once a year at Chartres, to deter- 
 mine fuch difficult matters in public affembly, as each Druid, or private meet- 
 ing of the Druids of each province, had not been able to fettle. Certainly thofe 
 of England alfo, had their annual meetings; for the fame author informs us, 
 that the Gaulifli Druids in all refpects refembled thofe of Britain. Allowing 
 this, where can we fuppofe a better place for fuch a public affembly, than a 
 large extenfive plain? where all bufineis might be tranfacted, " in the fair face 
 of day." Neither does the fuppofed altar, or the burnt bones of animals, &c. 
 found near it, in the leaft difprove this conjecture; for it is very clear that the 
 Druids never began any important bufineis, without firft facrificing to the 
 Gods. Nor is the form, and conftruction, in the leaft unfit for fuch a purpofe. 
 And for thofe of more common ftructure, as Aubery, Roll- Rich, &c. they may 
 have been the courts of judicature, for fuch particular provinces, or kingdoms; 
 where the Druids of fuch provinces, might meet at certain ftated times, to de- 
 termine publickly all fuch matters, as might not require the decifion of the whole 
 affembly of Druids, &c. 1 hope the candid reader will (if this opinion mould 
 feem vague, and unlikely to him,) recollect that I mean it only as a conjecture 
 of my own, and as fuch, have given it in as few words as poflible; and, how- 
 ever flight or trifling it may appear, it has coft me an infinite deal of pains, in 
 fearching, and comparing the different authors that have written on this fub- 
 ject; and to get good reafons (or at leaf! fuch as feemed to me conclufive) to 
 eftablim this conjecture in my own mindj without which, I mould have never 
 prefumed to prefent it to the public. Of 
 
14 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOxMS 
 
 Of the Roman Fortifications. 
 
 Before I take my leave of the Britifh/Era, it may not be improper to fay fome- 
 Vv-hat concerning the fortifications of the Romans; as well of their camps, as of 
 their cities and fixed flations. Tho' I wifh hereby to be underflood only to mean 
 fuch as are within this kingdom, and have fallen under the infpeftion of learned 
 men; or fuch knowledge as I have gained in faithfully examining a considerable 
 variety of them : and this I fhall only treat upon as far as is abfolutely necef- 
 fary for the better underftanding fuch camps, caflles, &c. of the Saxons, 
 Danes, and Normans, as may have been fuccerlively improved from them by 
 thofe fucceeding people. 
 
 The Romans having firfl chofe out a convenient fpot for their camp, (generally 
 near a river if poflible) began by marking out the fpace it would require; then 
 by throwing up a high bank of earth all round it, they made a deep ditch, 
 which being well planted with flakes, and fortified with thick fet palifadoes, 
 was filled with water. Sometimes they made (as the place might from its fituation 
 require) not only one, but two or three banks of earth, and confequently as 
 many ditches. On the vallum, or bank, was raifed a parapet with battlements, 
 and large flakes were cut branching out, (as Caefar exprefTes it) like flags horns, 
 Csef. de Bel. an d f a ftened in between the joints of the battlements; then they built at con- 
 Gal. lib. vn. ven | ent diftances, wooden towers round the whole work: thofe defcribed by 
 Caefar in his camp were 80 feet from each other. 
 
 But in thofe camps where the emperor or chief general was prefent, there was 
 a lefler fortification (of the fame flructure) within the large camp; this was 
 called the praetorium, and therein they erected the general's tent. 
 
 The form of thefe camps were often varied; fome few are round, others quite 
 fquare, but they moflly are of an oval, or rather an oblong fquare, with the 
 fharp corners taken off. (Plate f, fig. 2.) is the reprefentation of a very large, 
 and perfect Roman camp, at Wallbury, near Hallingbury, in the county of 
 Eflex. 
 
 It is fituated on an eminence precipitating off to the river Stort, having a double 
 vallum, B. B. B. and D. D. D. and contains full thirty acres: the firfl ditch 
 is almofl clofed up, except at F, where fome traces of it yet remain, about 1 5 
 feet over: the outer and leffer vallum, D. D. D. is about 26 feet broad at the 
 bottom, and as many high: the great ditch, C. C. C. is full 32 feet wide; and 
 the inner vallum, B. B. B. is about 30 feet wide, and full that in heighth. At 
 A, is a fudden precipice down to the river E, where the inner ditch C, is loft 
 for full 30 yards, and the outer vallum and foiTe far more than double that 
 fpace; from the nature of the place they became entirely ufelefs on this fide; 
 it being naturally fo well fortified, by the vaft fleepnefs of the defcent. The 
 three divifions in the camp are the prefent entrances, of which the two broader 
 ones appear to be the original, the letter one being cut through for the con- 
 venience of carriages. 
 
 Befides thefe camps, which were only for the prefent ufe, or as refts from 
 ftation to ftation, they had walled cities, the remains of feveral of them are yet 
 to be feen in England; thefe were ftrongly fortified, and the walls fo folidly built, 
 that had they not been barbaroully deftroyed, and with great labour flubbed 
 down, they would have flood for ages to come. 
 
 The 
 
OF THE ANCIENT BRITONS, &c. 15 
 
 The original old wall of the city of London, was beyond a doubt Roman { 
 faid to have been built by Conftantine, which Dr. Woodward, (who had an 
 opportunity of examining it when Bifhopfgate was taken down, and foundations ^ 
 dug for the new buildings) thus defcribes. " From the foundation which lay pp. Wood- 
 8 feet below the prefent furface, quite up to the top, which was in all near 10 ward's Let- 
 feet high ; it was compiled alternately of layers of broad flat bricks and rag flone ; ^ to Sir c - 
 the bricks lay in double ranges ; each brick 1 inch 3-1 oths. thick, the whole j^aby 
 layer with the mortar interfperfed, exceeded not 3 inches : the layers of the flones Hearne at 
 were not quite 2 feet thick of our meafure : 'tis probable that they were intended the end of 
 for 2 feet of the Romans, their rule being fomewhat fhorter than ours. To tn i s of\?ebnd's 
 heighth the workmanfhip was after the Roman fafhion. The mortar that was itinerary, 
 intermixed with th« rag flone, was become as hard as the flone itfelf, and the 
 thicknefs of the whole wall was full 9 feet." This defcription of Dr. Wood- 
 ward's exactly agrees both in the meafures and materials, with the Roman 
 flation at Chefterford in EfTex, that I examined with the greateft care and cir- 
 cumfpection, in the year 1772 ; great part of the wall then remaining, which 
 has been fince flubbed down. In 1773, flopping again at Chefterford, I had an 
 opportunity of fcrutinizing into the materials of the firft foundation, which was a 
 red fandy loom, intermixed with fmall flones, full 2 feet in heighth, on which 
 was raifed the morefolid foundation, compofed of rag flones and flrong cement ; 
 this was full 3 feet in heighth, the top of which is almoft equal with the prefent 
 furface of the ground; and on this was built the wall, compofed of rubble, flone, 
 and cement, together with layers of bricks as above defcribed. This flation 
 muft have been very large, it is upwards of 1 000 feet in length, and the breadth 
 of the wall is full 1 2 feet. 
 
 The flandard meafure of the Roman brick, is 1 foot and a \ in length, and I 
 foot in breadth, according to Vitruvius: " But (continues Dr. Woodward,) in 
 meafuring fome of thefe very exactly, I found them 17 inches 4-1 oths. in length, 
 and 1 1 inches 6-1 oths. in breadth, and 1 inch 3-1 oths. in thicknefs of our mea- 
 fure." And this meafurement exactly tallies with that which I made of thofe 
 bricks from the old wall at Chefterford. 
 
 Thefe walled ftations do not appear to have been furrounded by a ditch, neither 
 are they built on Valiums or banks of earth, but on a flrong foundation brought 
 even with the furface of the ground. 
 
 The END of the BRITISH £RA. 
 
 OF 
 
16 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ANTIENT SAXONS, 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 Their ARRIVAL in BRITAIN. 
 
 "DEFORE I enter upon the defcription of the manners, and cuftoms of the 
 Anglo-Saxons, it will be neceffary to fay fomething of their original, and more 
 antient ftate. The people generally called Saxons, were compofed of three na- 
 tions, each bearing a different name : to wit, the Saxons, the Angles and the Jutes, 
 all branches of the fame ftock, exactly agreeing in their language, cuftoms and 
 Sammes's religion. They were (fays Sammes) led under the conduct of their valiant chief 
 Bnt. p. 41 1. jfodgffi from Scythia and Cimmeria, into the northern parts of Germany; whence 
 they fpread themfeves all along upon the coafts of the Baltic Ocean, and fo 
 round to Belgium and Batavia, living chiefly by piracies ; for their great 
 Marcellinus valour and fiercenefs they were much dreaded by the neighbouring nations, nay, 
 Zofimus. even the Romans themfelves were apprehenfive and fearful of them, fo defperate 
 and dangerous an enemy were they. 
 
 They are generally called Saxons, and were more particularly known in Bri- 
 tain by that name, as well at the time of their arrival as afterwards. 
 
 I (hall pafs in filence over the many fruitlefs and uncertain accounts of thofe 
 authors who have endeavoured in vain to bring to light the true derivation 
 Rcftitution °f tne names °f thefe people, taking notice only of the opinion of Ver- 
 ofDecayed ftegan, who gives the Saxons their name from the fwords worn by them, 
 Antiq. p.2i.« which (fays he) were called 8eaxej% or Seaxen, from Sairen a fcythe, becaufe 
 thefe fwords were long and bending like a fcythe, having the edge the contrary 
 way." But thefe crooked fwords muft have been of very ancient date, for the 
 Anglo-Saxons entirely dropped the ufe of them, fubftituting in their ftead long 
 ftrait fwords double edged, as will be clearly fhewn hereafter. 
 
 The Arms and warlike Cuftoms of the Old Saxons. 
 
 According to Verftegan, befides the long fword above mentioned, they had a 
 knife or dagger ; the fword, or long Seax, they wore by their fide, whilft the 
 dagger, or hand Seax, was kept in a (heath diftind: by itfelf. This laft was the 
 fort of weapon made ufe of by Hengift and his followers on Salilbury Plain, 
 when he met Vortigern, king of the Britons, (with many of the nobles of the 
 realm in his train) in order, as the Britons fuppofed, to conclude an amicable 
 peace j the unfufpecting Britons came unarmed to this meeting, while the trea- 
 cherous Saxons had each a knife, or hand Seax, concealed under his garment, 
 when, on the watch word " Nem coun Seaxer-," (that is, take out your knives) 
 being given, they fuddenly drew their weapons forth, and inhumanly butchered 
 
OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS, &c. t; 
 
 the unhappy Britons. And this may alfo be the weapon mentioned by Witi- Witichm- 
 chindus, a Saxon writer, in thefe words, " Great knives, or rather bended dus 
 fwords, they truiTed on little fhields acrofs their backs." 
 
 The Saxons were undoubtedly a flout and hardy people, delighting chiefly in Tacitus 
 war, holding it at all times far more honourable to take the necefTaries of life by 
 force from others, than by their own induftry to provide them for themfclves. 
 War was indeed a part of their religion, for they not only held it difhonourable 
 for a man to die of a difeafe, or in his bed, but fuppofed that he would be entirely 
 excluded from the joys of a happy ftate hereafter, which was a place in Woden's Sherrin 
 Hall, where, in an endlefs round of quiet and contentment, he fhould fit and hamdeUrig. 
 quaff* full cups of ale in the fkulls of his enemies : this was their heaven ; and Ant. Gent, 
 their place of punifhment plainly proves their detcftation of floth and indolence, 
 for they fuppofed the torments to be a continual fucceflion of lazinefs, licknefs, 
 and the moft miferable infirmities. 
 
 They had yet other fpurs to awaken in them a thirft for glory, and an enthu- Tacitus in- 
 fiaftic defire of martial fame; for if any quitted the field of battle without fac-Q^an °* 
 cefs, they were under a temporary difgrace; but if any one furvived, and left the rnian y*- 
 field where his Prince or General, was flain, he was branded with perpetual 
 infamy. 
 
 If a foldier loft his fhield in battle, he was debarred from being prefent at their 
 facred rites, for grief of which many of them deftroyed themfelves. 
 
 When they elected a General, (fays Tacitus) which was done by the votes of Tacitus 
 the foldiers, he was fet upon one of their fhields, and borne on men's fhoulders Hift -^ ib - iv - 
 amidft the applaufes and acclamations of the people. cap ' ' 
 
 They prudently chofe for a General one that had given undoubted proofs ofDefcript. 
 his valour, and was well experienced in the art of war;, becaufc they repofed Germ - 
 the greateft confidence in him when elected; implicitly obeying his orders, and 
 following him with unwearied afliduity. They paid the greateft attention to 
 order and military difcipline, obferving their ranks, talcing the advantage of the 
 field, benefit of the day, and conftantly making their entrenchments in the dead 
 of night; for fortune they held as always doubtful, but prudence and valour, 
 they efteemed as certain. They would not go to battle, or undertake any great 
 expedition without firft confulting their wives, to whofe advice they payed the 
 greateft regard: they alfo fuperftitioufly placed great faith in the neighing of Camden s 
 horfes. When they defigned to declare war againft their enemies, they fet their Brit - 
 fpears before the temple of their gods, and the facred horfe* was led out; when Sax. Gram 
 if he put his right foot forward, the omen was held good, but, if on the con- 
 trary he ftepped with his left foot firft, the omen was efteemed as unlucky, and 
 they defifted from the intended bufinefs. Alfo to know the event of a battle, 
 previous to the engagement, they would arm one of their own men, and fet him 
 againft an armed captive; and by the iffue of this combat, they would judge the 
 fuccefs of the field. They went ftnging to the battle, carrying before them the Tacitus de 
 images of their gods from their confecrated woods, and had Runic characters Mor ' Germ " 
 engraven on their fpears, which were held as magic charms. Thefe Runic 
 
 characters 
 
 D 
 
 * Perhaps this is the fame horfe that was kept in the temple of the idol Penenuth, on which 
 they fuppofed the god would ride to help them in battle; and this they could not in the leaft doubt 
 the truth of, becaufe often after a battle, the horfe was found entirely in a foam. But it is to be 
 noted, the priefts alone had the care of the horfe, none dared to come near the place where he was 
 kept, till they pleafed to fliew him to the people. 
 
iS THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Sherringbam ■characters were either invented, or improved by Woden, who taught the pitt- 
 ing them into rhyme; the which,, with the art of engraving them on tables of 
 ftone, they brought with them into Germany-}-. 
 Sidonius The Saxons had a moft barbarous cuftom of facrificing every tenth prifoner 
 lib. viii. t0 Woden, who they thought, would highly delight in fuch horrid cruelty. 
 Verftegan Single combat, by them called Cemp or Kemp- fight, was often pradtifed in 
 
 matters that could not readily be decided in any other manner. 
 Tacit. Def. No man was permitted to bear arms, 'till he was with great folemnity ad- 
 Germ, mitted in a general aflembly, where his father, or fome one of his neareft kin- 
 dred, prefentcd him with a mield and a framra, or fhort fpear: thus the path of 
 honour was opened to him, and this was the firft ftep to glory and renown. 
 Their arms they always held in the greateft veneration, fo that a virgin given in 
 marriage, brought as her dower, a fhield, a fword, and a lance, thefe were re- 
 ceived as the moft facred pledges, nay, as the very patron gods of matrimony : 
 neither came they unarmed even to their councils, or feafts. They bound their 
 Sax. Gram, leagues, and friendfhips in blood : and at their drinking feftivals they would 
 p b " l " a i„i embrace each other, and cut a vein in their foreheads letting the blood fall from 
 
 romp. Mela . ' , . . . . >ii • u 
 
 Herod. lib.iv thence into each others cups, which, being itirred about with the wine, they 
 drank it off", accounting it the higheft mark of friendship to tafte each others 
 blood. And after this drinking, they anointed their heads with fome cooling 
 unguent to prevent the fumes of the wine affecting them. 
 
 F.Diaconus A man might not cut his beard till he had (lain his enemy, or taken his ftand- 
 ard from him. And they wore a ring of iron round their necks in token of 
 bondage, till by their bravery and valour, they had it taken from them with 
 honour. 
 
 As we have feen that they were ftrenuous and fanguine in the purfuit of glory, 
 fo were they equally firm and fteadfaft in misfortunes, bearing a mind too 
 noble to be debafed even in capivity. A band of them being taken by Lyfima- 
 chus t (a Roman general) were led to Rome, with the defign of producing them 
 as gladiators at the public fhews in the amphitheatre, for the paftime of the 
 Romans, but they refolutely put an end to their lives the morning they were to 
 be produced, chufing much rather to die, than difgracefully turn the edge of their 
 fwords againft each other to pleafure their inhuman enemies. 
 
 Defcription of the Saxons. 
 
 Verftegan. They are faid to have been tall, fair complexioned, free and bountiful in their 
 manners, of a chearful and modeft carriage ; and however they might appear 
 
 Marcell. fierce and favage to their enemies, they were very kind and loving amongft them- 
 felves. 
 
 Verftegan, They were compofed of four ranks or degrees of people, the firft of which 
 P a S e 57« were called Grhel, (noble j) the fecond were Fni-leot>, (freeborn;) the third 
 Fpijelaren, (letten or made free ;) and the fourth clafs were Ga^en, (own, pro- 
 per, that is bondmen :) thefe generally married amongft themfelves, yet if any 
 
 one 
 
 f Woden alfo made a law, that the bodies of the dead, flain in battle, ftiould be burnt, together with 
 their arms, ornaments and money; and over the afhes of their kings and heroes, to raife large hills of 
 earth : and on the fepulchres of thofe who had performed, great and glorious actions, to ere& high 
 monuments inferibed with Runic characters. 
 
OF THE ANTIENT SAXONS. t 9 
 
 one by his good and gallant deportment advanced himfelf, he was as much or 
 more refpe&ed than if he had really been born in the ftation he had raifed 
 himfelf to. 
 
 Antient Form of Government of the Saxons. 
 
 Their ftate government was antiently conduced by twelve noblemen, chofen Verftcgan, 
 from the reft for their virtue, valour, and integrity. Thefe in times of peace P a S c62 « 
 rode on their feveral circuits to fee juftice done, and the laws put in full execu- 
 tion ; they had alfo their fet times for the twelve to meet together, to confult on 
 the management of public matters. In war one was chofen from the twelve to 
 be made king, but that dignity continued only during the war, for on the re-efta- 
 blifhment of peace he laid down his royal authority, and ranked again with the 
 twelve, (from whence he had been elected.)* 
 
 They were very fevere in the due enforcement of their laws, particularly pu- 
 nching adultery ; for the offending woman had firft her hair cut off, and then /lie 
 was turned forth ftark naked (or at leaft with her cloaths cut off to her girdle- 
 ftead) from herhufhand's houfe, in prefence of all her kindred, and was whipped 
 from town to town till flie died, without the leaft regard being paid either to her 
 fex, wealth, or beauty. Her feducer was generally hanged on a tree. Thofe 
 that were unnaturally lewd were ftifled in filthy mud, and covered with hurdles. 
 
 Of their ORDEALS. 
 
 If a perfon was accufed, or fufpetted of a crime, which could not be fully Reftitution 
 proved, he was put to the ordeal, or trial, either by lire or water. The firft fiery j f J^ 021 ^ 
 ordeal was thus : Nine red hot plough-fhares were brought forth, and laid at n e ' p * ^ 
 unequal diftances, and the accufed perlbn having his feet bare, and his eyes clofe 
 blinded, was to walk over them, which if he performed without touching the 
 fhires, he was inftantly declared innocent, if not, guilty, -j- 
 
 The next fiery ordeal was thus : The ful peeled perfon took a red hot iron into 
 his hand, which if he held without being burnt, he was acquitted ; but on the 
 contrary, if it fcorched his hand, he was inftantly condemned ; for they thought 
 that Heaven by miracle would certainly interpofe to fave the innocent. 
 
 They had alfo two more ordeals by water, the firft of which was after this 
 manner : The accufed was fet before a veffel of boiling water, into which he was 
 to plunge his naked arm, and fentence was given according as he was" either 
 fcalded or not. The fecond was to thruPc the accufed into a deep water, where 
 if he ftruggled in the leaft to keep himfelf on the furface, he was accounted 
 
 guilty, 
 
 * But about the ninth century this form of government ceafed entirely, when the perpetual name 
 cf dulce, with the chief authority was given to one ; the others wsre made lords and earls. 
 
 f This ordeal was put in force (if we may believe Ran. Hidden) even in the time of Edward the 
 ConfefTor, when Emma, mother to the king, being acculed of incontinency with Alwin, biftiop of 
 Winchefter, was put to the plough-fhare trial. T his with the other fiery trial, were for the no- 
 bility only, the commoner fort were tried by the water ordeals. The above circumftance concerning 
 Emma is not confirmed either by Ingulphus, Wm. of Malmfbury, or Matthew of Weftminfter, yet 
 Higden, to prove it more fully, adds, " Tunc Regina Emma dedit Sandto Swithino ix Maneria, & 
 Epifcopis alia ix Maneria, propter illos ix Vomeres, quos Emma pertranfiit." — PolychrOnicon, lib. vi. 
 
19 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 guilty, but if he remained on the top of the water without motion, he was ac« 
 quitted with honour. Hence, without doubt, came the long continued cuftom 
 of fwimming people fufpe&ed of witchcraft ; * which idle trick was lately put 
 in practice on two poor old people in the Hundreds of Eflex, by feveral ftupid, 
 illiterate blockheads, who affirmed that they had bewitched their cattle. 
 
 There is alfo the faint traces of thefe antient cuftoms in another fuperftitious 
 method of proving a witch $ it was done by weighing the fufpected party againft 
 the church bible, which if they outweighed, they were innocent ; but on the 
 contrary, if the bible proved the heavieft, they were inftantly condemned. 
 
 However abfurd and foolifli thefe fuperftitious cuftoms may feem to the pre- 
 fent age, little more than a century ago there were feveral unhappy wretches not 
 only apprehended, but alfo cruelly burnt alive for witchcraft, on very little better 
 ^ ameg evidence than the above ridiculous trials. Several great and learned men have 
 the"f irrtT" a hb taken vaft pains to convince the doubting age of the real exiftence of witches, 
 <51anvilleon an d the juftnefs of their execution ; but fo very unbelieving are we grown at 
 Witches, prefent in thefe and fuch like ftories, as to confider them only as the idle phan- 
 * cc « toms of a fertile imagination, -j* 
 
 In other doubtful matters, the ufual way of deciding was by lot, in the follow- 
 ing manner: They took flips of wood (made from fome fruit-bearing tree) and 
 marked them on either fide j thefe (being huflelled together) after a folemn 
 prayer, were caffc out promifcuoufly on a white garment fpread for that purpofe, 
 and according to the number of marks lying uppermoft, the degrees of fortune 
 were thought to be more orlefs favourable. 
 Verftegan. Their eftates did not defcend to the eldeft fon only, but were fairly divided 
 among all the male children of the deceafed ; from hence came the Kentifh, 
 cuftom of Lavelkinb, antiently called Give all kind, that is each child his part. 
 
 The virgins married but once, neither had their men a plurality of wives, (ex- 
 cept their nobles) and then only if the firft wife was barren j for it was held a 
 Tacitus difgrace to be without children ; and though they are faid to have been fo very 
 Defcript. rude and unpolilbed in their manners, they were remarkably famed for their 
 Germ. c hafte and decent deportment. 
 
 Vcrftcg n's They began their bufinefs by the increafe of the moon, and not when (he 
 Heftitution was on the wain, the courfe of which (fays Verftegan) they contrived to calcu- 
 •nf Decayed ] a te and fet down on fquare pieces of wood, of a foot or two in length, from 
 Intel!, p.38. w h ence he derives the word Alma?iack, thefe being called Al-mon-hajhr, which 
 Sammes is Al-mon-hebe, iignifying to regard, or look to the courfe of the moon. But 
 Brit - Sammes rejects this" interpretation, faying, " Who knoweth not that Almanac 
 p. 460. j g a wor( j D f Ar?.bick compoiition, from which language we borrow many 
 words both in Aftronomy and Chymiftry, as Nadir and Zenith in the firft, and 
 Alchimy, Alembic, &c. in the fecond, made up of Greek, and the Arabick par- 
 ticle Al." But though Sammes cavils with the word, (abufing poor Verftegan 
 for his miftake) yet this manner of calculating is by no means to be taken from 
 
 our 
 
 * It war performed in this manner : The fufpected parties were thrown into a deep water, with a rope 
 about their middle ; if they funk they/ were held innocent, but if they fwam, they were without further 
 confideration hurried before a juftice, and their warrant being made out with all fpeed, the wretches 
 were fent to prifon in order to take their trials. 
 
 \ See a full account cf the antient ordeals, with the prayers and invocations made ufe of en thofe 
 occafjons, in Hollingfhead's Chronicle, page 98, of the Defcriptisn of Britain, at the end vf vol. 1. 
 
OF THE ANTIENT SAXONS. 21 
 
 our anceftors, which cuftom yet continues in Staffordshire, where the people ufe !? t ^|^'* 
 clogs, or perpetual almanacks, exactly like thofe defcribed by Verftegan. * ftxire< 
 
 The following account of the antient Saxon months, with the interpretation 
 of them, is from Verftegan : 
 
 tUolp-COonar, becaufe in this month the wolves were moil fierce and dan« January, 
 gerous. 
 
 Spnour-Kele, from the fprouting out of the kele wort, the greateft pot herb February. 
 
 of the antient Saxons. 
 Lencr-CDonar, from the lengthening of the days. March. 
 Oprep-CDonar, either from the eafterly winds that generally blow this month, April. 
 
 or from a goddefs named Goprep. 
 Tju-CDilki, becaufe in this month they began to milk their kine three times May. 
 
 a day. 
 
 UJeyb-CDonar, Englifh wade, becaufe in this month they turned their cattle J unc - 
 
 into the marfhes and meadows. 
 J?eu-COonar, or J)ey-CDonar, hay month. J u ty« 
 ftpn-CDonar; or Bapn-CDonar, from their gathering their harveft into barns. Auguft. 
 Eeppr- CDonar, Eeppc, the name of barley, which is fo called from beer, September. 
 
 antiently named *&ZZK, \ZU$\), and afterwards *&ZX\ZQ,\), and fo 
 
 by corruption barley. 
 
 UJyn-COonar, wine month. October. 
 
 UJinr-CDonar, wind month, from the frequent ftorms of wind that generally November, 
 happen in this month. 
 
 VUinrep-COonar, winter month. December. 
 
 They did not reckon their time by years, but by winters, as was alfo pradtifed 
 among the Anglo-Saxons, in this manner : Ex MS. 
 
 SoSh.e Sbpaham leopobe an hund pinrpa. -j pip -j hund peoponrij pinrpa. -j £pud Bib. 
 he pop^penbe on ^ofcpe yloe. fia.'ciaudl- 
 
 Now Abraham lived a hundred winters, and five and feventy winters, and he u °, B. W. 
 died in a good old age. fcl. 41. 
 
 Mr. Sherringham alfo quotes an old Saxon MS. to the fame purpofe. Neither De A "S lo 7 
 .... lii i-i rr rum Gentis 
 
 did they count by days, but by nights, as Origine, 
 Cilo binnan ]?pyrrijum nihra pyjepulpao. page 329. 
 
 A child within thirty nights (after its birth) lhall be baptized. zdlawoflna 
 
 Of their Religion, Idols, &c«, 
 
 Their religion was paganifm and idolatry ; among their gods, T/jor was Sammcs' 
 held the ehief; he was the fon of Woden, who firft brought the Saxons Antiq.& 
 into Germany; it is reported of this Woden that he was a great and warlike 9 ri § of thc 
 man, who never fought a battle but he gained the victory, or undertook any 6axons- 
 difficult enterprize but he furmounted it. In order to make himfelf the more 
 refpe&ed by his followers ; it is faid that he had two ravens fo cunningly taught, 
 that they would fly abroad and at their return always perch upon his moulders, 
 putting their beaks to his ear?, as if whifpering to him ; thofe he pretended, 
 
 brought 
 
 * See adefcription of thefe clogs, and how they are ufed, with a print of cne of them, in Dr. Plott's 
 Nat. Hift. of Staffbrdfhirc, page 419. 
 
22 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 brought him information of whatever was doing in the moll diftant parts of the 
 world. * By fuch means as thefe he conftantly deceived the ignorant people s 
 which was no very hard talk in thofe dark times, when their eyes were fo mifer- 
 ably blinded with the worft of errors and fuperftitions. 
 
 Whenever he fent his men to battle, or made them acquainted with any dan- 
 gerous adventure he was about to undertake, he laid his hands on their heads 
 (by way of bleffing,) which ceremony being finimed, they fet forward with the 
 greateft courage ; readily undertaking the moft dangerous enterprizes; and in all 
 perils they called on his name with the greateft confidence, faithfully relying on 
 the hopes of his protection and affiftance, He is alfo greatly famed for his 
 knowledge in magic, the which he was by many of them held the inventor of. 
 So well verfed do they report him to have been in this myflical fcience, as to 
 ftrike fear and terrour into the fouls of his moft daring oppofers ; and by in- 
 cantations and charms, to blunt the edges of their fwords, and render them 
 ufelefs. 
 
 Speed's The induftrious Speed, has given us from Adam Bremanfis, the following 
 
 Chron. account of a Saxon temple, erected in honour of their three principal gods - r 
 Tfror, Woden y and Frea, wife to Woden. " In a temple (fays he,) in their 
 native and vulgar fpeech called Ubfola, which was all wrought with gold, the 
 people worfhip the ftatues of three gods, in the following manner : T/jor the 
 mightieft of them, hath only a throne or bed ; on either hand of him Woden and 
 Frifco hold their places. And this is the fignification of them y T&or, fay they,, 
 beareth rule in the air, and governeth the thunder, lightning, winds, fhowers, 
 fair weather, corn, and the fruits of the earth. The fecond Woden, that is 
 ftrongeft, maketh wars, and miniftreth manly valour againft the enemies. The 
 third is Frijco* beftowing largely upon mortal men, peace, and pleafure, whofe 
 image they reprefented with a large priapus. Woden is feen armed like the 
 Mars of the Romans." 
 
 VeHl-egan But befides thefe they had a variety of other deities, as the fun, the moon, 
 Reft, of te-fuifco and Seater, who, with the three foregoing, gave the names of the week 
 chap 1 ^(T'&^y 5 ' tnere are more mentioned by both Verftegan and Sammes. 
 Sammes's 
 
 Brit. , X T • 
 
 Their Navigation. 
 
 Argyfippu$ It has been remarked already, that the ancient Saxons lived chiefly by their 
 piracies on the borders of the northern leas. And it is very frrange that they 
 mould have been fo formidable, when we confider, that their boats were of the 
 fame flight conftruction with thofe of the Britons, (before fpoken of) this is, of 
 ikins, llretched over a light frame of wood. Sidonius Apollinaris fpeaks of 
 them thus, 
 
 Sidonius " Quin & Aremorkus piratam Saxona trnctus 
 
 Apollinaris . r 
 
 Sperabat, cui pelle falum fulcare Britanmim 
 Ludus, & afluto glaucum mare findere lembo." 
 
 Their 
 
 * And from this reafl n ths Danes bore a raven on their ftandards, as is mentioned by mofi 
 
 biftorianr. 
 
OF THE ANCIENT SAXONS. 
 
 Their Habits, &c. 
 
 Tacitus defcribes their habit as " a kind of caffock, called fagum t clafped j} e f cr j pi 
 before, or for want of a clafp, fattened with a thorn. And befide this (fays my Germ, 
 author) they have no garment to hide their nakednefs, except the richer fort; 
 who diftinguifhed themfelves from the more common, by wearing a garment 
 different from theirs, which were not like thofe worn by the Sarmates and Par- 
 tbians, wide and open but ftrait, and fhewing the juft proportion of the body. 
 They alfo wore pelts, or a fort of garment made of beafts fkins : the drefs of the 
 men and women differing, in that the women wore linen robes, interlaced and 
 trimmed with purple, without fleeves, their arms bare, and their bofoms un- 
 covered." 
 
 But Paul Diaconus, in his defcription of the Long Bords, compares them top. Diaconus 
 the Saxons, " who (fays he) wear large loofe gowns, or caflbcks, moftly of linen, 
 trimmed and fet out with very broad guards, or welts, parflet and embroidered 
 with various different colours, the richer fort wearing pearls. Their hair they 
 fet up in thin rings, or hoop of copper, on the crown of their heads, and from 
 thence it fell curling on their moulders." 
 
 And from Sidonius Apollinaris we learn that they fliaved their temples, leav- Sidon.Apol. 
 ing a tuft of hair on the crown, which they fet upright with copper hoops. 
 
 Witichindus tells us, that their men were habited in foldiers caffocks, and witichind. 
 armed with long fpears, confiding much in a fmall fliield, that they bore at 
 their backs. 
 
 Verftegan, and Speed, &c. inform us, that they made ufe of crofs bows * j 
 but I doubt they have not good authority for this affertion, as it neither appears 
 in any antient hiftory, or delineation, that they were ever known to the Saxons. 
 
 * " The crofs bow they had in great ufe in war." Verftegan, page 56. Their weapons were long 
 fpears, broad fwords, and crofs bow». Speed's Chronicle, page 202. 
 
 The END of the ANTIENT SAXON jERA. 
 
 O F 
 
84 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ANGLO -S AXONS, 
 
 UNTILL THE 
 
 DANISH CONQUEST, under King CNUTE. 
 
 Their Fortifications, &c. 
 
 jLJAVING already faid as much as is necefTary, concerning the fortifications 
 * * made ufe of by the Romans in Britain, I now come to the Saxons ; and 
 will endeavour, as clearly as poflible, to explain and fet forth, the alterations- 
 made by them in thofe remaining Roman camps, &c. which they never ne- 
 glected to feize into their own hands, and fortify according to their own 
 iafhions. We have feen that the Romans threw up high Valiums, (or banks 
 of earth) pitching their camps therein : but the Saxons raifcd the whole fur- 
 face of their ftation above the common level of the earth, in the mape of a 
 keep, (or low flat hill ;) and this keep, inftead of banks of earth, was fur- 
 rounded by a ftrong thick wall, within which, were built the ftations for the 
 foldiers, &c. without, round the whole work was made a deep broad ditch, 
 encompafled with a ftrong vallum of earth, on which was built an exterior wall 
 turretted, after the fafhion of the Romans. 
 
 Plate 2. No. 3, & 4. reprefents the plan and perfpective view of the remain- 
 ing ground-work of a Saxon caftle, yet to be feen at Maldon, in the County of 
 
 Mariani EfTex; and by hiftorians reported to have been constructed by Edward the elder, 
 
 bcot. when he rebuilt the town of Maldon. 
 
 See Cam- Though this fortification is eafily traced out, yet the out-works are not quite 
 tien's Eflex. fo perfect as that below it, No. 5, and 6. So that for want of proper examina- 
 tion, it has generally been faid to be Roman; but it will very eafily be proved to 
 be Saxon, both from its being like the caftles of that people raifed into a keep, 
 and from the breadth of the ditch; which (though narrower than that at 
 Witham, No. 5, and 6.) greatly exceeds thofe of the Roman construction, 
 even of a much more extenfive fortification : and on thefe two circumstances 
 are grounded the fure criterion by which the earth-works of the Roman and 
 Saxon fortifications are to be diflinguifhed from each other. 
 
 A (fig. 3.) is the keep which was furrounded with a ftrong wall, and with- 
 in which, were the appartments of the garrifon : its breadth is about 220 yards,, 
 and its length 290. B is the ditch, about 20 yards in breadth; at C is the im- 
 perfect remains of the outer vallum (or bank of earth) which has been greatly 
 dug down to make room for the plough; but at D it is yet in a very perfect 
 ftate, in fome places full 4 feet high. 
 
 Fig. 4. is the perfpective view of the fame, fuppofing all obstacles removed. 
 
 The 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 25 
 
 The ground-work of another of thefe Saxon Caftles, is yet remaining at S=e taife* 
 Witham, being between the church and the town, the form and fize of it are j^ 1 E J^*J" 
 yet very vifible; this caftle was likewfe built by Edward the elder, (who refid- jj/vitaVdl' 
 ed at the Caftle at Maldon while this was compleating) *hich was about the wa rdi 
 year 912 or 914. The middle circle A (plate 2. fig. 5.) contains the keep or 
 caftle, and is about 160 yards in diameter, and 486 yards round; the ditch B, 
 is now much filled up with the digging down of the keep, and is in its prefent 
 ftate 260 feet in breadth; beyond the ditch is the external vallum, which is yet 
 in a very perfect condition full 4 feet high, and 18 or 20 feet in breadth; the 
 circumference of the whole is about 1000 yards. Where the external vallum 
 is broke off at D, there is a fteep precipice down to a river, fo that here the 
 ditch leems only to be a common furface of earth below the keep ; but this has 
 been effe&ed in labourioufly digging down the external vallum, for the more 
 eafy ploughing up the ground round about it. Fig. 6, reprefents the perfpec- 
 tive of the fame, the trees, hedges, &c. taken away. 
 
 The general form of the ground-work of thefe Saxon Caftles were round, 
 though they were often varied according to the nature and fituation of the place 
 where they were erecled. That at Maldon (above defcribed) could not well be 
 round, on account of the fteepnefs and fudden declivity of the hill (at the 
 north weft fide) on the brow of which (to make the fortification more ftrong 
 and inaccefible; it was built. 
 
 I have alfo for the better explanation of thefe caftles, fubjoined a view of CaJl/cMr^ Bor- 
 Chun, in Cornwall, with the defcription of it, from the learned Mr. Borlafe's Jj^nJ^of 
 hiftory of that county. Cornwall j. 
 
 " Coming to the entrance W. S. W. where having pafled the ditch A, you if&ch. j, Ji^ j. 
 enter the outmoft wall G, five feet thick at M, which is called the iron gate- 
 way, and leave on the left hand, the wall 12 feet thick for the ftrengthening 
 the entrance ; on the right there is a wall K, which traverfes the principal ditch 
 B B, thirty feet wide till it reaches within 3 feet of the principal wall C, (8 feet 
 thick at the prefent top, but in the foundation thicker) then turns away parral- 
 lel to it, to L, leaving a narrow paflage 3 feet wide as a communication be- 
 twixt the entrance Q^and the ditch K, B, H ; the entrance QJlanked on the right 
 by the wall K, and on the left by an oppofite wall I, admits you by the paffage 
 O, through the great wall C, into feveral lodgments that are formed by a cir- 
 cular line of ftone-work E, E, E, about 3 feet high, parallel to the wall C, 
 and feveral partitions N, N, N, fpring as it were, from the center of the whole 
 work, and reaching from the line E, to the principal wall C; thefe dmfions 
 are all 30 feet wide, but of unequal bignefs. The Area within thefe works is 
 125 feet from E. to W. and 1 10 from N. to S. 
 
 The principal foffe, B, has four traverfes, two K and I, which fecure the 
 entrance, and two more H, H, which divide the remaining part of the foffe 
 into three equal parts. At F, there is a well which has fteps to go down to 
 the water. By the ruins of thefe walls, Ijudge that the outermoft wall could not 
 be lefs than 10 feet high, and the innermoft about 15, but rather more, and both 
 walls well perfected." Thus^far Mr. Borlafe, from whofe following observations, 
 this appears rather to have been a temporary camp, than a fixed ftation of the 
 Saxons. We find that antiently the Anglo-Saxons ufed to fortify thefe camps, 
 much on the fame plan with the camps of the Romans, fetting thick rows of 
 pallifadoes, or ftrong ftakes, on the Valiums of earth. Ella firft king of Diera 
 
 E (a divifion 
 
26 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Scala ( a divifion of Northumberland) built the caftle of Bamborough with ftrong 
 Chronica. wooc jen pales, which Ida foon after (according to the Scala Chronica) caufed to 
 Camden's be walled round witn ftone : and Old Bale in Yorkshire (according to Camden 
 £ r j t> was firft fortified with thick planks of wood, 18 feet in length, but was after- 
 wards encompaffed about with a wall of ftone. Thefe ftones are generally by 
 the hiftorians called four fquare Jlones, and are fo fliled by Wm. of Malmfbury, 
 where he fpeaks of the rebuilding of Exeter by Athelftan. 
 Wm. of « Urbem igitur illam, quam contaminate gentis repurgio defaecaverat, turri- 
 de Geftis^ ^ US mumv ^' mur0 ex quadratis lapidibus cinxit." 
 
 RegumAn- But ^ rom ever y remaining antiquity we find, that the walls of their fortifica- 
 
 g lorum,Ca- tions were only faced with thefe four fquare ftones, (both within and without; 
 
 put vi. an d the intermediate fpace between the facings filled up with rubble, or rough 
 flint ftones, mixed together with a ftrong and permanent cement. 
 
 There yet remains at Colchefter (in the county of EfTex) a curious old caftle, 
 
 Camden in which was built by Edward the Elder, when he repaired the walls and re-edified 
 cx ' the town, in the beginning of the tenth century. 
 
 Its form is four fquare, (fee plate 3.) flanked at the four corners with ftrong 
 towers, and it is about 224 yards in circumference on the outfide, all projections 
 and winding included ; the four fides nearly face the four cardinal points. 
 
 The firft foundation is ftrongly made of large pebbles rudely mixed with 
 bricks, (moft of which are Roman) and held together with a firm cement; and 
 where this foundation was cut through to make an entrance at the N. E. corner, 
 it was found to be near thirty feet thick : this kind of rude work is continued, 
 without any facing, to about nine feet, more or lefs, above the prefent furface of 
 the ground, and on it is laid a double row of freeftone quite round the whole 
 caftle ; then on this double layer of ftone are the walls of the caftle erected, the 
 workmanfhip of which is, though rude, much more regular than that of the foun- 
 dation. It confifts of a layer of fquare freeftone, and a layer of bricks, (chiefly 
 Roman) alternately fucceeding each other; and thus it is continued to the pre- 
 fent top, which is not near fohigh as it was in its original ftate ; the corners of 
 the baftions and towers of the caftle were all originally faced with fquare ftone, 
 much of which remains yet vifible, notwithftanding the repeated fhocks it has 
 undergone. The main wall is about 21 feet thick at the bottom, and at the top 
 near 13 feet and a half. /a.< • " ^ r* - 
 
 The principal entrance A, (fee the ichnography plate 3,) is on the fouth fide of 
 the caftle. through an elegant ftone door-way arched over, but of later date than 
 the caftle itfelf ; firft, becaufe it is too perfect: to have flood fo many ages ; and 
 next, becaufe the ftile of architecture is much more modern, and does not in the 
 leaft accord with the fimpler construction of the reft of the caftle. 
 
 On the infide of the caftle there ran antiently N. & S. two ftrong walls 
 (B& C) parallel with the walls of the caftle, dividing it into three equal parts, 
 making partitions and fupport for the apartments. The eaftermoft (C) yet re- 
 mains, but the weftern (B) is almoft entirely taken down. The wall (C) now 
 Handing is compofed of pebbles and bricks intermixed in herring-bone fafhion. 
 
 The principal lodgings were at the uppermoft part of the caftle, twochimnies 
 yet remaining on the eaft, (D D) and two on the weft, (E E) which anfwer on 
 the infide to the fmall projections or baftions on the outfide of the E. & W. 
 walls ; at the fouth corner, on the left hand of the entrance, is the grand ftair- 
 cafe F, full nine feet broad, containing a flight of 58 fteps, going up which you 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 27 
 
 come to the apartments G, yet remaining on the South fide, where there is a 
 handfome chapel, in which formerly duty was done, and an elegant library fitted 
 up by Charles Gray, Efq; the prefent owner, (and under that a large vault arched, 
 now ufed as the prifon ;) from thence ftill mounting higher, the ftaircafe leads 
 you to the battlements, where you might formerly have pafted round the whole 
 work, a paffage being made in the breadth of the wall at the top; fee the fection 
 of the top of the wall, (plate 2. No. 1. fig. 1.) which being 13 \ feet thick, is 
 thus divided : the outermoft part (A) is at prefent but four feet high, and four I 
 feet thick j the paffage (B) is full two yards wide, and the infidepart (C) which 
 you look over into the caftle, is 3 | feet high, and 3 feet thick. At three of the 
 corners are fquare towers or baftions, every one of which had a ftaircafe in it, 
 and, as is reported, a turret or round top, (not much unlike the prefent modern 
 one.) On the fouth eaft corner, where there is the round baftion, it is fuppofed 
 that there was no turret, as no marks of a ftaircafe have ever been difcovered. 
 
 I could not learn for certainty whether the top of the wall had been garretted 
 or not, though an old man, who happened to be there when I was, informed 
 me that he remembered fomething like embattlements at the top before it was fo 
 fhamefully abufed, great part of which were forced down with fcrews and gun- 
 powder, and fo falling down on the walls and vaults below, made lamentable 
 havock and devaftation, to the eternal lhamc of the defpicable perpetrators, as it 
 is to the great praife and honour of the prefent worthy owner, who takes great 
 pains to repair and preferve this valuable antiquity. 
 
 All the arches of the chimnies, windows, &c. are perfectly round, and in the 
 infide turned with thin bricks, or rather a fort of pamment ; the windows 
 which arc faced with ftone without, are very fmall and long, but increafing in 
 fize through the thicknefs of the wall, they appear very large on the infide, (fee 
 the fection and view of the windows, plate 2. No. 1. fig. 2 0C3.) 
 
 The chimnies are very curioufly carried obliquely through the wall to the top, 
 (fee the arch of the chimney, plate 2. No. 1. fig. 4. and the fe&ion ibid fig. 5 y 
 and left the wall Ihould thereby be weakened, buttreffes or baftions were added 
 on the outfide of each chimney to ftrengthen and fecure it. 
 
 There was originally no door but the fouth entrance, except a fmall fally-port 
 on the north, for the other entrances have been with great labour cut out of the 
 folid walls. It was furrounded with the ditch H, H, H, H, full 30 yards wide 
 (fee the plan, plate 3.) and an external vallum I, I, I, on which was ere&ed a 
 ftrong wall, the foundation of it yet being quite vifible upon the vallum, which 
 is very perfect towards the N. & W. fides, but on the N. E. has been much 
 dug away, fo that it is impoflible to determine whether the communication be- 
 tween the exterior gate on the vallum, and the door of the caftle, was kept up 
 by means of a draw- bridge over the ditch, or a regular caufeway walled off, like 
 that above defcribed of Cajlle Chun in Cornwall. 
 
 Underneath the caftle are fpacious vaults, turned with ftone, the fupports of 
 which are in the form of a crofs ; and I am with certainty informed, that they 
 went at leaft from end to end of the caftle j* but going down into them, I 
 could not get above half that length, for one of the moft fpacious vaults, toge- 
 ther with a fine well that is in it, were deftroyed in the attempt of John Wheely 
 to beat down the caftle walls. 
 
 It 
 
 • The fooliih ftory of a paflage under ground from this caftle to that at Hcdingham, is alfo told 
 here.— See the Account of Hedingham Caftle ic the Norman Fortifications. 
 
28 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOxMS 
 
 Camden in It now remains to fay fomewhat concerning the antiquity of this venerable 
 Eflex. ruin: Some have called it Roman; others fay that it is Britifti, and was the 
 palace of king Coel, who built and gave the name of Colchefter to the town. 
 But Camden and moft others feem to attribute it to the Saxons. A modern 
 MorantHift w " ter indeed has boldly declared, that " the caftle as it now ftarids was un- 
 of Effex. doubtedly built fince the Norman Conqueft," but does not give the leaft fliadow 
 of a reafon, or the flighteft authority for this aflertion. 
 
 I do not, I own, much wonder that it mould have often patted for Roman, 
 becaufe the Roman method of building is much preferved in it : the foundation 
 (which is raifed on fand) i* made of pebbles, flints, bricks, &c. rudely mixed 
 together with cement, like that defcribed at Chefterford, (page 15) and on this 
 (as has been above mentioned) is raifed the main works, faced with large peb- 
 bles and fquare ftones mixed together, and thefe alternately intermixed with 
 layers of bricks, moft of which are evidently Roman, and on the infide the 
 arches of the windows, chimnies, &c. are turned with flat broad bricks, after 
 the ftile of the Romans ; and the walls are chiefly of the herring-bone fafhion, 
 that is, a row of flat bricks fet obliquely from the right to the left, fucceeded by 
 an oblique row from the left to the right ; in which fafhion the walls of the 
 city of Rome are faid to have been built ; from thefe appearances, a perfon flight- 
 ly furveying it, may eafily be led to conclude it to be of Roman conftruction ; 
 but I hope the following obfervations, fouuded on a ftrict examination of the 
 caftle itfelf, will be thought fufhcient to prove it otherwife : 
 
 Firft, the Romans never ufed fuch facings as are here mentioned, the walls of 
 Seepage tne j r fortifications were (as is defcribed by Dr. Woodward) made of rubble ftone 
 and cement, with layers of brick at certain ftated diftances ; or elfe they were 
 Camden's built entirely of fquare ftones, without cement and rubble ftone, like the temple 
 ^ nt - of Caraufius, on the borders of Scotland, " which was framed with fquare rough 
 Seealfo^ ftones without lime, having the upper part fo tenanted into the nether, that 
 Caraufuis tne wn °l e work ftill rifing narrower, fupported itfelf by a mutual interlacing." 
 vol. 1. p. 1 32 Secondly, the Romans were very exact in the meafure and diftances of their 
 layers of bricks from each other, not only in the walls of the fame ftation all 
 round it, but in all their ftations; keeping to the moft regular method : fo that 
 going from one ftation to another, and meafuring the diftances on the walls of 
 either, both (hall be found exactly to agree. Now here there are feveral of the 
 Roman methods of building cramm'd into one edifice, but that without the leaft 
 regularity or order ; the layers of bricks not only not running ftrait, but often 
 dilcont.inued, and the diftances between them frequently differing 2 or 3 feet. 
 
 Thirdly, That though many of the bricks are certainly Roman, yet the arches 
 of the windows, 6cc. are turned with a fort of pamment, differing not only in 
 form but in thicknefs and fize, from any ever made ufe of by the Romans. 
 
 I will not in the leaft pretend to contradict the conjectures that have been 
 ftarted of its ftanding on the very foundation of a Roman fort, which in the days 
 of Edward the Elder might have beeh ruinated and decayed, and he making ufe 
 of the old materials as far as they would go, erected anew edifice on the fpot of 
 the former, furrounding it with a wide ditch, which was a conftant cuftom with 
 the Saxons, together with an external bank or vallum, the evident remains of 
 which yet plainly appear. 
 
 On the other hand, it is faid to have been built on the remains of the manfion of 
 Coel, the Britifh king, who built the town of Colchefter. " Coillus filius Marii, 
 
 ab 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS, &c. 29 
 ab infantia Roma nutritus regnavit apud Britannos, qui tributum Romanis folvit 
 et vitam pacificam duxit. Ferunt nonnulli urbem Colceftriam quae caput eft p ]j crl roni- 
 Eftfaxonum, ab eofundatam." And as this man was educated at Rome, it is chon lib. iv. 
 not in the leaft furprifing that he mould follow their fafhions and cuftoms. But 
 whether it was this Coel, or him whole daughter was afterwards married to 
 Conftantius, who firft built the caftle, or whether built by neither, is of little 
 fignification to the building as it now ftands. 
 
 But it feems to me very abfurd to fuppofe it, as it is at prefent, to be of Nor- 
 man conftruclion, for it is every way different both in form and materials, from 
 the plan of building made ufe of by that people; and this affertion the many 
 numerous authentic remains of their fortifications, &c. in this kingdom will ful- 
 ly prove and juftify j which I hope will be done to the fatisfaclion of the reader 
 in the difcourfe concerning the fortifications of the Normans. 
 
 The Weapons, warlike Habits, &c. of the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 Of their foldiers, weapons, &c. I mail not have occafion to fay much ; as I 
 have with great care collected fuch authentic reprefentations of them from their 
 own delineations, as will convey a much more fatisfadory idea of them than 
 the beft defcription that can be given, 
 
 We find them armed with long broad fwords, double edged ; (and not crooked 
 like thofe defcribed by Verftegan,) long fpears ; fome of which were barbed 
 and others were flat and broad. 
 
 Their fhields were generally of a midling fize, for the moft part oval and See pi. iv.& 
 always convex, having frequently a point projecting from the middle: they had v. & pi. xx»r. 
 alfo battle axes, (plate 4. fig. 6f) which (fays Verftegan) they called bills, znd^S,'^^^ 2 ^'^' 
 from thence, (adds he) we have retained the name to this day. The Watch- ^ & ^^ / / 
 men, cec. about a century and a half ago, had a kind of hatchets, which were y^out this 
 called bills. But the crofs bows given to the Saxons by the fame author, do time Verfte- 
 not occur in any of the Saxon delineations that I have feen ; from whence, as ga» wrote, 
 well as from the filence of the old hiftorians on this particular; I hope I may 
 conclude with great juftice, that they were not uled among them. And 
 though they had common bows and arrows, (fee plate 17. fig.19.) Yet, from p ^ ^ 
 the words of J. Roufe the antiquary, we may conclude that they only ufed them ^ IO 1Ch 
 for their paftimes : for fpeaking of the battle of Haftings, he tells us, that &-ht John 
 " the Normans had the victory, efpecially by means of their wooden bows and Roufe. 
 «« arrows, which the Englifh had not then in ufe." 
 
 They fought with their fwords and fhields like the gladiators of the Romans. 
 Their armour appears to be, at beft, but very flight; but in the very early 
 MSS. they do not appear to have any armour at all; Witichindus alfo tells us, 
 that they confided much in the fhields that they carried with them. 
 
 The figure (plate 4. fig. 5.) feems indeed, to be habited in a kind of mail, 
 not unlike the ancient Norman coats of mail, which were called fcaly, fr° m g eemoreo f 
 the refemblance they bore to the fcales of a fifh : they were made of fmall thLTnvoha 
 pieces of iron of an inch diameter, rounding off at the bottom, and thefe were 
 let on a ftrong garment over each other, fo that the garment would bend with 
 the greateft eafe, and at the fame time, the iron fcales would conftantly cover 
 each other very fecurely. 
 
 The 
 
3 o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The figures (plate 4. fig. 6, & 7.) are reprefented in another kind of mail, 
 (if it is the coat of mail) not unlike that which continued very long in ufe with 
 the Normans, and was compofed of ftrong wires clofely interwoven with each 
 other, like fine wicker ; with this the foldiers were clothed from the head to 
 the foot: but in the prefent two figures, the fhape of it is much more like the 
 body armour of the Romans, ending at the bottom of the ftomach, and a little 
 below the moulders, to give the arms full play. At this time, perhaps the 
 Saxons had not the art of making the mail fo flexible as might be required on 
 the arms and legs, for which reafon they were obliged to confine it to the body 
 only. The difference of armour in the prefent figures, from that above-defcrib- 
 ed (fig. 5.) may arife from that figure's reprefenting the Chief or King. In the 
 Gen. ch. H- original it is intended for Abraham, who is there pictured attended by his ar- 
 vcr ' l5 ' mour-bearer, fighting againft the five kings, to refcue his brother Lot ^who had 
 been taken prifoner by them.) He wears a crown on his head, as an emblem of 
 fuperiority and chief command. According to Verftegan, the crown was anci- 
 Verftegan, ently called "Cimngf-helme, that is to fay, kings-crown, whereby (continues he) 
 Reftitution it may appeare that the crowns of the moft ancient Englifh-Saxon kings were 
 Ant^I? 1 worne anc * "fed by them for the helmet in warre ; and that it may be, that the 
 n ' P ' 2 ' 5 ' crowns of all kings were at firft intended for their helmets, and made of different 
 fafhion from other helmets, for the more ornament of their princely perfons 
 that wore them, who were by them to be knowne, refpedted and reverenced." 
 
 The helmets, or caps of the common foldiers, do not feem to be any thing 
 more than the thick fkin of fome beaft, with the hair turned outwards. The 
 lbldier (plate 4. fig.^) who is doubtlefsone of the officers, is perfectly equipt,ac- 
 Seepl.4.&5« cording to the Saxon method, and has evidently an helmet on his head, tho' very 
 different from thofe worn by the kings. See the different crowns and helmets, 
 plate 23. 
 
 The arms of the Saxon kings and nobles were often very rich and magnificent ; 
 
 the hilts of their fwords curioufly wrought with gold, and ftudded with jewels ; 
 
 their fhields and helmets alfo in like manner elegantly ornamented, and inlaid 
 
 with gold and precious ftones. 
 
 The banners, or enfigns, alfo, that were borne before them to the battle, and 
 
 on other occasions, were generally grand and magnificent. Hengift and Horfa, 
 
 according to Verftegan, had on their arrival from Germany, a banner borne be- 
 J ?en 3 i r c ' 5c fore them, on which was wrought the reprefentation of a white horfe : and over 
 ponp both ,h e tom k ofOfwa/d was laid an enfign of purple and gold. And in the time of 
 Jf" f e{ n a Ver . Elfred, was taken the famous ftandard of the Danes, called Reafen, on which 
 itegan, P .i2i.(fays Speed) was the picture of a raven, curioufly wrought by the three 
 BedeEcc. fitters of Hingnar and Hubba, daughters to Lothbrock the Dane : add to thefe 
 cap* xf ' 3 * ^ e banner of Harold the Second, on which was reprefented the figure of an 
 Speed's' armed man in a fighting attitude, curioufly wrought in gold, and fumptuoufly 
 Chron. ornamented with precious ftones : fee the form of an ancient ftandard, (plate xxu 
 
 fig.^.) which is richly decorated with jewels down the middle. 
 Anciently banners were (either from their being compofed of fome religious re 
 Ninnius ** c k> or f rom tne reprefentation which they were made to bear of holy things)held 
 Hift. Brit, facred, and much fuperftitious faith placed in them. Arthur, (the Britifh 
 cap. 93. King|,)when he fought the eighth battle againft the Saxons, carried the « image 
 
 ofChrift, and of the bleffed Mary (always a Virgin) upon his fhoulders." 
 
 And 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 3 r 
 
 And the Danes placed great faith in their reafen, becaufe it bore the figure of 
 a raven, which, with them, was efteemed facred and holy: for this caufe alfo, 
 the honour of taking the banner was efteemed the greater; on the contrary, to 
 thofe that loft them it was not only a great difgrace, but an unlucky and dreadful 
 omen. Standards and banners were not confined to the fervice of war alone, 
 but were alfo ufed by the priefts, on particular occafions, in the beginning of 
 Chriftianity. 
 
 When St. Auguftine firft came to preach the Chriftian faith to the Saxons, Bcdc Ecc. 
 he had a crofs born before him, with a banner, on which was the image of our Hift. lib. i„ 
 Saviour Chrift. And Edwin king of Northumberland was in fuch efteem, cap * 25 ' 
 " that he caufed a banner to be borne before him, not only in time of war, but lb,d - llb - 2 « 
 in time of peace, while he rode from city to city, (to fee a proper adminiftra- cap " l6, 
 tion of juftice,) which banner was called by the Romans iufan, but by the Sax- 
 ons, thpp." Tufa, according to Speed, is fuppofed to mean a ball, or globe, and 
 to be an emblem of fovereignty. 
 
 Crofles were alfo erected by many of the Chriftian kings before a battle or great 
 enterprize, with prayers and fupplications, for the aid and affiftance of Almighty 
 God. Ofwald caufed a crofs of wood to be erected before he fought with Cad- Ibid. lib. 3, 
 wallo, himfelf holding it till the earth was rammed in round about it, while all his ca P- 2 - 
 foldiers kneeled down devoutly. Alfo before any great or decifive undertaking, 
 they would vifit the fhrine of fome particular faint, and there vow great dona- 
 tions to the monaftery in which it was contained in cafe they returned victorious. 
 Thus Athelftan in his journey to the north, (where the kings of Scotland and 
 Wales, were commiting depredations and ravaging the country) vifited the tomb 
 of St. John of Beverley, where earneftly fupplicating for fuccefs, and not having 
 any thing worthy enough with him to prefent to the Saint, he left his knife on 
 the tomb, vowing that if he returned victorious, to redeem it with a worthy 
 price, which he faithfully afterwards performed. 
 
 Their tents were of a very plain and fimple conftruction, being only lines 
 ftretched from the top of a ftrong pole, and faftened to wooden hooks driven 
 into the ground, which from the appearance of thefe tents, in the delineation 
 (fee plate 5, fig. 2. and 3.) -I mould fancy were covered over with a thick and 
 ftrong cloth, or leather; on the top is a roof or guard, floping either way (like 
 the ridge of a houfe,) to prevent the rain from entering. To fome of their 
 tents, they had a door properly cut out, but others were entered into by pull- 
 ing the covering afide each way (fig. zf. and ^. plate 5.) exhibits both forts. 
 
 I do not know whether I may not with juftice add to thefe arms and appur- 
 tenances of war a fort of chariot, not unlike thofe that we fee on the coins and 
 bas-reliefs of the Romans: it is drawn by two horles that run a breaft (fee plate 
 5. fig. 6.) and feems chiefly to be ufed by perfons, who from their furious ap- 
 pearance and often being armed, may be thought to bear fome analogy with 
 war and difturbance; the prefent figure though unarmed, reprefents one of the 
 vices who is furioufly combating with prudence. Perhaps it may be efteemed 
 too bold to fay, that this is the faint traces of the old Britifh EfTedum, (men- 
 tioned by Caefar) but if we confider, that neither in Tacitus nor any other an- 
 tient author, is the leaft mention of fuch chariots being ufed by the Germans: 
 it may not be held improbable but that the Saxons might, among various other 
 things, have learned the conftruction of thefe chariots from the Britons. I am - 
 aware of what Tacitus hath told us concerning the Germans, that on their Tacit. Def. 
 
 learning Germ. 
 
Vat THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 learning from the Romans the ufe of coined money, they always preferred thofe 
 which had the refemblance of a chariot and two horfes ftamp'd upon them : but 
 it fhould then be remembered, that the Germans had a facred chariot dedicated 
 to the tfland goddefs, and placed great fuperftitious faith in horfes ; fo it is not 
 in the lead furprifing that they mould prefer thofe that bore the images of their 
 adoration. Yet I would not be underftood to mean, that thefe chariots were 
 ever in general ufe among the Saxons, but only that they had them, and on 
 particular occafions might ufe them, perhaps like the Britons, in light fkirmifhes 
 to annoy the enemy. 
 
 In matters, which could not be eafily determined, the ufual way of de- 
 cifion was (after the cuftom of their ancefters) by Cemp-Frghr, or fingle com- 
 bat, (which is reprefented in plate ^, fig, 2.) while the fighting parties were 
 animated with the found of the horn, as alfo by the dancing and ftrange geftures 
 of the by-ftanders. Befides this horn, they had a long trumpet, (plate 5, fig. 4.) 
 which in the MS. is called ruba and cojinicinu, cuna aepea, and in the interlined 
 annotations, connu canen, cojinua aenea, by the fide of the delineation is wrote. 
 
 Tubae Silenr Llabu Reconbuntuji in Vajma. 
 
 " When the trumpet ceafes to found, the /word is returned to the fcabbard" 
 
 which agrees perfectly well with the character given to the Germans, by Tacitus 
 t and others. " No fooner was the found of the warlike trumpet heard amongft 
 
 them, but the hufbandman leaving his plough in the field, catched up his arms 
 and rufhed with fury forth to the battle. 
 
 The antient method of knighting, (or permitting to bear arms) was (as has 
 already been (hewn) performed by giving a fhield and lance to the party in the 
 midft of the elders atfembled together for that purpofe. But with the Anglo- 
 Wm of Saxons knighthood was held in great honour, and many ceremonies requifite. 
 Malmibury. Edward the Elder himfelf made Athelftan a knight, putting upon him a foldier's 
 deGeft. Reg. cloak of fcarlet, and girding him round with a girdle ornamented with precious 
 Ang. lib. 2. ftones, from which there hung a Saxon fword in a (heath of gold. And the 
 caput vi. j^ceflaj-y ceremonies which were firft to be gone through, are explained by In- 
 Ingul. Abb.g u ^P nus » wno te ^ s us » l ^ at m tne ^ a y s °f tne Saxons (before the Norman Con- 
 •Monaf. quell; the making of a knight was after this manner : " The evening before the 
 Croyland, day of confecration, he that was to be made a knight, was to make a full and pe- 
 H^ft.p. 5x2, n j tent con f e ff lon of his fins to the bifihop, abbot, or prieft attending, and after 
 receiving abfolution for the fame, he mould continue all night in the church at 
 prayer and pious devotion ; and on the morrow, after hearing divine fervice, he 
 fhould offer his fword upon the altar, which when the prieft had bleffed upon 
 the four gofpels, was hung with his benedicton on the neck of the party, who 
 from that time forth was accounted a good and lawful knight ; but this cuf- 
 tom of knighting was by the Normans utterly abolifhed." 
 
 Thus we find in ancient times the priefts as well as the kings had power to 
 create knights ; but this we find alfo abolifhed by the Normans, and the power 
 confined to the king alone. 
 
 The 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 
 
 33 
 
 The Religious and Domeftic Buildings of the Saxons. 
 
 Our old anceftors being entirely deficient in the knowledge of perfpective, the 
 different drawings left by them of their temples, houfes, &C cannot by any 
 means convey fo good an idea of fuch their buildings as we could wifli. 
 
 On their firft arrival their minds were filled with war and deftruction, and 
 their thoughts too much engrofled with eftablilhing for themfelves a firm and 
 folid footing in the kingdom. In this early period the neatnefs and elegance of 
 their ftructures were confiderations of too trifling moment ; but on their being 
 fettled in the realm, the arts foon began to flourim, and were carried to a much 
 greater length than they had ever been before in Britain. A chriftian Saxon, Bcde Ecc. 
 whofe name was Benedict, travelled to Rome, where becoming a monk, he tar- llb ' 4 * 
 ricd fome time, but came over again with Theodore, archbifhop of Canterbury, JJ^JJ^ 
 (about the year of out* Lord 668) and brought with him from Rome feveral curi- R an . c e f- 
 ous artifts, as Glaziers, Painters, and the like. tren. lib. i. 
 
 About this time too, according to Bede, finging was introduced into the^Ca™ den > 
 churches, with mufic. The clergy alfo were well verfed in Greek and Latin, ° n j 
 and learning was greatly efteemed amongft them. Stow. 
 
 Wis. of Malmfbury informs us, that the firft Chriftian church which was Wm. of 
 built in Britain, was conftructed with watlings or hurdles, interwoven with Malmfbury 
 ofiers, or other pliable wood. GlafMib i 
 
 The Saxons alfo (in the early time) built much with wood. Edwine (the ' ' • 
 firft Chriftian king of Northumberland) built a fmall oratory of wood, (where ^^^" 2 
 he was baptized ;) but afterwards began one on a much larger foundation, with ca p/ x i v / 
 ftone, which included the building firft erected. So Aldwine, bifhop of Dur- Wm> f 
 ham, firft built a fmall oratory of wreathen wands and hurdles, (where the body Malmfbury 
 of St. Cuthbert was for a time depofited) but afterwards he caufed a larger de Geft - 
 church of ftone to be erected. \h\ 
 
 Their ftone buildings were often beyond conception grand and magnificent, 
 to compleat which no labour or expence was fpared. Robert de Swapham, an 
 author of good antiquity, faw the Hones that compofed the foundation of the gee Q ira ]^, 
 church at Medifhamftede, (now called Peterborough) that was built by Peada, Cambrenfis. 
 (the firft Chriftian king of Mercia) which ftones were fo large, that eight yoke 
 of oxen could fcarcely move any one of them. 
 
 It was cuftomary to build their churches, monafteries, &c. where the holy 
 relicks of fome Saint had been found, or where it was reported he had lived ; 
 or over the tomb of fome martyr, or elfe where he had been martyrifed. The 
 famous chapel of Ina at Glaftenbury, dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, is re- 
 ported to have been buiU over the very fpot on which formerly ftood the cell of 
 Jofeph of Arimathea. The amazing richnefs and grandeur of this building, is 
 fcarce to be conceived, Malmfbury gives us the following account of it : Wm of 
 ** The fame king (Ina) built alfo a chapel of gold and filver, with ornaments and Malmfbury, 
 vafes of the fame ; for the conftruction of the chapel 2680 pounds of filver ;.Act. Glait, 
 the altar was made of 264 pounds of gold ; the cup with the patena was 
 of 10 pounds of gold ; the cenfor of 8 pounds 20 mancis* of gold; the candle- * A fmall 
 fticks of 12 pounds and \ of filver ; the covers of the book of the holy gofpel ^Jjjjj 
 20 pounds 40 mancis of gold ; the veffels for water, and other vellels for the al- arabs! 4 
 
 F tar ° 
 
34 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 tar, of 17 pounds of gold ; the veffel to wafh in of 8 pounds of gold ; and that 
 which contained the holy water, of 20 pounds of filver j the images of Chrift 
 and the bleffed virgin, together with thofe of the twelve apoftles, of 175 pounds 
 of filver, and 38 pounds of gold. The pall for the altar, as alfo the facred ha- 
 bits for the priefts, were interwoven with gold, and richly ornamented with 
 precious ftones. The materials of which amazing ftructure, with the ornaments, 
 amounted to upwards of 365 pounds of gold, and 2887 1 pounds of filver. 
 Ingul. Abb. Ethelbald, king of Mercia, being defirous to build the church at Croyland 
 CrrT'land w i tft ftone, which had formerly been built by St. Guthlac with wood, found the 
 ^{^."485, ground fo hollow and fpungey, as to be unable to bear the weight of a ftone 
 B. building ; to remedy this he caufed vaft piles of oak to be made, and driven 
 
 down, with a large quantity of folid earth rammed round about them, which 
 was brought in little boats from the uplands, which were nine miles diftant ; 
 and by this means they compleated a firm and folid foundation. 
 
 The next thing that falls under our confideration will be the materials that 
 were ufed by the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 Their large and ftately edifices are generally faid by hiftorians to have been 
 built with fquare ftones, but thofe of the inferior fort were only faced at the 
 corners with them. 
 
 SecHearne's The old part of St. Peter's church at Oxford, which Hearne with great reafon 
 Preface to fuppofes to be the original, as built by Grimbald, (in the time of Elfred) is con- 
 Collec vol ft ru & e d °f large fquare ftones, and in the infide are two rows of pillars forming 
 1. page 28.' the main arch, and two ayfles nearly as large as the main arch ; the arches are 
 And femi- circular, and on the capitals of the four front columns are rude antique fi- 
 Mifce5' S g ures » w * tn ornaments, conforming exactly with fuch as are conftantly met with 
 Platesof An- m tne totes °f tne Saxon MSS. I examined this building when I was laft at Oxford,, 
 tiq.publifh'd with the greateft attention, and faw that it had been often repaired, and on the 
 t>yj» Thane outfide was growing in many places much more modern. In this, as well as in 
 
 mo ft Saxon buildings, the windows are very fmall in proportion to the fize of the 
 
 work. 
 
 Vol 1 De- Hollingfhead (in his Defcription of Britain) tells us «' that of old tyme in our 
 fcrip.o'fBrit. country houfes inftead of glaffe they dyd ufe much lattis, and that made eyther of 
 page 85. fine wicker or riftes of oak in chekerwife. I read alfo (continues he) that fome 
 of the better forte in and before the tymes of the Saxons, did make panels of 
 home infteede of glaffe, and fix them in woodden calmes, but as home is quite 
 layde down in every place, fo our lattifes are grown into lefs ufe, becaufe glaffe 
 is come to be as plentiful!, and within a very littel as good and as cheap as the 
 other." But we are certain, that glazing of windov/s with glafs was in the very 
 Wn of car ty ^ a y s °^ S axons P ut * n practice. Benedict (as hath been before obferved) 
 Malmfbury. brought this art with him from Rome, where it had been fome time ufed; as 
 deGeft.Reg'. Malmfbury affirmeth, " Vttrearum fenejlrarum primus omnium Angliam af- 
 Brit. lib. 1. civerit." And again, " Neque enim ante Benediclum lapidei tabulatus domus in 
 A compari- Britannia nifi perraro videbantur, neque perfpicuitate vitri penetrata lucem asdi- 
 fon between |3 US f i ar j s jaciebat radius." Mr. Dutens has alfo proved the antiquity of glafs 
 led^oflhe widows, in his learned and curious defence of the antients. Hollingfhead 
 antfents continues afterwards to fay, that " heretofore alfo the houfes of our princes and 
 modems, noblemen were often glazed with beril, (an example whereof is yet to be feene in 
 Hol.Def. Sudley caftell) and in divers other places with fine chriftall, but this efpecially in 
 Br J it, < - the time of the Romaines, whereof alfo fome fragments have beene taken up in 
 
 vide iupra . . . c „ v t 
 
 olde ruines, &c. 1 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 35 
 
 I am inclined to think, that the reafon why the windows were fo fmall in the 
 buildings of our anceftors, was from their want of fkill, as well as proper furna- 
 ces and implements neceffary for the making large plates of glafs the fmall 
 panes being found to be very inconvenient where the windows were large ; and 
 from this caufe their ftructures were fo difmally dark as to oblige them almoft 
 continually to keep candles of wax or lamps burning. 
 
 In the buildings of the inferior fort we (hall be much at a lofs, for fuch hath 
 been the effects of time, or rather the more deftructive hands of the ignorant and 
 facrilegious wretches, into whofe power thefe venerable ftructures of our an- 
 ceftors have fallen, that few of them are left, and of thofe that are it is very dif- 
 ficult to determine whether they are the actual remains of the original edifice. 
 
 It was with great pleafure that I furveyed the fmall remaining part of an old I" th « cou " 
 chapel (dedicated to St. John the Baptift) at Braintree, which from antient re- ty of Effcx " 
 cord mould feem to be of earlier date than the conqueft. The principal part of 
 this ruin (now Handing) is the eaft wall, 18 feet high; the chapel was very 
 fmall, its breadth not exceeding 15 feet, and its length meafuring in the infide 
 about 30. The materials of the foundation (which was very ftrong) were of 
 rough hewn ftones, and it was near four feet thick, on which was raifed the 
 main walls, compofed of rubble ftone and cement, about two feet and a half 
 thick, (the ftones mixed with the cement feem moftly to be fmall pebbles, and 
 not the rag flint as was ufed by the Normans ;) at unequal diftances there were 
 intermixed with the rubble and cement large fquare ftones, the uncouth appear- 
 ance of which led me to conclude that they had been fince added, till on a 
 ftrict examination I found, that they in common with the rubble ftone had 
 been covered over with a ftrong plaiftering, about 1 \ inch thick, nor had they 
 the leaft appearance of ever having been difturbed till lately j befides, their fitu- 
 ation was fuch, that the whole ftructure muft have been manifeftly greatly en- 
 dangered in placing them there at any other time than at the firft building of the 
 chapel. The corners of the walls were ornamented with freeftone cut fquare, 
 as well as the windows, which were very long and narrow. An old man who 
 lived near thefpot informed me, that he remembered all the fouth wall ftanding 
 quite perfect, and that both it and the eaft front were ornamented at the top 
 with hewn flint ftones, fet in between the fquare ftones, in diamond fafhion ; 
 but thefe ornaments had been long fince taken away, and about ten years ago 
 all the reft fell down, (as it is faid) leaving only what has been defcribed ftand- 
 ing. But it is moftly believed that the owner pulled it down, for the fake of a 
 few millings that he got for the materials ; and all the reft had doubtlefs fhared 
 the fame fate, but that it conftitutes the fupport to fome part of the wall of an 
 adjoining cottage. Thus within thefe few years fell this valuable remnant of an- 
 tiquity, that had fo many ages braved the repeated mocks of time. I have ref- 
 cued all that remained of it, (in the year 1772) left envelloped in ruin and def- 
 lation, the memory of it fhould be entirely loft, (fee the eaft front of it, pi. 2. fig. 2.) 
 
 The Saxons antiently covered in their buildings with flate, but thefe I appre- 
 hend were of the inferior clafs, for their more magnificent ftructures are faid by 
 authors to have been covered in with lead. 
 
 Abbot Terketulus (in the time of Edgar) added large buildings to the mo- Ingulphus 
 naftery of Croyland, for the reception of poor monks, " Omnia de lignis leviga- A ^ b - Cr °y* 
 tis facta funt (quia molem lapideam fundamentum debile ferre non fufFecit) ^'P* 5°5* 
 plumboque cooper ta." 
 
 Before 
 
36 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Ven. Bede Before I take my leave of thefe old religious edifices, I will transcribe Bede's 
 SancCuth- ^ e f cri P tion °f Monaftry built by St. Cuthbert. 
 
 b ert .' The building was round, four or five perches wide between wall and wall, 
 
 the wall on the outfide was the height of a man, but withinfide it was higher, 
 
 Camden's fo made by the finking a huge rock, which was done to prevent the thoughts 
 
 Brit. from rambling, by retraining the fight, and to keep the mind employed on 
 holy matter, and Heavenly contemplations. The wall was not made of fquare 
 ftone or bricks, nor cemented with mortar j but of rough unpolifhed ftone, with 
 turf dug up in the middle of the place, and banked on both fides of the ftones 
 all round. (Some of the ftones were lb big that four men could hardly lift one 
 of them.) Within thefe walls he conftrufted two houfes and a chappel, to- 
 gether with a room for common ufes. The roofs he made of unhewn timber, 
 and thatched them in. Without the walls he had a larger houfe, to receive 
 thofe that mould vifit him, and not far off" a fountain which continually ferved 
 them with water. Add to this the defcription of Weftminfter-Abbey, as it 
 
 Ib'd was built by the Confeflbr, tranfcribed in Camden from an old MS. The 
 1 ' p * 31 body of the church inroofed with lofty arches of fquare work, the joints an- 
 fwering one another, but on both fides knit together. Moreover, the crofs of 
 the church (made to encompafs the middle quoir of the fingers, and by its 
 double fupport on each fide to bear up the lofty top of the middle tower) firft 
 rifes fingly with a low and flrong arch, then mounts higher with feveral wind- 
 ing flairs artificially afcending, and laft of all with a fingle wall reaching to the 
 wooden roof, well covered with lead. This was as it flood before it received 
 thofe great alterations and enlargements, afterwards made by Henry the Third* 
 
 Of their Domeftic Buildings. 
 
 It will, I fear be impoflible to give a perfect, defcription of their domeflic 
 ftruclures, as well from the filence of hiflorians in general on this particular, 
 as from the improbability of meeting with any authentic remains of them. 
 Tacitus of old informs us, that the ancient Germans did not build cities, nor 
 did they fuffer their houfes to join each other, either from a fear of fire, or 
 from their unfkilfulnefs in building. They wanted not either parget or mortar, 
 for they understood not the ufe of ftones and bricks j their houfes were con- 
 ftantly built with timber, rough and unhewn, which they neither fquared or 
 wrought into any form. Their walls were diligently (confidering their natural 
 inattention to ornaments,) daubed or plaiftered over with a clear mining earth, 
 on which they made the rude and barbarous tracings of coloured figures. Thefe 
 buildings were thatched over with reeds and rufhes, and were chiefly intended 
 as fummer refidences ; for they had alfo caves dug down into the earth, which 
 were covered with dung; thole ferved both for granaries for their corn, and a 
 place of refuge from the bitter colds of the winter : neither were they ufelels 
 in the time of war, for in thefe holes they would fkulk and hide themfelves 
 from the purfuits of the enemy. 
 
 On their firft arrival their houfes might be but rudely made of ftakes and 
 hurdles, thatched with reeds, &c. yet, on their eftablimment in England, among 
 the various, improvements, thofe in architecture were not in the leaft neglecred 
 by them ; for their churches, palaces, and public ftruclures, we find from 
 
 miferable 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS, &c. 37 
 
 miferable fheds of wood, and twitted ofiers daubed over with clay, are eafily 
 traced on to grand and magnificent buildings of Hone and bricks : fo we may 
 juftly conclude that their own habitations improved in proportion, as their 
 notions of grandeur and elegance (joined with the knowledge of ufeful mate- 
 rials) increafed. 
 
 By the help of the Saxon delineations, joined with the flight hints left us by 
 ibme few authors, we may conclude that the frames of their houfes were of 
 wood, and the walls plaiftered. Thofe of the better fort were faced at the 
 corners with ftone or bricks, with which the arches of their windows were 
 alfo ornamented. They had bricks, which were by no means ufed in com- 
 mon, but as ornaments only to the better fort of buildings : and the reafon may 
 be, that they had not then fuch ready and convenient methods of making and 
 burning them as we now have ; fo that the great fatigue and trouble that was 
 neceflarily beftowed, might fo far enhance their price, that ftone (particularly 
 in ibme parts of the kingdom) might be cheaper, and better for the general 
 ufe. 
 
 The form of the houfes were, without doubt, varied according to the fan- 
 cy of the builder, or delire of the employer. (Plate 1. No. 3.) is the deli- 
 neation of a baxon houfe : the wing A, feems to be wholy conftructed either 
 with large bricks or fquared ftones : the whole of it is well covered in with 
 flates. And (plate 6) A'hich reprefents the workmen building a houfe, for I am 
 alhamed almoft to call it by any other name ; is intended for the building 
 of the Tower of Babel : yet, it however, plainly mews how much their notions 
 and ideas of things were confined to the manners and cuftoms of their own 
 nation. 
 
 Of their Regal Courts. 
 
 Their regal court was thus held : the king was feated on his throne, habited 
 in his robes of ftate, a crown on his head, and a fcepter in his hand ; on his 
 left hand appears his fvvord-bearer, who was fully armed, and is generally re- 
 preftmted (landing j though in (plate 8. fig. 1.) which reprefents Abimelech 
 making a lading covenant with Abraham, attended by Phicol the chief captain Gen ch 
 of his hoft, who perhaps, becaufe he is (in the Sacred Writ) fpoken of as a V. 22. 
 man in great efteem with the king, is reprefented fitting and covered ; or it 
 might be the ufual cuftom with our anceftors, for the chief captain or gene- 
 ral, to attend the grand courts, where he might in this manner take his feat on 
 the left hand of the king bearing the naked fword, the iymbol of his office. 
 
 In (plate 7. fig. 2.) we find the king fin the midft of his court, who are all 
 feated and covered) bearing himfelf the fword in one hand, and a fcepter in 
 the other ; for the better explanation of this drawing, let us obferve the words 
 of the Sacred Text which relate to it, for it is the reprefentation of Pharoah 
 king of Egypt, holding a court in honour of his birth-day. " And it came tOQ en ch 
 pafs on the third day, which was Pharoah's birth-day, that he made a feaft to Y erf. 20. 
 all his fervants ; and on this day he reftored the chief butler to his butlerfhip 
 again, but he hanged the chief baker, as Jofeph had interpreted to them." 
 
 Thus we find, that though only " a feaft to all the (king's) fervants," is here 
 mentioned, yet the illuminator, knowing it to be commen in his own country, 
 
 that 
 
3 3 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 that not only a court, but a grand and fplendid one fliould be held on fuch an 
 occafion, did not fcruple in the leaft to reprefent it as fuch, according to thofe 
 cuftoms wnich came immediately under his own knowledge ; and here the 
 king himfelf bears the fword, fignifying that as he himfelf was next to God at 
 the hsad of juftice and equity, fo he was ready to receive and protect them that 
 were wrongfully or unlawfully opprefled, and to do them right. The fcepter 
 being ufed inftead of the curtana, (or blunt fword of mercy) for we find the 
 king is intended to be reprefented in the midft of this great meeting of his 
 nobles^ adminiftring both juftice and mercy, hanging the baker, and reftoring 
 the butler. 
 
 From thefe fpecimens the following conclufions may be drawn. 
 Firft, that in the common and more friendly meetings of the king and his 
 nobles, the fword was borne by a knight, or other refpedtable perfon, either by 
 proxy for the nobleman whofe office it was, or for diftinction fake. 
 Secondly, in the more auguft affemblies, the peer himfelf bore it. 
 And laftly, where the king fat as the chief judge, he then himfelf took the 
 fword in his right hand, while he held the fcepter in his left. 
 
 And this we find very clearly demonftrated to have been the ufual cuftom of 
 the nation, from the various and different delineations copied here; and more 
 Regal & efpecially from thofe copied in the Regal and Ecclefiaftical Antiquities. For 
 Ecc.Antiq. wherever we find the king granting any particular honour, or finally deciding 
 of England, any caufe, he is always reprefented bearing the fword himfelf ; when on the 
 contrary he is receiving any thing, his attendant bears the fword ; and at co- 
 ronations, together with other folemn afTemblies, the fword was borne by the 
 peer whofe office it was according to the law of the land j unlefs the nature 
 of the office of fuch peer, required double attendance ; then fome other lord 
 by him deputed, bore it by proxy for him. John of Gaunt, uncle to Richard 
 NeroD vi t ^ e Second, at the coronation of that prince, among other claims f which he 
 MS.apiid ' then made demanded in right of his earldom of Leicester, to be high fteward 
 Bib. Cott. of England; and as duke of Lancafter, to bear the King's chief fword, &c. 
 Ecc^nti t^fe petitions being found juft, were confirmed to him ; and the earl of Der- 
 ofEno-. by, his fon, by proxy, to bear the fword, while the duke was employed 
 
 bout the other offices as fteward. 
 Gen. 47. Plate 8, fig.^> reprefents Pharoah in great eftate feated on his throne, re- 
 7. ceiving a vifit from the Patriarch Jacob, ufhered in by Jofeph his fon, 
 
 who was evidently much refpected and efteemed by Pharoah. " Go (fays he 
 to Jofeph) take your father and his houfhold, and come to me and I will give 
 you the good of the land of Egypt." And again, " Regard not your Huff, for 
 V i?*2o 5 ' S 00( * a ^ * anc * °f ^SyP 1 is yours." And though it is only in the facred 
 writ exprefled, that " Jofeph brought in Jacob his father and fet him before 
 Pharoah," yet the illuminator has made him fitting, both on account of his 
 age and infirmities ; as well as in his fpecial mark of amity, caufed him to be 
 feated on the king's right hand. The king holds in his hand a fcepter, on the 
 top of which is the reprefentation of a dove, the true emblem of peace and 
 Chron! friendfhip j and this fcepter was often ufed on thefe occafions by the Saxon kings, 
 and infomuch, that Edward the Confeflbr, the firft who ufed the broad feal, placed 
 
 Dr. Ducar-; t thereon. And this dove fcepter is to this day ufed, in the coronation of the 
 Norma?" kings of England. The figure on the outfide of the court, (marked A) is moft 
 An fa. likely the venerable patriarch after his interview with Pharoah, returning to 
 
 his 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 3? 
 his habitation, fupporting his aged and feeble body with a ftaff". In the fame ^ ^ # 
 plate (8. fig. 2.) we fee the reprefentation of a king on horfeback with his t h e ConfefT". 
 retinue : it is eafy to conclude that the figure behind him is fuperior to the in pofleflion 
 reft, of the followers, not only from his heading the reft, but from his being ° f T. Aftle, 
 covered, particularly with the fort of cap worn only by the nobility and chief §£' p \ m g. 
 officers of the realm. He is perhaps the principal captain of guard, or an at-fig.j* the 
 tendant lord. We are not in the leaft furprifed, at all times to find the king^of^ 
 wearing his crown, which we have heard originally was no more than a helmet, p] '"f-g. 2 
 or covering for the head, fo ornamented for diftin&ion fake. the figures of 
 
 I once more refer the reader to the delineation defcribed above, where Abra- the Court of 
 ham and Abimelech are confirming the covenant made between them by a fo- pj"^ 1 "^ 
 lemn oath. " And Abimelech and Phicol, the chief captain of the hoft, fpake z 9 °' 
 unto Abraham, faying, God is with thee in all that thou doeft. Now therefore 
 fwear unto me here by God, that thou wilt not deal falfely with me, nor with Q en c h a p, 
 my fon, nor with my fon's fon : but according to the kindnefs that I have donexxi.ver. 22, 
 unto thee, thou (halt do unto me, and to the land wherein thou haft fojourned. 2 3> & 2 4- 
 And Abraham faid, I will fwear." — In the delineation the figure of Abraham 
 hath his right hand laid on the ftone pillar. — Saxo Gramaticus 6c Ola. Wormi- Qj*°y^™™" 
 us inform us, that the Danes ufed at the election of their kings, and other folemn a ' 
 aflemblies, to ftand upon ftones fet into the earth, and thence give their votes, 
 tacitly declaring the firmnefs of the a£r, by the liability of the ftones they ftood 
 upon. At other times they fat upon ftones, or ftood by ftone pillars. Now as 
 the Saxons and the Danes, with all of thofe northern nations, originally fprang 
 from the fame ftock, and nothing differing either in religion or cuftoms from 
 each other, without doubt fomething of the fame manners and ceremonies were 
 preferved by the fucceeding branches,. the tracings of which are yet to be difco- 
 vered even among the Chriftian Saxons. Thus much then feems with them to 
 be remaining of this their antient ceremony, that in taking a facred and folemn 
 oath, they put their hands upon fome firm fixed pillar or ftone, as if declaring 
 thereby their oath to be equally firm and inviolable. 
 
 Of their Government, Adminiftration, Laws, 6cc. 
 
 The Saxon kings in general acled by the advice of their council ; and the 
 laws, if temporal, were made and ratified by the meeting and concordance of 
 the chief lords and people of the realm : but if they were touching ecclefiaftical 
 matters, they were referred to the fynod, (or meeting of the bifhops) whofe dif- 
 putes, together with the king's approbation or dillike, were often laid before the 
 pope for his final determination. 
 
 The laws of Ina (king of the Weft Saxons) were made in a full convocation, 
 or aftembly of the principal peers, &c. of the kingdom. The preamble runs 
 thus, 
 
 Ic Ine mib Cobep Cype Wepr Seaxna cynmj mro £ej?eahr -j mro laene Cen- 
 piebep miner 1 Fa2t>en. ~j J^etfoep miner 1 bipceopep -j Gncenpateep miner* bipceopep. 
 •3 mro eallum minum Garoonmannum ~) J?am ylfcepran prcan minne J?eot>e. -j eac 
 mycelne pomnu^e Eot>ep J?eopena. paep pmeagenfce be J?sene J?aele upnapapla. ~j be 
 J?am rra}?ole unep jucep. p pyhlsc aepe. ~j nyhr cynefcomap. punh ujie pole gepaspre- 
 nofce. ~j gernymmet) pxpon. -p nse nij Galoonmanna. ne up unfcenje J?eot>ent>na 
 aspteji \?xm. paejie apensen'oe pxy une Domap. / 
 
40 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Una, by God's gift, Weft Saxon king, with the council, and with the dodlrine 
 of Cenred my father, and Heddes my bijhop, and Rrcenwald my bifhop, and with 
 all my alder mm* and t£a/e ant lent and learned of my people ; and alfo a great 
 congregation of God's fervants ; when it was then confidered of for the health of our 
 
 fouls, and for the fupporting our kingdom, that right laws and right judgments 
 might be to all our dominions ; and they were thus compleated ; and hencef orth no 
 aiaerman, nor any of my fubjecls after him, Jhall dare to prejudice or change thefe our 
 
 judgments, 
 
 Juftice was adminiftered by magiftrates, appointed in each particular town or 
 city for that purpofe j and the kings themfelves generally (in times of peace) 
 rode alternately from town to town through each province, to fee that a due and 
 impartial regard was paid to the laws and conftitutions of the kingdom by each 
 Ecc Hift C P art ^ cu ^ ar rnagiftrate. Edwine, king of Northumberland, ufed to ride from city 
 lib. 2. cap. t0 clt Y> an d f rom province to province, with his retinue, (in time of peace) to 
 16. adminifter juftice. So alfo did Edgar, who punifhed with the greateft feverity 
 
 mT fb" tn °f e magnates that he found either partial or neglectful of their duty. 
 Geft^Reo?' But now tne magiftrates of each particular province adminiftered juftice, whe- 
 Ang. lib. 2. ther they had the fole power invefted in themfelves, or how extenfive their pow- 
 Polydore er rn ^g nt ke, hiftorians have not recorded. Polydore Virgil and others have 
 Virgil. imagined, that the jury of twelve was firft inftituted under the government of 
 the Saxons ; but Hollingfhead, who attributes this inftitution to the Normans, 
 Holling- writes thus, " There may be fome perhaps (as Polydore Virgil faith) that will 
 ihead,p.304mayneteyne how this manner of proceeding in the adminiftration of juftice by 
 the voices of a jurie, was in ufe before the conqueroures dayes, but they are not 
 able fo to proove it by any auntient recordes of writers, as he thynketh : albeit by 
 fome of our hiftories they fhoulde feeme to bee firfte ordeyned by Ethelred or 
 Egelred." 
 
 But be their particular methods of juftice what they would, it is moft certain 
 that the greateft order was kept up, as well as the ftricteft regard paid to the 
 BedeEcc. laws of the kingdom. Edwine caufed ladles or cups of brafs to be faft&ned to 
 1 lift. lib. 2. the clear fprings and wells, for the refremment of the paffengers ; and fuch was 
 chap. 15. t ^ e g 00C } order preferved in the kingdom, that none dared to touch them but 
 Wm. of for their prefent ufe. And in the time of Elfred, a virgin might go from one 
 li! alm ca Ury ' end of the kingdom to another without the leaft lett or moleftation and brace- 
 i . 2.cap.4j^ s ^ gold were hung by the way fide, yet none were fo hardy as to take them 
 away. 
 
 One of their methods of puniftiing offenders, was to put them into a double 
 (or rather fplit) piece of pliant wood, which was bent round them, and faftened 
 at the top, (from whence doubtlcfs came our prefent pillory, fee plate 15, fig. 5.) 
 and while the prifoner was thus confined, he was whipped with a fcourge of 
 three cords, each having a large knot at the end of it. I cannot trace out for 
 certainty of what magnitude the crime was, for expiation of which this punifh- 
 ment was aftigned. The crime muft have been very great and enormous that 
 reached the life of the offender (efpecially if he were rich) for murder and many 
 other great offences, they bought themfelves off with paying a fine, greater or lefs 
 
 in 
 
 * 6alt)0J"l fo written in our antient language, is properly as Elder or Senior, yet an Galt)Opman, 
 which we now call an Alderman, was fuch in effect among our anceftors, as was Tribunus Plebis with 
 the Romans, (7. e.) Governor of the common people, and protector of their rights. Ve;ft. p. 326. 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS, Sec. 41 
 in proportion to the quality of the perfon flain, except women that killed their Which law 
 huibands, who were burnt alive; and traitors alfo were generally put to death, 1U 
 For theft (if a man had not wherewithal to pay the ftipulated fine) he for- 
 feited his hand or his foot, which were to be cut off. Some were alfo hanged on 
 a gallows, * (plate 15, fig. 6. ) 
 
 The exact time that England was divided into {hires and counties is not 
 known, but authors in general have attributed to Alfred the firft making thefe 
 divifions: (and it is certain according to the authority of Ingulphus, that he made Ingulph. 
 more particular divifions in his kingdom than any king who had gone before him) Ab.Monaft. 
 yet, fome learned men have (with the greateft juftice) difputed this point, and by xo J' 
 no means allow Alfred to have been the firft that divided his kingdom; for Mat- pj ores 
 thew of Weftminfter tells us, that Offa reigned over twenty-three provinces, and pa °^ • 
 Edwine rode from city to city, and province to province, &c. Many other au- 
 thentic matters may be found to prove fome divifions made in the particular Bede 
 kingdoms, long before thofe made more perfect by /Elfred. 
 
 Manors were given, grants and conveyances made, and held good, (with- 
 out writing) by the donor's confirming his promife by gift of his fword, or his 
 headpiece: nay even the moft trifling matters fays Ingulphus, as a drinking Ingulph. 
 horn, a bow, an arrow, a fpur, or even a quil, or a curry comb. Speed tells- p- 5 I2 » 
 us, that Offa king of the Eaft Angles, fent a ring from Port George, to Edmund Speed 
 fon of Alkmund, adopting him his fucceflbr by that token. Their written Chron. 
 charters were alfo confirmed with the donor's name, and a crofs of gold. Thefe 
 cuftoms the Normans quite abolHhed, introducing feals of wax, figned with 
 the fignet or feal of the donor, or impreffed with fome mark, as Stow affirms 
 in his copy of the charter of lands, given by the conqueror to the Norman hun- Richmond.* 
 ter, one of the laft lines of which runs thus;. 
 
 " ©0 toitaeffe tW t0 footjje, 
 
 " 3 bite t!;e tofrte toajce tmtl; mp tootle" 
 
 The common current coin of the Saxons were pennies of filver, which were 
 very thin and flat, moft of them have the head of the king at whofe command 
 they were made, rudely ftamped upon them, furrounded by the name; and on 
 the reverfe is generally found a crofs, with the name of the coiner, or city where 
 it was coined. Mr. John White, in Newgate Street, (who has a moft curi- 
 ous and capital collection of Britifh and Saxon coins) favoured me with a fight of 
 both copper, and gold coins of the Saxons ; thefe laft are efteemed as very, 
 great rarities. 
 
 Navigation of the Saxons. 
 
 It has already been obferved that the antient Saxons were great failors, living p je a e £ cc# 
 chiefly by their piracies and plunder; and the flight conftruction of their vefTels, Hift. lib. r. 
 has already been fhewn. On their firft arrival into England, they all came inS^P- ! 5« 
 three long ftiips, which Verftegan informs us they themfelves called Keeler", I2 6 c£!- P * 
 
 G and firmed alfo 
 
 by John 
 
 * For further information concerning the crimes and punifhments of male/a&ors, together with P 0013 "" 3 
 the fines to be paid, fee the laws of Ina, Alfred, Athelftan, and Edgar, &c, at the latter end of the 
 Latin and Saxon edition of Bede's Ectlefiaft. Hift. 
 
42 TfTE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 and that their number was 9000 men, 3000 to each fhip. But this is improbable* 
 if not impoffible, unlefs their mips were built of different materials from thofe 
 .See page 22. °f the Saxons defcribed by Lucan and other authors. 
 
 On their fettlement in Britain they began to improve their navy from time to 
 time: and though it may be juftly obferved, that we do not read of any very 
 memorable actions performed by the Anglo-Saxons on the fea, yet we often 
 find their kings fitting and fending out fleets of (hips, to curb the power of the 
 pirates, as well Danes as others, who often landed and ravaged the fea coafts. 
 s ed The royal navy of Edgar is faid to have amounted to the number of 3600 mips, 
 clfron. 349 which he divided into three parts, and fent them to three feveral ftations, that 
 they might fcower the feas, and fecure the coafts : he himfelf would alfo in the 
 William fu miner, fail with the fleet of one ftation to the other, and fo back again, going 
 Malmlbury alternately to every different ftation; by which means the fea was kept clear 
 Lb. 2. from pirates, and the kingdom greatly ftrengthned. 
 
 Plate 9. fig. 1. reprefents the form and conftruction of a more improved fhip 
 of the Saxons (fometime before the Norman conqueft) when they began to 
 build with planks of wood, and deck them over. The ftern is richly orna- 
 mented with the head and neck of a horfe : the two bars which appear at the 
 ftern, were for the fleering of the (hip, inftead of a rudder : on the middle near 
 the mall is erecled the cabbin (in the form of a houfej for the commodious 
 reception of the palTengers : the keel runs from the ftern, ftill growing broader, 
 and broader to the prow or head of the fhip, which comes gradually decreasing 
 up to a point, for the more ready cutting the water in the (hip's courfe. When 
 the velTel had received her full burthen, fhe was funk, at leaft, to the top of the 
 third (nailed) board ; fo that the prow itfelf was nearly, if not quite immerged 
 in the water. Over the prow is a projection, which I at firft imagined (like 
 thofe ftrong bars of iron at the heads of the Roman veffels) was ufed in running 
 with great force againft the fides of the enemy's fhip; but in the delineation we 
 fee the end of the prow comes ftill further out, which would of courfe ftrike 
 firft and prevent the defired effect of this machine ; its fhape alfo (which is 
 crooked) is very badly calculated to fuftain the mock of fuch a violent ftroke as 
 would be neceffary. It was, perhaps, either for the convenient faftning of the 
 fhip's rigging, or to hold the anchor : the fail being furl'd up, we cannot fo 
 well judge of the method ufed to faften and work it while the ihe fhip was 
 under way : but from its prefent appearance, it may very juftly be concluded 
 that it was managed in the fame manner with thofe of the Normans, which 
 See the ac- were of very little ufe, except when the fhip went before the wind. It mould 
 the Noi° f f eem that this was a failing veffel only, for there are no holes or places made for 
 mannavi- the ufing of oars, The length of this fhip does not bear the leaft proportion to 
 gation Sc the height ; fo that unlefs the breadth was more anfwerable, it was impoffible 
 Off 'n^ ' l t0 weatner U P a ^ e w i n d. But I think the veffel ought to have been 
 a J 0, 4 2 jriac j e longer, and that either the illuminator who was confined by the breadth of 
 the MS. (being willing to give in on as large a fcale as poflible,') was obliged to 
 make it too fhort ; or elfe too ill fkilled in the knowledge of proportion to be 
 thoroughly acquainted with his errour : unlefs we fuppofe that having finifhed 
 his outline, he thought it too much trouble to do it entirely over again. 
 William The Saxons were very magnificent in the appearances of their royal veffels ; 
 JVlsimf.de ki n g Athelftan had one (which was prefented to him by Harold king of Norway) 
 Ang'hV^s* W&ofe head was wrought with gold, the fails were purple, and the deck was 
 cap. 6. ' ' elegantly 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 43 
 
 elegantly gilt all round with gold. Earl Goodwin to appeafe the anger of Har- ^ lde ™ hb ' 
 
 dicnute (who accufed him as being acceflary to the murder of his brother) pre- cap * 2 * 
 
 fented to him a fhip, the head of which was richly made and wrought with gold, 
 
 as was alfo the rigging and furniture : within it were contained eighty foldiers, 
 
 whole garments and arms were alfo ornamented with gold, and each of them 
 
 had two golden bracelets on either arm, (weighing 16 ounces) the helmets on 
 
 their heads were alfo richly gilt with gold ; and round their waifts each man 
 
 had girded a rich fword, whofe hilt was of mafTy gold; and every man had a 
 
 Danifh ax on his left moulder, and in his right hand he held a lance, called in 
 
 Englim iPatesetN FIoresHitf. 
 
 Befides thele rich habiliments, Mat. of Weftminfter adds a triple coat of 
 mail wrought in gold, to each man, with a Ihield embolfed with gold, and or- 
 namented with nails richly gilt. 
 
 They had alio boats and other fmall craft. The boats ufed at the-building the Ingulphus. 
 monaftry of Croyland, are, by Ingulphus called fcapbis, and Matthew of Weftm. ^ 
 only give the name of naviculum to the boat or barge in which Edgar was a£t - We ^« 
 rowed up the river Dee. 
 
 The haven where Ihips were firft built in Britain, is generally reported to have SeeSomner's 
 been at Sandwich.. Ports&Fort. 
 
 Hufbandry, &c. of the Anglo-Saxons, 
 
 We find of old that the Germans not only hated, but held it a difgrace to 
 till their lands, or provide by honeft induftry for the fupport of their lives : Tacitus 
 " they committed, (fays Tacitus) the care of cultivating their lands to the old Defcript* - 
 and feeble, whofe decrepid age prevented their attendance on the wars; and alfo Geuri * 
 to their women. 
 
 The only grain that they cared about was barley, with which they made 
 their drink: but (continues he) thofe that live on the banks of the Rhine have 
 wine. 
 
 On their fettlement in Britain,, more efpecially on the flourifhing of chrifti- 
 anity, their minds became more polilhed and improved 3 they then began induf- SeetheLaws 
 trioufly. to manure and cultivate the ground, occupying of farms, fowing care- of lna > &c ° 
 fully thei" grain* and grazing and keeping of cattle: their Iheep alio they Iheered 
 at the proper feafon^and drefTed the wool ; which, being fir ft fpun, was wove 
 into fumptuous garments and clothing. 
 
 The better to explain their rural improvements, we will go regularly through 
 with the months, as they follow ; fee plate 10, 11, and 12. 
 
 January, exhibits the hufbandman in the field at plough, while his attendant Pl.io.fig.rl 
 diligently following his fteps, is fowing the grain. 
 
 bebruary, the grain being put into the earth, the next care was to prune ibid. fig. z. 
 their trees, crop their vines, and place them in order. 
 
 March, then we follow them into the garden, where the induftrious labourer Ibid. fig. 3. 
 is digging up the ground and fowing the vegetables for the enfuing feafon. 
 
 M4>nl, now tak :g leave of the laborious huibandman, we fee the nobleman ibid. fia. 4. 
 regaling with his f riends, and palling this pleafant month in caroufings, banquet- 
 ings, and mufic 
 
 May, bring: the lord into the field to examine his flock, and fuperintend the Fl.u, fig.^j-. 
 {hearing of the fheep, June 
 
44 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Pl.ir,fig.2. June, with this month comes the gladfome time of harveft, here are fome 
 cutting down the corn, while it is by others bound up in (heaves and laid into 
 the carts, to be conveyed to the barns and granaries ; in the mean time they 
 are fpirited up to their labours, by the mrill found of the enlivening horn *. 
 
 Ibid. fig. 3. July, here we find them employed in lopping the trees and falling of timber, 
 &c. See alfo a man chopping of wood, (plate 13, fig. 6). 
 
 Ibid. fig. 4. Augufl, In this month they cut down the barley, with which they made their 
 old and heft beloved drink. 
 
 PI. 12, fig. 1. September, here we find the lord attended by his huntfmen, purfuing and 
 chafing the wild boars in the woods and forrefts. 
 
 Ibid. fig. 2. Oclober, and here he is amufing himfelf with the exercife of that old and 
 noble paftime, hawking. 
 
 Ibid. fig. 3. November, this month returns us again to the labourers, who are here heating 
 and preparing their utenfils. See alfo a blackfmith (plate 7, fig. 3.) 
 
 Ibid. fig. 4. December, in this laft month we find them thralhing out the grain, while 
 fome winnow (or rather fift; it to free it from the chaff ; and others carry it out 
 in large bafkets to the granaries proper for its reception ; in the mean time the 
 fteward (or luperintendant) keeps an account of the quantity, by means of an 
 indented or notch'd ftick. 
 
 Their principal grain was barley, yet they by no means neglected the proper 
 cultivation of wheat, of which their befl bread was made ; though many have 
 fuppofed that their bread was chiefly made of barley-meal. Their barley drink, 
 or ale, was held in great eftimation with them. I know it has been by 
 fome authors affirmed, that though the Englifh had wine, yet they did not 
 grow it themfelves, neither did they trouble themfelves about the cultivation of 
 vines, or planting vineyards. 
 
 Camden. Probus (the Roman emperor) firfl gave the Britons permifiion to plant and 
 cultivate vines, nrt only for their pleafure, but alfo for their ufe and profit: 
 they had alfo wine of their own making, as had the Saxons in after times. 
 
 Ecc. Hift. " Vineas etiam quibufdam in locis germinans, &c." fays the venerable Bede. 
 
 lib. 1. cap. 1. And William of Malmfoury, fpeaking in praife of Gloceftsrfliire, adds, " This 
 
 Lib. 4. de county is alfo famous for its vineyards, the wines that are grown here have a 
 
 Pont. tartnefs not at all unpleafant, being little inferior in fweetnefs to the French 
 wines, for the grapes are fvveeter here than in any other county in England." 
 And fays Stow, " At Wind for Park, as well as in other parts of England, they 
 
 Stow's grew vines and made wine:" then he quotes an old M S. roll, at that time ex- 
 
 Chron. tant in the exchequer of honour at the gate ho ufe of the caftle: " In which 
 (fays he) among other things, is to be feene the yeerely account of the charges 
 of the planting of vines; that in the time of Richard the fecond, which grew 
 in great plenty within the little parke, as alfo of the wine itfelf, whereof fome 
 part was fpent in the king's houfe, and fome part fold to his profit; the tithes 
 
 whereof 
 
 * Their harveft feems to come very early. In January they are fowing the corn, and in June be- 
 ginning to reap it. I am apt to think that the illuminator has ignorantly mifplaced this and the fol- 
 lowing month, for at the latter end of July harveft is uften known to have been begun, an I fometimes 
 very forward : befides in the time of harveft, there is no opportunity for them to take off the men to 
 fall' timber, which generally is done before harveft at prefent, and this miftake might eafily happen, 
 for it was feldom the fame perfon who wrote the M 8, that illuminated it; that being generally done 
 by people who made it their fole employment. 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 45 
 
 whereof were payed to the abbot of Waltham, then parfon both of Old and 
 New Windfore." See an antient wine prefs of the Saxons, plate 7, fig. 1. 
 
 In thefe early days there was but a fmall part of the land cultivated for the 
 growth of corn, according to Stow, who tells us, that (t the Englifh people gtow's 
 might have been faid to be rather graziers, than plowmen j for almoft three parts Chron. 
 of the kingdom were fet apart for cattle." 
 
 The next fubjedt that falls under our confideration is wheel carriages, the firft 
 of which is a four wheel'd hammock (plate 9, fig. 2.) contrived only for the 
 convenient conveyance of people : from the fimplicity of it, it may juftly enough 
 be efteemed as the firft invention of coaches, and (excepting that the perfon who 
 rides therein were rather confined for room) I mould fancy it were both eafy 
 and convenient: this carriage is always fet apart for the ufe of the principal per- 
 fonages, the commoner forts always riding in carts. When Jofeph went out to 
 meet his father it is exprefsly faid, that ** He made ready his chariot," fo at Q en> ^5 v . 
 this meeting which is reprefented in the M S. he is put into one of thefe vehi- 29. 
 cles, while Jacob his father is in a cart; it is called cpasr, in the M S. Jofep M^S.^apud. 
 jejeanpobe hip cnaer,) and Jofepb made ready his chariot: as the drawing is f°i n Vi g Claud, 
 very perfect, I leave it to the reader's own conception without any further de-B.4. 
 fcriptioiij only I will add, that the antient Saxons made great ufe of leather, as 
 well for the cloathing of the meaner fort of people, as for the covering of their 
 boats ; and it may not be improbable but that the body of this chariot might be 
 made of ftrong hides well fevved together. Add to this the carts (plate 9, fig. 3.) 
 and alfo thole of (plate nj.) together with a man digging ( plate 7. fig. 4.) and 
 the utenfils of husbandry, &c. in this mifcellaneous plate, all of which need no 
 other defcription than what is given of the plates in general. 
 
 Domeftic Employment, Habits, Sec. 
 
 The Saxons were great enemies to (loth: thofe things that they had were fuch Tacitus, 
 as was abfolutely necetfary to fupply their natural wants, and not in the leaft Verftegan 
 calculated for the encouragement of idlenefs and indulgence. Plate 13, fig. 2. 
 exhibits a bed of a very Ample conftru&ion, it feems to be nothing more than a 
 thick boarded bottom, the covering is very thin, and the pillows ftiff and hard; 
 in lliort, from the view of the whole together, eafe was but little considered. 
 This (though fo rude in appearance) being a royal bed, is ornamented with cur- 
 tains, which are fattened to the top, but they had alfo others that Aid with rings 
 on an iron rod. The leifure hours of the women (even of better rank) were 
 Ipent in fpining, and fuch like fervile employments ; neither was it any dishonour 
 for the J)leap-bien, or lady of the houfe to be among her maids, helping them Decayed 
 and performing the duties of the houfhold in common with them, while the Antiq. 316. 
 Jjlapojtb*, or lord, was with his men afiifting and overlooking them; many in- 
 itances of which may be brought to prove the antient fimplicity and plainnefs of 
 their manners. 
 
 I own 
 
 * JMapOJib according to Verftegan in the Saxon language implies a provider, or afforder of bread, 
 fighifying juftly the lord or matter of the houfe, who provides the neceflaries for his family, while the 
 J)laepbien, or bread-giver, diftributes it out as it is wanted: in which office the lady yet (with us) 
 officiates, when flie fits at the upper end of the table, giving forth the bounty of her lord to the 
 unrounding guefts. ° " ' 
 
46 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOxMS 
 
 Jngulphus I own myfelf much delighted with the account left us by Ingulphus, of Edgitfra 
 Ab. Croy. q Ueen to Edward the confelTor. " I have often feen her (fays he) while I was 
 yet a boy, when my father was at the king's palace, and as I. came from fchool, 
 when I have met her, me would examine me in my learning, and from grammar- 
 flie would proceed to logic, (which fhe alfo underftood) concluding with me in 
 the moft iubtle argument, then caufing one of her attendant maids to prefent 
 me with three or four pieces of money I was difmifled, being fent to the larder 
 where I was iure to get fome eatables;" which plainnefs would but ill fuit the 
 refinement of this more polifhed age;, this honeft national limplicity has been 
 with fcorn put forth, to make room for the infincere compliments, and foolifh. 
 fopperies of a giddy rival people. 
 
 The Drefs and Habits of the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 The kings and nobles, when in their ftate drefs, were habited in a loofe coat 
 which reached down to their ancles, and over that, a long robe faftened over 
 both moulders, on the middle of the breaft, with a clafp or buckle. Thefe 
 buckles (as may be feen by the different Saxon figures) vary greatly in their 
 form, being fometimes round and fometimes oblong, which laft feem to be the 
 ornamental and diftinguifhing part of the drefs of kings and noblemen; for 
 they are only feen to be worn by them, and never appear but when the garment 
 was faftened on the middle of the breaft, which is alfo a diftinction ufed by the 
 nobility. One of thefe round ones, which" was lately dug up in Kent, 1 have 
 now in my pofTeffion, the leprefentation of which is in ("plate* ^ fi^. i c* i ) the* 23. „ 
 exact fize of the original, which is of filver in the middle, formerly I fuppofe, , 
 there had been fet a precious ftone, which time has robbed us of; the rim that 
 furrounds it was gilt, and the four fmall round holes were ornamented with pearls, 
 the other four fmall fquares were gilt at the bottom, and over that gilding in 
 each of them was fet a piece of chryftal, which with the gilding is yet perfectly 
 preferved: the other oppofite view is the back, mewing how the tongue or clafp 
 of the buckle was faftened; it went with a fpring and catched in the hook, ex-<- 
 actly fimilar to the fibula of the Romans. It was found in a fmall bctrrow iu an 
 urn, together with fome beads of chryftal. 
 
 The edges and bottom of their coats, as well as of their robes, , were often, 
 trimmed with a broad gold edging, or elfe flowered with. different colours. 
 
 The foldiers and commorr-people wore clofe coats, reaching only to the knee, 
 and a fhort cloak over their left moulder, which buckled on the right ; this cloak 
 was often trimmed with an edging of gold. The kings and nobles alio in com- 
 mon, were habited in a drefs very fimilar to this, only richer and more elegant. . 
 See perfect drawings of the clofe coat, (plate 1 5, fig. 7 and 8.) which are thus 
 drawn in the M S. to reprefent the coat of Jofeph, brought by his brethren (after 
 Gen. chap, they had fold him) to Jacob their father. From the form of it, it appears . to 
 37. ver. 32. have been put on over the head like a fhirt; the bottom edge of thefe garments 
 were alfo ornamented in various manners according to hiftory j thofe of the richer 
 fort were adorned with pearls and pretious ftones : it was by them called runican, 
 for when the brothers prefent it to Jacob, they fay, J?aj\rumcan pe pundoon* 
 Ihis tunican we found. 
 
 The 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 47 
 
 The women were habited in a long loofe robe reaching down to the ground, 
 and large loofe fleeves ; befides this, they added a hood (or vail) over the head, 
 which falling down before, was wrapped round the neck with great order ; their 
 'robe was often ornamented with broad borders of different colours, as well at 
 the knees, as at the bottom, 6tc. Verftegan contradicts their wearing linen in Decay'd 
 general, but does not give any fatisfactory reafon for fo thinking: but however, Ant. 
 certain it is, that if they did, it was commonly dyed of different colours, for 
 white is feldom feen in the coloured illuminations of the Saxons. The women 
 do not appear to have any other covering for their heads than the vail, or hoods; 
 but the men wore caps which came to a point before; perhaps they might be 
 made of the fkinsof fome beads dreffed with the fur part turned outward. 
 
 Both men and women wore frioes or rather flippers, (the pointed (hoes faid by 
 Verftegan to have beetn worne by them, are not feen in any delineation what- 
 ever) the legs of the men were covered half-way up with a kind of bandage wound 
 round, or elfea ftrait flocking reaching above the knee; while the commoner fort 
 went naked-legged, and often bare-footed : they alfo wore a fort of boots which 
 were curioufly ornamented at the top. 
 
 (Plate 15, fig 1,) reprelents the interview between Judah and Tamar his Gen. chap, 
 daughter in law, who is in the difguife of an harlot. Judah promifed to fend xxxvl t "^ r " 
 her a kid from his flock, and as pledges for the performances of his promife, he ' orSio .* 
 (at her defne) left with her his ring, his bracelet, and his Jiaff. In the MS. it ne^fnThe' 2 " 
 runs thus : S.icparch heo |?inne hping -j J?mne beah ~j J?inne pcap J?eJ?u on SacredText, 
 hafiOa happr. Leave ( faid Jhe) thy ring, thy bracelet, and thy Jiaff, that thou baft 
 in thy hand. J In the procefs of time, Tamar being pregnant, it was told to Ju- 
 dah that his daughter in law had played the harlot, on which he commanded her 
 to be brought forth and burnt; but me then fent him his pledges that were left 
 with her, which flie had carefully kept ; thefe tokens being known to him, he 
 remembered that 'twas herfelf (whom he fuppofed to be the harlot,) who met him 
 by the way fide. (Plate 15, fig. 2,1 reprefents the fervants bringing the pledges 
 to Judah. This bracelet exactly correfponds with one that I lately faw, which 
 was dug up in the eaftern part of Kent. It was of marly gold, and big enough 
 to be put upon the arm (up to the moulder) of a middling fized man. There is 
 no doubt but that it was an ornament for the men, as it is here fhewn as the brace- 
 let of Judah, as well as from the fize of it. Wm. of Malmfbury tells us, that 
 iElfred caufed bracelets to be hung by the way fide ; and the foldiers who were 
 in the fhip prefented to Hardicnute by Goodwin, had two bracelets of gold on 
 each arm, weighing 16 oz. (here I mould note, that the weight of this is ex- Geft. Re- 
 adily 8 oz. and |.) Malmfbury alfo, complaining of the luxury of the Englifh Ang ' hb * 3 " 
 in the time of the Confeflbr, tells us, that " they addorned their arms with mafTie 
 bracelets of gold." But what is very extraordinary is, that though this bracelet 
 is here fo well reprefented, and with fuch exaclnefs, yet it is difficult in any other 
 delineation to find any certain refemblance of it, fo as to determine its fituation 
 on the wearer, unlefs we judge from the fervants wearing his ring as he ought on 
 his finger, that he alfo wears the bracelet in its proper place ; if fo, we may very 
 reafonably conclude, that thofe appearances of borders at the end of the fleeves of 
 the kings, nobles, &c. (which are generally in the MSS. of a different colour 
 from the garment) may be defigned to reprefent thefe golden ornaments. 
 
 Neither the men nor the women appear to have any particular drefs fet apart 
 for riding, but go always in their ufual habit. They had faddles to their horfes 
 
 and 
 
48 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 andftirrups ; they had alfo fpurs, though they are often reprefented riding with- 
 out either, (plate 8, fig-34.) The rowel to the fpur does not by any means ap- 
 pear to be known at this time ; moft probably the Saxons were the firft that 
 brought fpurs into England, and that this is the firft invention of them, being 
 only a fmgle point, (plate 8, fig. a.) The rowel does not appear in any delinea- 
 manJE™' tio " tiU the latter end of the thirteenth century, (fee the life of Offa.) The 
 m ' women rode fideways as they do at prefent, having a whip or fcourge of three 
 firings, with a knot at the end of each, (plate 17, fig. 7.) 
 
 The men always were armed with their fpears, after the old cuftom of their 
 Wm. of anceftors : and that love of their arms ftill continued amongft them ; for the old 
 Malmibury. warrior Earl Siward, (in the time of Edward the ConfeiTor) finding himfelf at the 
 point of death, caufed his armour to be brought, and his attendants to drefs 
 him in it, faying, " It was diilionourable for a foldier to die like a woman on 
 a bed." 
 
 Of the Banquets of the Anglo-Saxons, Mulic, Paftimes, Sec. 
 
 Wm. of Tacitus tells us of the Old Saxons, that at their banquets their diet was rude, 
 a m UJ 7' anc j when they fat down to table, every man had his mefs to himfelf : their drink 
 was made of barley, corrupted (fays he) into a likenefs of wine; and their meats 
 were fimple, as wild apples, frefh venifon, curds and cream, &c. 
 
 In almoft all of the Saxon delineations, where they are reprefented at meat, 
 the table being decently covered with a clean cloth, we fee that a cup of horn is 
 prefented to every one, which may contain fome pottage or foup, or their barley, 
 drink. Jn the delineation copied (plate 16. fig. 2.) there are three noble perfon- 
 ages reprefented at table, who are ferved by two attendants on their knees : in 
 the middle difh there is a fifh lying, and the figure on the right alfo holds one in 
 his left hand, and a knife in his right ; the other oppofite figure to the left is em- 
 ployed in cutting fomething that is prefented to him by the attendant. I muff, 
 own I cannot conceive any other idea of it, than that it is a fpit, with a piece of 
 roafted meat, which the abovementioned figure is cutting from it into a plate 
 that is alfo held by the fervant under it. 
 
 The round things which appear on the table, together with thofe bits that are 
 broken, are done to reprefent the cakes of bread. The knife and fpoon that lie- 
 near the middle figure, are perfect enough ; but what thofe two bowls on each: 
 fide contain, I am at a lofs to know, unlefs it is fome boiled meat brought on to 
 the table with foup, which may be the reafon of having fuch deep dimes ; 
 and indeed the fpoon being on the table, may be thought in fome meafure to 
 confirm this opinion. 
 
 The middle figure feems going to drink, and is addreffing himfelf to the 
 figure next him, who appears to be anfwering of him. 
 Verftegan. The old health by hiftorians reported to have been drank by Rowena (the 
 daughter or niece of Hengeft) to Vortergren, (king of the Britons) was after this 
 fafhion : She came intojhe room^where the king and his guefts were fitting,^ 
 c/yt _ 4w /^^Kmaking a low obei^jajnce to ^fMe faid, UJae r heal, HI apojiO Cinning, 
 (be of health lord king) then having drank, fhe prefented it on her knees to the 
 king, who (being told the meaning of what fhe had faid, together with the cuf- 
 tom) took the cup ; faying fcninc heal, (I drink your health) and drank alfo. 
 
 The 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 49 
 
 The old manner of pledging each other when they drank, was thus : the per- 
 foil who was going to drink afiked any one of the company that fat next him, 
 whether he would pledge him, on which, he anfwering that he would, held up 
 his knife orfword to guard him whilft he drank, (for while a man is drinking, 
 fie necefTarily is in an unguarded pofture, expofed to the treacherous ftroke of 
 fome hidden or fecret enemy.) This cuftom, as it is faid, firft took rife from William 
 the death of young king Edward, (called the Martyr) fon to Edgar, who was by Malmtbury 
 the contrivance of Elfrida his ftepmother, traiteroufly ftabbed in the back as he 
 was drinking. The above delineation feems perfectly well to agree with the re- 
 ported cuftom ; the middle figure is addrefling himfelf to his companion, who 
 tells him that he pledges him, holding up his knife in token of his readinefs to 
 affift and protect him. 
 
 There is on the table (plate 16, fig. 2,) an oblong fquare difh or plate, toge- 
 ther with a round one, and by the bowl there lies a large fpoon, (or rather a ladle) 
 from whence it is not an unlikely conclufion to make, that the bowl itfelf mould 
 be filled with broath or pottage. 
 
 In fig. 3, (of the fame plate) there is the head of an animal in the bowl, which Regal and 
 often occurs in the antient delineations of feafts, and moft generally appears to Eccle. Ant. 
 be the head of a boar drefTed whole. There alfo ftands another bowl upon the of En S-P ,,a ' 
 table, which is filled with apples, or fuch like fruit ; the reft muft be left to the 
 conjectures of the learned readers. 
 
 By moft authors we are told, that the northern nations were much addicted to 
 hard drinking, which may be the reafon that at their banquets they feem much 
 better provided with drinking horns than with plates and diflies, especially if all 
 ihofe vefTels which are generally held by every one of the guefts, are fet afide j) e f cr ;pt 
 tor drinking only. It was among the antient Germans (fays Tacitus) no dif- Germ, 
 grace for them to be fitting day and night both caroufing and drinking : and 
 fuch great drinkers were the Danes (who were in England in the time of Edgar) Wm. of 
 and fo much did their bad examples prevail with the Englifh, that he, by the Malmfbury. 
 advice of Dunftan, archbifhopof Canterbury, put down many ale-houfes, fufTcr- 
 ing only one to be in a village or fmall town ; and he alfo further ordained, that 
 pins or nails mould be faftened into the drinking cups and horns, at ftated 
 •diftances, and whofoever mould drink beyond thofe marks atone draught, fhould 
 be obnoxious to a fevere punifhment. 
 
 Hardicnute is reported to have been fo great a glutton, that he had his table 
 furnimed four times in the day, in a moft coftly manner : and we read that Er- 
 combert, becaufe the people were much given to excefs, commanded that the 
 forty days of Lent fhould be ftrictly kept. The monks in general, in the earlier Speed 
 time, were not permitted to drink either wine or ale. When Ceowulf, king of Chron * 
 Northumberland, (following the example of many others,) zealoufl'y quitted his 
 crown for a cowl, he permitted the monks of Landisfarn, where he had taken 
 his refidence, to drink both ale and wine j whereas bifhop Aydan, the fiift found- 
 er, prefcribed only water and milk. 
 
 It appears by the drawings that the Anglo-Saxons chiefly boiled their meat : 
 Having killed the animal, and cut it into pieces, it was put into a large kettle, 
 which was fet on a trivet of three legs, over the fire made on*the earth, they furred 
 it and took it out with a hook or fork, which had two prongs that were turned 
 horizontally to the handle, (fee plate 17, fig. 2.) 
 
 H Their 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Their Mufical Inftruments, &c. 
 
 Befides the horn and the cornicinus or trumpet before mentioned, they played 
 on two flutes, (like the Romans) and this they accompanied with a lyre of four 
 firings, which was beat with a fmall inftrument for that purpofe, and to this 
 mufic they danced, (plate 17, fig. 4.) They alfo excelled in their performance 
 Speed upon the harp ; by which means Alfred, in difguife of an harper, got admiftion 
 ghron. into the Danifh camp, where, while he pleafed them with his mulic, he difco- 
 vered their defigns and negligence, and by this means he gave them a total over- 
 throw : which fame trick was by Anlaff (the Dane) retorted (fome years after- 
 wards) on the Saxons ; for coming to their camp in the fame difguife, he 
 met with the fame reception, and departed undifcovered : though 'tis laid that 
 a foldier, who had formerly ferved Anlaff, knew him, and after his departure 
 made it known to Athelftan, who reproving the foldier for the neglect of his 
 duty, in permitting fo dangerous an enemy to efcape, was thus anfvvered by the 
 foldier, " I once ferved Anlaff, under his pay, for a foldier, and gave him the 
 fame faith that I have now done unto you, and if I had then betrayed him, what 
 truft could you have repofed in my truth ? Let him die, if fuch be his fate, but 
 not through my treachery j yet now he is efcaped, fecure yourfelf from danger, 
 and remove your tent, left he mould affail you unawares." Which fpirited and 
 honeft anfwer of this faithful foldier, greatly recommended him to the king's 
 favour. 
 
 They accompanied the harp with the cornicinus and violin ; the firings were 
 fcrewed up with the four pegs fet horizontal at the end of the nut, fplate 19.) 
 And one in This violin has only four ftrings, but another (plate 3$ of the Norman asra) drawn 
 Hen^VII a ^ out tne tltDe Henry the Second, has five j and there are others in the fecond 
 in the 2d. ' volume that have only three. *As to the figure (on the prefent plate) oppofite to 
 vol. . him, that is playing the violin, with the knives and balls, I cannot poffibly make 
 the leaft difcovery of what he is doing, whether they were thus thrown up, and 
 catched alternately one on the other, to chime in with the mufic, or to anfwer 
 the beating of time ; and perhaps they made ufe of knives to fhew their great 
 dexterity in catching. There is alfo an old lyre on the laft mifccllaneous plate/2..* 
 of the Saxons, together with feveral other mufical Inftruments ; for the ac- 
 count of them, which is taken from the MS. fee the general defcription of the 
 plates ; but fo very imperfect do the drawings appear to me, that I fear their ufe 
 will not very readily be difcovered. 
 Wm. of The organ was alfo ufed among the Saxons ; for Win, of Malmfbury tells us, 
 Malmfbury, that archbifhop Dunftan erected one in the time of Edgar at Glaftenbury, in ho- 
 dePontibus nour of St. Adhelmn. — " Et or gana ubi per areas jiftulas miificis menfuris ela~ 
 b or at us" &c. 
 
 Their Sports and Paftimes. 
 
 Def Germ. Their fports and paftimes ffays Tacitus) fpeaking of the ancient Germans, arc 
 the fame at every aflemblv, that is, young men tutored for that purpofe, who 
 caft themfelves naked between fwords and lances fet up at certain diftances. 
 
 And 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 51 
 
 And (continues he) fo remarkably fond are they of dice, and play at it with fuch 
 earneftnefs, that they frequently ftake their liberty on the hazard of the game ; 
 when the lofer enters into a voluntary fervitude, fuffering himfelf to be bound 
 and fold, though he be fuperior both in ftrength and age to his antagonift. But 
 whether thefe cuftoms were continued among the Anglo-Saxons, cannot 
 well be determined ; yet they, like their anceftors, were moll: remarkably fond 
 of hunting and hawking. The pretence made ufe of by the Danifh leaders, MS.of Lid- 
 Hinguar and Hubba, for invading and ravaging the coafts of England, was, thatg at ^ 
 one Lothbrock (their father) amufing himfelf with his hawk near the fea more; 
 in purfuit of fome game the hawk fell into the fea, which to recover he took a 
 little boat, and put forth from more ; when a tempeft fuddenly arifing, he was 
 driven out to lea, and after having narrowly efcaped drowning, was driven alhore 
 on the coaft of Norfolk, where he was well received by Edmund, then king of 
 the Eaft Angles ; who conceiving a great efteem for him, but efpecially becaufe 
 of his great Hull in managing the hawks, and hawking, infomuch, that Berick, 
 the king's falconer, being greatly envious and jealous of him, flew him privately 
 in a wood, where his body was difcovered by means of his favourite fpaniel ; 
 and Berick being conviiSed of the murder, was condemned to be put into the 
 fame boat in which Lothbrock came, without rudder, oars, or fail, and fo left to 
 the mercy of the waves; but fate conducted him to the very port from whence 
 Lothbrock had firft put to fea, where he being known, was feized by the Danes, 
 but to free himfelf from punilhment he accufed his mailer, king Edmund, of 
 being the fole contriver (if not the perpetrator) of this cruel murder ; in revenge 
 of which Hinguar and Hubba, the fons of the deceafed Lothbrock, brought a 
 great army into England, where proving victorious over the forces of king Ed- 
 mund, himfelf was taken prifoner, and mot to death with arrows, &c. 
 
 Antient Hiftory of Burials. 
 
 Before I enter into the defcription of the funeral ceremonies, and manner of 
 interment of the antient Englilh nation, it will be neceflary for the fuller expla- 
 nation of them, to go back to hiftories far more remote, and trace out thefe ce- 
 remonies from their firft origin, or at leaft, as nearly as pofiible, conlidering the 
 great confufion of the materials ; and this, at leaft, may throw fome light on 
 the uncertain ftate they now are in, if not fix a fure criterion, by which we 
 may nearly afcribe each different relick in this kingdom, to its refpeclive nation 
 and conftru&ors. 
 
 The moil ancient way of burying, becaufe the moft fimple, was that of com- 
 miting the body to the earth without either embalming or burning ; in holy 
 writ we find the patriarchs thus burying their dead, without the leaft mention 
 made of any further ceremony till the death of Jacob, who went down into^^ ^ 
 Egypt, and died there, and his body was at the command of Jofeph, embalmed. 50t ver.?.' 
 The method of embalming among the Egyptians, arofe from a belief, that as Greaves's 
 long as the body endured uncorrupted, fo long the foul continued with it : and Defcrip. of 
 Servius alfo declares that " hence the Egyptians fkilful in fcience, do keep the pyr * nu *' 
 
 body 
 
5 £ THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Serv. Com. body embalmed, that the foul may longer continue by the uncorrupted remains.* 
 in iEneid. Q n t ] ie contrary, the Greeks and Romans, with other nations, fuppofed that 
 while the body of the deceaied remained unburied, the foul was continually 
 wandering about reftlefs and difturbed." And for this reafon they committed 
 Herbert's dead bodies to the earth, and performed the funeral obfequies as foon as 
 
 Travels into they conveniently could. The Perfians are faid to have expofed the bodies of 
 the Eaft. their dead on towers erecled for that purpofe, where they might be devoured 
 verfal H^ft t ^ ie birds of prey ; left they fhould defile or pollute the elements, which they 
 v. 5. 166. held facred, and efteemed thofe that any ways polluted them, worthy, not only 
 of death in this world, but of the fevereft torments in the next. 
 
 The Greeks originally buried their dead, for Teucrus (in the laft act of Ajax 
 a tragedy of Sophocles) preparing to inter the corps of Ajax, fays, "fome quickly 
 ^?P^' es of .make a deep grave, others put the tripod over the fire to prepare the facred 
 Ajax Ads- warnings for the dead body. And Solon, in the argument which he brought 
 Scene 1ft. to juftify the Athenians right to the ifle of Salamis, againft their competitors 
 . the Megarenfians, declares that the bodies there buried, were after the /Ube- 
 the iSe of n * an ^ am ' on > tna t is, the carcafs turned to the Eaft, and a fingle fepulchre for 
 Solon. every one; whereas, the cuftom of the Megarenfians was to turn- the body to 
 the Weft, and lay two or three into one grave. 
 
 The Romans alfo buried their dead as well as burnt them ; which is con- 
 firmed by Pliny, -f- and others : and that both thefe nations, Greeks and Ro- 
 Nat. Hift. manSj burnt their dead, is by no body doubted. 
 
 Indeed we find it common with moft of the antient nations to bury, as well 
 as burn the dead ; and the funeral either way, feems equally concordant with 
 their religious and fnperftitious notions : then allowing the burying of the dead 
 to be the moft antient cuftom, fome reafons may be neceftary to account for the 
 burning of them. 
 
 1 Sam. eh. In the holy bible, it is faid, that " the Philiftines having got the dead 
 31. ver. 9. bodies cf Saul and of his fons into their poiTeffion, they ftripped them of their 
 itinAa. armour, and cut off the head of Saul, and nailed all the bodies to the wall of 
 the city of Bethfhan : and when the inhabitants of Jabefh Gilead heard that; 
 which the Philiftines had done to Saul, all the valiant men arofe, ;md went 
 ail night, and took the bodies of Saul, and the bodies of his fons, from the wall, 
 of Bethflian, and came to Jabefti Gilead, and burnt them there. 
 Nat Hift ^ n< ^ ^' in y* * l WaS coftomaiy with the Romans always to bury their 
 dead, untill they began to underfland that the bodies of thofe (lain in the wars- 
 far off, were ibmetimes taken forth from their graves, and barbaroufly abufed ; 
 Lucius Ho- anc j Lucius Florus alfo tells us, that the Germans, among other indignities of- 
 fered to the Romans, rooted up the body of Varus their general* which they 
 treated with great inhumanity. To prevent the like barbarity for the future,, 
 they ordained burning before tumulation. And that the fame inhuman treats 
 Homer's Hi. ment of dead bodies was ufual with the Greeks, (and other nations) may be 
 *«. of certainty concluded from the authoxity of Homer ; who reprefents his hero 
 
 Achilles- 
 
 * It was not ufual with the Egyptians to inter the bodies of their friends thus embalmed, but to 
 inclofe them in wooden coffins, and keep them as holy relicks in^, their houfes, except the kings and 
 princes, who had fumptuous monuments, and If {lately pyramid for their reception. 
 
 f Numa was buried entire in a ftone coffin : and the family of the Cornellii were alfo buried till 
 the time of Sylla the dictator, who was burnt. See Plutarch's Life of Numa, and Plin. Nat. Hift. 
 Lib. vii. Cap. 54. 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 53 
 Achilles, dragging the breathlefs corpfe of Hector round the walls of Troy, 
 bound to the end of his chariot : and Sophocles in his Ajax, makes Agamemnon Sophocles 
 refufe permifiion to Teucrus to bury the body of Ajax ; faying, *' and even dead, Tragedy of 
 is it not j uft that we infult him:" for this reafon the foldiers always exerted Ajax.Aft 5, 
 their utmoft ftrength, to prevent the bodies of their generals falling into the 
 hands of the enemy. Such Homer tells, was the great ftriving between the 
 Greeks, and the Trojans for the body of Patroclus. And when they had got the j Iiad 
 dead corpfe of the enemy in their poffeflion, it was firft ftriped of its armour and 
 ornaments, which were efteemed as the conquerors due : then it was^either left 
 naked to the rage and barbarity of the army, or thrown out a prey to the beafts 
 or fowls of the air : thus Sophocles makes Ajax, in his laft moments offer up a Soph. Ajax 
 fervent pra)er to Jupiter, that his brother Teucrus might find his dead body, 4 th A & 
 and perform the obiequies, ** left (fays he) firft feen by the enemies, I be call: 
 forth to the dogs, and to the birds a prey. 
 
 Alio what hazards were run by the foldiers to refcue the bodies of their 
 chiefs from the pofieffion of the enemy : the men of Gilead went all night to 1 Sam. 31. 
 t ike the bodies of Saul and his fons from the wall of Bethlhan : and Homer jj/j " 
 makes old Priam venture not only into the camp of the Grecians, but even to 
 the tent of the fterti Achilles to fupplicate the dead body of Hector his fon. Soph. Tra- 
 And in Sophocles, we had Antigone attempting to perform the funeral obfequies ^tneA&z~ 
 of her brother Polynices, who by Creon's order was to lie unburied, though fhe 
 was certain that (he ihould be put to death for her piety: " I knew (faid me) 
 that I Ihould die," (and after adds) " but how could I obtain more glory than 
 by entombing my brother." 
 
 And in order to prevent fuch inhumanities, no doubt the burning the bodies 
 of their heroes firft aroic and was the ferft caufe why they raifed large tombs of 
 earth over their allies, the monumental honour of the great. ^ 
 
 The Saxons, Danes, with other northern nations^ burned their dead, in con- 
 fequence of a law made by Woden. 1 hcri'nMiam 
 
 'i he Gtuls and Britons alfo burnt their dead. 
 
 The bodies being burnt, their allies and bits of bones were by the friends of 
 the deceafed, gathered carefully up, and put into an urn. Thus, among the 
 Greeks, Horner delbribing i\\t magnificent funeral of Patroclus, adds 
 
 Next the white bones his fad companions place 
 With tears collected, in the golden vafe. 
 
 Others foretimes of the commoner foldiers, were put into earthen pots-, and Iliad 23. 
 fometimes the afhes were raked up in a heap, and covered with earth, without 
 an urn; (but this was only when they were in hafte.) 
 
 The arms of a foldier, were (if his body was not burnt) buried with him, Ezekial ch * 
 and his fwor-d kid under his head: thus the prophet Ezekial expreffes it, "and 
 they (hall not lie with the mighty, that are gone down to hell with their wea- 
 pons of war, and they have laid their fwords under their heads j" and Sopho- An- 
 cles makes Ajax fay, after giving his fhield to his fon, "my other armour 
 fhall be buried with me." 
 
 Jf the bodies were burnt, the arms were thrown upon the funeral pile, and 
 particularly fuch fpoils as the deceafed had taken from the enemy. Thus Vir- 
 gil, defcribing the funeral of the foldiers flain in the battle which was fought 
 by Mnzas againft Turnus, king of the Rutilians, tells us, that they caftinto the jEneidxi-. 
 flames helmets, fwords, bridles, and chariot wheels, and that the by-ftanders 
 alfo threw in coflly gifts. The 
 
54 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The next thing to be confidcred is, the monuments erected over the be dies, 
 or allies of the dead, and whether it was a general or particular cuftom with the 
 antient nations to erect fuch monuments, which on a careful furvey and exami- 
 nation of the different authors, will appear to be only made in honour of great 
 . heroes, kings, and foldiers flain in battle, or in commemoration of fome memo- 
 rable event. I will begin with the Jews, and the firft mention that I find in 
 Gen.ch. 23 holy writ of their fepulchres, is where Abraham (who was come into a ftrange 
 v. 17. land on the death of Sarah) is bargaining with the fons of Heth for a place of 
 burial j they civilly offered him his chrice of any one of their fepulchres, but 
 he being willing to fecure a place of burial not only for Sarah, but for himfelf and 
 his fuccefTors, purchafed " the field that was before Mamre, in which was the 
 cave of Macpelah, and there he buried Sarah." Afterwards we find Jacob 
 fwearing Jofeph his fon to bury him in this family monument , " where (fayshe> 
 Ibid chap. tnev buried Abraham, and Sarah his wife where they buried Ifaac, and Rebec- 
 49, ver. 30. ca his wife; and where I buried Leah." Thus we find, that the family mo- 
 numents of the Jews were nothing more than caverns, covered only with a ftcne : 
 Matthew, f or f ucn we £ n£ j i n after ages was the tomb of our Saviour, " hewn out of a 
 ver^o^' roc k> and a great flone rolled to the door." And that of Lazarus was a cave, 
 John chap with a ft°ne laid upon it. Now it fometimes happened that while the Patii- 
 40, ver. 38. archs were on their travels, fome of their family might die by the way, and they 
 being too far from their own fepulchre to convey the body to it, were eonftrained 
 to bury it on the fpot, yet they never failed to leave fome pious memorial of the 
 corpfe there buried. Thus when Rachael died in child-bed, at the delivery of 
 Gen. chap. Benjamin, fhe was buried by the way fide, and " Jacob fet a pillar on her grave, 
 35, ver. 20. - s ca ]i ec j the pi]l ar of Rachael's grave unto this day." 
 
 Tofh cha ^ ut monurnents raifed over the bodies of the dead were not always honorary j 
 
 7, ver. zo. f° r Achan, who was ftoned to death (for ftealing of the trealure which was by 
 
 God accurfed) had a heap of ftones thrown up over him ; and fo had the king 
 Ibid. chap. Ai, who was hanged at the command of Jofhua ; fo alfo Joab, after that he had 
 
 8. rer. 29. flain Abfalom, threw him into a pit, " and raifed a very great heap of ftones over 
 2 Sam. chap, him." 
 
 18. ver. 17. £ n( j t j ie f e p U ] crires D f tne ki n g S diflinguifhed from their family caverns. 
 
 The remains of the burnt bones of Saul and Jonathan, were buried in the fe- 
 pulchre of Kifh, Saul's father. Mofl of the kings from David's time, were bu- 
 2 Chron. ried in the city of David - y " and Afa flept with his fathers, and they buried him 
 chap. 16. in his own fepulchre, which he had made for himfelf in the city of David, and 
 ver. 13 & 14. j^j hi m in a bed which was filled with fweet odours, and divers kind of fpices 
 prepared by the apothecary's ar-t';* and they made a very great burning for him." 
 Ibid cha ^ again we are told, that at the funeral of Jehoram, a wicked king, that his 
 21, ver. 20. people made no burning for him, like the burning of his fathers, -f Howbeit 
 they buried him in the city of David, but not in the fepulchres of the kings." 
 
 Their 
 
 * From this cuftom of the Jews, of laying their kings on beds with fpices, precious ointments, &c. 
 and folemnizing the funerals with burning, perhaps came that of the heathen nations, of laying an 
 image of the deceafed on a rich bed filled with odours and fpices, which was with vaft pomp carried 
 to the place of burial, and there burnt with many great and folemn ceremonies. This muft be only 
 underftood to be at the confecration of thofe emperors who were deified after their death : fee the 
 4th book of Herodian. Thefe ceremonies were performed after the obfequies of the true body. 
 
 f We muft not conclude from hence that the Ifraelites ufed to burn the bodies of their kings, for 
 this pafiage is fuller explained in Jeremiah, who prophecying concerning the death of Zedekiah, fays, 
 *' But thou fhalt die in peace, and with the burnings of thy fathers, the former kings which were before 
 
 thee, 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS, &c. S5 
 
 Their common family tombs were fet apart in particular places for that pur- 
 pofe; for the man poffefled with the legion of devils, is expreflly faid in St. Mark cha P» 
 Mark's Gofpel, to have had his dwelling among the tombs." And St. Matthew ^It^'Jiz 
 exprefles it, " coming out of the tombs, &c". 8. ver. 28.' 
 
 Next we will confider the Egyptians, who did not inter the bodies of their 
 dead friends, but they being embalmed, were put into wooden coffins, and fetGreaves's 
 round about in their habitations; alfo at their feafts they were fet forth about ^ep'ramids 
 the table. And, fays Lucian, one being in want of money, is fupplied by giving Lucian 
 his father or brother in pledge. Yet ftill for their kings and nobles they had (lately 
 monuments, and large pyramids of ftone : " What are thefe (fays Dugdale) In his War- 
 but fo many huge barrows of mafonry inftead of earth." And Servius informs wickfhire. 
 
 . . J . , & , , J 1 • 1 • 1 1 • • oer. Com.ia 
 
 us, that with the antients, noblemen were buried either under mountains, or in ^neidxi. 
 
 mountains, whence came the cuftom that over the dead, either pyramids were 
 made or huge columns erected. Paufanias tells us, that the cuftom of burial Paufan. Co- 
 among the antient Sicyonians, was to cover the body over with earth and raife nnth< ab - 2 « 
 pillars over it. 
 
 Now then we come to thofe of the Greeks and Romans, who befides their 
 coftly maufoleums, and the other vaft monuments of their kings and emperors, Bor]ace , s 
 had alio monuments of lefs beauty, though of equal honour, which are large Ant. of 
 heaps of earth, called barrows, though fome are made of ftones and earth mixed, Cornwall 
 and others though few, of ftones alone. 
 
 The moft antient barrow we read of, is that of Ninus, the founder of the 
 AiTyrian empire, whole queen, Semiramis, raifed a tomb of earth over him. Of 
 the Greeks, Homer harh left us the defcription of that raifed by Achilles, in 
 honour of his friend Patroclus. 
 
 That done they bid the fepulchre afpire, Pope's Ho- 
 
 And caft the deep foundation round the pyre ; mer'sjl. 23. 
 High in the midft they raifed the fwelling bed, 
 Of riling earth memorial of the dead. 
 
 And alio that of Hector.. 
 
 Iliad 24. 
 
 Laft o'er the urn, both ftones and earth they fpread, 
 And raifed the tomb, memorial of the dead. 
 
 So Sophocles in his Antigone, makes the mefTenger defcribe to Eurydice, the 
 funeral of Polynices in this manner. " I followed your hufband to the field, h ° p T ° c a g S 'jj- 
 where lay the miferable body of Polynices torn to pieces by the dogs ; (and Antigone 
 befeeching the goddefs of the ways Pro/erpine, kindly to reftrain her rage) they Aft 5th 
 wafticd in facred water what was left of the body, and with green boughs we 
 burnt it, and raifed a high tomb of earth that was hard by." 
 
 The 
 
 thee, fo fhall they burn odours for thee,, and lament for thee, &c." The burning of the bodies of Saul 
 and his fons by the men of JabefhGilead, is the only inftance in the whole bible ; and this may be welt 
 accounted for, when we confider that the bodies muft have been feme time dead, from which caufe 
 they might be fo offenfive as to require immediate tumulation ; and they burnt them, left the enraged 
 enemy might again root them up, and mifufethem. I am very much furprifed that Claude Guichard 
 fliould have quoted the above prophecy, to prove that the Jews really did burn the bodies of their dead,, 
 when it fo p!a nly declares, that the odours were burnt in memory of their kings, and not the body 
 with them. See Claude Gukhard's Funerailles & diverfes manieres d'enfevelir des Rommains, Grecs, 
 & autres Nations, &c. 3 m e. livxe chap, xi, 
 
56 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The fame cuftom (according to Virgil) was ufual among the ancient Lau- 
 rentines. 
 
 Beneath a lofty hill, a tomb there flood 
 Of high rais'd earth ; for king Dercernus reared, 
 Antient Laurentian king, and cover'd o'er 
 With gloomy oak. 
 
 This author alfo defcribes /Eneas, performing the fame pious work in honor 
 of his loft friend. 
 
 lb. lib* 3- Then ftraight a lofty tomb of earth we made, 
 
 Sacred memorial of loft Polydore. 
 
 The Saxons, and other antient northern nations, had thefe tombs in confe- 
 Shefiag.252f e quence of a law made by Woden. Woden enacted a law, that the dead mould 
 be burned with all their moveables, efpecially their money, for thofe fhould be 
 efteemed mod welcome to the gods that had the greateft quantity of treafure 
 burnt with them. He alfo further ordained, that they ftiould raife large heaps 
 of earth over thofe that were llain in battle ; and en the monuments of thofe 
 who had performed any great and glorious actions, there fhould be erected high 
 Ola. Wor- obelifks infcribed with the Runic character. And Wormius gives us the fol- 
 miuj Dan. lowing account of the Danifh funeral ceremonies, which he diftinguilhes into 
 Monum. three ages. The firft UoiColD, the fecond ^otjjolo, and the third CImttniDoms- 
 p ' 49 ' £>lD. The brief matter of his explanation is this; the firft KoifolD, 
 IStenDe^tUD (the age of burning) was when the defunct was brought out in 
 the fields near the highway, or eftate that belonged to him while living; where 
 they made an oblong place with great ftones for the reception of the body, and 
 there burnt it, collecting the afhes into an urn ; round which they fet great 
 ftones ; then with land, gravel, or earth, they throwed up a little hillock in form 
 of a mount. The fecond was called l^oigolD or IrWlftuD, (the age of bury- 
 ing) which was when the body was brought entire with its ornaments, and 
 laid (unburnO in the middle of a large circle of ftones, then over it they (as 
 before) raifed a mount of earth, &c. thefe mounts were fometimes plain, made 
 only of earth, and caft up like a cone, and fometimes they were ornamented 
 with a circle of ftones, but this was only for their generals and great men. 
 The third age was (0)rtttcn&omg=©ll}, which was when chriftianity began to 
 prevail, and they buried as we are wont to do at this time. 
 Borlace Barrows (as was before oblerved) were built of different materials. Some have 
 
 fuppofed that thole of earth alone, were of a fort inferior to the reft; but the 
 contrary may be eafily proved, that of Ninus was of earth, as was alfo that of 
 Patroclus, as well as that cf Dercernus mentioned by Virgil. I am ready 
 to think that among the Hebrews, Greeks and Romans, barrows of ftones were 
 rather marks of dilhonour and indignity, than to perpetuate the fame of thofe 
 buried under them. With the Jews we read of Achan ftoned for theft; the 
 king Ai who was hanged ; and Abfalom who had rebelled againft his father, 
 were all buried under heaps of ftones. And of the Greeks we are told, that 
 Laius was with his fervants (who were flain by Oedipus) fo buried ; we are to 
 Virgil remember that Oedipus took Laius and his followers for robbers. And with 
 the Romans, Virgil thus informs us in his diftich on the famous robber Balilla. 
 
 Monte 
 
 Trapp'sVir. 
 Book xi. 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 
 
 57 
 
 " Monte fub hoc lapidjfm tegitur Balifta fepultus." 
 Under this mount of ftones, lies Balifta buried. 
 
 It is objected indeed, that the tumulus of Hector was of {tones and earth : but 
 if we confider well that paflage in Homer, we mall find it exprefles " pouring 
 therri on," which is well explained by Camden. " It was (fays he) an antient 
 cuftom for every foldier that furvived after a battle, to bring his cap full ofCamd. Brit, 
 earth and pour it out upon the dead body of his fellow, fo that this expreffion 
 of " (tones and earth poured on," feems only to be a poetical defcription of the 
 earth and ftones as they are commonly mixed together, poured from the helmets 
 of the foldiers ; or perhaps Homer may have only fo mentioned it, to make a 
 trifling variation from that funeral fo lately delcribed of Patroclus. But even 
 admitting this to be made of ftones and earth mixed together, it can by no 
 means prove that thofe made of large rude ftones alone,fhould not be monuments 
 of difgrace. With the Danes indeed it is certain, that they were by no means 
 di (graceful ; for Wormius tells us, that thofe of their noblemen were, for S^Stow's 
 tinction fake, ornamented with ftones. And it is alfo proved, not only by the Chron. 
 heap of ftones called bubble flow, thrown up over the body of Hubba the 
 Dane ; but by the multitude of thofe monuments wherever thofe people landed, 
 and committed their depredations, thaf*$ere with them monuments of honour. 
 <£ Thefe tumuli are moftly large heaps of ftones (fays Camden; done up without c am d. Brit, 
 any order, and moft probably were brought here and (hot down in a heap pro- 
 mifcuoufly : and it was (continues he) cuftomary in many places fo to bury 
 felf-murderers, and malefactors : and in Wales, where they are called Karris, 
 the moft paflionate wifli that one man can make to another, is that a karn may 
 be his monument: and 'tis alfo the name for the moft defperate and bafeft of 
 villains. Thefe fays he, were antiently the funeral piles of men of the moft 
 diftinguiftied quality ; but on the introduction of chriftianity, they became 
 -monuments of difgrace." Now if this was the true reafon, why did not the 
 Kill Venn another fort of ftone monument, and always held honourable, as 
 well as barrows of earth, &c. fall under the fame predicament \ The reafon 
 moft probably was,becaufe the Britons always held the karris dishonourable, while 
 on the contrary, the Ki/l-vean being the ancient efteemed monuments of their 
 fore-fathers, was yet held facred, and put them in rem embrance of their old 
 manners. The Anglo-Saxons indeed might diftike them becaufe they were 
 much ufed by the Danes ; as 'tis known how much that nation was hated by 
 the Engliih, and fo very diftafteful their cuftoms were to them, that on their 
 departure it was held a difgrace to retain the leaft tracings of them. 
 
 For the fize of all thefe barrows there was no fixed rule, that depending en- 
 tirely on the quality and well-deferving of the party deceafed : the old one of 
 Ninus is faid to have been nine furlongs high, and ten broad ; and that which ^ orla ^ c * 
 Achilles made for Patroclus, though a moderate one, was one hundred feet in 
 .diameter (the fize of the funeral pile) Achilles thus gives his order : 
 
 Mean time erect the tomb with pious hands, Iliad 23. 
 
 A common ftructure on the humble fands, 
 Hereafter Greece fome nobler work may raife, 
 And late pofterity record our praife, 
 
 I Which 
 
58 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Which nobler work the fucceeding Greeks pioufly did perform, and raifed the 
 tumulus to fo great a height, that it ferved as a fea-mark to thofe that failed in 
 the Helefpont. We have alfo fome barrows of an immenfe fize here in Eng- 
 land. So great was the expence which many beftowed upon thefe monuments, 
 Plato that Plato advifed, that none but barren places mould be chofen for the burial 
 of the dead ; and that no fepulchre mould be thrown up larger than what five 
 men in five days could compleat. 
 
 Tyrants, parricides, and other criminals, among the Danes and other nor- 
 thern nations, were denied, both urns and tumuli; their bodies were burnt,, 
 and their afhes thrown into the air, or fcattered into the river. 
 
 SaxoGram. " ^ on urna ' non turnu ^ us nefandas ofilum reliquias claudet 
 
 Nullum parricidii veftigium maneat." 
 
 But on the contrary, no pains or labour were fpared to enlarge and adorn the 
 barrows of good men, and great heroes, often ornamenting them with im- 
 menfe ftones, infomuch that they were three years in compleating a fingle 
 Borlafe ° ne ' H ara Mus il IS ^ a id» employed his whole army and a great number of oxen 
 Ant. Corn- m drawing one vaft ftone to adorn the monument of his mother, 
 wall. Thefe barrows were not always erected over the body or afhes of the dead,. 
 
 for if they were loft, the tumulus was erected to their memory ; thus we find 
 iEneid.3. iEneas railing a heap of earth, "a memorial of loft Polydore." And Caefar 
 Hill. Rom. a ]f ma d e a barrow on the fpot where the body of his rival Pompey had been 
 burnt. 
 
 Thus we find that though moft nations had thefe extraordinary monuments 
 for their kings and heroes, yet they had alfo their vaults and common places of 
 burial. Among the Jews the fepulchers of their kings, &c. were diftinguifhed 
 from thofe of the better fort, who had their family caves or caverns for their 
 dead. Although the Egyptians did not inter their dead, yet they had their 
 pyramids and other ftately monuments for their kings and diftinguifhed heroes : 
 and in all the Grecian and Roman hiftories,. we do not find theie tumuli raifed 
 over others than great men, or fuch as fell in battle ; they having alio their 
 common places of burial without the cities. And for the northern nations, 
 the law of Woden, though it commands all the dead to be burnt, yet confines 
 the tumuli to thofe (lain in battle, kings, &c. And that the fame cuftoms were 
 obferved alfo in England, is proved by thefe tumuli being generally found near 
 the ways, or ftations of the Romans;, or elfe where fome battle.is, by his hiftory, 
 recorded to have been decided, or hero llain. It fhould be here remarked, that 
 there has not been many antiquities of the Romans found in barrows, but large 
 quantities in the more common burying grounds near their ftations, and with- 
 out their cities, or the fides of their great roads ; and thefe are moft frequently 
 difcover.ed without the leaft mark or veftige of any kind of funeral monuments. 
 Hence 'tis evident that they (like other nations) did erect barrows only on 
 particular occafions ; their general method of interments being performed . in < 
 their commonplaces of burial. 
 
 Monuments^ 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS, &c. 
 
 59 
 
 Monuments, &c. yet remaining in England. 
 
 Before I enter upon this fubjedt, it will be necefiary to fay fomewhat of the 
 old Druids : Martin tells us, that they neither ufed urns, or raifed barrows 
 over their dead : " yet fays Mr. Borlafe, he informs us, that they allowed urns 
 to thofe unhappy viclims who perifhed at their facrinces and religious rites : but Martin's 
 (continues he) is it likely that they fhould allow fuch funeral ornaments to thofe of tllc 
 wretched victims, as they denied to their own chiefs, and kings ?" and again, ru 
 in another place (he fays) M what kind of fepulchers they had,may be difputed ; 
 but without queftion, they burned their dead, and therefore it is moft r ea f° n - Cornwall 
 able to think that the chief priefts and great men, had urns which they placed 
 in a grave or ftone vault (Kist Vean.)" But I have not heard of urns found 
 under either the Cromlech , or Ktfl Vean; for the remains there dug up, are 
 either allies or entire bones, which I (hall endeavour to account for in the de- 
 fcription of thofe monuments : and in the mean time, I will only remark, that 
 it will be a matter very difficult to prove that the Druids had either urns for 
 themfelves, or for their victims. 
 
 The monuments found in England, are chiefly of thefe forts : 
 
 Firft, Barrows of earth, of ftones, and of ftones and earth. 
 
 Secondly, Obelijks, with and without infcriptions. 
 
 Thirdly, the Cromlech, or ftone table. 
 
 Fourthly, the Kiji Vean, or ftone cheft. 
 
 Fifthly, Rocking Stones, &c. 
 
 Of Barrows. 
 
 Barrows which are heaps of earth, &c. thrown up, of different forms and Stukdey's 
 fizes, and are thus divided : Stone-Hege. 
 
 Firft, fmall circular trenches with a little elevation in the middle, thefe are 
 called (by Dr. Stukeley) Druid Barrows. 
 
 Secondly, ordinary barrows of a conical form. 
 
 Thirdly, barrows furrounded with a ditch and vallum, and are moft com- 
 monly made in the fhape of a well-turned bell. 
 
 Fourthly, oblong barrows, both with and without trenches. 
 Fifthly, oblong barrows with ftones fet in order all round them. 
 
 Sixthly, a fort of barrows like horfe {hoes, (mentioned by Stukeley) and Stuk. Au- 
 found near the earth- work of what he calls alate or winged temples. bre . v - 
 
 Barrows are for the moft part fepulchral, for on opening of them there are 
 generally found either urns, or coffins, in thofe of the better fort ; and in thofe 
 which are ruder, inftead of urns, the a£hes or carcafs of the defunct were laid 
 in a cavern cut out of the folid earth, for their reception ; efpecially where the 
 foil was of a chalky nature. They were generally built of fuch materials -is 
 were eafieft come at : though it has been faid by fome authors that they fetched 
 them from afar off ; becaufe (fay they) the greater the diftance from which 
 the materials were brought, the more honourable was the funeral pile efteemed; 
 But Mr. Borlafe has evidently proved to the contrary : and Dugdale has very Ant. Corn, 
 ingenioufly accounted for there being no appearance or mark near thefe bar- w u a f w ^ c k * 
 rows, from whence the earth or ftones of which they were compofed, was taken ; fhire. 
 *' becaufe (fays he) they Ikimmed the furface of the ground round about, and 
 with the green turfs thrown up, they formed the mount or tumulus." 
 
 There 
 
6© 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Camdei 's There are fome inftances of thefe barrows not being fepulchral, for Camden 
 L'rit. Cn S te Hing us °f coals dug out °f a hill at Stanford Cone, in Northampton/hire ; 
 
 adds, " Siculus Flaccus fays, that either afhes, coals, or potfheards and broken 
 glafs, together with bones half burnt, lime, plaiffer and mortar were wont 
 to be put under their (the antients) land-marks or limits." And St. Auguftine 
 alfo fays, " is it not a wonderful thing, confidering that coals are fo brittle, that 
 with the leaff. touch they break, with the leaff. prefiure they are crufhed to 
 pieces, yet no time can conquer them, infomuch that they that pitched land- 
 marks, were wont to throw them underneath, to convince any litigious fellow 
 whatever, that mould come ever fo long after, and would affirm that no land- 
 mark had been made ?" 
 Jn the Happening myfelf to be (in the year 1773) making fome curious refearches 
 
 County of near Maldon, I was informed, that at a place called Burrough- hills, (from a 
 £flex. number of barrows that are there remaining) a large hill had been dug down 
 by the owner of the field wherein it flood ; and that in making a deep ditch 
 acrofs one part of it, they came to afhes, brickbats, potfheards, and the like. 
 Curiofity naturallly led me to the place, where I carefully examined the above 
 particulars. When I came there, I found it to be of an oblong form and of a 
 great extent ; though at prefent, not above five feet above the common furface 
 of the ground. — The ditch which has been dug in it, is in general about four 
 feet deep ; and all along, in a ftraight line, from one end of the hill to the 
 other, (about a foot thick at the bottom of the ditch) lie thefe potiheards, and 
 feem (from their prefent fituation) to have been fiift regularly fpread over the 
 whole furface of the ground, and over them was thrown the earth, of which the 
 hill was made. Indeed I fhould obferve, that above this row of bricks, pot- 
 fheards, &c. is a thick ffiff clay for full one foot (or rather more) in height, 
 and from thence to the topof the hill an exceeding rich mould. I caufedfome 
 to be dug out, and found bits of large fquare bricks, bits of ill-fhapen clumfy 
 pots of common red clay, upwards of one inch thick, which did not feem ever 
 to have been baked ; with pieces of more fhapely and handfome veffels, urns, 
 Sec. but none whole. I alfo found cinders and charcoal very perfect, together 
 with bits of bones (not human) fo very rotten, as to be crufhed to pieces with 
 the leaft prefiure. I picked out of a great quantity of thefe things (for feveral 
 cartloads were found) fome of the moff. perfect, which I have prelerved ftill by 
 me. This mount cannot be a funeral monument, becaufe of the vaft quantity 
 of thefe veffels, as well as from the narrow compafs they lie in, and the L ftrange 
 mixture of fuch different materials : the place itfelf (near the water fide) is not 
 unlikely to require a land mark or limit. 
 
 The other hills near it (which are barrows) are evidently of a different form,, 
 being like an obtufe cone, and much fmaller than the above defcribed, not bear- 
 Dr.Salmon. i n g the leaf! analogy to it. The late Dr. Salmon, a phyfician, at Chelmsford, 
 (who was both a learned and ingenious man) fuppofes the barrows (for this hill 
 efcaped his notice, becaufe it had much more the appearance of a natural hill, 
 than one raifed by art) were funeral fepulchers Of the Danes and Saxons; for he 
 See alfo imagined (which is not at all unlikely) that the Danes came up this river, with 
 X-len. Hunt intent to ravage the coafts, but were met by the Saxons who oppofed their 
 landing; and fo a bloody conflict enfuing, thefe were left as the ftanding 
 monuments thereof, erected either on or near the fpot where the battle was 
 decided. 
 
 The 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 61 
 
 The barrows of ftone, or karns t were not always funeral ; for Giraldus Camden 
 Cambrienfis, making mention of Harold's expedition into Wales, where heGirald. 
 ravaged the country through and through, " infomuch( faith mine author) that he * 
 fcarcely left any alive behind him." And in memory of which total defeat, 
 he threw up many hillocks of flones (after the antient cuflom) in thofe places 
 where he obtained victories, with pillars containing this infeription. 
 
 " Hicfuit vittor Hara/dus." 
 
 Obelifks, Pillars, &c. 
 
 Pillars and obelifks are fometimes with and fometimes without inferiptions, 
 feme Hand by themfelves, and others (like thofe of the Danes) are furrounded Camden 
 with earth or {tones, or elfe they ftand on barrows ; and fome of them are orna- Brit * 
 mented with fcrole or mofaic work, bearing at times the reprefentation of a crofs, 
 with rude antique figures, 6cc. the laft of which feem to be what were fet up 
 in the beginning of Chriftianity, not only by the Saxons, but the Britons them-pi ott > s 
 felves, to whom we may attribute thofe of the ruder fort: they are fays Mr. Staffbrdfliire 
 Borlafe, fometimes fepulchral, and fometimes in memory of particular and Antiq. of 
 memorable adlions, or military trophies, and fometimes they are boundaries. w 
 
 Thefe fort of pillars, together with rude flones. were often fet up by the Pa- ^'g S ^ r * ^g* 
 triarchs, on particular occafions, or in memory of fome great accident. Abfalom 
 fet up a pillar, faying, " I have no fon to keep my name in remembrance." So 
 _he called the pillar after his own name, to perpetuate his memory to future 
 time. Such were the pillars fet up by Hercules at the extent of his con- 
 quells, &c. 
 
 Of the Cromlech, and Kift-Vean (or Stone Cheft.) 
 
 The Kift-Vean and Cromlech, are often put for each ether, and in fhort, are 
 feldonV properly diftinguiihed. The cromlech, or (tone table, is a flat Hone laid 
 acrofs two or three others, and fometimes more, which were fet perpendicular. 
 Thefe are by Stukeley and others, all called Kijl-Ve-ans, but Camden very clearly Stukeley's 
 diftinguifhes them from each other, who, in defcribing a Kifi Vmn which heAubery. 
 faw in Cafdingjhirfy writes thus: "it was four feet long, and three in breadth, com- ^ a " lden ' s ^ 
 pofed of four ilones, one at each end and two lide ones the highell is a foot out CardiWhire 
 of the ground, and is called the grave of the Welch poet Ualkfiti=linv.kirD!)." 
 The bifhop of London tells us of a rude barrow compofed of earth, Ilones and Additions to 
 turfs, fuppofed tobeBritifh, and a royal fepulcher, ** becaufe, fays he, it is too Pembroke- 
 rude for the Romans, and for the Saxons and Danes, they had nought to do Ire 
 here any farther than plundering the fea coalls: a flat (lone (continues he) on 
 the top being removed, under it was found a barbarous monument, called a 
 Jione chef,, 3 feet long, and 4 broad, narrower at the eall than at the weft, made 
 of feven Ilones ; the covering Hone being one, two lide flones, two end ones, and 
 one behind each of the end Ilones by way of bolller ; all equally rude and thick, 
 except the two laft which were the largeil and thickeft ; in it were feen pieces 
 of bricks, 6cc. but not going to the bottom of the cheft, we cannot tell what 
 
 further 
 
'6.2 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Camden's 
 Brit, 
 
 In Kent 
 
 Stow's 
 Chron. 
 
 further there was therein." Now how properly this bears the name of /lone che/l 
 will ftrike every one ; and how different from the cromlech, one of which is 
 defcribed by Camden, and called Lhech y Gowres : "it is compofed, fays he, of 
 one vaft ftone placed on four pillars, 5 or 6 feet high, and two others on an end 
 under the top ftone, but much lower, fo as to bear no part of the weight ; three 
 rude ftones lay on the ground befide it, and at a little diftance ftands another 
 rude ftone, which probably bears fome reference to it :" and another is the mo- 
 nument of Catergerne, fon to Vortimer king of the Britons, which is alfo of 
 the table kind, and is thus defcribed by Stow who faw it: " It is, fays he, 
 compofed of four fiat ftones, one of them ftanding upright in the middle of two 
 others, and the fourth laid flat aloft on the other three, and is of fuch height, 
 that men may ftand on either fide the middle ftone in time of a ftorm or tem- 
 peft, fafe from the wind and rain : about one coits caft from this monument 
 lieth another great ftone, much part thereof is in the earth, as if fallen down 
 from where the fame had been fixed :" thefe and fuch like, are moft properly 
 called tablesy while the former are Jlo?ie chefts*. Both thefe are fuppofed always 
 to be fepulchral. 
 
 Rocking Stones. 
 
 Borlafe 
 Camden 
 
 Borlafe 
 Antiq of 
 Cornwall 
 
 Rocking ftones are compofed of large ftones laid acrofs others on fo juft an 
 equilibrium, that they may be moved backward and forward with the greateft 
 eafe; there are but few of thefe in the kingdom, and it is not known to what 
 ufe the antients appropriated thefe monuments, fome have faid that they were for 
 religious purpofes, and others have fuppofed them to be fepulchral. 
 
 Add to thefe huge ftones with holes made in them, that are often found in 
 Cornwall, and other parts of the kingdom, which Mr. Borlafe does not take 
 be fepulchral, but that the Druids caufed them to be erected for fome religious 
 purpofes; and tells us of the abolifhment of an old cuftom, from a French au- 
 thor, " ^Dti'on m fafTe point palter le batatl par tut arbje ciuzx" (that they Jloould 
 not make their cattle pafs through the trees with holes in them,) and adds, that 
 men crept through one of thofe perforated ftones in Cornwall, for pains in their 
 backs and limbs: parents alfo drew their children through at certain times of 
 the year, to cure them of the rickets. So he fancies that they are faint remains 
 of the old Druid fuperftition, who held great ftones as facred and holy. 
 
 Now the chief difficulty will be to determine, which of thofe remaining mo- 
 numents ought to be attributed to the Britons, which to the Romans, or which 
 to the Saxons, Danes, &.c On a ftrict examination, not only of the things 
 themfelves, but nicely obferving, and comparing the different opinions of thofe 
 authors who have wrote concerning them, together with fuch things as have 
 
 been 
 
 * Mr. Wallace defcribes fome antient ftone monuments in the ifland of Orkney. " In the links of 
 Skeal (fays he) where the fand was blown away, were found four fquare tombs of ftone well cement* 
 cd together, about a foot fquare, covered with a ftone at top. One was found which was of an entire 
 round ftone like a barrel, on the top was a large ftone, anfwerable to preferve the whole; nothing was 
 found therein but red clay, and burnt bones, which, fays he, are perhaps Roman," and that is very 
 likely, for they had ftone boxes or chefts, like thefe juft defcribed, in which the urns of the better 
 fort of people were depofited, to keep them the longer from decay : but thefe are eafily diftinguifhed 
 from the rude chefts of our anceftors ; thofe of the Romans have moftly infcription*, or bas reliefs 
 upon them, and coins, &c. contained within them. 
 
GF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 03 
 
 been found in or near them, I think the following conclufions may be drawn 
 with the greatefl: juftice. 
 
 Firft, that fuch rude barrows as are found with a hole fimply cut in the earth, 
 for the reception of the bones, or aflies, and covered with a ftone, or blocked up 
 with Stones, or having thofe barbarous chefts, or kijl-veans, (before defcribed) 
 on the top of them, together with the kijl-vean by itfelf without a barrow, are 
 all mod probably (not to fay certainly) the rude fepulchral tombs of the ancient 
 Britons, and that not only from their barbarous form and construction, but from 
 the great difference between them and the monuments of any other nation in the 
 known world. The cromlech (or tables) with other monuments of that kind, 
 whether covered with an impoft or not, may undoubtedly be attributed to the 
 conftructors of thefe Stupendous Structures Stonehenge, Aubery, &c. which with- 
 out doubt were alio the works of the Britons; and thefe tables may have been 
 the ancient monuments of their kings and chief Druids, while the kijl-vean and 
 the rude barrows were to perpetuate the fame of their great generals, and other 
 men of note. Both in the kijt-vean, barrows, &c. as well as under the tables, 
 are often found the allies of fuch as were burnt, and the entire bones of thofe 
 who were buried, without the leaf!: appearance of burning ; it may therefore be 
 objected, that as the Britons constantly burnt their dead, the unburnt bones 
 could not be the remains of their dead, and foof courfe the monuments rauft not 
 be attributed to them. I anlvver, without doubt the Britons, while ignorant of 
 the truths of chriStianity, did burn the dead, yet, on their conversion, this cuflom 
 was by degrees abolilhed, and as no old and Standing cuftoms are left off entirely 
 at once, fo though they neglected to burn the dead, yet they for a timeerected 
 monuments in imitation of their forefathers : thus was Catigerne buried under a 
 table or cromlech. 
 
 Thofe barrows that are found near the Roman ways or Stations, (for the Ro- g e e page 5^-. 
 mans were forbid by the law of the twelve tables to bury in their cities or camps, 
 &c.) which when opened are found to contain urns of fine earthen ware, or 
 others more coftly, and of handfome workmanShip ; and if in the urns are found 
 (exclulive of alhes) instruments of Roman construction, or, which is an un- 
 doubted proof, Roman coin, fuch may without the leaSt hefitation be attributed 
 to that people. Befides the things abovementioned, they put into their urns 
 lamps, lachrymatories, (fuch fmall veffels as were filled with purchafed tears) Borlafe 
 and other utenfils of mourning. There have been inftances of finding a lamp 
 ftill burning on opening Some of their ancient fepulchral repofitories. Camden Camden m 
 tells us, that the tomb of Conftantine was found at York, in the walls of the Yo ' re ' 
 city, and that on opening it there was difcovered a lamp ftill burning. The 
 antients (continues he v , bad the art of diffolving gold in a fat liquor, and ibir unera i 
 preparing it, that it would, if undifturbed, burn for ages. Weaver alfo informs Mon. p. £&. 6*8. 
 us, that at CoggerShall in Effex, an urn was difcovered by fome labourers, and 
 on the top of it was a Roman tile, which being taken off, a lamp was found 
 burning, but that it foon extinguished on being expofed to the freSh air ; and 
 with it was found a curious patera, or little dim, of fine red earth, infcribed 
 COCCILLI:M. 
 
 Combs, inlaid boxes, nippers, favorite jewels, bracelets, &c. are often found 
 in the urns of the women, and alfo in the rude chefts and female tombs of the 
 Britons : when thefe are found in barrows, they are likely to be either BritiSh or 
 Saxon, becaufe barrows were only erected for thofe who by their valour and 
 
 courage 
 
64 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 courage had made themfelves famous ; and among the Britons, not only men 
 but women often led the battles, or at lean: fhared the common danger of war 
 with the men, therefore 'tis but juftly reafonable to fuppofe, that the fame mo- 
 numents mould be for them erected, as were let up in honour of their noble 
 men, and that with them alfo they burnt or buried their ornaments ; fo that 
 thofe found in the rude tombs of the Britons, as above defcribed, may be attri- 
 buted certainly to them ; and thofe found in urns in the more fhapely and hand- 
 fome barrows, may be Saxon ; for we do not want inftances of the courage and 
 mT fb i" e f°l ut i° n °f tne Saxon women. Seburgh, (wife to Kenwald, king of the Weil 
 Hen" 1 Hun- Saxons) took upon her the government of the kingdom, on the death of her 
 tingd. 204. hufband, acting with great fpirit and refolution : and Elrleda, or Etheltieda, 
 Speed (daughter to Alfred, whom Speed calls the Engliili Zenobia) perfonally at- 
 Chron. tended the wars, gaining many fignal victories over her enemies. 
 
 But when fuch trinkets are found in the burying ground of the Romans, 
 (without barrows,) or in fine and well-fhaped urns, they are mo ft likely to have 
 belonged to fome of that people : but the beft way of deciding fuch matters 
 will be by the workmanmip; the urns, Stc. of the Romans in general much ex- 
 ceeding thofe of our anceftors both in fhape and elegance, and more particular- 
 ly in the finenefs of the clay. Roman urns have been alfo found of brafs, fome 
 of glafs, and others of porphry, &c. 
 
 In other barrows, particularly thofe of ftone, if there mould on opening them 
 be found rude urns, (often of unbaked clay) or in default of them the alius, to- 
 gether with the bones of animals are found on the furface of the ground, with 
 the ftones or earth heaped over them, (and more certainly if near the fea fide) 
 they may rather be attributed to the Danes than to the :>axons ; for the Danes 
 continued much longer in ignorance of the chriftian faith than the Saxons 
 therefore may reafonably be thought much longer to continue their fuperftitious 
 rites ; and the reafon why their monuments are found fo imperfect, may be, 
 that in their pirating and ravaging the coafts,the enemy might fuddenly furprife 
 them, and make an inftant retreat neceffary for the common fafety of them all ; 
 fo that bringing all their dead together, they immediately burnt them, raking 
 the allies up in a heap ; or if they could come at clay, making rude clumfey 
 urns for their reception, (not flaying to bake them any otherwife than might be 
 done by fetting them before the fire of the funeral pile) over which they haftily 
 See Hoi- reared rude heaps of ftones or earth, or whatever came firfl to hand. But when 
 lingftead's ftone coffins, or fkeletons entire, are found without any mark of burning, they 
 Account ma y rather be taken for Saxon than Danifh, becaufe the Saxons becoming 
 Hins arkl ° W chriftians f° on '^ iev ^ eiV arrival, left or? their heathenifh method of burning j 
 though they ftill continued to raife high mounts, and to erect, fumptuous monu- 
 ments in honour of their dead flain in battle, as well as of their victories, holding 
 it by no means contrary to their received faith, to perpetuate the fame of good 
 and great men. 
 
 It was common with both the Saxons and the Danes to bury with the dead 
 knives, arrow and fpear heads, fwords, axes, and other implements of war, the 
 axe is by many thought (though unjuftly) to be Danifh onlv,fo alfo urns found 
 upfide down are attributed to that people. Coins are very feldom found in the 
 ^ . urns, &c. of either the Saxons or the Danes. 
 
 Wallace's"* ' *" ^ n t ^ e links of Skeal, where the fand was blown away, were found graves, in 
 Acccountofone of which was a man lying, with his fword on one hand, and a Danifh axe on 
 the Mand of tne ther : others were found with combs, knives, and often dogs, which had 
 ° rkne y- been 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 65 
 
 teen burled with them ; which, fays Mr. Wallace, feems to be an inftanceof the 
 Danifh manner of interment, (perhaps on their firft embracing of the chriftian 
 faith ;) and there are alfo many little hillocks, which (continues he) may have 
 been the burying places of the Peigbts, (or Pigbts ) and Saxons. Jn one of the 
 hillocks were found nine fibula? of filver, like a horfefhoe, only round ; thefe 
 moil likely were the fame with the bracelet defcribed (page 47.) which has 
 often been miftaken for a fibula, but there clearlv proved to be a Saxon brace- 
 let. 
 
 Now having brought the funeral ceremonies of the antients down to the time 
 of chriftianity, it will be requifite in the next place to confider what alterations 
 were then made, and how it affected the old cuftoms and ceremonies of our 
 anceftors. 
 
 In a letter from Dr. Woodward to Sir Chriftopher Wren, concerning fuch n ,, 
 , . r . , - , 1 1 r 1 • Pubhihed bv 
 
 thmgs as were found when Bifhoplgate was pulled down, and new foundations Heame in ' 
 
 laid, he tells us, that among other antiquities then found, they difcovered many Leland. 
 urns with allies and burnt bones, together with entire fkeletons without the 
 leaft mark of burning, which he thus accounts for, " Until the firft beginning 
 of fepulture without burning took place, the Romans generally ufed to burn 
 their dead, (though Numa and fome few others were buried) but as chriftianity 
 began to prevail amongft them, it was in the end totally abandoned ; yet (fays 
 he) to fix the time precifely will not be very eafy, becaufe no doubt it was a 
 confiderable time before it was entirely left off, fome chufing yet to continue the 
 old cuftoms that they had learned of their forefathers, as may be proved by 
 finding urns, with burnt bones in the common ccemeteries, with the entire fke- 
 letons of the buried bodies, &c. 
 
 And the bifhop of London, fpeaking of the old works of JVroxceJler, the Camden's 
 Vronium of the antients, (after telling us of many Roman and other antiquities Brit. Addi- 
 being found) fays, " the way of burial here (when they did not burn the corps, tl ° ns ' Co1, 
 and put the afhes into an urn) has been obferved to be thus : Firft, they made a 5 " 2 ' 
 deep grave, in the bottom whereof they fixed a bed of very red clay, and upon 
 that laid the body ; with the fame fort of clay they covered it, fencing the clay 
 with a fort of thin flates againft the mould or earth, which would otherwife have 
 been apt to break through to the dead bodies : laftly, they filled the grave, and 
 covered it with great ftones, fometimes five or fix upon a grave, which are now 
 fhrunk into the earth : fome part of the bones thus interred (that have happened 
 to lie dry in the clay) remain pretty found to this day." " It is not all fur- 
 prifing, (fays Dr. Woodward) that the bones fhould continue fo long, when 'tis 
 confidered that they were found in a clay fo ftiff and clofe, that they might, had 
 they not been difturbed, have lafted for many ages longer." " As to the urns 
 of Wroxcefter, (adds the bifhop) there are feveral of them have been found 
 whole in the memory of man, when they have had occafion to dig three or four 
 feet deep in the fandy land ; for as the dead bodies are buried in red clay, fo the 
 urns are lodged in a red fand." 
 
 Leland tells us, that " at Northburn was the palace or Maner of Edbalde, Itm ' vo1 ' 7» 
 Ethelbert's funne. There, but a few yeres fyns, yn breking a fide of the walle, pase 102 ' 
 yn the howle were found two children's bones, that had bene mured up as yn 
 burielle yn tyme of Paganite of the Saxons ; among one of the children's bones 
 was found a ftyfFe pynne of laten." But I rather fuppofe, that this was not in 
 the time of their heathenifm, but on the early dawn of chriftianity ; for though 
 
 K, church-yards 
 
66 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 church-yards for the reception of the dead were not inftituted till the time of 
 St. Cuthbert, yet they buried in the church and church walls before that time, 
 as will be proved more fully hereafter. 
 
 It was alfo cuftomary to bury ornaments, Sec. with the dead bodies after the- 
 CaS t0 eflablimment of chriftianity. 
 
 Col. 743. On September the 12th, 1664, upon opening of a grave (at the church of 
 St. John of Beverly, in the eaft riding of Yorkshire) they found a vault of 
 fquare freeftone 15 feet long, and two broad at the head, but at the feet but one 
 and a half; within it was a meet of lead four feet long, and in that the duft; fix 
 beads (whereof three crumbled to duft with a touch j of the three remaining 
 two were fuppofed to be cornelians) with three great brafs pins, and four great 
 nails of iron ; (by which it was fuppofed, that the body originally was buried in 
 a wooden coffin, and thofe were the nails which faftened on the cover;) upon 
 the meet of lead lay a plate alfo of lead, with this infeription upon it: 
 
 -f ANNO AB INCARNATIONE DOMINI MCLXXXVIII COMBUST A 
 FUIT HJEC ECCLESIA IN MENSE SEPTEMBRI IN SEQUENTI 
 NOCTE POST FESTUM SANCTI MATHiEI APOSTOLI. ET IN AN: 
 MCXCVII. VI. IDVS MARTII FACTA FUIT INQUISITIO RELIQUIA- 
 RIUM BEATI JOHANNIS IN HOC LOCO, ET INVENTA SUNT HJEC 
 OSSA IN OR1ENTALI PARTE SEPULCHRI ET HlC RECONDITA 
 ET PVLVIS CEMENTO MIXTUS IBIDEM INVENTUS EST ET RE- 
 CONDITUS. 
 
 Crofsover this there lay a box of lead about feven inches long, fix broad, and > 
 five high, wherein were feveral pieces of bones mixed with a little duft, yielding; 
 a fweet fmell : all thefe were carefully interred again in the middle ifle, where., 
 they were taken up. 
 
 Ghriftian Burials of the Anglo-Saxons.. 
 
 Having firft wafhed the dead corpfe, it was cloathed in a ftraight linen gar- 
 ment, (or put into a bag or fack of linen*) and then wrapped clofely round; 
 from head to foot with a ftrong cloth wrapper ; but it was cuftomary with them, 
 to leave the head and moulders of the corpfe uncovered till the time of . burial,, 
 that fuch relations and acquaintance who were defirous fo to do, mights take a 
 lafl view of their deceafed friend, which is reprefented in plate 14, fig. 2, where 
 the friends are mourning over the dead body, (the head and moulders of which ) 
 being there uncovered ) To this day we yet retain (in our way) this old cuftom, , 
 leaving the coffin of the deceafed unferewed . (unlefs the body be offenfive) tilL 
 the time of burial. 
 
 Then before the body was put into the fepulcher, the head and moulders i 
 were alfo clofely covered over with the wrapper, (fee plate 14, fig. 1 & 4.) 
 The delineation (ibid. fig. 3) differs much from the reft; this reprefents in the 
 ^"^^•aP* l\lS. tne burial of Jofeph, who, according to the fcriptures, was embalmed, and 
 5°' ve ' * put into a coffin in Egypt ; and this is intended to reprefent the coffin ornamented 
 with elegant carved work : for the coffins of the Egyptians, painted over with 
 hieroglyphics, were not known to the Saxons, who were obliged to have recourfe 
 to the manners and cuftoms that they daily faw before them, that is, their own. 
 
 When 
 
 * Bedas corpus primwr tranflatum a Girwi & colocatum in facco linco cum reliquiis S. Cuth«* - 
 berti. Ex. Collec ; Lelandi, vol. 2, page 378. 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS, &c. 67 
 
 When the body was brought to the tomb, it was held by two perfons, one at 
 the head, and the other at the feet, (but whether they were the relations or fer- 
 vants of the deceafed is not known) while the prieft perfumed it with incenfe ; 
 then thofe two who held the corpfe knelt down, and laid it into the grave, which 
 while they were performing the attendant prieft prayed and blefledit. 
 
 The manner of preparing the body, and the funeral proceffion of the famous 
 Wilfred, archbifliop of York, who died at Oundle in Northamptonmire, A. D. 
 708, and was buried at Rippon, are thus deicribed by his hiftorian Eddius : Eddius in 
 " Upon a certain day many abbots and clergy met thofe who conducted the fr ^ w,u 
 corpfe of the holy bimop in a large hearfe, and earneftly begged that they might Ed. Gale, 
 be allowed to wafli the facred body, and drefs it honourably, according to its page 89. 
 dignity, and they obtained permiflion j then one of the abbots, named Bacula, 
 fpreading his furplice on the ground, the brethren depofited the holy body upon 
 it, walhed it with their own hands, drelfed it in the pontifical habits, and then Dr Henr 
 taking it up, carried it towards the appointed place, finging pfalms and hymns Tranflation!. 
 in the fear of God, Having advanced a little, they again depofited the corpfe, See his Hift. 
 pitched a tent over it, bathed the facred body in pure water, dreiled it in robes Bnt * v °'* 2< 
 of fine linen, placed it in the hearfe, and proceeded, finging pfalms, towards the pase 5 ' 
 monaftery of Rippon. When they approached the monaftery, the whole family 
 of it came out to meet them, bearing holy relicks. Of all thefe there was hardly 
 one who refrained from tears, and all railing their voices, and joining in hymns 
 and Tongs, they conducted the body into the church, which the holy bifhep had 
 built, and dedicated to St. Peter, and there depofited it in the moil folemn and 
 honourable manner." 
 
 On the very firft eftablifhment of chriftianity in this kingdom, it appears that ^ re 
 they buried chiefly without coffins, as has been defcribed by Dr. Woodward, ^n^pa^e 
 and more particularly by bimop Gibfon, in his defcription of Wroxcefler. 
 The firft coffins were either of wood or large chefts of ftone. Girald. Cambren- Girald. 
 fis informs us, that Henry the Second, caufed the tomb of Arthur (the famous C*™ 
 Britim king, which was between two pillars at Glaftenbury) to be opened, and eye w i tn ef s 
 therein his bones were found enclofed in a large tree made hollow 5 -f but be- of thetruth 
 fore they had dug down to this coffin by nine feet, they found a large flat ftone, 
 on which was nailed a crofs of lead, with this infeription, in old rude characters, 
 
 HIC JACET SEPVLTVS INCLITVS REX ARTVRIVS IN INSVLA 
 AVALONIA. 
 
 And by his fide lay Guinever, his beautiful (and as fome fay incontinent) queen, 
 
 the golden traces of whofehair were yet undecayed. J B d E 
 
 But to return to the Saxons, who alfo in the earlier days buried much in cof- H ^ ft e j^ ", 
 £ns of wood; for Ctadda, according to Bede, was buried in a wooden coffin. cap. 3. 
 
 And 
 
 f Some authors have imagined that this coffin was of oak, others that it was of alder, as being more 
 lafting. 
 
 \ Several authors deny that it was this queen, who, fay fay, was buried at Ambrefbury, (near 
 Stone-Henge) at which monaftery (he took the habit of a nun. And Inigo Jones tells us of a monu- 
 ment difcovered at Ambrefbury, fuppofed to have belonged to her: " It was (fays he) hewn out of a 
 firm ftone, and placed in the middle of the wall, having thefe rude letters of mafty gold on its cover, 
 R. G. A. C. 600. which (continues he) might imply, Regifia Gunivera An: Chrijli 600. The bones with- 
 in this fepulcher were all firm, with fair yellow hair about the fkull ; there werelikewife found feve- 
 ral royal habiliments, as jewels, veils, and fcarfs, &c, the like even till then retaining their proper 
 colours."— —Stone-Henge Reftored, page z^. 
 
68 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Tumba lig- And the fame author informs us, that Sexburga caufed the body of her fifter 
 nea Etheldreda, (the virgin wife of Egfrid king of the Eaft Angles J to be removed 
 
 rpeopene f rom an bfcure place, where it lay in a coffin of wood, in order to place it in a 
 Bede lib ^ air tom b °f white marble procured for that purpofe. 
 
 cap. 6 29.' 4 " Neverthelefs ftone coffins were alio of very antient date, and were ufed by them 
 SSpuh op foon after their converfion to the chriftian faith. St. Auguftiae, according to Bede, 
 hpitum was buried in the north porticoof the church, built in honorof St. Peter and St. Paul, 
 prane not then finiihed, or dedicated : (and had an epitaph fet on his tomb) there were 
 alfo entombed, Ethelbert and Bertha his queen : this was about the year of our 
 Lord 617, but there was no being certain whether their tombs were of wood 
 or ftone. The fame author alfo informs us, that Sebba (king of the Eaft Saxons) 
 Ecc. Hift. was buried at St. Paul's in a coffin of grey marble, and a cover of the fame*, 
 lib. 4. c. 1 j. From this time (about the middle of the feventh century) ftone coffins or chefts, 
 feem to be had in frequent ufe, particularly among the richer fort 01 people. 
 The coffin of Ethelred (furnamed the unready ^ who was buried at St. Paul's 
 Speed London, was feen by Speed before the deftruction of that Church, who thus 
 Chren. defcribes it. " His (Ethelred's) bones yet remain in the north wall of the 
 chance], in a cheft of grey marble rear'd on four fmall pillars, and covered with 
 a copped ftone of the fame." 
 
 Thefe chefts or coffins, in which were depofited the remains of kings and 
 noblemen, were not in general buried, but fet into the walls of churches, or at 
 leaft in fuch manner without, as the greater part of them might be feen. They 
 often ornamented the covers with an image of the deceafed, adding fometimes 
 Dorcheflcr to this an epitaph in honour of him. Leland informs us, that in his time, there 
 in Oxford. W as to be feen in the old church at Dorchefter, " the image of free ftone that 
 Inland Itiji ^ a y e on tumDe °f bifhop iEfchwine, as appearith by the infcription." This 
 v. 2. * was in the year 1 542. The ingenious Hearne, laments the lofs of this monument 
 SeeHearne's of antiquity, in a letter of his containing feveral curious refearches. 
 A e " C fo°nd ^ e m ^ crmm to °f tne tomDS °f great men, is of very antient date among our 
 between 1 " anceftors. The antienteft Saxon monument upon record, reared in this king- 
 Windfor& dom, is that of Horfa brother to Hengifi. Bede in whofe time it was remain- 
 Oxford. Le- jng makes this mention of it ; " In the eaft part of Kent is his (Horfa s) mo- 
 vol d S ^126 nument > having his name engraved thereon; but as to its form, or materials 
 Ecc. Hi'ft? wherewith it is compofed, we are left entirely in the dark, unlefs the law of 
 lib. i.e. 16. Woden will help us out, which commands them " to erect over the bodies of 
 their kings and. chiefs, Hones inferibed with the Runic character." And this- 
 very likely was nothing more than a large barrow, with a great rude ftone fet 
 thereon, inferibed with his name, and perhaps fome of his chief actions: this 
 cuftom ariiing from the above law, was the fjrft origin of epitaphs among our 
 anceftors the Saxons, which then was only intended for to be fet on the tombs 
 of fuch perfons, as had by their glorious actions deferved to have their names 
 recorded. And this cuftom alfo continuing even on the eftabliftiment of Chris- 
 tianity, 
 
 * Bede tells us that the mafons who had' meafured the body of the king, had mi flake n their meafure,. 
 fo that when the body was brought to the church, the tomb was found to be full a hands breadth too 
 fhort, and from the conftruiSlion of it (hewn out of a folid ftone) it could not be lengthened ; when 
 they concluded on bending the knees of the corps, as the only method to be taken in this extremity;, 
 when lo a miracle enfued, for the coffin of itfelf grew out to a fufficient length, and faved them any 
 farther trouble : but fays the faithful and induftrious Speed; (who faw the coffin in St. Paul's) 
 " however this tomb was then Iketched on Monkifh tenters, it is now fhrunk again in ftanding,. it 
 not exceeding 5 foct." 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 69 
 
 tianlty, is at length handed down and become very common amongft us. Before 
 them the Britons alfo, on their converfion to the chriftian faith borrowed this cuf- 
 tom from the Romans, and mod likely not before, becaufe the Druids held it 
 unlawful to commit fuch matters to writing. The tomb of Arthur was between Wm of 
 two pillars, but the infcription was buried with the great ftone whereon it was Malmflmiy 
 fattened, and a remarkable circumftance attended it, which was, that the fide Ant. Gloft. 
 of the crofs on which the letters were made, was turned inwards toward the 
 ftone, fo that the infcription could not be feen 'till the crofs was taken from 
 the ftone *. 
 
 They had alfo other ornaments which were laid upon the tombs of great men. 
 Bede informs us, that over the tomb of Ofwald (the great chriftian hero) there 
 was laid his ftandard, which was compofed of purple and of gold-f-. Cnute the ScalaChron 
 Dane alfo gave a rich pall, embroidered with the likenefs of golden apples, ele- 
 gantly fet with pearls, to be laid over the tomb of Edmund Iron fides. 
 
 Their royal monuments were very grand and magnificent. iElfred was buried 
 under a tomb of precious porphry. So alfo no coft was fpared in adorning the Aflerius An, 
 fhrines of their faints and holy men. The body of St. Wendreda, a virgin, wasg* ^ ltl j. 
 brought by Efinus (abbot of Ely) to Ely, where it was laid in a rich fhrine moft 1 
 fuperbly ornamented with gold and precious ftones. 
 
 Before the time of chriftianity, it was held unlawful to bury the dead within 
 the cities, but they ufed to carry them out into the fields hard by, and there 
 depofited them. Towards the end of the fixth century, Auguftine (among va- 
 rious things) obtained of king Ethelbert, a temple of idols (where the king ufed 
 to worfhip before his converfion) and made a burying place of it, but St. Cuth- 
 bert afterwards obtained leave to have yards made to the churches, proper for 
 the reception of the dead. 
 
 The bifliop of London (in his additions to Camden J tells us, that of old it Additions to 
 was ufual to adorn the graves of the deceafed with rofss and other flowers, (but Surr y Col. 
 more efpecially thofe of lovers, round whofe tombs they often planted rofe trees) l62, 
 it was alfo cuftomary with the Greeks and Romans, to ornament the urns of 
 their dead relations with wreaths of flowers. (Stern Lycurgus confined the 
 Spartans to olive and myrtle.) Some traces of this ancient cuilom (continues 
 he) are yet remaining in the church yard of Oakley, in Surry, which is full of 
 rofe trees, planted round the graves. 
 
 Now to finifh this long difcourfe concerning the antient method of inter- Ex Hi ft. 
 ment, I will only add the following extract. Sym. Moo. 
 
 " In the year of our Lord 740, on the 13th of November, died archbifhop {3^^ 
 Acca, and was buried at the eaft part of the church of Hanguftold. Two 
 crolles elegantly decorated with ornaments of fculpture, were fet up, one at the 
 head and the other at his feet ; on one of which (namely, that at the head) was 
 letters declaring who was buried there. When the body of this archbimop was SeeLeland's 
 removed, there was found on his breaft a fmall tablet, in the form of an altar, Collec - vo1 * 
 made of two pieces of wood join'd together, with filver clafps, or nails, and in 3 pase 
 it was contained this writing. " ALiVLE TR*NJTATE AGUE SOPHIA 
 SANCTiE MARINE." On digging further they found a wooden box, which 
 being opened there was difcovered therein, two feals of lead, on which were 
 letters, fignifying them to be the relicks of the blefTed Acca." 
 
 * See a full account of it, with a view of the crofs, in the mifcellaneous- plates of Hearne's Anti- 
 quities, publifh d by John Thane. 
 
 i Ecc. Hift. lib. 3. c. 11. hir rejen re peer- mib 30I0 *j mro go"oe pasbbe jepssrapob 
 
7@ 
 
 mE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Of the Arts and Learning of the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 On the firft arrival of the Saxons into Britain, they were (as has been before 
 mentioned) heathens ; worihiping many idols, to whom they built and dedi- 
 cated many large and noble temples, but in the beginning of the fixth century, 
 they were converted to the chriftian faith. But even in this early dawn of the 
 true faith amongft them, there were many great and difagreeable difputes be- 
 tween them and the old chriftian Britons, about keeping Eafter, together with 
 other church matters of like confequence. The Anglo-Saxons, yet even on their 
 converfion, retained much of the fuperftition of their ancefbrs, placing great 
 faith in aftrological predictions, &c. They underftood aftronomy, and have 
 left feveral books written on the courfe of the planets, &c. together with de- 
 lineations of the folar fyftem, and the fabulous reprefentations of the figns of the 
 Zodiac, and all thofe figures now painted on the celeftial globe ; the particular 
 itars alfo in fome of the Saxon callendars, are done exactly enough. This fcience 
 they evidently borrowed from the Romans on their converfion to chriftianity, 
 M S. apud fr° m whence alfo flowed moft of the arts which were afterwards diftinguifhed 
 bib. Cot. amongft them. They yet continued to reckon their years by winters, after the 
 Infig. Claud antient cuftom as f)a Jo^ep pasj- fyxryne pintrjie he heolb, when Jofepb was fix* 
 ?' 4 * f teen winters old. and their 24. hours by nights inftead of days as he beo cxx 
 
 .LaWS Of , * t I n 1 I t • , • -r r 
 
 Athelftan fnghra on cajicajvne that he jhould be cxx nights tn prij-sn* 
 
 M S. apud They alfo underftood botany, as may be feen by a curious MS. written on 
 
 Bib. Cot. that fubjecl, with very good drawings (confidering the time) of the herbs, plants, 
 ■&C Learning of all kinds was chiefly confined among the clergy and religious 
 people ; tho' Alfred was indeed a man of great learning, and an excellent poet 
 
 Ven. Beds as we ^ as a g°°d mufician. And the reafon why learning was not more general 
 among the Englifti, was not altogether from their own inattention to literature, 
 but from the amazing fcarcity of books; for Aldfred king of Northumberland, 
 was obliged to give an eftate of eight hides of land, to Benedict Bifcop (2bbot 
 of Weremouth) for the purchale of one book (a volume on Cofmographyj which 
 bargain was concluded by Benedict with the king, a little before his death, A. 
 690, and the book was delivered to the king, and the eftate received by Ceolfred 
 fucceflbr to Benedict. While books were at this exorbitant price, none but 
 kings, abbots, See. could poflibly become purchafers of them, let the genius of 
 the people have been ever fo much inclined to ftudy and learning: it is alfo faid 
 that the materials necefiary for writing withal were very -dear, which was thechief 
 reafon why the people in general did not learn to write themfelves. They had 
 among their priefts feveral very faithful hiftorians, whole works(lince the invention 
 of that divine art,printing)have been moftly given to the world. Among them the 
 venerable Bede, (as he was called by his countrymen) is much refpected, and that 
 
 Ecc. Hift. with great Juftice : Eddius (by Bede called Stephanus,) Nennius, AiTerius, and 
 Ethelward, all authors of good account, who with many others have laboured to 
 illuftrate and fet forth the biftory of this their native kingdom and countrymen : 
 And Caedmon, whom Bede informs us was a very learned man, whofe pious and 
 godly zeal led him to tranflate the whole book of Genelis into the Saxon tongue, 
 together with the coming out of the Ifraelites from the land of Egypt, and their 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 72 
 
 entrance into the Land of Promife : he alfo wrote concerning the origin of 
 mankind, and of the laft Judgment, 8cc. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxons were by no means fo rude and barbarous as they are ge- 
 nerally reported to have been, for poetry and poets were never fb much ho- 
 noured and admired as in this prefent period ; fince many of the greateft prin- 
 ces were as ambitious of the laurel as of the royal crown. Elfred we have yj ta 
 already mentioned, who was the prince of poets. And Aldhelm who was a frcdi. 
 prince of the royal family of WefTex, and bifhop of Sherburn, was alfo the 
 beft poet of this age. Indeed the chief amufement of the Saxon kings fem^^ pV 
 to have been the hearing the poems of their bards, to read their works, and * ' * 
 even learn their verfes by heart themfelves. And however the other polite 
 arts may have lince been encouraged, and come to greater perfection j yet 
 every one who will beftow the trouble of examining fuch of their works as 
 are yet remaining, will find a great deal of good matter in them, when di- 
 verted of the fuperftition and fable, which clouded thofe earlier ages. 
 
 Their fculptures and images are almoft all loft and deftroyed : fo that there 
 is no true judgement to be made of them, unlefs it could be proved that they 
 were of one pace with the drawings and delineations in their MSS. which I 
 muft own, are exceedingly imperfect : yet, I dare fay, that in their elegant 
 buildings and Irately monuments, there was ihewn more genius, and greater 
 care^beftowed. For we hrj^jd the MS. delineations of the 11, 12, and 1 3 cen- 
 tury very little fuperior to A ouf Saxon (W3 in po mt -of finiming : yet feveral 
 of the monuments and parts of buildings of that age are well worthy of notice ; 
 both for their exactnefs and delicacy of the carving, and indeed it is very likely 
 to have been the fame with the Anglo-Saxons j for the figure of the Abbot of 
 of Weftminfter Vitalis (who died Anno Dom. 1082) that lies over his grave in 
 the cloifters of that abbey, though much obliterated by the bad ufage it has 
 met with, is not however of a juft proportion, and has all the appearance of 
 having been extremely well executed : on his head is a mitre, and in his left 
 hand he holds a crofier. 
 
 Plate 1 8. reprefents the picture of Chrift, with a monk kneeling down before 
 him, that from the authority of the top writing (which is in a hand fomewhat 
 more modern) was drawn by the very hand of the great Dunftan, and the monk 
 is deiigned to reprelent himlelf. This mows that however the faint might have 
 been infallible in other matters, yet in point of drawing he was moll wretchedly 
 deficient. 
 
 I think that all the whole annals of this kingdom, cannot produce a greater or 
 more worthy monarch than Alfred, a fhort account of whole life and character 
 may not be at all improper here. 
 
 He was for his valour and virtues, furnamed the Great, he was learned, brave, 
 and good. 'Tis faid by his hiftorian, that in his earlier days he was inftructed in 
 the art of hunting and other noble exerciles ; yet fo much was learning neglected Aflerius in 
 that at twelve years or' age he had not the knowledge of a (ingle letter of the vita-ffilfredi. 
 alphabet, when a book by accident was put into his hands ; the queen (his 
 mother) one day being in company with her four fons (of whom /Elfred was 
 the )oungeft and holding a book of Saxon poetry in her hand handfomely 
 painted,, and ornamented with drawings 5 fhe obferved the young princes were 
 
 much 
 
72 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 much charmed with it, upon which me faid, whoever firft learns to read this 
 book, mall have it for his pains. Our hero warmed with fuch hopes, applied 
 fo diligently, that in a very little time he was able to read and repeat it to the 
 queen, who gave it to him as (he had promifed. 
 
 Notwithstanding the continual diftradtions of his kingdom, and the conftant 
 war in which, in his younger days, he was engaged, yet he carefully applied 
 himfelf to learning, and holy ftudies, tranflating with his own hand many 
 ufeful works into the Saxon tongue, which he cauied to be read by his bimops, 
 t and priefts for his peoples inftrudtions ; and his reafon for taking upon himfelf 
 
 this trouble, was the lamentable ignorance of his clergy: 
 Epift. JEU Foppam he her him ppilcna ma bnengan be J?aejxe bypyne ~p he hip bipcopum 
 WulHl penban meahre ■, ponJ?am hi hup pume be Jpoppran J?a J?e letoen ppnaece lepre 
 Epifc.Lond. cu ^ on > to this end I caufed (fays he) copies to be made [of my tranflation 
 that they might be fent to certain of my bi/Jjops, to whom they were very 
 needful, they not under/landing the Latin fpeech. He tranflated St. Gregory into 
 Saxon from the Latin, and the whole Ecclefiaftical hiftory of the venerable Bede, 
 together with many other great and ufeful works. He is alfo, by Afferius, faid 
 to have been the greateft builder and beft architect of his age. 
 
 The day, he divided into three equal parts eight hours of which he /pent 
 in reading, writing and in prayer ; the other eight hours he fpent in hearing 
 and fettling the bufinefs of the realm ; and the remaining eight hours were 
 MalmTde *P ent m ^ ee P an d other requifite eafements for the body. Inftead of a clock 
 geft. reg. (which invention was not then known) he had a candle of a certain length, 
 Ang. lib. 2. which was equally divided into twenty-four parts, and the chaplain who had 
 fredi ^ the charge of it, gave the king notice how the time pafTed. His revenue he 
 alfo divided into two parts : of the firft part he made three equal (hares ; one 
 was for his fervants, one for the workmen employed by him in building, and 
 one for making neceffary provifion for ftrangers. Of the fecond part, he made 
 four mares: the firft he beftowed in public charities; the fecond ferved as a 
 revenue for the monafteries founded by him; the third was for the fupport of 
 public fchools, and encouragement of learning - y and the laft for the ufe of 
 churches beyond fea. And thus was the bulk of the annual revenue of this 
 great man fpent for the good encouragement of learning and religion, as well 
 as the public benefit of his kingdom. 
 Anna! ^ S * n P ro ^'P evit y ^ e DOre a ^ ou ^ unmoved with the flatteries attendant on 
 
 nn ' power and greatnefs ; fo in adverfity, he fubmitted to the rod of God, with 
 moft chriftian patience. To fuch diftrefs (fays ArTerius) was this good king 
 driven, as to feek refuge under the homely roof of a poor herdfman, whofe 
 miferable cottage, would fcarcely protect him from the inclemency of the wea- 
 ther ; while, to the owner of this wretched manfion, he was obliged for the 
 common necefTaries of life. During the king's flay, on a time as he was fitting 
 by the fire preparing his bow, and other inftruments of war, the miftrefs 
 of the cot had in the mean time placed fome cakes of bread upon the hearth 
 to bake, which unoticed by the king, began to burn ; this being perceived by 
 the woman, fhe in great rage faid to him. " Fellow, wherefore do you fuffer 
 the cakes to burn, —you are glad enough to eat them though they were but 
 Johan.' half baked." The king, fays John Wallingford, with great patience fubmit- 
 Chron? Sf ° rdtin S himfelf unto the will of God, calmly replied, « Good hoftefs, it is not 
 * J v through 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 73 
 
 through my negligence that I fuffered the bread to burn, but from my not un- 
 derstanding the nature of it;" fo faying, he reached out his hand, and turned 
 the cakes from the fire. Little thought (fays AfTerius) this unmannered woman, ^ {Terms, 
 that her gueft was the royal /Elfred,who had fought fo many battles, and gained 
 fuch fignal victories over the Danes : which he did not only by land, but by 
 fea, thefucccfsof which laft was rather various: but it is faid that he found Chron. Sax,, 
 the Saxon Keelesot mips, which were very clumfily formed, being fhort, broad, 
 and low, but ill adapted for execution in time of war; fo to oppofe the Danifh 
 pirates of Northumberland, he built other mips on a new construction, twice 
 the length of the former, and much more lofty, which made them much fwifter 
 failors, and more fteady in the water : fome of them had fixty oars, and fome 
 more : (thefe were only galleys, and mod likely not equal in flrength or fize to 
 the fhip, fhewn in the courfe of the plates, where there is no marks or holes P J « 9- % 1- 
 for oars, that being a failing fhip only, and too big to be managed with them.) 
 
 In Alfred's time one Ochtera Norwegian, went on a voyage of difcoveries in ^"ft^f " S 
 the northern feas : and Wulfftan, an Anglo-Saxon, went out to explore the coaft Commeice. 
 of the Baltic. An Anglo-Saxon priefl alio named Sighelm, undertook and per- Malmf. dc 
 formed a voyage beyond fed, to the Chriflians of St. Thomas, on the Coroman- Font. lib. 2 
 del coaft in hither India. 
 
 A great article in commerce (among the Saxons) was (laves: which cuilomHollinfhgead" 
 of felling men and women was yet kept up in the Confeffor's time; for Gith> 
 wife to Goodwin, earl of Kent, greatly enriched herfelf by this fort of traffic. 
 The people of Briftol we are told, were much addicted to this commerce, till 
 they were flopped from fo barbarous a cuftom, by the advice and intreaties of 
 Wulfftan bifhop of Worcefter, at the Norman conquefl. 
 
 Exportation of horfes was much pra&ifed, as may be judged from the fol- 
 lowing law of Athelftan, being found necefTary. 
 
 Nan man ne rylle nan honj" open pE, butan he hir gypan J?ille ; 
 No man Jhall (fend) any horfes over fea, but fuch as fljall be prefents. JEtMft 
 
 It is true that as the arts, and ufeful improvements flourifhed among the Sax- 
 ons, fo they gave great way to loofenefs and luxury. They were very 
 fond of hot baths ; and indeed in the Anglo-Saxon laws the bathing in warm j h n fon's 
 water was conlidered as one of the necefTary requifites of life, while on the other Canons, 
 hand, they hated the bathing in cold water; which* together with retraining 
 from the hot bath, were often enjoined as penance for the faults they had com- Witichindus 
 mined : thofe who would any ways wifh to be refpedled by the ladies were 
 careful to bathe, at leafl, every Saturday. Long hair was much admired by the j h n Wal- 
 ladies : the Danes, who in Edgar's time were quartered upon the Englifh (being lingford. 
 great beaux) were particularly attentive to the combing and drefling of their Ed - Gale 
 hair, by which means they captivated the hearts of the Englifh ladies : this p ' 54 '7- 
 luxury (,as it was then efceemed) of long hair, was much inveighed and preached 
 againfl by bifhop Wolffian. 
 
 The domeflic employment of the ladies has already been mentioned. Weav- Malmf. in 
 ing and needle-work were much practi fed by them : we are told, that a reli-» Vita Wulf- 
 gious lady defirous to embroider a facerdotal robe, got St. Dunftan (then a ^ anl {- iS 
 young man) to draw the figure of it for her, which (he formed with threads of cr "y ^ p.94 
 gold ; and this is not the only inftance of this kind, for the Saxon women were 
 
 L much 
 
74 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 much famed for knowledge of embroidery j and even the ladies of the higheft 
 rank employed thus their time. Thefe ornaments were chiefly defigned for 
 W.Malmf. churches or veftments for the clergy when they performed their facred duties, 
 lib. 2 c. yi. The four daughters of King Edward the elder, were highly praifed and diftin- 
 guifhed, on account of their great afliduity and fkill in fpinning, weaving and 
 lib*2 ' ca^' neec ^l e ~ wor l c ' And Edelfeda, widow of Brithned duke of Northumberland, (in 
 .2. cap. 7. ^ e tent h century) prefented to the church of Ely a curtain, on which was pic- 
 tured the hiftory of the great actions of her deceafed lord, in order to preferve 
 the memory of his great valour and other virtues. So in a charter to the Abbey 
 H rt'^C* 1 °^ ^royland, ma de by Witlaf King of Mercia, he gives his purple mantle which 
 p. 488. h e wore on trie day of his coronation, to be made into a cope for the ufe of the 
 prieft who miniftered at the holy altar ; and his golden vail embroidered with the 
 Montfaucon fiege of Troy, to be hung up in the church on his birth-day. In the Monarchic 
 DucanelTs' ^ ranco lf e °f trie Great Montfaucon, are engravings taken from apiece of tapeftry 
 Anglo- f aic * t0 De trie wor k °f Matilda, wife to the conqueror, and the ladies of her 
 Norman court ; in which is reprefentcd, the embroidered hiftory of the conqueft of 
 Antiq. England by the Normans ; beginning with Harald's embafly to the Norman 
 court, A. D. 1065, and ending with his death Anno 1066 : this antiquity is yet 
 preferved in the cathedral of Bayeux, but I muft own, that to me the work and 
 habits (as far as one can judge by the reprefentation) feem to be of a much more 
 M.S. in the modern date. The method of weaving then in ufe is fomewhat explained by a 
 f ibrary'at' fixity m ade ufe of by Adhelmn, bifhop of Sherburn, in his book de Virginitate : 
 Lambeth, " 'Tis not the fingle web of one fimple colour that is pleafing to the eye, but it 
 written a- is one that is with threads of purple, and various other colours, woven in with 
 h °ar 680 ^ ^ ut ^ e thrown from one fide to the other, thereby forming a variety of dif- 
 yCar ' ferent colours and figures, each in its own proper compartment, knit together 
 with exquifite art." They had alio the art of making filk and woollen cloths; 
 the laft of which is very clearly proved by the price of wool which in fome 
 Leg. Sax. of the Anglo-Saxon laws, was valued at two fifths of the price of the whole 
 fheep, They alio underftood the art of manufacturing furs, &c. together with 
 that of dying linen, &c. of different colours. 
 A. D. 687. The people of SufTex knew nothing of catching fifli till they were taught by 
 bifhop Wilfred ; except only fome few eels which they caught in fmall nets : and 
 in Bede's time the plough had only one handle, (fee plate 2^, fig. .;.) but the ufe 
 of the hatchet I cannot fo well explain, unlefs it was to break fuch clods of 
 earth as might flop the progrefs of the plough. 
 
 Of the Marriages of the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 The Saxons of old were famous for their chaftity of behaviour, the bond of 
 matrimony being by them always held facred and inviolable, fo that adultery 
 was fcarcely known amongft them, but by name j though it muft be allowed, 
 that the Anglo-Saxons did not entirely keep up the glory and innocence of their 
 Holling- anceftors ; for Boniface, bimop of Maguance, (who was an Englifhman) by 
 ihead Chron letter reproved Ethelbert, king of the Mercians, for his lewd and adulterous life, 
 v. 1. p. 190. te jjj n g k' mj t j iat anc i ent Saxons (though they knew not God) would have 
 punifhed fuch wretched crimes with the moft fevere torments. So defperatcly 
 
 wicked 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 75 
 
 wicked was Ethelburga, daughter to Offa, who, befjdes her adulterous acts, by Ran. CVh 
 chance poifoned her hufband* Brithtake, (king of the Weft Saxons) who drank llb - 5> CJ P- 
 of a potion by her mixed up for her gallant ; the people on this wicked wo- *°* 
 man's account, caufed a law to be enacted, excluding the wives of kings from 
 all their ancient privileges, (fuch as fitting in council, &c.) depriving them of 
 their antient name of Cpen, or £>ucen $ and prohibiting them from fitting befide Wm. of 
 the king in any public places. This law continued in full force until the time Malmfbury 
 of Ethelwolf, who much offended the people by placing his queen by him on his j^ e ^^^ 
 chair of ftate. But not withftanding the above recited inftances, we mult by no Hbfj.cajlz! 
 means conclude that thefe immodefties were in general prevailing among our 
 Anglo-Saxon ladies : No ; they were for the moft part very delicate and modeft, 
 not only in their drefs, but in their behaviour and manners. Nay, to fuch ex- 
 tremes did fome of the ladies carry their principles of honour and virtue, as even 
 after marriage to refute accompanying with their hutbands, living ftill in a per- 
 petual virginity : an inftance of which was Etheldreda, the maiden wife of BedcE cc 
 Egfrid, king of the Northumbers ; the was twice married, yet lived and died an Hlft * 
 unfpotted virgin, whofe miftaken zeal led others to follow her example. ^ ut pj „. 
 the fingular inftance of modefty and virtue fhewn by the chafte Ebba, abbefs of to ° r a e r s um ' " 
 Coddingham, and the virtuous Nuns, ought, to the eternal honour of the Saxon pa ge 313I 
 ladies, to /land upon record. The abbey being hard befet by the inhuman 
 Danes, the abbefs took a knife and flit her nofe, and cut off her lips, by her per- 
 fuation cauting all the beautiful young damfels to do the fame, and fo difguiling 
 themfelves in the moft frightful manner, waited the coming of the lafcivious 
 conquerors, who in revenge of their difappointed lufts, fet fire to the abbey, and 
 every foul therein perithed in the flames. 
 
 In regard to the particular forms of the marriage ceremony, we muft be con- 
 tented with the beft account that can be gathered out of fuch various authors as 
 have touched thereon, together with the opinions of fome of our greateft and 
 moft learned antiquaries. 
 
 Moft undoubted it is, that among the Saxons the fair fex were always treated 
 in the moft gallant manner, and the greateft regard and attention was paid to 
 them : yet a woman was -always confidered as under a guardianship to fome man 
 all her life time ; this guardianfhip was called COunb, and the perfon who claimed 
 it CDunbbopa, without whofe advice and confent the could not do any legal act ; Spelman 
 neither was this guardian, but by his own confent, to be by any means deprived GlofT. 4.23. 
 of fuch his right. The father was the natural CDunbbopa to his unmarried 
 daughters ; when he died the brothers claimed it, or if there were no brothers, 
 the next male relation. The male heir of the hufband was the guardian of the Muratori 
 widow ; and the king the legal protector of fuch as had no other. When a Amiq. vol. 
 young man was detirous of paying his addreffes to a lady, he firft procured the 2 - P a S e u 3- 
 confent of the CDunbbona, by making a prefent, more or lefs, according to the 
 rank of the lady : this was called the CDebe, or price, which gave rife to the fay- 
 ing, " that men at this period bought their wives 5" and explains a law made by 
 Ethelbert, king of Kent, which runs thus, " If a freeman lie with the wife of 
 another freeman, let him buy another wife for the injured party that is, pay Leges 
 the CDebe for another wife. If a man rafhly married a woman without the con- Ethelberti. 
 fent of the CQunbbrpa, he was guilty of the crime called CDunobpeach, and ob- 
 noxious to many fevere penalties ; befides this, he obtained no legal authority 
 
76 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 over his wife or her goods. Yet it was found neceSTary to reftrain thefe guardians 
 from being too avaricious in their demands, therefore laws were made, which 
 fixed the price to be paid for ladies of all ranks, with the full extent of fuch 
 demands. If the lady was a widow, but half the COetoe was demanded of the 
 fuitor, as would have been fixed had She been a maiden of the lame rank. When 
 „ tne gallant had obtained his miftrefs's confent, as well as that of the guardian, 
 Concilia ge parties' were folemnly contracted, and one of the bridegroom's friends be- 
 425. ' ° came furety for the woman's good treatment and maintenance Suitable to her 
 rank j and at the making this contract, the dowry which the hufband intended 
 to give the wife was fixed and afcertained. It was a conflant cuftom to invite 
 all relations, within the third degree, to the marriage feaft, and all who were 
 invited made fome prefent to the bride or bridegroom. The father, brother, or 
 whatever relation was guardian, made a considerable prefent of furniture, arms, 
 cattle, and money, according to their circumftances, which was called pabeji- 
 pium, father's gift, and was all the fortune which the man received. No mar- 
 riages could be lawful without the prefence of the C0unt>bopi, who gave the 
 Steimhook bride to the bridegroom, faying, " I give thee my daughter, (lifter or relation) 
 page 160. to be thy honour, and thy wife, to keep thy keys, and mare with thee in thy bed 
 and goods ; in the name of the Father, Son, and,. Holy Ghoft." And on the 
 morrow, in the morning, when the bridegroom arofe from his bed, to teftify his 
 entire Satisfaction, he was obliged to give a handfome gift, called the CDongsen- 
 Leges. Sax. gipe, or morning gift, which was the ancient pin money, and became the feparate 
 property of the wife alone. 
 
 The marriage was celebrated at the houfe of the bridegroom, on whom fell all 
 the trouble and expence j fome time was allowed him to make fuch preparations 
 as were necelTary, which feldom exceed more than fix or feven weeks at moft from 
 ^[^^g^ 5 the time of contracting. The day before the wedding, thofe friends of the 
 page' 561. "bridegroom that had been invited came to his houfe, where the day was fpent 
 in feafting and merriment: next morning the bridegroom's friends being all 
 farmed, and mounted on horfeback, proceeded in great State and order to the 
 refidence of the bride, under the conduct of one who was named ponepipraman, 
 or foremofl man, to receive and conduct, the bride fafely to the houfe of her in- 
 tended hufband : this martial array was in honour of the bride, and to protect 
 her from the attempts of any of her former lovers. The bride was led by a 
 matron, who was called the bride's woman, followed by a company of young 
 maidens, who were called the bride' s maids and attended by her CDunbbona, and 
 other male relations. On her arrival /he was received by the bridegroom, where 
 {he was folemnly betrothed to him by her guardian ; after this ceremony was 
 finifhed, the bridegroom, the bride, and their united companies, proceeded to 
 Muratori ^ e cnurcn > attended with mufic, and there they received the nuptial benediction 
 v. 2, p. 111. from the prieft : fometimes this benediction was performed under a veil, or 
 fquare piece of cloth, held at each corner by a tall man, over the bridegroom 
 and bride, to conceal her virgin blufhes ; but if the bride was a widow, the veil 
 was efteemed ufelefs. After the benedictial ceremony was .finished, both the 
 Olai. Mag» bride and bridegroom were crowned with crowns of flowers, kept in the church 
 ni, 5 2 3- for that purpofe ; and thefe ceremonies being finished, the whole company re- 
 turned to the bridegroom's houfe, where they fat down to the nuptial feaft, and 
 the remaining part of the day was fpent by the youth of both fexes in mirth and 
 
 dancing, 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS, 6cc. 77 
 
 dancing, while the graver fort fat down to their drinking bout, in which they 
 highly delighted. At night the bride was by the women attendants placed in 
 the marriage bed, and the bridegroom in the fame manner conducted by the 
 men, where having both, with all who were prefent, drank the marriage health, Steirnhook. 
 the company retired. The wedding dreffes of the bride, and three of her maid- 
 ens, and of the bridegroom, and three of his attendants, were or a fafhion and 
 colour peculiar tu the ceremony, and might not be wore on any other occafion ; 
 and thefe dreflcs antiently belonged to the mufical performers, who attended 
 the wedding, but in latter times they were given to fome church or monaftery. 
 Next morning the whole company came into the chamber of the new married 
 couple, before they arofe, to hear the hufband declare the OQopjjen^ipe, or morn- 
 ings gift, when his relations became fureties to the wife's relations for the per- 
 formance of fuch promifes as were made by the hufband. 
 
 The feafting continued ftill for feveral days, or till all the provilion was con- 
 fumed, when all who had been guefts made fome handfome prefent to the 
 hufband at their departure. 
 
 Plate 13, fig. 1. feems to reprefent a marriage, where the bride is brought 
 and prefented to the bridegroom ; mod likely by the COunbbona or guardian, 
 who is joining their hands : on the right hand frauds a man with a cup, or dim 
 in his hand, the ufe of which, I cannot otherways explain, than that it is (per- 
 haps) fome peculiar marriage gift, or contained the holy water that might be 
 fprinkled over them by way of benediction. 
 
 When a child was new born, it was clad in a loofe robe, and fet in a large 
 veflcl, while the attendant poured in water. See plate 13, fig. 3. 
 
 Hiftorians have neglected to fay much concerning the baptifm ceremonies, but 
 rnoft likely thofe forms did not greatly differ from the fet form, which mall be 
 hereafter fhewn among the Normans : for in religious matters, excepting fome 
 few trifling variations, the ceremonies were handed down much after the antient glow's 
 dufloms. Among the various church laws of Ethelbald, there was one which for- Chron. 
 bid the priefts receiving any reward for baptizing of children. They were baptized Epift- Pope 
 whilft they were yet very young, for Pope Gregory in his epiftle to Auguftine, re- Auofi'ftine 
 commends to him to baptize them very foon • and adds, " even the minute they are m g ec j e jjb. 
 born if the children fhould be fick or weakly." And one of the laws of Ina king of *. cap. 27. 
 the Weft Saxons was that Cilt> bmnan J?riyrugum ni';t:a ry jepulpat). grp hir ppa j^^ aw ot 
 ne py. xxx. pcilhngep jebete; Erp hir 'Sonne py t>eat> buran pulluhre. gebere 
 he hir mib eallum Sasm he ajej a child within 30 nights (after its birth) Jhall 
 be baptized, if it is not, 30 /hillings /hall be given; but if it die without baptijm than 
 all that belongs to it foall be f orfeited. Above all things it was with the Saxons a 
 conftant cuftom for the mother to nurfe and fuckle her own children, unlefs fick- 
 nefs or fome finifter accident prevented it, " they holding it (fays Verftegan) Verftegan's 
 among them for a general rule, that the child by fucking a flrange nurfe, would Reft j°j^ t e " 
 rather incline unto the nature of her, than unto the nature of its owne father " ' 
 
 or mother, 
 
 Thus having given a general account of the manners of our old anceftors, I 
 will now take my leave of this ./Era, with prefenting to the reader an exact repre- 
 fentation of a curious piece of enamel'd copper which compofed the fhrine of the 
 unfortunate Ethelbert, king of the Eaft Angles, (to whom the cathedral church 
 of Hereford was dedicated) on it is reprefented the murder of this king, and the 
 
 interment 
 
7 8 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 interment of his remains, at the requeft of Humbert archbifhop of Litchfield. 
 The fhrine is lined with oak, which is fuppofed to be part of the floor whereon 
 the murder was committed, which was on the evening preceding his intended 
 nuptials with Elfrida, daughter of Offa king of the Mercians, who (becaufe he 
 was therein concerned) in order to procure his pardon, was directed by the Pope, 
 to erect a cathedral church over the remains of the innocent king, who was then 
 fainted, and his relicks put into the prefent fhrine. The machine held by the 
 two attendants on which the dead body lies, appears to me to be the bier on 
 which the corps was carried upon the moulders of attendants to the place of 
 fepulture. The writing on the tablet held by the attendant prieft, is fo ob- 
 literated as to render it impoflible to be decyphered. 
 
 The End of the Anglo-Saxon iEra. 
 
 O F 
 
[ 79 ] 
 
 O F 
 
 THE 
 
 D 
 
 A 
 
 N 
 
 E 
 
 S, 
 
 Both from and before their 
 
 Eftablifliment in E N 
 
 GLAND, 
 
 U N 
 
 T I L T H E 
 
 NORMAN 
 
 C O N Q U 
 
 EST, 
 
 THE Saxons now fettled in the kingdom, fhook off by degrees their na- 
 tural ferocity, becoming much more civilized and polimed ; but as it 
 often happens, that the minds of men run from one extreme to another, fo our 
 ancestors, banifhing the plain and homely habits of their forefathers, adopted in 
 their ftead a fumptuous expenfivenefs in their drefs, as well as luxury and pro- 
 fulenefs in their entertainments. The love of the moft effeminate amufements 
 took the place late occupied in their fouls by manly valour, and defire of glory. 
 This material change from their antient manhood, forerun their deftrudtion, and 
 haftened on the advancement of the Danes. 
 
 The original of the Danes is (by fome) difputed, however the general opinion sherring- 
 is, that they are a part of the moft antient northern inhabitants*; their manners, ham,ch.vii. 
 cuftoms, religion and habit, well agreeing with thofe of the old Germans. Why Verftegan 
 they were not better known to Greek and Roman authors, (fays Verftegan; is be- pase l55 ' 
 caufe the coldnefs of thofe northern countries was fuch, that they fcarcely fup- 
 pofed they could admit of inhabitants. 
 
 There are many various difputes concerning the derivation of the name of the 
 Danes, but as fuch difputes are built only on the conjectures of the writers, they 
 become ufelefs and unneceflary to my prefent plan. It has been already obfer- 
 ved, that the Manners and Cuftoms of this people, antiently, differed but little 
 from thofe of the Saxons, therefore, there needs but little addition to be made 
 to what has gone before; efpecially as that part of the Danifh hiftory, chiefly 
 neceffary to be here fet forth, is only from the time of their firft commencing 
 chriftians, becaufe their antient manners and cuftoms did not much affedt 
 the fettled conftitution of the kingdom. I (hall only then give fuch general 
 matters relative to this people, as may ferve to throw a clearer light on what 
 may hereafter follow -f. 
 
 * Puffendorf, a northern writer, in his account of Denmark, tells us, that it is one of the moft 
 ancient kingdoms in Europe, which had its kings long before the birth of Chrift : but (continues he) 
 " there is left us no authentic account, from whence we may precifely trace the origin, or length of 
 reign of its firft kings, or from whence we may fet down the hiftory of their lives and exploits, &c." 
 PufrVndorf 's Introduction to the Hilt. Europe. 
 
 Verftegan writes, that Denmark, Norway and Sweden, are not fo ancient as Germany, but he 
 is flatly contradicted by Sherringham, who rather fuppofes Germany to have been peopled from the 
 more northern fettlements. Sher. de Ang, Gentis Origine cap. vii. 
 
 f See a full and particular account of the origin of this people, in the work entitled, Northern 
 Antiquities, tranflated from the French of Monf. Mallet's Introduction a l'Hiftoire de Dannemarc. 
 
So THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Camden In their facrifices, the Danes were more cruel than the Saxons. An antient 
 Pitmarus m 'fhop (complaining of the vices of mankind) writes thus, " Becaufe I have 
 heard wonderful reports of the antient facrifices of the Danes and Normans, I 
 will not let it pafs unnoticed. In thofe parts there is a place and the chief it is 
 of that kingdom, called Lederum, in a province named Scion, where every ninth 
 year in the month of January, after the time in which we celebrate the feftivity 
 of our lord, they all affemble together, and there kill and facrifice unto their 
 gods ninety-n ne men, as many horfes, with dogs and cocks inftead of hawks, 
 alluring themfelves that thereby the gods are fully pleafed and pacified." Not 
 only common people fell vi&ims to their facrifices, but even thofe of the firft 
 rank and quality j especially in time of great danger, when they thought that 
 the only way to bribe the gods to affift them, was to offer up a noble facrifice : 
 Northern thus " the firft king of Vermland (a province of Sweden) was burnt in honour 
 Ant. vol. i. f Qj t ' n9 (o r Woden) to put an end to a great dearth." The kings in their turn 
 c ' 7' p ' 1 ^ 4 did not fpare the blood of their fubjecls, and many of them even flied that of their 
 children. Hacon, king of Norway, offered his fon in facrifice, to obtain of Odin 
 the victory over his enemy Harald. Aune, king of Sweden, devoted to Odin 
 the blood of his ninefons, to prevail on that god to prolong his life. 
 Camden's It is alfo faid, that when the inhabitants of the kingdom became too nume- 
 ^ rit * rous, they would mufter a number of young men together by lot, who were 
 driven forth to feck their fortune by the fword ; but previous to their departure, 
 one of them was by lot lingled forth to be (lain, a facrifice (for the fafety of the 
 reft) to their antient God Tbur. The unhappy wretch on whom unfortunately 
 the lot might fall, was ftruck down with the yoke of an ox ; this was done be- 
 fore the altar, where the facred fire was kept burning both, night and day ; the 
 prieft who performed this office confecrating the victim with certain words, as, 
 " I devote thee to Thur j" or, " I fend thee toTtiur." The body then being 
 ftretched out on the ground, they wounded the great artery of the heart, and 
 drew out the blood, which was carefully catched into a large iron or brazen 
 vefTel, and fprinkled, with the blefilng of the prieft, on the heads of thofe who 
 were about to depart. " Thefe (fays Speed) being thus driven out of their own, 
 Speed f e }} U p 0n other lands, with no lefs danger than a fword falling from the fcabbard, 
 Chron. 0J . rat { ler) as t ] ie breaking in of the tempeftuous fea upon the neighbouring 
 grounds, fore diftrefiing the furrounding nations and among them England was 
 Northen fure not to efcape their rage." But the true caufe of this emigration does not 
 Ant. vol. i. f e em to have really been for the want of room at home, but rather from the natu- 
 chap. q. ra j re fti e fr ne f so f this people, and the defire of winning by their fwcrds more rich 
 and cultivated poflefiions, than thofe they already inhabited. They were without 
 doubt a warlike people, conftantly defpifing fuch as had the fear of death before 
 them. " The Danes (fays Adam of Bremen) are remarkable forthis, that if they 
 Ibid. ^.06. j_ ave committed any crime, they had rather fuffer death than blows. There is 
 Ibid, page no punifhment for them but the axe or fervitude ; as for groans, complaints, and 
 117- ° other bemoanings of that kind, in which we find relief, they are fo detefted by 
 the Danes, that they think it mean to weep for their fins, or for the death of their 
 deareft relations." And Saxo Gram, fpeaking of a fingle combat, fays, " one 
 of the champions fell, laughed, and died an epitaph fhort and energetic. Such 
 was their conftant cuftom to die without manifefting the leaft forrow* 
 or fenfe of pain, even to the laft gafp of life ; it was indeed the vow of every free- 
 man fo to die with his arms in his hand. In 
 
OF THE DANES. 81 
 
 In all the early annals of the Englifli hiftory, the Danes are marked out as a 
 cruel barbarous people, extremely laicivious, ravifhing and abufing the women 
 wherever they fpread their conquefts; they were alfo great gluttons and drinkers,liv- 
 ing in debauchery,and committing frequent murders, notwithftanding the terrible >j ort h. Ant. 
 punifhments threatened to them by the Edda : " There is an abode remote from v. i. p. 117. 
 the fun, the gates of which face the north ; poifon rains there through a thoufand 
 openings : this place is all compofed of the carcaiTes of ferpents ; there run cer- 
 tain torrents, in which are plunged the perjurers, aflafiins, and thofe who feduce 
 married women. A black winged dragon flies inceiTantly around, and devours 
 the bodies of the wretched who are there impriloned." 
 
 They are noted alfo as a people regardlefs of their faithfulleft promifes : to 
 confirm a promife by oath, they would fvvear " by the fhoulder of a horfe," and 
 " by the edge of a fword ;" but their molt folemn and facred oath was that 
 which was fworn upon the holy armilla, or bracelet, which was after this fafhion : 
 the perfon to be fworn laid hold of a certain ring, or bracelet, ufually kept upon 
 the altar of the gods, but now worn on the arm of the prieft, or chief magiftrate, 
 (in the judgment hall :) this bracelet was fmeared over with the blood of their 
 facrifices, and while he that fwore thus held the ring, he took the oath. AiTe- Afier. Vit. 
 rius and Ethel ward both tell us, that Alfred having gained fome advantage over ^j^ward 
 the Danes, caufed them to fwear (befides on his own relicks) " In eorum armilla Hift> j; bj * t 
 facra, quod caeterarum regionum fecere nunquam j" that is, upon their holy cap. 3. 
 bracelet, which they had never done before to the king of any other nation. 
 
 We are told by Wormius, that the Danes antiently held certain courts of par- 
 liament (in which their kings were folemnly elected) within a circle of twelve rj an> 
 ftones, and a thirteenth in the middle, higher than the reft, on which was placed, 
 as on a regal throne, the new elected king, inaugurated by the general fuffrage, 
 with loud applaufes and acclamations of the people, claming of their fwords, and 
 ftriking their lhields together, &c. The origin of this cuftom, which proceeded ^ orth Ant 
 from their religious principles, is explained in the ancient Edda : " He (the v . 2. p. 45. 
 univerfal father Odin) in the beginning eftablifhed governors, and ordered them 
 to decide whatever differences mould arife amongft men, and to regulate the 
 government of the celeftial city. The alTembly of thefe judges was held in the 
 plain called Ida, which is in the middle of the divine abode. Their firft work 
 was to build a hall, wherein are twelve feats for themfelves, befides the throne, 
 which is occupied by the Univerfal Father, &c." From hence came the fenate See page 19 
 of twelve among the northen nations : " the veftiges of this antient cuftom may ofthisVVWlc 
 be difcovered in the fable of the twelve peers of France, and in the eftablifti- 
 ment of twelve jurymen in England, who are the proper judges according to the 
 antient laws of the country," 
 
 When they met to nominate the king, the electors ftood upright upon the Saxo Gram* 
 ftones, fixed in the earth, environing the court, giving their voices, and thereby j"^ 1 *- ^ an * 
 confirming their choice ; by the {lability of the ftones on which they ftood, ta- W ' l ' 
 citly declaring the firmnefs of the act ; at other times they fat upon ftones, or 
 elfe ftood upright befide them. 
 
 If a king fell in a foreign expedition, the army prefently get together a parcel 
 of ftones, and fet them round in fuch manner, as well perhaps for a monument 
 for the dead king, as for a place of election for his fucceftbr j and this they did, 
 firft, becaufe they efteem'd the electron in fuch a forum to be a good addition to 
 the title ; and fecondly, becaufe by delay of election, many damages often hap- 
 
 M pened 
 
82 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 ton'sCon" P ene ^ t0 commonwealth. From this caufe Dr. Charlton and others have 
 futation of b £en led at once to conclude, that Stonehenge, and other monuments of that 
 J.Webb's kind, (in this kingdom) were thus raifed by the Danes for the inauguration of 
 Ini^olones ^ n S s ' ^ f°> ( as Dr. Plott judicioufly obferves) why were not any of their 
 
 Plot's Ox- S kings crowned at fome one of thefe places? Cnute and Hsrdicnute were 
 fordfliire. crowned at London, and Harald at Oxford. It may be objected that they were 
 christians, and that their antient cuftoms might be then abolifhed, as the remains 
 of heathenifm and idolatry; but furely were thefe monuments of fo late a date 
 as to have been conftructed by the Danes at all, would fo many faithful authors 
 as were then living, have been filent about the erection of fuch extraordinary 
 buildings ? 
 
 There does not feem to have been any material change in the manners and 
 cuftoms of the Saxons arifing from the Danifh Conqueft ; for in the firft place, 
 the time (only 27 years) that the latter were in pofleffion of the kingdom, was 
 too mort (however their manners might differ, and they be willing to introduce 
 them) to effect it $ and in the next place, when they were become mafters of the 
 kingdom, they were fo cruel and peremptory in the exercifing of their power, 
 that they were utterly hated and detefted by the Englifh, who, as they began to 
 lhake off the yoke, (by way of retaliation for their former fufferings) not only 
 chafed them from the realm, but killed and deftroyed them in great numbers ; 
 calling them, by way of derifion, Lord Danes, and treating them with great 
 cruelty and indignity. So overjoyed were the Englifh at the expullion of thefe 
 troublefome guefts, that they introduced a feftival, called hucxtibe, or hocrroe, 
 Chron. 392. a term °Jf corn an ^ derifion, lomething refembling the old Roman pafiime, called 
 fugalia, in commemoration of their chafing forth their kings. 
 
 Obfervations on the Government of the Danes. 
 
 The government of England does not feem to have been much altered by the 
 Danes, faving that a country got by conqueft, muft be held by power, which 
 maxim made them more arbitray and ftrict in their proceedings. Yet feveral 
 good and wholefome laws were enacted in the reign of Cnute (furnamed the 
 Great) who (after many daring andfruitlefs attempts both by his predeceffors, as 
 well as by himfelf) at length effected the conqueft of the greateft part of the 
 kingdom, at firft only fharing it with Edmund Ironfides, who was then king ; 
 but this Edmund being foon after treacheroufly flain, Cnute was left in fole pof- 
 feflion of the realm ; which he divided into four parts, appointing Northumber- 
 land to the governance of Irke,or Iricius ; Mercia to the treacherousEdrick j and 
 the Eaft Angles to Turkhyl, who had greatly ferved him ; the Weftern parts he 
 referved for himfelf. 
 
 It is faid of this king, that one day, when his flatterers not only praifed him 
 above Alexander, Cyrus, or Cacfar, but alfo added that he was more than hu- 
 man : being near the fea fide, he called for a chair, which he ordered to be fat 
 elofe to the water's edge, and placed himfelf therein, fpeaking thus to the rifing 
 tide : " Thou fea art part of my dominions, the ground I fit on is my own, and 
 none dare difobey what I command, therefore 1 charge thee ftop thy fwelling 
 waters, nor dare to overflow the ground, left you wet the garment of your mafter." 
 But when it ftill increafed, and reached his feet and the borders of his robe, he 
 
 ftarted 
 
OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 83 
 
 ftarted from his feat, and with a look full of difdain, fpake thus to his fervile 
 courtiers : " How weak is human power ! how trifling the extent of kingly 
 greatnefs ! none mould be called a king but him alone whofe will almighty go- 
 verns heavern, earth, and feas !." Then going from thence, he proceeded to the 
 church of Winchefter, where taking his crown from his head, he placed it 011 
 the image of our crucified Saviour ; from whence (it is generally fuppofed) came 
 the old cuftom of hanging the armour or robes of great men in churches, over 
 their tombs, or near the altars. 
 
 This king Cnute was alfo a poet ; for it is reported of him, that when he was Hift. EHen- 
 in a boat upon the water, paffing near the church at Ely, he heard the monks fo, lib. 2. 
 there finging and performing their mafs, upon which, fuddenly infpired with cap * 
 poetic fire, he chaunted out a fong, which he compofed as he fung, the firft 
 ftanza of which is yet left upon record in the hiftory of Ely church ; it runs thus, 
 
 CDejue y ungen COunechej- binnen Ely, 
 Sa Cnutr chinj nea 8eji by, 
 popeS cnirejr noejarhe lanl) 
 Ant) hepepe J?ej- CDunchej- penj. 
 
 Chearfulfang the monks of Ely, 
 When Cnute the king was pajjing by, 
 Row to the /bore, knights, /aid the king, 
 And let us hear thefe churchmen Jing. 
 
 Which verfe, with the reft of the fong, was afterwards fang in the churches in See the De- 
 commemoration of this extraordinary fad. A portrait of this king is exhibited fcri P- of th « 
 in plate 28, with his queen Alfgyfe, who was his firfl wife. P lates - 
 
 Observations on the Arms, &c. of the Danes. 
 
 The antient defenfive armour of the Danes was nothing more than a 
 helmet, (moftly of leather) a breaft plate, and a fhield ; but at the time of their 
 conqueft we find the foldiers had got compleat fuits of armour, fee plate 26, 
 but what they were made of cannot be pofitively determined ; at the moulders 
 and elbows they feem to bend with much eafe, and from the folds in the fkirts 
 1 mould not imagine them to be very ft iff. J may not perhaps be far out of the 
 way, if I fuppofe them to be made of leather, thinner at the joints, to render them 
 more pliable ; the diamond crofting I take to be ftrong wires interwoven with 
 each other, and made with joints where it was neceffary for them to bend. This 
 armour covers the whole body, legs, and arms, half the hand beino- only left 
 uncovered for the better purchafe in holding either the fword, the fpear, or the 
 fhield, &c: Their heads are covered with helmets, much fuperior to thole we 
 have feen of the Saxons, and feem ftill better fafhioned to fuftain the mock of a 
 violent blow; their being fo high from the head is alfo an advantage, and may 
 be deemed a fpecial fafeguard to the head j the projection alfo that comes 
 ftraight down before the face, prevents it receiving any hurt from a crofs ftroke 
 of the enemy's fword. I take thefe helmets to be either iron or brais, both f Northen 
 whicn were much ufed among the Danes, which laft, if the rank or wealth of Amiq * v# 
 
 the 
 
84 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 the wearer permitted, were gilt and polifhed. ** It was the moft noble manner 
 North. Ant. - R w hi cn a nero CO uld employ his leifure, to polifli his fliield to the utmoft 
 V ' P ' 242 brightnefs, and to reprefent upon it either fome gallant-feat, or fome emblema- 
 tical figure expreflive of his own inclinations or exploits ; and this ferved to di- 
 ftinguifti him when in battle with his helmet over his face : but then every one 
 could not carry thefe pointed or carved fliields indifferently. When a young 
 warrior was at firft enlifted, they gave him a white and fmooth buckler, which 
 was called the " fhield of expectation j" this he carried till by fome fignal ex- 
 ploit he had obtained leave to have the proofs of his valour engraven on it ; for 
 this reafon none but princes, or perfons diftinguiffied by their fervices, prefumed 
 to carry fliields adorned with any fymbol : the common foldiers could not obtain 
 a distinction, of which the grandees were fo jealous. In following times thefe 
 fymbols, which illuftrious warriots had adopted, paffing from fathor to fon, pro- 
 duced in the north, as well as all over Europe, hereditary coats of arms." 
 
 Their fwords are both longer and larger than thofe of the Saxons (fee plate 26.) 
 The lance does not differ much. 
 
 The axe is by feveral authors attributed to the Danes alone, (and moft proba- 
 Encom. bly it was more ufed by them than by any other northen nation.) When Cnute 
 Emma. caufed the treacherous Edrick to be flain, his head was cut off with an axe or 
 halbert, according to the writer who lived at the time. In the battle of Barald 
 Hen. Hunt, the Second, againft his brother Toftie, and the king of Norway ; a fingle Nor- 
 Iib. 7.P.211. vvegian foldier with his axe defended a bridge againft the whole army of Ha- 
 rald ; and is reported to have flain more than forty of the Englifh. But we are 
 equally certain, that axes were ufed by the Anglo-Saxons, (fee plate 4, fig. 6 r) 
 den"' H ' S " anc * we are to * *^ at w ^ en Harald marfhalled his army againft the Conqueror, 
 Matt. Weft, he carefully fet the foot in front, with their hollow fhields and double edged axes 
 Matt. Paris, or bills.. " Pedites omnes cum bipennibus, conferta ante fe fcutorum teftudine, 
 Wm.Malm. impenetrabilem cuneum faciunt." And Speed (quoting of Thomas Mills) writes 
 Chronip 407 th us » " Har.ald marfhalled his battaile, placing in the vant-gaurd the Keritijh men* 
 Flores Hift. ( w ^° by ancient cuftome had the front of the battaile belonging to them) with 
 page 437. their heavy axes or halberts." Matthew of Weftminfter alio adds, " clavis & 
 
 Jecuribus" thas is clubs and axes, to the weapons of the Normans. 
 North Ant * l ma ^ ^ e ^ ere OD ^ ervec '> tnat lt was a conftant cuftotn with almoft all the 
 ** Im ne ^ orman nations, to draw up their infantry in the fhape of a pyramid, or wedge, 
 tiabTlem c'u> ( as our °^ Englifli hiftorians exprefs it) the point of which was directed to the 
 neum faci- enemy. Their principal force was their infantry ; though they had alfo fome 
 xmt -" foldiers, who ferved both on horfe and on foot ; thefe were commonly placed in 
 the flanks of the army. 
 
 The call to arms was by the found of the trumpet, or horn. Thus in the 
 hiftory of Charles and Grymer, Swedifh kings, Harec, hearing of his fon's death, 
 North. Ant. ^ a j n b v Grymer) cries out, " Let the bugle horn found to arms. I will go ra- 
 • P- 2 57« va g e Sweden, &c." And in the fame hiftory is the following remarkable paf- 
 fage : " King Charles is informed that his warriors are penlhed, ( by the /words of 
 Harec and of bis followers,) that his chieftain Eric himfelf is deftroyed, and that 
 his army are weltering in their blood. He is likewife told, that in Harec's train 
 there is a chieftain named Grunder, whofe relplendent fword had made terrible 
 carnage of his people. Grymer heard alfo this relation, and throwing down his 
 dagger, ftruck it with violence into the table ; but the king with his pierced it 
 through and through. All inftantly fly to arms, and every one prepares himfelf 
 for battle ; the trumpet founds, and each warrior is accoutred," 6cc. 
 
 Some 
 
OF THE DANES. 
 
 Some Obftrvations on the Danifli Fortifications. 
 
 " Their fortreffes (fays the author of the northern antiquities, fpeaking of ^° t rthem 
 the ancient Danes) were only rude caftles fituate on the fummit of rocks, and Vi , t ' pt 2 ^ t 
 rendered inacceflible by thick mifhapen walls. As thefe walls ran winding 
 round the caftles, they often called them by a name which fignified ferpents or 
 Dragons ; and in thefe were commonly fecured the women and young maids of 
 diftinction, who were feldom fafe at a time when fo many bold warriors were 
 rambling up and down in fearch of adventures. 
 
 It was this cuftom which gave occafion to ancient Romancers, who knew See Dalin. 
 not how to defcribe anything limply, to invent fo many fables concerning Suea.Rikes,, 
 princefles of great beauty, guarded by dragons, and afterwards delivered by h ' f *' lib * l " 
 young heroes who could not atchieve their refcue till they had overcame thofe 
 terrible guards. Thefe rude forts were feldom taken by the enemy, unlefs by 
 furprife,. or after a long blockade : however, when thefe were of great impor- 
 tance, they raifed terraces and artificial banks on that fide of the fort which 
 was loweft; and by this means annoyed the befieged, by throwing in arrows, 
 ftones, boiling water, and melted pitch ; ofFenlive arms which the befieged, on 
 their part, were not negligent in returning." As to the forts and caftles built 
 by the Danes in England, the remaining earth-works are not to be diftinguifhed 
 from thofe of the Saxons ; but by the accounts that may be traced from hiftory 
 concerning fuch remains. The general form of them is alfo like thofe of the 
 baxons, round ; with a ditch equally broad and extenfive. 
 
 In religious buildings, round towers and fteeples, are faid to be certain marks 
 of Danim architecture; but this I will by no means infift upon. 
 
 Sea Affairs, and Shipping of the Danes. 
 
 Thefe people were very formidable on the fea ; both England and France, 
 with other neighbouring nations, dreadfully felt the force of their naval P rowe ^ s « Northeni 
 Antiently their vefTels were but a fort of barque's with twelve oars ; but after- Ant. 
 wards they built others more ftrong and capacious, fome of which (in the eleventh 
 century) are faid to have been capable of holding a hundred and twenty men. 
 The northern kings often built vefTels of an extraordinary fize. Harold Hor- Torfsus 
 fagre built one which he called the Dragon-, of enormous bulk. And king nift - of Nor- 
 Olave Trygguefon had one named the Long Serpent -, this, the chronicles fay, way * 
 was very large and high, a wooden ferpent was carved on the poop, which 
 together with the prow, was gilded with gold it carried thirty banks of row- 
 ers, and was the nneft. and largefl fhip that had ever been feen in Norwav. 
 The anonymous author of the encomium, Emma, who lived in theTime of kino- 
 Cnute, gives a pompous defcription of that prince's fleet. "The mips were richly Encom. 
 gilded with gold and filver; and on the top of the maft of each fhip was the gilt Emma, 
 figure of fome bird, which turned on a fpindle with the wind, indicating the p ' l66 ' 
 point from which it blew. The fterns of the (hips were adorned with various 
 figures caft in metal and gilded with gold and filver ; on one was the ftatue of 
 a man, on another was a golden lion, on a third a dragon of burnifhed brafs, See alfo P- 
 and on a fourth a furious bull, with gilded horns ; which dreadful appearances + 3 ', the ^'P 
 
 " rr . . prelented to 
 
 joined Hardicnute. 
 
S6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 joined with the bright reflections from the fhields of the foldiers, and their po- 
 
 liihed arms, ftruck terror into the mind of the beholder. 
 
 Some general Obfervations on the Drefs, Habit and Cuftoms of 
 the Danes. 
 
 The Danes were remarkable according to our Englifli hiftories, for their vo- 
 luptuoufnefs,fo we are nrt at-all furprifed to find the bed fo much better conftruc- 
 ted for eafe and indulgence, than that of the Anglo-Saxons. (See plate 27 fig. 3.) 
 
 The dreffes of their kings were grand and magnificent, though not much un- 
 like thofe of the Saxons ; embroidered, and worked with broad gold trimming. 
 They wore fhoes, and alfo a kind of bufkin, the toe of which was turned fome- 
 what downwards. They had either a cloak or a robe (like thofe of the Saxons) 
 fometimes buckled over the right fhoulder, and hanging on the left, and fome- 
 times buckling on the middle of the bread : fee plate 27. fig. 2. and plate 
 28. where the cloak hangs over the left moulder of the king, without being 
 buckled on the right at all. 
 
 The ladies dreffes differ but very little from the drefs of the Saxon women, 
 excepting that this of the Danes feems to be ftill more grand and coftly; fee 
 plate 26, fig. 2. See alfo the drefs of the common people, plate 27. fig. 1. 
 We have remarked already, that the Danes who were in England in the time 
 North. Ant. of Edgar, were great beaus, conftantly combing their hair, of which they were 
 v. 1. p. 205. yer y f onc i, A young warriour going to be beheaded, begged of his executioner 
 that his hair might not be touched by a flave, or flained with his blood : and 
 Harald Harfagre (i. e. Fair Locks) made a vow to his miftrefs to neglecl his 
 Ibid. ^.^.Jine hair till he had compleated the conqueft of Norway, to gain her love. 
 
 In the hiftory of Charles and Grymer, Swedifh kings, the gallant Grymer is 
 Ibid. v. 2. thus defcribed as a man irrefiftible among the ladies ; " he was a youth early 
 P- 2 49 diftinguifhed in the profeffion of arms, who well knew how to die his fv/ord in 
 the blood of his enemies, to run over the craggy mountains, to wreftle, play at 
 chefs, trace the motions of the ftars, and to throw far from him heavy weights : 
 in fhort, he was pofTefTed of every accomplifhment that could perfect and com- 
 pleat the hero. By the time he was twelve years old, no one durft contend 
 with him, either with the fword or bow, or at wreftling." The highefl treat 
 that a lover fuppofed he could poflibly give his miflrefs, whofe affection he was 
 defirous of fecuring, was to fhew his dexterity in thofe martial exercifes. For 
 continues the hiftorian, " he (Grymer) frequently mewed his {kill in the 
 North. Ant. chamber of the damfels before the king's lovely daughter ; defirous of acquiring 
 v. 2. P 23S. h er regard, he difplayed his dexterity in handling his weapons, and the know- 
 ledge he had attained in the fciences he had learned." &c. And Harold the 
 valliant, leems to be quite furprifed that his miflrefs mould not refpect him j 
 for, fays he, " I know how to perform eight exercifes : I fight valiantly, I fit 
 firmly on horfeback, I am inured to fwimming, I know how to run along in 
 the fcates, I dart the launce, and am fkillful at the oar ; and yet a Ruffian 
 maiden fcorns me." Then he enumerates the great dangers he has furmounted, 
 and with what courage he endured hardfhips concluding with great fur- 
 prife, that after all this, " a Ruffian maiden fhould yet fcorn him." And fo 
 fond were the^kings and heroes of having their valour known, that they often 
 
 took 
 
O F T H E D A N E S. 87 
 
 took the fcalds or poets to the battle, placing them where they might look on 
 
 in fafety, and be witneffes of their great and glorious actions. Olave king of 2bld. v. r. 
 
 Norway placed three of them one day around him in battle ; crying out with p. 389. 
 
 great fpirit, " You mall not relate what you have only heard, but what you 
 
 are eye-witneffes of yourfelves." And thefe fcalds or poets were the conftant 
 
 attendants at the courts of princes and heroes, where they met with the m oft 
 
 affectionate reception. 
 
 The Danes (among many other amufements) were very fond of chefs and Hift. Rami- 
 dice : for bilhop Etheric coming to Cnute (the Great) about midnight upon *J^ s c 3 a G g! e 
 urgent bufinefs, found the king and his courtiers engaged at play ; fome at e 1 ,cap ' 5# 
 dice, and others at chefs. 
 
 Back-gammon is reported to have been invented about this period in Wales, Dr. Henry'* 
 and derives its name from bach (little) and cammon (battle.) Hift.of Bn* 
 
 The End of the Danish iEra. 
 
t 88 ] 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NORMANS, 
 
 From the Time of their CON QJJ EST, 
 TO THE 
 
 Beginning of the Reign of EDWARD the First. 
 
 LUXURY and idlenefs have been the ruin of the greateft nations : fuch is the 
 fluctuating flate of human affairs that nothing can long remain in the lame 
 fituation. This leflbn fad experience taught our anceftors, for as by degrees they 
 mollified by peace and plenty, grew lefs brave and val.ant, fo by degrees de- 
 creafed the ardent wifh for glory and renown. The hoftile trumpet now found- 
 ed harm in their ears, and this very people who in antient times prevented danger 
 by diligence and valour, were now loft in their voluptuous pleafures, nor till 
 the fwift approaching ftorm at once overwhelmed them, were they to be driven 
 Malm.Hift. forth to arms and atfion. The old hiftorian Wm. Malmfbury lamenting tells 
 deGeft.Reg.us, that in the days of king Edward the Confeflbr, the Enghuh had transformed 
 Aug. lib. 3 . themfe i ves into Frenchmen and Normans, adopting not only their ftrange man- 
 pase58 ' ner of fpeech and behaviour, but alfo the ridiculous and fantaftical fafhions ot 
 their habits, wearing garments that reached only to the middle of the knee, 
 clipping their hair and (having their beards. Their arms were ornamented with 
 golden bracelets, and their fkin dyed, or pounced in various figures The clergy 
 alfo were not behind hand with the laity, either in ignorance or indolence eat- 
 ing and drinking to filthy exceffes. Thefe (as the old authors exprefs it) were 
 the doleful time? of lewdnefs and debauchery ; blinded as England then was with 
 
 vice of every kind. „r u- j 1 c kt^ 
 
 Such was the deplorable ftate of the nation, when William duke of Nor- 
 mandy thought proper to affert a right to the EngliftS crown j from which period 
 comes the third great change in the laws, cuftoms and manners of the nation. 
 
 Of the Antient Normans. 
 
 The manners, and cuftoms of the antient Normans, were precifely the 
 fame with thofe of the Saxons and Danes, « as being a branch (fays Speed) 
 from the fame root," fo that what has been faid of thofe nations, may alfo be 
 Decayed applied to the Normans. « Their habitation was originally in Norway, to 
 Ant.p.i6 5 . c ;fi e d from the northern fituation of it, and themfeives (fays Verftcgan) ftiled 
 Northmen (now vulgarly Normans) for the fame reafon In procefs of time 
 (continues the fame author) whether it were through the ftenhty of their coun- 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 89 
 
 try, or that they were moved through their own courage and hardinefs, or ra- 
 ther occafioned by both, they took themfelves firft to rob upon the fea coafts of 
 the Netherlands, England and France, fometimes alone and fometimes conjoin- 
 ed with the Danes." 
 
 After feveral attacks, and much damage done to France, one of their generals 
 named Harding or Hajlings, who was defcended of the blood royal of Norway, 
 did receive the chriftian faith, and had given to him and his iucceflbrs by Charles 
 the Bald, (king of France) the earldom of Chartres, which they from time to 
 time enlarged ; and forced from the French part of Neuftria, which being called 
 Normandy, (after their own name) was confirmed to Rollo their captain, by 
 Charles the Simple, about the year of our Lord 912. From this Rollo, (who 
 being chriftened, was named Robert) authors -trace the pedigree of William fir- 
 named the Conqueror, natural fon to Robert (the fecond of that name) duke of 
 Normandy. Verftegan informs us, " that the Normans on their firft arrival 
 into France, and during the time of Rollo (or Robert) the firft duke of Nor- rj ecaye( j 
 mandy, did all fpeak their own antient language, which in effect was all one Ant. p. 1 
 with our old Englijh tongue ; and the fame as the Danes alfo fpake: and in the 
 time from the end of the raigne of the faid Robert (if fo foone they began to 
 leave their language) unto the time of their coming into England, which con- 
 tained about 150 years, they loft their own ancient language, and learned the 
 tongue which the Frenchmen than fpake j moreover in that fpace they alfo had 
 (according to the French manner) appropriated unto themfelves the furnames of 
 fuch lordihips, places, fegniories as in Normandy they had pofleffed ; the which 
 furnames they brought with them into England, where they continued in fuch 
 families of them as there then fettled themfelves." Thus much may fuflice for 
 the antient hiftory of this people : we will now pafs on to their manners and 
 cuftoms relative to this kingdom fince the Conqueft. 
 
 The Fortifications of the Anglo-Normans. 
 
 The Normans varied much from, and greatly improved, the fortifications of 
 the Saxons. 
 
 The Norman caftle confifted of a bafe court, furrounded by lofty earthen banks, 
 topped with a ftrong wall of ftone; and to this they added a keep, or dungeon, 
 which is a high hill of earth raifed at one end of the fortification. 
 
 The noble remains of one of thefe caftles is at Hedingham, in the county of 
 Eflex, where not only the earth-works are remaining very perfect, but part alio 
 of the original building on the keep. 
 
 The part marked C (fee the Ichnography, plate 29.) is called the bafe (or lower) 
 court, it is cncomparTed with a bank of earth, now 22 feet in height, and origi- 
 nally it was ftill higher, but has been dug down to level and raife the bafe court; 
 where there is now a handfome modern built houfe and garden *. Its breadth is 
 about 1 10 yards, and its width near 100 yards; the prefent communication be- 
 tween the keep and bafe court, is over a brick bridge of three arches of modern 
 ftruclure. The keep is exceeding large, and not fo high as the keeps are generally 
 found to be in other caftles of the Normans-f-: it is round, and flat at the top ; 
 
 N its 
 
 * And is the feat of Sir Henry Houghton, Bart. 
 
 + Perhaps it may not be an improbable crnje&ure, that Ulfvvin, (who was pofleflbr of this manor 
 before the conqueft) might have had a caftle here, and that Albericus dc Vere on taking pofleffion ot 
 
 the 
 
9 o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 its diameter is full 90 yards ; it was furrounded by a ftrong wall on the brink* 
 the remains of which are yet in many places evident: the keep from the middle of 
 the ditch is full 30 feet hi^h. Looking on the Ichnography we find that the keep 
 A, is furrounded with a deep ditch B, B, which has communication at each end 
 with the ditch E, which alfo runs round the whole bafe court; this ditch muft 
 in its original ftate, have been full 14 or 15 feet deep; it now is upwards of 20 
 yardsin width, and the compafs of the whole work, walking round in the middle 
 of the ditch, is full half a mile. 
 
 The remaining tower (on the keep) is about 50 feet fquare and 90 feet high, 
 built with rag fione, (that is large flints mixed with a ftrong cement) and faced 
 both within and without with great fquare ftones, like thcfe defcribed in the 
 fortifications of the Saxons: and this facing not only ferved for ornament, but 
 was extremely ufeful, for the cement that was mixed with the flints, where it 
 has been well preferved from the air and rain, is become as hard and permanent 
 as the flints themfelves ; nay, the workmen who lately made two doors into 
 part of this tower, allured me, that it was " eafier to beat the flints to pieces 
 than the cement." Thefe walls including the facings are 12 feet thick. 
 
 The building is (as was before obferved) four fquare, and all the fronts are 
 nearly alike, except the back front ("where there is an arched doorway and 
 fteps down to the keep) : it was ornamented with turrets at three of the corners, 
 in one of which, is a noble flight of winding flairs, containing 120 fteps of 
 ftone. The chambers that are now in the tower, are neither antient, or in the 
 places where the antient ones were made, the tracings of them being now almoft 
 entirely loft. I obferved in one of them a handfome arched cavity between two 
 windows, which was the fire place, the chimney being carried up through the 
 Seethe Ac- wall like thofe of the Saxons. Originally there were two of thefe towers upon 
 count of the keep, if we may truft the old drawing made in the year 1665*. And in- 
 Caftle^ 1 " deed it is highly probable that there was another, for this remaining tower is 
 e,p.27.^ t ^ e middle of the keep, as moft likely it would otherwife have been, and 
 befides on the back front, by the fteps, are the imperfect ruins remaining of the 
 connection between the two towers. At the bottom of the prefent tower, they 
 pretend to mew you a pafTage, or rather where a paffage formerly had been ; 
 which, if you would believe the common report, did lead under ground to Col- 
 chefter. I was exceedingly defirous of finding out the caufe of fuch a ftrange 
 report, and particularly, becaufe at the caftle of Colchefter, they give the fame 
 account of a fubterraneous pafTage, leading to the caftle at Hedingham. On 
 ftrict enquiry, I was told the following ftory by an old man who lived at Hed- 
 ingham, and had from his childhood been backwards and forwards at the caftle. 
 The caftle was once befleged (I fuppofe in John's time) and all the pafTages round 
 the country blocked, up : after fome time, the enemy fuppofing that the befieged 
 were in great diftrefs for food, called upon them to furrender, but they within, 
 (in derifion of the fruitlefs attempts of the befiegers) threw over the walls to 
 them live fea fjfh. in great abundance, who being amazed at fo unexpected a 
 fight, concluded that they within muft have fome fubterraneous pafTage, leading 
 to Colchefter, (it being the neareft place for live fea fifti to be got) defpairing 
 
 therefore 
 
 the manor, did rebuild it after the fafhion of his countrymen, which will well account for the ex- 
 tenfivenefs of the keep, fuppofing that he did not divide the ground occupied by the former caftle, 
 but added the bafe court and other works to anfwer it. 
 
 * The people that fhew the caftle fay there were two more befide the remaining tower. 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 9 r 
 
 therefore of taking the caftle they raifed the fiege. Tho' this is a foolifh and idle 
 ftory, yet it is highly probable, that they might have really a pafTage under 
 ground, leading to fome obfcure and covered place at a convenient diftance, by 
 means of which, they might not only fupply themfelves with food, but in cafe 
 of emergency facilitate their efcape. And 'tis not uncommon in old caftles to 
 meet with hollow vaults and paffages, which feem no ways calculated for other 
 ufes ; neither is hiftory altogether filent on this fact, for we read of Mortimer, 
 earl of March, being furprifed with the queen dowager, by Edward the third, 
 through the means of fuch a fubterraneous pafTage. See alfo the account of that 
 pafTage at the caftle of Colchefter, page 27. 
 
 Plate 29, fig. 4. is another Norman cattle, the walls round the bafe court ofBorlafe's 
 which yet remain very perfect. Jt is Trematon caflle in the county of Cornwall. Hift. & Ant. 
 The bafe court contains about three quarters of an acre; the keep B is large and ofCornwa "» 
 fair, thar part of it next to the bafe court is 30 feet high, but behind where it pase ^ 22, 
 runs down to the ditch E is confiderably higher. The wall about the bafe court 
 A A, is 10 feet thick, 2 feet of which are taken up by the garreted parapet, and 
 the other 8 make the whole breadth of the wall, the heighth of which, meafur- 
 ing within the area, is about 30 feet. The holes where the beams went into the 
 wall for the fupport of the ftage or roof, that went round within it, are yet evi- 
 dently remaining in two rows, but fo clofe together that they would not admit 
 of room enough for a chamber between them: this double beaming might moft 
 likely be for the greater ftrength and fupport of the ftage or roof, on which the 
 foldiers in time of action performed their duty. The Iohnography of the build- 
 ing on the keep is a perfect oval; the building itfelf has no windows in it, but 
 as Mr. Borlafe conjectures, had its light from a well, or opening at the top, 
 (which muft be gloomy and difmal) from whence he alfo fuppofes, that the 
 name of dungeon may be given to the keeps of the Norman caftles; but how 
 improperly then, would that at Hedingham, which for a place of defence is 
 light and airy (together with feveral others that I have feen) be fo called? It 
 feems that the more general opinion is moft eligible, of there being'in each keep, 
 a prifon or dungeon lor malefactors and prifoners ; and from thence to have been 
 foftiled: for many of thefe keeps are entirely hollow, and have clofe ftrong apart- 
 ments ; as may be feen in the ruins of the old keep of the caftle at Walden in 
 EfTex, where there are feveral rooms, or more properly dungeons, which feem 
 never to have had any communication with each other, fo that the prifoners muft 
 be let down from the top. Alfo in the remaining tower at Hedingham, are on 
 the front next the bafe court even with the ground, two large apartments which 
 never had any windows, neither is the communication between them and the 
 other parts of the caftle (at prefent) to be found; for default of which, they were 
 obliged to make two doors, before mentioned, before they could get into them. 
 
 I am forry to find myfelf under the difagreeable neceffity, of contradicting 
 fome other affertions of that learned and ingenious author, Mr. Borlafe, to whofe 
 ftudy and induftry, we owe the Hifiory of Cornwall. Senfible as I am of my 
 own inabilities, I can but wifli the tafk had fallen into fome abler hand : yet I 
 hope it will be found, that my different opinion will be juftified by plain and 
 certain facts ; for moft certain it is, that if I had not been compelled, I would 
 not have entered the field againft a man, whofe literary abilities are fo much 
 fuperior to my own. He has obferved, that the keep and bafe court, are pro- 
 bably Roman, but moft certainly of Saxon conftruction. 
 
 Among 
 
92 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Among many reafons given as proofs of this affertion, the following feem to 
 me to be the chief : 
 
 Firft, That the Saxons frequently occupied and improved the abandoned forti- 
 fications of the Romans. 
 
 Second, Elfleda (daughter to Alfred the Great) built feveral fortifications, all 
 called barrows, alias burroughs j and very properly (adds he) becaufe they were 
 fortifications raifed on hills, in the fhape of barrows or tumuli. 
 
 And laftly, (continues he) wherever the Saxons found a Roman entrenchment, 
 they conftantly called it Caepcen, or Chepcep, but their own they called Bupjhf, 
 from the hills that they flood upon. Now here our author has himfelf, unde- 
 fignedly, excluded the Romans from any mare in thefe hilly fortifications ; for 
 why mould their camps have been by the Saxons differently called, if they alio 
 were ereded on hills i^refembling barrows) like their own ? But whoever has 
 either read attentively the Roman authors, (Caefar efpecially) and noted the de- 
 fcription there given of their fortifications, or feen any of their camps as they are 
 now remaining in various parts of this kingdom, will, I queftion not, at once de- 
 ny that people to have any mare in the controverfy. It is however certain, that 
 the Saxons did often make ufe of the Roman camps, as being conveniently fitua- 
 ted, and fometimes well fortified to their hands : but then it is alio to be noted, 
 that they conftantly altered and fafhioned them according to their own plans, or 
 modes of entrenchment. What cities and walled towns they themfelves built they 
 called Bujvjp or Bujiuhp Either of thefe words, fays Mr. Borlafe, fignifies a hill 
 or barrow of earth : but *ve (hall find a very different conftrudion put upon both 
 thefe words by Verftegan, (who was, without doubt, a man well learned in the Sax- 
 on language) for, fays he, "all places that in old time had among our anceftors the 
 name of Bujvj, or Bunuh, now called Bourough, were places one way or other 
 fenced or fortified }" which names he derives from Biruje, or Bir^he, to hide or 
 bury, becaufe the foldiers were hid or fhrouded from the darts and weapons of the 
 enemy, by the high walls that furrounded them : fo that we find he rather gives 
 the name to the fortification itfelf, than to its fituation; as a walled town would, 
 according to this interpretation, have equal claim to the title of Bujij, if it was 
 built immediately upon a plain. But at any rate either of the above names could 
 not be confined to hills like barrows only, for Bejij, or Beopj, both fignify a 
 mountain, and might give them their name from their being generally placed on 
 large high natural hills. 
 
 Or if the Saxons gave their entrenchments the name of burgh, from their be- 
 ing raifed up on low, flat, extenfive hills, what comparifon can there even then 
 be made between them and the lofty keeps of the Norman caftles ? 
 Seepage u,f*. The chief difference between the Saxon and Norman caftles is this : The Sax- 
 and plltc 2. ons built one regular, entire fortification, round, (or as near a round as thefitua- 
 tion of the place would admit) encompaffed with a broad ditch and double wall- 
 ing ; while the Norman caftles may be truly faid to confift of two different and 
 feparate fortifications on one fpot, namely, the keep, and the bafe court } for they 
 finding the round extenfive caftle of the Saxons would by no means fo well an- 
 fwer their purpofe as a place of defence, (becaufe they brought with them the 
 general ufe of the bows and arrows, crofs bows, and the like) they therefore di- 
 vided a part (generally one third of the whole caftle) from it, and throwing up 
 the materials from the ditch, which they made much deeper, raifed up the keep 
 to a height confiderably above the bafe court, (which laft was compoled of the 
 
 remaining 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 93 
 
 remaining two thirds ;) then to this bafe, or lower court, they added all round a 
 ftrong vallum, or bank of earth, Mill higher than thofe of the Saxons, fortifying 
 it with a ftrong wall (of rubble ftoneand cement faced with freeftone) and a gar- 
 rated parapet. They raifed it to this height that they might with the more eafe 
 overlook and annoy the furrounding enemy with their darts, ftones, and other 
 offenfive weapons. The keep alfo, which was divided from the bafe court, was 
 ftrongly fortified, and raifed in fuch manner, as from thence to overlook the 
 bafe court, as from the bafe court one might the adjoining country ; and this 
 keep thus ftrengthened, ferved them often when the bafe court was taken, to 
 hold out a longer fiege. " Then did duke Henrie (fays Holingfliead) winne the 
 caftell of Malmelburie, or rather the mafter tower or chief dungeon of that caftell ; 
 (it is to be remembered that the walls of the bafe court were often fortified with 
 towers placed at convenient diftances, therefore the keep, from its being the high- 
 eft and ftrongeft, is called the " mafter tower :" for (continues Holingfliead) as 
 Simon of Durham wryteth, he (the duke) had wonne by aflault the other partes 
 and lymmes of the caftell, before king Stephen came to remove him." 
 
 On plate 30, fig. 1 & 2, is the plan and perfpeclive view of an old fortification SceMorant's 
 at Raleigh in the county of EfTex. At A on the plan is the evident remains ofHift. of Ef- 
 the barbican or fortified breaft work of the caftle, * yet very perfect. B is a Nor- *" x " 
 man keep, divided from the bafe court C, both which antiently (in the time of 
 the Saxons) were one entire keep or hill. f The communication here between 
 the keep and bafe court is not over a bridge, (as is ufual in the caftles entirely of 
 Norman conftruction) but over a narrow neck of earth, left in the dividing of the 
 former caftle, which fpared them the trouble of digging it quite through, and an- 
 fwered all the purpofes of a bridge. We never find the keep and bafe court thus 
 joined, but where the Normans occupied and rebuilt the caftles of the Saxons. 
 
 Mr. Borlafe next proceeds to inform us, that the caftle of Trematon (plate 29, 
 fig. 4.) is evidently in part of ancienter date than the time of the Normans, tho', 
 fays he, it has doubtlefs been by them altered and improved ; in proof of this al- 
 fertion he refers the reader to the print, where the top and ancienteft arch (of the 
 gateway marked A) is round s and the fmaller B, which is more modern, is point- 
 ed ; which laft method of building (adds he) was brought firft into England by 
 the Normans. Some part of thefe remarks are very juft, for the Normans were 
 undoubtedly the firft who brought the Gothic arch into ufe in this kingdom ; 
 yet it is not a confequence that muft necefTarily follow, that the round arch here 
 fhould certainly be conftru&ed by the Saxons ; for though its being round is a 
 corroborating circumftance, yet it does by no means amount to a proof, becaufe 
 the Normans did not immediately, nor indeed till fome time after their arrival 
 
 in 
 
 * Some fuppofe thefe fortified banks to be the remains of the fortifications of the Romans ; but I 
 have no doubt but that in the prefent cafe they were only what were called the barbicans ; though ac 
 Plufly in Efiex the Norman caftle actually ftands in the midft of a Roman entrenchment, which is cf 
 very great circumference, but even there the barbican is (though much defaced) to be diftinguifhed. 
 
 + i have often in the courfe of this work made ufe of the word keep, both in the defcription of the 
 Saxon as well as Norman entrenchments : when I have applied it to the Saxons, 1 mean by it, the 
 whole extent ol the around work of the caftle, exclufive of the ditch. By the Norman keep I would 
 be unds-rftood to mean only the hill conftantly raifed at one end of the caftle, which is moftly fmall 
 and hio-h ; and though it feems not in the leaft to bear any analogy to the ground work of the Saxon 
 caftles, yetl will not deny but that the Normans may have been to them indebted for the firft hint, 
 making their keep fmaller and higher, and adding an extenfive bafe court; thinking by this double 
 fortification to render themfelves much more fecufe. 
 
94 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 in England, adopt the Gothic arch, efpecially in their fortifications. This may 
 be ealily proved by any one who is willing to examine into thefe facts ; fee the 
 caftle of Hedingham, plate 29, the windows of which are perfectly round ; as 
 alfo the arches cf St. Botolph's Priory, built in the reign of Henry the Firft,plate 
 30, fig. 3. The laft proof which I have to offer in contradiction to Mr. Borlafe, 
 is, that in all ancient hiftories or delineations, bas reliefs or other remains, either 
 of the Romans, or Saxons, there is not to be found the moft diftant mention, or 
 reprefentation of diftinct keeps, or hills adjoining to their camps or caftles,' or any 
 defcription whatever that will in the leaft accord with thefe double fortifications 
 of the Normans ; but immediately after the Conqueft (from which period we 
 trace the almoft total change in the manners, cuftoms, and affairs of this king- 
 dorr.) we find great mention made of them by many of the various hiftorians, and 
 that in fo plain a manner, as to agree exactly in every circumftance with the 
 remaining earth works, &c. of the caftle juft defcribed. 
 
 Some of the Norman caftles were embattled on both fides, that is, on the. 
 outfide of the bafe court, and on the infide alfo. Leland has thus defcribed the 
 caftle of Rockingham, (built by William the Conqueror :) " It ftandith (fays he) 
 on the toppe of an hille, right ftately, and hath a mighty diche, and bullewarks 
 agayne withoute the diche. The utter waulles of it yet ftand. The kepe is 
 exceeding fair and ftrong, and in the waulles be certain ftrong towers. The 
 lodgings that were within the area f or bafe acurt ) of the caftelle, be difcovered and 
 faul to ruine. One thing in the waulles of this caftelle is much to be notid, that 
 is, they are embateled on booth the fides - y fo that if the area for bafe court J of 
 the caftelle were won by cumming in at other of the twoe great gates of the 
 caftelle, yet the kepers on the waulles might defende the caftelle. 1 markid, 
 that there is a ftronge tower in the area, (or bafe court) of the caftelle, and from 
 it over the dungeon dike is a draw bridge to the kepe and dungeon toure." 
 
 The walls round the bafe court (as has already been obferved) were ufually 
 ftrengthened with turrets or towers, at certain diftances, in greater or lefler num- 
 ber, as the nature of the fortification might require ; and in befieging of thefe 
 caftles, it was ufual to erect turrets of wood to fuch a height, that they might from 
 M.Par.281 *h ence overlook the befieged, and annoy them with their ftones, darts, &c. they. 
 
 * had befides a machine called catus, under which the miners might work free 
 from the darts of the enemy. The mining inftrument is called fcrophus vel 
 fcrofus, by Matthew Paris, " Scrofa ad fuffodiendos muros :" But when they 
 attacked a town by water, they had a fliip, whereon was built a fcaffold of wood, 
 on the top of which were pofted the llingers and archers, with the crofs-bow 
 men, fee plate 32, fig. 1 ; and fometimes they ufed the fcaling ladder, fee plate 
 32, fig. 11. Camden gives us the following account of the fiege of Bedford 
 caftle, (in the Time of Henry the Third) as tranferibed from a cotemporary 
 writer, who was an eye witnefs of the fiege : 
 Camden in " On the eaft fide was one petrary, and two mangonels, daily playing upon the 
 Bedford- tower; and on the weft two mangonels battering the old tower; as alfo one on 
 2 g'f e ' pa ° e the fouth, and another on the north part, which beat down two paffages through 
 the walks that were next them. Befides thefe, there were two machines con- 
 trived of wood, fo as to be higher than the caftle or the tower, erected on purpofe 
 for the baliftarii, (fingers) and watchmen ; they had alfo feveral machines, 
 where the baliftarii, and arcubaliftarii, f crofs-bow men) lay in wait. There was 
 moreover another machine, called cattus, under which the diggers- that were em- 
 ployed to undermine the caftle, came in and went out." The 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 95 
 
 The caftle was taken by four alTaults. " In the firft was taken the Barbacan," 
 (or breafl work before the outer Ballia, which fecured the principal entrance*) "In 
 the fecond they got full poffeilion of the outer Ballia," this gave them free pajfage 
 to the old tower, which I fuppofe was over the principal entrance into the ca/l/e yard ) 
 " At the third attack, the wall by the old tower" for chief gateway J " was 
 thrown down by the miners, where by a dangerous attempt they porlclTed them- 
 felves of the inner Ballia" for cajlle yard) " through a chink. At the fourth 
 alTault, the miners fet fire to the chief tower on the keep, fo that the fmoak burft 
 out, and the tower itfelf was fo cloven to that degree, as to mow vilibly fome 
 broad chinks : whereupon the enemy furrendered." 
 
 The Normans, as well as the Englifh, ufed often in cafes of neceffity, to erect 
 forts of wood for immediate ufe. Verftegan informs us, that William the Con- 
 queror on his firft arrival in England, fet up " three caftles of wood, which had 
 been made and framed in Normandy," and from thence brought over with him. 
 And Mathew Paris tells us, that the warrior Hereward, when he withftood the 
 Conqueror, being in the fenny parts of Cambridgeshire, (where he intended to j^ at> p ar ; s 
 winter) made a caftle of wood. " Caftrum quoque ligneum in iplis paludibus Kift. p. 6. 
 conftruxerunt, &c." 
 
 However (as Dr. Henry judicioufly obferves) thefe caftles of either the Nor- Df« Henry's 
 
 mans, or the Saxons, may appear to be weak and ill conftrudred to the prefent n !i !' of 
 • 1 1 i- ■* rr •/• 1 1 n r mi Britain 
 
 age, in the time that they were railed they were round to be very ltrong. The 
 
 method of attacking the caftle was generally by downright force, as a blockade 
 feems from hiftory, to have been but little praclifed by either of thefe nations. 
 The iron ram, and other inftruments of fuch kind, ufed by the Romans, were 
 not much regarded by either Saxons or Normans, their general ufe was (per- 
 haps) rendered impracticable from the great and extenfive ditches which furround- 
 ed their fortifications. The principal machines had in ufe by our anceftors in the 
 attacking of caftles (befides thofe that have already been mentioned) were thefe, 
 
 The Mangonel, which (as I fuppofe) was a kind of catapulta, though much 
 fmaller than thofe that follow. With this inftrument they caft great ftones, as 
 well as darts, &c. it was alfo ufed in the mips. — " Et Lapides de mangonellis Mat. Pa £ ls ^ 
 navalibus, qui fic parabantur, ut quinque vel fex lapides fimul de longo jacerent." 1 ' p,10 9 r ' 
 
 Ipetrarta, another fort of machine for throwing very great ftones againft the 
 walls of caftles, &c. — " Circa urbem Petraris & machinas alias locaverunt: 
 qua3 cum lapidum ponderofitate muros civitatis attriviflent." Ibid, p ^y. 
 
 'STjcbtlcljcttum, Tribunculus, or Tribuculi, a very large fort of catapulta, for Mat. Paris 
 throwing ftones of a prodigious fize. This laft inftrument I take to be the fame ^ l ^' e ^£' 
 with that which Camden tells us our anceftors called iHOatrtoolf, out of which, See Camden 
 before the invention of bombs, they threw great ftones with fo much force as in Bedford - 
 to break the ftrongeft gates. flurep. 287. 
 
 Camden alfo mentions two other inftruments of war, namely, the B^ifOlc and 
 the <£fp?in50lD, but the ufe of either is not fet down. 
 
 The bolt is a kind of dart (made of wood headed with iron) caft by the man- 
 gonel. 
 
 * This word Barbacan, feems to be thus explained by Grafton, who in his Chronicle writes thus, 
 " then Gilbert, earl of Glocefter, with his companie made bulwarkes and barbicanes, between the 
 tower (of London) and the citie, and caft ditches and trenches in fome places of the citie, and forte- 
 fyed it wonderfully." Grafton's Chron. p. 155, and Hollingfhead vol. 2, 779. 
 
96 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 But how lamentable a thing it is, that not only the form of thefe curious in- 
 ftruments, but even the method of ufing them is entirely loft. After all the 
 ftfidt relearches that I have made, the names (and fcarcely more) is all I could 
 collect j for fo defective in thefe particulars were hiftorians, that if our prefent 
 refearches had not been greatly aided, by the ftricl: enquiry into the other re- 
 mains of antiquity, we muft not only in this particular, but in moft others, 
 have fet down unable to underftand, much lefs explain the manners, and cuftoms 
 of the earlier times. 
 
 It was the cuftom at this period, when a town or cattle furrendered, for the 
 principal perfon in the town, to bring and prefent to the Conqueror, the keys 
 >7 ft on the point of a fpear. Hollingfhead informs us, that when Malcolme, king of 
 2 5 8, Scotland, befieged the caftle of Anwicke, and had reduced the garrifon to the 
 laft neceflity ; a young knight willing to undertake fome hardy enterprize in its 
 defence, took a fwift horfe, and without armour or weapon, except a fpear in 
 his hand, upon the point of which, he bore the keys of the caftle, rode into the 
 camp of the enemy ; who fuppofing he come to furrender the keys, received him 
 with joy, and unfufpedtingly lead him to the king: the knight then couched his 
 fpear, as if he intended, with reverence, to prefent the keys to the king, but he 
 watching his opportunity, prefled his horfe on, and ran his fpear into the eye of 
 the king, and killed him on the fpot j that done, he clapped fpurs to his horfe, 
 a«d by his fwift flight faved his own life. 
 
 Of the Soldiers, Arms, and warlike Habits of the Normans. 
 
 The Normans, (as appears by hiftory) firft brought the more general ufe of 
 cavalry into the kingdom ; the chief force of the Saxon and Danifh armies al- 
 ways confifted of their infantry. 
 
 The horfe foldiers of the Normans may be divided into two forts, the firft being 
 Plate 3r,fig. thofe who were compleatly covered with mail, and fenced on the breaft and legs 
 8 * with plates of iron, and the fecond fort thofe who were lighter armed ; the firft 
 
 fupported the fet battle, while the latter were ufeful in flight fkirmifhes, &c. 
 Ibid. fig. 3. The foot foldiers, or men at arms, were compofed of three forts : firft, fuch as 
 Ibid. fig. 2- were compleatly armed from head to foot with mail ; fecondly, thofe who were 
 more flighter armed, bearing oval fhields and long lances ; and thirdly, men ftill 
 Jbid. fig. 4. flighter armed than the foregoing, with fmall round fhields, and long light 
 fpears. The firft were to fupport the clofe battle when the armies came hand 
 to hand ; the fecond, called fpear men-, gave and fupported the charge on either 
 fide, when the armies began to join ; and the third were men whofe office it was 
 to gaul the horfe of the enemy with their long lances, when they gave the 
 charge, receiving on their fmall targets the points of the enemy's fpears; then re- 
 treating behind the horfe of their own army, left them to fupport the fecond 
 charge, eonftantly fallying out as they faw advantage. Add to thefe the 
 Ibid. fig. 5. Balijlarn, * or (lingers : thefe were very flightly armed, and always preceded 
 the army, beginning the battle with their flings. 
 
 The Sagittarii, or archers, who were well armed with mail, and body armour 
 of ftrong leather ; thefe fometimes went before the army on foot, joined with the 
 
 baliftarii 
 
 * " Balijlarli temper prafibant." &c. Mat. Paris, p. 24?, lin. 38. 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 97 
 
 baliftarij, and with them began the engagement : fometimes they were mounted 
 on horfeback and mixed with the cavalry, -f* 
 
 The arcubaliftarii, % or men with crofs bows, who were always well armed, 
 either in mail or body armour : thefe chiefly attended at fieges of caftles and f 1 
 
 towns, as alfo on fhip board, where they were very ferviceable. 
 
 Befides thefe there were the knights, and fervientes or armigeros, § the attend- 
 ants on the knights, or armour bearers, now called efquires. 
 
 The defenfive armour of the Normans was chiefly the coat of fence called 
 mail, efpecially for the better fort, others had body armours of iron or leather, 
 and others only breaft plates or gorgets ; for we find the people were ob- 
 liged to purchafe for themfelves their own armour, according to the>r circum- 
 ftances. In the ordinance for the foldiers armour in Henry the Second's time, 
 it was let forth, that all his fubjedts fin Normandy, and other places on the conti- Koveden 
 nentj mould provide themfelves with armour in the following manner; Every Annal.Pars. 
 man poflelfed of goods and chatties to the value of one hundred pounds, |j mould pag/j^* 
 furniih out for the king's fervice a horfe, and a foldier compleatly armed in mail j 
 every man poflerfed of forty or thirty, or even twenty-five pounds, Ihould have 
 at lean 1 ; an albergellum, an iron helmet, a lance, and a fword. 
 
 In England he ordered that every man who held a knight's fee, mould fur- 
 nifh out a foldier compleatly armed in a coat of mail and a helmet, with a lance 
 and a Ihield. Every freeman who poflelTed goods and chatties to the value of 
 16 marks, mould have a coat of mail, a helmet, a fhield, and a lance ; and every 
 freeman poflefied of the value of 10 marks, mould have an halbergellum, an iron 
 cap, and a lance ; and every burgefs of the whole community of freemen Ihould 
 have a ivanbais, an iron cap, and a lance, which armour he forbad them, on pain 
 of fevere penalties, either to fell or pawn. 
 
 There was alfo a fort of armour called a/cato, and another piece named collari- g ee Matt. 
 urn ; thefe were both of them gorgets, or breaft plates, either of iron cr brafs. Paris Hift. 
 
 The antient mail was a ftrong defenfive armour, made of fmall iron links, with 
 joints at convenient diftance ; and fo contrived as to move upon each other with 
 the greateft facility. The horfemen, and better fort of foldiers, were covered 
 with this mail from head to foot, or, as Matthew Paris exprelTes it, " ad unguem Pa S e 20 4" 
 armatos" the face and left hand excepted, which were generally left uncovered, 
 the hand efpecially, for the more convenient holding of the Ihield : when the mail 
 itfelf did not compofe the guard for the head, they wore helmets either of iron 
 or brafs. The foldiers of all degrees feem in the delineations to be continually 
 without their faces covered, except the chief leaders and ftandard bearers, 
 who are often depicted with the beever before the face, which appears to be thin 
 plates of iron faftened on the mail \ fome few indeed have regular helmets, tho' 
 ofclumfy form. Thofe helmets of their kings were diftinguiihed from the reft 
 by a crown upon the top. 
 
 In the lives of the Offas (fee plate 44, No. 2.) is a figure drefied in armour 
 much unlike any of the reft j it is without doubt a fort of mail, but wherein it 
 
 O particularly 
 
 f ** Viri aiitem fagittarii gentis Anglorum equitibus permixti," &c. ibid, page 64. 
 
 \ te Quidam arcubalifta traxit fagittam," &c. Rog. Hoveden Annal. page 450.— Et arcubaliftarii 
 circiter fexaginta loricati, M. Paris, 591. 
 
 § 2000 militum prater equites, fervientes & psdites, ibid. 253 — Armigerorum & fervientum, ibid. 
 518, 
 
 S| 100 libras andegavenfis monetse in catallo," &rc. Rog. Hov. Annal, page 349. 
 
98 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 particularly differed from that above defcribed, I cannot point out. In all the 
 iuits of mail we conftantly find the knee defended by a thin plate fattened 
 upon the mail over the joint, yet in fuch fafhion as not to hinder the bending 
 of the leg : thefe figures have often (befides thefe guards for the knees) greaves, 
 
 And plate or thin plates of iron or brafs put over the fore part of the legs, efpecially of the 
 
 44, No. 4> horfemen, (fee plate 43.) 
 
 plat< Lt 7 Albergellum or halbergum, or halbercum, is by Hollingfhead tranflated I;arbcr- 
 Holling- 2 eon » but Dr. Watts in his Gloffary to Mat. Paris, fuppofes it to be a bread: 
 fhead Chron plate or gorge t ; but I rather take it to be a body armour made of leather, fenced 
 page 454. with an iron or brafs croflet ; or elfe plates of iron quilted on a ftrong leather 
 garment, as in plate 31, fig. 2. 
 
 The wanbafis, or wambais, was I believe, a foldier's coat of fence made of 
 leather only, becaufe they are faid to belong to the commoner fort of foldiers. 
 Temp. Ste- Thus we fee the Norman warriors were well armed and lecured from the 
 pham Reg. ft ro k es G f t heir enemies. As Ralph, bifhop of Durham, told his foldiers by the 
 way of encouragement, " that their breafts were defended by flrong armour, 
 and their heads with helmets ; their legs were fecured with iron greaves, and 
 the reft of their body by the fhield that every one of them bore upon his arm." 
 
 The fhields of the horfemen were very large, and broad at the top, decreafing 
 gradually to a point at the bottom ; they were generally made with a curve, that 
 they might cover the body more fecurely : thefe fhields were fometimes of a vaft 
 lize. 
 
 The oval fhields, worn by the foot foldiers, were of a midling fize, (fee plate 
 31, fig. 2.) 
 
 The fmall round fhield (plate 31, fig. 4) was only ufed by the light armed 
 men, who with their long fpears galled the horfe of the enemy. 
 
 Their ofTenfive Weapons were 
 
 Great fwords, in general about 3 feet and half, or near 4 feet long, which 
 were double edged, and fharp pointed. 
 The bipennisy or double edged axe. 
 
 The gtfarma, in Chaucer called a lirotDtl bill, is fuppofed to be the bipennts with 
 a longer handel, or a halbert. 
 
 The pole axe ; or axe with an edge on one fide, and a fharp point on the other. 
 The tilting fpear, ufed by the horfemen, called burdare. 
 The gavehc, or javelin, ufed by the footmen. 
 
 The long fpear to gaul the horfe of the enemy, ufed only by the light armed 
 footmen. 
 
 In the ordinance for arms it is put, that " uniquifque babeat cultellum" 
 Cultettum was (as is fuppofed) a fort of knife or dagger. 
 ' To thefe may be added the clavis or clubs, headed with iron fpikes. 
 Thecrofs bow, the form of which may be feen marked A, plate 62. 
 The long bow, ufed by the fagittarii or archers. 
 The arrows for the crofs bow were called quarrels. 
 The common arrows for the archers, 
 
 The fpkula ignita, * arrows headed with fome combuftible matter, and fhot 
 on fire from the bows into the towns or caftles j they were alfo much ufed in 
 lea fights, to fire the rigging of the fhips and gallics, &c. Thefe 
 
 « Mifimus igiturfuper eos fpicu'a ignha" Sec. Mat. Paris, page 1090. 
 
OF THE NORMANS, 99 
 
 They had alfo arrows headed with a phial full of quick lime, which was (hot 
 Into the mips of the enemies, f fee plate 31, fig, to. 
 
 The form of all thefe weapons and warlike inftruments are exhibited in the 
 fccond plate of the fecond volume. 
 
 Befides the mail and armour abovementioned, they had ftrong armour for 
 their horfes, which covered and fecured them entirely from the ftrokes of the 
 enemy. X 
 
 The Military Arrangement of the Norman Armies. 
 
 The llingers and archers always went firft, and began the battle with their 
 ftones and arrows •> then the cavalry charged each other with their lances, which 
 charge was fupported by light armed men on foot, who were furniflied with long 
 light lances, with which they hurt and difordered the horfe of the opponents; 
 that done, they fhrunk in behind their own horfe, who charged directly on the 
 enemy, before they could recover their ranks and order ; meanwhile thefe afli- 
 duous footmen conftantly iflued out as they faw occafion and advantage. When 
 thelaft charge was given, the light armed troops met with their fwords, fpears, 
 and axes, doing cruel execution, and the foot being come hand to hand, the con- 
 flict muil of courfe be long and bloody, where the force was any ways equal ; 
 during this time the archers and llingers on either fide were far from being idle, 
 and indeed the archers were often mixed in with the horfe, and from thence dis- 
 charged their arrows. The battle fought againft the Scots (in the time of king 
 Stephen, wherein the bifhop of Durham was a principal actor) is thus defcribed 
 byHoveden and others: " Then thofe of Lodyan (whom the king of Scotland 277 ' 
 had invited to his aid) fir ft began the battle, madly rufhing on the Englifh caval- 
 ry, difcharging their mifTive weapons, and with fpears of a moft extraordinary 
 length, ftriking at the horfemen, who were fo well armed in ftrong mail, that 
 they ftruck as it were upon a wall of impenetrable iron. The Englifli on their 
 part had mixed their archers and llingers with their horfemen, who poured a con- 
 tinual fhower of ftones and darts on the enemy, which did great execution, they 
 being very flightly armed. The Englifli in the mean while remained in one body, 
 immoveable, round their ftandard §: in the end the Lodyan foldiers being greatly 
 difordered, and beat down by the miffive weapons of the Englifli, gave way, and 
 , foon after the whole army w as entirely routed." 
 
 The method of gathering themfelves into a firm, impenetrable body, was con- 
 ftantly practifed by the Saxons : fuch we have heard was the order in which 
 Harald martialled his men, drawing them up into the form of a wedge, or as 
 Malmfbury expreges it, " impenetrabilem cuneum faciunt ," placing his footmen 
 with their heavy axes in the front ; and nothing (fays Malmfbury) could have 
 broken this well compofed body, had not the Normans by a feign'd flight drawn 
 them from their good order to an over hafty purfuit. 
 
 The 
 
 t " Et Phialas plenas calce, arcubus per parva haftilia ad modum fagittarum fuper hoftes jaculan- 
 das." ibid, iogi . 
 
 X " Cepit Rex Anglic ioomilites, & fepties viginti equos coopertos ferro, & fervientes equites, $c 
 pedites multo," &c. Rog. Hoveden, Annal. page 444. 
 § " Et Anglorum in una acie, circum ^tfltlDarD conglobata perfiftebant immobiles." Hov. p. 277. 
 
ioo THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The forces of the duke of Normandy were arranged after the following man- 
 ner : The firft front was compofed of the footmen, with their bows and arrows, 
 intermixed (according to Matthew of Weftminfter) with others armed with axes 
 and maces, or clubs ; the horfe being divided behind them, formed the fecond 
 front. Hiftorians have neglected to inform us of the manner in which Harald 
 arranged his cavalry: at the firffc onfet (fays Malmfbury) he, with his brothers, 
 were on foot under his ftandard, fharing equally in the danger with the common 
 men ; but in the end, not content with acting as a commander only, he mounted 
 a horfe, (perhaps to head his cavalry) and fought valiantly with the reft. 
 
 In the former defcribed battle, (fought againft the Scots) we find the firm im- 
 penetrable body of the Saxons, and the Norman cavalry and archers mixed toge- 
 ther : no wonder thefe excellent regulations, and the joining two fuch advan- 
 tageous methods of arrangement together, mould render them (at that time) an 
 army almoft invincible. The foldiers before the battle had fome particular fen- 
 tence given them to repeat, which, with continual hollowing, they fung to each 
 other, with which they were not only greatly animated, but it alfo prevented their 
 attending to the dreadful fights before them ; and the groans of the wounded and 
 dying men (which might intimidate them) were not to be heard. We are told 
 that the foldiers of the conqueror in the battle juft defcribed, began the fight with 
 finging the heroic fongs of the valiant Rowland ; and in after times it was very 
 common to give for the word, " God and St. George ! Victory ! Victory ! " &c. 
 Mat. Paris The chief leaders headed the army, compleatly armed, bearing in their hands, 
 in Vita Ste- t ^ e bipennis, or double edged axe. Matthew Paris has given a very beautiful 
 phani. defcription of the warlike Stephen ; " who (fays he) when his army was fled, 
 was left alone in the field, grinding his teeth with anger, and foaming like a wild 
 boar j he roared out like a lion, and though alone, none durft approach him ; 
 with his double edged axe he rufhed on the enemy, and with refiftlefs fury drove 
 whole troops before him, beating down all who dared to oppofe him. Thus by 
 his matchlefs valour he gained to himfelf immortal glory. Oh ! (exclaims my 
 author) if but an hundred men had come to help him, with prowefs equal to his 
 own, he never had been taken!" — "but his axe firfl being broken with the 
 weight of his death-dealing blows, and after that his fword, he fell into the 
 hands of the furrounding enemy thus armlefs and alone." 
 
 It was cuftomary (in woody countries efpecially) to fell the trees, and heap 
 them up in the paths and paifages, to ftop the progrefs of the enemy; in 
 the mean time they fecured themfelves in ambufnes in the neighbouring woods, 
 and fallied out to attack the enemy when they mould attempt to pafs the block- 
 ade. This ftratagem was practifed by Frederick, abbot of St. Albans, when he 
 endeavoured, for the fecurity of his monaftery, to obftruct the palTage of the Con- 
 queror, (with great trees felled and piled up acrofs the road) while he was on his 
 way to London. 
 
 In landing their forces on the fea coafts (efpecially if the enemy had taken 
 polTefiion thereof) they conftantly fent the archers and flingers firfl, to clear the 
 way for the foot men, who clofely followed, beating down all who refitted them. 
 
 In Roger Iloveden wc find the following account of Richard the Firfl's land- 
 ing his army ai Cyprus : " In the mean time the emperour had poffelTed himlelf 
 of the fea fhore, with his people, who were ill armed, and but meer novices in 
 the art of war : they ftood upon the more with fwords, lances, and clubs, having 
 
 large 
 
 Hovcden, 
 page 224. 
 
 Speed's 
 Chron. 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 101 
 
 large planks of wood, and banks of earth thrown up before them for a wall. 
 When the king of England and his people were armed, they went out of their 
 large fhips into the fmaller veflels and galleys, which being rowed with great 
 force came fuddenly to land, when the archers went firfh to clear the way, and 
 being joined with the reft of the army, they jointly rufhed with great impetuo- 
 li ty on the emperor and his griffones* ', whilft the barbed arrows of the Englifh, 
 fell upon the adverfe party like mowers of rain upon the graffy meadows j fo that 
 after fome ftruggling, the emperor and his army were totally routed and put to 
 flight. 
 
 It was antiently efteemed a great honour to bear the royal ftandard. Accord- g tow > 
 ing to the Chronicle of Waltham, this office was claimed by the earl of Chefter. Chron. 420. 
 The banners and ftandards taken from the enemy were always much prized, and 
 by the conquerors generally hung up in churches or monafteries, in memorial of 
 the action, and as gratefully dedicating thofe trophies to God, who had protected 
 and given them the victory. It was a lafting difgrace for an army to lofe their co- 
 lours, and hardly ever to be forgot, therefore, they fought with great fpirit in the 
 defence of them. 
 
 The ftandards of the Normans are different from thofe of the Saxons, as may See plate 3, 
 be feen in plates 38, 46, and 47, &c. And they frequently bear the arms of of the Regal 
 the leaders pictured thereon: they had alfo a kind of ftreamer at times faftened An^ofEno-' 
 to the end of their fpears. See plates 43 and 55, &c. 
 
 Every leader had his own ftandard, on which was painted the device which 
 he thought proper to adopt, (which in old times reprefented fomething alluding 
 to acts of valour of its bearer, or his predeceflbrs) and oftentimes the whole 
 company had painted on their tunican (which was worn over their coats of mail) 
 the badge of their leader. 
 
 Henry the third made ufe of a politic device when he attacked the French Speed's 
 king; for caufing every leader to have two ftandards inftead of one he made his Chron ^P a S e 
 army appear double, which circumftance fo intimidated the French, that they 5 ^ 7 ' e ' 
 inftantly quitted their poft. 
 
 The word niDing, or nithing, which antiently fignified an abject bafe minded 
 man, a falfe hearted coward, &c. was at this time a word of great force, and a 
 name much detefted by our anceftors ■, for, fays Mathew Paris, king William 
 Rufus, on a ludden emergency wanting to draw together a body of forces, fen t Mat. Paris, 
 word to fuch as held of him in fee, that all who refufed to repair to his aflift- p. 12. 
 ance, fhould be ftigmatized with the odious name of nitl;utcr, which fays the 
 author in latine nequam fonat, and immediately incredible great numbers flock'd 
 to him from all quarters. 
 
 At this time and afterwards it was held gallant and worthy, for the generals Daniel's 
 to fend bold defiance from each army to the other, in which they fpecified what Hlft - ofEn S* 
 they meant to perform in the enfuing battle. William the Conqueror (then only pase 
 duke of Normandy) befieging Dampfort, hearing that the earl Martell was ad- 
 vancing with great fpeed at the head of a numerous army, fent Roger Mont- 
 gomery, with two other knights, to deliver this mefTa^e to the earl. " That 
 if he came to victual Dampfort, he fhould find him porter there to keep him 
 out." To which the earl replied, «« Tell the duke, to-morrow by day break 
 
 he 
 
 * Griffoncs, perhaps fo called from their carrying large bills or halberts, which were crooked at the 
 end like the beak of a hawk, which refembles that of the fabulous monfter called Gryfon, half a lion 
 and half an eagle, with a hawks head. 
 
102 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 he mall fee me there on a white horfe, ready to give him combat, for I mean, 
 if I can of certainty to enter Dampfort, and that he may know me, tell him I 
 will wear a fhield without device." Then Montgomery made this reply, 
 " Sir, you mall not need to take that pains, to-morrow the duke will be here 
 himfelf, mounted on a bay horfe j and that you may know him, he bids me 
 tell you, that he will wear on the point of his lance, a ftreamer of tafaty to 
 wipe your face." 
 
 Of the Religious Buildings of the Normans. 
 
 The buildings of the Normans at the time of their arrival, do not appear to 
 have much varied from thofe of our Saxon anceftors. The round arch at firft 
 feems to have been chiefly in ufe, yet, however, it was not long before a new 
 fpecies of architecture was brought into England, called gothic ; confifting of vaft 
 laboured ornaments and pointed arches : (which will be fully explained in the 
 next volume) this ftile of building foon prevailed in England, and was in procefs 
 of time almoft univerfally adopted in preference to any other, efpecially in the 
 religious ftructures. 
 
 The moft antient Norman building I have met with, is the priory 
 church of St. Botolph, at Colchefter in the county of Effex, which noble 
 ruin merits well the attention of the public. The main wall is full 6 feet 
 thick, faced both within and without with hewn pebbles of a large fize ; the in- 
 termediate fpace between the facings is filled up with brickbats, tile flieards and 
 fmall rough pebbles. The fmall arches on the front, over the door way, which 
 interfecl: each other, (See plate 30, fig. 3.) are compofed of thin fmall bricks, 
 which project about 6 inches from the main wall. The larger arches, as well of 
 the door, as thofe that form the body of the church, were originally turned with 
 ftone, and over that they were faced on all fides with fmall pamments about 1 foot 
 fquare, and 2 inches thick, which were all fet edgeways. There are feveral ap- 
 pearances of windows in the walls, which are very narrow, as was the conftant 
 cuftom of making them at that time. The arched door-way is very remarkable 
 on account of its ftatelinefs and grandeur ; the neatnefs and elegance of the work- 
 manfhip in fhaping and placing the bricks, (of which the facing is entirely com- 
 pofed) is almoft incredible ; in fhort, fuch is the beauty and awful appearance of 
 the whole, that the beholder muft be ftruck with pleafure and furprize, at the 
 fight of this venerable antient ruin. Entering the church, we fee the body 
 which was very large, divided from two narrow ayfles by fix noble pillars, raifed 
 with ftone and faced at every angle with bricks neatly ornamented. Bricks at 
 this period were held more ornamental than ftone, as may be feen by fuch pains 
 being taken in this building to cover the ftone with brick facings. 
 
 This priory was built by Ernulphus, a religious man, about the year 1 1 10, in 
 the reign of Henry the firft, and dedicated to St. Botolph and St. Julian. Er- 
 nulphus was chofen firft prior. I may alfo remark, that particularly in the great 
 arches, and in the foundation of this priory, are a vaft number of Roman bricks : 
 SeeMorant but this will not be wondered at, when it is known that at Colchefter was a 
 Hift.of Roman ftation. And it is a ftrong difputed point whether it was not the Cama- 
 EfTex and lodunum, a great city of the Romans: though Camden and others place this city 
 
 Camden in ,, P , / r J 
 
 E fl- ex at Maldon in the fame county. 
 
 Plate 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 103 
 Plate 30, fig. 4. exhibits a remarkable gateway, which formed the entrance Speed's 
 into the abbey, dedicated to St. John, at Colchefter ; which abbey was built by ron * 
 Eudo Dappifer, fewer to king Henry the firft, and was finilhed during the reign 
 of that Prince. But I by no means think that this prefent gateway is of that 
 early date, not only on account of the vafh acutenefs of the gothic arches, but be- 
 caufe the ftile of the architecture feems to bear the evident marks of more modern Hift. of Col- 
 invention : and if the view that is given by Morant, of the abbey church (en- ^^nt^ 
 graved from an antient MS.) is authentic, I mall not in the leaft doubt the truth a 
 of my prefent fuppofition, becaufe the arches of the windows therein are round, 
 and the whole building in a fafhion as different from this gateway, as the gateway 
 itfelf is from the ruin of St. Botolph's juft defcribed : but without any doubt this 
 gateway is very old, and may juftly be deemed a great curiofity. Its form is not 
 quite four fquare, becaufe the infide front is considerably narrower than the ouN 
 lide, which makes the two fides incline each way from the front backwards. Plate 30, 
 See the plan marked A : it confifted of a broad entrance, and a fmall poftern on fi S- 4* 
 the right hand ; on the left hand of the gate is an additional building, which 
 feems alio very old. The gate itfelf is ornamented at the corners with four 
 baftions, which rifing higher than the reft of the building form four handfome 
 turrets, whofe effect is very picturefque and elegant. The main walls (which 
 are about 2 feet and a half thick) are built of pebbles, unhewn flints and bricks, 
 mixed with the ftrong cement, which is curioufly faced with hewn flint and 
 free-ftone. The light gothic ornaments are the free-ftone, carved, and the fpace 
 between each ornament is filled up with the dark flint, cut like fmall tejfala t 
 about 3 or 4 inches fquare, and 2 inches and a half thick : all the cornifhes and 
 arches are of free-ftone as is alfo the foundation, riling full 2 feet above the 
 prefent furface. One thing here is very remarkable, which is in the arches of 
 the gateway that are faced with ftone ; thefe arches are firft turned with bricks, 
 and the ftone fet thereon with the cement, a method diametrically oppofite to 
 what has been obferved of St. Botolph's Priory, where the arches are turned 
 with ftone and faced with brick. 
 
 At the bottom of the firft plate of the Danifli ^Era, Plate 26, (where it was s 
 put for want of room) is a view of the abbey chapel at Coggefhall, in EfTex, Chron. 
 which was built by king Stephen, A. D. 1 141, in the yth year of his reign. 
 This has the pointed arch, and was in its firft ftate far from being an inelegant 
 building, though very plain and void of ornament, which was afterwards crowd- 
 ed in fuch fuperfluous exceffes on the buildings of gothic ftructure. The wall is 
 compofed of unhewn flints, pieces of brick and tile fheards, over which the cement 
 was neatly plaiftered both withinfide and without, and feems in all refpects to 
 have anfwered the purpofe of a ftone facing. The four corners (on the outfide 
 of the building) were ornamented with bricks, many of which are evidently 
 Roman. All the arches of the windows and the two fupports down the middle 
 of the large window, are compofed of bricks, having the ornament necefTary 
 for the purpofe handfomely cut out upon them." This ruin is at prefent full as 
 perfect as the drawing, but it is much to be feared that it will not long remain See Camden 
 fo, for being now turned into a barn, it will moft likely foon be demolifhed. ^ E ^>' s & 
 Near this place without doubt muft have been a Roman camp or ftation, as well Funeral S 
 from the vaft number of Roman bricks that are here feen, as from the accounts Monuments 
 of hiftorians concerning fuch antiquities as have been found near this place. P a S e 168, & 
 It has been by fome fuppofed to be the ad anfa?n of the antient Romans, but l^Jork^ 
 this is entirely left to the judgment of the curious. 
 
104 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, &c. 
 
 Of the Domeftic Buildings of the Normans. 
 
 We are quite as much at a lofs for the form and materials of the domeftic 
 habitations of the Normans, as we were in the Saxon -/Era, about thole of the 
 Saxons. We have feen that the religious buildings (of the Normans) were 
 moft elegant: (according to the tafte of that time) the palaces, or rather caftles 
 of the great lords, were fplendid and magnificent ; no cofl feems to have been 
 fpared in the decorations. But yet, their meaner ftruclures were much difre- 
 garded, poorly built, and but ill covered in : even the mother city of the king- 
 Stow's Sur ^ om ' Londoriy (fays Stow) was in the year 1 189 all built of timber, and covered 
 ve ° WS ur "over with thatch of reeds and itraw. Such miserable buildings (efpecially in ib 
 great a city) rauft of courfe have been very liable to be deftroyed by fire, and 
 unprovided as they then were with proper engines, &c. for the ready extin- 
 guishing the fame, the devaftation muff, in fuch cafes have been dreadful and 
 alarming. Indeed we often read of difmal accidents happening, and of whole 
 cities perifhing in flames, which when the manner of building is confidered, 
 will by no means be wondered at. 
 
 It was thought meet therefore (fays Stow) in the firft year of the reign of 
 Stow's Sur ^^ c ^ ar ^ the fi r ft> (Henry Fitzalwine being then mayor of London) to eftablifh 
 veyofLond. a ^ aw > enforcing all who from that time forward might build houfes in that city, 
 page 69. to conftrucT: them of flone to a certain height; and cover them with flates, or 
 baked tiles, by this means fecuring themfelves in much greater meafure from a 
 univerfal conflagration. I am inclined to think, that th*rfe houfes of the better 
 fort of people in other parts of the kingdom, were either built with walls of 
 rubble ftone and cement, or with flrong timbers, which fays Hollingfhead, 
 was the antient cuftom : but thofe of the poorer fort, could be nothing elfe at 
 beft than wooden frames faced with reeds, or laths rudely plaiftered over for 
 the walls, and thatched with ftraw or reeds. 
 
 But a farther inconvenience attending thefe buildings was the want of proper 
 fire places, and chimnies for the conveyance of the fmoak. It was a long time be- 
 fore the ufe of chimnies became general, for according to Hollingfhead, (who 
 Hollin (hed ^ ve ^ m tne reign of queen Elizabeth) the building and increafing the number of 
 Defcrip. of chimnies was done within the memory of men then living. " There are (fays 
 Brit. p. 85. he) olde men yet dwelling in the village where I remayne, which have noted a 
 thing marveyloufly altered in Englande, within their found remembraunce, 
 which is, the multitude of chimnies lately erected, whereas in their younge 
 dayes there were not above twoo or three, if fo many, in mofr uplandim townes 
 of the realme, (the religious houfes and mannour places of their lordes always 
 excepted, and paradventure fome greate perfonages) but each one made his 
 fire agadnft. a reredoJJ'e y in the hall were he dined and dreffed his meate, &c." 
 The moil common way antiently was to have a large hearth in the middle of 
 the room, on which was made the fire, the fmoak afcended and paffed through 
 a large hole at the top of the building : the unwholefomenefs and inconvenience 
 of fuch fires may well be conceived, we need not therefore wonder in the leaf]; 
 that Hollingftiead mould efteem the making and increafing the number of cliim^- 
 nies an advantageous and noble improvement. 
 
 SOME 
 
C *°5 ) 
 
 Some Account of the Principal Manuscripts 
 From which the Materials for the Plates in this Volume are collected, 
 
 TH E moft antient MS. that I have met with relative to my defign, feems to 
 be Caedman's Paraphrafe of the Book of Genefis, which is in the Bodleian 
 Library at Oxford. This MS. was printed and published (without the cuts) by 
 Fr. Junius, Amft. 1655, 4°- Though it has been by fome difputed, whether this 
 MS, was really the work of Caedman, yet it is generally allowed to be as antient 
 as the time of that author, viz. during the eighth century. This MS. is marked 
 Junius, No. 1 1. 
 
 The next is a moft beautiful MS. in Saxon, preferved in the Cotton Library, 
 containing a vaft variety of valuable delineations : the fubjecl part of the facred 
 hiftory, namely, the whole book of Genefis, with the acts of Mofes and Jofhua - 3 
 with fhort annotations, part in Latin, and- part in Saxon, by the venerable Bede 
 and others. In the preface to the Cotton Catalogue we are told, that by fome 
 it was fuppofed to have been the tranflation of the facred text by iElfricus, (then 
 abbot of Malmfbury) ar the command of Ethelward, an illuftrious Ealbenman. 
 Others have thought that this MS. -(in preference to that at Oxford) was the real 
 work of Caedman, by reafon that it contains fuchr parts exactly of the iaered 
 hiftory as is afcribed by Bede to that antient author ; " tota Genefis hiftoria, de 
 egreftu Ifrael de iEgypto, & ingreflu in terram repromiffionis," &c. Bede Ecc. 
 Hift. lib. iv. cap. 24. But whether this is the real work of Casdman, or not, the 
 MS. is without doubt very antient, and about that date. This MS. is marked 
 Claudius, B iv* 
 
 The next is another MS. in the Cotton Library, which is a Poem on the Vir- 
 tues and Vices, by Aurelius Prudentius, illuftrated with delineations of the prin- 
 cipal fubjects, in Latin, with Saxon annotations and explanations. This MS. is 
 marked Cleopatra C. 8. In the library of Bennet College, Cambridge, is an- 
 other tranfcript of this MS. fimilar to this, in Latin, and iaxon annotations ; the 
 delineations alfo are much the fame, only fomewhat lirger : this is marked F. r. 
 
 Both the above MSS. may be dated about the latter end of of the 9th century. 
 
 Tiberius, B v. in the Cotton Library, is a curious old Saxon calendar, con- 
 taining delineations of the employment for the 12 months; with various other 
 matters. This is part in Latin, and part in Saxon,, written (as I take it) about 
 the commencement of the 1 ith century. 
 
 About the fame age I fuppofe the MS. Tiberius C. 6. to be, which is the 
 pfalter, with other holy matters; containing alfo delineations of all the mufical 
 inllruments then in ufe. This book is both in Latin and Saxon. 
 
 Many old hymns, with the note mu fie, as ufed in the days of the Saxons, are 
 to be feen in Caligula, A 14, written in the 11th century. For a full account of 
 the three laft MbS. fee the Cotton Catalogue. 
 
 At Oxford is a curious MS. the frontifpiece of which was written and deline^- 
 ated by the hand of Dunftan, archbifhop of Canterbury, as may appear from the 
 writing at the top, (in a hand fomewhat more modern ) which is " PiBura et 
 fcriptura hujas pagine fubtus vifa, eft de propria manu Jci Dunjlani." See plate 1 8. 
 This MS. muft have been in the 10th century 
 
ACCOUNT OF THE MSS. &c. 
 
 In the Cotton Library is a MS. in the Anglo Danifh language, (marked Cali- 
 gula A. 7.) faid formerly to have belonged to king Cnute ; but however, it is 
 univerfally allowed to be as ancient as the time of Cnute, whether it really was 
 his book or not. It contains the four gofpels, and has fix high finimed illumi- 
 nations relative to the facred text. Mr. Humphry Wanley, in his catalogue of 
 Saxon MSS. &c. fuppofes, that the illuminations prefixed to this book did not 
 originally belong to it, but were added by Sir Robert Cotton, when he had the book 
 new bound. But there is no juft reafon for this fuppofition, becaufe in the order 
 of Sir Robert Cotton to the binder, concerning the rebinding of the MS. (which 
 is yet remaining on a fpare leaf) there is no mention made of the illuminations, 
 or where they mould be bound, which doubtlefs there would have been had they 
 been feparate from the book. Mr. Wanley (who places thefe illuminations about 
 the reign of Stephen) thought perhaps that they were too well done, and too 
 highly finifhed for fo early an sera. But if we examine the illumination of Edgar, 
 (copied in the Regal and Ecclefiaftical Antiquities of England, which beyond a 
 doubt is of the date affixed to the MS. viz. 966) we (hall find it fuperior every 
 way, both in defign and finifhing, to thofe in the prefent MS. though of fo much 
 earlier a date. And befides, in thefe figures we may trace the eafy tranfition of 
 the habits of the Saxons, but a wide difference from all of the Norman sera, (fee 
 plate 26 & 27.) 
 
 Another is a valuable Saxon MS. Regifter of Hide Abbey, written in the time 
 of king Cnute, having his portrait, together with that of his queen Alfgyfe, pre- 
 fixed to it, (fee plate 28.) This antique curiofity is in the pofTeflion of Thomas 
 Aftle, Efq; to whofe kindnefs I am indebted for the ufe of it. 
 
 I found a curious old pfalter (in the library of Trinity College, at Cambridge) 
 which was written and illuminated by Eadwine, a monk, about the time of king 
 Stephen. At the end the monk has added his own portrait, feated at his defk 
 writing. This portrait was engraved by the Antiquarian Society, and with it 
 printed a full account both of the author and the MS. to which I refer the reader. 
 
 The other principal MSS. are three tranfcripts of thai celebrated hiftorian 
 Matthew Paris. 
 
 The firft is in the Royal Library, marked 14, C vii. In the beginning is his 
 own portrait, drawn by himfelf, (fee No. 1. plate 35.) and the whole book 
 (which is his Hiftory of England) written with his own hand, (fee the catalogue 
 to the Royal Library.) In the margin are many delineations, reprefenting differ- 
 ent pafTages in the hiftory, drawn by .himfelf. 
 
 The next is the Lives of the Two Offas, of the 31 Abbots of St. Alban's, &c. 
 which MS. is in the Cotton Library, marked Nero, D. 1. This book one may 
 naturally conclude was written by himfelf, not only from its being his prefent 
 book to the abbey, but from the exact fimilitude that the hand bears with that 
 abovementioned. The lives of the Offas are illuftrated with drawings at the top 
 of each leaf, and which, without doubt, were done (with great pains and cir- 
 cumfpection) hy himfelf, for they both in the flile and attitudes of the figures cor- 
 refpond exactly with thofe in the MS. above defcribed. 
 
 The third is his Hiftory, yet preferved in Bennet College library at Cam- 
 bridge, illuftrated with marginal drawings, like that firft defcribed. The hand 
 of this MS. together with every other evidence, plainly teftify its being of a date 
 as early as the time of the author,, if not alfo written by himfelf. This MS. is 
 marked C, v. xvi. 
 
 There 
 
ACCOUNT OF THE MSS. &c. 
 
 107 
 
 There are many other MSS. from which I have diligently collected a vail 
 number of mifcellaneous materials, the enumerating of them here would be en- 
 tirely ufelefs, efpecially as feveral of them are marked in the defcription of the 
 plates. I have therefore contented myfelf with this fhort defcription of thefe 
 tew of the chief. For further fatisfa&ion I refer the reader to the feveral cata- 
 logues of the above libraries, where he will find them much fuller defcribed, 
 with their contents, &c. 
 
 1PIGURE i, is cattle Chun in Cornwall, fee page 25 ; fig. 2, the plan of a Ro- PI. I. 
 " man camp at Wallbury in ElTex, p. 14 ; 3, a Saxon houfe, p. 37 ; 4, a caftle. 
 Thefe two laft are from a Saxon MS. in the Cotton Library, marked Cleopatra, 
 G. viii. 
 
 No. 1, parts of Colchefter caftle, page 26 ; 2, Braintree abbey chapel, page PI. If, 
 35 ; 3 and 4, reprefent the plan and perfpective view of the earth works of a 
 Saxon caftle at Maldon in ElTex, p. 24 ; 5 and 6, are the fame of a caftle built 
 by Edward the Elder, at Witham, p. 25. 
 
 The plan and perfpective views of Colchefter caftle in EfTex, p. 26. PI. Iff. 
 
 Fig. 1, a horfe foldier ; 2, a fingle comb-.t ; or kemp-Jight % p. 32 ; 3, a foot fol- PI. IV. 
 dier ; 4, a principal officer, p. 30; 5, a king attended by his armour-bearer, p.30; 
 6, a foldier fighting with an axe againft an armed fpearman ; 7, fpearmen in ar- 
 mour, p. 30. Figures 1, 2, 3, 6 and 7, are from Cleopatra, C. viii ; fig. 4 is 
 from Tiberius, B. v. and fig. 5, is from Claudius, B. iv. all MS. in the Cotton 
 Library ; fee the account of the MSS. 
 
 Fig. r, a battle : 2 and 3, are Saxon tents, p. 3 1 ; 4, the trumpeters with their PJ y_ 
 long horns or trumpets, p. 32 ; 5, a foldier with a horn; 6, a kind of war chariot, 
 p. 31. i, 2, 3 and 5, are from Claud. B. iv. 4 and 6 from Cleop. B. viii. 
 
 The building of the tower of Babel, fee p. 37 ; from Claud. B* iv. PI. VI. 
 
 Fig. 1, a wine prefs, page 44 ; 2, Pharoah holding a court on his birth day, p. pj, vil. 
 37 ; 3, a blackfmith j 4, a gardener ; 5, a Saxon prieft. This laft is from Tiberi- 
 us, C. vi.- the other 4 from Claudius, B. iv. 
 
 Fig. 1,. Abraham covenanting with Abimelech, fee p. 37 ; 2, a king on horfe- PI. VIIL 
 back, with his retinue, p. 39 ; j^Jofeph introducing his father Jacob to Pharoah, 
 p 38 ; 4,3other figures on horfeback. Fig. 4 is from .Cleop. C. viii. the reft 
 from Claudius, B. iv.. 
 
 Fig. 1, a ihip, fee p. 42 ; 2, a Saxon chariot, p. 45 ; 3, a cart. Fig. 1 is from Pi. IX. 
 Tib. B. v. the other 2 from Claud. B. iv. 
 
 Contains 4 of the 12 months, namely, January, February, March, and April 5 PI. X. 
 fee p. 43. 
 
 Contains other 4, May, June, July, Auguft, ibid, et 44. PI- XI. 
 
 Contains the laft 4, September, October, November, December, ibid. PI. XII. 
 
 Thefe months are from Tiber. B. v. a MS. Saxon calendar. 
 
 Fig. 1, a marriage, p. 77; 2, a bed, p. 45; 3, a child-birth, p. 77; 4, a woman Pi. XIII. 
 winding worfted from a bobbin ; 5, a figure which I have thought worth a place 
 here on account of its fuperiority in point of proportion and elegance to mod of 
 the Saxon delineation ; 6, a carpenter; 7, this figure has a collar round his neck, 
 which bears- the evident marks of the antient Saxon cuftom, viz. putting a collar 
 
 The Defciiption of the Plates. 
 
 of 
 
io3 DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 
 
 of iron round the necks of thofe who were accounted bondfmen ; the youth alfo 
 wore a ring of iron in token of bondage, till by their bravery they had it taken off 
 with honour, fee page 18. This figure reprefents Jofeph, after he was fold by 
 
 his brethren to the Ifhmaelites, and made a bondfman, in token of which he 
 
 wears the ring of iron. Fig. 8 is remarkable on account of his buftdnsor boots. 
 
 Fig. i is from Tiber. B. v. 2, 3, 4, 6 and 7, from Claud. B. iv. 5 and 8, from 
 
 Cleopatra, C. 8. 
 
 PI. XIV. Fig 1, a burial, p. 66 ; 2, mourning over the dead body, ibid. 3, the burial of 
 Jofeph, ibid. 4, the burial of Abraham ; 5, the prieft orperfon who attended and 
 perfumed the corps as it was laid into the ground; 6 5 a figure in an uncommon 
 habit. 1, 2, 3 and 4, are from Claud. B. iv. 5, from the Caedman in the Bod- 
 leian Library, (Junius xi.) 6, from Cleop. C. viii. 
 
 PI. XV. Fig. 1, is the interview between Judah and Tamar, Genefis, chap. 38 ; and fig. 
 
 2, is the fequel of the interview, fee page 47 ; 3, two priefts carrying the ark ; 
 4, figures offering at an altar ; 5, the Saxon pillory, p. 40 ; 6, the gallows, p. 41 ; 
 7 and 8, are the tunicans, or ciofe coats of the Saxons, p. 46. Fig. 4, is from 
 Cleop. C. viii. the reft from Claudius, B iv. 
 
 P). XVI. F J 'g' ! > a Saxon feaft, p. 48 ; fig. 2, ditto ; fig. 3, Lot entertaining the two an- 
 gels, fee page 49 ; 4 and 5, are figures holding different drinking veffels, &c. 
 1 is from Tiber. C. viii. the reft from Claudius, B. iv. 
 
 PI. XVII. Fig. 1, a huntfman ; 2, men killing and drefiing their meat, p. 49 ; 3, a harper, 
 p. 50 ; 4, a figure dancing to mufic, p. 50 ; 5, a man with a fling cafting a ftone ; 
 6, a horfe with bridle, faddle, and other trappings ; 7, a woman riding fideways 
 on horfeback, p. 48. Fig. 4, is from Cleop. C. 8. the reft from Claud. B. iv. 
 
 Pi. XVIII. The figure of St. Dunftan, kneeling before our Saviour, p. 71. 
 
 PI. XJX. A mufical concert, king David litt ng in the middle, playing on his harp. 
 
 Since the account of this plate (page 50) was printed, I have met with a curious 
 circumftance in the antient Edda, which explains the employment of the figure 
 (on the top of the plate on the left hand) with the balls and knives, the playing 
 with which was a gallant amufement among the northern nations ; for, fays the 
 Edda, " Gylff coming to Afgord, at the entance of a ftately palace, (built by 
 the Gods) he faw a man playing with little lwords, for daggers) which he 
 amufed himfelf with, toffing them into the air, and catching them as they fell, 
 one after another/' in which manner the prefent figure is evidently employed. 
 This might, as I before obferved, (page 50) in lbme meafure anfwer to the pre- 
 fent method of beating of time to the mufic. This plate is taken from Tiber. 
 C. vi. 
 
 PI. XX. Mufical inftruments : in the MS. they are thus defcribed — No. 1. Nabulum 
 eft quod grece diciUjsfalterium quod apfalendo dicitur ad fimilitudinem del dae, 
 id eft in modum del dae littere ad fimilitudinem cythare. No. 2. Pfalterium 
 eft, quafi in modum clypei quadrati, 6c corde eius contrarie funt abino maltum. 
 
 3. Hoc eft tympanum. 3*. Hoc eft forma tympanitym panum pellis pillacis 
 eft inflata abens calamos 11 os. in labiis& unum in collo. No. 4. Hoc eft forma 
 cythare, quis prius fuit Cytharifta id eft toba filius ftelle & iemres & pfalterium 
 abeis ortum diftat in modulo. 5. In tintin nabulum ferro et ercime?ito facit, 
 q d - per fonat per linguam ferream in medio fuo quod concitat, &c. cutit manu 
 tenentis & fu fcitat adorationem hec eft forma. 6. Sabuca et muficis genus in- 
 forme in libro damelis dr. nefcio quandodr. cinares ut quidem putant acetabulum 
 q d - per cufa in modulas concitatur quidam putant fiftulu eft T colamus fcapuli 
 
 teramenti 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 109 
 
 teramenti T de cortice. 7. H;cc manus mufica canticum eft duo calamifunt 
 de auricalccr'in ore fonantur omncm canticum quod in ore cantatur muficum efl: 
 haec forma tubae tertic fiftule in capite, Augufto 1111 ucaededuftae. 9. Pennola 
 pennoil nuncupatur base forma. 
 
 Corus eft pellis fimplex, cum duabus cicutis ; this is wrote under No. 1 and 2. P! XXI. 
 No. 3. Hie eft forma pfalterii. No. 4. Duo bunibula vel bunibala femper ae- 
 qualia; this ii alfo written under No. 5. No. 6. Haec eft forma fiftuhe hoc 
 bumbulum cum fiftulo aeres hoc xv bumbula vel bunibula jcerea — cum fiftulis 
 in medio pofitis fed tria tamen bumbula in uno quo que latere. 7. Hzec eft 
 forma eius de quatuor chordas habeth de ligno modulatus chorus eft. 8. The 
 form of an antient lyre. All thefe mufical inftruments (contained in thefe two 
 laft plates) are from Tiber, C. vi. the laft No. S excepted, which is from 
 Tiber, B. V. 
 
 Fig. 1 , is a Saxon ftandard ; 2 and 3, are fwords ; 4, a kind of fling, born by the pi. XXII. 
 horfemen ; 5 and 6, as well as 22, are ftaffs of office j 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 and 11, are 
 different forts of fpears ; 1 2 and 1 3, knives, or rather daggers ; 14, the bipennis ; 
 15 and 16, other Saxon axes ; 17, 18, 19, 20 and 21, are different fcepters ; 23, 
 24 >A the bow, arrow, and quiver ; 7f%, 26, 2;, fhields ; that marked 26, feems 
 only to have been borne by thofe who fought with the bipennis ; 28, the Saxon 
 horn ; 29 and 30, the tuba? or trumpets, fee p. 32. 14, 22, 29 and 30, arefrom 
 the Aurelius Prudentius, at Bennet College, Cambridge, marked F. 1. the reft 
 from the MSS. above quoted. > 
 
 From 1 to 8 are different Saxon crowns ; 9, 10 and 1 1, are diadems or hoops pj XXIU. 
 of gold, enriched with jewels worn by the kings and noblemen ; the letter A is 
 a helmet; B and D are folaiers caps ; E the nobleman's helmet ; the Ealbenmanp 
 cap is in the fame fhape, but without the jewels and ornaments, fee plate 8, 
 fig. 2, and page 39. E, a different head drefs of a perfon of diftinction. F, G, 
 H, and I, are different flioes. K, L, M, N, O, and P, feats and thrones. R, 
 and S, a Saxon fibula, page 46. One or two of the crowns are from coins of 
 the Saxons, the reft from tbe MSS. above quoted. 
 
 From 1 to 20, are different cups and veffels. A, a pair of fhears. B, long PI. XXIV. 
 pincers or tongs. C, a knife ufed in writing. D, a ftile or pen. E, another 
 pen, with the ink ftand. F, F, comm«n pincers. G, a carpenters axe. H, I, 
 K, and L, two chiffels, and 2 hammers. M, a pair of fcales. N, and O, the 
 cenfors in w hich the priefts put the perfume, in performing the office of mafs, &c. 
 Thefe are all from the foregoing MSS. 
 
 The fhrine of St. Ethelbert : it was found in the poffeffion of the Bodenhams, PJ. XXV. 
 an antient family near Hereford, and is now in the poffeffion of Dr. Ruffel, one 
 of the canons of the cathedral church of Hereford, fee page ^^77.The drawing of 
 this valuable curiofity, was kindly communicated to me by Thomas AfHe, Efq. 
 
 Fig. 1, Danifh foldiers, 2, the Virgin Mary, fee p. 86; at the bottom is the PI - XXVI. 
 abbey chapel of Coggefhall in Effex, fee p. 103: and a Saxon plough from the 
 Oxford Caedman, page 74. all the figures are from a MS. in the Cotton library, 
 marked Caligula, A vii. 
 
 Fig. 1, Danifh fhepherds, 2, the habits of the Danifh kings, p. 86, 3 the Vir- PI XXVII. 
 gin Mary with the infant Jefus on a bed, p. 86, 4 the habit of two priefts; the 
 laft two figures are from Mr. Aftle's Regifter of Hide abbey, ^fee the account of 
 the MS.) the reft from the MS. laft quoted. 
 
 The portraits of king Cnute and Alfgyfe his queen, from the above mention- pi ate 
 ed MS. in the poffeffion of Tho. AMe, Efq. No. XXVIII. 
 
no DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 
 
 Fl. XXIX. No. r, the perfpeclive view of Hedingham cattle, p. 89. 2, the building on 
 the keep, 3, the plan of the whole, 4, Trematon caftle, fee p. yAujj. yj. 
 
 PI. XXX. Ground plot of Rayleigh caftle, fee p. 93. Perfpedfive of ditto. 3, St. Botolph's 
 Priory, fee p. 102, 4, St. John's abbey gate, p. 103. 
 
 PI. XXXI. No. 1, a Norman archer, 2, a fpearman, 3, a footman in mail, 4, a fpcar- 
 man, 5, a flinger, 6 and 7, crofs bow-men, 8, horfe foldiers, fee p. 96 and 97,, 
 9, a fea- fight, 10, a man poliming his fword, 1 1, a man grinding his fwordto an 
 edge on a grindftone. No. 2 and 3, are from Claud. D ii, 1, 5, 6, 7, and 9, from 
 a tranfcript of Mat. Paris, in Bennet college library, mark'd C. v. xvi. 4 and 8, 
 from Nero D i, another tranfcript of M. Paris in the Cotton library, 10 & 1 r, 
 are from the Pfalter of Eadwine in Trinity college Cambridge, marked R. 17, 1. 
 
 PI. XXXII. Fig. J, the attacking a caftle by fea, 2, a royal fhip, 3, a fliip of war armed 
 with an iron prow, 4 and 8, are ferry boats, 5, a man fowing of corn, 6, reap- 
 ing, 7, ploughing, 10, a mower whetting his fey th, 9, a blackfmith's forge, 
 r 1, attacking a caftle by land, 1, 2, 3, 8 and 11, are from, the Cambridge Mat. 
 Paris, 4. 5, 6, 7, 9 and 10, from the Pfalter of Eadwine.. 
 XXXHI a woman crowm ng another, who holds a fcepter, 2, a prieft adminifter- 
 
 ing the facrament to a dying king, 3, a man thrashing,. 4, entombing a bifhop, 
 
 5, a furgeon performing the operation of cutting the " Fungus de nare" 6, a 
 monk, 7, a man playing the violin, 8, Samuel anointing Saul, 9, a man in the 
 ftocks, 10, a hammer ufed in beating hemp, 1 1, a corps wraped up for burial, 
 xii, an organ. No. 1, is from Titus D 1, MS. in the Cotton library.. 2, 3, 4, 
 
 6, and 10, from a tranfcript of Mat. Paris in the royal library,„marked 14, C. vii.. 
 5 is in a MS. on furgery, written about Stephen's time, in the Harleian library, 
 marked 1, 5, 8, 5. 7 from a MS. in the Bodleian library, Oxford, about the 
 time of Henry the lid. 8, 9, 11 and 12 from the Pfalter of Eadwine. 
 
 yvvh/ A portrait of John de Walingford, prefixed to his Chronicle of England, which 
 MS. is of fo early a date, as probably to be his own hand writing. He died, 
 A. D. 1 2 1 3 . The MS. that this portrait is taken from is in the Cotton library, 
 marked Julius, D. vii. 
 
 PI. XXXV. Contains two portraits of that famous hiftorian Mat. Paris : the top is fup- 
 pofed to be drawn by his own hand : the bottom one by the Monk who 
 continued his hiftory; it reprefents Paris as he lay dying, which was An. 1259. 
 The MS. that this is taken from is in the royal library, marked 14, C. vii. fee 
 the defcription of the MS. 
 
 All the following 33 plates, except fome few additions to plate. 62, areTrom 
 the tranfcript of Mat. Paris, in the Cotton library, marked Nero D. 1, fuppofed 
 to be drawn by his own hand ; they contain the lives of Ofta the Iff. and lid. 
 Plate jsj 0# lf Warmund king of the Eaft Angles had a fon named Ofta, who was 
 XXXV . | 3Qrn | 30t j 1 k]j nt j an( j dumb. As the king himfelf was grown old (not having 
 any other child to inherit his crown) an ambitious lord named Riganus, aided by 
 his accomplice Mitunno, began to afpire to the throne. 
 
 No. 2, Offa by fervent prayer being miraculoufly reftored to his fight and 
 fpeech, thefe two ambitious men thus difappointed in their fanguine hopes raifed 
 an open rebellion. 
 
 yyxvit $9* l > the good old king, tranfported with joy at his fon's miraculous recovery, 
 ' caufes him to be habited and honoured with the enfigns of knighthood. 
 
 No. 2, OfFa fets out at the head of his father's army, and in a fet battle over- 
 p late comes the rebels. 
 XXXVIII, He kills the two fons of Riganus and obtains a compleat victory. No. 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. m 
 
 No. i, He humanely permits the friends and relations of the deceafed, unmoleft- j^^fx 
 •ed to mourn over them, and with his army affifts in their honourable interment. 
 
 No. 2, The joyful father with tears and blefllngs receives his victorious fon. 
 Then feating him before him, caufes the nobles to fwear allegiance to him. 
 
 Offa's father prefents him with his treafure, then dying was buried atGlocefter. Plate XL. 
 
 King Offa having loft his way in a wood, found a beautiful damfel (who proved PI. XLI. 
 to be daughter to one of the petty kings of Yorkshire) cruelly expofed by her 
 barbarous and luftful father, to periih there for want, becaufe me virtuoufly 
 i withftood his inceftuous defires. The king comforted her, and caufed her to be 
 treated with all becoming refpect. 
 
 He after fome deliberation marries the virgin. The king of Northumberland PI. XLII. 
 implores his aid againft the Scots. 
 
 Offa goes to afTift the king of Northumberland and overcomes the Scotifh army. PI. XLIII. 
 
 No. i, Offa lends a letter of instruction from Scotland to his chiefs at home. PI. XL1V. 
 The meffenger is flopped by the very king whofe daughter Offa had married, he 
 burning with anger that his purpofes had been defeated, and himfelf expofed, 
 meditated a fevere revenge: caufing the mefTenger therefore to be fairly intreafed 
 he difguifed him with liquor, then getting the true letter from him, he inclofed 
 in the fame cover a forged one, ftrictly commanding thofe to whom it was direct- 
 ed, to feize the queen and her children, and carry them into an unfrequented 
 wood, and there kill the children before her face, and leave her to die of grief 
 and hunger; which meffage is with grief received by the nobles. 
 
 No. 2, Reprefents this difmal fcene put in execution, where the lamentable 
 cries of the unhappy mother, brings a pious hermit to her relief, who by his 
 fervent prayers reftores the children to life, and fuccours the diftrefTed mother. 
 Victorious Offa meanwhile returns into his kingdom. 
 
 His courtiers tell him the diftrefFing news. He fets out in fearch of his P1 - XLV. 
 queen and meets with the holy hermit. 
 
 No. 2, And is introduced to his wife and children. He dies and is buried. 
 
 The Life of the fecond Offa, who refembled the firft. 
 
 No. i, Offa the fecond born deaf and blind. He was the fon of TainfredPl. XLVI. 
 (who was of the blood royal) by his confort Marcella. Offa being prefented by 
 his parents in the Temple of God, by fervent prayer mjraeuloufly attained to his 
 light and hearing. 
 
 No. 2, He is knighted and blelfed by his father. 
 
 He overcomes Bearmred the ufurping king of Mercia. PI. XLVII. 
 
 He is crowned king of the Mercians. About this time Drida (or Quen- p ]ate 
 drida) a virgin, of near relation to Charles king of France, being falfely accufed XLVIII, 
 of a great crime, was put on board of a boat without oars, rudder, or tackle, 
 and was driven by accident on the Englifh more. 
 
 No. i, She is prefented to the king, whom /lie informs of her innocence. Hepi, XLIX. 
 marries her. 
 
 No. 2, The neighbouring kings, jealous of Offa's growing greatnefs, confult 
 together, and fend a letter to Charles the Ifl king of France. He receives it and 
 writes to Offa his commands, not to moleft the neighbouring powers. 
 
 Offa entirely disregarding the menaces of Charles, fights with and overcomes PI. L. 
 the king of the Eaft Angles. 
 
 Charles the Iff of France being dead, is fucceeded by his brother Charles the lid. PI. LI. 
 Him the neighbouring kings follicit by meffage with great earneftnefs. fie alfo 
 writes to Offa, who without regarding it purfues his victories. Offa 
 
ii2 DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 
 
 PI. LIT. Offa overcomes the king of Kentv 
 
 PI. LIU. He overcomes the joint forces of the kings of Northumberland of the Soutk 
 
 and Weft Saxons, &c. who fly to Wales for protection. 
 PI. LIV. Offa fends a letter to the king of Wales, forbiding him to receive, or aid the 
 
 fugitive kings : but the Welch king joining with the fugitives, Offa proceeds into 
 
 Wales, and overcomes the whole or their forces. 
 
 No. 2, The kings of Northumberland and the South Saxons, with the king 
 
 of Wales, league themfelves together againft Offa. To protract the time, they 
 
 lend a fubmiflive meffage to Offa with prefents, and obtain a truce. 
 PI. LV. While the truce yet continued, the leagued kings treacherouily. attack the 
 
 camp of Offa. 
 
 Pi. LVI. Offa revenges their perfidy by a total defeat of their joint forces. 
 
 Ph LVlh No. i , He caufes the dead to be decently interred, and mafs to be celebrated 
 
 for the good of their departed fouls. 
 
 No. 2, He writes to Charles of France excufing himfelf. . Charles returns a 
 
 congratulatory epiftle. 
 
 Pi. LV.III. No. i, And fends Offa a book containing the decrees of the fecond council of 
 Nice. Offa grants fafe conduct to the fubjects of Charles. 
 
 No. 2, He fends a meffage to the Pope, for leave to transfer the archbimoprick 
 of Canterbury to Lichfield, (in his own. dominions) Eadulphus is made the ftrft 
 archbifhop. 
 
 PI. LVIX. He overcomes the Danes, who had landed and began toravage the fea coafts. . 
 PI. LX. He marries his eldell daughter to Brithricus, king of the Weft Saxons. 
 
 His fecond to Ethelred* king of Northumberland. And betroths his third ; 
 
 daughter to Ethelbert, king of the Eaft Angles. 
 PI. LXI. Quendrida wife to Offa, wickedly purfuades him to murder Ethelbert, and 
 
 feize on his kingdom, which murder at her command was done. 
 PI. LXII. No. i, The head of this unfortunate- prince by chance falling down as his 
 
 body was carried away-, was found by a blind man that ftumbled againft it, who 
 
 accidentaly putting fome of the blood upon his eyes, recovered his light. A well 
 
 alio fprang up where the head fell. This is that Ethelbert whofe mrine is given i 
 
 in plate 2 lee page 78. 
 
 N0.2, The archbilhop of Lichfield obtains leave, and decently inters the dead 
 
 body. Offa honours his fon with knighthood, and caufed him to be crowned king. 
 Pi. LXIH. No. 1, An Angel, in a dream, reveals to Offa where the bones of St. Alban 
 
 were repofited. 
 
 No. 2, The finding the bones of that faint in a wooden cheft. 
 PI. LXI V. No. 1, The procellion of St. Alban's fhxine, and .miraculous recovery of two 
 lame men. 
 
 No. 2, Offa croffes the fea to Rome. 
 PI. LXV. No. i, Does Homage to the Pope. 
 
 No. 2, Being returned home he builds. the abbey of St. Albans. 
 PI. LXV1. No. 1, Willegoda is by Offa conftituted firft abbot. The king and Willegoda 
 praying together at the high altar. 
 No. 2, The burial of Offa. 
 Pl.LXVII. Offa feated on a throne between two monks, (who are kneeling) treading on a 
 lion; an emblem of his vaft power and victories ; holding in his right hand.the 
 abbey of St. Albans, and in his left a magnificent fcepter. 
 
 END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
tl.tr 
 
IV 
 
 I 
 
VI 
 
XV 
 
xVnr 
 
XX 
 
XXII 
 
XXIV 
 
XXV 
 
XXSA 
 
xxvo 
 
XXV2Z7 
 
XXIX 
 
.XXX 
 
XXXI 
 
xxxu 
 
XXXft/ 
 
xxxv 
 
XXXVTD 
 
xu 
 
XU1 
 
XLVffl 
 
/)ojVba An^el-cynnan: 
 
 O R 
 
 A COMPLEAT VIEW 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Manners, Cuftoms, Arms, Habits, &c. 
 
 OF THE 
 
 INHABITANTS of ENGLAND, 
 
 from the ARRIVAL of the SAXONS, 
 till the REIGN of HENRY the EIGHTH, 
 
 WITH 
 
 A SHORT ACCOUNT of the BRITONS, 
 during the Government of the Romans. 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 By JOSEPH STRUT T, 
 
 Author of the Regal and Ecclesiastical' Antiquities of England. 
 VOL. II. 
 
 This deepe defire hath laftly moved me 
 On Pilgrimage Times traces to enfue, 
 The relickes of his ruines for to fee ; 
 And for the love of my deere Nation due, 
 The things concerning them which I did view, 
 Tending to Englifh honour earft concealed, 
 Here in my Travels-Map I have revealed. 
 
 Verstecan's Prefatory Poem to his Rtjiltuutn of Decayed Antiquities, 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Sold by Benjamin White, at Horace's Head, in Fleet-Street, 
 MDCCLXXV, 
 
TO HER GRACE 
 
 MARGARET CAVENDISH, 
 
 DUTCHESS DOWAGER 
 
 O F 
 
 PORTLAND, 
 
 THIS WORK 
 
 WITH HER GRACE'S PERMISSION, 
 IS MOST HUMBLY AND RESPECTFULLY 
 DEDICATED, 
 
 BY HER GRACE'S 
 MOST OBLIGED, 
 AND HUMBLE SERVANT, 
 
 p^c^, JOSEPH STRUT T. 
 
 'Jan. i ft, 1775. 
 
TABLE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Principal Heads contained in the Second Volume. 
 
 NORMAN JE R A. 
 
 PAGE. 
 1 
 
 - 4 
 
 A Short View of the Rife and Progrefs of Architecture 
 Regal Courts and Governments of the Normans 
 
 Laws and Adminiitration of Juftice - 7 
 
 Shipping and Naval Affairs of the Normans - 9 
 Hulbandry, &c. of the Anglo-Normans 
 
 Drefs and Habit of the Anglo-Normans - - *j 
 
 Banquets, &c. of the Anglo-Normans - ~ ] 
 
 Mufical Inftruments, fee. of the Anglo-Normans - 20 
 
 Sports and Paftimes of the Anglo-Normans - - " ', 21 
 Marriages, &c. of the Anglo-Normans 
 
 Form of Baptifm ufed by the Normans - - 2 4 
 
 Arts and Learning of the Anglo-Normans - 2 5 
 
 ENGLISH ^RA. 
 
 Fortifications - - 2 7 
 
 The Method of befieaing Caftles, or fortified Towns - - 23 
 Engines and Warlike IMruments ufed at the Sieges of Caftles and fortmed 
 
 Towns, &c; - " " ~ " ""3* 
 
 Soldiers and Armies of the Englifli - - " "33 
 
 The Manner of Encampment - - 35 
 
 The Arrangement of the Army - - 3° 
 
 Stratagems, &c. whereby the Enemy were annoyed - - -38 
 
 Wherein the Englifli had the Advantage over the Enemy - - 39 
 Warlike Habits, &c. ------ 4* 
 
 The Arms, of the Englifli - " 43 
 
 The chief offenfive Arms of the Englifli - 44 
 
 Religious an,d domeftic Buildings - " 45 
 
 State of Government, &c. - - 47 
 
 Various Royal Procefiions * - - ...49 
 
T ABLE, & ci 
 
 Hi&ory of Coronations _ PAG ^ 
 
 Enligns of Regality - £5 
 
 Of the Nobility and Metho4 of Creation - . J 
 
 Laws and adminiftration of Juflice - . " 68 
 
 Marine Affairs, and Shipping, &c. of the Englifh - I ■ 
 
 Engagements upon the Sea - ., m _ £ 3 
 
 Husbandry, &c. of the Englifh, - . ?5 
 
 Drefs and Habits of the Engliih - _ V 
 
 Domeftic Affairs - _ _ - - 88 
 
 Carriages for Pleafufe - g 
 
 Sports and Paftimes .. „ ' 9 
 
 Tournaments - m - 90 
 
 Theatrical Amufements J* - _ . 91 
 
 Fairs or Wakes - . ~ « _ _ 94 
 
 The commoner Sports - . m '' _ j^/j 
 Childrens Sports 
 
 Mufical Inftruments ~ 
 
 Banquets of the Englifli, - . . - " r 00 
 Burials - 
 
 Funeral Proceflions . . I0 ^ 
 
 Coffins, Tombs, &c, - - „ _ J° 7 
 
 Religion - . _, „ m _ ^ 9 
 
 Arts and Learning, &c. - - _ . -"-114. 
 Account of the principal MSS. from which the materials of the fecond" 
 
 volume are collected - - _ m _ 
 
 Defcription of the plates - - - _ - " 120 
 Index for finding the figures and MSS. in either volume - - -131 
 
 THE 
 
( i ; 
 
 THE 
 
 MANNERS and CUSTOMS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NORMANS 
 
 CONTINUED. 
 
 A fhort View of the Rife and Progrefs of Architecture. 
 
 /~\ N E of the firft conliderations of mankind in the earlier ages, was that of 
 contriving fomewhat by way of habitation, whofe hofpitable roof might 
 fliroud them from the inclemency of the weather. While the ground was yet 
 unfilled, and food unprovided, they contented themfelves with holes and caverns 
 in the friendly earth, or dvrelt in fuch miferable huts as could be with fpeed 
 erected ; but as mankind increafed, and the ground (in proportion to the labour 
 bellowed upon it) became more fruitful and enriched, lefs trouble was found 
 necelTary to be bellowed, and time by degrees grew upon their hands. Their 
 next care then was to make more fuitable habitations for themfelves ; flill 
 changing, ftill improving, till at length they began to conceive ideas of grandeur 
 and elegance; from houies for themfelves, they proceeded to erect lofty temples 
 for their gods, and /lately palaces for their kings and heroes. The architect had 
 then his rules laid down; fymmetry and juit proportion became necelfary. Thus 
 arofe thefeveral orders of architecture, and the laboured ornaments of the con- 
 fequential ftructures. 
 
 So, through a long continued feries of time, one may trace the various 
 nates and vail improvements made in this lingle art throughout each, period, 
 varied according to the different genius of the people, or tafce of the architect. 
 
 But to confine this difconrfe to what relates to our national improvements 
 only, it will not be improper to begin with the earliell accounts, confequently 
 iuch rude and uncouth huts, as the warlike Britons made for -themfelves. Of 
 thefe, and their truly wretched Hate, we have already feen what has been faid 
 by Cnsfar, Diodorus, and other antient authors, therefore there needs no further^*, 
 comment here. We have alio heard from the faithful Tacitus, that little im- 
 provement eitlier was or could be made in their buildings, until the time of 
 Julius Agricola, under whom the diilreffed Britons enjoyed fome fhew of peace, jljj 
 and learned the Roman arts. 
 
 B But 
 
2 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOM'S,. 
 
 But yet even through this unfavourable profpect, mines the more -ancient" 
 fpecimeiis of the genius 2nd ability of the Britons. That ftupendous edifice 
 Stone-Hen; e t is yet a lading monument of their indefatigable labours and inge- 
 nuity, which, though devoid of the elegance that ib forcibly marks out the 
 Greek or Roman workmen, yet (conlidering the abject ftate of the arts amonghV 
 the earlier Britons) its j □ ft proportion, and the magnitude of the ftones where- • 
 with it is competed, render it moft juttly deferving the admiration of mankind* . 
 It alfo further proves, that not their want of genius, but of leifure to cultivate the - 
 arts, was the only obftructio.fi to their further pcogrefs. 
 
 During the government of the Romans, indeed, the architecture became much 
 more improved, and their defigns more elegant. The Britons, in proportion as 
 the Roman yoke became more tolerable and eafy, began gradually to adopt the 
 manners ana caftoms of that people, affecting to learn even their manner of - 
 fpeech,.and modes of habit. 
 
 From thefe then remaining ftructures of the Romans, and of the Britons in : 
 fee the Ac- imitation of the Romans, was borrowed the tafte and fafhion of the more ele- 
 p "'"s ^^' gant edifices of the Saxons. The arches of the Saxon, buildings are round, the 
 Oxford vol architecture plain and Ample ; the ornaments but few, and thofe chiefly confift-- 
 1, pa»e 3.J... ed of foliages and branches interwoven with heads of birds, beads, &c. Thefe 
 ornaments were chiefly confined to the capitals of the columns, or elfe they 
 were ufed to beautify the cornifh or architrave. Sometimes, indeed, the heads- 
 of the columns were ornamented with figures reprefenting a particular piece of 
 hiflory (in bas-relievo) relative to the foundation of the building wherein 
 they were placed; or elfe the hiflory of their patron faints, as may be feen 
 upon the capitals of feveral old columns in the church of Ely, whereon there is 
 represented the life of Etheidreda, a pious virgin, who rebuilt that church • 
 and monafiery, being herfclf elected abbefs, . and after her • death flie was- 
 canonized as a faint. 
 
 All the arches found in the delineations of the Saxons, arc very plain, their only 
 ornament co.n filling of regular corn i (lies ; fuch arches, indeed, as compofe the . 
 doors and entrances, are ?.t times enriched with double and treble cornilhes, 
 without any other ornament whatever. 
 
 I muft own I cannot fall into the opinion of many learned men, who have 
 given us, as Saxon, arches crouded with mouldings and various ornaments. I 
 rather think, that on a ftricter examination, they will be found to be the work-, 
 cf Norman artifts. Firft, becaufe no fuch ornaments appear in the delineations 
 of the Saxons; and fecondly, becaufe they are fo ltrictly agreeable to the tafte 
 of the later buildings, which we find from record, are mod certainly of Norman 1 
 conliruction. 
 
 We may perhaps be led, on fight of an antient Saxon building, to think it ' 
 landing in its original purity ; yet when we reflect how long it muft have 
 fcood, and of courfe what repairs it mult have undergone, we mail begin to doubt, , 
 particularly when daily experience mews us, that in making fuch repairs, the. 
 workmen were feldcm attentive to the antient ftile in which the building at fir ft 
 was erected, but carried on the work according to the flile that they themfclves 
 were u/ed to ; elfe whence this irregular jumble of Saxon, Norman, and Gothic 
 architecture, which too often occur in the remaining relicks of antiquity ? 
 
OP THE NORMANS. 3 
 
 If this' then Is the cafe, as it mod certainly is, can we with any confidence af- 
 firm, how much of fuch ornaments or decorations may owe their origin to the 
 antient, how much to the more modern architect ? or how, from fo imperfect 
 a model, can we with certainty trace out any criterion hy which we may deter- 
 mine the true diftinction of the Saxon from the Norman architecture ? 
 
 May we not thus conclude, (becaufe both in the delineations and authentic 
 remains it appears fo) that the Saxon arch was quite plain, and that the more we 
 find the arches ornamented, the further we may fuppofe them advancing into 
 the Norman JEra. ? I would not, however, be thought to mean, that the Saxons 
 never ufed any other ornament than foliages, &c. as are above defcribed ; 'tis 
 likely they might, though feldom, add (particularly in latter times) the zig-zag 
 ornament between the plain cornifhes and mouldings. 
 
 The Normans, for fome time after their arrival into England, ftill continued the 
 round arch, which was (as Dr. Ducarrel jufHy obferves) very plain and fimpte ln llis Ai 
 in the days of the Conqueror, but not long after it was made more complex; ^n*Anti 
 and at laft (the arched door ways cfpecially of the cathedrals and other ftately {-^103'. 
 edifices) became fo loaded with mouldings, zig-zags, heads, figures, and other 
 ornaments, that they foon loft fight of all elegance and fimplicity. 
 
 About this period, that is, in the latter end of the eleventh and beginning of 
 the twelvth centuries, a new fpecies of architecture was introduced into Eng- 
 land, commonly called Gothic, differing in all refpects from any of the preceding 
 orders. Its rules feem (if rules they may be called) at all times to have been 
 fuch as are laid down by the caprice of the architect:, or the will of the em- 
 ployer. However, the effect in general is pleafing and elegant, agreeing perfectly 
 with the romantic tafte and genius of our anccftors* There is alfo a fur- 
 pafiing grandeur in fome of the Gothic edifices. Who can enter Weftminfter- 
 Abbey, and not be ftruck with awful reverence ? The gloomy grandeur of that 
 venerable pile, muft fill the feeling foul with folemn contemplation ! 
 
 To what country we firft owe this more modern fpecies of architecture, is not 
 known ; the common received opinion is, that it was brought from abroad by 
 the knights who attended on the holy wars. Some few inftanccs (yet remaining) 
 fhew us, that at the firft introduction of the pointed or Gothic arch, it was 
 mixed alternately with the round arch. The Gothic flue of building was very 
 plain and iimple in the time of king Stephen, as may be feeri by the Abbey 
 Chapel built by him, exhibited at the bottom of plate 26 in the firft vol. But 
 this fimplicity continued not long, for the more modern Gothic buildings were 
 highly enriched with mouldings, arches, figures, turrets, Sec. as appears in the 
 old part of Weftminfter Abbey, Hen. the VTlth's Chapel, and St. George's Chapel 
 at Wind for. On the tops of the two laft buildings, are numerous little turrets, 
 and the roofs on the infide are moft beautifully carved in ftone ; fo alio is the 
 roof of that elegant edifice, the Chapel of King's College at Cambridge, which 
 was built by Henry the Sixth. 
 
 Within the buildings they affected to make the arches large and lofty, and fo 
 contrived the columns, that they conftantly appear like many fmaH ones joined 
 in one body ; and from the top they are continued branching forth, to fupport 
 the roof; by this means all that heavinefs is taken off", which would of courie ac- 
 company a building made with large unweildy pillars. 
 
 Plate 
 
4 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Plate 65, No. 2, reprefents the building of the Abbey of St, Albany where wc 
 fee the architect with his utenfils, the fquare arid the compares, defcribing to his 
 employer the nature and conftrucfjon of the building. The artificers are bufy, 
 fome hammering out and placing the work, while others are drawing up the 
 ftones in a bucket or bafket, fattened to a rope, which paffing over two pullies 
 is drawn up by a wheel with handles at the bottom ; while thofe above are alfa 
 employed, one with his plummet trying the. truth of an arch, and his oppofitc 
 fellow is placing a Hone with great exacfnefs. In the firft plate of this volume, 
 fig. 2, is a ipecimen of the Saxon arch, from the antient MS. of Ca?dman, at 
 Oxford, while thofe reprefented by the figures 1 & 3, are Norman; the firft is 
 the door way to St. Eotolph's Priory, vide page 102, vol. 1 ; and the laft the door 
 of the church at Great Canfield in EiTex ; 4, 5, & 6, are the capitals of Saxou 
 columns Handing in the old church of St. Peter at Oxford, built in the time of. 
 Elfred; fee page 34 of the firft volume; and fig. 7 reprefents a capital from, 
 the above MS. of Caedman. 
 
 Regal Courts and Governments of the- Normans. 
 
 The regal courts of the Saxons may ferve as a piclurc to explain thofe of the 
 Normans, which were nearly the fame in almoft every refpect, except, perhaps,.. 
 (Hill advancing as we are in luxury) the appearance of our Norman courtiers 
 might be ftill more rich and brilliant. At the coronations of the Norman kings 
 efpecially, as well as on the royal birth days and fblemn feftivals, no kind of pro- 
 fufion was fpared, either of wealth or banquetting. The houfes were fet out 
 with lights, with ringing of bells, and numerous bonfires for the delight of the 
 common people ; and the conduits running wine inftead of water; mean while,, 
 at the royal feaft, no kind of rich luxurious meats wera wanting. 
 
 The lords, barons, and knights, pafTed the time in public fhews, tilts, and 
 tournaments, making their appearance in the moft coftly and fplendid attire,, 
 every one ftriving to outdo his fellow in elegance, . richnefs, and newnefs 
 of fafhion ; and this emulation was then efteemed very laudable, becaufe it 
 redounded to the nation's honour, to exhibit the opulence and grandeur of its- 
 inhabitants. 
 
 The form of government, indeed, fufiered a material change in the time of 
 Wm.Hakc- , XT b > > o 
 
 well's Book tne Normans. 
 
 de Modus Edward the Confeflbr, the laft of the Saxon line, laid the firft foundation off 
 tenendiPar* our prefent mode of parliament, * which was reftored with, full force by Henry 
 
 liamentum, jj;^ 
 p. t. 
 
 * " This noble body of the flare, now-called both houfes in parliament, is known in feveral ages by. 
 feveral names, Confitia, thecounfels in the old times, after Magnum, Commune, & Generate, Conjilitin^ 
 Curia Magna, Capita/is & Curia Regis ; fometimes Generate P tacit urn, and fometimes Synodic. Synodali-a, 
 Decreta, although as well the Caufes of the commonwealth as of the church were there decided. The 
 name of parliament, except in the Abbot's Chapters, not heard of untill the reign of king 'John, and 
 then but rarely. At the king's court werethefe conventions ufually made, and the prefence, privy 
 chamber, or other room convenient for the king, in former times was ufed."— — From the Poil- 
 humous Remains of that learned Antiquary Sir Robert Cotton, page 44, 
 
OF THE NORMANS, 5 
 
 the Firft j for, fays Hollingfhead, " Here it is to be noted, that before this tyrae, HoIHng- 
 the kings of England tiled but feldome to call together the eftates of the realm fiieadChron - 
 after any certaine manner, or gcncrall jdnd of pfGceife, to have theyr confents in P ' 354 ' 
 matters to be decreed ; but as the lords of the privie counfel in our time do fitt2 
 only when neceffitie requireth, fo diu they W henfoever it pleafed the king to have 
 any conference with them ; fo that from this Henry, it may be thought the 
 firfte ufe of the parliament to have proceeded, whyche fith that time hath re- 
 mayned in force, and is frequented unto our times, in fo much, that whatfoeve? 
 is to be decreed apperteyning to the ftate of the common wealth, and confervatioa 
 thereof, is now referred to that counfell : and furthermore, i£any thing 1 ap- 
 pointed by the king, or any other per lb n, to be uled for the welth 01 the reahrie, 
 it (hall not bee recieved as a lawe till by authorise of this affemhly it bee eila- 
 biilhed ; and bycaufe the houfe fhoulde not be troubled with the multitude of 
 unlearned comoners, whofe propertie is to underftand little reafon, and yet to 
 conceive well of their owne doings, there was a certayne order taken what rxuner 
 of ecclefiafticall perfons, and what number and forte of temporall menne, fhould 
 be called unto the fame; and how they muld be chofen, by voyces of freeholders-, 
 that being as atturneys for their countreys, that whiche they confeffed or denyed 
 muld bind the refidue of the realme to recieve it as a law. This counfell is 
 called a parliament by a French word, for fo the Frenchmen call their publique 
 affemblies." 
 
 Thus we find what before Lay in the breafts of the king and his privy coun- 
 cil alone to do, was now to be firft. confirmed not only by the grandees of the 
 realm, but alfo by voices of the common people, who by their reprefentacives, 
 the knights of the mire, burgelles and others, made known their grievance?, as 
 coming from themfelves, who moil felt, and beft underftood, the extent or fuch 
 grievances. 
 
 The three eftates, namely, the clergy, nobility, and commoners, fat in the ^p^f"*"* 
 houfe, every man according to his degree in pre-eminence and dignity. The p t , ge ' 3lt 
 whole parliament confifted of fix degrees. Firft, 
 
 The king is the head, the beginning and ending, and fo he hath not any peer 
 or equal. 
 
 The fecond degree is of archbifhops, bifhops, abbots, &c. holding by baronies. 
 The third is of proctors of the clergy, or clerks of the convocation. 
 The fourth is of earls,, barons, and others* great and noble perfonages. 
 The fifth degree is of the knights of the Ihire. 
 The fixth degree is of the citizens and burgelles. 
 
 And though any one of the five degrees (befides the king) /hall be abfent, yet 
 premonifhed by fummons, the parliament is taken for full. 
 
 In the fame little book quoted above, entitled, Modus Tenendi Parliamentum, ibid. p. 97. 
 the author has given us a tranflation of an old Anglo^Damfh law, in the follow- 
 ing words : — " _t was lometimes in the Englifh laws, that the people and the 
 laws were in reputation, and then were the wifeft of the people worfhip- worthy, 
 each in his degree, lord and cbork, theyne^ and undertheyne and if a chorle* fo Vid.Verffe- 
 thrived that he had full five hides of his own land, a church and kitchen, a bell- S an >P* 33°> 
 
 houfe 
 
 * Chonle or Ceonler", the fame with Gemtn, or temen, fignified a commoner,— See Verftegaa 
 
6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 houfe and a gate, a feat and feveral offices in the king's hall, then was he thence- 
 forth the tbeyiis £ right worthy. And if a theyn lb thrived that the king em- 
 ployed him, either on his meffage, or to ride in his trayne, 2nd had himfelf a 
 tbeyrie that followed him, who had five hides of land, and had ferved his lord in 
 the king's palace, and gone with his melTages to the king, he was worthy to be 
 reputed a hlafont), or lord, and continuing to augment his credit and means, he 
 might afterwards come to be an eark right worthy, which after our now-ufed 
 flile, may be a right honourable earl. And if a merchant fo thrived that he 
 palled thrice over the wide fea with his own craft, he was thenceforth the 
 tbeyu's right- worthy. And if a fcholler fo thrived through learning, that he 
 had degree, and ferved Chrift, he was thenceforward of dignity and peace fo 
 much worthy as thereto belonged, unleffe he forfeited fo, that the ufe of his dig- 
 nity might be taken from him." Thus the path to nobility was open to all 
 who by their good deportment were defirous of attaining it. " And" continues 
 my author, " the ruins of antiquity make mew of a perpetuity of nobility, even 
 from the beginning of this ifland ; but times are changed, and we in them alfo; 
 for Edward the Confeffor, coming out of Normandy, brought in the title cf 
 baron : the theyne from that time began to grow out of ufe, fo as at this day it 
 fcarcely remains but in record ; while the new title of baron fo encreafed in 
 power and dignity, that the nomination of baronage feemed to comprehend the 
 whole of theEnglifh nobility. 
 
 The antient name of duke may be faid to be as it were fetched from a long 
 • exile, by Edward the Third, by whom it began to be restored. Marques and 
 vi: count are titles which we owe to Richard the Second, and after him to the 
 unfortunate Henry the Sixth. 
 
 Our kings (defeended from the Norman line) granted an hereditary right of 
 fucceftion of fuch titles as earls, barons. &c. without any exception being made to 
 rthe fex j fo that the nobility had, according to the ancient cufloms and ufages 
 •of this kingdom, a natural right, (the fame as the crown itfelf) that on the failure 
 ■of male heirs, the title Ihould devolve and be confirmed to the women, (fomc 
 few cafes excepted, where in the charters it is exprefsly confined to the heirs 
 male} and by. them fuch titles might by marriage be conveyed into other families. 
 
 The fucceeding kings from the Conqueror, were more fparing in the diflri- 
 bution of fuch dignities to be holden of them in fee, becaufe they granted with 
 them to ths nobleman (for the more refpeciable maintenance of his family and 
 honour) the third part of the pleas of that province j in charters it is named 
 'Tertium Detiarium, third penny .; fo he that received the third penny of a pro- 
 vince, was the earl of that province, which right defeended alio to the daughters 
 of the earl, on the default of male iffue. 
 
 The title of baron had the fame privilege, for the women (on want of male 
 heirs) antiently were not debarred from that honourable title, with the pre- 
 eminence and dignity of barons, and, having borne a child, they graced their 
 hufbands with the title*, which likewife by the fame inheritance defeended to 
 the children, and this even though they had loft po Hellion of fuch eftates as thofe 
 dignities may have firft arifen from. 
 
 The 
 
 * Theyn, The^n, or Them, antiftgB our nnceftors (fays YerftKgim) fignificd I free f.i vant, 
 a Kind of retainer, or, as itinav feerhe, a ferving gentleman, that is 3 a lcrvanc not bound or lubject unto 
 any fervile office or labour. -—Veiflegan, rage 330, 
 
OF THE NOP. MANS. 7 
 The Conqueror (after the death of Harold) having fettled himfelf in the king- 
 dom, compleatly fini/hed the before imperfect ground work of nobility, which 
 being added to continually by his fuccelTors, flione with fuch luftre in the reigns 
 of Henry the Third, Edward the Firft, and the (ucceeding kings. 
 
 Laws and A dminift ration of Juftice: 
 
 The Conqueror (as Hollingfhead positively affirm*) was the firft who inftitured Vide p. 
 the jewry of twelve men, by whom juftice might be rendered, and a fair tfia] vol. the ill. 
 given to every man obnoxious to the penal law. — " He ordeyned alio (fays the 
 author) that the tearmes fhould be kept four times in the yere, in fuche places Holl.p. 503.. 
 as he fhould nominate*, and that the judges mould fit in their feverall place?, 
 to judge and decide caufes and matters in controverfie betwixte partie and partie, 
 in manner as is ufed unto this day : — he decreed, moreover, that there fhoulde 
 bee fheriffes in every lhire, and juftices of rhe peace to keepe the countreys in 
 good quiet, and to fee offenders punifhed. Furthermore, hee inftituted the court 
 of the excheker, and the officers belonging to the lame, as barons, the clearkes, 
 and fuch ether, alio the high court of the chancerie." 
 
 In the code of laws made by the Conqueror, is one which runs thus, — " <£t j__ a w the • 
 ijucD Ijabtantpct tmibeifum rcrrnum ttunfu?aa fiSfllflhnag tt fiftiataa et ponoeja fiDti:(Sina 57th. 
 rt Bgiiata, Glut tent pjcCfrrffbjssi fiat tic; tint." — Thh t in every part 4f the kingdom 
 they Jhould have jufl and jaiihful meafures and weights, andjuch as were jlampcd 
 according to the ordinances of their predecejjers. 
 
 Yet, not with Handing this mew 01 good order and love to the fubjects, William 
 foon difcovered the wolf through the fheeps cloathing ; for he not only abro- 
 gated mo ft of their antient laws and privileges, but introduced new ones, ag- 
 greviating the fubje&s to a great degree : and all this he crowned with the mod 
 fnilhed ftroke of defpotifm and tyranny, that a cruel and mercilels heart could 
 invent ; for the greater part of thofe very laws which he now new made, were g ce ' a n ^ e - 
 put forth in the Franco Gorman language-j-, and by this means became entirely un- antient 
 intelligible to his Engliili fubje6ti the dreadful confequence was, that many were y. r<>n 'p C j' 
 put to death, or grievoufly oppreffed and fined, for the breach of hws that they j jjl? vir°gii" 
 really knew not were in being, or underftood not the meaning or purport of. Some page 154^. 3 
 have called this a mafter ftroke of found policy, becaufe fay they, by this means 
 he made it abfolutely neceflary for the Englifli to learn the Norman tongue and 
 ufages ; fo that by conftam ufc, they might become familiar and pleafant to them ; 
 
 but 
 
 * We are by no means to underhand that this was thefirft inffitution of law terms, for the learned 
 S prim an has evident!y 1 proved their great antiquity ; ** fome have affirmed (fays he) that William the 
 Conqueror did tirft inftitute them. It is not worth the examining who was the author of this error, . 
 but it feemeih thai Polydore Virgil (an alien in our c< mmon-wealth, and not well endtnized in our 
 antiquities) fpread it firft in print." tie then proceeds to inform us that they are hill much more 
 antient than our t-'axon government, and were ufed among the Greek* and Romans and he thus de- 
 fines them, " the terms are certain portions of theyear, in which only the king's juftices hold plea in 
 the h\oh temporal courts o! caufes belonging to their jurifdj<9ton, in the place thereto affigned, ac- 
 cording to the antient rites and mftoms of the kingdom." — See a Difcourfe on the Law Termr, 
 written by Sir Henry Spelm^n, knight, page t and 2. 
 
 f The code of laws made by the conqueror, confided of feventy-one articles, the rirft fifty of 
 which containing the principal matters, were in the Franco-Norman tongue. — See all the laws in ■ 
 Lumbart's collection, 
 
8 THE MANNER AND CUSTOMS 
 
 but fuch perfons have not v/ell conlidered the fcarcity of books at this period, 
 and the imporlibility of the poorer people (efpecially) being able to attain learn- 
 ing fufticient for the interpretation of the Norman language. What a mif- 
 chievous train of troubles muft then be brought on, where the great and fubftan- 
 tial law of a kingdom is not to be underftood by one third of the inhabitants ? 
 And indeed, William Rufus, Henry the Firft, Stephen, and the reft of the fuc- 
 ceeding kings, became thoroughly fenfible of theie cruel impofitions; therefote, 
 Hollingf- by degrees, as they wanted to advance themfelves in favour with the geople, 
 heid, chro- t ^ e y abolifhed thole grievous laws, and reftored thofe'which were made by theCon- 
 mc e, 304. £ e ^ or . anc j t ^ e wmc h beft fuited with the conftitution and genius of the people. 
 
 Henry the fecond (fay the chronicles) in a parliament at Northampton, A. D. 
 ^ee pee , ^ ij£, t caufed England to be divided into fix circuits, and to each circuit he ap- 
 Daniel's pointed three julticiars itinerants ; caufing them (fays Daniel in his collection 
 Collection, of theHiftory of the England) to take an oath * upon the holy evangelifts, faith- 
 page 88. f u j]y £ or t hemfelves to obferve, and caufe inviolably to be obferved of all his 
 fubjeds of England, the affizes made at Claringdon, and renewed at Northamp- 
 ton, which aflizes were chiefly for murther., theft, robbery, and their receivers ; 
 for deceipts, and burning of houfes, which facts, if found by the verdict of 
 twelve men, the accufed were to paffe the tryall of water ordeal-f-, whereby, if 
 not actpitted, their punifhment was IofTe of a leg, or banifliment. 
 V.nrror de King Henry the Third fat himfelf with his jufticiars in perfon at Weftmin- 
 Wendover, fter, where he accufed Peter de Rivallis of treafon, and there fentene.ed him to 
 Mat. Paris, be imprifoned in the tower, till he (the king) fhould be fatisfied concerning his 
 Ibfdi^s' hmocency ; and the fame prince, when the county of Hampfhire was infefted 
 1 2 ' with thieves, fitting in perfon at Winchefter caftle, fo put the laws in force that 
 by hanging fome of the ringleaders, and moft daring of them, he foon reftored 
 the county to quietnefs and good order. 
 JDanie!, 88. In the Norman laws, the puniihment by lofs of members was yet continued, 
 for in the earlier ages, they with great reafon fuppofed, that a malefactor mife- 
 rably living, was a more ftriking example of juftice, than one put to death at 
 once ; but when the offending party was rich, he was obliged to pay a fine or 
 ranfom for the limb condemned, which fine was exacted in proportion to the 
 crime committed, or quality of the perfon wronged, and fo his limb was faved. 
 
 Some few were put to death chiefly by hanging, J which death was (according 
 to lloiiin^ihcad) firlt by Henry the Second appointed to murlherers. 
 
 Other 
 
 * There were two methods antienfly rf taking oaths, one fet apart for the clergy, the other for 
 the hymen ; for (fays Daniel, " the king (Henry III.) taking the crofs upon him, took oath to the 
 performing of the fame: In taking this oath, he rirft layed-his hand upon his bread f according to the 
 rranner of a prieft) and after on the book, and kilt it (as a layman)." — Daniel's collection of the 
 Hift< ry of England, page 14.1. 
 
 f by this circumftance we find, that the ordeals of our anceftors were yet continued ; and Stow, 
 alfo in the life of William the Conqueror, informs us, that Remigius, a M:nk r was accufed of 
 treafon to the kin?, but (fays he) a certeyne lei van t of his, by judgement of the fiery /word, purged 
 bym, and returned hym to the kinges favour. — Stow's Chronicle, page !2i. 
 
 \ Daniel gives us a difmal inftance of cruelty practifed in the reign of king John (during the 
 rtime of his excommunication) on the body of one G:-ft*ery, arch-deacon of Norwich (a man fervinj; 
 in the kind's exchequer) who affirming that it was not lawful for a beneficed man to remain in obe- 
 dience to an excommunicated king; wherefore he without leave returned heme, but was foon feiz i 
 upon, and .by the ..ing's cider laid in a ft might prifon, and after that -was put up into a (hect of lead, 
 in which he morally p::ilhcd. -Daniel's Hilt. 115. 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 9 
 Other malefactors were fet upon the pillory, the form of which no ways dif- 
 fered from our?. See plate 1, fig. 12, of this vol. Bakers for " lack ot iize," Fibian . s 
 fays Fabian, were by Hugh Bigot, in the 42c! year of Henry the Third, punilhed Chron. vol, 
 by the tomberell, whereas before that time, they ufed to be punifhed by the 2>pageja. 
 pillory. 
 
 The tomberell, fays my author, was " a kind of pillorye T made foure fquare, 
 that turned round about." Others were fet in the flocks xnd whipped ; with 
 various punifhments of lefs note, in proportion to the crimes committed. HoMh" ' 
 
 The ancient place of execution, as in the time of Henry the Firft, 6cc. was at ^eaJ^ 
 Smithfield ; which then was, as old chronicles report, " a layftow of all dong Grafton, 
 and filth," &c. , Stowe - 
 
 In the laws of William the Conqueror, is one importing, that " g>f fernme eff 
 fttgee a mo?t u a Dc facum fces mtmbmi Id fcit encctntre, m faceD lum juftice srfqucle fett c u j!' 
 fertile." If a woman be adjudged to death, or the lofs of limbs, and Jhe be found ^ ' 
 to be great with child, foe fiall not fuff'er jujlice till foe be delivered. And for the 
 eftablifhing free and fafe paffage in the highway, another law enacted, that 
 66 2Dc iTIrtienuttf co tft a fatoeir, afllcllingffreet 9 (ftming&iKt, $ #0?, fci zn alcun it res Leg.Guif. 
 djcmui0 otctt (jomequi fctt c>:ant per Ic paid t: afslt, fi enfjeit la pa^ U Uou"— If any jwi. cap. 30. 
 man Jhould either killer a fault another, journeying through either of the three roads, 
 that is to fay, V/atling-jlrcet, Erming-jlreet, or the FoJJe, he foould be accounted 
 guilty of the breach of 'the king 's peace. The punifhment for which offence was 
 a heavy and grievous fine, and on failure of payment thereof the culprit forfeited 
 bis limbs, or his life, according to the greatnefs of the perfon flain or aiTaulted. 
 
 Shipping and Naval Affairs of the Normans. 
 
 It has already been fet forth, that fuch of the Northern nations as lay near the 
 fea more, (in former times) made their names famous for their naval conduct ; 
 and we (hall find, that the Anglo-Normans ftill adhered to that ufeful maxim of 
 their anceftors, namely, attending with great care to their fea affairs and (hip- 
 ping ; constantly keeping up a fbong fleet of well-built mips, with all their ne- 
 ceflary appendages, as large and fmall galleys, and boats of all lizes. Verflegani 
 
 The fleet of the Conqueror, when he firft came over into England, can fitted Speed, and 
 of 896 (hips, though the author of the Roman de Rou, cited by Mr, Lancelot, ^ hers - 
 confines the number to 696, but either of thefe was a vatt fleet for that time ; v J,' s An " ' 
 yet we matt obferve, that thefe were not fhrong, well-built mips ; but rather Norman 
 flight vefiels, knocked up quickly, for the tranfportation of his army only ; and Antiq. 
 this mutt have been the cafe, for William had only from the firft of January, ^^ 1 ! ' s ^ a 
 till the latter end of Auguft, for his artificers to compleat the whole of his navy. ' 
 
 The Norman writers have given us feveral very pompous defcriptions of the y^^t Paris 
 mipping of their ./Era. Mat. Paris informs us, that Richard the Firtt, when on Hift.Major, 
 his expedition to the Holy Land, had in his train thirteen buccas, which were mips P a g e 1 5 6 « 
 with triple lails, befides one hundred mips of burden, and fifty galleys, each hav- 
 ing a triple bank of oars.* And Hoveden defcribing the arrival of the fame 
 
 prince 
 
 * Habuit in comiLatu fuo treJecirn buccas, triplici velorum expanfione veliflcatas ; habuit praMe- 
 jea centum naves onsrarias et quinqua°inta galeias triremes.— -—Mat. Par. Hift. Major, pnge 136. 
 
 c 
 
Rog. Hcve. 
 Pars Pofte- 
 rior, 383. 
 
 Florcs Hif- 
 toriarum, 
 pa 3 e 340. 
 
 10 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 prince in Sicily, declares that he came " with many buccas and other large vef— 
 iels and galleys, in fuch pomp and fplendour, that the refounding trumpets and- 
 loud horns ftruek fear and dread into the fouls of the citizens. And Matthew 
 of Weftminfter, in the Hiftory of Henry the Third, makes this exclamation, 
 " Oh, England ! whole antient glory is renowned among all nations, like the 
 pride of the Chaldeans ; the mips of Tarfis could not compare with thy mips ; 
 they bring from all the quarters of the world the aromatic fpices, and the mod 
 precious things of the umverfe : the fea is thy wall, and thy ports are as the gates 
 of a ftrong and well-furnifhed caftle," ccc. 
 
 But to proceed to a defcription of the mips and other craft of this iEra. 
 The buccas, or burch's, appear to be veffels of the largefl: fize. And in the great- 
 er! fleets defcribed by the Norman writers, we meet not with more than 20 or 
 30 at mod, which always take the lead : the buccas had three fails, whereas 
 all the other velTels had but one. 
 The fhips diftinguimed by the name of " naves ■oncrarlas" fhips of burthen, 
 <c Qarikes or hulkes" (according to Hollingfhead's tranflation) were alfo large 
 veffels. 
 
 The galleys were of two forts, fome failed and rowed, -{~ and fome rowed only.. 
 Hoveden (fpeaking of king Richard landing in Cyprus) informs us, that 
 " he went out from the great mips into the boats and galleys, which were 
 rowed to more with great violence."^ The firft of thefe were often called 
 galiofics, § and were larger than the latter, which were fometimes big enough, 
 lays Mat. Paris, to carry 6} men well armed in iron armour, befides 104 men 
 who rowed, and the failors : and fome of them had triple banks of oars one 
 over the other, after the antient fafhion. 
 The barca || were a fort of boats, perhaps flat bottom'd : they ieem chiefly to 
 
 have been ufed in fleet waters, to convey the troops to fhore. 
 They had befides naviculas, or /mall boats, with fuch like craft. 
 
 In all the researches that I have made, I have not been able either from the 
 defcription of the hiftorians, or in any delineation whatever, to difcover the true 
 form of the buccas, or wherein it differed from the other large fhips, faving that 
 it had three fails, but whether thofe fails were all on one, or divided on ieparate 
 piafts, I cannot poffibly determine. 
 
 The common failing fhip is exhibited, plate 32, fig. 2, in the firfc vol. which, 
 bears the royal arms on the tail ; alfo on plate 64, vol. 1, is a fhip with the king 
 on board. Both theft fhips are made to reprefent mips of the firft rank, and 
 fuch as voyages were made in at that period ; and doubtlefs were decked over, 
 
 though 
 
 f And an old author, who wrote the hiftory of king Richard the Firft in Englifh rhims, fays of 
 the king, that 
 
 tSSHm tfoc majpnrjs glau or Vrj?otI)r, 
 $c mane tj^m fcple ana votee tot% 
 'flEDat foe gatfep mm fo ftopfte, 
 £30 DotI; tl)t fotole bp il)t \vitz, 
 
 MS. apud Bib. Harlianiae inlig. 4690. 
 +• Exierunt e magnis navibus in naviculas, etgaieas, et remigando venerunt ad terram, &c. Hove- 
 den, 39% B. 
 
 § Galeias noftras & galiones, Mat. Paris, page 263. Galiones, i. e. grandiores galejse, abltalico ga- 
 Jeone, a gallion ex GlolT. in Mat. Paris. 
 
 jj Multas naves cum c^uadam barca, Mat. Par. 264. 
 
OF THE NORMANS. n 
 though the defigner has made the figures fo much too large, that they deflroy 
 •all appearance or it j yet this disproportion of the figures can be no objection to 
 this luppofition, becaufe in all the delineations of this ./Era, the rules of propor- 
 tion appear either not to be known, or elfe they were moft grievouily neglected. 
 
 We may obferve in thefe delineations, that there feems to be little or no 
 diftindion between the head and the ftern of the mips and but for the rudder, 
 which appears faftened with a ring to the hinder fide of the veffel, I fhould have 
 been led to conclude, that they failed indifcriminately either way, as might bell 
 fuit their occafions. The mrouds are not like thole of the mips at prefent, 
 faftened to the fides, but coming from the top of the maft, they are made faft at 
 the head and ftern of the veffel : the anchor they carried in the ftern, lying over 
 the fide of the fhip. 
 
 The galleys were chiefly ufed in war, and many great exploits were performed 
 in them. Plate 3 r, fig. 9, vol. 1, is a reprefentation of an engagement between 
 two galleys, one of which, by the means of a cramp iron, (like an anchor) have 
 drawn their antagonists in the other galley, clofe fide to fide, and are boarding 
 them with horrible deftruc~tion ; in the mean time we fee the fiingers and archers 
 are bufily employed in the diftribution of their miflive weapons ; among the reft 
 the archers mot from their bows arrows headed with phials, filled with quick 
 lime ; and other arrows armed w'ixh combuftible matter fet on fire, which they ^ at * 
 Ihot into the rigging of the larger veffels. See page 98 and 99, vol. I. 
 
 Fig. 3, plate 32, vol. 1, exhibits a galley armed with an iron prow ; * which 
 iron, for the greater ftrength and fupport of the fides of the veffel, is bound as it 
 were all round, coming to a {harp point at the head. With this iron they da- 
 maged and broke in the tides of the veffels of their enemies, by rowing againft 
 them with all their force. 
 
 The Anglo-Normans were very expert in the management of their fhipping, 
 and fought with great courage and magnanimity. Their chief aim was to grapple 
 with the galleys of their enemies, and come to a clofe engagement, hand to hand, 
 and board them if poffible ; though they always began the fight at a diftance, 
 with their arrows from their crofs bows, afiifted by the archers and fiingers, upon 
 a nearer approach, the clofe heavy-armed foldiers (men of arms) with their 
 fpears, axes, fwords, and other offenfive weapons, fupported the engagement. 
 They provided themfelves with quick lime, finely powdered, and at all times 
 carefully ftrove to be to windward of their adverfaries, and then threw plenti- 
 fully of this lime into their faces. Thus Matthew Paris, defcribing an engage- 
 ment between the Englifh and the French, in the time of Henry the Third, tells 
 us, that the Englifh had " Calcem quoque vivam et in pulverem fubtilem re- v , i 
 dacuim, in altum projicientes, vento illam ferente, Fcancorum oculos exescave- * ' 
 runt." Quick lime alfo, which they threw up into the air, and the wind driving it 
 full in the faces of the French, blinded their eyes. , 
 
 They had trumpets, horns, and other martial mufic on board their fhip?, 
 which, for the encouragement of their men, they founded with great noife and 
 vehemence. " The galleys, (fays Matthew Paris, fpeaking of the emperor's 
 
 fleet) 
 
 * Matthew Paris (fpeaking of the Engl iih) informs us, that at an engagement, A. D. 1217, 
 " Habuerunt pr.sterea galleias ferro roftratas ; quibus naves adverfarioi urn perforantes,- multos in ir,o- 
 niento fubmerfererttur" page 25 1 . 
 
12 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Mat. Par. fleeO- together with the (hips difpofed in order, ploughed the Tyrrhenum Oceany. 
 pag. 500. ai^jdft the noife and tumult of thefailors, and the loud clangore of the hoftils 
 Hoveden trumpet." And- the- words of Hovecien, quoted at the beginning, are " Sonitu 
 383. tub a rum et buccinum." The Jeund oj the trumpets and horns. 
 
 Hollingfhead informs us, that there was a law eftablifhed among the failors 
 (in the time of Richard the Firft) who were going to the holy war, that if any 
 of them played at dice, or any other game, without licence, they mould be 
 plunged into the fea three mornings following, by way of punifhment. 
 Temp. Hen. The commerce of the Anglo-Normans' was very extenlive, as may be judged 
 2 ' from the words of Matthew of Weftminfter, who, after having declared that the 
 
 Flores Hif- *hip s of Tapfus were not to be compared to thofe of England, tells us, that " they 
 toriarum, brought from all the quarters of the world, the pretious commodities of the uni- 
 pag. 341. verfe. The Pifans, Genoefcs, and the Venetians, * (continues- he} fupplyed 
 England with the eaftern gems, as faphires, emeralds, and carbuncles; from 
 Aha was brought the rich filks and purples ; from. Africa the cinnamon and 
 balm ; from Spain the kingdom was enriched with geld ; with filver from Ger- 
 many ; from Flanders (called the Weaver of the Realm -f) came the rich mate- 
 rials for the garments of the people ; while plentiful ftreams of wine flowed from 
 their own province of Gafcoigny 3 joined with every thing that was rich and 
 pretious from every land, wide ftretching from the Hyades, to. the Arclurian Star. 
 And William Fitz Stephen (who wrote the Defcription of London) fays of 
 See Stowe's it : " To this city merchants bring their wares from every nation under heaven.. 
 Survey of The Arabian fends in his gold ; the Sabean his francincenfe, and other aromatic 
 L °r" "o't drugs > t ^ le Scythian his provifions, gathered from the fruitful date trees ; Babihn 
 ?Jto ~ ' beftows the fruits of a fertile foil ; the river hile affords pretious dunes ; the 
 Seres fend purple garments ; and they of Norway and RuJ/ia, various furs both 
 grey.and fable ; and the French their wine." This author lived in the reigns of; 
 Henry the Secondhand Richard the Firft*. 
 
 Hufbandiy, &c. of the Anglo-Norman?: 
 
 The art of hufbandry (with its appendage fciences) was, we may be certain;, 
 continually improving throughout the Norman i^ra, notwithstanding hiftoriansj 
 (too negligent in thefe particulars) have not circumftantially noted it ; for with- 
 out doubt, while the other arts were ripening to maturity, one fo truly ufeful 
 mould hardly have been neglected. 
 
 The Norman plough was made without wheels, though it had but one handle, 
 (fee plate 32, fig. 7, in the firft vol.) which they held in one hand, while in the 
 other they bore a plough ftaffto break the clods ; and this method of ploughing 
 was mufe till the 17th century, as may be feen by a little book, entitled, Grb:i 
 S'pSus Senfualium Piclus. " The ploughman yoketh oxen to the plough, and he hold- 
 p. 58. ' * eth the plough flilt in his left hand, and in his right the plough ftaff to break the 
 clods." This is alfo fhewn in the figure at the bottom of plate 26, vol. 1, whish 
 reprefents a man ploughing, with an axe, that anfwers the purpofe of the 
 
 plough 
 
 * Pvfani, Januenfes & Veneti. — Mat. Weft. lib. 2, pag. 341. 
 ■\ Tua textrix, Flandria texuit, Sec. Ibid. 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 13 
 plough ftafr*. Fig. 5, plate 32, vol. 1, reprcfents a man (owing of corn, which 
 he is reaping, fig. 6 of the Time plate. Figure to exhibits the mower whetting 
 or' Iiis fey the; and in plate 33, fig. 3, is a man threfhing the corn. 
 
 I have never been able to trace out the harrow in any M. S. delineation what- See Mont- 
 cver, either Saxon or Norman, which defecl I have been able to fupply from the JjJJjljjL 
 famous tapeftry of Bayeux, where on the border, among the various ornaments Francois, 
 wherewith it is compofed, is a man ploughing, following another with a harrow, And Dr. 
 drawn by a fingle ox ; which proves, that at leaft they were ufed by the Normans Ducarrel'a 
 in very early times, if not by the Saxons before them, which circumdance is A "o 1 °-^ ,or - 
 
 J J man Antiq. 
 
 highly probable. 
 
 Among the other grains, as wheat, barley, rye, oats, Sec. they carefully culti- M. S, apud 
 vated hemp. The hands and hammer, plate 33, hg. 10, reprefent the method ]^. C -fjgj. 
 of beating hemp ; they alio grew beans and peas, &c. D.*'. * 
 
 The corn thus fown, reaped and threthed, this plain quedion may naturally be 
 afked, How was it reduced to rlour ? in early ages perhaps the grain was put 
 between two ponderous (tones, and ground to powder by moving them to and 
 fro; or by beating the grain in large mortars. Then came in the hand-mill, 
 turned and tended by the female domeflic, as mould appear from one of the laws Le?es 
 of Ethelbert, the Saxon king of Kent, where n it is enacted, that any man who EtheJberfi.- 
 ihould debauch the king's grinding-maid, (hould be obnoxious to a very fevere ^ ^ 
 and heavy fine. At this early period of the Saxon government, fays Dr. Henry, pjj ^-z. 
 water-mills were not known in England, though long before tiled in Spain. How- vol. 1. 
 ever, we may be certain, that they were foon alter brought into ufe here in Eng- 
 land alio. In a charter of Ulfere, for the foundation of the monadery of Mede- 
 lhamfted, An. Dom. 664, this mention is made: " 6r roram lllam pajveem 
 villetie SraunpcjTD qui err 1 eppup COe~oephampret>e crtju pontrem cum rennip ex chart^jT'ud 
 CDolen'cinip ci'oem panri at)] xenribup," which, from the fituation " near the gib/cotfc 
 bridge," we may conclude was a water-mill. And in another charter of fome infig. Au- 
 lands given by king Edmund to Elfi ico, a certain bifhop of his,. dated An. Dorn. £ ui * us 2 - 
 94.4, it runs thus : " QnSone ealban CDyien J?cen tbape-i^ap praiToaS," and all the Ibldem MS** 
 mills that jl and thereupon. The date of the wind-mill is uncertain, or whether 
 fome of thefe mills thus mentioned in ancient charters, were not wind-mills, is 
 very doubtful ; however, the learned Somner has proved in his Antiquities of s omner 
 Canterbury, that thev were ufed by the Anglo-Normans. " There was flays he) Ant. Cant,, 
 fometime a wind-mill (landing neare the nonnery without Ridingate, which the l ia £ e u 9« 
 hofpitall held by the grant of the nonnes there : the conditions mutually agreed 
 upon at the time of the grant were, that the nonnes bearing the fourth part of 
 the charge of the mill, mould reap the fourth part of the profit of it, and have 
 their own corn ground there for them when they would, gratis, or of free cod ; 
 and the hofpitall to fin, d a way to it, a chemimo magno regali, that is, from the 
 rode or highway by it ; and this about the reign of king John." This is the fir (I 
 account that I have met with, where the wind-mill was particularly diftinguimed; . 
 though without doubt they were of a much more antient date. Immediately to 
 the hand-mill, fays the little book < v Orbis Senfualis Pi&us) above quoted, fuc- Q r ^; s g eR; 
 ceeded the horfe-mill, to that the water-mill, then the (hip-mill, and lad: of all Pittus, p.. 
 the wind-mill. As to the (hip-mill, I mud own that I have not the lead idea 
 either of its form or condruclion. All the red are eafiiy undei dood. 
 
 All, 
 
14 THE MANNER AND CUSTOMS 
 
 All the mills (wind-mills efpecially) which -appear in the antient M. S. deli- 
 neations, are reprefented at a diftance, or fo very fthaH, that the particular form 
 and appurtenances are not to be difcovered : the wind-mill which appears at a 
 diftance, plate 17 of this volume, is as perfect as, any I have feen, agreeing en- 
 Frinted at tirely with every other delineation : there is indeed in the Hartman's Chronicle, 
 .Nuremberg, printed Ann. Dom. 1493, a reprefentation of a wind-mill, with fix fails i but this 
 is not uncommon abroad. 
 
 The water-mills are delineated like fquare weather boarded houfes, and the 
 water wheel is difcovered at one end ; fometimes with, and fometimes without 
 a pent houfe, or covering over the top of it. We are by no means able to make 
 any farther difcoveries of the works within; but fo very fimple is the conftruc- 
 tion of the wheels and motion of the prefent mills, that there is very little room 
 left to doubt their being antiently creeled nearly upon the fclf fame plan. 
 
 The corn being ground to meal, the bran was fevered from it by means of a 
 fieve (the bolting mill not being then known) and the flour made into dough, 
 was lent to the bakers ; the poorer people made the dough into cakts, and baked 
 them on the hearth. There were feveral laws and reftriclicns made by the Anglo 
 Norman kings, fixing the afTize of bread, and the price for the bakers ; and their 
 •Various puriifhment for felling bread fhort of weight, was, for the firft offence, the lofs 
 Chionicles. ff their bread ; for the fecond, imprifonment ; and for the next, either the pil- 
 lory or the tumberell. See page 9 of this volume. 
 
 Wool the great ftaple commodity of the kingdom, was not only ufed 
 for home confumption, but great quantities were exported to the neighbouring 
 nations. Thus Matthew of Weftminfter fays of England, '« Et licet maris an- 
 guftata littoribus, brevi terras fpacio diftendaris, tibi tamen ubertatis tarn famofas 
 per orbem benedixerunt omnium latera nationum, de tuis ovium veleribus cale- 
 Flores Hift. facta Which imports, that though the kingdom is not large, or far outflretched, 
 34J. y C f fwas ft J amous throughout the glove; and the bordering nations cloathed 'with the 
 
 fleeces from the backs of the peep, did blefs the ijland. And fays Camden (quoting 
 Camden's a very antient author) " In thy fields, oh Britaine, are infinite numbers of milch 
 Remains, cattle, and fheep weighed downe with rich fleeces." Many very great fums of 
 P a £ e 3- money were railed at different times by the kings of England, by fubfidies and 
 taxes levied on the wools, and the revenue of the nation greatly enriched by this 
 commodity, as may appear almofl from every chronicle. 
 
 Drefs and Habit of the Anglo Normans. 
 
 Perhaps there is nothing that has with more juftice lain under the lafh of the 
 fevered ftrokes of fatirical cenfure, than the various and ridiculous modes of ha- 
 bit adopted by the Englifh people: — drefs, inftead of being confined to ufeful and 
 decent fafhions, has too often been carried to fiich extreams, as to excite the 
 laughter and pity of every fenfible man. 
 
 Already, we have found our hiftorians bitterly inveighing againft the abfur- 
 dity of habits worn in their own days, and chronicling from record the follies of 
 the foregoing ages. In the Confeffor's reign (who was educated in Normandy) 
 the nobles (in compliance perhaps with the tafte of their prince") began to adopt 
 the fafhions of the Franco-Norman court, and the immoderate fliortnefs of their 
 
 garment 
 
OF THE NORMAN S. 1-5- 
 garment was mocking an-.! olfenfive to decency. The faithful Malmibury, fpeak- Hift.Noveh 
 ing of the prepoltenais length to which the men in the days of Rufus fullered P a S e 99- 
 their hair to grow, tells us, that they had much more the appearance of women 
 than of men ; and, as for the women (continues he) fo thoroughly were they 
 difguiled, that they fcarccly bore the refemblance of human creatures at all : 
 thofe of either lex whole own hair was not long enough, avidly fupplied their 
 natural wants with an artificial plenty. He then relates the following ftory (as a 
 thing that happened in his own time) U A young foldier, whofe chief pride lay 
 in the beauty of his locks, which trayled down almoft unto his knees; dreamt 
 one night that a perfon came to him, and having got him down, ftranglcd him 
 with his own !>air inftead of a cord; and fuch an effect had this dreadful dream 
 on the mind of our fuperuitious gallant, that he forthwith took a pair of (hears, 
 and in a few minutes demolished all his pride and glory !" 
 
 Henry the Firll, in order to abolilh as much as poffible fo unmanlike a cuf- Holliirg* 
 torn, ordered, «« that fuch as did weare their hair long, mould have it neverthe- fhead Chrott* 
 lelfe fo rounded, that parts of theyr eares mighte appeare." And he further or- I'- 34 l '« 
 darned, that all his ioldiers mould have their hair trimmed round to a decent 
 length. 
 
 The clergy alfo had their mare in thefe enormities, for fays Fabian in the life Fabian's 
 of William Rufus, " At this time preiftes ufed bullied and breyded hedes, long Ghron. vo« 
 tavled gownes and blafyng clothes, minyng and golden giidelles, and road with page g^ 4 ' 
 guilt fpurres, with nfyng of dyverfe other enormities. ' All which vices An- 
 Jehne would have corrected, but he lacked the afhftance of his brethren the 
 bilhops : but Henry the Firft enacted a law in the firft year of his reign, import- R 
 ing, that the " Prieftes moulde not haunte ale houfes, and xurther, that they ^ ea j i±q) 
 moulde weare apparell of one manner of colour, and moes after a comelye fa- 
 fhion ; for a little before that tyme, prieftes ufed to goe verye unfeemely. 
 
 If we may believe the old poetical hiftorian, Robert of Gloceiter, we fhall 
 find that Rufus himfelf had his mare of pride in his habit- 
 us rfjamliettVpn lypm b?ogte, a$ Ijc roflafcap, 
 
 3 nu jfuf toito toeirr, a nn-je Me of fa?. 
 
 tyt die to&at tfjei {j&ewDf, tlfoe ffcrllpni t^c ctTjer fc^tre 
 
 jfp a Dcules quatlj i\)z ujmg too fey fo bil oeDe, 
 to toc^e cttp clotli, bote ]?t coficneoc mo;c 
 
 Bit a pepje of a nunc, otljer. t?ioit ffjatt lie acojye fojc - T 
 
 3 toojCe yepje of pttou tl;e otljet CutjjUje Iipm biopjtr, 
 
 £hD fe^e tljct toeje tor a ma;c, f unneifie fo y fcogtc, 
 
 <£e feel amp quatl) tlje jtfiig tfcer tocje tocl j> bogtr, 
 
 3w tW mating fc^oc mr 9 ot^cr tljou ne $%\t mc fcjfoe nogt» 
 
 But Henry the Firft as is above obferved, entirely difcouraging this foolilfi 
 pride and oftentation, both at his court, and wherever his authority might ex- 
 tend ; by degrees in his, and the fuccceding reigns, it dwindled away, and in 
 room thereof was adopted a plain and elegant limplicity. Their hair ceafmg to 
 be ridiculous flowed with all the beauty or unadorned nature ; their habits were 
 ufeful and decent ; and the ornaments of either fex fo few, and fo well chofen, . 
 that they added to the graceful and elegant appearance of the wearers. 
 
 The 
 
 Robert of 
 Glocefter ; 3 
 Chion.pub- 
 lifted by 
 Hearne, 
 p;.ge 390.,- 
 
; i6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The habits of the kings and noblemen partook alfo of the fimplic'ity j their 
 common drefs confifted of a clofe long gown, or circoat, which reached down to 
 .their heels, the which habit was often ornamented with a border or collar of 
 gold, or embroidery, fet with precious ftones; fee the figure of the king, plate 
 36, No. 1 of the firffc vol. and plate 39, No. 2 of the fame. Over this gown or 
 circoat they wore a long robe or cloak, which alfo reached down to their heels ; 
 this robe in all the delineations (as well of the kings as of the nobles) appears to 
 be only loofely thrown over the moulders ; fometimes (though indeed but fel- 
 dom) it is feen faftened on the middle of the bread, by a round buckle., not un- 
 like thofe of the Saxons ; fee in plate 45 No. 2, in vol. 1 , the figure of the hermit 
 who fUnds befide the king. And though it does not appear, yet doubtlefs the 
 cloaks of all the figures reprefented in the Norman Mra, were in fome manner 
 faftened to the clofe habit, either by hooks and eyes, or fome contrivance of the 
 Jike nature. 
 
 Whenever the king or his nobles are reprefented riding or walking abroad, 
 they have a hood conftantly feen hanging behind their cloaks ; as is exhibited in 
 plates 41 and 45, No. 1 in the ift vol. 
 
 The figures riding, reprefented in plate 58, No. 1 of the lit vol. have cloaks 
 differing from any of thofe above described, they feem to be put over the head, 
 and fo hung down before and behind, being divided on each fide to make room 
 for the arms, like the tabard or herald's coat; the caps are alfo very different 
 from any of the others that are feen in the courfe of the delineations here co^ 
 pied ; this I take to be the common riding drefs of this Mra.. 
 
 The clofe habit, or circoat, was put on over rhe head like a fhirt, and 
 then they girded it round their loins with a girdle, fee plate 37 No. 1, of the 
 ill; vol. thus the. old poet, Robert of Gloucefler, defcribes the coming of Ste*- 
 phen Segreave, and others, to make fubmiffion to king Henry the third. 
 
 Robt.Gioc. ©ttjbfltHN barcfootcD, aat> ungirt alfo 
 
 in vita Hen.' %l)tit a?ms to ttjc clbotos naUcD 3 anD tl;cir Ijcattf to tf;ncto. 
 
 •.3. 
 
 Thefe girdles were often made of gold and embroidery, and fet with pretious 
 ftones. 
 
 In antient times none but kings and queens were permitted to wear purple, 
 of this our own poet Lidgate makes mention, in his life of the BlelTed Virgin, 
 
 M _ £>o tfjat no tofgW of tfle tfoofo ropall 
 
 at R'b yU " ^ tfatute oloc tpm pc njoulu no man fccn at all 
 
 1 ' 3 a pnrpil dan, but otljpr fcpngc or qtocne 
 
 j\\ IjolD tpm pad t&ujs it Ijafl; been feen. 
 
 The foldiers were clad in a clofe Tunic, which reached only to the knees, fee 
 fome of the figures, plate 36 of the fir ft vol. 
 
 The queen and other great ladies were cloathed in modefl elegant habits, con- 
 lifting of a loofe gown girded round the waift, which reached to the ground, 
 and a vail over their heads : the chief diftindion between the married, and un- 
 married ladies appears to be an additional robe over the gown, which hangs 
 ,{Jown before, not unlike the facerdotal robe of a prieft. Robert de Brune (in 
 
 his 
 
OF THE NORMANS. Yj 
 
 feis illuftration of Peter LangtofFs Chronicle) defcribing the flight of Maud the 
 emprefs from Oxford, in the reign of Stephen, fays (he got forth 
 
 Mtkut Idttcllc ojc iannrr, fabc Bobe?d;cf alle bate trig. £ obert de 
 
 '.brume in 
 
 That is without a kirtle or pettycoat, over her mift, and only the koverchef or n -| a ^ <X P ,U - 
 vail over her head. The queen, plate 61 of the firft vol. is diftinguifhed by the 
 crown on the top of her head, belides the vail bound over her chin, which en- 
 tirely covers her neck; whereas the princeffes, plate 60 of the fame vol. have 
 only a hoop, or plain circle of gold put round their temples, and under it the 
 vail hangs flowing over each moulder. 
 
 The coronation habits of the kings, tho' then efteemed grand and magnifi- 
 cent, partake alfo of the elegance and fnnplicityof the age. The king, plate 40, 
 vol. 1, is fir/I habited in a clofe habit, or circoat, which has a broad collar turned 
 down, from which behind him hangs the rich coronation robe ; fee alfo plate 
 48, vol. 1. 
 
 The caps which are worn by the noblemen on each fide of the king in the 
 42 plate, vol. 1, are fuch as were worn by none but the grandees of the realm: 
 ihe one worn by the figure at the king's right hand efpecially, which is orna- 
 mented with jewels in the front ; thefe caps are fometimes turned up before as 
 here reprefented, and fometimes quite : plain, as in plate 49, No. 1, volume the 
 firft; and plate 44, No. 1, of the fame volume, is a figure at the king's right 
 hand, who wears a cap turned up at the corners, differing from any that appears 
 eifewhere. 
 
 The habits of the clergy did not differ much from thofe of the Saxons. The 
 monks are cloathed in large loofe gowns, with long fleeves, having a cowl or 
 hood hanging behind ; and this gown reached to the ground : thus the old po- 
 etical chronicler, John Harding, in the life of Henry the third has this line : 
 
 3n fjfttf cloaftjeg, tljat \mi fall Ions tallcU John Hard, 
 
 nag's Chrow 
 
 Their heads were fhorn clofe round, fee plate 34, vol. 1, the portrait of John nicle > fol# 
 Wallingford, and that of Mat. Paris, plate 35, both monks of St. Albans ; and 
 the monk reprefented on the mifcellaneous plate 33, fig. 6, of the fame volume : 
 the afliftant priefts, plate 64, vol. 1, who are carrying the fhrine of St. Alban, 
 have an additional loofe furplice over their other habits. 
 
 r l he chief drefs of the common people was a mort jacket, barely reaching to 
 the top of the knees, girt round the loins. The man reaping fig. 6, plate 32, 
 vol. 1, has a broad belt and buckle; fome of them have ftockings and fhoes, and 
 others are apparently without either. Their heads they covered with a kind of 
 hood, as the men putting the ftone on the tomb, plate 39, No. 1, vol. 1, alfo 
 .plate 63, No. 2, the man ftriking with his ax ; the bonnet, or hat, of the plate 
 32, fig. 10, vol. 1, differs much from any of the reft, it is not much unlike the 
 .modern hat flapped all round. 
 
 The Normans constantly fhaved their beards all over, and did not leave the Malmfiwy 
 upper lip unfhorn, as the Englifh in the time of the ConfefTor were wont to do; g^-fi^ 
 therefore, fay the old hiftorians, when Harold fent fpies to watch the motions, j^"S- Iib ^3j 
 and difcover the number of the Normans, they returned, and declared that they others.' 
 tad not feen any foldiers in the Conqueror's camp, but an army of priefts ; the 
 
 D priefts 
 
i8. THE MANNERS AND' CUSTOMS, 
 
 priefts always holding it indecent to wear their beards : and again, Mathew Paris 
 tftoRic? tel]s US> that WiIliam » the ^ditious Londoner, in the reign of Richard the firft, 
 pag. 5s." ' * iaci tJle m " name <- u m barba, Avom his obftinately wearing his beard, in defpite 
 
 of the cuftom of the Normans, which was to be clofe (haven. 
 Camden's Robert, eldeft fon to the Conqueror, (fays Camden) ufed fhort hofe; and 
 remains, thereupon was by-named, Court-hofe, and Ihewed firft the ufe of them to the 
 pag. 132. Englifli ; which opinion was followed by moft of our chroniclers. Trevifa in 
 Gaston's tranflatiofl of the Polychronicon writes in one place Eobejt fecfruMjoot ; (fo 
 
 Polychron. alfo does Speed after him) and in another he has it Kobcjt ST)O?f*|)OOff0 ; but fure 
 chap. i2, if hofe may be ftri&ly faid to mean ftockings, as the chroniclers feem to agree, , 
 Chap 43 i4, ws ^ al1 mid tnat Robert could not be the firft that mewed the ufe of them to the 
 .34*.. Englifli ; becaufe long before the conqueft of the Normans, they were worn by 
 Speed vit. all the Saxons, as almo'ft every one of their own delineations fufficiently teftify : . 
 Hen. pn. f Q tliat moft likely not from his mowing the ufe of the fhort hofe to the Eng- 
 lifli, but from his firft introducing them among the Normans, he might' 
 obtain that name *. the fame perhaps may be faid of Henry the fecond. Tre- 
 Caxton Po- ^ifaio the Polychronicon fiys, t\)z miyfe being Dttsc fj® fcc-Dp lap nafccD lonrj time, til! 
 lychron. tljat a fgiltj robf?pD tlie nctlnt xmttp of bot-p 'trjulj a V:,3it rlofcf, ttjnn rj(t fccmcB that Ijia 
 chap. 24, fitjnarae toas fuifplicD tljat he \)mz of ir* flultdjocr, l^nirp ^borf.-clole tljdt rjiajjt fhort : 
 See iffo mantei tbc fee, for tfcijs toa^ tlje fpjftc trjat broucht fljoite rtcfc&eg otitc of angco into 
 Hollm° C£ncr,IaHD» But if we look. over the plates of the Saxon a?ra, we fhall at once be. 
 Cb.roa.471. certain that this could not be the firft introduction of fhort cloaks, when we find- 
 them fo univerfally worn by the Saxons : perhaps tho' he was not the firft th.r; 
 brought them into England, he might be the firft of the Norman line that wore 
 them here 5 and by that means might truly be faid to be the reftorer of an an-- 
 fient cuftom, which might be grown out of ufe from the time of the Norman, 
 conqueft. 
 
 And here it is to be noted, that the umbrella is by no rreans a modern 
 invention; fee one as ufed in the time of king Stephen, plate .1, fig. 13,, 
 of this volume. 
 
 Banquets 3 &c. of ' the Anglo Normans. • 
 
 We may learn from the ancient hiftcrians, how great and magnificent the 
 public feafts and banquets were in this Norman cera. The old poet Robert of; 
 Glocefter, . fpeaks of the profufenefs of the Conqueror in the following v/crca s 
 
 ■ $bpun \i tens ancn. 
 
 Robert G'c- fptljc nc fcft ejauraUl pr„ to OB>?ctrornnc at tiftbfirrityjfc 
 
 cefter, pub- qg ytcfontvue at flftetfjn^fM, to (£f!?c at M$tuytfkk 
 
 l™* 6 h v <&\)uV< £ -CtttEss i)c vnoulDe tioloe fo nobtyc&c 
 
 <L?.V/th fo grtt pitnte ano toaft ancfo tptljcljrclje 
 qpj$t toonoet tnasi Mtanrne coin, ac to fuffcpnp fact) nobtye 
 l^c sravune tljat poutjt bole, anc nom of ftnn hps prtpe 
 &o ttat l;e toass rpcljc IftH ful c , atiD-tfcat Ioud paut?t ai out* 
 
 The 
 
 * But \ rather incline to the interpretation of Trevifa and Speed; for Malmfbury ' calls him Ro- 
 lelhms Carta Ocrea ; which may mean perhaps a' kind of bufkins, or half-boots, as are reprefented 
 tvoin by the figures plate 33, fig, 5, and of thefe he might be the inventor. 
 
 Hearne 
 pag. 376. 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 19 
 'The fubjftance of which is, that he was crowned three times a year; and at each 
 time there was fuch pompous feafting and wafte, that he thereby greatly impo- 
 • verifhed the whole kingdom. 
 
 At the marriage of Richard earl of Cornwall (the brother of Henry the third) j^'J^'j 
 with Cincia, daughter of Raymund earl of Province, there were more than^thirty u ' an I2 ' 1 "' 
 thoufand dimes -j- prepared for the marriage feaft : 
 
 And at the knighting, and marriage of young Alexander king of Scotland, 
 (who married Margaret, daughter to Henry the third) there were no lefs than Ibid, futr.' 
 fixty oxen flain, as one lingle article, with every other thing in proportion that ann « 1252; 
 was fcarce and rare. 
 
 In the fame year, that is in the 40th of Henry the third, John Manfel, the StoW > s Sur-; 
 king's counfellor, gave a Irately dinner to the kings of England and Scotland, V ey of Lo n - 
 and their queens : there was alfo prefent Edward the king's fon, the bifhop of don, 11.525* 
 London, and many earls, barons, knights, and citizens ; in fhort, fo large 
 was his company that his houfe at Totehill could not contain them ; there- 
 fore he fet up tents, and paviUions for their reception^ and feven hundred meffes 
 of meat was not fufficient to ferve them for the firft courfe. Let what has been 
 faid fuffice, tho' many other inconteftible proofs may be brought, of the vaft 
 and expenfive profufion of their banquets, yet let us not, while here we cen- 
 fure the extravagance of this jera, forget to throw into the oppofite fcale, the 
 many inftances of benevolence, and true Englifh hofpitality; 
 
 Our monarch, king Henry the fecond, (in expiation for the murder of Thomas ' pa £' ^* 
 Becket) in the time of a fore dearth, (an. 1171) maintained at his own coft ten 
 thoufand poor perfons, till the new oorn could be gathered up, and diftributed 
 forth. 
 
 Walter de Suffield, bifliop of Norwich, at the time of a dearth, (about the 
 year 1245) fold all his plate to relieve the prefiing neceffities of his diftreiTed 
 fellow creatures. 
 
 The like benevolent difpofition fhorie forth in Robert Winchelfey, Arch- 
 bifliop of Canterbury, who, befides the fragments from his table, every Friday 
 and Saturday gave great alms, and a loaf of bread fufficient for the day, to any 
 who would fetch it. The number of thefe mendicants (fays Stow) generally 
 amounted to four or five thoufand at lean: ; moreover every great feftival he dis- 
 tributed forth, one hundred and fifty pence to as many poor people, one penny 
 each perfon ; and fent daily meat and bread, with money and apparel to fuch of 
 ,the aged and difeafed, whofe infirmities might render them incapable of 
 coming to (hare in his Chriftian-like bounty. Thefe, with many other as fin*- 
 gular inftances of boafted Englifh hofpitality, fo defervedly noted by our hifto- 
 j-ians of the antient times, make us look back with pleafure ; while we wifh the 
 fame benevolent fpirit may ftill continue ; but alas! we figh for like examples of 
 Chriftianity and humanity, in the prefent age. 
 
 The boars head was eftesmed a noble and princely dim : this we are told was 
 brought to the king's table with the trumpeters founding their trumpets before it 
 in proceflionj for, fays Hollingihead, '* upon the day of coronation (of young 
 Henry) king Henry the fecond his father, ferved him at table as fewer, bring- 
 ing up the bores head with trumpettes afore it, accordyng to the ancient maner." 
 
 It 
 
 t In coqulnali minifterio plura quam triginta millia ferculorum prandentibus parabantur,&c. Mat. 
 Paris, edit. Will. Wats, A. D. 1684, P a S- 53&« 
 
2o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 It mould appear at this period, that the kings fat at meat attended by their ' 
 phyficians 5 which feems to be confirmed by Robert of Glocefter, for king 
 Henry the firft, defirous to eat of a lamprey, which was brought to the table, 
 was warned by his phyficians to forbear, becaufe it was very unwholefome for 
 him ; thefe are the words of the poet : 
 
 Robt. Gloc. — tojrtleto of a lamptc^e to ete 
 
 in vita Hen. ^ ^ ^ >m j,^^ . ^ ^ £ty f m tftf . 
 
 Leche was the name by which all profeffors of furgery and phytic were antient-- 
 ly diftinguifhed ; and iafome partsof the kingdom to this day, a cow doclor isJ « 
 called a cow. leche. . 
 
 Mufical Xnftauments, &c,.of the. Anglo Normans. - 
 
 It was cuftomary with the Norman king?, (as well as with all other northern s 
 nations) to fit at meat attended, by their bards, who accompanied the notes of 
 the harp with their voice ; finging the great and heroic acts of their patron, or 
 his predeceflbrs : .thus fay the hillorians, we owe the finding the tomb and 
 bones of Arthur (the Britim king), to the curiofity of Henry the fecond ; be- 
 fore whom a Welfh harper playing, in his fong declared that the^body of that 
 royal Briton, lay entombed at Glafbnbury, .between two pillars ; -which place 
 being opened by king Henry's order, it was found in manner as defcr-ibed in ths ; 
 P:*ge 69, firfl volume. Oh plate 1, fig. 16, of this volume, is exhibited a harp, the ori- 
 voJi 3. ginal of which is in- a M. S. as an-tient as the time of king Stephen j one exactly 
 See defcrip-of the fame form appears in a M.JS. of Mathew Paris, written in the reign cf 
 tion of the Henry the third. Plate 33, fig. 7, in the firfl vol. is the violin, with five firings,- , 
 plateS *D 1 ^ rom a h^ 'S' written about the time of Henry the fecond-j and fig. 9, plate i P - 
 a^udBib. 1 ' °f l ^* s volume, is one drawn by Mathew Paris, which has only four; the pegs 
 Cotton! of both are placed horizontally on the nut. In plate 33, at fig. 12, is an organ* 
 See the ac- f r0 m the pfalier of Eadwine at Cambridge : we fee four men are reprefented as 
 M^S S*" blowing, the bellows, while two others are playing ; there is a double fet of pipes* ., 
 page'10'5. f° Lir on r ^ nt hand, which are larger than the fix on the left, . the lafl may 
 vol. 1. be the treble, the former the bafs; on the table part before the pipes is made 
 eleven holes, all nearly of the fame fize ; but their ufe. I cannot determine \ there 
 appears to be alio three barrels, or tubes, in front, the intention of which was 
 very likely to contain the wind for the iupply of the pipes} there does not feein 
 to beany keys, butthe fingers of the two figures that are playing* appear to be 
 clofe preffed down upon the bottom of the pipes; and perhaps they might by 
 premng thefe, open fome fmall aperture, through which the wind might b« 
 conveyed from the tubes in front to the pipes. But all this muft be left to the 
 judgment of the curious enquirer. 
 
 Fig. 15 of plate- 1, in this vol. reprefenrs a lute, and fig. 14, a lyre, and fig, 
 17 a dulcimer ; all as antient as the time of king Stephen. 
 
 The horn, the trumpet, and other martial mufic, feems to be much upon the 
 fame plan with thofe ufed by our anceflors the Saxons 
 
 Sports 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 
 
 Sports and Paftimes of the Anglo-Normans. 
 
 The moft ancient andnoble fports were hunting, hawking, and other forreft 
 amuiements. Such a paflionate admirer of thefe paftimes was the Conqueror, 
 that he depopulated whole villages, and pulled down churches, for the full fpace 
 of thirty miles, (in the county of Hampfhire) to makeaforreft for the preferva- Ma i I ™y }t ^ ?3 '' 
 tion of the game : and in this forreft was his fon Rufus flain, as he was hunting will. 2 dT 
 with his nobles. Henry the Firft alfo was fo fond of all kinds of wild animals, page 71, 
 that he made a park (the firft park, fays Stow, made in England) at Woodftock, Stow's 
 feven miles in circumference, and walled it with ftone, where he placed, befides Chro «« 
 great numbers of deer, many ftrange beafts fent him from afar, as lyons, leopards, ^ J§e 
 lynxes, &c. He had alfo there a porcupine, which was then efteemed as won- Gett^Re 6 
 derfulas it was uncommon, being the firft feen in England. For the making of Ano-' Jib^v, 
 this park, he deftroyed (fays Stow) feveral • villages, churches and chapels, page 91. 
 Henry Earl of Warwick, was the firft that followed his example, making him- 
 felf a park at Wadgenoke, near Warwick, -for the prelervation of his deer and 
 other animals for hunting. So alio Henry the Second was famous for his exer- Grafton, 
 cife in " huntyng, hawkyng, and fuch lyke paftymes." vol.2. p. 49,; 
 
 The game of chefs was alfo in great efteem. Daniel, in his- Collection, tells 
 us the following ftory of prince Henry, the voungeft fon of the Conqueror, af- 
 terwards Henry the Firft, who, with his brother Robert, went to the court of 
 the French king, where they were well entertained; and upon an after dinner ^ . 
 (lays he) prince Henry wan fo much at chefle of Louis, the king's eldeft fon, as CoUe&fon 
 hee growing into choller, called him the lonne of a baftard, and threw the chefle of the Hift, 
 in his face. Henry takes up the chefle board, and ftrake Louis with that force, of Eng. 
 as drew bloud, and had killed him, had not his brother Robert come in the p ' 35 ' 
 meane time and interpofed himfelfe ; whereupon they fuddenly took horfe, and MS. apud 
 gat away. — In an old poem of the Life and Acts of Richard the Firft, is this Bib. Harl. 
 verle, , *»% 
 3Ho Mug IRkfatfc fiotic ant> plr?e : 
 
 Thefe were the kingiy fports. Among the commoner people, the running at* 
 the quinten was a game the moft efteemed. The figure of the quinten, from 
 Stow's Survey of London, is reprefented in plate 1,, fig. 10, of this volume, the 
 top of which turns round with the greateft eafe ; one end thereof is flat and 
 broad, and at the other hangs - a large bag filled with fand : the method of per- 
 forming was thus; The youth be'ing mounted on a good horfe,' with a long Surve^Tf* 
 ftafT or blunt lance, ran fingly, aiming the lance at the broad part of the quin--Lon V don° 
 ten, and he that hit it not (fays Stow) was of all men laughed to fcorne; and^p- 76 & 77, 
 he that hit it full, if hee rode not the fafter, had a found blow on his necke 
 with a bag full of fand that hung on the other end, • 
 
 Iii 
 
zi THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 In the year of our Lord 1283, (the 38th of Henry the Third) the young men of 
 London let forth a game called quinten, (fays Mathew Paris) and he who bell 
 performed, was to have a peacock for his prize, * 
 
 William Fitz Stephen, a monk of Canterbury, who was born at London, has 
 left behind him an account of fuch fports and games as were in ufe in his time. 
 He flourifhed in the reigns of Stephen and Henry the Second, and died in the 
 Titz Ste- year of our Lord 1191. 
 
 phen'sAc- In the firft place, fpeaking of the theatrical amufements, he tells us, " that 
 London" interludes belonging to the theatre, were plays of holy fubjecls, reprefenting 
 
 S e ^tow'* the miracles wrought by the Saints, with the acts and pious fuffrings of the 
 'survey,page Blelfed Martyrs." And thefe holy and religious matters, continued for along 
 706. ' time to be the only fubjects for the drama. They alfo had plays, in which 
 were reprefented the perfon and actions of our Blefled Saviour, the Virgin Mary, 
 and the Twelve Apoftles, &c. 
 
 Next he informs us, " that every funday afternoon in Lent, was fpent in 
 riding courfes upon trained horfes, and in counterfeit battles, made with lances 
 and fhields j thofe of the younger fort not having their pikes headed with iron. 
 And to thefe fports not only the citizens of London, but even young men of note 
 and family, (who had not yet attained to the honour of knighthood) reforted to 
 try their lkill, and excrcife themfelves in arms j while others, in divided com- 
 panies, ftrove in races tooutftrip each other, often throwing down their fellows 
 in their courfe. In the eafter hollydays (adds he) they have feint fea fights ; or 
 elfe a pole was fet up in the middle of the river Thames, and a fhield made fa{fc 
 thereto ; then a young man {landing in a boat, which being both rowed by oars, 
 and driven by the tide, glides fwiftly on, while he wkh his lance hits the target 
 as the boat paries by, when if he breaks his lance without loofeing his own foot- 
 ing, he performeth well ; but if on the contrary the lance remains unbroken, he 
 will be tumbled backwards into the water, and the boat pafleth on ; neverthelefs 
 there are always two boats ready to fuccour him as foon as they can conveniently. 
 During the hollydays, the youth were exercifed in leaping, mooting with bows, 
 wreftling, and cafting of ffcones and javelins j at other times with bucklers, like 
 fighting, men. During the winter feafon, almofl every hollyday, there was fome 
 . bore-fight, (the head of which animal was much efteemed) or elfe bull-baiting. 
 The ladies were mean while amufed with dancing, and other feminine paftimes. 
 When the waters were frozen over, the youth exercifed themfelves with Aiding, 
 ,or driving each other forward. on great pieces of ice ; but thofe more expert, 
 bound to their fhoes the leg bones of animals, and with flakes which they held in 
 their hands, (headed with {harp iron) they pufhed themfelves along with fuch 
 fpeed, that thev ieemed to fly like a bird in the air, or as darts fhot out from the 
 engines of war." (Hence it is evident, that the invention of llcates was not then 
 ; known or well underwood in England, fince they were put to fuch fliifts to fup- 
 ply the want of them.) " Sometimes (continues, my author) two men will place 
 themfelves at a diftance, then pufhing themfelves on with great force, will run 
 againft each other with their ftaves, as it were tilting, by which means much 
 hurt often enfued; while the graver citizens ainufe themfelves with birds, as 
 
 fpar-hawkes, 
 
 * Et eodem tempore juvenes Londinenfes ftatuto Pavone pro Bravio, ad ftadium quod Qu'intena vul- 
 gariter dicitur, vires proprias & equorum curfus lunt experti." Mat. Par. Sub, An. 1253. — E^d, 
 t Gu.Ucl. Watts, An. Dom. 1684, page 744. 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 23 
 fjSar-hawkes, goofe-hawkes, and the like, others delight in dogs, to hunt in the 
 
 woody grounds. 
 
 Among the Ichool boys (fays my author) at Shroftide, were amufement fet 
 forth of cock fighting; and in the afternoons; playing with balls, Sec. 
 
 Marriages, &e. of the Anglo-Normans. 
 
 Among -the various alterations made by the Normans, there is none fcems to 
 have lurrered lefs change than the religious ceremonies in general, but more par- Vid. Llnde- 
 ticularly fuch as appertained to the facraments of marriage, of baptifm, or the y-° d p tC p r °~ 
 fepulchral rights ; and indeed, from what may be gathered from the various ftitut.Otho- 
 church laws, we fhall find, that even-to the prefent time, the chief ground work boni, &c. 
 of thofe very ceremonies yet remains entire : a couple defirous to be married, 
 Were to be three times aiked in the church (as is cuftomary to this day) unlefs 
 they obtained a dilpenfation from the bifhop of the diocele. Plate 49, No 1 in Conflitut. 
 the j ft vol. reprefents the efpoufals j where the lady is brought to the king, and ^ te fj h:1 £ ! t 
 her hand is by the prieft placed between both of his : after this, as in plate 42, . rc u an * 
 alfo of the ift vol, the king is putting the ring upon the middle ringer of the 
 woman's right hand, and thus they were folemnly married. I find no mention 
 of the wedding ring in the Saxon /Era, except in the Polychronicon, tranflated Polychron. 
 by Trevifa, where there is told a fooliOi flory of a young man at Rome (in the Lib. 6. chap 
 time of Edward the Confeffor) who being at phy on the day of his wedding z6 * 
 with his friends, " fepfcrtys fpoutyns rpnge on tjjf fpttgCJ of an ptMge* of Venus, and 
 could by no manner of means get it off again. night, when he fhould have 
 bedded with his bride, he found the ftatue in bed in his place : and the ftatue faid 
 to him, lC t^otr Ijaff fpon r ct) mt tljtjS Dap". But how fhould the man have the " fpou* 
 ^Hgrynge" in his poilcihon after the wedding? except it was cuftomary abroad 
 for the bridegroom to have a ring as well as the bride : but perhaps, Hidgden 
 may have been as far from juftice in his mention of the fpouling ring, as he is 
 diftant from the truth in the ftory itfeif. Though it is very likely that the 
 Saxcns might ufe rings at their efpoui'als and marriages ; for it is moft certain 
 that they often were tokens cf things of the greateft confequence : thus Offa, Speed's chr, • 
 who after Ethelbcrt, was heir to the kingdom of the Eaft Angles (being on a 
 pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulcher) adopted Edmund to fucceed Ethelbert, lending 
 his ring to him as a token of his resignation, and thereby ordained him king of 
 the Eaft Angles. 
 
 The guardianlnip, or CDuno of the Saxons, and the difpofal of the wards by 
 the CDunfcbona or guardian, was not only continued by the Normans, but alfo G a r aft ?"» 
 even in the later times ; for lay* 0rajftpjl in his Chronicle, " It is to be much ^ l2 °' 
 lamented, that wardes are bought and folde as commonlye- as are beafts, and 
 marriages are made v. ith them that they arc many tyines very ungodly,for dyverfe 
 of them beyng of yong and tender yeres, are forced to judge by another mannes * 
 affe&ion, to fee with another mannes eye, . and fay yea with another mannes 
 tongue, and finally confent with another mannes hart. For none of thele fences 
 be perfited to the parties in that minond; , and fo the election beyng unfree, and 
 the yeres unripe, eche of them almoft of neceffitie muft hate the other, whome 
 yet they have had no judgement to love. Aud certeineiy the common bergay n- 
 
 yng 
 
24 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 yng and felling of them is be abhorred, befide the fhamefull polling that many 
 ufe, which if they confent not to fuche as are their fellers, they mall be han- 
 deled as the common faiyng is, like wardes, and flriped almoft out of al they 
 have, when the fame mould do them moft good. -God graunt (continues he) 
 •the majeftrates maye take fome good order therein, for furely it is nedefull, for 
 many do fo ufe them, as the fame is not fufferable in a chriftian realrae. For 
 who feeth not daylye, what innumerable inconveniencies, devorces, yea and fome 
 murders, have of fuche marriages (or rather no marriages at all) proceeded, the 
 pjefent time fheweth too many examples, which minifter fufficient caufe for us 
 to bewayle the fame : but the greater!: injury is to God who hath made that free, 
 namely matrimony, which the lawe of the reajme maketh bonde, the redreffe 
 whereof belongeth qnely to the prince." 
 
 In the eighth year of king Henry the Third, the parliament granted to the 
 king and his heirs (kings of this realm) by the barony of England, the ward, 
 and marriage of their heyres. 
 J-Tollln ^ Q t ^ ie R e 'g n °f Henry the Firft, there was a law confirmed by parliament* 
 
 chron. page that no contract, made between a man and woman, without witnefles, concern- 
 341. ing marriage, mould fland good if either of them denied it ; and another, that 
 
 H°n L rfm kinsfolk might not contract matrimony, but within the feventh degree of con- 
 EadIt. P Gu- fanguinity ; and a third was, that a widow mould mourn for her hufband twelve 
 liel. Lam- months, after which time the was at liberty to chufe as fhe would ; but if fhe 
 bert, cap. married within the fpaceof one year, fhe mould forfeit her dowry CDorrgangipan, 
 and all the wealth me might have enjoyed Jrom her firfl hniband, 6cc. 
 
 jForm of Baptifm ufed by the Normans. 
 
 ^Vid.'Linde- The child was brought to the font (in the fame manner as it is at this day?) 
 v* 1 d ial S ^ r °" atten{ ^ e( ^ by t ^ ie fp or >f° rs ; that is, two men and one woman, if a male child j 
 on the contrary, if a female, two women and one man ; the infant was put into 
 Conflit Tn t ^ ie water *f cou ^ °ear n > if not > it was only fprinkled, and the prieft faid, 
 Peckham,' either in Englifh, clnjairte t1;t in the name of tljc farjqr, ant) of tlje fonne, anD of tl;e 
 Arch. Cant. !)olrc gtjaft, amen j or in French, as, Je te baptize en nom du pere du Jilz et du faint 
 ejpirit, amen ; or elfe in Latin, as, Ego te baptizo in nomine patris et fili'i et fpiri- 
 tConftit. tus fantliy amen. And then the child was anointed with the holy oil : — if the 
 Step. Lang- prieft. could not arrive time enough, it was lawful for fome grave p.erfon of the 
 Cant AlXh * y t0 Da P tlze ^ > even the father, or the mother, in time of need ; and in fuch 
 cafe, the prieft, when he came, was very careful to examine them ftrictly, concern- 
 ing the form and method, in which they had adminiftered this holy facrament ; 
 and then he performed the facred unction, which was not proper for the layman 
 to do.* 
 
 Arts 
 
 * Thus Machew Paris, fpeaking of the inordiaate practices of the laymen in the time of the 
 Conqueror; fays, they prophaned the holy myfteries, baptizing children, and anointed them with 
 .filth inftead of oil ; " fordido autium humore pro lacro chrifmate utentes et pleo." &c. — Mat. Paris, 
 iub An. 1074, in Vit. Williel. Conq. 
 
OF THE NORMANS. 
 
 Arts and Learning of the Anglo Normans. 
 
 Tho' the arts cannot yet be faid to have matured to great perfection, yet we 
 certainly find them much improved. The buildings of the Normans, together 
 with the many bas-relievo's, and the monumental effigies of their heroes, are 
 -not only curious, but many of them abfolutely well executed. The bas-relie- 
 vo in the chapel of Edward the ConfelTor, within the abbey of Weftminfter, 
 that exhibits various paflages of the life of that prince, which together with 
 the rich mrine (now fo ruinated) were all executed by artifts in the reign of 
 Henry the third : many of the monumental effigies of the Normans were carved 
 in wood ; and fome of them are moft elegantly well executed. At the church 
 of Danbury, near Chelmsford in Eifex, there are three beautiful figures carved 
 in wood, of three knights j all of whom being Cruifadors, are reprefented crofs 
 legged : thefe figures are fuppofed to be of the family of the Sanclo CJaros, y jde 
 about the time of king Stephen ; they are exceeding fine, and defigned with f Eflcx. * 
 much elegance ; thefe, with many others may be brought to prove the great 
 height of the art of fculpture in this jera. 
 
 There alfo flourimed in this asra, feveral great and learned men, as well his- 
 torians, as divines and philofophers. Of the firfl: clafs are William of Malmf- 
 bury, Henry Huntingdon, Richard Hexham, Roger Hoveden, and Mathew 
 Paris, who ftand the foremoft among a great number of others ; and have left 
 us the antient records of our progenitors. They were alfo well ikilled in agro- 
 nomy, tho' but indifferent geographers : fome among them were very great 
 critics in chronology : the which with the computation of time, was well under- 
 ftood by the Saxons before them, as appears by a valuable M. S. in the Ammo- 
 lean mufeum, written by one Byrdjerthus, or Brid fertus, a monk of Ramfey, 
 who flourifhed in the reign of Ethelred, about the year of our Lord 980 : he 
 tells us that, pip hunt> *j peopep ~j pyxry aromi jepypcaS an momentum, peopep M. ?. apucf 
 momenta ^epyllao' minurum. ~j rpegen minura *j healp jepypcaS ane Ppican. Bib.Afhmol 
 ~j peop&p ppica gepypcao 1 ane tit) on J?aepe pun nan pyne. -j pyx rroa pypcaS anne Uxen ' 
 ■pyjrShng. *j peopep pypolm^ap pypcaS anne t>a:g. *] pecpon oagap ane pucan, 
 that is 564 atoms make a moment, 4 moments make a minute, 2 minutes and a half 
 make a prick or point, 4 points make a tid or an hour, in the courfe cf the Jim, 6 tids 
 make a fyrthting, ^fyrthtings a day, and /even days a week. This author improved 
 upon Bede, whom he calls appupSa pimcpaeptiga a worthy chronologer. Caxton 
 in the Englim edition of the Polychronicon, tells us that Lotharyngus, bimop 
 of Hereford, "toag connpncj of al mantt of artcs ant) fcpentti?, fpcctallp Ije rotUb gfcpllc In Po] chro . , 
 abactou that ig a table to mafee bp bpbe?fe figures anD fl)appe$5, be IntXoi tljc toujss of tljc monr con^fe^Y ' 
 anb otfjtv ftcjjeg anD plancta^," he was alfo connpnge in ctytonologp, and in the fame book chap. 2.* 
 fpeaking of Robert Grofthed, bimop of Lincoln, fays, "Ije ftag cormpng in all t\)Z 
 liberal arteg, anb fpctiallp ljc cjpottmcb manp trjpngeg in logpfc, ctpkss, anb alfrolcgpc." So 
 fays Hollingffiead, in the time of Richard the firft, flouriflied Robert de Bello- rbi(J ]jb 
 Foco, an excellent philofopher : and in the reign of John, there lived one Si- c hap\ \t>. 7 ' 
 mon Thurnaye, who being an excellente philofopher, but ftanding too much Holl.Chron. 
 in his owne conceyt, upon a fuddayne dyd fo forget all his knowledge in learn- P- 54'« 
 
 E mg, 
 
26 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 ing, that he became the mo ft ignorant of all other; a punifhment (as was thought) 
 appoynted to hym of God, for fuche blafphemies as he hadde wickedly uttered, 
 both againft Moles and Chrift. 
 
 Their Ikill in forgery, at the beginning of this period, mull have been 
 very trifling indeed, if we may believe the old poet Robert of Glocefler, who 
 fpeaking of the Duke of Auftrich, that took king Richard the firft prifoner, fays 
 
 Rob Glof T.z fcl of fiiifai nns Irtt it fct fy. m 
 
 in vi ' t Kic ' &o ttiajt fo im cjotoe a mojtoe W ffit toas 
 
 P ri. p. 49 o. ^Ijo tl;at $11 lecfas fete, i$« tral ret tote on 
 
 flDtbr* unite of is for, otljcj be teas bet anon 
 
 $c ijet itticoaficliclje, action me ne font 
 
 £)f aiic is men, tljat VdoIdc ftttc t\)ii m TjanD 
 
 a kene a* t'im fulf fjc IjulD tfcetfo arte iafte 
 
 Slnb miD ffjcnffttie oft tp c!;ambeletn tljcjcon finite talU' 
 
 Sge? cn fe fmot timer, tlje tojcceljc to gjctpine 
 
 fe>o tl;at I;e fmot of t!;au tot mis jjreat tos atte fine* 
 
 Which verfes import, that he fell off from his horfe, and forely bruifed his- 
 foot; and his phyficians declared that if it was not immediately fmitten off, he 
 would die • but none would undertake the performance of the operation ; till 
 the duke took a fharp ax, and bid the chamberleyn ftrike it off, and he fmote 
 Hollineto-. thrice ere he could do it, putting the duke to moll horrid torture.. And Hol- 
 Chron. ' lin^fhead tells us, that in the time of Henry the third, there lived one Richard,, 
 pag. 814. f ur nanied Medicus, «' a molt learned phifician, and no lefs expert in philofophy 
 and mathematics but makes not the lead mention of furgery. Alfo fome 
 Rog.Hcved. autnors i ia ve attributed the death of Richard the firft, (wounded in the Ihoulder 
 do°ver Wen " ^ tne cal ° cle of Chalezun) to the unflcillfulnefs of thofe who had the care of the- 
 ° Ver ' wound, and not from the quarrel's being poifoned, as others have infinuated. 
 
 The End of the Norman. JErz* 
 
 Tht 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 THE 
 
 ENGLISH i£RAj 
 
 FROM 
 
 The Beginning of the Reign of EDWARD the Firft, 
 
 T O 
 
 The Latter End of HENRY the Seventh, 
 
 TVT O W are we come to the laft ftage of this work, the sera of the Englim ; 
 
 ^ and as here we have a larger profpect opened before us, the manners and 
 cufloms of thefe later days, may be better explained ; firfr becaufe the hiftorians 
 are more numerous, and fecondly becaufe the particular cuftomsof this asra, have 
 been better attended to by them than they were in the former ages. And in the 
 firft place we will fpeak of their 
 
 FORTIFICATIONS. 
 
 The?Norman caftles (as we have feen before) confined of a bafe- court, zkeef/, 
 and barbacans before the bafe-court; the fame method of fortification was almoft 
 continually practiced till the invention of guns, and when they were brought in 
 common into ufe, the method of attack being then fo different from the former 
 ufages, of courfe required the making their fortifications upon a plan entirely 
 different from that of their anceftors. The fides of the walls were ftrengthened 
 with innumerable angles, towers, and buttreffes ; and on the top with ffrong 
 battlements, and kirnelles *. The caftle itfelf alfo (as formerly) for its greater 
 ftrength and defence, was furrounded with a broad deep ditch, which was filled 
 with water; unlefs the fituation of the place was fuch, that water could not be 
 got at, fullicient for the purpofe ; and then the ditch was dug fhelving down, 
 and fortified with fharp flakes, thick let all round the walls, and flrong palifa- 
 
 E 2 does. 
 
 * Kirnelles, fays Hcarne, (in his Gloflary at the end of Robert of Glocefter's Chronicle) are 
 bom works, corners, or holes in the battlements. 
 
28 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 does. Thus fays Froiflart, fpeaking of the town D'Aurene, befieged by John a 
 Froiflart v Gaunt, Duke of Lancafter ; " /'/ ne avoit point d'eaue au jojfes, mais il y avoit bon» 
 in Vita ' PtiMs dc boys audevant des murs, & y avoit de bonnes EJ'pines & de Ronces, ou~ 
 Res. Ricar- gens darmes ne fe pouvoient jamais embatre." That is, there was no water in the 
 tli Secundj. ditches, but they had [trong palifadoes before the wall, be fides great piles, and foarp 
 Jlakes, where the foldiers could never come to fight *. Tho' it is not fully ex— 
 preffed here, yet it plainly afterwards appears, that this town was furrounded 
 with a double ditch : the firft. (next the wall) was occupied by the pallifadoes 
 and the outermoft by the (harp ftakes, and the piles. 
 
 Over the ditch was the drawbridge, at the principal gate. The chief Gate* 
 houfes (particularly to the walled cities) were for the moft part made four fquare; 
 having each corner well fortified with a ftrong tower : and over the entrance, 
 within the fquare of the gatehoufe, a ftrong vaulted arch, with a chamber above 
 it; through this arch were certain holes made, by means of which thofe abore 
 in the chamber, might, unfeen of them below, fee and examine all that palled : 
 and the principal ufe of thefe holes was, when the enemy mould have broken 
 open the outer gate, and were got within the fquare of the gate-houfe ; then they 
 in the chamber, poured upon them through thofe holes boiling oil, melted lead,, 
 and the like, as they came forward to force the inner gate. 
 
 It is next to impoflible to defcribe the form of thefe later built caftles, becaufe 
 they were conftantly varied according to the humour of the conftruclor, or to 
 fuit with the convenience of the places whereon they were built : fome were 
 fquare ; others oblong, or round ; fome few with keeps, though indeed for tha 
 *noft part they were without: the walls of all their fortifications were made of 
 rubble flone and cement, like thofe of their anceftors, both Saxons and Normans,,. 
 
 The Method of be£eging Caftles, or fortified Towns* 
 
 When a regular fiege was made upon a town or caftle, the firft care was (if 
 poffible; to flop up all the avenues ; as well to prevent the fallying forth of thofe. 
 within,- as to hinder all affiftance that might be given from without. — Thus king, 
 Edward the Third, when he laid fiege to the town of Callice,. built flrong towers 
 
 between.' 
 
 * The method the Duke took in afTaulting this town was this : — men'well armed advanced to' 
 the ditch, being well provided with axes, and other neceflary implements, and thus began by cutting- 
 down the (harp flakes ; mean time the archers of the Duke's ar.my plyed the befieged fu fa ft with their 
 nrrows, that they fcarcely dared to look over the wall : however, notwithstanding all thefe neceflarjr 
 precautions, the piles being but newly put down, they met with the greateft difficulty to cut'and break 
 them off ; and many of the foldiers were killed by the darts of the enemy ; but, encouraged by the 
 prefence of the Duke, they cleared the paffage over the firft fofie, up to the palifadoes': thus ended the 
 firft affault. To make the fecond,.they went well provided with large axes, " DEg \pac|)£0 a gJ&tljS 
 *' for, lonjS, Ct laigfg," U P to- the fecond ditch, which was full as large as the firft, and fet with the 
 palifadoes : however, impatient at the thoughts of thefe difficulties, they leaped into the ditch, broke 
 up the palifadoes, and came up clofe to the wall : while thofe above poured down whole fhowers of 
 <larts, of ftones, and other offenfive weapons, making great carnage.— -The next ftep of the undaunted- 
 Imglifhmen was to apply their fcaling ladders to the wall, which they had ready prepared by the car- 
 penters of the army : then the valiant knights and efqu ires mounted the ladders, coverine their heads 
 with their targets ; and, with their fwords in their hands, came hand to hand in fight with the be- 
 fieged ; who, notwithftanding a long and valiant refinance, at iaft were overcome, and forced to yield 
 up the town. I r roiffart's Chronicle, vol. 3. 
 
 Froiflart 
 Vol. 2. 
 
 Grafton 
 p. 277. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 29 
 between the town and the haven ; and another tower behind the town to guard 
 the paffage towards the Downs. — So alfo Henry the Fifth, when he came before jjollingf- 
 the town of Caen in Normandy, caufed forthwith- a high mount and deep tren- head, p!i 187 
 ches to be made, to keep thofe within from iffuing out : — The next care was to 
 annoy the befieged as much as poffible ; this was done by erecting high towers 
 of wood to overlook the town ; and from thence to play upon thofe within with 
 Hones, arrows, and other miffive weapons. — This indeed was an ancient cuftom, Fage 94; 
 as is fhewn in the Firft Volume, and Richard the Firft, in his wars abroad, had 
 fcfa^s an old poet, who wrote his hiftory) 
 
 r* 3 Caffell 3 untittf oni>, M. S . apud 
 
 Cljat ttiasmaoe of 'STpmlier, pi (£nglono : B.b. Har). 
 
 mii\) im Stages, p mast of s>t^itim infig. 4690. 
 fltUll ano flou?j;fct)£ti, toitl; cjcDc !f*cjncUc& 
 
 Arid this caftle he took in the fhips with him, fays Robert de Brunne*- 
 
 Peter Lang- 
 
 3n fd)ip fee Did tt ItDr, toff's Chron 
 
 ^ 'Co ratte up to tfjc toalL% improved by 
 
 Silo if Ijim flODE III tUDf, Robert de 
 
 CocoDeietotntoitljalt^ ViuRipir- 
 
 di Primi. 
 
 arid this hefet up againft the walls of the city of Medina, and called it, fays" 
 Caxton gt^ate cprffonsi : and with this caftle he afterwards took the city of Arces. Polychron. 
 And a caftle, or rather tower, fomething like this, is mentioned by Froiffart to lib. y.c.26. 
 have been ufed by the Englim at the fiege of Reck : it was made (fays he) to run jr r6 jfl- arf 
 upon wheels, fo that it might be moved by the foldiers wherever they- defired ; v . 4. in Vita 
 within it would eafily contain-an hundred knights and an hundred archers, lb that Ric Secun, 
 having filled the ditch, the engine was brought to the walls :— -its frame was of 
 ftrong timber, covered over with boiled leather, to prevent its being fet on' fire. 
 From this tower the archers annoyed the befieged with their arrows ; while the 
 reft, with pickaxes and hammers, beat down part of the wall (in fpite of all the 
 refiftance the befieged made with their darts) fo that they entered the town, and 
 took it. 
 
 And Edward the Third, at the fiege of Callice (as above-mentioned) made a 
 ftrong high tower, or caftle of wood, betwixt the town and the fea. And Henry 
 the Fifth, at the fiege of Meaux, " deviled mightie engines of boards (fays Hoi- HolKng-- 
 lingfhead) to defend the En^lifhmen as they approached the walls, and gave the fhead Chron 
 affaults." P« 121 4. 
 
 The better to come at the walls, they filled up the ditch : as, fays Grafton, 
 the Scots, in the reign of Edward the Third, at the affault of a caftle (belonging 
 to the earl of Salifoury) " caryed wood and tymber to have filled up the ditches, Grafton" 
 to entent to bring their engines to the walles," — and that they might alfo have page 25I, 
 firm footing, to fet their lealing-ladders, which the befieged endeavoured as much 
 as poflible to prevent : Thus fay the chronicles, that the town of Caen, when be- ib. p. 604* 
 fieged by the Englifh, in the reign of Henry theSixth, was ftrongly fortified, hav- 
 ing fixed upon the top of the embattlements " great rolls of timber fo moving, 
 and fo unfteadfaft, that neither any fcaleing lader could catche any holde, nor no 
 perfon that mould climb up could get any fure footing." 
 
 Again 
 
3 a THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Again when a town was fituate near the water fide, fo that boats could conns 
 up to the walls, they ufed to fallen boats and barges together, and fo upon them 
 make a platform for the foldiers and their engines to pais the water in the ditch. 
 
 Having thus patted the ditch, and got fure footing by the wall, they fet their 
 fcaling ladders. Thus the Englilh, in the reign of Richard the Second, (fays 
 Grafton) at the liege of Berwick cattle, had ladders, which they rered up againft 
 the walls, and they went upon them with targets over their heads and before 
 Graft. them, and fo came and fought with the Scottes hand to hand upon the walls. 
 Chron. 328. And the fame author, fpeaking of the fiege of Werley cattle by the Scots and 
 Ibid. 357. French, fays., the Frenchmen mounted up by ladders., and fought hand to hand 
 with the Englilh, with daggers upon the walls. At the liege of Caen, in the 
 fifth year of Henry the Fifth, the Englilhmen ftudied all the ways polfible to 
 dammage their enemies, fome fhot arrowes, fome fet fcaleing ladders to the 
 walls, other fhot gonnes, fome brake the walks with engines, and other caft wild 
 fire ; every man endeavouring to come hand to hand in engagement with his 
 enemies. 
 
 Befides thefe methods of aflau'lt, they ufed at times to undermine the walls, 
 and the miners fupported their work with wooden pillars, rubbed over with 
 rofin, pitch, and other combuflible matters, fo that when the work was finifhed, 
 the pillars were fet on fire, and they giving way, the part that was undermined ot 
 ■Rolling. necefiity mutt fall down. Thus, fays Hollinglhead, while king Henry the Filth 
 pag. 1187. } av before the town of Caen, ts and feeing that he loft more than he wonne by 
 his dayly aftaultes, he determined to undermyne the walles, wherefore the pio- 
 ,ners caft trenches, and made mines, and brought tymber; fo that within a few 
 Craft 46c ^ a y es walles ftood only on poftes, ready to fall when fire Ihould be put to 
 them." And Grafton here adds, " The king caufed his people to approche the 
 A , <walles, and keepe the citezens occupied, left they mould make a countermine to 
 be an impediment to his workmen and labourers, wherefore he caufed the af- 
 fault to be cried again." Thus much for the befiegers. Let us now examine 
 what methods the befieged had of defending themfelves : " The Normans, (fays 
 Ibid. Grafton, fpeaking of the above fiege of Caen) feeing themfelves clofely befieged, 
 
 threwe downe great ftones, barres of yron, dartes, hot pitch, brennyng brim- 
 ftone, and boyling lead," &c. And when the Englilh had taken the above city 
 (of Caen) in the 20th year of Edward the Third, as they entered therein, the 
 Frenchmen went into their houfes, and caft down upon the Englilhmen below 
 in the ftreets, great ftones, timber, hot water, and bars of iron ; fo that they hurt 
 and flew more than five hundred perfons. And at the liege of the town of Erne, 
 Ibid/. in the reign of Henry the Fifth, " many Englilhmen were hurt with quarrells 
 p. 1176. mot from the loupes and walles of the town." 
 
 King Edward, fays Stow, when he had taken the manners of Markes and Hay, 
 (the enemy being ftill near them) with great difficulty built in them forts and 
 callles, fetting in order where walls were wanting, hoglheads filled with ftones, to 
 defend the workmen from the enemy while they built the walls within. 
 
 Holl 
 
 chroi 
 
 Engines 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 5* 
 
 Engines and Warlike Inftruments ufed at the Sieges of Caflles and 
 Fortified Towns, &c. 
 
 Befides thofe machines mentioned page 95 of the fir ft volume, they had en- 
 gines which threw a fort of wild fire, long before the invention of gunpowder, g™e.vs 
 which fire was made of fo fubtle a compoiition, that there was no way whatever ^ ' 
 of extinguishing it, but by fmothering it with heaps of duft. Holhnglhead tells Hol|ing< 
 us, that when "the Black Prince, at the fiege of Remorentine r faw that the caftle page g5 g^ 
 was not to be won by afiault, he devifed engines, wherewith they caft wylde fyre 
 into the bale court, and fo fette it on fyre, whiche encreafed in fuch vehemente 
 iorte, that it toke into the coveryng of a great tower, (which was covered with 
 reede) then they within yielded up the caftle. 
 
 Of Richard the Firft, fays Robert de Brunne,. (in his wars againft the Sara- 
 hs J that, 
 
 3it uaHjefei ana nalletsf feomt \mn xtnt ant) grene, 
 
 fee fet inplncd to ijo, €|e toynue about t&tm bletoe, Peter Lan ■ 
 
 die failes as nun feist ' 3 fcllp fij$t to tent , toff's Chron , 
 
 Som ttcje black ano Mo f JFijc tjje talks tbjetoe. improv. by 
 
 R.deJBrunne 
 
 Cfje ffoncss toeie of Kpncs?,, 
 Hftetfoltt DjfBfulle dtgKtej 
 3t afhaio ti)c &a?a3in« 
 8s Uucnt&c fi scout frpftt » 
 
 Which imports, that in Ms barges and galleys he had mills, which were turned hy 
 the windy and by force of the fails threw fire and ftones, which were got from the 
 Rhine. * Fabian, fpeaking of the fea fight againft the Flemmens, the 15th year Fabiany 
 of Edward the Third, fays, " CHUtl) fcpDoits % fejeful Dpnne f nopfe of gunncg, tuitl; vo1 - 
 ttjjpbU fiampng of tDplDC f^c." And Harding, writing of the acts of Henry, the 
 Fifth, lays 
 
 EjfcRfl) liis gimms ceff pus, tTiep mate flje totojc to fat, Hardino»j 
 ja-hD tljcir bulxuerfet hiznx UjitI; u)dt of toilD Chron. ch. 
 
 222, p. 2100 
 
 The ftrength of their machines for throwing ftones, was incredibly great; 
 Camden informs us, that with the mangonels, trabuches and briccolas, they Holling. 
 ufed to caft forth mill ftones ; and fays HolHngmead, king Edward the Firft, at Chron?H39. 
 the fiege of Strively Caftle, " caufed certain engins of wood to be reifed up 
 againft the caftell, which fhot off ftones of two or three hundred weight :" this 
 engine Camden fuppofes was the war wol/e; but all thefe machines were by de- 
 grees left off, as cannons and great guns came into efteem* Some authors have ^vlnt^ if r 
 fuppofed that the invention of gunpowder, was about the year 1381, made pub- rum. 
 lick,, which was the 5th year of our king Richard the Second : when fay they 
 
 it 
 
 * Strange ftones were found in the river Rhine, fit for the warlike engines. — Hearne's Gloff, at 
 the end of Robert de Brunne's Chronicle, 
 
32 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Graft. 345. lt was discovered by a German : but as Camden juftly obferves, it muft have 
 been much earlier : " For," fays he, ((peaking of guns) " the very time 
 of .their firft invention is uncertaine, but certaine it is .that king Edward the 
 Third ufed them at thefiege of Calice, 1347, far gunnarii'f had their pay there, 
 Camden's as appears by record." About thirty-three years before they were feen in Italy, 
 Remains, about that time they began, as it feemeth to be ufed in Spaine, but named by 
 page 241. wc Jt ers d n a igninoma, as fire flaming vefTels ; yet the French, as Polydore Vergil 
 noteth, fkant knew the ufe of them, untill the yeare 1425. Froillart, in the 
 iife of Richard the Second, fpeaking of a fea engagement, tells us, that John 
 Bucq, the Flemim admiral, was in a fliip that carried three canons, which caft 
 forth darts or quarrels (carrieaux) fo large and heavy, that they did great da- 
 mages wherefoever they fell : mofl certainly at the firft invention of guns, they 
 fhot darts and arrows from them : an old^ M. S. chronicle, laid to have been 
 written by Dowglafs, a monk of Glaftonbury, informs us, thnt in the 9th year 
 Harn'ean the °^ Henry F° urtn > the earl of Kent was fmote upon the head with a quarrel, 
 Lib', marked ^ lo£ & gwne, of which wound he died : after this they ufed ftones, thus 
 
 4690, fays the chronicle, called Brute of England, when Henry the Fifth received a 
 b!e chron 3 " tauntm 3 meffage from the dauphin of France, and a ton of tennice balls by way 
 M.s? Har- of deri *i° n i l< l;c anoone lette mafce tenes balles for tl;c Dolfi'n, in atle the Ijaffe, tf;at lie 
 liean Lib. mpgnt, anD ttyv \ow fl?cat gonnettonrg, for tlic tiolfin to piape toitl; aHe>" And after tells 
 marked 24, us of the dreadful effects of thofe gunftones, in the following words, <e anti tl)c?c" 
 fol. 170. (before Hareflete) " h c " (Henry the Fifth) «« plaptDe at the tmp Witt) m Ijajoe gonne 
 ffoHWj that Wiz Ojot into the totonc; anD \v\mm t&zp bcganne to piepe, tljep tottlnn tlic 
 ibid M. s. tointc range tocllc atoapt, ano fern, alias that cbit ftuhc ttm bailees tocre oiaoe," anD cttrfcDe 
 {oU alle tbofc tliat tl;e Witt bpganne, ano the tpmc tfrt thep cbit torje borne.'' We are not 
 
 certain of wtiat materials thefe guns were made in general, though Caxton fays, 
 that in the year 1436, was taken from the French, « a cjretc gomte of b?afjj. totm&e 
 Addit.tothe Vxm$ .calico topgeon, ano man^othct rjntegonneis anD fcrprntpniJ ; thefe laft were perhaps a 
 Polychro- fma'der fort of guns.. 
 
 nicon.chap. Plate 6, fig. 20 and 21 of this vol. reprefenls two cannons taken from the 42d 
 2pj fol. 4^. p] ate of v0 ] a ^. of Montfaucons MonarchieFrancois, they are moft probably made 
 either of iran, or brafs, and bound round with many ftrong hoops, the better 
 to refill the force of the powder ; thefe he has given in a print from an illumi- 
 nation, reprefenting the fiege which the Dauphin laid to the camp of lord Talbot 
 iaucon/voL before Die PP e > in the year, 1442, the 21ft of Henry the Sixth; but in plates 43 
 3. page 228. and 44 of this volume, the cannons are made upon a much better conftruclion 
 and feem more likely to do execution. When Henry the Fifth in the fourth year 
 of his reign, piepajtb tp go obct fca into #?ance, rjc florfeeD Ijimfelf (fays the Dunftablc 
 Chronicle^ toitl) all mancr of o^tunpancc, that is to fap ajmome, genncei, tjtpgmij?, engine? 
 Ex. M.S. fcaleg, baffellc*, b*ttg£csi of letter, patyfle*, botce anb avotocgj anutljitgcr come unto w 
 H ar i ke i/b 4 ' ^PP** lftDe toitl) 5° nnE!g ' anD gonnepotnocr. The tripget was alio an engine for throw- 
 1 ' ing ftones ; fca/es, or fcaling ladders ; baftelles, are wooden caftles ; brngges, 
 are fmall boats of leather, fee the article navigation : pavyjer, were the large 
 fhields ufed by the pavyfers, in fcaling the walls of towns, &c. fee more of this 
 in the account of the foldiers and their arms, which follows. 
 
 Soldiers 
 
 * They are called gunners and artillers, in the lift of the army, in an old Englifli M. S. iii the 
 ^arlie^A Library, written the beginning of the reign of Henry the Sixth, marked 53. ' 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 33 
 
 Soldiers, and Armies of the English. 
 
 The Englifh chiefly depended upon the force of their infantry ; and the 
 bravery and expertnefs of their archers, which was always the firft Hep to 
 victory : for with their long bows, and fharp barbed arrows, they did great 
 execution j and difordered the battles of the enemy ; the mean while the men 
 of arms, taking the advantage of the confufion, rufhed in upon them in good 
 order, bearing down all before them ; and this often, when the numbers of the 
 enemy where considerably fuperiour to their own. 
 
 Their armies were compofed of many different degrees, as, firft the chief 
 leaders ; fecondly, bannerets ; thirdly, knights ; fourthly, men of arms ; 
 fifthly, archers ; fixthly, crofs-bowmen ; feventhly, of glave or bill men ; eight- 
 ly, of pavifllrs ; and ninthly, hobbilers ; thefe were the principal : — On the chief 
 leader attended a chaplain, a phylician, and a crier, and all the leaders had their 
 bannerers, or ftandard bearers, from the king to the banneret : the knights at- 
 tendants were the efquires, and the fargiawites attended on the men of arms. 
 Befides thehV, in the lift of the army which went over with king Edward the 
 Third, to the fiege of Callice, were ganers and artillers ; mafons ; carpe?iters ; chron. 
 Jmytbes ; pavy/ers, or pavtloners ; mynours ; armerers and vz'ntenares. Lib^msrk^'d 
 
 The bannerets and knights made a confiderable figure in the armies of the N0. S3. 
 Englifh : the title of banneret was particularly honourable, becaufe he was only 
 created in the field, as a reward of his bravery and good fervice. See the chapter 
 treating on the creations of knights, which follows hereafter. 
 
 The men of arms * fought both on horfeback and on foot, though on foot 
 they generally performed their chief fervice, for they feldom mounted their 
 horfes but to purfue the enemy. They were at times habited in a s body-armour 
 of iron, and plates of iron on their arms ; the joints are defended with mail, which 
 was worn under the whole armour (therefore often called by the hiftorians a 
 fhirt of mail ;) fee many of the figures exhibited in the 53 plates of the life of 
 Beauchamp earl of Warwick, given in this volume. At other times they were 
 ftill clofer armed, with the joints of the armour defended by plates of 
 iron ;*f- the fame is alfo feen in fig. 8, plate 4, of this volume, which reprefents 
 the men of arms in the reign of Richard the Second and fig. 2. of the lame 
 plate, the man of arms in the time of Henry the Sixth. 
 
 The archers were armed with a body-armour, the arms being left perfectly 
 free, fee plate 4«2; fornetimes indeed they wore a brigandine of mail, which 
 came before them like an apron, plate 13 ; their arms were a long bow, 'a fheaf 
 of arrows, a fword., and afmall fhield, fee place 13 of this vol. Fabian thus 
 defcribes their habit at the battle ofAgincourt ; " t\)t jomcn ^aBDeat tfjofeDapcs thept ^ nbian ' Vnl * 
 
 I pinnies; 
 
 * They are fornetimes called by Froifiart gCtig B'ant1C£, at other times latttttf, from the fpears or 
 lances that they of ten carried . 
 
 f Thefe anfwer very well with the defcription Froiflart has given of them, when he calls them 
 
 "rjomnus annc3 Be pteD en cap tK toute piece $ ajmettjcg De fcr," That is, men armed cap a 
 
 pic, or from head to foot at all points in iron armour. 
 
34 THE MANNERS' AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Ipmmcjl at Ipbejtpe, for rljcpt Ijotyn Wiz t>m fafienct) togtlj one point, anc tlicpr \uft$ tot ?e 
 loiKc f ca f p to fljote in, fo that tycp mvg.ljtt otairjt bojoefl of great Oftnsti) anD fijote arotoeg of 
 a prjuc longc befiDcsi trjel;rr»Dr."* And lays Caxton, 44 tl-e psnan^Irtoe th-.vi Mta te?ben 
 Addit. to or boantten bpnetfje tlje knee, Ijarung long fackgg, But rtoe$ man ijaue a godfc' feococ, a fi;ctf, 
 
 Polvchron. arOffll 1 ?, ano a tUKlD." 
 
 book 8, ch. cfb e C rofs bow ?nen were much the Tame in armour and accoutrements, with 
 Xy thole belore defcribed in the Norman sera, lee plate 40 of this voi. 
 
 The bill n;cn> fo called f rom the weapon which they bear, relembling a bill,, 
 or hooked ax ; thefc as in plate 55, were fbmetimes armed in hrigadmes of 
 mail ; and at other times they appear to be armed but very flightly, fee 
 plate 22. 
 
 Holl/954. The glave wen, differed only in the weapon, which they bore from the bill 
 men 5 for as the hooked ax was called a bill, the other ax was called a glave j 
 fee the difference between thefe weapons, plate 5 of this volume. 
 
 The pavijfors,^ alfo were fo called from the pavice, or fhield which they bore;, 
 this fhield was large enough to cover the whole of their bodies-. Thefe men 
 were particularly ferviceable at fieges, to fcale the walls, &c. which they did,, 
 bearing their Ihields before them. J 
 Lamb, per- The hobbilers § were aunciently fuche men (fays Lambarde) as in time of 
 ofKent'fol ^ aun § er roc * e * n P ^ e from place to place, to give notice thereof upon hobbyes, or 
 °o. ' ' nagges ; whereof the name of hobbilers was given to them ; others fay, they 
 Ant. Bibem were certain perfons, who were by their tenure obliged to maintain a little nag,, 
 or hobby, to ferve the king in the wars, either at home or abroad. 
 
 The b.innererSy or ftandard-bearers, always went before their chiefs with a: 
 proper guard : thus the black prince at the battle of Poidiers, faid to his ftandard- 
 bearer, ** advance your banner in the name of God, and St. George," and the 
 Graft. 295. knight that bore it did his commandment. — And thus fays FroifTart, fpeaking 
 of the fame prince, at this battle, '< %z pancc qui tmoolt a tonte perfection be bein ct 
 Dormer irjebaulcftolt tom'ours atant, fa bantuejc Debant lut en njiconfojtant fes cbebaUcrsf la' 
 Pit tl led bcoit ouvj^ir," that is, the prince in every thing performed the part of aw 
 excellent warriour, rideing at the head of his army, with his banner born before- 
 him, to aid and ajjifl his Joldiers wherever they were opprejjed. 
 
 The fhndard- bearers were always clofer and flronger armed than any of the 
 other foldiers ; fee the figure, plate 46, who holds the banner of the earl of 
 Warwick. 
 
 Froiffarf 
 
 * Thus in the old fong of Chevy ch ace, fpeaking of an Englifh archer, cC be Ililt) a bOtDe bciU ttt 
 
 l)t0 batiDe, mace of a truffe tre, an ajjotoe of a clrtlje veroc long, unto tijc bcoe Djero be." 
 
 f 1 fancy that thefe were the fame with thofe foldiers, called brigans, fo named in thofe days fays 
 Kollingfhead, from an armour which they called brigandine, ufed by the footmen that alfo bore tar- 
 gettes, or pavoiles, Holling. p. Q78. Brigandine was a jacket, or coat of auncient armor of fcale, 
 like plates, and many joynts : Vide ( Tloflbgraphia ; perhaps this was not unlike the armor worn by 
 the fig. 2, plate 31, vol. f. Brigandine alfo fignified a coat of mail. 
 
 \ They had alfo other fhields which they ufed at fieges, fee plate 5, fig. rg and 20. Father Mont- 
 faucon fuppofes, that fig. 19, is a fhield frimed cf wood ; and that fig. 20, is one made with ofiers, 
 interwoven, or as he calls it, ime tijfue d'q/ier, and fomething of this fort the crofs-bow-men feem to 
 have to defend them (fee plate 43 of this volume) while they (hot their quarrels, to annoy the enemy 
 that are in the fhips, which are lying before the town. — They in the vellels have fhields, fet up in 
 the fore-caftle, to fecure the mariners from the fhot of the crofs-bows. 
 
 § ^0mmedajme3 ni01lte5 fur petite? nagUUUCg. — Armed men mounted upon little naggs or 
 hobbys. FroifTart, vol. 3. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 35 
 FroilTart, alfo among the forces of the Engliih, mentions 11 de gros-varh'tz," 
 ■jhefe I fancy were the attendants who did the drudgery of the camp. 
 
 The helmets of all thefe foldiers are fo numerous, and different, that it would re- 
 quire almoft an age to defcribe them all j the reader is referred to the examination 
 of the plates of this volume, where there is to be found a great variety; the 
 lame may be faid of the impoiiibility of particularifing the other armour, any 
 further than has already been done (efpeciaHy in that fantaftical period the reign 
 of Henry the Sixth) a fpecimen of which the reader will find, in the 4th plate Walfin<r 
 of this volume ; whereon is represented ten different foldiers, all from a MS. b ^ m J^ 
 written and illuminated in that reign, on purpofe, as a prefent for the king him- 1C4 . 
 felt 
 
 The bifhop of Exeter, when he was taken in the reign of Edward the 
 Second, had on a coat of defence, called aketoriy which was moft likely a kind 
 of mail, worn by the nobles of the realm. 
 
 The Manner of Encampment. 
 
 Having taken poffeffion of the moft advantageous part of the field, they fet 
 wp their ftandard ; thus Robert de Brunne, fpeaking of the battle of Lewis, in 
 .the reign of Henry the Third, fays, 
 
 fepmotm com to tl;c fclo 
 
 XtnD put up h\& baune, Rob . 
 
 'QTljC fcpilg fdjtVJED fO?t(j W fctlCl© Brunne, 
 l^tg DWSCD'n flillC auflCK» Edit.Hearne 
 
 r €be Itpng fa tut ou Ijtr, p. 217. 
 
 fepmon (co \)SU0 nefir. 
 
 'This was Symon de Mountfort, a principal leader of the barons againft the 
 icing. — In the reign of Edward the Third (fays Stow") the French king, when 
 he had taken polfeffion of the field at CrefTy, before the battle, fet up his ban- 
 ner, called aurijlaine> after which time it was not lawful for a French man to 
 fave the life of any prifoner thatJie might take : this banner, that it might differ Stow'sjchro- 
 from his ftandard, had in it lillies of gold very broad ; on the other fide, king nicle,242. 
 Edward commanded his banner to be erected of the dragon, which fignified 
 fiercenefs and cruelty, to be turned againft the lillies. — Then they fortifyed their 
 camps either with deep trenches, or pallifadoes, fee plate 44 of this volume: Hollingf- 
 the duke of Normandy fortifyed his army againft king Edward the Third, en- fnead Chroi* 
 clofing the field with great rampires of earth ; and (fays Grafton) " the duke of 919 ' 
 Somerfet (perfued by Edward the Fourth, to Twekefbury) entendyng to abyde Grafton, 
 bataile, like a politike warriour, trenched his campe rounde aboute of fuche an page 7093 
 altitude, and lb ftrongly, that his enemies by no means ealily could make any 
 entry." The French in the reign of Richard the Second, intending to have in- 
 vaded England, made a wall of wood j this wall (fays Walfingham) was built to ^ 
 the height of twenty feet ; and every twelve foot was made a tower, large enough ha ^ '"f^ 
 $0 hold ten men; which towers were built ten feet higher than the reft of the ' 
 wall ; it contained (fays Hollingftiead) when fet up, full 3000 paces, and was to 
 have been brought over in their mips to defend their men, from arrowes of the Ho11 Chr0R * 
 
 Englifti v 
 
36 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Lambard's Englifh archers. But their fhips being taken by the Englifh, the wall was- 
 Peramb. of brought to Sandwich, and there fet up (fays Lambard) " to our great kfety, arcd 
 Kent, page tne repulfe of the Frenchmen." 
 J39- 
 
 The Arrangement of the Army, 
 
 Grafton ^ s we ^ ave ^ een before in the Norman JEra, fo we mall now find in this, that 
 page 704. the battle was begun by the archers. " The trumpets blew to battle j the 
 archers firft began, and the bill-men followed," (fays Grafton) fpeaking of the 
 battle at Barnet, in the 10th year of Edward the Fourth ; the men of arms and 
 the clofe armed foldiers fupported the encounter. 
 fhead" 12 " Edward the Firft intermixed the archers with the cavalry, at the battle fought 
 p. 792. againft Lewellin, prince of Wales, near Orewin Bridge ; and they (according to 
 Hollingfhead) did great execution. The fame did the earl of Warwick, in a battle 
 agiinft the Welch, in the 23d year of the reign of the above king : " They on 
 the earl's approach had fet their men of arms fronting his army, with exceeding 
 Nic. Tnvet ] or) g fpears or launces, which being placed in the earth, the points werefuddenly 
 fo^zSz* turned towards the earl and h-is company, to brake the force of the Englim ca- 
 valry 5 but the earl had well provided againft them,, for between every two 
 horlemen he placed an archer; fo that by their mifTive weapons, thofewho held 
 the launces were put to the rout." At the battle of Foukirke, the 26th year of 
 ^°8r? S * Edward the Firft, " ihe Scotts devided their battles into four fchiltrons, as they. 
 J> * ' termed them, (fays HoHingdiead) or as we may fay, round battailes, in forme of 
 a circle, in the which lioode theyr people that caried long ftaves or. fpeares, which 
 they crofTed joyntly together one within another, betwixt which fkiltrons^ or 
 round battails, were certain fpaces left, the which wer filled wyth theyr archers 
 and bowmen ; and behinde all thefe were theyr horfemen placed :. they had 
 alfo prudently chofen a ffrong ground, fomewhat fideling on the fide of a hilK" 
 Or take the defcription from the old poetical hiftorian Peter Langtoff, as tranflat- 
 ed. and improved by Robert de Brunne : 
 
 mt. %n$Wvm « tint W&t rpcujs popntoterpoynt. 
 
 R.deBrunr.e r C h .cr togtotic mctte feo hit & f tljikke 
 
 Edit. Ciicr fozmaft cotttyp 3nti fall? togiocjc l'oinit 
 
 T. Hearne, ^[ )tl fcarfefeiSt tOgiDft* ttttt Co CEE it tbft* XtX Ukt~ 
 
 page 304. 
 
 Cfcot tow* to it!; ffone, &c 
 
 Froiflart common method' of the Englifh was to divide their whole force into* 
 
 MS. vol.. s three main battles, except perhaps a company or fo that might be fet afide for 
 feul. 63. an ambufh, or to be ready to fuccour wherever they faw any diforder. 
 
 Thus, fays FroifTart, when the king of England (Edward the Third) was 
 preparing for an engagement with the French king, in the 13th year of his 
 reign, he divided his forces into three well fet battles or fquadrons on foot : 
 their horfes and baggage were put into a little wood behiad them, which they 
 
 fortified. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 37 
 
 fortified. In the firft battle were 22 banners, 60 penons, and at leaft 8000 war- 
 like men f this was led by the duke of Gherles. In the fecond battle were 24 
 banners and 80 penons, confifting alfo of 8000 men, headed by the duke of 
 Brabent ; and the third battle, which was the largeft, had in it 28 banners, 
 and about 90 penons j and in this battle were full 8000 men of arms, and 8000 
 archers : this was led by the king himfelf, attended by many of the principal 
 nobles of England. Then there was alio ordained another battle, as a wing, 
 commanded by the earl of Warwick, the earl of Pembroke, lord Bercley, lord 
 Multon and others, on horfeback; thefe were to ftand aloof, and give fuccour 
 occafionally to any of the other companies that fhould begin to be confuted or 
 hard prefTed by the enemy. The battles thus ordained, the king (mounted on 
 a little hobby) rode with his marmalls from rank to rank, begging and exhort- 
 ting the earls, barons, chevaliers, &c. that they fhould think or their honour and 
 renown. Every lord ftanding under his banner, and every banneret under his 
 penon or pendant, ftricft command was given that none mould quit his port, or 
 go before his banner. Yet (fays my author) notwithstanding all thefe prepara- 
 tions, both the French and the Englifh withdrew their forces without linking 
 a iingle ftroke. Some few inftances are found of their marfhelling their army 
 in a different manner. Edward the Third, in the 34th year of his reign, came 
 before Paris (fays Speed) with his army divided into nine battalions. And in WalHngr- 
 the battle fought againft the Flemifh ruffians, by the bifhop of Norwich and his £ am j^^J 
 company, in the 6th year of Richard the Second, the foot were fet in the form 2 eg * 1 
 of a wedge, fharp at the front, and broad behind, armed with fharp axes : on 
 either fide ftood a wing of archers, and the reer was brought up by the cavalry. 
 
 At the battle of Poicliers, the Black Prince was obliged to take other methods, jyjS.Froif- 
 becaufe of the unequal number of his antagonifts. The French (fays FroifTart) fart, v. ^ 7 
 tame into the field with full 60000 fighting men, befides 3000 horfemen ; while- foi * l V 
 the Englifh in all could only mufter up 8000. 
 
 The French were divided into three battles on foot, one led by the marmall 
 of France, another by the duke of Normandy, and the third by the king himfelf j 
 and 300 chofen men of armes, in clofe armour of iron, mounted upon the very 
 flower of their horfes, were appointed to break in upon the archers of the Eng- 
 liih : thefe men were alfo very expert, and could fight on foot, if occafion fhould- 
 reouire it, a? well as on horfeback. 
 
 The prince, thoroughly fenfible of the care and fagacity that was necefTary in 
 this extremity, prudently chofe out a convenient place, having a narrow entrance, 
 which was well fortified by nature with thick bufhes and a flrong hedge ; and 
 behind thefe bufhes he placed a great number of archers in fuch fafhion, that 
 neither the horfemen nor the men of arms (of the enemy) could approach them 
 to do them damage : nor could they come near the army of the prince, without 
 paffing the whole force of the archers, who were planted in double rows. This 
 done, the prince martialed his battle in the following manner : All the men of 
 arms were fet on foot, and the archers placed before them, in the form of an 
 herfe,.* or herche. Againft the battle of the marfhall of France,, the prince or- 
 dained 
 
 * Orthiophalanx, or the deep pha!ange, (commonly called the herfe) is that which proceedeth 
 hv wing, having the depth much exceeding the leng<h. Bingham's Notes upon the Tacticks of 
 iElian, page i ^8. 
 
3% THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 dained a wing of experienced knights and batchelors ; and on the top of a hil- 
 lock, of pretty eafy accefs, he , placed 300 horfemen, and as many archers on 
 horfeback, againft the battle of the duke of Normandy, who with his forces had 
 •taken poffeffion of the plain at the foot of the hill. The prince himfelf with his 
 great battle was on foot in the front; but all their horfes were placed under the 
 cover of the bufhes, oppofite to which the prince placed the carriages and bag- 
 gage by way of defence on that fide, with a ilrong gaurd, fo that none could en- 
 ter to aflail him from that quarter.. Lord James Audley, before the engage- 
 ment, humbly befeeched the prince, that he might give the onfet, which being 
 granted, he with four ftout and valiant knights to guard his perfon, placed him- 
 felf iri the front of all the battles ; mean while the prince was bufyed in cheariug 
 up the fpirits of his officers and foldiers, and exhorting them to light valiantly. 
 
 The battle was begun by the horfemen of the French, which were appointed 
 to ride into the main body of the archers, and put them into diforder; but as 
 foon as they entered the narrow path, the archers arranged behind the hedge, let 
 •fly whole mowers of their long arrows, which fo wounded and galled the horfes, 
 that they broke out from all order, and threw their riders, trampling over them, 
 and beating down each other ; fo that none of the foldiers could reach the army of 
 the prince to do him any hurt : then lord Audley, who with his knights flood in 
 the front, taking the advantage of this confuiion, rumed in amongft them, 
 •jnaking a horrid carnage, and at length quite difordered the firft battle, led by 
 the marfhall of France. The Engliih men of armsfeeng this diforder, and ob- 
 serving that thofe .on the hill had made the fecond battle of the French, led by 
 the duke of Normandy, give back, they mounted their horfes, and rode upon them 
 with fuch good order and irrefiftable force, that they bore down all before them, 
 crying out aloud, St. George! St. George ! The prince himfelf riding conti- 
 nually up and down with his banner before him, to fuccour his people where- 
 foever need fhould be of his prefence : then by the advice of lord Chan- 
 dois, (feeing the difcomfiture of the two firft battles) he with his men of arms and 
 valiant foldiers, bore down full on the third battle, led by the king of France him- 
 felf, which alfo, after a long and obftinate refiftance, was put to flight, and the 
 king was taken prifoner. 
 Grafton, K' n g Henry the Fifth at the battle of Agincourt, having chofen a convenient 
 Hollingf- fpot to martial his men ; lent privately two hundred archers into a low medow 
 head, Stow, which lay on one fide of his army, where they were fo well fecured by a deep 
 ditch, and marm, that the enemie could not come near them : then he divided 
 the foot into three fquadrons, or battles; the a warde, compofed entirely of 
 archers; the middle war de, of bill-men only ; and the rere-i&ard, of bill-men 
 and archers mixed together ; the horfemen as wings went on every fide of the 
 battle. 
 
 Stratagems, Szc. whereby the enemy were annoyed. 
 
 The Welch in the reign of Edward the Firft, (as we have feen already) got 
 Kic Trivet, themfelves dole together, having long fpears planted in the earth, which they 
 pointed to the enemy, to fecure themfelves. from being trodden down by their 
 
 cavalry. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. & 
 cavalry. This invention Henry the Fifth improved at the battle of Agincourt, Vide Graft, 
 for he caufed to be made flakes of wood, about five or fix foot long, head- stow^c 
 t il with fharp iron j thefe were fattened in the ground, and the archers fo placed ' 
 be ere them, that they were entirely hid from the light of the enemy; who, well 
 mounted on flrong horfes, came on with the utmoft impetuofity, to run down 
 and diforder the archers; but when the horfemen were fo near them, as to ren- 
 der it impoflible for them to flop their horfes, the archers fhrunk at once behind 
 the flakes, and the Frenchmen rode full upon them; fo goreing the horfes, 
 and overthrowing their riders in fuch dreadful confufion, that the foot men, 
 who were to fupport the encounter feared to follow. Then the Englifli archers 
 layed afide their bowes, and took axes, bills, glaves, and fwords, and flue the -ffifo 
 Frenchmen till they came to the middle- warde : tC ^Tfjf3 tictitfc," fays Hall, " of on * o,*^ 
 fttttfipg of an armie toitl) fiafcc?, Voas at t$& tpme fiifi rjebifeD ftriti prattiftD, Out Once tljat 
 tvmz tl;cv DfOjpCtD, caltroppes, Ijarro&c*, ano otbcv ncto tjtcfecs " 
 
 The Scots put in pradlke another method of defeating the cavalry, for they, 
 fays Stow, (fpeaking of the battle of Shrivelin, in the fixth year of Edward Stow's 
 the Second) having gotten the mofl convenient place in the field for victory, Chroj?. pag, 
 made ditches in the ground three foote deepe, and the like in bredth, from the 2l6, 
 right wing of the armie, unto the left, covering the fame with weake twigs, 
 or herdles, and againe over with turfe and grafle, which was not able to beare 
 horlemen : and this flratagem had the defired efTecl. for the Englifli horfe com- 
 ming furioufly down upon the Scotts, broke in the flight covering, and were to- 
 tally overthrown in the ditches. 
 
 King Henry the Fourth, at the battl ; fought at Shrewsbury, a^ainfl Henry- 
 Percy, and the Scottilh earle Dowgl: Is, caufed Sir Walter Blunt, and four 
 others to be apparelled in his luit, and arms, with banners like his own, born 
 before them ; (for he well knew that his perfon would in chief be aimed at) 
 and this feems to have been a lucky flratagem, for Sir Walter Blunt, and three 
 more of the others were flain by Dowglafs, who, fays Grafton, cried out, fy 
 ** I marvell to fee fo many kings to arife fo iodaioely !" 
 
 Wherein the Englifh had the Advantage over the Enemy. 
 
 The Englifli had the advantage over the enemy in former days, chiefly by 
 their archers, and light armed troops :. archers, flingers, darters, &c. are parti- 
 cularly ufeful in eight grand points. 
 
 Firft, To begin the fight. 
 
 Secondly, To provoke the enemy, to harrafs and draw him from his advan-- 
 tttgeous poll. 
 
 Thirdly, To wound the enemy at a diftance. 
 
 Fourthly, to diforder the enemy as he makes his approach. 
 
 Fifthly, To gaul the horfes. 
 
 Sixthly, To cope with, and hinder efforts of the light armed troops of their 
 antagonists: 
 
 Seventhly, To fcout, and difcover ambufhes, as well as to lie in ambufh = 
 themfelves. 
 
 And Eighthly, In making fpeedy, and fudden attempts in time of battle. 
 
 How 
 
40 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 How much praifed (and how defervcdly) our own light troops, and archers 
 in particular, have been ; the various chronicles of every neighbouring nation, as 
 well as thofe of our own, will plainly fet forth. It will be needlefs, perhaps, alfo 
 to fay, that every battle almoft fince the Conqueft, to the end of this asra, was 
 chiefly won by the bravery and good fervice of the archers, flingers, &c. 
 Their performances at the famous battles of -CrefTy, where they overcame the 
 Genoefe crofs-bowmen ; at Poictiers where they routed the cavalry of the French? 
 and at Agincourt, where from the meddow they difordered the well-fet battles 
 of the French, are facts fo notorioufly known, that they need no further bein- 
 john Bmg- £ft e d upon in this place : but I will conclude this fubject, with the words of a 
 upon" the" very learned and ingenious man, who perfectly well understood the ufe of the 
 Tadicks of bow, and is confequently much better able than myfelf to fupport the argu- 
 ^Han, pag. rnent. «' I may not" (fays he) " pretermitte the praife of our nation in this 
 j^and 6. fyi\\ m Our own Stories teStify, that the great battailes, we gayned againft the 
 French, were gayned by the joint-mooting of our archers principally. And 
 that the Englifh have heretofore excelled in archery and mooting, is cleere by 
 A-urel Cicu- tne testimony even of Grangers. Cicuta commending the ufe of bows, as nc- 
 tadeDifcip. cefTary for the fervice of the field, (and that long after guns were invented) pre- 
 Mili. hb. fereth the Englifh before all other, and fetteth them downe, as a patterne for 
 Patrit Paral otners to follow. And Patritius, difputing of the violence of arrows, doubt- 
 parte fecun- eth not to affirme, that an Englifo arrowe with a litle w axe put upon the point of 
 da, lib. 3. the head, wil pajfe through any ordinary corjlet te or curace." And afterwards adds., 
 fpl. 37. « a ]} tne WO nders done by the Parthian bowes, were notwithstanding not to be 
 compared to our auncient Englifh bowes, either for Strength, or for (hooting." 
 Then in a very learned manner, he draws a comparifon between the ufe of 
 bowes, as formerly practiced, and of guns, as ufed at the time in which he 
 wrote, (which was in the reign of king James the FirSt) wherein he proves 
 that archery ought not to be neglected, and that in many points it exceeded 
 even the muSket, " Surely (fays he) it may not be denied, that the force -of 
 fire weapons of our time, doth farre exceed the height of all old inventions, 
 for annoying the enemy. And when I have given them the firlt place, I will 
 not doubt to give the fecond to bowes and arrowes : being fo far from carting 
 them of, that I would rather follow the wifdom of the Grascians; who albeit 
 they eSteemed arrowes the befi flieng weapons, yet thought it not amifle to hold 
 in ufe flings and dartes ; for every weapon hath its property; and that which 
 is fitt for one fervice, is not fo fitt for another." And after he continues thus : 
 " Nowc then for us to leave the bowe being a weapon of fo great efficacy, fo 
 ready, fo familiar, and as it were fo domeSticall to our nation, to which wee were 
 wont to bee accuflomed from our cradle, becaufe other nations take themfelves 
 to the mujkety hath not fo much as any fhewe of reafon. Other nations may 
 well forbearethat they never had : neither Italian nor Spaniard, nor Frcnche nor 
 Dutche, have thefe five hundred years been accounted archers ; it was afkill al- 
 moft appropriated to our nation : by it we gained the battailes of CrefTy, of 
 Poictiers, of Agincourt, in France, of Navarre in Spaine ; by it we made our- 
 felves famous over Chriltendome. And to give it over upon a conceit only (for 
 no experience can fay that our bowe was ever beaten out of the field by the muflzet ) 
 will prove an imitation of ./Efop's dogge, whoe carrieng a piece of flefhe in his 
 mouth over a river, and feing the fhadewe in the water, matched at the Shadowe, 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 4 j 
 left' the flefhe. I fpeake not this to abafe the fervice of mujkets> which all men 
 muft acknowledge to be great ; I only mewe, there may bee good nfe of bawes, 
 if our archers were fuch as they were wont : which is not to bee diipaired, and 
 will eafily come with exercife." 
 
 We are yet further to underfland, that the archers were not only ufeful with 
 their bows, but fought alio with other weapons : an extraordinary inftance is 
 given us by Hollingthead, at the battle of Aulroy, the 38th year of* Edward the Ho,IChron » 
 Third j " The Frenchmen (fays he) after the manner of that age, every man p ' 97 °* 
 hadde cutte his fpeare (as then they ufed, at what time they mould join bat- 
 taile) to the lengthe of five foote, and a fhort axe hanging at his fide: at the 
 frrfte encounter, there was a fore battaile, and truelie the archers lhotte right 
 fiercelie, howbeit their fhotte did but little hurte to the Frenchemenne, they 
 were fo well armed and pavefhed : the archers perceiving that (being bigge men 
 and light) caft away their bowes and entred in amongfl the Frenchemenne that 
 bare nxes, and plucked them out of their handes, and therewith fought right Graft. 536 
 hardly.-' At the battle of Agincourt, as has already been mentioned, the archers Vide page ' 
 laid their bows down, and " took axes, bills,, and. glaves, and flue the French- 3^ of tni6 
 men, till they came to the middle ward :" and at the fkinnifh, in which lord vo1, 
 Talbot was taken, (the feventh year of the reign of Henry the Sixth) Grafton 
 informs us that divers archers of the Englifli, which had fhot all their arrows, 
 having only their fwords, defended themfelves,. and with the helpe of fome of 
 their horfemen, got themfelves iafe to Meum.- 
 
 The next thing to which our anceftors owed their victories, was the courage 
 and bravery of their leaders, who were generally men trained up to the wars 
 from their youth ; for the rough foldier in thofe days was more beloved and re- 
 garded, than the polite and polifhed courtier. 
 
 Our noble hero, Edward the Firfl, at a tournament, (or rather battle) coped 
 with the earl of Cbab/oun, who was efteemed a flout and valiant warriour : after Walfing-- 
 fome flrokes had palled, the earl eaft his arms around the king's neck, intending ham> in vit; 
 by the weight of his body (for he was a man of very large ftature) to have drag- pr -^ ai f ] ^ 
 g£d the king from his horfej. but he keeping himfelf upright upon his faddle, 
 and fetting his fpurs to his horfe's fides, carried the earl from his faddle, and 
 by main force fhaked him from him to the ground ; and he coming to regain 
 his honour, and revenge his difgrace, turned (fays Walfingham) a fportive play 
 into a tumultuous battle; but he and his met with fuch a reception from the 
 king and his party, that he was glad to retreat. 
 
 And our hiflorians tell us that Richard Cceur de Lion/m his wars abroad, flood"; 
 upon the draw-bridge of a city, and with his battle ax, 
 
 " tlnme in tiro Bene fato" Vide the 
 
 Chron of 
 
 and again, fays an old chronicler, fpeaking of the acts of the above prince, Brunne. 
 
 C|cr aimottt fetoe ag pt toer toare, • . „ 
 
 ageulf e 1Rtrt;amc n m ; y' H T ar : ; 
 
 ^tje &ara33?nejj, as v notu telle; i No 
 mtnu tjt toere a fence of ^elU. ' * 5 ' 
 
 G King 
 
Vide Speed, 
 p. 688. 
 
 MS Froif- 
 fort, v. 2, 
 fueil. 23. 
 
 . See all the 
 Chronicles, 
 
 Stew's 
 Chron. pag. 
 .354- 
 
 Hall's Uni 
 on, p. 351. 
 
 4-5 THE MAN N 'E US AND CUSTOMS 
 
 King Edward the Third, when he was in France, - being to pafs.the river 'Somr., 
 at a ford called Blaunch Tacque, his ioldiers Teeming rather backward, he en- 
 tered the river firft, calling out to his followers, ** He that loves me, let him 
 follow me as tho' he had refolved either to conquer, cr to die in the attempt : 
 and both this king and his Ion, prince Edward, were always foremoft in dan- 
 ger, h aliening to fucccur and relieve their ioldiers, wherefoever they might be 
 oppreffed by the enemy ; and exhorting them to think of their own honour, 
 and follow the glorious example, which. they themfelves (their leaders) were 
 always the firil to fet them. What a nervous energetic fpeech, was that of the 
 Black Prince, to his officers and foldiers, before the battle of Poicftiers : — My, 
 good loras and friends, (lays he) tho the number of our army is but fmall, compar- 
 ed with, the great forces of the king our enemy, yet let us not defpair : the viclory 
 falts not always with the greatefl numbers, but there where it pleafes Almighty God 
 to fend it. Jf the glory of this day jhould be ours, the whole world will honour us, 
 and if we fail, we jail gloriotfly ! and my lord the king, my father, my brothers, 
 and your good jr lends, will amply revenge our fall: therefore I beg you all, that 
 you would all exert the utmojl of your valour this day ; and for my own part, I 
 promije you, if it pleafe God and Saint George, I will acl the part of a good and va- 
 liant knight. Surely here is the true fire of a noble foldier, in this fhort oration ! 
 and how well was it calculated (together with his brave example) to infpire his 
 Ioldiers with the love of glory ! and lliall we here pafs over unnoticed, that great 
 and valiant hero, Henry the Fifth ? a glorious prince, and a brave and noble 
 foldier; In ihort, where mall the annals of any nation be found, that can boall 
 a more numerous feries of great and valiant men, than our own hilfories ? Take 
 the true picture of a foldier, from the indufl:rio\ s Stow, — '* A monk coming to 
 the duke of Clarence, {to implore him to lave the monaltery of St. Stephen's 
 at Cane) in the dead of night, found. him lying in cornpleate harnelle, in a gar- 
 den upon the gralTe, with his head upon a Hone." How would fuch a pillow lute 
 the foftnefs of the prefent age ? But now we will conclude this fubjeel, with a 
 palTage from Hall's union, Ipeaking of the two armies preparing for the battle 
 of Bofworth field, in which king Richard the 1 bird was llain ; £Dnr arnre (fays 
 he) cfprrD tljc otlirr, lorD Iio'ojc Ijaftelj? tfje folDfcmre bucKUD tljrir Wmes, Ijoto qtiirfclp tlje 
 cin^m "unit tkt bototis ants fru0KD tfoiu fratfcere, roto natrilp the bplftntti Cliofee tlxjc hyWts 
 nn& piobeD tfjetre fiabejf, tcDj? to jojne tol;cn t\)Z tiuMz tjompct HjoulD ftoonoe tty bluDDp WaS 
 to tittoiit otDcaftjc, 
 
 Warlike Habits, &c. 
 
 Tide Speed], The kings went royally habited to the wars, with their ftandards borne be- 
 ;79> fore them : thus the Chronicles report of Henry the Fifth, that at Agincourt 
 
 he rode in the main battle compleatly armed ; his lliield quartered with the royal 
 achievements of England and FYance : upen his helmet he wore a coronet, 
 circled with pearls and pretious Hones of ineliimable price * : his horfe of fierce 
 
 courage, 
 
 * And after the victory (fay the Chronicles) he would not fufFer his he^et, cut and bruifed 
 vilh the heavy blows he fuftained in the battle, to be fhewn to the people, but ordered ail his men te 
 give the glory to God alone. Stow's Chron. p. 351. 
 
of the English; #j 
 
 CCBiage, prancing as he went; the bridle and furniture was of gold-fmith's 
 work, and the taparifons were moir. richly embroidered, with the victorious en?- 
 iignsof the Enghlh monarchy : before him was borne the royal llandard, which 
 was ornamented with gold and glorious colours, with many other banners in 
 warlike order waveing in the wind. 
 
 Edward the Third, at the battle of Crefiy, wore a chaplet of pearls upon Froifiart 
 his helmet. A crown, or fome fuch diilinguimable mark, being always worn MS. vol. i. 
 by the Stings in battle; Co that when Maudlin was fet up to counterfeit Richard Stow 35 
 toe Second, he had a crown put upon his helmet, that the people might be de- ibid 325. 
 ceived, and take him for the king. 
 
 The lords often carried their foldiers to the wars, all armed in the fame livery 
 or arms, which were the badges of their Lords. See the foldiers of the earl of 
 Warwick, plates 31 and 32 of this volume, who wear the ragged Aarf on their 
 armour, which was his badge. 
 
 The Arms, &c. of the Engliili,- 
 
 The ordinance for arms, in the tin.- of Edward the Firff, as in an old MS. 
 of that age in my own poileftion, runs thus, Cottiatltfflj perletep, que djfSun Iiom* 
 ntf tpt eti fa mttottn pouj'e armur, | our la pes cjavDcr, fclcn U auricicn afiH*c $ rtj) cfi afat>our, 
 qnc ctjcKune (jomme rntrc 15 aims et 60, fepent alii3 it jttrcjf, as atmus felon la quantite tit 
 lur tcjes, tt Drlcur cbateu$5 tc? eft afatoour, a 15 libels de te?e, $ Dc tljatctiis u 40 marc, 
 Habergeun, chapel de fer, efpeye, cotel, et chyval ; $ i« Ut)erc0 DC tcre, t rfcatCusJ De 20 
 marc, tt abergeun, chapel, efpeye, tt cotel i-f cent fouDcs DC tere, Purpbynt, chapel, 
 efpeye, cotel, j $ 40 foilDCjS til tf?r, ft DC \>\W titlt-i a cent fcwDtS tit} tCHS> efpeye, ark, co- 
 tel, tt letes ; £ que an mcyng DCS fcljatetig M 40 fottDcf > frpt Uvaz as, faus, gyfaimcs, coteaux, 
 frautrfejs menus anncsi $ teas Us autre?! qui potout, aue avk, ct fetes Ijoic DC fottfTe \ et en 
 fo;efte, ark % piles, ft is commanded by the king, that every man jhould have in bis houfe, 
 arms, to arm bimfelf with, for the keeping of .the king's peace, according to the anticnt 
 
 jUitues : that is to fay, t'very man from the age of 1 5 to 00, jhould befwom to have 
 arms according to the quantity of land, and value of the chatties that he Jhould 
 
 pofefs ; every man who bad fifteen founds in land, and" chatties to the amount of 
 40 marks, Jliould- provide for hi- ufe, an harbergeon, an iron helmet, a fword, and 
 dagger, and a horfe,-; every man having 10 pounds in land and 20 marks in chatties, 
 an harbergeon, helmet, fword, and dagger ; and all having 100 fallings <f in land, 
 a purpoint, helmet, fword, -and dagger ; and very one pofjefing from undir 100 
 
 Jhillin^s, to 40. fball have a fword, a bow, a dagger, and a lance ; and all that pof- 
 
 fejs chatties to the amount of 40 pence, Jha'l have bills, gifarms, daggers, and 
 other commoner arms : and all others who could fhould have bows and arrows, li- 
 ving without the for eft ; and all living within the forejf, JJjould have a bow, and 
 piles. It was alio iurthei ordered, that conftables, and proper officers, mould 
 make fearch in every houfe, to fee that the armes were kept in due order, and 
 ready for fervice ; and thefe offices made their report accordingly, to the juilicts 
 who were ordained for that purpofe. 
 
 Edward 
 
 t 1 thinV fbudes fhould be tranflated (hillings, and not pence, from the latin word foVtius; and here- 
 in I arn confirmed by a book, entitled Magna Car U, printed by Pet) t, in the year i 54 , 
 
44 i THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Edward the Second, maor, (fays an old Chronicle) cucrp to\tmc of GEn&lano toe 
 amanncof antieg, on I;erotone cottage, in hig tocjjes agcntfc t\)t ^cotteg, toIjc?cfor lie Vocntt 
 in to fecottdont) taitlj too,ooo nunnt of armcg,at S£l!ttefontiDc 5 Sl.SD. 1422 ■ and, fays the 
 fame author, when this king was fearful of his queen and fon, who were railing 
 Ibid. M S. f° rces againft him j \)t otTjenntooe in ctse^p ijiuumocf, ann tbnp toapentafce of (fcnglann, 
 tiioJLis of men of aunea, anD Eotemrn, tobiclj toemt put iiioioc'tfe fommrs, as font ntantoag 
 a deeper of 20, nnD font men of 100, ant) ije alfo commanDcDe al!e tl;cfc to bee in vcoDincflc, at 
 tljc Icaflc calie orjignal, to ifeljue fottlje * 
 
 The chief ofFenfive Arms of the English, -were as follows : 
 
 "The long lances, and tilting lances-, the flaves were moftly made of Oak. 
 
 The darts, which the Paviffers ufed. 
 
 Glaves. 
 
 Hills. 
 
 ^dxes.-r-OnQ fort of thefe axes had three fpikes fet on the edge ; this weapon 
 feems to be entirely appropriated to the leaders and chief men ; we fee ia 
 plate 44, of this volume, the king conftituting the earl of Warwick go- 
 venor and general, by giving him this ax.— - 
 
 The bipennis. 
 
 The Sword' 
 
 The Dagger. 
 
 The long 6 oiv.. 
 
 The crojs bow. 
 
 The band gun, this inftrument originally was without any cock : I take that to 
 .be the hand gun, which the foldier plate 4, fig 1, bears upon his ftioulderj 
 the original of this figure is as early as the beginning of the reign of Henry 
 the Sixth. 
 
 ■Quarrels far the cro/s bows. 
 
 And barbed arrows, for the long .bows ; which were as we have heard .already 
 full one yard in length, 
 
 How fir the archers with the long bow, could fend an arrow, is not certain ; 
 I^Tand^vJ but with the crofs bow, they would {hoot forty rod, for in the Dunftable Chro- 
 S/fn Bib! ' nicle, we are told, that Henry the Fifth ** tame neat to \\i dtp of IRoan, 
 Pail. No. 40 rodes of length, toftlj in fljottc of quajtcll." 
 
 *4- When the king was prefent in the field, the royal ftandard was difplayed. — 
 
 The lords, and barons, and bannerets, had banners with their arms ; and the 
 knight batchelor difplayed his ftreamer or penon. 
 
 Their tents were much upon the fame principle throughout the whole asra ; 
 plate 4, fig. 22, of this volume, is a tent,, during the reign of king Richard the 
 Second ; and thofe hg. 21, of the fame plate, are as old as the reign of Henry 
 the Sixth ; and fee feveral alfo of the following reigns, in the various plates 
 given in this volume. 
 
 In 
 
 * For the better prefervation of the peace in the realm, and to give an immediate alarm, beacons 
 were made and placed in the high places about the kingdom ; thefe, fays Lambard, before the time 
 of Hdward the Third, were made of great ftacks of wood ; but about the eleventh year of his reign, 
 it was ordeined, : that in our Ihire (Kent) they fhould be high ilandards with pitch pots. Lambaui's 
 perambulation p/ Kent, page 69. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. ^ 
 In an old M S. chronicle is a balade, made on the victory gained by Edward M-S. Ch«w 
 the Third, over the Scots at Hallidovvne hill, in which are thefe lines, that fpcak Hart Lib* 
 of the warlike inftruments of mufic then in ufe. No. 4690, 
 
 Cftis teas no toitl) mr?p Totonr, 
 
 Ffllitjj pipes CjontFf* ano Cabers ttjttto, 
 
 a?iD louse cla?ionnc0 thct ultto alfo. 
 
 And in the profe account of the battle,— -tljcn ttjc <£ngliclje mpnftjdtfjj bctcn tl;ct 
 tabw, arte bletocn tlje.t Cjompe*, ano pipers ptptDcne louor, ano mane a g:etc fchototc upon Ibid. fol. 7^" 
 the fefcotte?.— • 
 
 It is extraordinary enough that king Edward, fhould perfue Robert Bruce, as 
 Harding expreffes it, with horns and hounds, it runs thus : 
 
 Cfie Iking (CutrajU tot'tb $o?nea ano jounces I;im fougljt, 
 aaittb men on fote, rtuotulj" mantis motfe nnD mpif, 
 'vPjouglj {LQlooDcjs alfo ano mountrineu nt;e?e t\)ty foucrfjt. 
 
 Stow, has added drums to the above inftruments, which he places in the reign Harding's 
 of Henry the Fourth and Fifth. Charts. 
 
 .page 169. 
 
 Religious, and Domeftic Buildings. 
 
 To enter into a particular defcription of the religious buildings of the En- 
 glim, would be fwelling out this work to very little purpofe ; fince there are fo 
 many better evidences yet remaining : I mean the various irately, and beautiful 
 edifices, as churches, chappies, and the venerable ruins of the antient abbies. 
 Some of thefe muft fall under the inflection of moft of my readers : therefore 
 the idea by them conveyed will be much more clear and perfect, than the mod 
 elaborate defcription ; befides the impoffibility of giving any proper defcription j 
 for of all the buildings mentioned, it is rare indeed to meet with any two alike : 
 my purpofe is not to dwell upon things already known, but to explain and il- 
 lultrate fuch things, as either through negligence or wilfulnefs have been for- 
 got or mif-underftood. 
 
 In the early part of this asra, they built with rubble ftone and cement ; which 
 was either faced with fquare free ftone, or elfe with flint curioufly hewn out, 
 placed with great exactnefs, much in the fame manner with thofe defcribed before 
 in the Norman iEra j the Gothic ftile of building almoft univerfally prevailed, 
 of which more is faid in the fir ft chapter of this volume. 
 
 The dotneftic buildings through the various reigns of this iEra, were fo nu- 
 merous, and fo different, that only general matters can be fpecified : the houfes «tefcri*Brit» 
 of the knights, and rich gentlemen were large and capacious : the lords and ba- 
 rons, had ftately manfions of (lone : the common run of houfes (efpecially 
 among the midling fort of people) were built with wcod ; they generally made 
 large porches before the principal entrances, with great halls, and large par- 
 Jours ; the frame work was conftructed with beams of timber, of fuch enor- 
 mous fize, that the materials of one houfe as they built antiently would make 
 feveral of equal fize, according to the prefent mode of building : the common 
 method of makng walls was to nail laths to the timber frame, and ftrike them 
 
 over 
 
4 6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 over with a rough plaifter, which was afterwards whitened, and ornamented with 
 fine mortar, and this laft was often beautified with figures, and other curious de- 
 vices. In plate 4 of this volume, fig. 19, we fee the plaifterer at work ; the 
 whole of the building is done over with the rough call:, while he with the trowel 
 is laying on the finer white mortar : figure 18, exhibits an engine for drawing 
 up the materials from below, to the fcarFold : and fig. 20, exhibits the mafon 
 fquaring a ftone with a hatchet ; fome had houfes built with bricks, but thefe 
 were of a much more modern date. 
 
 The houfes in the cities and towns, were certainly built, each {lory jetting 
 fnrth over the former ftory, fo that where the ftreets were not very wide, the 
 people at the top, from oppofite houfes might not only talk, and converfe with 
 each other, but even make hands together; their houfes were covered with tiles, 
 Ihingles, flates, or lead ; except in the city of London, where the u(e of mingles 
 were forbid; for the magiftrates were obliged (fays an old book, (entitled the 
 Chronicle of London) ta enqujne tbet be ony %a't r e tu fbe Qxttaior, that is bpllca 
 toltbottt otbtt ttjpng tban tplc, or Rat, orhDr, forpajcllof and further 44 pf tare 
 . .be onj> CijtTnmi tljat fyatb a reeibosi mace uucomlp ott)cr WrTe tl;an it ought to bit; for paid 
 ^.^'^ ot of fpje.'' alio "ifonp IBafeer, orBjctoar, fcetc tbet obciutf or otber fu^pfe (for furnace) 
 toptb (hater, or repbe, or ony other tljtngr, ttjatnw$t caufe patell of hit." alfo " eir#6 
 S2Ia?m muff habr a racl;c, tottb ttoo long? tbepnrsi of vim {Iron) ana ttoo lafcbcns tcDp for 
 partU cf Ijnt." alfo " ebczp Joufe muff babe a {Tubbc toiti) Mater, rcDp for pare!! 
 of fpje." And in the fcavengers oath, was that they (houki examine *« tl;at a:t 
 tl:c tbtmwi, rcuo^?, ans fujtuflVg be mate of §>tone, for Detent of fptr.- All thefe judi- 
 cious precautions were moil ftriclly neceffary ; for the houfes were ail built of 
 timber ; and befides, entirely unprovided as they were with engines for throwing. 
 CavtonAdd. water, that in cafe of fire the conflagration muft have been great and extenlive. 
 toFoiycbr - 3n danblnnas bape 1 44^? (fays Caxton) panUw l!cpU toasffettc a fp?e bp 1 jparjtiipngr,. 
 nici n, lib on tljr mpuocs of ttjc fliafte, in the tpmbif, tobicbe Voas qunuhpD by fs^ce $ labpuje, <v.\h fpecfaljo 
 8, chap. 23, bptijclabomeof Sjcmojottie matte pjecfir of toe ffistoein <U«:pc, ts!;icb tea* tibujjjt unpolTrule, , 
 fo!. 417. f au f onlpfljcgjare of ©OD.'' It was quenched (fays Stow) with vinegar. 
 veyV & feems they had no notion of paving the ftreets of their cities and towns, for 
 
 Stow's JJ Stow tells, us that the citizens of London, in the 3d year of 'Henry the Seventh, 
 Chron 473. caufed their ftreets to be new gravelled, becaufe the king and queen were to • 
 
 make their public entry through the city. Neither were there any lamps put 
 Stow's upon dark winter nights, for, fays Stow, (fpeaking of thefteeple of Bow church, . 
 ^ rve y> P a g e Cheapfide, which was finifhed with arches and lanthorns, An. 15 12^ "It ap- 
 peareth, that the lanthornes on the top of this fteeple, were meant to have been 
 glafed, and lights in them placed nightly in the winter, whereby travellers "to the ; 
 city might have the better fight thereof, and not miile of their ways." 
 Ipid. p. 84. There were watchmen who patrolled the ftreets of London, and a {landing 
 watch, well armed. " Then {Cays Stow) had ye befides the ftanding watches, 
 all in brighte harnefie, in every ward and ftreet of this city and fuburbs, and a - 
 marching watch that pafied through the principal! ftreets." 
 
 And here it may not be amifs to fpeak of a fubjecl: that hitherto feems to have 
 been quite neglected, that is, the bridges ufed in antient times by our anceftors. 
 It doth not appear that any ftone bridges were ever made in England before the 
 year 11 18, when Matilda, queen to Henry the Firft, " caufed (fays Stow) two 
 jftone bridges to be builded in a place one mile diftant from the old foord, of the 
 which one was fituated over Lee, at the head of the towne of Stratford, now 
 
 called 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 4? 
 called Bow, becanfe the bridge was arched like unto a bow j a rare piece of worke, <^ fow » s 
 fat before this time the like had never beene feene in England : the other bridge chron. 139. 
 was over the little brooke, commonly called Cbaneljhridge ; and before this time 
 (continues the fame author) all the great bridges of this realm were made of tim- 
 ber ; as was the bridge of London, even in the year 1 136, the firft year of the 
 reign of' Stephen, when it was burnt down, and was again rebuilt with new 
 timber in the year 1163 : and in the year 1 176, was begun a bridge of (tone, Show's Sur- 
 which was full three and thirty years before it was compleatly finilhed. From j^y> P a g«- 7 
 this time ftone bridges became very common ; and in the latter ages they built 
 bridges (even of feveral arches) with bricks. 
 
 At the lieges of caftles or cities, or to convey an army over any dangerous wa- 
 ters, temporary bridges were made of boats and barges fattened together, and 
 planks of wood laid over them ; as in the old Chronicle of Peter LangtofF, im- 
 proved by Robert de Brunne, we are told, that Edward the Firft did at Snowdoun. 
 
 Botes U to&t ana Mx<it$ tl;c {toes tocrfoc;c fcnrtte 
 
 ®)W tbr toarer tljat langc W 9 fio ba ft to ban* rottgljt f ttr, 1 
 
 ^ijcl ttc!tcrj ttJEmotocitl;ucjt,uiftlj» ftr to Itrtgr, ij 4 " 
 
 flDtofi- tlje toatet folate, teas fo ojocpnu a bridge. 
 
 This bridge fays Hollingmead, "/ conteined roomth for fixty armed men to pafs q tow < s 
 afront." And, fays Stow, "when king Henry the Fifth came before Melun, chron. page 
 which town was fituated on an ifland, between two arms of the lea, fo that there 359. 
 was no coming at it by land, but by the bridge j and by water no veflels could 
 come, becaufe the bed of the river was fo thick fet with ftrong piles : befides 
 this, the town was defended with ftrong high walls, and well furnilhed with men, 
 and ammunition and provifion. Then the king, when he had well confidered 
 the ftrength of the place, caufed his fmaller veffels to approach, and clear the river 
 of the piles, which was at laft with infinite labour performed j then he fattened 
 all thole vefTds together with ftrong chains of iron, (making a firm and fubftan- 
 tial bridge) and built thereon ftrong towers of wood to alfault the town j but 
 when thofe within faw all thefe preparations, they capitulated, and the town was 
 yielded up." 
 
 Grafton tells us, that the French men, in the eleventh year of Henry the Sixth, 
 *' ; departed from the fort under the Yeore, over a bridge which they had made of Graft. 5S Q » 
 tonnes." 
 
 State of Government, S:c, of the English. 
 
 The government of this kingdom by a royal fovereign, hath been as ancient as Vide Jen- 
 liiftory is, or the memorial of any time. The foveraigjitte before the reign o£ k, " s >P**» 
 Henry the Third, had a very full power. Rex habet proteftatem et jurifdiclio- te mpH 
 nem fuper omnes qui in regno luo funt; ea quae funt jurifdictionis & pacis ad lib. 4. cap! 
 nullum pertinent niii ad rcgiam dignitatem ; habet etiam coercionem, ut de- z 4> 
 linquentes puniat et coerceat. And again, Omnes fub rege, et ipfe fub nullo Ibio '- Brae, 
 niii tantum Deo ; non eft inferior fibi iubje&is, non piirem habet in regno fuo. [ 
 
 And cap. 7„ ' 
 
4« 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Camden's 
 
 Eiit. fol.icg 
 
 Jenkins, 
 p. 2. 
 
 Coke tit. 
 Treafon. 
 
 Jenkins, 
 
 jenkins. 
 page 74 . 
 
 Holling- 
 fhead, 
 p. 1065. 
 Graf con's 
 chron. page 
 64 5- 
 
 Ibid. p. 807 
 
 And further, Rex non habet fupeiiorem nifi Deum ; fatis habet ad pavnam quod»" 
 Deum expeftat ultorem. All which evidently prove the great extent of the fup-reroe 
 power which was inverted in the kings ; and that as Camden has it, the king is 
 the mod excellent part of the commonwealth, next unto God; he is under no vaf- 
 falage ; he takes his invefliture from no man ; he acknowledges no fuperior but 
 God alone. 
 
 The law of the land hath three grounds ; firft, cuflom ; fecondly, judicial re- 
 cords-^ and thirdly, acls of parliament. The two latter are but declarations of 
 the common law and cuflom of the realm, touching royal government - y and this, 
 law of royal government, is a law fundamental. From. William the Conqueror, 
 till the reign of John, the cuftoms of the realm touching royal government , were 
 never queftioned, but thofe kings enjoyed them in a full meafure : But in John's- 
 time the lords, barons, and Commons, &c. of the realm, conceiving that the an- 
 cient cuftoms and rights were violated, prefTed the king to fig n the charters of 
 their liberties, which were afterwards confirmed by his fon king Henry the Third, . 
 and are called Magna Charta ttCharta de Fore/la. , 
 
 The king of England hath his title to the crown, and to his kingly office and 
 power, not by w-ay of truft from the two houfes of parliament, or from the peo- 
 ple, but by inherent birthright from. God, Nature, and the Law. . 
 
 There was never any king depofed but in tumultuous times, by the power of 
 armies, led on by thofe who were to fucceed them ; therefore all depofers were 
 traitors, as appears by the refolu-tion of all the judges of England. And ufurpers- : 
 that come in by the confent of the people, are kings defatlo but not de jure, as ap- 
 pears by the acts of parliament declaring them fo and by all our books of law, and ; ' 
 the fundamental conftitution of the land ; regal power is hereditary, and not elec- 
 tive : and to- affirm the king's power is feparable from his perfon, is high treafonj.. 
 
 The divifion of honourable dignities were antiently only eleven, till the addi- 
 tion of the knight baronets made twelve. 
 
 Firft the king, fecondly the prince, thirdly the duke, fourthly the earl, fifthly 
 vifcount, fixthly the marquis* feventhly the baron ; and thefe feven were called 1 
 princely, and allowed to weaF coronets. The other five were only noble, as firft : 
 the knight baronet, fecondly the knight ba-nneret, thirdly the knight batchelor, . 
 fourthly the efquire, and fifthly the gentleman. 
 
 The king, when he received any foreign ambarTy, or gave public audience, 
 was feated under his rich canopy of ftate, upon a fplendid throne, above the 
 reft of the attendant lord% who were ranged according to their ranks- 2nd - 
 degrees on either fide ; when they went to their parliaments they were royally 
 habited: thus fays Hollingfhead, in the eleventh year of the reign of king 
 Richard the Second, the king, when the lords were afifembled in the great hall- 
 at Weftminfter, " apparelled himfelfe in his kingly robes, and with his fcepter 
 in his hand came in unto them and fays Grafton, Henry the Sixth, though 
 yet an infant, was brought (to the parliament houfe) through the city of Lon- 
 don, upon a {lately courfer, with great triumph. 
 
 On faints days, they often mewed themfelves with great fplendour, going to 
 church in folemn proceffion, or elfe they rode through the city, where they 
 might at that time keep their court; thus fays Grafton, "' king Pichard the 
 Third appeared at York in habitc royall, with his fcepter in his hande, and 
 diademe on his head, and made proclamation, that all perfons fhould refort to • 
 
 York 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 49 
 York on the day of the afiention of oure lorde, where all men fhoulde both be- 
 ll old e him and his queene, and prince, in their high eftates and degrees, and 
 alfo for their good wylles, fhould receyve many thankes. At the daye appointed, 
 the whole clergie affembled in copes richelye reveled, and fo with a reverent ce- 
 remonie went about the citie in procefhon ; after whome followed the king with 
 his crowne and fcepter, appareled in his circote robe royall, accompanied with no 
 imall number of the nobilitie of hys realme : after whome marched the queene 
 Anne hys wyfe, lykewife crowned, leading on her left h;;nde prince Edwarde 
 her fonne, having on hys head a demv crowne, appointed for the degree of a 
 prince." And when they thus rode in proceiiion, the fword of (fate was borne 
 before them. 
 
 How much a grand appearance was affected in this JEra, may be feen from the 
 following paffages. 
 
 When Richard the Second met the French king, to confirm his marriage with 
 the young Ifabel, there were erected three rich and fplendid pav ill ions-; one for JJ de Froif? 
 the king of England, one for the French king, and the third, which was in the q^^-* 
 middle, for them both to meet and confer in : and on each fide from the other 
 two pavillions to the middle one, were placed 400 knights richly armed, with 
 .their fwords drawn in their hands ; on the Englifh fide the knights were habited 
 in the arms of England, and the French knights on the other fide, were in the 
 arms of France, 
 
 And when Henry the Fifth met the king of France, to conclude the peace, 
 and fettle his marriage with Catherine, the French king's daughter j there were 
 erected three pavillions, but I will quote the very words of Hall, a faithful and Hall's Uni- 
 good hiftorian.— tTtfef jtncbnun (fays he) t>;cl)ct>, trcn^cU, $ pakD tfjett lotigpngcsf, for ° n °[ th ^ 
 fear of atorlappes. But tbe CEnslifljnjen nau tijetr paitc only baim> $ parted : tfe Spnff of Yorkand 
 CEnglanDe tjao a laige tent of bUtoe beloct * Stcnc tiebctp cn?b?oocuD Usitlj ttoo Dcbifcg 5 ft> Lancaft. p. 
 one toad an antlop Draining in an Ijojlc mtlle-, tlje otljcr toass an antlop fitcpng in an lug!) 50. 
 fiage tottlj a bjaunebe of olifc in W motitbe : ans tfjc tcutc toag rcpIcntfljcD f pccfceD toitb 
 tbtS povTl'c, After bufie laboure commeth vidc-rious relief. 2nt) Ott tfjc top ano I)Ciq,I;t of 
 tijc fame toas fct a create cgU of goioe, tohofe tpe<s tocr of Cuclj ojient DiamonDcjs tbat tljci 
 glifJcjco ano f&one ober tlje tofcoU fclD, 
 
 Cbe foenrbe Kptiff Iike\r»ifc rjao in bis pa^c a faije pabilionof Muebdbct tiflji? rm« 
 b?oDc?eD toitlj flotocr Dehicc, on tlje toppe of tly; fame teas fct a to&fte \mtz Stpncf, triatre ail of 
 fpne Giber toitb topnrcjs rnamrtcD. Bcttoeen t!;efc ttoo ramps or cntlofrjs toas appojmtcs a 
 ttntof puiplc toelbct forrnc rottnfailoj0 to mete in; $ r.bqp pa?te IjaO an rgall uomb'c to 
 toatrtjc ou the nigbt mi to fc cjood o>ore on tfec Dave. 
 
 And, fays the fame authcr/ when king Edward the Fourth met the French HaI1 > s 
 king, « be tottl; foujc otber, tocje appazclcD iiwlothcof gotbefnfeD And king Ed- Union, paga 
 ward had on his head, '* fjpg bonct of blacse bctbet f a flouje Dclpcc of golDe, fct totth »34» 
 beiv rpebe orient floncs." 
 
 Let us now conclude with faying fometbing of public entries, and the grand 
 receptions made by the Londoners to feveral of the kings of England. 
 
 The Londoners, in order to make their peace with king Richard the Second, 
 (whom they had very much offended) met him at Black Heath, as he and his 
 queen were coming unto Weftminfter, and entreated him to pals through Lon- 
 don on his way, to which he at laft confented. The citizens were in number 
 full 400, all drelTed in one livery, and well mounted on horfeback. Thefe con- 
 
 H duded 
 
5 o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 dafted the king (lavs Fabian) till he came to London bridge, IBftegt ffirjrs my 
 _ , . . author) Tjc Ynag ir t cfcnteB topth t\tio fap?c fleDctf, trapped in r?c!;c clottje of gott* pmW of 
 Chron voi 2 TCtJDC Htfc Vcljpte* (one for him, the other for his queen; then ty\iWS ** t 11 ^ " mE to ll,c 
 Ibl. 147. " ftanoatfc in Cljcpr, x\}t cj«t$pftf of ftc cf« flantirr.se upon crtfct fptt of tljc C etr^ in t^crr 
 lrl3f?cr?, nut? qpnin ISpng Eictwtse, Ifcpng *lf|«*, ana at Tl;tpr battel t\yt toffUSBto** 
 toaltyg liamjcu to?tjj al rpclie tappettr* $ clothes of ajaffc in mottc sooolpe I fljctopng tone. 
 Sinn atthrfaptjftamiaitic in Cheat, ttias ozucpnts a ftimptuouftftagc, mthc top!) tncjc ^t.e 
 aiucj* MlnMgm in tpche appajcl, amongc tijc to^c^an attn^U (angel) teas pfMgM terete 
 fet a xftU qotone of aotDc gau^heD topth tfont f pe*U uppou the &pn<jc$ hecc, $ another 
 on the queens as they pafJfro bp." . , , 
 
 The victorious Henry the Fifth, returning from France, the mayor and alder- 
 men (fays an old Chronicle, written in the beginning of the reign of Henry the- 
 Sixth) with a great number of citizens, to the amount of 20,000, rode to j wel- 
 come him home, and methim at Black Heath, from whence they conduced bim 
 to London, where, (continues my author) he was 6 tiO% tttrttt ttitl) ptcctOion ml 
 MS. in the foncj, (filling him Lord of England! Flower of the World ! and Sf*ter ^pfOmJ. 
 Hariiean <a nD »n be ttae come to lumtan bilgccc, *» ttoo 0* ^ W^M a 
 
 fc^^' Bjct rcaunt '(giant) 5 on the tujmt* ttonopnff a Ipon $ a antelope, tultV manp f^Jj^Jf 
 K °- 53 ' jSmr, Bleffcd is he who cometh in the name of the Lord ; 9 Co he robe to}* into »on 
 t * fcetw ifec rtoKp fcuqttttlt) rid; do** $ «W mace a ioX toU*r Ml* 
 
 patajeftrt (patriarchs) f r W n 5 , Sing unto the Lord a new fong, prarfe his 
 Ho?; Church : ^MNUtHk^ dive birds) »W ^g^0^ ; 
 
 the m?ng : $ tuhen he came into Chcpe foe wnuite* tanne tH^e, J on the p conn it ttu? : 2 
 apofiS frnSPn^ Have mercy on my foul, Oh Lord ! an* « Bptl S rt M*? 
 
 *M & pome! 9to «c noft in the tea* i*r«£^ 
 
 bffanifg (perhaps for bafons) of S olDctothe fcynse, S ft he rone font! to Walts JW^JJ 
 mftfrtont AffittttK* * rtcbWt mptcme totth ftnfom* to welcome fopm] I at the btm 
 
 Deum Laudamus h 9 fjom fipttCe he roDe fojtl; to l)t0 pahce at Mleffimnftte. 
 
 Fabian has given a long and circumftantial account of the publick entry into 
 
 from France where at Paris he was crowned king of France^ accoiam & 10 u 
 ^rm^agree'ment made between his father and Char es the French kmg. A,- 
 the Chronicle of Fabian is now become very fcarce I prefent my readers with 
 the account of this grand proceffion, word for word as I found it. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 51 
 
 flTOan tbe fcpn&e tuas ccmen to tbe brpoge, tbw toa0 tsetojpfeo a mpgbtg & b ian >. 
 fgaunt fianopng fcnjtb a ttoejoe o?atogn,Javnjng tbp0 fpeecbe torgtenbp bpm, volT,'^ 
 
 All tho' that ben enemyes to the kyng, l86, 
 
 I (hall them clothe with confufion. 
 
 Make hym myghty by vertuous lyving, 
 
 His mortall foon to opprefic and bere downe, 
 
 And hym to encreace as Chriftes champion, 
 
 All mifcheves from hym to abridge 
 
 With grace of God at the entry of this brydge. 
 
 Slno tobantbe fcgnrr tDas paflen tbe fprfic gate, ano toas comcn to tfte 
 Tiratoe btpoge, tbe?e toa0 ofoegneo a 500015 toto?e bangeo ano appa?apleu 
 tuttb fplfee ano clotbe0 of arasf, in motte rpebe topfe, out of tebtcbe fooajmlj? 
 appc?eo tbree laope0 rgebelp claooe in goloe ano Qrtfte, toitb cojonettesi upon 
 tbegr beooe0, toDecof tbe fprft teas namen Dame Mature, tbe fecono Dame 
 <$race, ano tbe tf)p?oe Dame jfottune, tbe tubiebe unto tbe Bgng bao tbia 
 fpecfje. 
 
 We ladies thre all by one con fen t, 
 Thre ghoflly gyftes hevynly & dyvyne, 
 To the Sir Kynge, as now we do prefent. 
 And to thyne hyghnes here we do this tyme, 
 Utterly fhewe and them determyne. 
 As I grace, fyrft at thy comynge, 
 Endowe the with fcyence and connynge. 
 
 And I nature, with ftrengthe and fayrneffe, 
 For to be loved and drad of every wyghte, 
 And I fortune, profperyte and rycheffe, 
 The to defende and to gyve the myght, 
 Longe to enjoye and to holde thy trewe ryght, 
 In vertuous lyfe with honour to procede, 
 That thy two ceptours thou may well poffede. 
 
 €be*e toas aifo in toe fago totoie, 14 feg»p& all clotbeo in fotfjptev 
 tobe^eof ttooe upon tbe r^ggt banoe of tbe fapo 3 laopeg, $ 7 upon tbe left 
 banoe; tbe 7 upon tbe rpgbt banoe ban batooe^kes of fapbpr colour or 
 bletoe ; ano tbe otber 7 bao tbepr gamiente0 potoo^eo toitb &zw$ of golo $ 
 tbnn tbe firtt 7 prefenteo tbe &gnge toitb tbe 7 ggftcs of tbe i£>olp ©boft, a# 
 fappence, intelligence, gooo counfagll, urengtbe, cunngnge, ppte, (piety) ana 
 ojeoe of eon. ano tbe otber 7 gatoe bpm tbe 7 gpfte0 of grace, in maner ag 
 folotoetb* 
 
 God the endowe with crowne of glory, 
 
 And with the ceptre of clennefTe and pyte 
 
 And with a fwerde of myghte and victorye 
 
 And with a mantell of prudence clad thou be 
 
 A fhylde of fayth for to defend the 
 
 An helme of helthe wrought to thyne encreace,. 
 
 Gyrte with a gyrdyll of love and parfyte peace. 
 
5 2 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 3nti after tbep ban tbus faluteu tbe Epnge, anone tbcp. beganne t$0 roan* 
 Bell toptb an be&enig nieiooge, anu fonge as folctoctb. 
 
 Soverayne Lorde, welcome to your cytye, 
 Welcome ourjoye, and our hartes pleafaunce 
 Welcome our gladneffe welcom* our fuftyfaunce 
 Welcome welcome, ryghte welcome muft ye be. 
 Syngynge before thy royall magefte 
 We faye with harte withouten varyaunce 
 Soverayne Lord, now welcome out of France 
 
 The mayre and cytefyns with all the comynaltye 
 Rejoyfe your comynge newly out of France, j 
 Wherby this cytie and they relevyd he 
 Of all theyr forow and former grevaunce. 
 Wherefore they faye and fynge without grevaunce 
 Welcome welcome welcome our hartes joye, 
 Welcome you be unto your owne newe Troye: 
 
 Cfjan tlje Egng rotse fo^tb a fofte pafe, tpll be came at tbe mm of Corn-- 
 tyliz, tobe^e upon tbe f$Ue tuasf o^uepneo a tabernacle of curpoug toorke, m 
 tnfjicb Good sDame ^appence, ano about ber tbe 7 art0 or fcgenceg, liberal! 
 as fi^a gjamer, iogifce, rbeto^ke, muf^ke, aritbmetpeft, geomet^, $ aiuo*- 
 nompe, ctscjpcf) of tbem ere?cgfpnge tbept connpngc $ facultpe, ano tbe 
 Hasp, ber felfc basse tfea fpecbe to tbe Epnge, 
 
 Lo I chyefe prynceffe, dame Sapience 
 Shewe unto you this fentence of fcripture 
 Kynges that ben mofl of excellence 
 By me they reygne,. and mofte joye endure 
 For through my helpe and my befy cure, 
 To encreafe theyr glory & theyr high renowne s , 
 They mall of. wyfdcme have full poiTeffion. 
 
 CSatrtfjfe Epng paft'eo on tgll be came to tljc contsu^te tnCornbpJle, tobe?e % 
 toas fet a pageant \vMz ce^cie topfe, $ m tbe fummet or toppc tr^eof, vtiag, 
 fet a cbPjn of ^onceifuH beaute, appaiapleo lp>e a Bpjtg. (Upon tebofe 
 rpgbt bann fatte latip eaetcp, ana upon tbe lefte ba-noe iLaog C^outb, ano 
 otter tb'cm Gone Dame Cienneffc, cmurafpjig tbe Binges trone. Chen be^ 
 fo?e tbe^pnge Coue ttoo mBges antJ 8 fe^geauntes of tbe copfe* 8no i3aine' 
 Clcnneffe ban tb*?0 fpecbe to. tbe vi \\)zx\\y tbe Epnge,, 
 
 Lo by the fentence of prudent Salomon 3 
 
 Mercy and ryght prefervyn every kynge 
 
 And I clenneffe obferved by reafon 
 
 Kepe his trone from myfchyfe and fallynge,,. 
 
 And maketh it ftronge with longe abydynge 
 
 So I conclude that we ladyes thre, 
 
 A kynge preierve in longe profperite. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 53 
 
 And Davyd fayd, the pfalme beryth wytnelTe, 
 
 Lorde God thy dome thou to the kynge; 
 
 And gyve to hymthy trouth and ryghtwyineffe, 
 
 The kynges fonne here on erth lyvynge. 
 
 And thus declared he by his wrytynge 
 
 That kynges and prynces fhuld about them drawe 
 
 Folke that ben trewe and well lerned in lawe. 
 
 3ftet tW tbe Epng roue fo?tb a quicker pafe tgli be came unto tbe 
 Commit in Cbcpe, tobe^c toeje o?oepneo Ogoers Uiellpsf, tbe mz\\z of 
 0@e?cp, tbe WzWz of ®cacc, ano tbe ft&eUe of j^gte. ano at eoe?p CClelle 
 a Lao? Ganopnge, tbat mpnpflreo tbccKtatet of eoe^foHcUe to fucb as tuoloe 
 asfce it, ano tbat Watzx toas tu?neo into goon mynz. 
 
 about tbefe COelles tueje fct Opoejs tjees togtb flourpujpngc leties ana 
 fnunes, as ojenges, a1manoes, pomegajna?oes, olpoes, (pmones, Bates, 
 pepps, oupnees, blaunoe?cUes, pecbes, ano otbet mo?e comon fntptes, as 
 ajfteriBes, tua^oeus, pomctoajoens, rpcazoons, Oampfpns, ano plummes, 
 fenub otfjer ftuptes longe to rebctfe, the tubicb tue?e fo cunnunip turougbt, 
 tbat to man? tbep appc?eo natural! trees grotupnge. 
 
 3ln tbe bo?oour of tbis oelicious place ttsbpcb toas nameo Paraopfe, Oooe 
 ttoo fojgjotuen jFauejs, refemblpngc €nocke ano it>etp, tbe tobpeb bao :bp.s 
 fapenge to tbe Epnge. 
 
 Ennok fyrfte with a benygrre chere, 
 Prayed God to upholde his profperite ; 
 And that none enemyes have of the power 
 Nor that no chylde of falfe iniquitye, 
 Have power to perturbe thy felycytc. 
 This olde Ennok to procefle can well tell- 
 Prayed for the kynge as he rode by the welle. 
 
 After Helias with his lokkys hore, 
 
 Sayde well devoutely lokynge on the kynge, 
 
 God conferve the and kepe evermore, 
 
 And make the blyfied here on erth lyvynge 
 
 And preferve the in all maner thynge, , 
 
 And fpecyall amonge kynges all, 
 
 In enemyes handes that' thou never fall. 
 
 ano tbat fpecbe fpnpfljeo, tbe &pngc rose foube a l^tcll fojtber ; ano tbc?t 
 toas ojuepneo a Cotoer ga?npujeo toptb tbe anups of OEnglanOe ano of 
 JF?aunce. Cbgs Cotoer toas taonoetfuli to beboloe, for tbe?e toas (betoeo in 
 o?oer tbe tptietopebe tbe Epnge baooe unto tbe Cjotone of j? ?atmcc, ano up*- 
 rpgbt bp tops Cotoci 8ooe ttoo g?enc Crees, aztifpcpaUp toitb grcne leops 
 ganapfljeo ano tojongbt, tbat one be?pnge tbe genelogp of ^>apnte (ZEBtoaio, 
 ano tbat otber of £?apnte letups, ano garnpujeo toitb Heopa^oes ano jFiotu> 
 Mpccs, ano ooer tbefe ttoo afojefapo C?ees toas o?oepneo tbe tbp?oe, 
 tobpeb toas tnaoe tbe ftp fe tbe fprpng of |efie s tobe^em toas ibetoeo tbe genelogp 
 
 of 
 
54 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 of our bldTefc JLaop, fette out in moft cutpoug togfe, ; ano upon tf>e front of 
 ffjpg Cofoer taa# torpten t&efe toqfea follotupmje* 
 
 By thefe two trees which here grow upright. 
 From St. Edwarde & alfo Sent Lowys ; 
 The rote I take, palpable to eche fyght, 
 Conveyed by lyne from kynges of great pryee 
 Which fome bare leopardes, & fom flourdelyce, 
 Armys excellent of honour have no lacke, 
 Which the VI. Henry may now bere on his backe; 
 
 As in degree of juft fuccefliowne, 
 
 As olde cronicles truely determine ; 
 
 Unto this kyng is now defcended downe^ 
 
 From eyther partye right as any lyne, 
 
 Upon whofe hede now fresfhely doth fhyne 
 
 Two ryche crownes moche lbveraygn & pleafaunce 
 
 To bring in peas betwene Englande 6c Fraunce. 
 
 Cfjan from tfjgsf tfce ^gnge paflfeB on tpil fre came at tfje Conoupt at 
 Pauip0 ®ate ; tofre^e toa0 ppgfjte a celeftgal Crone, $ tfjejem toas fette a 
 IPerfonap of tfje Crimjte, togtfc a multptuoc of 9ungel0 plapenge ano fgng* 
 3?ng;e upon all inficumentes of mufpfc. 3nu upon tfje front of tfje fagu Crone, 
 toas torgtten tfjefe tjerfcs or tmllauea follotognge, tfje tofrpcfr tuere fpofcen og 
 &z JF atfjet unto tfje i&gng;. 
 
 To you my aungels thys precept ye afTure, 
 
 This prince that is fo younge & tender of age, 
 
 That ye entende & do your befy cure, 
 
 To kepe & fave hym from all mane damage, 
 
 In hys lyfe here duryng all his age 
 
 That his renowne may fprede & fhyne ferre 
 
 And of his two realmes to ceafe the mortal warre. 
 
 And I will ferther as I fhewe to hym here, 
 Fulfyll hym withjoye & worldly habundaunce ; 
 And with lengthe of many a holfome yere, 
 I mall comfort 8c helpe with all pleafaunce ; 
 And of his lieges to have faythfuli obeyfaunce 
 And alfo multiply & encreafe his lyne, 
 And caufe his nobles thorugh the worlde fhyne. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 55 
 
 SfatJ tfjpg tone, fje entjeo tfje C!nt?c&pa?&fc, tobe?e fre toag incite p?o s 
 cefl^on of tfa SDeane $ tfje Cfmnons of Ipaulyg, ftritf) toljome alfo in Pcntr 
 nrn!iuu0 came rfje atcbfcgfetjop of Cauntetfurp cf Cfmunceioc of <ZEngla;t&e> 
 tinjflb tbe I5pf0bop of ilgncolne, of I5att»e, of ^alpsfcuvp, of jSortopc&e, of 
 <ZElg, $ of iRocfrefter, tofcpebe fo conoepco fnjm into tije Ctmjc&c, $ tbe?e mane 
 !nj0 oulacpon0. 
 
 9nn tbat none, fje tooft agapne f)t0 §>tcue at tfjc WXztt oo?e of patrtpai, % 
 fo rooc fo?tf) to SOeftminft?e, tobeje appne f)e tuaa of tfje aouot <j Coucnt 
 reecpaeo tottf) p?ocefl&on, $ op tbem conoepco unto ^>apnt aHDtua?ur0 tbrgnc* 
 S tficje ta^co a tofjple, " T> tuas fonge in tfje Cuujeir. 3no tbat 
 npfijcD, &c toa0 of fu0 lorOetf conuepea unto f)i0 lpa!aj>0 ; antj tfjan tbe 
 agagre fttiflj t)i& Cgte^ns returned jopufig to llonnon. 
 
 Hiftory of Coronations-. 
 
 Perhaps there is no fu eject in hiflory to be found more pleafing, or more cu- 
 rious, than the account of the various methods of eleding kings, and the various 
 ceremonies ufed at fuch elections. Thefe, if regularly traced out from the man- 
 ners and cuftoins of all the different nations, and placed in a proper feries, would 
 well defervethe attention of the public. But fuch is the nature of the prefent 
 work, that matters here touched upon muft not (to keep the work in any mode- 
 rate fize) be lengthened with extenfive comments ; and add to this, that there is 
 little elfe than what is ftriclly national, can be of much real ufe to the furtherance 
 ofthedefign ; therefore I mall content myfelf with a fhort account of the an- 
 cient and more modern ceremonies of our own anceftors ; with mention only of 
 fuch foreign matters as are abfolutely neceilary for the better explanation 
 of them. 
 
 Among the Britons, (as it is thought by many authors) fuch men were madej).-. pf ott 
 kings (or rather vice-roys, the Druids bearing fuch univcrfal fway) as the D^uic&Borlai'e, &c« 
 themfelves mould chufe forth from the- reft,, or elfe it was left to the determina- 
 tion of the fword. 
 
 Caefar hath told us, that when the nation united againft him as the commonCsefar's 
 foe to all, they chofe for their leader an experienced chieftain, the brave£° n: - : - • • 
 Cafibelan ; but rent and torn as they were with different factions, and various lb ' 5> 
 governments, they fo ill obeyed his orders, (as Caefar himfelf confedes) that 
 Scattered about and divided among themfelves, they opened the way for the mors 
 experienced and more politic enemy. 
 
 During the Roman government, we meet witl? many chiefs or kings ftarting 
 up, till at length, more pleafed with the Roman yoke, they in imitation of their 
 conquerors, elected one king, or chief, whoprelided over them all. And in thisVide Speed, 
 ftate we find them at the arrival of the Saxons, under Vortegern their chief, 
 their leader, or their king. But yet there does not among the whole catalogue 
 of Britifh kings, (oppofers of the Saxons) appear to be any regular and hereditary 
 fuccefhon, for they feem to be rifing up like the judges of Ifrael, from the valiant 
 and great men of the realm, to fave (if pofiible) their drooping and opprefled 
 country. 
 
 The 
 
S6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The great Aurelius Ambrofius was elected by the voice of the people, a brave 
 GiMas. worthy man, whole eulogium the mournrui Gildas has given in the follow- 
 
 Hiit. Brit, ing words : Duce Ambrofio Aureiiano viro modeilo ; qui folus fuit comes, fidelis, 
 fortis, veraxque, Sec. 
 
 And among our anceftors, the ancient Saxone, the valiant men were chofen 
 forth to be their kings or leaders, which authority only was to be held by them 
 during the time of danger, to defend their country from its common enemy. 
 The name of king itfelf, with our anceftors, imports a valiant man, and a 
 •Verfteo-an, l ea der ; for, fays Veritegan, " Cunmj" [the ancient Saxon word for king) " is 
 p. 314? as much in fignijWtion as one efpecially valiant, and this being the title of the 
 chiefe of all, expreffeth him the moil apparent in courage or valour. And cer- 
 taine it is that the kings of raoft nations were in the beginning elected and 
 chofen by the people to raigne over them, in regard of the greatnefl'e of their 
 courage, valour, and ftrength, as being therefore beft able to defend and governe 
 them. And as Olaus Magnus writeth, it was an ancient cuftome in the Septen- 
 Ohus Mag. t r i° na M regions, that fuch young noblemen or gentlemen as gave greateft proofe 
 Lib. 8^ * of their fingular valour, were by thofe country kings adopted to be their fonnes ; 
 
 jyea, and to fucceed in the crowne after them, if their owne fonnes were not 
 thought to have in them fuch great valour as in thofe times was expected. 
 And the reafon why they adopted fuch fonnes as aforefayd, and thereby made 
 them capable of fucceeding them in their kingdomes was, for that (as they fayd) 
 they might in their owne fonnes be deceived, when they faw not how they 
 would prove, but in their adopted fonnes they could not be deceived, becaule 
 they had feene of them fufficient experience and tryall already." 
 
 The Jews, when they referred the choice of their king to the determination of 
 Almighty God, prayed fervently for one, who by his valour might be a conftant 
 check upon the mighty power of the furrounding nations, under whofe yoke they 
 had experienced grievous hardmips. Nay, what was their expectation of the 
 promifed Mefftab, but of a temporal chief or king, under whofe victorious ban- 
 ner they might be led on to conqueft and to glory ? whofe puuTant fword might 
 with blood and deflruction relieve them from the oppreflion of the Romans, and 
 fet them high in honour, as lords above the other nations of the univerfe ? 
 
 The ceremonies ufed by the ancient Britons, at the inauguration of their 
 kings, have not been handed down to us : but when the old Saxons had elected 
 their chief, .he was fet upon a fhield and borne aloft, amidft the loud applaufe 
 and acclamation of the furrounding people : and fomevvhnt of this cuftom the 
 ¥itle ao- 8~ ^ ancs preserved in fetting their new-elected king upon a high fione, placed in the 
 oftheiS' 1 midft of a circle of twelve fmaller ftones. And this Chewing of the king to the 
 vol.. people was afterwards practifed by the Saxons, even in the days of Chriftianity ; 
 
 for Athelftan was crowned by Dunftan, at Kingfton, upon a large fcarfold erect- 
 ed in the market-place, that he might be feen and approved of by the people. 
 But this cuitom is of very ancient landing, for thus Solomon was anointed in 
 the pretence of the people. " So Zadok the prieft, and Nathan the prophet, 
 Firft Book and Benaiah the fonne of Jehoiada, and the Cherethites, and the Pelethites went 
 of Kings, down, and caufed Solomon to ride upon king David's mule, and brought him to 
 1 chap. ver. Eihon. And Zadok the pried tooke the home of oyle out of the tabernacle, and 
 38, 39> an ano i n ted Solomon j and they blew the trumpet, and all the people faid, God 
 fave king Solomon ! And all the people came up after him, and the people 
 piped with pipes, and rejoiced with great joy, fo that the earth rent with the 
 found of them." The 
 
OF THE ENGLIS H. 57 
 
 The antient ornaments placed on the heads of the chiefs and leaders, by way 
 of diftinction, were wreaths, or garlands of laurels. An old delineation (co- 
 pied in the Monarchie Francois, of Father Montfaucon) which reprefents a 
 chief elected, and fet upon a fliield, has therein pictured a youth, who ftands 
 on an elevation behind the chief, holding over his head a garland, which appears 
 to be made of laurel leaves : from thefe honourable wreaths, came fillets *, as 
 worn by the kings of the Grecians ; circles of gold, and radiated crowns, as 
 nfed by the Romans ; and from thence the rich and fplendid crowns, ornament- 
 ed with jewels, as are exhibited on the portraitures of the kings of the latter 
 ages. And thefe honorary ornaments, thus given to the valiant men, were as 
 it were, a kind of memento of that confidence which the people placed in their 
 chiefs, and they were as fpurs to their valour, to lead the armies forth with in- 
 trepidity, and caution ; left by any unmanly cowardice, they lhould fully, or 
 difgrace that high honour,, which was bellowed upon them by the people. 
 
 The ceremony of anointing the king, at his inauguration, we feem to owe to- 
 the Jewifh nation only ; among whom it was efteemedas facred,and the perfon fo 
 anointed, was confecrated to God ; lor this reafon the priefts were anointed, g xoc | us 
 Mofts, by God's command, made holy oil, " And thou lhalt make an oyle of c h ap . 30, 
 holy oyntment, an oyntment compound after the art of the apothecary j it mail ver. 25. 
 be an holy anointing oyle." With this he was commanded to anoint the ark, 
 the tabernacle, and all the ucenfils, which were to be confecrated to the Lord, Ibid, v. 25. 
 and further the Lord faid, ** thou lhalt with this oyle annoint Aaron and his 
 ftinnes, and coniecrate them, that they may minifler unto me in the priefts 
 orfice." 
 
 And when the Lord had chofen Saul, " then Samuel took a vial of oil, and Joveirfw : 
 poured it upon his head, and killed him, and faid : is it not becaufe the Lord 
 hath almoin ted thee to be the captain over his inheritance r" 
 
 Thus alio when the Lord had chofen David from his brethren, Samuel 
 took the home of oyle, and anointed him in the mid ft of his brethren : and. 
 the fpirit of the Lord came upon David from that day forward. And hath not videPfalms 
 the Pf lmift David himfelf, metaphorically exprefted the Mejiab, by the epithets, of David, 
 of " Holy One" and of " 7 he Lord's Anointed?" 
 
 The fon of Sirach alio fpeaking in praile of the prophet Ellas, or Elijah, Ecclefafti- 
 faith " who anoynted kings for revenge, and- prophets to fucceed after him." c „ s ' ch ?, p * 
 The fir ft part of this vefie, alludes to Elijah's being fent by God to anoint Ha- V " r * .* 
 zael ; " Go (faid the Lord to himV to the wildernefs of Damafcus, and when 1 Kings, 19 
 then comedj anoint Ha"zael to be king over Syria." This man was by God clla P- v - '5* 
 ordained, as a fc >urge to the Israelites, for* their difobedience ; for afterwards 
 it is faid, *• In thofe days the Lord began to cut Jfrael fhort, and Hazae! fmote 2 King?, 10 
 them in all the eoaftes of liraeL" The iecond part ©f the verfe is explained by. J h g^ v< 3Z * 
 the following command of God to Elijah, " and Elifha, the fon of Shaphat, chap" 16%!?. ' 
 of Abel-Meholah, fhalt thou annoint to be prophet in thy room." From all 
 
 thefe 
 
 * Some authors have affirmed, that no ornaments were worn upon the heads of the kin^s, or em- 
 perors, but the fillet, before the time of Ccnftantine the Great, who wore a diadem, or circle of 
 gold : but this mufl: be a great miftake, fc.r there a.-e coins of Alexander, the fon of Antony and 
 Cleopatra, with feveral of Auguilus, that have radiated crowns reprefented upon the heads cn the 
 obyerle, 
 
 I 
 
58 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 thefe inftances it is plain, that the perfons fo anointed, were held facred before 
 the Lord ; or as in the Holy Bible it is exprefled, " the fpirit of the Lord was 
 upon them." 
 
 This cuftom of anointing, was alfo with Chriftianity brought into this king- 
 dom : the exact time is uncertain, but the learned Selden has thought, that it 
 VideAnaly- was j n u f e here, even before it was praftifed in France, Ann. Dom. 496, at the 
 onor * coronation of Clovis : and very likely this cuftom prevailed among the Chrifti- 
 ah Britons from the time of Lucius, the firft enlightened prince of this king- 
 dom . for it is not reafonable to fuppofe, that an ordinance foholy, given at firft 
 by the command of God to his people ; (and after conftantly continued by 
 them, at the confecration of their priefts especially, as well as at the inaugura- 
 tion of their kings; by which means it became as it were, a part of the antient 
 law) mould be entirely neglecled. For tho' the Chriftian religion forbids the 
 ufe of facrihces, with many other Jewifh. ceremonies, yet the facred diftindtion 
 of priefts, made holy before the Lord ; and of kings appointed by God ; was 
 never altered that we find from any paflage in the Holy Teftament : nay the 
 contrary appears in the firft epiftle of St. Peter, wherein we find, that the fecond 
 great part of man's duty, is to refpeci the perfon of the king, as a ruler placed 
 sGen. Epif. over hj m by Almighty God j " Fear God, and honour the king" are the words 
 1 ver^'ic^' °^ tne a P°ftl e - Among the Chriftian Saxons, this facred cuftom continued in. 
 BedeEcclef. full force: the antient author Bede, makes mention of the ampula, and holy oil, 
 Hift. lib. 3, but in no place of his hiftory, (either at the confecration of the ecclefiaftics, or 
 cap. 15. coronations of the kings) takes any notice of anointing.: and indeed, after a very 
 ftricl: refearch, I, meet with no particular mention of this ceremony, till the year 
 857, when, fays Afferius in his annals, "punbepchrur-Opientralium An glonumAn- 
 AfleHi An- ^P^T unxir Oleo, conrecpavirque in pe^emGaomunoum glopiopfpmum cum 
 jiales, fub. gaufcio magno er honojie maximo in Villa pegia quas tnarup Bunna, quia trunc 
 s 5.7« trampopif nejahr- yeoty epar, anno aera'cir* pua? xv. — Which fignifies that Ead~ 
 mund, in the \§th Tear of his age, 'was, by the holy Hunbercbtus, a~nointed with oil, 
 and facred king of the Eajt Angles, with great glory and much joyfullnefs, at a town 
 called Burna, then the feat of the kings of that country. 
 
 And William of Malmlbury, fpeaking of Alfred, tells us, that " unclio- 
 ^^"r *k nem re §* am * & coronam a papa Leone olim Romas lufceperat," which exprefles 
 An*. IS"*, fuller than it is done in AfTerius's life of Alfred, for he only fays, " uxmr 
 cap? 4. in pegem," which fignifies no more than the anointing of him king whereas the 
 Aflerius in former not only fpeaks of the anointing, but of the crowning alfo. 
 vita JElhe- ^ n( j ^ li^ewife t j ie Norman princes were anointed, and folemnly crowned. 
 
 William the Conqueror, the day of his coronation, caufed the peers to take 
 oath of allegiance to him, while he himfelf at the altar of St. Peter's, took 
 a folemn oath, to defend the rights of the church, and to eftablifh good laws 
 for the prefervation of the people's liberty, and for the advancement of juftice 
 and good order throughout the realm. 
 
 In the time of the Saxons, as well as in the beginning of the Norman aera, 
 we find no mention made of more than one ecclefiaftic who crowned the king j 
 and the Archbimop of Canterbury made a claim, either to perform himfelf, or 
 .clepute fome other to perform for him that facred. office } for when Henry the 
 
 Second 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 59 
 
 Second caufed his Ton to be crowned, Thomas Becket made it a bone of contention 
 with the king, becaufe he had not been appointed by him to do it ; and moreover 
 farther, he lufpended the Archbithop of York, and the bifliop of Durham, for 
 crowning the prince without his licence. But in the later time, there is parti- 
 cular mention made of two, three, and fometimes more eccleliaftics, who at- 
 tended to crown, and aflift at the coronations of the kings. The principal ce- 
 remonies at the coronations of the Chriftian kings of the Saxons differed but 
 little (as appears from the imperfect tracings left in the antient hiftories of their 
 times) from thofe of the Normans. 
 
 The firft king whofe coronation is circumstantially defcribed, is Richard the 
 Firft ; the whole ceremonies, as given in that faithful old hiftorian Mathew Pa- 
 ris, are here fet down. 
 
 The duke Richard, having every thing prepared neceiTary foe his coronation,* ^ t p a 
 came to London, where there were aiTembled together the archbifhops, of , n v j' t> R eg ] . 
 Canterbury, of Rhoan in Normandy, and of Treves in Germany ; alfo the arch- Ricard. 
 bilhop of Dublin, and all the bifhops, earls, barons, and nobles of the realm, in 
 order as follows : Firft; came the archbifhops, bifhops, abbots, and the reft of the 
 clergy, habited in their rich canonical robes, bearing croftes, holy water, and cen- 
 fors with incenfe ; and from the very inner door of his bed-chamber, they con- 
 ducted the duke in folemn proceflion to the high altar of the Abbey Church of 
 Weftminfter ; between the bilhops and clergy, went four barons, each bearing 
 a candleftick, with a wax taper therein lighted up; and after theie came two 
 earls ; the firft carrying the royal fcepter, on the top of which was a golden 
 fwan ; the other bearing a royal rod, on the top of which was a dove ; after 
 tbefe came two earls, and between them three others, carrying fworJs in golden 
 fcabbards, taken from the king's treafury, and they were followed by fix earls, 
 and barons, bearing the royal robes and veftures ; then followed the earl of 
 Chefter, bearing the crown, beautifully wrought with gold, and fet with jewels j 
 and after thefe came the duke, with feveral bilhops, both at his right hand and 
 at his left ; and over them was borne a rich canopy of filk, held by four barons, 
 upon four lances, ornamented with gold : being come to the altar ( - on which 
 was laid the book of the Holy Gofpel, and many various relicks of faints) he 
 there fwore " that all the days of his life, he would conftantly endeavour to 
 keep the holy ordinances of God, and preferve the peace and honour of the 
 church :" he fwore alfo, " to exercife juftice towards his iuhjecls, to abolim all 
 grievous laws, and obferve, and put in practice all that were good, and agreeing 
 with the conftitution of the people:" then ney ftriped him of all his garments., 
 except his breeches and his (hirt, which was cut away at the Shoulders, becaufe 
 he was to be there anointed : he then having rich fandals fplendidly wrought 
 with gold, put upon his feet, was by Baldwin, archbifhop of Canterbury, 
 anointed in three feverul places, that his to fay on this head, his fhoulders, and 
 on his right arm, with folemn prayers and other offices of the Holy Church : 
 then they placed upon his head, afacredcap of linen, furred. without ; and after 
 
 that 
 
 * The method of proclaiming a king, as from a MS. of Lidgate, written in the reign of Henry 
 the Sixth, was thus : two heralds went firft, who with their trumpets founding, proclaimed the heir of 
 the crown ; next followed the prince himfelf royally habited, with his fword bearer on his left hand 
 attended by the lords and nobles. Vide plate 4, fig 13. So alfo all our antient ehronicles, fpenking 
 of the proclamation of theEnglifh kings, tell us that it was done u with found of trumpettcs.'-' 
 
6o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 that he was habited in the regal garments, the Tunican, and the Dalmatia ; and 
 the archbifhop gave him a {"word to defend the rights of the Church, which done, 
 two earls put their fpurs upon his (hoes, and cloathed him in a cloak ; then the 
 archbifhop conjured him not to accept of the charge, which they were about 
 to lay upon him, unlefs he fully refolved to perioral what he had fo folemnly 
 Lvorn ; and he anfwered, that he would, with Gods help, faithfully obferve the 
 whole that he had promifed. Then he had the crown given to him from the 
 altar, which he took, and gave: to the archbifhop, who placed it upon his head ; 
 then die fcepter was put into his right hand, .and the royal rod (with the dove 
 -on the topj in his left ; and ib crowned, he was led by the bifhops, and barons, 
 •preceeded by the barons bearing the tapers, with the crolTes, and the three 
 1 words before mentioned to his feat ; and they then began to perform the.folemn 
 mats, and when they came to the anthem of offering, two bifhops led him to 
 make his offering, and after re-conduc"led him to his feat again ; at iaft the mafs 
 being finifhed, with the ringing, and every other facred rite performed, the two 
 bifhops then led him crowned, with the fcepter in his, right hand, and the royal 
 • rod in his left, and the proceflion returned to the place where the king was firff. 
 ieated : and then he had his royal garments, and crown .taken of, and was cloa- 
 thed in lighter veftures, and a lefTer crown put upon his head, and fo went forth 
 todinner; where the archbifhops, bifhops, earls, and barons, were placed at the 
 table according to their order, rank, and dignity, with the clergy, and people. 
 : Froiflart's Among the more modern authors, Frcz/jart, who lived 'at the very time of 
 Chronicle J-{ en ry the-Fourth, has given the following circumftantial account of the coror- 
 V ° ' 4 " nation of that prince, *' and the day being aligned for his (duke Henries) coro- 
 nation, which was on a Monday, the 13th of O&ober, 1399; he the Saterday 
 preceeding, went from the palace of Weftminffer, to the tower of London, ac- 
 companied with a great number of attendants; and the efquires, who were to 
 be made knights the morning following, were alfo there lodged, to the number 
 of 46 ; and every one of thefe efquires, had each man his chamber, and each 
 man his bath, wherein he might bathe himfelf that night, and on the morrow 
 -the duke of Lancafter, made them all knights at maffe, giveing to each a long ftrait 
 circoate of a green colour, and the fleves furred with meneverj * and hoods of 
 the fame furred in the fame manner like priefts ; and thefe new made knights, 
 had befides upon the left moulder, a double cord of white filk,with white taffels 
 hanging down j on Sunday after dinner the duke went from the tower to Weft- 
 minller bare headed, haveing a colar about his neck, with the fame device 
 as was ufually worn by the kings of France ; he was habited in a fhort 
 jacket of tifTue of gold, after the German fafliion, with a blew garter on 
 his left leg ; and he was mounted on a beautiful white courier. He was 
 accompanied with the prince his fon, fix dukes, fix "earls, and eight barons, 
 with at leaft eight or nine hundred knights ; and in this manner they rode 
 through London, where all the citezens and companies, with their enfigns 
 and different devices, met and conveyed the duke to Weff.minff.er, Their 
 number amounted to full 6000 horfemen ; and that day, as well as the next alfo, 
 were nine branches of fountains in the cheap, -j~ which run both red and white 
 
 wine, 
 
 * Menever or minever fur, is faiJ to be the fkin of a fquirrells belly or white weazcl. 
 I Now called Cheapfide. 
 
OP THE ENGLISH, 64 
 wine. And at night the duke was bathed, and on the morrow, at his uprifjng, 
 he went to confefiion, (of which, fays the author, he flood in great need) anr] af- 
 ter that he heard three feveral mafTes. That done, the prelates who wereaffem- 
 hled, with a great number of clergy, came from the Abbey Church at Weflmin- 
 fter to the palace, to conduct the duke to the church ; and they returned in the 
 lame proceflion, followed by the duke, and all the lords and grandees attending. 
 
 The dukes, earls and barons, were habited in long kouppclands * of fcarlet, and 
 long robes furred with menever, and large hoods furred in the fame manner ; 
 and the dukes and earls were diftinguifhed by three honoblcs-\ de menever over 
 -the left moulder, fome rounding, others lengthways; wherea> the barons had 
 but two; And in the proceflion from the palace to the abbey, there was held 
 over the head of the duke, a rich canopy of filk, borne upon four filver wands, 
 •and at the corners were four golden bells ringing. This canopy was carried by 
 four citezens of Dover, % to whom it belonged by right ; and on each fide of the 
 kduke was borne a fword, the one the fword of the church, carried by his fon the 
 prince of Wales, and the other the fword of juflice, borne by Henry Percy, earl 
 of Northumberland, conellable of England ; and the earl of Weftmoreland, mar- 
 fhal of England, carried the fcepter. This proceflion entered the church about 
 nine o'clock, and in the middle thereof was erected a high fcaffold, covered all 
 over with rich cloth, and upon this fcaffold was placed a chair, or rather royal 
 :throne, covered with gold tiffue ; and when the duke was come into the church, 
 he went up on the fcaffold, and feated himfelf in the royal chair with great flare, 
 without either a crown or a hood upon his head : and then the archbifhop fpoke 
 rto thofe below the fcaffold, and told them, that God had fent them a man (mew- 
 ing them the duke) to be their king and lord ; and then he demanded of them if 
 they were willing he mould crown and confecrate him for their king ; to which 
 they all with one voice cried out, Yes! Yes! holding their hands croffed, as 
 promifmg him their faith and loyalty. 7 his done, the duke defcended from tire 
 fcaffold, and went to the altar to be confecrated ; to perform which holy office, 
 there were two archbifhops, and ten bifhops, and there before the altar he was 
 undrelfed to his fhirt, and was there anointed in fix places, on the head, on the 
 bread, upon the two fiioulders, and behind between the moulders, and on the 
 hands ; then they put a hood upon his head, and while they ano nted and confe- 
 crated him, the clergy fang the litany, and like offices that are ufed at the bleffiog of 
 the water at the font. Then was the king habited in a church drefs, likea prielr, 
 and they put upon him a robe of red velvet like a prelate, and put upon his feet 
 ifhoes made of the fame velvet, and fpurs with only one point, without any rowels; 
 and the fword of juflice was then drawn out of the fheath, which was fi'rft blefled, 
 and then given to the king ; he returned it again- into the (heath, and prefented 
 .it to the archbifhop of Canterbury, who girded it upon him : then was 
 brought the crown of Edward the Confelfor, (this crown was arched in the form 
 ofacrofs) which being firfl bleffed by the archbifhop, was afterwards placed 
 upon the head of the king ; then after hearing the mafs, the king departed from 
 .-the church, and went to his palace. The coneflable of England, and the mar- 
 mall, 
 
 * Houppelands are long circotes or gowns, loofeat bottom, training on the ground. 
 
 t Bonobies or ourletz, were rows of fur put at the top of the robes, like the capes- of clor.ks. 
 
 X This is from the French printed edition, in a MS. in the Royal Library. It is citezens of London. 
 
62 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 fhall, together with coneftables lieutenant, went before the king to clear the way 
 as he returned to the palace. In the middle of the palace yard there was a foun- 
 tain, which played out wine, both white and red, through feveral various pipes. 
 The king being returned, went into the hall, and from thence into his cham- 
 ber, from whence he foon returned into the great hall, and fat down to dinner. 
 At the rirff. table was the king, the two archbifhops, and ten bifhops. On either 
 fide of the king was borne a fword, the one by the prince of Wales, and the other 
 by the coneftable of England ; and at the bottom of the table flood the marfhall 
 holding the fcepter. 
 
 At the fecond table were the lords of the cinque-ports, &c. of England ; and 
 at the third the citezens of London : the fourth was occupied by the new-made 
 knights ; and the fifth by the knights and efquires of honour. 
 
 While they yet fat at dinner, came a knight named Diuretb, armed at all 
 points, mounted on a horfe, which was alfo covered with mail, of a beautiful red 
 colour, and before him went a knight, who carried his lance ; and the aforefaid 
 knight had by his fide a naked fword, and on the other lide a dagger ; and he 
 gave to the king a label, which he read, and the contents of it were, «* that if any 
 knight, fquire, or gentleman, would either fay or maintain, that king Henry was 
 not the rightful king, he was ready to combat with him immediately, or any 
 where, or at any time that it fhould pleafe the king to affign." And the king 
 gave the label to one of his heralds, and caufed him to cry it in fix feveral places- 
 in the city, as well as in the hall, but none were hardy enough to make any an- 
 fwer to this challenge. 
 
 And when the king had dined, and taken fome wine and confectionary in the 
 fame hall, be retired to his chamber, and every one departed to their own homes $ 
 and fo ended the day of the coronation of king Henry." — Thus much is from 
 Froiffartj and if the reader would know any further matters on this fubject, he is 
 referred to Hall and Graf ton, in either of which he may find a long and particu- 
 lar account of the fplendid coronation of king Richard the Third, which I would 
 have here inferted, but that on account of its great length, I was obliged to omit 
 it. And I have to obferve befides, that the chief ceremonies are very little dif- 
 fering from thofe of the above related inauguration, which is another principal 
 reafon of its omifTion. 
 
 The unhappy prince king Edward the Second, was in the following manner 
 deprived of his honour and royal power : He was brought into a room in Kenil- 
 worth caftle, amidlt a great number of the oppofite faction, where he, as before 
 inflructed, 'for he found all reliftance was in vain) declared to them," that he was 
 forry that the people fhould fo much diflike his government, and that he was 
 
 mennc of tfje Isutse of clncrlanrie am> of a\\ tlje parliament? procurator, reOgne to tlice <tmm 
 t\)t bommage ttjat teas mane to t?)s> fdmetime } atio fjonu tljfjs time fojtoa?o notee folotoimj, 3T 
 tirSe tlh?, ano pjitoc tfee of a!le tcraUe potoc?, ant» 3 toll nelier be tenoante to tlje as for Hinge 
 after ttysl time :" which being done, Sir Thomas Blunt, knight, fteward of the 
 houfhold, by breaking his ftaffe, refigned his oflice, and declared that the late 
 king's family were discharged. 
 
 Thus 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 63 
 Thus alfo at the beginning of the troubles in the reign of Richard the Second, 
 Thomay Percy, erle of Worcefter and lord of kinge's houfholde, (fays Grafton) G rafcon 
 breake his white ftaffe of office, and licenced all the fervants to depart. And page 399. 
 king Richard himfelf, when he was taken, made a forced refignation of his crown 
 before a great aflembly of lords at the Tower of London. He was brought into 
 the chamber before the lords royally habited in his coronation robes, and a rich p roi ^ art 
 bonnet upon his head, and he held the crown and fcepter in his hands, which he vo i. 4 . * 
 refigned to the duke of Hereford, befeeching the lords who were prefent, that See p|ate 
 they would accept of the duke to be their king in his ftead. Then this refigna- & 33 j n t he 
 tion was taken down, and read in full parliament, and the king thenceforth de- Reg. &Ecc. 
 prived of his royal power. Antiq. 
 
 It was cuftomary with the Norman kings to be crowned more than once ; nay, VideHard- 
 the hiftorians tell us, that William the Conqueror was crowned three times a ,n S- 
 year. They alfo fometimes caufed their fons to be crowned during their own jvTathew 
 life time, and made the lords and nobles fwear allegiance to them, as if thereby Paris, 
 
 they confirmed to them the fucceffion of the crown after their death. Rog. Hove- 
 
 • den, &c. 
 
 Enfigns of Regality. 
 
 Purple in old time was the regal habiliment, and none but kings or emperors 
 permitted lo wear it. 
 
 The fcepter is an enfign of regality as old as the hiftory of kings. The fcep* 
 ter of David in the bible, is a metaphorical expreffion for the whole kingdom or 
 dominion over which David ruled. 
 
 The crown. Of this we have already made fome mention. In the earlier 
 ages, the Saxon kings, as appears from their coins, wore diadems or circles of 
 gold, fome plain, others appear to be ornamented with pearls, as they are exhi- 
 bited plate .23 of the firft volume, figures 9, 10 & it. To thefe fucceeded the 
 radiated crown, fig. 5 of the fame plate j and from thence the flored, fig. 1, 2, 3* 
 and 4 j after which it was embellifhed, befides the flower, with crofTes, (fee the 
 reft of the crowns in the fame plate) and varied in many different forms and 
 ;fhapes, according to the fancy of the artift who formed them, or defire of the 
 wearer. See alio the crowns of the Normans, plate 2, and thofe of the lat'.er 
 ages, plate 6, both of this volume. Some authors have insinuated, that Henry 
 the Third was the firft king that was crowned with a crown arched and flored j ™ e f j£fj* 
 others have faid it was Henry the Firft ; but both muft be miftaken. See the n0 ur, pa°-e 
 Saxon crowns, plate 23, fig. 7 & 8. So alfo we have feen from Froiffart, that 135. 
 Henry the Fourth was crowned with the crown of the Confeffor, which was 
 arched over in the fhape of a crofs. 
 
 The globe i fome have affirmed that Edward the Confeflbr, was the firft 
 Englifh prince that ufed it, yet there is very little doubt to be made, but that it Ibld * 
 is of a much more antient date ; for in the firft plate of the Regal and Ecclefiaf- 
 tical Antiquities of England, which reprefents king Edgar between two faints, 
 adoring Chrift j one of the faints bears his fcepter, the other the globe with a 
 •crofs upon the top : this delineation was made in the year 966 ; but we may 
 
 prove 
 
64 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Vide rag. prove its ftill greater antiquity, if with the faithful Speed, we agree that the 
 Sede°s Ecc T^"*' which Bede informs us was born before Edwine, may really be rendered" 
 Hift. S ]ib C 2^ n ^gfiff** a bait, ox globe, the emblem of fovereignty. The crofs was after 
 
 Cap. 16. 
 
 * added, which fignified the faith of the king; 
 SpeedChron On the great feal of Henry the Firft, of Stephen, and of Henry the Second, 
 the globes which they hold have a bird on the top, above the crofs, perhaps a 
 dove, the fymbol of peace; which every good king fhould endeavour to pro- 
 mote, as well in the church, as among his fubje&s. 
 
 The ring was alfo an enfign of royalty, and was put upon the ringer of the 
 Vide S eed king at his cor °n at ion. Thus in the time of the Saxons, Offa adopted Edmund 
 1 e peeu to reign over the Eaft Angles in his ftead,.by fending his ring, as a token of 
 Stow's his resignation : and when that unfortunate prince, Richard the Second, deliver- • 
 Uiroiu C( j up hi s power to the Duke of Lancafter, he confirmed the resignation, by : 
 taking his fignet ring from his own, and putting it upon the Duke's ringer. 
 
 Of the Nobility, and Method of their Creation. 
 
 The Prince of Wales, is not a very antient title: Edward the Firft, the eldeft: 
 ion of Henry the Third, was the firft who bore it j and from his time, the 
 Analyfis of king's eldeft ton hath conftantly been ftiled Prince of Wales. The prefent me- 
 Honor fuh. thod of creating him is as follows, " he is prefented before the king in princely 
 Tit. Prince, robes, who putteth about his neck a fword bend-wife, a cap and corortet on his j 
 
 head, a ring on his middle finger, a verge of gold in his hand, and his letters 
 Verftegan, patent after they are read. The word prince is borrowed ftom the Latin Prin- 
 ze' 3'5- C eps, but antiently our anceitors wrote it punirr, which fignifies a firfl, ot 
 chief. 
 
 Ibid. Yhe title of Duke, fays Verftegan, was by the French taken from the Latin!)//*-, . 
 
 a leader j but by our progenitors it was antiently written HeneToj 1 , the chief con- 
 ductor or leader of an army ; Hene, lignifving an army, and tc ga to train or 
 draw forward. Among the Norman nobility, the title of Duke was almoft loft, - 
 fuch kings indeed bore it. who in right of the Conqueror, were dukes of Nor- 
 llovelen- man dy. They were created by girding on them the ducal fword. Thus was 
 P« 373- * Richard the Firft, fays Hoveden, " accinctus eft gladio- ducatus Normanniae." 
 
 That be was girded north the ducal fword of Normandy j and - betides this John 
 had a coronet, or diadem, placed upon his head, for fays Mathew Paris^ " Et 
 interim comes -"Johannes Rothomagum veniens, in octavis Pa'chas gl .dio ducatus \ 
 Mat. Pans, J\Jorniannice accinclus eft, et matrice etclefia, per minifterium IValteri Roihom&* - 
 in vit j an g en j ls arc hiepilcopi ; ubi archiepifcopus memoratus, ante majus altere in capite 
 ejus pofuit circulum aureum ; h-abentem in fummitate per gyrum {circuit um 
 apud Hoveden) rofulas aureas artifi cialiter fabricatas. Et dux coram clero et 
 populo juravit fuper reliquias i'anclorum & luper evangelia facro fancla ; qucd 
 ipje fantlam ecckjiam & ejus dignitatis bona Jide ZSJine malo ingenio dejenderat ; & 
 ordinatos honoraret : juravit etiam quod leges iniquas, Ji qua ejfent, deflrueret, 
 & bonas furrogaret : which imports that after the ducal J word was girded on, in 
 
 the 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 65 
 
 fhe body of the church, the archbijhop of Rhoan, before the high altar, placed upon 
 his head a circle of gold, having on the top a circle of fmall ro/es. — And further, that 
 he there fwore upon the Holy Go/pels, and upon the holy reliques, faithfully, without 
 fraud or deceit, to defend the Holy Church and its dignities ; and regard the ordi- 
 nances thereof with honour y he alf> Jwore that he would abolijf: bad laws, if any 
 there JJjould be, and efiabliff} good ones in their Jlead. — 
 
 The earl was originally derived from the old word ean, honour, and erhel noble, 
 which, fays Verflegan " is as much as to fay, as honour noble, or noble of honour ; 
 the earl was created in the fame manner as the duke, by girding him with the 
 fwordof the earldom : thus was Geffrey Fitz-Peter, on the day of king John's 
 coronation, girded with the fword of the earldom of EfTex, and that day he 
 ferved " ad menlam Regis accincti gladiis," at the King s table, girt with the^ oveden 
 fword. ^ " p - 45 '' 
 
 Formerly there does not feem to have been any difference between the orna- 
 ments worn by the dukes and earls ; their golden circles which were in the place 
 of coronets, are precifely the fame in the reigns of the Norman kings, as well as 
 to the time of Richard the Second; thefe circles were only ornamented with 
 fmall round knobs, or balls, or elfe rofes. Edward the Black Prince, and John 
 of Gaunt, duke of Lancafter, in the Regal and Ecclefiaftical Antiquities, have this PI. 15 & *&• 
 circle thus ornamented : See fig. 10. pi. 6. of this vol. In No. 42 & 43, plates 
 of the abovementioned Antiquities are fi gures with crowns or coronets, who are 
 in both plates reprefented as attending upon the king; both the delineations from 
 which thofe plates are copied were done in the reign of Henry the Sixth ; and the 
 coronet worn by the figure on the 43d plate (which is fuppofed to reprefent the 
 duke of Glocefter, uncle to the king) is given in pi. 6. fig. 1 1 . of this volume ; 
 the other, the wearer of which is unknown, is exhibited fig. 1 2. of the fame plate. 
 But in the reign of Henry the Seventh, when John Rous, that excellent antiqua- 
 rian lived, we find the coronets belonging to the earls are compofed of an entire- 
 circle of rofes and thofe appertaining to the dukes have little balls above the 
 rofes, feepL 6. of this volume, fig. 14. which is the duke's coroner, while that 
 reprelented fig. 15. belongs to the earl. In the latter days, the dukes and earls 
 were created by hanging the fword over their moulders, which the baro7is and r jtf- 
 cozintshzd not ; elfe no ways differing in the ceremonies of creation. 
 
 Bannerets, by fome called equites vexilliarii ; thefe were created in the field in Camden 
 
 the following manner j the knight was brought into the prefence of the king, fo1 - 7 CD - 
 
 Between two other knight?, with his pennon of arms in his hand, and there the 
 
 heralds declare his merit, tor which he deferves to be made a knight banneret, and 
 
 thenceforth to diiblay his banner in the field. Then the king caufed the point of „ - „ 
 1 • 1 1 o- 1 1 1 1 • 1 ii-i Separfol.od 
 
 his pennon to be rent on, and the new-made knight returned to his tent, the b 
 
 trumpet founding. before hjm. — A banneret, thus made, might bear his banner Analyfis of 
 
 difplayed, if he was a captain, and fet his arms thereon, as other degrees above Honour, 39. 
 
 him. " Howbeit (fays Hollingfhead) thefe knights were never made but in Hollin^f.' 
 
 the warres, the king's ftandard being unfolded." D^forirBrit. 
 
 T\i$, knight \ " this title (fays Verflegan) of right worfhipfull dignity, was P- I0 5- 
 
 heretofore of our anceflors written Cnihxj — a Ifcniflljf, as we underfland it, Veiijegan 
 
 is in the modern Teutonicke, Saxon or Duytfh tongue, l&tDtr, which is, in- P * 31 
 
 deed, all one in Englifli with Epfccr, and anfwereth unto the French word 
 
 chevallier, which might be Englijbed a !£ojfeman, and fo agreeth. with Equej 
 
 K in 
 
66 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 MS.ofLid- j n Latin." Thus alfoLidgate, in his tale of the horfe, the iheep and the goat, 
 §atc * has it, 
 
 (tqtteis at) flfpo, is faiD^f bejp 
 
 2nD CljetiaUcr, is fatu of Cfcbaljit 
 
 3tt to!;icl;c a IRiOcr taUeo is atom jt> t 
 
 S?ogont?$f lone alfo Tpcc ifi£, 
 
 daballiqo tlp.ouglj all tlj&t pajtte, 
 
 3s narnt of toojfrfnp, $ fo tcsk Ijtsj ginning, 
 
 £}f fepujjs of <Md, anD tf;ictlp Killing, 
 
 T)r Hickes's ^ nc * an °^ c l uotec ^ b y Dr - Hickes, gives an accouat of the Conqueror's 
 Gram^Sax. 8 making his fon a knight at Weftminfter ; it runs thus, Dubbade hij* pmu 
 p. 151. J)enjue to nroejie J?a;n, and there be dubbed bis fon Henry a Rider. — By all which 
 (as Verftegan obferves) it may feem ftrange how our name of I&ntgljt, being with 
 us in fuch efteem and worfhip, mould in the etymology thereof, appear no more 
 than it doth (for, both in High and Low Germany, by the name of f&nigT;r is un- 
 Verftegan d er ftood a fervant. ) '* To refolve (continues he) which difficulty, I can judge 
 P " 3I9 ' no other, having no proof or pregnant reafon other wife to enduce me, but that the 
 name of Ikniqfyt muft have begun to be a name of honour among our anceftors, 
 in fuch as were admitted for their merits to be Bnhjljtg to the king, that is to be 
 his owne fervants, orin fome fort his officers or retayners, and to ride with him, 
 .and therefore it fhould feeme .fome of them, if not all, were antiently called 
 
 As the creation of a duke or an earl was antiently expreffed by girding on of 
 the iword, fo that of a knight is expreffed by ** the gift of the military girdle J* 
 in Vit^GuU t ^ lus *" a y s M atnew " Paris, fpeaking of the knighting of young Henry, the Conque- 
 2 on q^, cft> u ror's fon, Rex Anglorum Willielmus apud Weftmonaftenum Henricum filium 
 juniorem cingulo militari donavit. — Wiljiam, the king of England, at Weftmin- 
 fter, gave tohisyoungeft fon Henry the military girdle. 
 
 «' Bathing before knighthood (fays Dugdale) is a cuftom of very antient date : 
 •pugdale's f or (continues he) when Geofry of Anjou was made a knight at Roan, by Henry 
 Warwi . theFirft, he, with twenty-five efquires that attended him, were (as John the 
 monk of Marmonftier affirmeth) bathed according to the ancient cuftom." And 
 among the Norman writers we find the baths mentioned : FroifTart, who wrote 
 in the time of Henry the Fourth, has alfo been very particular in his account of 
 the forty-fix knights, made by Henry the Fourth the day before his coronation, 
 *♦ €l etuent tou<$ cm efqutjes c^afcun fa cfambje, rt rljafcun fon Baing ou tt$ fe baignerent 
 FroifTart ttVit nuit," and fo it has been continued down to us. 
 
 vol. 4. The antient method of creation was as follows ; the efquire who was to be 
 
 knighted, was firft habited in his proper habit, and then brought in before the 
 king; where the gilt fpurs were put upon his feet, and the king himfelf girded 
 on his fword ; fee plate 37, No. 1, in the firft volume : then the king kiffed him, 
 and bade him be a good knight, at the fame time threatening him, that if he de- 
 rogated from his duty, he mould have his fpurs hewn from his feet, and be de- 
 prived of all his honour: we fee alfo, in the above plate, that a herald attended 
 Dugdale's this ceremony, with affiield and banner difpiayed.— The above old author, quo- 
 \V»rwickih. tec j by Dugdale, adds, at the creation of the forementioned Geofry, that he was 
 firft clothed in fine linen, and a robe of purple, then was put upon him a harnefs 
 of double mail, and gilt ipms } and a fhield of the lions of Anjou was hung about 
 
 his 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 67 
 his neck ; a rich helm was put upon his head, and an armed fpear into his hand , 
 and laftly, a fword from the king's ftore was girded upon him : and thus armed 
 he mounted a Spanifh borfe, which was alfo given him by the king: and the 
 feaft which belonged to his reception of this dignity, was called jeflum tyrocinii, 
 (or the feaft of the new-made knights) and was honoured with tournaments and 
 mafques, which laded no lefs than feven days. 
 
 The learned commentator (Dr. Percy) upon the Reliques of Englim Poetry, Rdlquesof 
 hath juftly remarked, that " a collar was (alfo) anciently ufed in the ceremony Englifti 
 of confering knighthood." And in plate 9 of this vol. we fee the king is creat- PoetI 7' vol » 
 ing Richard Beauchamp knight, and is putting a collar round his neck. 2i p * 
 
 The robes and other ornaments which were prepared for this ceremony, were 
 as follows : When he (Geofry of Anjou) firft came from the bath, he was clothed 
 in fine linen, over that a gown of gold tiffue, with a tunic of purple upon that, 
 furred with furs of a blood colour, with velvet hofe, and Ihoes wrought with gold 
 upon his feet ; and the edges of his garments were alfo ornamented with gold : 
 and when he was to be created, he was unclothed, and clothed again in fine linen 
 and purple garments ornamented with gold, like thofe before mentioned. 
 
 And when king John made Thomas Sturmy a knight, he fent a mandamus 
 before to his meriffs at Hantmire, to make the following preparations : A fcarlet 
 robe, certain clofe garments of fine linen, and another robe of green or burner, 
 with a cap and plume of feathers, &c. And thofe knights created by duke 
 Henry the day before his coronation, had, fays FroilTart, loncgurg COttC0 tin c tr!3 a gee page 
 Fffiotacf, maacljcss fcinm Dcnmutoer, ct t&apprjotw pajcil fount} tic rnnubcr, cn gttifc dc pjc= of this vol. 
 lat} 5 rt aJjolrnt ItjTOft) ffcctoaltcjj fat la fcncftje tfpaulf, ting fcouMe tcjDtati 6c fope blancljc 
 a biancljcljouppetttjl'prn&atig* See the account of the coronation of Henry the 
 Fourth. 
 
 The offering the fword upon the altar, is a ceremony of very ancient date. Seepage 
 Ingulphus mentions it as pradtifed among the Saxons. And, fays Dugdale, that 3^ of the 1 
 it was continued by the Normans, is witnefled by John Sariibury, and Peter Co- 
 fenfis, who both wrote in the time of Henry the Second. 
 
 Hollingfhead, fpeaking of the later ceremonies of making knights,- fays, fjoll. Def. 
 " When any man is made a knight r he kneeling downe is ftricken of the prince Brit. p. 101 
 or his fubftitute with his fworde naked upon the moulder, the prince faying, Soycs 
 chevalier au nom de Dieu. Be a knight in the name of God* And when he 
 ryfeth up the prince fayth, Advances bon chevalier. Stands forth a good knight. 
 At the coronation of a king or a queene, there be knightes made (continues he* 
 with longer and more curious cerimonies, called knightes of the bath." 
 
 Thus much for the dubbing or creating of knights, and their habits. Let us 
 now fee the ancient method of degrading them, as given us in an old MS. chroni- 
 cle of Douglafs, monk of Glaftenbury, in whofe very words I will give it to the 
 public: Sir Andrew Harclay, knight, and earl cf Carlifle, (being accufed of trea- MS. in the 
 fon in the reign of Edward the Second) " to laWe to V)l ba??E in X\)Z manet of an C?U, Harlieati 
 r:aUy a^i:sr,.\»ith a ftoerCe p?Br, ano fafefcde, ano fpsxjeDtit ; :ant3 tfjenne &fe Sntonpe Jurcpe Jj ibra 7» 
 fttDe in ti;i£ matter, Sir Andrew the king recordeth on yow for the worthtnefie thatte j-J 5, 
 he gaff to you, making yow erle.oi Cardoille ; and ye as a treitour, have ladde the 
 fblke oif this-countre bi Sopelande, and bi the erldom off Lancafter, werefor the 
 Scottes have difcomfited us, by yowre trefonne, atte the Abbey ofFBekelonde 5 
 for iff ye hadde come thider by refonnabell tyme, the king hadde hadde the vic- 
 torie ; and thatte trefonne ye dide, for the grete fornme off money thate ye re- 
 
 ceivedde 
 
6S THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 ceivedde off Sir James Dowglas, the kingges enemy j and therefor the king wolle 
 thate the order of knighthode, by which ye received your worfchippe, be in your 
 parfonne broughte to noughte ; thatte all othtr knightes, of fimpell blode as ye 
 bene, in alle Englande, nowe take enfampelle by you, to ferve the king the more 
 trewly. C&anne-Ije maDe a fenaUc to foctoc off lits sspo;cc3 totth. an are, f?otn Ins Ijclt* ■■> ano 
 a"ter tljatte he maDe die Came knabe to bzcfcc jjig Ctccjoe on oSsm Ikdc, (it fhould be over his 
 head) the tohpelje tl;e l&tmjhaDDe gebc to Ijpm, tljcj "rottrj to ncfentic biss lonoc, toljcnljc mane Ijtni 
 eileof Cajcoilc ; ana than frema&e a knarn: toco off f)t3 ciotpe^ 9 botbe gotime ano Ijotit, gurocU- 
 $ cote, anOt&>.ntVefojefei5c antong fcine, Andre we nowgh arte tnee no knighte, but 
 thow arte a knave j and for thi trelbnne, the king wille thatte thovv be drawe, 
 and hongedde, and behededde, difbowelde and thi bowelles brennedde, thy body 
 quartredde ; and thi hede fchalle be fente to London, an there itte fchalle be fette 
 on the brigge, an thi 4 quarters fchalle be fendeto4 tovvnes of Englonde, thatte 
 by the alle other foche mowghe be chaflized. 3nD fo ttte toagi DO in alle painter, tlje 
 lafle Dap of Cctob;c 9 ttje pe?e of oujc %vm 1 322." 
 
 The order of the garter is by hiftorians reported to have been eftablifhed by 
 king Edward the Third, as an honorary reward for valour and military prowefs.* 
 As alfo for the encouragement of warlike amufements, was by him eftablifhed the 
 knights of. the round table ; and in this he is faid to have followed the example 
 of the noble Britifh king Arthur, of whom, together with his hundred knights of 
 the round table, fo many ftories and poetic fables have been related by the later 
 writers. Here was a noble field for their romantic geniufes ; here they could 
 raife up monftrous dragons, huge giants, and dreadful necromancers, and give 
 immortal honour to their heroes, by fending them amidft fuch various dangers, 
 there, to fight and conquer ; and after that exhibit them in triumph, followed by 
 all the vanquifhed devils, bound in chains of adamant. 
 
 Laws and Administration of Juftice, 
 
 We have already feen, that by the conftitution of the kingdom, every man ob- 
 noxious to the penal law, had a right to have fair trial by a jury of twelve men, 
 and then if the delinquent refufed to plead, he was prefTed to death j and this 
 Jiolling- law was in force as early as the reign of Edward the Third ; for, fays Hollingmead, 
 fhcad,p.888 in the firft year of Edward the Third, " one Adam Miniot (concerned in the riot 
 at Bury) ftoode mute, and refufed to be tryed by his coun':rey, and fo was preffed 
 to death, as the law in fuch cafe appoynteth." 
 Stow' WitnefTes at the London fefiions, who were perjured or bribed to favour either 
 
 Chron. party, were in the reign of Edward the Fourth, adjudged to ride from Newgate to 
 the pillory at Cornhill, with mitres of paper upon their heads; and there having 
 flood their time in the pillory, they were in the fame manner conducted back 
 again to Newgate: 
 
 Edward 
 
 * Some have attributed the origin of this order to different caufes, as that of the kind's taking up 
 the Countefs of Salifoury's garter ; and when his courtiers frniied, lie replied, Horn fo'it qui mal y 
 penfe; which was afterwards made the motto. Others have faid, that it was the queen's garter that 
 the king took up. But Grafton writes (as he tells us) from an old Chronicle, that king Richard the 
 Firft, " before his departure to the Holy Land, called all the lordes and knightes unto him, and did 
 fwere them for evermore to be true unto him, and to take his part : and in token thereof he gave to 
 everv of them a blewe lace or ribband to be knovven by ; and hereof (fayth that olde Chronicle) began 
 the firft occafion of the order of the garter." Grafton's Chronicle, vol. z, page 86. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 Edward the Firft, in the 38th year of his reign, caufedan inquilltion to be made G faf£ - ,8 3' 
 -throughout his kingdom, called troylebafton. This inquilltion (Uys Grafton) 
 <( was made upon all officers, as maiors, mirifes, baylifes, excheters, and other 
 officers that mifbehaved themfelves in their offices, or had ufed any extorcion or 
 evill dealyng with the kinges people, otherwife then they might lawfully do by 
 vertue of their offices. By reafon of which inquifition, many were accufed, and 
 redemed their offices by grievous fynes, to the kinges great profite and advaunt- 
 -age." And the poetic hiltorian Harding fays thus : 
 
 %t (king Edward) let 3JufficesJ inTjcije bp all aflent Harding 
 ^fcat caUeD toas that time ^oielcbaffon, Chron.chap. 
 jfotto enquire of all trttrmon, &c. 150, P . 158. 
 
 In matters that could not be proved by witneffes, combat was fometirnes grant- 
 ed (particularly if the crime was great enough to threaten the life of the accufed) 
 and in that cafe, the conquered party was conftantly held guilty ; (if the accufed 
 of the crime he was accufed of j and if the accufer, of perjury and falfe wit- Grafton's 
 nefs) and was ftraitways without further examination, drawn to the gallows Chron - P a S« 
 and hanged ; as was the cafe between two efquires in the reign of Richard the 3 
 the Second ; the one of Navarre, accufed an Engliili efquire, called John Welfh, 
 of treafon; for trial thereof a day was appointed for a combat, which was to 
 be performed in the king's palace, at Weftminfter : accordingly being met, there 
 was a valiant fight betwixt them j but at laft the Englishman was the conqueror, 
 and the vanquifhed Frenchman, was difpoiled of his armour,* ^and drawn to 
 Tyburn, and there hanged for his untruth. 
 
 The order of the combat, with the procefs, was as follows j the accufed 
 ftrongly denying the fact alledged againft him, threw down his gauntlet, or any 
 other gage; -j- calling the accufer a liar, and thereby challenging him to combat.; 
 then the other took up the gage of the accufed, and threw down his own, de- 
 claring his willingnefs to prove by battle, the truth of his affertions j the gages 
 were then fealed, and delivered to the Marfhall, and leave to combat demanded 
 of the king ; which if he granted, a day and place was then appointed, by which 
 time a fcaffold was erected for the king, and his attendants, and the lifts were 
 railed round. 
 
 In the reign of Richard the Second, Henry duke of Hereford, and Thomas 
 Mowbray, duke of Norfolk, accufed each ether of treafon., and challenged each 
 
 other 
 
 * Thus alfo were lords and knights difgraced, as well as by reverfing their coat srmour, as it was 
 horn before them, or by tearing thtm, or dawbing them over. Lord Audley, who was concerned in 
 ,the rebellion, An. 13 Hen. 7. was taken at Black Heath field, he was drawn from Newgate to Tower- 
 hill, in a coat of his own arms, painted on paper, reverfed and torn ; and there he was beheaded 
 Grafton, pag. 918. And the Londoners, An. 51 E. 3, in defpite of John Duke of Lancafter, caufed 
 his armes (fays iiollingfhead ) in the public ffreets to be reverfed, as tho* he had beene a travtour, or 
 fome notorious offender. Hoil;ngfhead Chion. pag. 999. 
 
 t at tlie parliament (fays Fabian) fj;lp upon t&e ^roncfoarc, mxtt follotojmrj tte fcaff 
 Of k>t. &pmonDe ant) ~>t. 3i»0f, (the firft year of Henry the Fourth) t\)t hm Spo?l? ap» 
 prako to tl;c eaiU of fe»aUft>m?c of mafon, euD catle his hoode fr>ta gage to tjtpe VJitfj 
 feint bv oatapk, aim tlje other caftetjif. gloves for a gage, to pjofoe Ijis farcrca falfc ant) nntjrtor, 
 Wei) mn t\)z\t teaUf, ano DttynejcD unto ttjc tcjoe 3$dt1ijaU f Fabian's Chronicle, vol. 2, 
 fol. 165. 
 
70 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 other to combat ; and having obteined licence of the king, all things neceflary 
 were immediately prepared; and on the day appointed, the duke of Aumerle, 
 high conftable of England, and the Duke of Surry, marfhall, firft entered the 
 lifts, with a great company of men, every one of which bore a tipped Jiajf, to 
 
 Hollmelh. keep the field in order. Then came the duke of Hereford, the appellant, com- 
 
 Chron. pag. pleatly armed, in rich attire, and mounted on a flately white courier; the con- 
 
 jioo. itable and marfhal came to the barrier of the lifts, and demanded who he was ; 
 
 he anfwered, ** I am Henry of Lancafter, duke of Hereforde, whiche am come 
 hither to do my devoir againft Thomas Mowbray, duke of Norfolke, as a trai- 
 tor untrue to God, the king his realme and me; then incontinently he fware 
 upon the holy evangelifts, that his quarrel was juft and true, and thereupon he 
 
 Ibid, pag. required to enter the lifts :" he alfo further iwore, that "he delt with no witche. 
 
 *° l 7- craft, nor arte magicke, whereby he might obtayne the victory of his adverfarie; 
 
 Ibid, i ioo f nor had about him any herb, or Hone, or other kind of experiment,. with which 
 magitiatis ufe, to triumph over theyr enimies." This ceremony being perfo ring- 
 ed, he put up his fword, which before he held naked in his hand, and putting 
 down his vifor, making a crois upon his horfe, and with his fpear in. his hand he 
 entered the lifts ; and defcending from his horfe, fat down in a chair of green 
 velvet, at one end of the lifts, and there repofed himfelf, waiting the coming 
 of his adverfary r foon after the king entered the field in great triumph, attend- 
 ed by all the peers of the realm, and above ten thoufand men in armour, left, 
 any quarrel might- arife among the nobles of either party :.. a king at arms then 
 made open proclamation, prohibiting all men in the name of the king, of the 
 high conftable, and of the marfhall, to approach or touch any part of the lifts, 
 on pain of death ; except fuch as were appointed to order and marfhall the field. 
 This proclamation ended, another herald cried, " Beholde here Henry of Lan- 
 
 Ibid. cafter, duke of Hereforde, appellant, whiche is entered into the liftes royal, to 
 do his devoir againfte Thomas Mowbray, duke of Norfolke, defendant, upon 
 pain to be founde falfe and recreant." Then came the duke of Norfolk, defen- 
 dant, to the barrier^, compleatly armed, and likewife richly attired, mounted on 
 a good horfe he alfo anfwering who he was, and taking oath*, as the duke of 
 Hereford had done before him, entered the lifts; then alighting from his horfe,. 
 he fat himfelf down in his chair; which was crimfon velvet, trimmed with 
 white and red damafk- The lord marfhall viewed their fpears, to fee that they 
 were of equal length, and delivered the one fpeare himfelf to the duke of He- 
 reford, and fent the other to the duke of Norfolk, by a knight. Then the he- 
 rald proclaimed that the traverfes, and chairs of the champions fhould be re- 
 moved, and commanded them in the name of the king to. mount their horfes,, 
 -and addrefs themfelves to the combat : the duke of Hereford was foon mounted, 
 and clofed his vifor, and caft his fpear into the reft ; and when the trumpets 
 founded, he fet forward couragioufly to meet his enemy; but ere the duke of .Nor- 
 folk had well fet forward, the king caft down, his warder, and the heralds cried, 
 ho, ho ; and fo the combat was prevented,.by the king's taking the matter into his 
 own confideration, to give judgment as he fhould think meet :. but in other cafes^ 
 as the combat fought at Wcftmihfter, between Sir John Annefly, knight, and 
 one Thomas Katrington, Eiq; who was accuied of treafon by the above nan e<J 
 
 knight, 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 fcnight, after the former ceremonies had paffed the champions made their prayers 
 devoutly, and begun the battle ; firft with fpears, after with (words, and laftly 
 with daggers : till at length the knight had bereaft the efquire of all his wea- 
 pons, and then doling together, the efquire was manfully overthrown : and 
 while they were grapling on the ground, the king commanded them to be part- 
 ed ; but the knight begged of the king to lei them be replaced, as they were 
 at the time of parting them ; that is, himfelf on the ground undermoft, and 
 the efquire upon him, which was granted ; but the eiqirire through heat, and 
 the weight of his armour, fainted, and notwithftandiiig all the efforts ufed t> 
 bring him to himfelf, he was obliged to be {tripped of his armour ; which thing 
 proved him vanquifhed ; fo the knight was acquitted with honour, and the 
 'efquire by death prevented his further ftiame and difgrace. 
 
 The punilhment of impoftors and pretenders to aftrological predictions, were 
 various; one of which is related fey Hollingfiiead in the following manner: ^ at J"p 
 '* A lewde fellowe (in the 6th year of Richard the Second) who tooke upon hym IO j8.' 
 to bee (kilful in phificke and aftronomy, and caufed it to bee publiihed thorough 
 the citieof London, that uppon the Afcention even, there would rife fuch a pefti-. 
 Jente planet, that all thofe whyche came abroade foorthe of*Eheyr chambers, be- 
 fore they hadde faydde fy ve tymes the Lordes prayer, then commonly called the 
 fater noJler y ond-dyd not eate fomewhat that morning before theyr going foorthe, 
 Yhoulde bee taken with licknefle, and fuddaynely dye thereof. Many fooles be* 
 leeved him, and obferved hys order i but tho nexte daye, when hys prefump- 
 tuous lying coulde be no longer faced out, he was fet on horfebacke, with his 
 face towardes the tayle, which hee was compelled to holde in hys hande in (lead 
 of a bridell, with two jorden pottcs about hys neclce, and a whetftone, in token 
 that hee had well deferved it, for the notable lye which he had made/' 
 
 And Stow tells us, that one Roger Bolingbrooke, (in the fecorxi year of Henry StoVs 
 the Sixth) being aocufed of necromancy, and endeavouring by diabolical arts to Chron. 
 confume the king's perfon, he was feized upon, and all his inftrurnents of necro- p * 
 mancy, that is to fay, " a chayre paynted, wherein he was wont to fit, upon the 
 four corners of whiche chayre ftood four fwords, and upon every fword an image 
 of copper, hanging, with many other inftrurnents. He ftoode on a high fcaffolde 
 in Paules Church Yard, before the crofle, holding a fword in his right hand, and 
 a fceptre in his left, arrayed in a marvellous attire ; while a fermon was preached 
 by Maifter Law, bifhop of Rochefter ; which being ended, he abjured all arti- 
 cles belonging to necromancy, or mifTowning to the chriftian faith, in the prefence 
 of the archbifhop of Canterbury, the cardinall of Winchefter, and many other 
 prelates." Others who were accufed of witchcraft, were hanged j but the molt 
 common punimment (particularly in the later reigns) was burning them alive. 
 
 It was extremely dangerous inthefe days of fuperftition, to pretend to any fu- 
 pernatural knowlege j for every one not only believed in the appearances of de- 
 vils and evil ipirits, but alfo firmly credited, that they would conftantly aid ancj 
 aflift their agents, the necromancers, to do mifchief. No contagion could hap- 
 pen among the cattle of a farmer, but the devil was the caufe, and fome conjuror 
 was fought out ; fo that if any wretched vagabonds of fortune tellers could be 
 found, they were inftantly accufed of this horrid crime, and perhaps burnt alive.j 
 when theutmoft extent of their pretended ikill and cunning, was but the rifling 
 the pockets of the gaping, credulous multitude. 
 
 Traitors 
 
72 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Traytors were drawn upon hurdles to the gallows, then hanged up for a 
 little fpace, and let down and quartered ; and their quarters were let up in the, 
 moft confpicuous parts of the towns, and cities j but if the malefactor was a 
 nobleman, he was beheaded inftead of being hanged. * Some were dragged by 
 the heels, at the horfes tail, to the place of execution. 
 Hollingf. ^he wilful murderer was juftly excluded from all mercy; nay, Hollingfhead 
 page 1076. informs us, that in the 14th year of Richard the Second, there was an act 
 made, again ft thofe that committed any wilful murder; that none mould pre- 
 fume to fue for their pardon ; a duke, or archbimop, fo fueing, mould forfeit 
 to the king one hundred pounds ; and if any earl, or bifhop, he mould forfeit 
 one hundred marks," If this horrid crime, was attended with cruelty, or any 
 other aggravation, the prifoner was hanged in chains alive, near to the place-: 
 where the fact was committed ; * but in cafes where any mercy could be mewed,, 
 they were firft ftrangled, and then hung up with a chain of iron to the gallows, 
 where they were left hanging, till they were quite confumed ; and thus were all 
 malefactors ferved, who were hanged, till the time of Edward the Second ; in 
 Polydore whofe reign, a law was made, that every malefactor hanged for theft, or crimes 
 Vergil. of like nature, mould be cut down as foon as they were dead, and buried ; 
 GrafTon^ whereas before that time (fays Grafton) they were wont to be left ftill hanging. 
 pa £ e 203. Perjury was puniihed by the pillory, and burning in the forehead with the letter 
 Holingf. P, withlofsof all their moveables. Many offences were punifhed by cutting 
 dercr 'P* Bn - off both ears, as feditious perfons, fraymakers, &c. Petty rogues were burnt 
 page 107. trough. t } ie ears# ^ n( ] as ft ] e fheep, and carried-them out of the land, 
 
 had their hands cut off. -f Heretics were cruelly burnt alive, . 
 Sir Thomas Harlots and bawds, were punifned by ducking in the water, or doing open 
 2f°k!n 8 ' hlft * P enance ' tnus J ane Shore, in the firft year of Richard the Third, did penance 
 Richarl -d. as a proftitute, walking before a crols, on a Sunday at proceffion, with a lighted 
 Grafton, taper in her hand ; and bare -footed, haveing only her kirtle on William Hamp- 
 page 783. toI)j mayor of London, the year of our Lord, 1472, u cor tftttt) fojc" (fays Fa^ 
 Chronicle kian) ^^w, an5 ttcumpcttcsf $anD catiftD tljem.to be Um about the totone toitlj rare jf)0Sp$, 
 page 221, upon tyiW ty&tmlt'Si notwithftanding he might have taken 40 pounds ready money ; 
 
 which was offerred to lave one of them from judgement. This mayor alfo (lays 
 marleonh" $ t0 '- v ) caufed ftockes to be fet in every warde ; and (fays the fame author) Ro- 
 Ena'.Chron. bert Ballet, mayor of. London, .in the 16th year of Edward the- Fourth, " did 
 pa^suy. ' ' [ ' fharpe 
 
 * "Sir Roger Chambcrlayn Knight, Richard M-idd!eton, Thomas Herbert,- and Arthur Turfey* 
 Efqs; with Richard Needham, Gent, (were in the 25th year of Henry the Sixth) condemned of high 
 treafon, and had this (fays Speed) unexampled punilhment. They were drawn from the Tower to 
 Tvburn, hanged, let downe quick, ftriped naked, marked with a knife to be quartered, and then a 
 charter of pardon, (hewed fcr their lives, by the Marquefs of Suffolk ; but ti»e yeomen of the 
 crown, had their livelyhood, and the executioner. tUeir cloaihes. Speed's Chronicle, page 830. 
 
 * Poifoners were fcaldcd to death in melted lead, or boiling water. Hollingftiead defcrip. Brit, 
 page 107. M\OZ 
 
 \ In the 20th year of Edward the Firft, three men had their right hands ftriken off at the wrifts, 
 in the Weft-Cheapo London, for refcuing a prifoner, under the arreft of an officer. Grafton's Chro- 
 nicle, vol. 2, page 170. And the hand of John Davy, a ferv'ant, of king Edward the Fourth, was 
 ftrvefcen off, at the ftandard in Cbepe, becaufe fie had itricken a man within the king's palace, at Weft- 
 -minfter. Fabian's Chronicle, vol. 2, page 207. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. f j 
 
 iharpe correction upon bakers for making bread light of weight, * he caufed 
 divers of them to be put on the pillory ; as alio one Agnes Daintie, for felling 
 "of mingled butter." 
 
 Scolds were ducked on ducking {tools, in the water. Holl. Def. 
 
 One thing that muft not here elbape our notice, is the gallows, ufed in the reign ^ nt - P- 
 of Henry the Sixth, fee the 6th plate of this volume, fig. 22 ; the top, like the 
 beam of a pair of fcales, is made to move up and down ; at one end thereof 
 hangs a halter, and at the other end is a large weight ; when any criminal was 
 to be executed, the halter was drawn down ; which being put round his neck 
 was let lcofe, and the weight at the oppofite end raifed, and fuipended him from 
 the ground: 
 
 The pillory was juft the fame as it is at prefent: in the ftatutes of Edward Statute of 
 the Fiift, it is enacted, that every pyllory, or Jlretclmeck, mould be made of E « *• 
 convenient ftrength, fo that execution might be done upon offenders, without 
 peril of their bodies. 
 
 In the firft year of Edward the Second, was the following flatute made, — v;de f . 
 " Concerning prifoners whiche brcke the pryfon, oure foverayne Lorde the Kynge book emit. 
 wylleth and commaundeth, that from hensforlh he that hath broken his pryfon, Jhail The Great 
 not have ponyfoemente oflyfe, or mernbre, for breakynge of the pry fin onely, except e Charter, fols 
 the mattery or cau/e for which he was impryfined, and taken, dyd require Juch 3 * 
 judgment: yf he had ben convycle thereupon, after the /awe and cujiome of the 
 realm e,, al .be it that in tymes pajjed it hath ben done and ufed otherwyje. 
 
 Marine AfFairs,Shipping, &c. of the English. 
 
 As in the farmer cera, we found the Normans improving upon the {hipping 
 of the Saxons, and extending their commerce; fo now we find theEnglifh ftill 
 advancing with hafty ftrides to that perfection, which within this lafl two cen- 
 turies has (hone io brightly. 
 
 The chief Veffels of the Engliih were thefe : 
 Large Sailing fiips, Galleys, Barges, Balingers, and other fmall craft, as Skiff's, 
 and Ship-boats, Wherrys, 6cc. 
 
 The large failing -flip, in the time of Richard the Second, as taken from a 
 MS. (written and illuminated at the latter end of his reign) like thofe of the 
 Normans, hath only one maft, and but one fall i (fee plate 4, fig. 17 of this 
 vol.) they difFer in two reflects from the Norman veffels ; in the firft place the 
 lhrouds an this are made faft on either fide of the (hip, while thofe of the 
 former a^ra, run from the top of the mail, to the head and ftern of the veifel ; 
 and, fecondly, in this, the ftern is flat behind, and the head comes up fharp 
 before, whereas thofe of the Normans are alike, both at the head and ftern. 
 
 But 
 
 * In the great charter it is ordered, that there ihould be but one meafure for wine, and one for corn 
 throughout the kingdom, and that according to the quarter of London : and one breadth of dyed 
 cloth, ruflets and hauberjectts : that is to fay, two yards within the lifts; and the weights fhalf be 
 under the fame regulations with the meafures. Magna Charta. cap. 32. ° 
 
74 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 But we find the fhip improved in the beginning of the reign of Henry the Sixth 
 (fee plate 4, fig. 14, of this volume) here the decking over appears more per- 
 fect, and the bowfprit is added ; but that I muft own does not appear to be of 
 
 any very great ufe. 
 
 An old poet who lived in the reign of Henry the Sixth, defcribes certain vef- - 
 fels toffe-d and damaged in a ftorm, in the following words : 
 
 MS. in the SJ11D brake !;cr frfjpppcg mafte f ore 
 
 Harl. Libr, 9nD alic ttjcr. tacit Iefle ana more 
 
 No. 4690. Botofprcte ancrc ant) rotljcr 
 
 BRopcis tables oon ano ootljcv, 
 
 thefe mould feem to be only gallieys, by the mention made of oars. 
 
 But let us pafs on, and view the more /lately veffels in the latter end of that 
 king's days, as well as during the reign of Edward the Fourth, Richard the 
 Third, and Henry the Seventh ; fee plate 55 and 56, of this vol. here we have 
 four mafts ; the main mart, the fore mall, and two hinder mails ; to each a fail, 
 and a bowfprit. 
 
 The forecaftle, and the cabbin in the ftern, are like two towers, whofe 
 communication in the middle, is as it were the bafe court to two monftrous keeps. 
 Plate 56 of this volume reprefents a dangerous ftorm, - wh'sre all the fails, the 
 main meet excepted, are furled up. The only ufe of the bowfprit appears to 
 be its ferving as a holdfaft to the foremaft. Thefe mips had the advantage of 
 failing with a fide wind, fee plate 15 of this vol. which none of thofe . exhi- 
 bited heretofore could do. 
 Grafton's Ths large Jailing Jhips are often called carikes. 
 
 Chronicle, The hulkes were (as I take.it) large heavy veffels of burthen, without mafts 5 ; 
 
 P« 57 1 - Grafton tells us that in the thirteenth year of Henry the Sixth, the French in- 
 tending to deftroy the haven at Calice, caufed four great hulkes, which were 
 loaded with large fquare Hones cemented and joined together with lead, to be 
 funk in the harbour ; but this being done when there was a full lea, they were ' 
 lb ill placed, that at low water they were left dry upon the fands ; then thofe 
 within the town ifiued forth, and carried the timber and ftones into the town 
 for their own ufe. 
 
 Addit. of Befides the gal/eys, Caxton (in his addition to the Polychronicon) mentions 
 Polychron. gallyetis, which very likely were a fmaller fort of galleys. 
 
 chap 4 ^' Barges were large heavy boacs, chiefly ufed to tranfport the foldiers over 
 rivers, or elfe to make bridges ; or at lieges to raife fcaffolds upon y, fee page 47 
 of this volume. 
 
 The Balinger was a fmall failing vefieh 
 
 They had crayers, or JiJJnng boats, and various other boats, one of which' 
 from a MS. illuminated in the reign of Henry the Sixth, is exhibited plate 4^, 
 fig. 16, of this volume, this is very handfome, and has. a rudder behind, but- 
 the places for the oars on the fides, do not appear. 
 
 The fhip boat, plate 27 of this vol. feems very ftrong and compact. 
 Stow's Befides the above-mentioned craft, they had (in time of war) light boats,. 
 
 / on * pa ^' framed with wicker or thin timber, covered over with leather ; thefe they car- 
 ried with them in their wars abroad, the more readily to pafs the waters that 
 
 might 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 7; 
 might happen in their way as they were on their marches. Such were the 
 naiJfelh'St (mentioned by Froiffart) carried over into France in the wars by Ed- FroifFart's 
 ward the Third. They were, (fays he) " jfatttfS ct ojDonnccg fp foubtillenunt tic c«tr Chronicle 
 fcoctl'p," made fo artfully iklitt prepared or boiled leather, that each would eaiily hold vo] - 2 - 
 three men therein to fim or take thtir pleafure. So alfo, fays Hollingfhead, king Hol][n ^ 
 .Henry the Fifth, againft his fecond expedition into France, made great prepara- (head" 5 " 
 tions for the war, providing " boates covered with leather to paffe over rivers." 1171, 
 
 Engagements upon the Sea, 
 
 The navys of the Englim were very potent upon the feas. Froiflart has been 
 very particular in the defcription of a fea fight between the French and the 
 Englilh, in the 14th year of Edward the Third. The following is an exact 
 traction of his very words : . Froiffart'. 
 
 The king of France, with more than 240 great lhips, befides multitudes or Cbron.v. 1. 
 fmaller craft, * with at leaft 40,000 fighting men, Normans, Picardeans, Bre- 
 tons, and Genoefe, lay at anchor near Leflufe, waiting for the Englim fleet, 
 which was to pafs that way. The king of England (whofe fleet confifted of 
 200 mips well armed.i being come up with them, caufed all his veffels to be put 
 in proper order, placing his largefl: and ftrongeft mips in the front, with archers 
 in all parts of the fleet, that is, between every two fmaller mips of archers, was 
 placed a large fhip of clofe armed men ; and then he arranged another battle of 
 archers entirely on the fide, to fuccour occafionally fuch as mould (land in need of 
 their afliftance. 
 
 The fleet thus ranged in order, they drew all their fails the contrary way, and 
 came on a fide wind, that they might have the advantage of the fun which before 
 fhone full in their faces. When the haughty Normans faw them turning about, 
 they vainly imagined they were preparing for flight, and faid, tauntingly, Ah, ha, 
 thefe are not warriors bold enough to encounter with us] But the Englim foon 
 to their coft convinced them* how much they dared to do ; for having turned 
 about to the other fide, they bore down full upon them. This when the Normans 
 faw, and found by the royal banner, that the king of England was there in per- 
 fon, they fet their mips in order, (for, fays my author, they were hardy men, 
 and ufed to war.) They placed a great fhip, called Chriftopher, (that the fore- 
 going year had been taken from the Englim) full in the front, which with great 
 ihoutings, andthenoife of pipes, trumpets, and various other warlike instru- 
 ments, came forward towards the Englim, and then began the battle fiercely and 
 terrible : from all fides flew the death-dealing weapons, from the long bows of 
 the Englim, the crofs bows of the enemy, and the javelins darted by the hands of 
 the furious warriors; but ftill coming clofer and clofer, the men of arms began 
 the cruel combat hand to hand j the which the better to effect, they had on 
 either fide large iron cramps fattened with flrong chains ; thefe were thrown over 
 the fides of the veflels, and drew them clofe up fide to fide : the carnage then> 
 was horrible and cruel, fer death and deftruction raged on every fide. 
 
 Sea» 
 
 * Speed fays thejvhole number amounted to full 400 veffels, 
 
?6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Sea engagements (continues my author) are much more bloody than thofe on 
 land, becauie all retreat was fo eatily cut off. Here was re-taken the Chrifto- 
 pher, that great and noble veffel, and all Aain who guarded her. With a great' 
 cry, and dreadful noife, the Englishmen approached in the moft hardy manner;, 
 and having filled this veflel with archers of their own, they bore down with her 
 to encounter the Genoefe : fo that in the end, the whole fleet of the Frenchmen 
 was overthrown, and full 200 veffels were taken, and 30,000 of their foldieis- 
 flain. The Engliih annals boaft not of a victory more worthy note than this. 
 Froiflart in the reign of Richard the Second, there was an engagement between the" 
 vol. 4. Englifh, (commanded by the earl of Arundel, and the bifliop of Norwich) and- 
 tbeFlemifh under the command of John Bucq, The Englifh (fays Froiffart) had 
 feveral galleys, the which were well armed with bowmen ; thele firft began the- 
 fight, (hooting their arrows, yet they did but little damage, for the Flemmans 
 itooping down, were enfhrouded by the borders of the veflel, and the arrows flew 
 over their heads, while they keeping carefully before the wind, the crofs bow- 
 men, who were on their fide, (out of the reach of the Engliih arrows) with their 
 quarrels advantageoully fhot forth, did great execution. Then approached the 
 earl of Arundel, and the bifhop of Norwich, with the great fhips, . ftrongly op- 
 pofing the Flemifh fleet ; but they, fpirited up by their admiral, made a coura- 
 geous refinance. The admiral himfelf was in a great fhip,. ftrongly armed with 
 three cannons, which caff, forth darts fo long and large,, that they caufed dreadful 
 hurt and damage wherefoever they fell : but the Englifh getting the victory, 
 took the fhip and the admiral ; mean while the fmaller fhips and merchant- men 
 got to the more, and faved themfelves by the lhallownefs of the water ; but all. 
 the reft were either taken or deffroyed^ 
 Vide Dc Plate 42 of this vol. reprefents an engagement between Richard Beaachamp, 
 fcrip. of the ear l °f Warwick, and two great French carikes. The earl's fhip has his arms 
 Mates. quartered on the fail, and on the ftreamer his badge, the bear and ragged ftaff : 
 the fpace between the forecaftle and cabbin at the ftern, is filled with Englifh 
 archers ; and on the enemy's part, with their crofs bowmen ; alfo in the galle- 
 ries on the tops of the mafts, are men appointed to caft down darts and ftones 
 upon the enemy below. On the forecaftle of earl Richard's fhip, is an archer 
 aiming at the man who appears in the gallery on the maft of the oppofite fhip ; 
 while the other with a ftone in his hands, (in the middle) is transfixed with an, 
 arrow : and on the forecaftle of the front carike, is a man of arms, with his 
 fpear and fhield, ready to ftrike at the archers in the earl's veflel. The cannons 
 are pointed over the fide of the (hip, but do not appear to be of ufe in the 
 clofe battle. 
 
 At their fea engagements alfo they ufed the wild fire, defcribed page 31 of 
 this volume. Thus Harding, fpeaking of the Spaniards, in the time of Henry 
 the Fifth, fays, 
 
 WS\)titfon t\)tit galepjs, cd;c tap ttyt gan usfpnD, 
 Harding's mu\) o?E0 man?, about us tfjey DpD Vopnt) i) 
 
 Chron. ch. Wl\\\) toplD fpie ott aflfapltti ugDap attD mgljt 
 
 216, foi.212 <Ho himnt oar fljippes in tlmt tfjep coulD or migftf. 
 
 They often ornamented their fhips with painting and gilding. Thus, fays 
 FrohTart, fpeaking of the French fleet, prepared for the invafion of England, in 
 
 the 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 77 
 fhe tenth year of Richard the Second, the (hips were painted with their arms, 
 and gilt, with banners, penons, and ftandards made of lilk ; the marts of their 
 fl-iips were alfo painted from the top to the bottom, glittering with gold. Nay, 
 lays my author, lord Guy of Tremoyll, fo decked, garnifhed, and beautified his 
 mip, that the painting and colours coft him 2000 franks of French money, Grafton, 
 which (fays Grafton) made more than 222 pounds of the current money of pa S e 3 6 4- 
 England. King Henry the Fifth, when he went his fecond expedition into 
 France, was in a mip, the fails whereof were of purple, and embroidered with 
 gold. And fig. 15, plate 4, reprefents a royal fhip ; and the author of the MS. Speed's 
 (that it is copied from) tells us, that the king (Richard the Second) is on board : Chron. 
 the fail is white (perhaps filk) richly embroidered with a golden fun; and the P- 7 8 7- 
 various mips belonging to the earl of Warwick, have his arms and badge em- 
 broidered on the fails and ftreamers. 
 
 That the reader may have feme idea of the fares by water, I will quote the j jam b ar d' s 
 following pallage from Lambard's Perambulation of Kent : The inhabitants of p er amb.of 
 Gravefend and Mylton> in the time of Richard the Second, agreed (fays he) to Kent, page 
 carry in their boats from London to Gravefend, (provided none elfe were permit- 
 ted) a paflenger with his trufs or farthcll, for two-pence, or otherwife making 
 the whole fare or paffage worth four (hillings, which was agreed and permitted 
 to them. 
 
 The extent of commerce, and'' the improvement in all kinds of navigation in Vide vol. i, 
 England, are fo well known in this prefent age, that any long comments thereon'P- 
 are entirely ufelefs. I mall only obferve, now we have traced out the flate of 
 navigation from the rude leather lTcifFs of the Britons and Saxons, to the more lbid * p " J2 ' 
 flately navys of the latter pges, we ought not to wonder at the ignorance of our 
 anceftors, but rather exprefs our furprife, that with fuch indefatigable induftry, 
 they fupplied the want of our more improved and perfect conveniences. Have 
 we not feen the hardy Briton, and the pirate Saxon, on the rough feas, fearlefs of 
 the boifterous winds and lowring tempeft ; and this in ofier boats patched up 
 with leather only ? Of the Anglo-Saxons', we have found one voyaging to the 
 Frozen Ocean ; another carefully exploring the wide extended Baltic Sea ; and a j b!c j , 
 third undaunted failing to the Indies. All thefe are now ('tis true) inconfiderable ' 
 voyages to what have iince been, and daily are undertaken ; yet turn over the 
 pages of thefe books, examine well the mips, confider the wretched ftate of ma- 
 rine affairs, and, to complete the whole, their total ignorance of thecompafs; 
 and'then the furprife will not be that they went no farther, but how they got fo 
 far. In mort, fetting all things in a proper light, and attending well to all the 
 difadvantages they laboured under, our anceftors will appear in a very favourable 
 point of view: we mall admire their afiiduity, we mall praife their courage, and 
 find ourfelves eternally obliged to them for the vaft pains they took to point out 
 the way to all our more modem arts and improvements. 
 
 Husbandry, &c. of the Englifh. 
 
 The plough has undergone but few, and thofe trifling alterations, even to the 
 prefent time ; in mort, the only improvement feems to be the coulter, that pre- 
 ceeds the plough fliare, which has been fince added ; the very fame may be faid 
 
 of 
 
7 3 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 of the other necefiary implements of hulbandry, as harrows, rollers, forks, 
 fcythes, fickles, rakes, carts and waggons, Sec. which differ fo little from thole 
 we now have in ufe, that the figures of them were thought entirely unnecefiary 
 to be added here. 
 
 It is well known that the kings in former time, gave the lands of this king- 
 dom to the lords., to be holden of them in chief; and .they again parcelled fuch 
 lands out to their tenants^; for which the lords did homage to the king, and the 
 freemen to their lords % and the villain, (one who held by fervile tenure) did 
 fealty in the following manner : when a freeman mall do homage to his lord, 
 MS. in my ff a y S the old jlaiute made in the feventeenth year of Edward the Second J of whom 
 Hon. ^ e holdeth in chie £ lie ^ 2al1 nolcl nis nands together, between the hands of his 
 
 Vide an old lord » and fr» aJ1 % thus, 3Jeo De tare fcoffre rjommc tic rcflfljoitte en atiaunf, De tjfc $ 
 book entit. tie memorcgi, t u t?cbr honour, $ fsp bouss pottetap, -Dtttencmrnt qp feo fcoug tlcpme tenet 
 GreatChar- u bows-* fatibe le &p Qup ico-oop noftuc fepgncut* le Hop, came* auttcs fepenageg." / be- 
 
 ^Petit Arr come your ma ** f rom ***** ^ f ourt ^* J or ^f e > a3 ^ member ; and owe you true 
 1542, * ' honour and faith, for the lands that I hold of you ; faying the faith that I owe to 
 So). 141,. our foyer eign lord the king* and to my other lords. 
 
 When a freeman mall do fealty to his lord, he mall hold his right hand upon 
 a book, and fay, ceo pe fcous momt fEpgnettv E 9 . qp j'eo WSL\ fara feal tt leal, Et fap bott0 
 pojtejap, bel tEtuv* qp jeo clef me tnux ci bon0; $ lEununt touo trap lEStuittE2,ct lEjSEuftumejE', 
 qp fe?e fecu0Dop, a less termES aftlgnEjS. ft mep cpDe dcu* $fcegj frpnts. Hear you this my lord 
 R. that I W. prom'ife to be faithful and true to you , and owe you my fdelity,for the 
 land that I hold of you ; and lawfully will do fuch cufoms and fervices as are due to 
 you, at the terms ajjigned fo help me God, and all the jaints* 
 
 When a villian mall do fealty to his lord, he £hall hold his right hand upon, 
 the book, and fay, Ceo opes bows motm fepgncur E, qp jeo Wfk t>e ceo jour en abaunt 
 i)oii0 -fajap fcal, $ leal, Et fop bous potterap Del tenement qp jeo trengt$ Dctotiis, en Menage; 
 9 jufttfable ferap a bous De tors, $ Be cl;ateattjr ,5 fi mep ctDe mix $ feg fepwa, $c, Hear you 
 this my lord R, that I W, promfe jrom this day forth to be true, and faithful 
 unto you, and owe you my fealty for t he-lands which I do hold in yillianage of you, 
 and will be juftifiable in body and goods, jo help me God, and all his faints. 
 
 The taxes were levied upon the land holders (for the fupport of the king 
 and government) at fo much for every hide of land which they pofTeffed ; * and 
 this tax was not regularly fixed, but raifed or leffened according to the wants 
 of the king and government : thus writes the old poet Harding, in the reign of 
 William Rufus. 
 
 K u ar(3ing ' s ^reat tallage of ("BnolanD, then teas ratfeo 
 
 Chron.cnap. ^ (q ftr m ^ Qf lm m$ ^ 
 
 5 * M \D\)it\)z fueD mifeftrtf, rotting pratrcb 
 
 jtfpt faute of footi, morapn of befttel frateD 
 Qno Seat!} of people, fot iHinrret fori arateD, 
 
 And 
 
 * A hyde of lande (fays Hollingfliead) includeth an hundred acres, and an acre conteyneth fortie 
 perches in length, and four in breadth, the length of a pearch conteyneng fixteene foote and an halfej 
 i'o that the common acre fliould conteyne 240 perches, and eight hydes, or 8©0 acres is a knigbte's 
 fee, after the beft approved writers, and playne demonstration. Hollingfhead's Chronicle, vol. ^, 
 page 312. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 79 
 
 And he after adds, 
 
 tootctt) not tofat (jarmetli fiuCbaniirp, 
 ^ouCbartD to ptl, ano tajc outvagiotiiiy. 
 
 Before the time of Henry the Firft, the kings of this land ufed to receive 
 the taxes in kine as they wanted, and not in money, as they did afterwards ; " for 
 fays Gervafius Tilberienfis, (who rlourifhed in the days of Henry the Second) Lambard's 
 imtill the time of king Henry the Firft, the kings ufed not to receive money traction 
 of their lands, but victuals,, for the neceffary provifion of their houfe. And j^^atioit 
 towards the payment of the foldiers wages, and fuch like charges, money was G f Kent, p. 
 raifed out of the cities and caftles, in the which husbandry and tillage was not 2*4. 
 exercifed. But at the length, when as the king, being in the partes beyond 
 the leas, needed ready money, towarde the furniture of his warres, and his 
 iubjecls, the farmers, complained that they were grievoufly troubled by carriage 
 of victuals into fundry parts of the realme, farre diftant from their dwelling 
 houfes : then the king directed commifiions to certaine difcrete perfons, who 
 (having regarde of the value of fuch victuals) mould reduce them into reafon- 
 able iummes of' money : the levying of which fummes, they appointed to the 
 Sherife, takeing order withal!* that he fhoulde pay fixepence over and above 
 every pound waight of money, becaufe they thought that money in time would 
 waxe fo much the worfe for the wearing." 
 
 As in the former chapters upon this fubjectj we have feen the method of 
 fowing and producing the corn, in this we will enquire into the prices it bore in 
 the various reigns j as alio the reafons of fuch amazing fcarcities as often hap- 
 pened in the kingdom. In the third year of William the Firft, there was fo Stowe > 
 great a dearth of com in England,- (efpecially in the counties of Northumber- 
 land and thofe adjoining) that the people were reduced to the moft horrid ex- 
 tremities y for, fays Stow, all the land betwixt Durham and York, (except the 
 territory of St* John of Beverley) lay wafte, unfilled, and without inhabitants, 
 for the fpace of nine years. From this time however, either through the tempe- 
 rance of the feafons, or better attention to husbandry, they teemed to enjoy a tol- 
 lerable plenty for fome confiderable time. Nay, in the black book of the Ex- 
 chequer, we find that in the reign of Henry the FirftV when they reduced the 
 victuals (for the king's houmold) to the eltimate of money, a meafure of wheat 
 to make bread for the fervice of one hundred men, one day,, was valued only at 
 one milling ; thecarcafe of a fat oxs for the fame ; a fine fheep for four-pence j 
 and the provender for twenty horfes at four-pence alio. At this rate there muft 
 either have been avait plenty of provifion, or a great fcarcity of money. Then Stow's 
 how dreadfully muft that dearth have been felt in the eighth year of king John, Chron. pag» 
 when on account of a fevere froft the year before, a quarter of wheat fold for a 
 mark of filver, which in the greater part of the reign of Henry the Second, fold 
 only for one milling, and other things, as beans, peas and oats, in proportion? 
 
 But in the reign of Henry the Third, about the 43d year, the price was mount- Fabian, 
 ed up to fifteen and twenty millings a quarter ; and what was frill worfe, even vol « 2 > P- 3°» 
 at that exorbitant price, not half enough could be got to fupply the nation. 
 
 Edward the Second, fay the Chronicles, endeavoured to alleviate the griev- MS. in the 
 ances of the people, (in the eighth year of his reign) by iffuing forth his writs, Had. Lib. 
 
 and °' 53 ' 
 
So THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 and fettling the aflize for all kinds of provifion j as that a fat ox, ftall fed, mould 
 not at any time be fold for more than twenty-four millings ; nor one grafs fed 
 tor more than fixteen and a fat cow for ten : a fwine well fed, of two years 
 growth, for two millings and fixpence $ a fat fheep for one milling and two- 
 pence ; a goole for two-pence j and a hen for three halfpence ; three pigeons for 
 Stow's two-pence ; and twenty eggs for one penny; This act. was very far from pro- 
 Chron, page ducingthe delired effecl:, for in the ninth year of his reign, there was fo great a 
 2i H. famine, that a quarter of wheat was fold for one pound eight millings, which was 
 
 a monitrous price ; and not only wheat was now dear, but all kinds of other pro- 
 vifion as well ; for when the price was fo much reduced as it was in the foregoing 
 year, fuch quantities were then bought up and confumed, that the poor foon felt 
 the dreadful effects of that very act which they fo ardently had wifried mould be 
 made, aad it was loon repealed, for ere a few months had paffed, there was no pro- 
 IbiJ. zig, vifion cf any fort to begot at any rate whatever. But in the eleventh year, owing 
 to a plentiful feafon, wheat then fold for ten-pence a bufhel, which before 
 fetched ten millings ^ and a bufhel of oats for eight-pence, which the preceding 
 Addit. to y ear was wortn eight millings. But foon after it began to grow dear again, and 
 folychron. ib continued conitantly increafing, that (fays Caxton) forty years after the 
 chap. 38. death of Edward the Second, a bufhel of wheat fold for ten (hillings, which in 
 fol. 380. t j le £ ormer re ig n , vyas WO rth no more .than three-pence. But in the reign of 
 Richard the Second, plenty began again to mine upon them ; for in the third 
 Stow's year a bufhel of wheat fold for four-pence and fixpence; a gallon of white 
 Chron.page w j ne f or frxpence ; and of red for four-pence and thus continued till the four- 
 Ho^'lin^f teenth year, when a bufhel of wheat was worth thirteen-pence : and fuch plenty 
 page 1076. was again in the beginning of the 21ft year of the fame king, that a quarter of 
 Stow 300. barley fold for only one milling. But again we find the price of corn advancing 
 Caxton Ad- ^" rom tftfs time, for in the fecond year of Henry the Fourth, a quarter of wheat 
 die. to Poly- .fold for fixteen millings ; but a great plenty being brought from Normandy, the 
 chron. diftreffes of the people were much alleviated : and in the j 6th, 17th, and 1 8th 
 S> hngf " y ears of Henry the Sixth, the wet and bad weather caufed fuch a fcarcity of corn, 
 Graiton, that wheat fold from half a crown to three millings and four-pence a bufhel; 
 392. fo that the poor people made them bread of fern and oats. 
 
 ikow 377. j n tR g 2 ^ tn y €ar Q f t j ie f ame p r i nce , an act of parliament was paffed, permit- 
 ting the farmer, when wheat fold for fix millings and eight-pence the quarter, 
 and rye for four millings, and barley for three, to export it without any further 
 Ibid. 4-1 licence, except it was to the king's enemy,. In the fecond year of Henry the 
 et48i.' ' Seventh, wheat was fold for three millings the bufhel ; but fo much reduced 
 was thp price in the 2.5th year of his reign, that a quarter of wheat was worth 
 but forty millings. From this fhort and general account of the prices of wheat, 
 we may fee the amazing fluctuation thereof. This will naturally lead us to con- 
 fider the reafons, which in principal are thefe : Firft, the vaft parcels of land 
 that in different parts of the kingdom lay ufelefs and unfilled : and fecondly, 
 whenever they had a plentiful harveft, fuch great quantities of corn were inftantly 
 bought up at a low rat.e, and exported, that if a bad feafon enfued, the dreadful 
 confequence was, that the nation was foon in a flarving condition for the want of 
 all forts of grain ; and the only remedies attempted, were fuch as could not afford 
 any further at beft, than a temporal relief ; as we have feen in the inflance of that 
 aflize, made for provifion, by Edward the Second. 
 
 The 
 
OF THE ENGLISH, 8r 
 The Londoners alfo did what they could, by eftabliming a very good law, in 
 the ninth year of Edward the Second ; for at that time great quantities of wheat 2]8< 1 ' 
 were made into malt, which they forbid for the future, in the precindts of the 
 city, when wheat mould be dear j and the king judging that the ftatute was 
 worthy his obfervation, Hfued forth his mandamus, prohibiting in all parts of 
 the kingdom that they mould make any malt of wheat from that time forward ; 
 but it fhould feem that this practice was afterwards ufed, as appears from 
 an old receipt for the making of beer, taken from the ancient Chronkle of Lon- 
 don. It runs thus, 
 
 Co bii\nt beer, 
 io qttajtejg of mdte, 
 
 2 qtianejCS Of tol)CCtC, Chronicles 
 2 guajttiJK Of Oat£g, of London., 
 
 40 younoe toeprjljt of IjopppjJ, — to mafee 60 usjcll^ of 
 fongpl fceer \ X\)i bajcl of acll contepnenss 32 ploncg, % tlje bajelt of beer 36 galonesi. 
 
 Now let us pafs on to fome other matters. John, in the firft year of his reign, Stow , s 
 made a law, that a tun of Rochell wine mould not be fold for more than twenty Q iron< pao . c 
 millings ; a tun of wine from Anjou for twenty-three millings ; and a tun of 165. * 
 French wine for twenty-five millings, except fome that might be of the very beft 
 fort, which was allowed to be raifed to twenty-fix millings and four-pence, but 
 not for more in any cafe. By retail, a gallon of Rochell wine was to be fold for 
 four-pence, and a gallon of white wine for fixpence, and no dearer. He alfo or- 
 dained in every city and town where wine was fold, that twelve creditable men 
 mould be fworn, to examine into and fee that the above ftatute mould not be 
 broken: and if any. vintner mould be found guilty of felling wine by fmaller 
 meafures than by this aflize were eftablilhed, he was to be imprifoned, and 
 his goods forfeited to the king. In the 9th year of Edward the Second, things ibid. p. 218. 
 being very fcarce, a gallon of fmall ale was fold for two-pence, of the better fort 
 for three-pence, and of the beft for four-pence ; but the Londoners ordained, 
 that (in the city) a gallon of the bettermoft fort of ale mould be fold for three 
 halfpence, and of the fmall ale for one penny only. In the 16th year of Henry Holling- 
 the Sixth, was as great fcarcity of all provifions ; wine was fold for twelve- ft ^ ad » 
 pence the gallon ; bay fait at fourteen-pence the bumel; and malt at thirteen 12 3 * 
 millings and four-pence per quarter, which was then held as a great price. , 
 
 In the 25th year of Henry the Seventh, there was fo great a quantity of Gaf- chron S 
 coigne wine brought to London, that it was fold for forty millings the tun ; and page 481, 
 in the fame year a bufliel of bay fait fold for four-pence. Here we will add, as 
 it were in addition to what has been faid in the Norman iBra, page 14, 
 that in the affize for bread, according to the ftatute made in the 5 ill year of 
 Henry the Third, when a quarter of wheat was fold for twelve-pence ; the far- ^ t ^ fcs 
 thing loaf of wajiel bread mould weigh fix pounds fixteen ounces and the farthing 
 loaf of cocket bread, of the fame corn and boulting, mould weigh more than the 
 waflei 'by two ounces ; the fame made of corn of lefs price, mould weigh more 
 by five ounces j a fymnel of a farthing mould weigh lefs by two ounces than the See 
 wajiel bread of trete mould weigh two wa/ie/s; and bread of common wheat mould Boo 
 weigh two great cockets. According to this plan was lettled the prices, regular J} 
 in proportion, till twelve millings the quarter was allowed for wheat; and then, pr 
 
 ^ntinues P 
 
 M 
 
§2 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 continues the ftatute, " a baker of every quarter of wheat, (as it hath-s 
 ben proved by the kynges bakers) maye gayne four-pence and the bran,, 
 and two loves for avauntage j for thre fevauntes one penny halfpenny, for two 
 laddes a halfpenny, for fait a halfpenny, for knedynge a halfpenny, for candel 
 one farthing, for woode two-pence, and for the fifting or boulting the meal one 
 halfpen ny". 
 
 The fame ftatute extending to brewers alfo, tells us, " that when a quarter of 
 wheate was fold for three Shillings, or three (hillings and four-pence, and a quar- 
 ter of barley at the price of twenty-pence or two millings, and a quarter of oates 
 at fixteen-pence, then brewers in cities ought and coulde well aforde and fell two 
 galons of ale for one penny, and out of cities they might fell three or four galons 
 for a penny." And by a ftatute made in the reign of Edward- the Firft, it was 
 enacted, " that thetolle at mylne mould be taken accopdyng to the cuftome of the 
 land, and according to the ftrength of the water courfe, eyther to the 20th or 
 24th parte of the corn ; and the meafure whereby the tolle mould be taken, 
 mould be agreeable to the kynge's meafure ; and that the tolle fbould be taken by 
 the rafe (that is ftruck off even from the meafure with a ftrike) and not by the 
 heap or cantell : and in cafe that the fermers fynde the mylners their neceftaries, 
 they mould take nothing more than their due tolle, on pain of fevere punimment." 
 Foreftallers alfo by the fame act were made obnoxious to a very fevere punim- 
 ment. 
 
 This nation, as we have already feen, was long famous for its fleeces : wool 
 was the ftaple commodity of the kingdom, and was exported forth to the fur- 
 rounding nations y but yet it is very extraordinary, that thus pofterTed of fuch a 
 valuable treafure, they mould not have applied themfelves mueh t fooner to the 
 weaving and manufacturing of it within their own dominions, • Their richeft 
 and beft cloths were wove abroad in Flanders, as witnefleth Mathew of Weft - 
 Vide p. 12 minfter,. in thefe words* Tua textrix Flandria texuit, &cc. Edward the Third 
 of this Vol. ^the Father of hi& People) was the firft who encouraged the manufacturing of 
 wool in England ; in the eleventh year of whofe reign it was by parliament 
 enacted, that no wool fhould be carried out of the kingdom but fuch as was firft 
 Stow » s manufactured at home ; and all fullers, weavers, and cloth- workers were en- 
 Chron. page couraged, coming from any nation whatever, and many great and fpecial privi- 
 2 33- leges allowed them and after, for the farther encouragement of the manufac- 
 
 tories, an act was made prohibiting to every one in the kingdom (the king queen 
 Stow'sSum- an j their children excepted) the wearing any cloth but fuch asfhould be made at 
 rnarie, page kome in the Englifh nation ; which acts were afterwards continued by the fuc- 
 * 53 ' ceeding kings, granting the'privilege to nobles only of wearing foreign cloths. 
 
 Under thefe aufpicious rays the manufactories ftill flourimed and improved, till 
 they matured to fuch perfection as we have feen them in thele latter ages. 
 
 Drefs and Habits of the English. 
 
 From the fimplicity of the laft age, we now pafs on to the pompous habits m 
 the jera of the Englifti, a fubject which we muft treat in a general manner, on 
 account of the vaft variety of different fafhions and alterations. 
 
 Camden, 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. S3 
 
 Camden, in his Remains, informs us, that in the reign of Henry the Second, CarTM | en > g 
 -Tilk was firft brought into ufe ; " I mean (fays h«) bombacyna y made by filke Remains, 
 wormes, which firft came out of Greece into Sicile, and then into other parts page 232* 
 of Chriftendome. For fericum, which was a doune kembed off from the trees 
 among the Seres, in the Eaft India, as bijfus was a plant or kinde of filke graflb 
 as they now call it were unknowne. 
 
 There was alfo (adds he) a coftly ftuffe at thefe times here in England, callecf 
 in Latine aurifrijium : what it was named in Engliih I know not, neither doe 
 imagine it auriphrigium, and to fignifie embroiderie with golde, as opera phrygia 
 were embroderies. Whatloever it was, much defired it was by the popes, and 
 highly efteemed in Italic" 
 
 In the reign of Edward the Firft, the general wearing of furs upon their gar- 
 ments began to be ufed, whereas before thefe ornaments were confined to the co- 
 ronation robes of the kings, and creation robes of the nobles: 
 
 Edward the Third, in the third year of his reign, when he made his public Speed's 
 entry into Amiens, to do homage to Philip de Valois, the French king, for the Cfa ™n. 
 Dutchie of Aquitain, was habited in a robe of crimfon velvet, powdered, with ^ 
 golden leopards, a crown upon his head, and a fword by his fide, with fpurs of 
 pure gold upon his heels : he had in his retinue many earls and barons, befides 
 j 000 horfemen. Indeed the luxury of apparel in the beginning of his reign, is 
 ftrongly marked by many fatirical rhimes made at that period by the Scots. 
 A ftanza, which in derifion of the Englim was b^ them faftened upon the door 
 of St. Peter's church at Stangate, is yet preferved in our own hiftories. It runs 
 thus : 
 
 ilongc bccjog ktfcUtf 
 pcpntcDe VofjooDsf toitlej*, 
 (3Eap cotes toacelefjj 
 spafectl; <£nglonoe t!)jtftclcc«s* 
 
 MS.Chrom 
 
 iFor att ttjat tmt (fays an old Chronicle) tTjc CEngltfye men Wit ctotljcDe all in COOtejJ, ant) Efqjfi'. 1 ^* 
 I oocg pepnttec tmtl; lett^cjs, ana tuitb floujeg, ano fcmelj? toitb loncjt bttxm* B. ' 
 
 About the nineteenth year of the fame reign, the king (for the encou- 
 ragement of military fports) eftablifhed his round table at Windfor, and great 
 numbers of foreign knights reforting hither, the Englifh took from them fuch a 
 variety of fafhions and new habits, that the old monks with juftice cried out 
 fhame upon them. Thus fays one, *Ebe CEnglifljtnen fcatonteofo morbc unto tbe fblpe 
 of ffratongejg, ttjat tbqp $w trjci cbatmgtb tbcm in Dtbfjfc febappeg ano Dtftjiftnsfxcs of Dow g Iaf «» 
 clotrjenffcrt -£ note longe, noto lajge, noto toiDe, noto If jattr, ano tkm$ Dap clotljinggco J",? 1 ^ ? f 
 neft>:, anb bettitute antj oetejte fjem alle boneffe off olo a«ap, 1 goDc ufage \ ant) a not|et Mb a tnthl* 
 tpmr to fcbojtc clottj«s, % foffyeite toaiflro, toitb ful'e flebeg, ana tapetes of cujcotw, ano bobeg Hariiean 
 obtr tern, gc ana large, alle to naggebe (jagged) % Knct on cberp fice, anD alle to u*attcrct)De g Library, 
 alfo botcncDDr, that iff # toctb ttjalic fep, tliep teercn more Ipfec to tunnentour&s $ Dcbclts, in No. 4690, 
 tbeir clotting, ant) alfo in tbeir fttjopng, (ihoeing) $ otberarap, than tljci femeb to be like foi. 82. 
 nunne.- £SnD tfjette topm nenne (women) toeteti more npeelp arraieDDe, $ pallet) tbe ntenne 
 in alle uiance of acaicss Q curious clothing, for tbji toerebDc fucb fftete clotbes, tbat tbcp ^aD 
 long for taittjS fttoebt toitb pnnc tbcit garments, to bolD tbnn fortbe, for to l;cDt tljtir (poffe* 
 viotrt) and th'.n continues the author, thus exclaiming, tbe tohtctje Difgiu'nggcjS ant) price, 
 
 aftettoaroe btougbt fortbe % caufebbe, man? mlftJntfj* $ mptyappeu tljat bapneo in tbe teme 
 (realm) of -dnglonD. 
 
 1^ 
 
84 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Camden's * n ^ e y ear 1 3^9' ^ e 44^ Y ear °f ^ ame king Edward the Third (fays Carrw- 
 JR-emains, den) " as the book of Worcefter reporteth, they began to ufe cappes of divers 
 p. 233. coloures, efpecially red, with coftly lynings ; and in the year 1372, the 47th of 
 the above prince, they firft began to wanton it in a new round curtail weede, . 
 whkh they called a cloake, and in Latin armilaufa, as only covering the moulders,, 
 and this notwithstanding the king had endeavoured to reftnun all thefe inordi- 
 Walfing- nances and expences in clothing; as appears by the law by parliament eitabliih— 
 ham in Vit. e d in the 36th year of his reign, " Omne ornamentum aureum five argenteum e- 
 TerTfo'l rat damnatum, fcilicet in cultellis cingulis monilibus annulis, et ceteris corporum 
 , 73# * °' ornarnentis, nifi in talibus qui poflent per annum expendere decern libras jj, et ut 
 nulli pannis praeciofis, aut pellura uterentur, nifi qui poffent expendere per annum, 
 centum libras." All ornaments of gold or fiver, either on. the daggers , girdles, - 
 necklaces, rings, or other ornaments jor the body, 'were forbid to all that could not 
 fpend ten pounds a year ; and farther, that no furre or pretious and cojlly apparel, 
 Jhonld be worn by any but men pcjfejjed of 100 pounds a year. 
 
 By way of puniihment for the common proftitutes, in the 27th' year of this 
 king, a ftatute was by parliament fet forth, forbidding, from that time forward, 
 Stow's any known whore (fays Stow) mould wear any hood, except it were reyed or 
 Chronicle Griped of divers colours, nor furr ; but the garments reverfed, or turned the wrong 
 P- *54« fide outward, upon pain of forfeiture of the fame. 
 
 Now pafling-on to the reign of king Richard the Second, we mail lament that 
 the good fhtutes of the foregoing reign were fo badly attended to ; the king 
 himfelf was very fumptuous in his apparel, as- may appear from Hollingmead, 
 Hollin^f w k° affirms that he had (among other gorgeous fuits) one coat which he caufed 
 Chronicle, to be made for him, of gold and pretious ftones, valued at thirty thoufand marks j . 
 p. mo. and this example was followed by his fubjecls : nay Sir John Arundel (as Hoi— 
 Ibid. 1015. lingmead informs us) had. apparel fo very rich and lplendid, that (adds he) it was 
 thought to exceed even that which was wore by the king himfelf : he bad a 
 change of no lefs than 52 new fuits of cloth of gold tifliie. 
 
 Early in the reign of this prince, began, fays Stow, the deteftable ufe of piked 
 Stow's fhoes*, tied to their knees, with chains of filver, gilt; alfo women uled high alt- 
 Chronicle t ; re on theij- heads ,-and piked horns, with long training gowns. The commons alfo 
 J" 295 * (as recorded in the hiftory called the Eulogium, cited by Camden) " were befott* 
 den'?Re- ec * * n exce ^ e °f apparell, in wide furcoates reaching to their loines, fome in a gar- 
 mains, ment reaching to their heeles, clofe before, and ftrowting out on the fides, fo that 
 P- 2 33« on the backe they make men feeme women, and this they called by a ridiculous 
 name, gowne ; their hoods are little, tied under the chin, and buttoned like the 
 womans, but fet with gold, filver and pretious ftones : their lirripippes ~j- reach 
 to their heeles all jagged.— They have another weede of filke which they call a 
 palt&ck%i their hole are of two colours,, or pied, with more ; § which with lachets 
 
 (which 
 
 || The continuator of Adam Murimuth's hiffory writes " 40 libras," which is moll likely, Vide A» 
 dami Murmuthenfis continuatio in Vit. Edwardi Tertii. 
 
 * Thefe fhoes are reprefented worn by the courtiers, in plate 19, of the Regal and Ecclefiaftical An- 
 tiquities of England : fee the account alfo of that plate p. 15, of the fame book. 
 
 ffc t Thefe were tippets which went round the neck, and hung down before, Vide MS. in the Harleian 
 Library, No. 219. 
 
 X A clofe jacket, like a waiftcott. 
 
 § The truly ridiculous cuftom of wearing various colours was net confined to thehofe alone, for fn 
 many antient delineations, we meet with figures habited in garments divided in the middle, ftrait down. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 85 
 
 (which they called herlots) they tie to their paltocks without any breeches. Their 
 girdles are of gold and filver, fome worth 20 marks ; their fhoes and pattens are 
 inowted and piked more than a finger long, crooking upwards, which they call 
 crackowes, re(cmbling the devil's clawcs, which were fattened to the knees with 
 chaines of gold and filver, &c." Let us alfo hear what the great father of the 
 Englifh poets Chaucer hath faid on this fubjecl: : flhfs ! map not a man fee as in our LomJ EJ . 
 Daks Hjc O'nncful! coflktolajjajJ oulotbtncj,ano namely In too much fupcjfluite, or elfc in too pr int.' icq's' 
 MfojDinate fcantintfix, a? to tfifc rt?ff,— not ontp tf?c ccff of enb?a«De|ins, tfjc Diu\upfeD cnD«it« foi. /o 3 , in 
 ing, or ba2jincj, ounDtng, plaptinrj, topnoincj. or bcnDtng, anD frmblable \tmfte of tlotljc in ba= parfon's tal&- 
 nitie.— 23ut time is alto Sir roftletoc fu^inge in fljrt gounes, fo mud; pouncing of chefel to 
 matt bclc?, fo mud) Dugginj of ihcres forche, tiuthtlje fupcifluitie in length, of tljc fozcfaibe 
 gounes failing in tlje Doug anD in tije mpje, on bojs anD alfo on foote, as tocll of man as of 
 Ionian, that ail tljat tjapling & bejelp ass in effect toaficD, confumcD, tjcD ba?c, ano rotten toitlj 
 Doung. GiTpon njc other fine to fpeake of n> fcojiblc DifojDinate fcantpntfs of clothing, ajs been 
 thefc cuttco floppes, or haufelihes *,, tljat tfootiglj tfjeir Cjortneffe toner not the fijamfull pa;tc0 of 
 Iticnne." — He then continues to inveigh againft their ho/en, partie coloured with 
 iv bite and red, and of other colours, as white and blewe y or white and blacke, or 
 blackeand red x and fo forth : and then continues he, c< £13 to the outtagioug a»ap of 
 toomen, (BoD tootc tfjar though the uifage* of fomc of tfjem fetmc ful cl)affe anDDebonai;*:, pet no* 
 tific int!)craraporatr t e,lico?oufncfrfanl!pMBe,&c." They had alfo about that time (fays Camden's 
 Gamden) " a gowne called a git -f, a jacket without lleeves, called & baketon a Remains 
 loofe jacket like a tabard, a fhort gabbardin §, called a court pie \ a gorget, called 23+ * 
 a chevejail, for as 1 yet they ufed no bandes about their neck ; a pouche called a gipm 
 Jer." 
 
 But now before we take our leave of this reign, let us hear what Harding has 
 mid of the rich habits of the king's train and fervants, &c. 
 
 %\vt toas gjcat pjioe among tfjc oftite?s, Harding's 
 
 £lno of al men fajpaflfpng %z\\ compter,, Chron.chap, 
 
 flDf ridjc ajap, anD mucbe moje coftious J 92- 
 
 'vEljen toag before, or utl;, anD mo?e p?ctiou^ **• J 94« 
 
 gomcn anD ©?omcs, in cloth of filfce ajapcD, 
 ©attpn ano SDamasbe in tsonblettes and gouncis 
 3n riot!) of n?ene, anD fcajlct for unpapcD> 
 Cut \ne?ke Ynas gicat bothe in cou^t anD tonnes 
 Bctije in mens hnt>Dcs?, anD alfo in their gotmcg, 
 25jou0cr ano ftu?c?, anD golofmith, Wilt ap netofv 
 3lu maup a topfc, cclje Dap ttjep did renc&ie. 
 
 Aird 
 
 erne fide of one colour, and the other fide quite different : the render is referred to the 'Regal and Eccle- 
 
 fiaftical Antiquities ofEngland, and in plate 16 he will fee John of Gaunt, duke of Lancafter, portrait- 
 
 cd in a habit one half white, the other a dark blue : alfo in plate 39, are different fpecimens of this 
 
 laughable fafhion. Nay in plate 33, of the facie book, there is^.at the right hand of the plate^ a fio-ure * y y 
 
 with a boot on one leg, and none on the other. c/<r»^ fl&i'c&y* t^*^^i^ f<ny^<yrt>-$r>< *y>jL<rv a^/£y oi^-a. ^at* 
 
 * Hanfrfines or haufelines, are now called breeches, but at that time they were only trowfers, and c/a^L? t^-fifa n.**?^*; 
 thofe here mentioned muft have been fo fhort, that they tying at the hips, could not reach farther than .0 y^C / 
 
 the middle of the thigh, at moft, then their hofe were drawn up ftrait, and rolled up under thew, which ^ ° ' \% ™T ™ 
 
 hanging loofe round about, muft have been very indecent when a man ftooped to the ground. yz&u c^a*^ ri^C. ^ 
 
 + Agipfer, the jump, if it means this, was a fhort coat, or caffock. u 
 
 % Hcqueton was alfo a cloak, 
 
 § Gabbardine or rochet, was a gown - t the former word alfo fignifies a horfemaa's coat. 
 
86 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 And then, continues the poet, ail this 
 
 — 3| fjcaiD lftol>cjt3?ele£fefag 
 €lc?fec of ttc g?cne clotl;. 
 
 This rmght very well be, for Harding was living in, the reign of Henry the Fifth. 
 
 Pafiing on to the reign of king Henry the Fourth, we mall find that the tafte 
 of the foregoing reign was yet continued ; and to the former extravagance was 
 added the long pocketting fleeves (as Camden calls them) on which Hoccleve, the 
 bid. 235. difciple of Geofry Chaucer, made the following rhimes, 
 
 $oto Ijatlj tW tattu little necoc of bjoomcis, 
 Co ftocepe atoapttjc filtfj out of ttjc ftjcete> 
 fem fiDe Gtetoeg of pennileffc gioomesi, 
 $LU ll it up licfee U it tup or tncctr > 
 
 All the twelve figures reprefenting the twelve months, with the figns of the 
 zodiac, were done in the reign of king Henry the Fourth, (fee plate 3 of this 
 volume.) Here we find the lleevelefs jackets, the hoods buttoned under the 
 chin, and the long fleeves, in the figure of the virgin under the eighth month. 
 Hollinef ^ e now ^ mm tms rei S n w ^ t ^ ie account of the habit of Henry? prince 
 p. 1 160.' of Wales, (afterwards king Henry the Fifth) who, when he went to make his 
 peace with his father, was apparelled (fays Hollingfhead) in a gowne of blewe 
 fatten, full of fmal oylet holes, at every hole the needle hanging by a hike threde, 
 with which it was worked ; about his armehe wore an houndes coller fette full 
 of SS of golde, and the tyrrettes likewife being of the famemettal. 
 
 The fhort reign of Henry the Fifth, feems to have been fo full of bufinefs, 
 and the taxations of the people (to raife money for the fupport of the foreign 
 wars) were fo great, that they had neither leifure nor riches fufficient to eftablifh 
 new fafhions, or run into further extravagancies ; I have met with only one note 
 of any confequence concerning the habits of this reign, which is of the king 
 Grafton's himfelf, who being in France with his queen (the beautiful Catharine, the 
 Chronicle, French king's daughter) together with his father-in-law, and his queen, kept 
 £• 493* their feaft of pentecoft at Paris j the king of England in a royal court, fat with 
 his queen apparelled in rich and elegant veftures, ornamented with pretious ftones, 
 and on their heads they wore diadems of gold, richly fet with oriental jewels. 
 
 But continuing on to the reign of Henry the Sixth* it feems as if all the fan- 
 taftical, and ridiculous fafhions of the former asras, had been collected together 
 and placed therein : a flight fpecimen is given on plate 4, of this vol. where all 
 the figures (7 and 8 excepted) are from delineations then made, as are thofe alfo 
 at the bottom of the third plate, under the months ; and feveral head drefTes 
 exhibited in the fixth plate, all which are more particularly noted, in the de- 
 fcription of the plates. 
 
 Stow's This prince himfelf (according to Stow) ufuaily wore a cap, or hood, of red 
 
 Chron, page velvet, which was afterwards preferved a long time after upon his tomb. His 
 424. high 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 87 
 
 nigh cap of eftate, called abrotfeet, or alwockc, was garnifhed with two rich Grafton, 
 crowns. In the 10th year of Edward the fourth, he was caufed by the earl of H^inf 
 Warwick, (who then efpoufed his caufe) to ride about the city of London, ap- ' 
 ' pareiled in a gown of blue Velvet. _ Grafton, 
 
 It would be an endlefs undertaking to defcribe particularly the drefs of this 702. 
 and the following reigns, or to number up the great variety of different figures; 
 many of which (as well kings and nobles,- as commoners) are already publifhed 
 in the regal and eccletiaftical antiquities of England : and for the drels of the 
 latter reigns, as Edward the Fourth, Richard the Third, and Henry the Seventh, 
 the reader is referred to the plates in this vol. beginning from the feventh, and 
 continuing on to the laft but one; which are all lb well and accurately done, by 
 the faithful antiquary John Rous, that they need no further explanation thaw 
 what he himfelf has given, and is printed in the defcription of the plates. 
 
 I have only to add, that all the above-mentioned enormities, efpecially the 
 long pointed fhoes (which fafhion in the time of Edward the Fourth fo univer- 
 fally prevailed, that thofe whofe finances would not allow them chains of gold 
 and filver, had filken firings, flretched from the knee to the long point of the 
 fhoe) were forbid by the parliament in the third year ®f Edward the Fourth ; Stow 4*7^ 
 when it was enacted, that no man or woman under the eftate of a lord, (or lords 
 children) mould wear any cloth of gold tilTue, apparel embroidered with gold, 
 or have any furs or fables upon their garments, and that no yeoman, or perfon 
 under that degree, fhould in their cluathing have any bolflcrs of wool, cotton, 
 or other fluff"; or in their jackets any thing, fave the lining equal to the outride; 
 and that no perfon fhould wear a gown, a jacket, or a cloak, but what was of 
 iuch a length, that when the fame man ftood upright, it fhould hide his hinder 
 parts ; and further it was enacted, that no men mould wear fhoes, or boots, 
 with pikes exceeding two inches in length : it was alfo ftrictly forbid (under pain 
 of a grievous fine) that any taylor fhould fluff, or bolfler a garment, to make 
 it fhorter than the act. limited s and alfo to all fhoemakers that they mould not 
 make any fhoes or boots above the proportioned fize; but even all the above re- 
 gulations, feem not to have been mfiicient entirely toabolifh thefefoolifh fafhions, IMd.p. 419. 
 for in the fifth year of the fame king, it was proclaimed throughout England, 
 that the points of fhoes or boots, mould not exceed two inches, upon pain of 
 curfing by the clergy, befides the forfeiture of twenty millings. 
 
 I will now conclude this fubjedt, and think enough has been faid thereon ; for 
 it is needlefs to attempt any further particular defcription of the latter part of 
 this Englifn asra ; for I may with Dr. Bourd, give a man a pair of fheers, and a r . .. 
 piece of cloth, and defy him to cut a garment (tho' as whimfical and ridiculous Remains, 
 as the rnofl romantic genius could invent) but that in thefe latter ages, ibme au- P- '7* 
 then tic figure may be found, inhabit full as ftrange and monflrous : but we 
 rnufl not think thatjthefe follies were confined to the Englifh nation only ; Oh no! 
 our fprightly neighbours the French, were to the full as< ingenious in their attire, 
 as we could poffibly be : let but the curious reader caft his eye upon the long fe- 
 ries of plates ^en in fuller Montfaucon's Monarchie Francois, and he will foon 
 be convinced of the truth of this affertion : and other furrounding nations caught 
 the infection, as may be proved, by examination of that valuable old chronicle, 
 written by a German, whofe name was Hartman, and printed at Nuremberg in 
 
 the 
 
S8 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 the year of our Lord 1493; almoft every page of which curious book, is en- 
 riched with a variety of excellent wood cuts, which reprefent the multiplicity 
 of drefifes that were at that time u fed in Germany. 
 
 Domeftic Affairs, &cu 
 
 We have already feen the homely beds of the Saxons, and thofe more im- 
 proved of the Danes, and we find them ftill improving in the Norman ^Era, fee 
 fig. 2, plate 33 & plate 63, both in the firft vol. Hollingfhead tells us, that in the 
 ^["voi rnemor y of men living in his days,* was made a great amendment in lodging, 
 page g 5 5 t ' for (fays he) *« our fathers & we our felves, have Jyen full oft uponftxaw pal- 
 lettes, covered only with a fheete, under coverlettes made of dogfwain or hop- 
 harlots (I ufe,fays he, the very words of the old men, from whom I received the 
 accounts) and a good round logge under their heades, infteade of a boulfter. If 
 it were fo that our fathers or the good man of the houfe had a matteres or flock 
 bed, and thereto a facke of chafe to reft hys heade upon, he thought himfelf to 
 be as well lodged as the lorde of the towne, fo well were they contented. Pil- 
 lowes fayde they were thought meete only for women in childe bed. As for fer- 
 vants, if they had any fheete above them, it was well, for feldome had they any 
 under their bodies, to keepe them from the pricking ftrawes., that ranne oft 
 thorow the canvas* and raced their hardened hides." This was only fpeaking of 
 the middling fort, fee plates 7, 50, and 58 of this vol. which are beds belonging 
 •to people of the firft diftinction — yet, if the reader will look back to plate 35 
 of the firft .volume, he will fee that the Monk's palet was hard enough, and the 
 covering very flight. I have not been able to trace out the firft introduction of 
 MS. in Bib. the luxurious feather beds, but I find them mentioned in an old chronicle, as 
 Had. infig. early as the reign of Richard the Second ; for fpeaking of the death of the duke 
 4690, fol. f Gloceiler, uncle to the king, we are told that he was fmothered with " afeder 
 i>edde." In an old poem, entitled the Squire of Low Degree (which Mr. Whar- 
 ton takes to be as ancient as the reign of Edward the Firft) is this defcription of 
 the bed and furniture of a princefs. 
 
 ^out Matifcetteg fijal 6c of fuftyanc* 
 ,$jttr flutes fljal be of clothss of tapnc 
 four beat) fijetc fljalt be of petp pj?sl;t p 
 521pt& DpamonM fct 9 rubpjs foygfofo 
 Lilian ^ott a* f e1apD in bet) fo fbftr, 
 fi case of golDc fljall ban-, e alofte, 
 M\?t\)z longe pepet fapje breninj, 
 3nD tlobejs tl;at be ttucte fmellpng* 
 
 In all the delineations of the Englifti JEra (that I have feen) the figures repre- 
 sented in bed are pictured quite naked, fee even the queen, plate 50, the dutchefs, 
 plate 7, and the duke, who is dying, plate 58, all in this vol. the fame alfo feems 
 to be confirmed by the accounts of the hiftorians ; and this may appear ftill more 
 
 ftrange, 
 
 * This chronicle of Hollingfhead was publifhed in i vols, with wood cuts, in the year 1577, the 
 author himfelf then living. 
 
 VideWhar- 
 ,ton, on En- 
 glifti Poetry 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 3 9 
 Grange, when on the examination of the Saxon, Danifh, and Norman JEras, we 
 find the figures in bed with dole garments, like mirts ; fee vol. i, plates 13, 27, 
 33, and 63. In plates 7, and 50, of this volume, we fee that the infant (imme- 
 diately on its birth) is wrapped up in fwaddling clothes, from the head to the 
 loot ; which unnatural cuftom continued to be pradtifed, even till the beginning 
 of this laft century. 
 
 For houfliold furniture, fays Hollingmead, in our own days, old men may re- gj^jjj 
 member great improvements, as the exchange of treene (wooden) platters for f Q j > 
 pewter, and wooden fpoones for filver or tin. For fo common were al forts of 
 treene veHelles in old time, that a man mould hardly find four peces of pewter 
 (of which one was perad venture a falte) in a goode farmers houfe, and yet for 
 al this frugalitie (if it may be fojufHy called) they were fcarce able to lyve and 
 paye their rentes, at their dayes r without felling of a cow, or a horfe, or more, 
 although they payde but foure pounds at the uttermolt by the yere ; and fays this 
 author, the reafon was owing to too much attention to the alehoufe, and too little 
 to work ; for, continues he, ahho' at prefent (that was in the author's life-time) 
 the foure pounds be improved to fourty or fiftye, yet will the farmer thinke 
 his gaines- very fmall toward the middeft of his terme, if he have not fixe or 
 feaven yeres rent lying by him, therewith to purchafe a newe leafe, befide a faire 
 garnifhe of pewter on his cowborde, three or foure feather beddes, fo many cc- 
 vjrlettcs and carpettes of tapiftry, a filver fait, a bowle for wine (if not an whole 
 neaft) and a duflen of fpoones, to furnifoe up the lute." 
 
 We may juftly wonder, what has become of the induPcry of the Englifh ladies; 
 we hear no more of their rich embroiderings, and curious needlework. Is all 
 the domeftic fimplicity of the former ages entirely banifhed ? why no ! fome 
 few, tho' very rare examples, are even in thefe latter times to be produced ; 
 Queen Elizabeth employed her leifure hours (before fhe came to the crown) in 
 writing holy prayers, and copying various religious difcourfes from the facred 
 writings : her grace the dutchefs dowager of Portland, has in her cabinet a very 
 curious fpecimen ; another is preferved in the Britim Mufeum, which has the 
 covers curioufly wrought, and embroidered with gold and filver thread ; faid alio 
 to be the work of her own hand. I remember fome time ago, being in a com- 
 pany viewing the Mufeum, and a great number of ladies there prefent, the 
 gentleman who attended, took the book and lliewed it to them, -faying, " Is it 
 not much to be lamented, that the ladies of the prefent age, will not afford a 
 little of fo much loft time, upon fuch pious and laudable amufements, feeking to 
 improve their minds with ufeful knowledge ? and then (adds he, fmiling) per- 
 haps fo many good hufbands would not be fpoiled, and thofe that are bad, would 
 ftand fome chance of beings reclaimed, by the good examples of their religious: 
 confofts. 
 
 Carriages for Pieafure; 
 
 We have already feen the Saxon Cneror Chariot; the Normans ufed a horfe 
 barrow, or horfe litter ; Malmfbury fpeaking of the death of William Rufus, 
 tells us that his dead body was placed upon a " rheda caballaria" a kind of 
 horfe chariot ; or as Fabian tranflates it horfe litter : Mathew of Weftminfter 
 
 N< informs 
 
9 o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 informs us, that John in his laft ficknefs, was conveyed from the abbey of Swinf- 
 head, in «* leclica equejiri ;" which is evidently the horfe litter: and thefe being 
 continued down in the fucceeding reigns, were the only carriages for perfons 
 of diftincfion : thus fays Froiffsrt Cfpeaking of the young Ifabel, the fecond wife 
 Froiffart, of king Richard the Second) " C n mgtft la n'une topnc D'anglftcjje en ttne litiere, moult 
 MS. vol. 4. ficlj, q_ul eCiott cr&onee pour ellc," that is, the young queen of England was put into a 
 litter, extreamly grand and rich, which was appointed for her. And by the little 
 'Orb. fenfu- book, Orb'is fenfualis Piclus, it appears that they were in common ufe, in the 
 fo\ ^o^ US> f eventeentn century, even long after the invention of coaches , 
 ' l ° 5 " Coaches (according to Stow) were not ufed till the year 1555,* when (fays he) 
 marCofThe " Walter &ip°n made a coach for the earl of Rutland, which was the nrft that 
 Eno-Hfh ever was made in England ; and in the year 1564, the fame Walter made the 
 Chron. iirffc hollow turning coach, with pillars and arches for her majeftie (queen Mary') 
 being then her fervant and in the year 1584, he made a chariot throane, with 
 foure pillars behind, to beare a canopie with a crowne imperiall on the toppe, 
 and before, two lower pillars, whereon flood a lion and a dragon, the fupporters 
 of the armes of England." — It was a long time after the firfb invention of 
 coaches, before the coach box was added, for fays the little book above quoted j 
 s< the coachman joineth a horfe fixt to match a faddle horfe, to the coach tree, 
 then he liteth upon the faddle, 2nd when there was four horfes, he drove thofe 
 which went before him, guiding them with a rein. Great perfons were carried 
 in a coach, or hanging waggon, with fix horfes, and two coachmen (we mould 
 call them poftillions) others rode in chariots drawn by two horfes only." 
 
 Sports and Paftimes. 
 
 The fports, or paftimes of the flrft rank, and the moft noble, were the 
 tournaments : not that the paffion of hunting, hawking, and other champaigne 
 amufements was abated ; we find them ftill perfuing thefe antien.t fports, wit- 
 nefs the following verfes from an old ballad. 
 
 In fummer time, when leaves grow greene 
 And bloiloms bedecke the tree, 
 King Edward would a hunting ryde, 
 Some paltime for to fee. 
 
 With hawkes and hounde he made him bowne, 
 With home & eke with bowe ; 
 To Drayton BafTet he tooke bis waye 
 With all his lordes a rowe. 
 
 Reliqu^s of 
 antient poe- 
 try, vol. 2, 
 page 76. 
 
 Carta defo- In former times thefe fports were confined to the kings and nobles only ; but 
 refta, cap. in the foreft charter (figned by John, and confirmed by his fon Henry the Third) 
 s • the 
 
 * Caxton in his additions to.the Polychronicon, tells us, that " a great company of lords and ladies, 
 with newe chares and palfrayes, %vent over fee to attend the lady Margaret, who was afterivards married to 
 king Henry the Sixth; but what fort of Carriages thofe chares were, mull be left to- the judgment of the 
 if u'ler. See Caxton's additions at the end of the Polychronicon, publiflied by him, chap. 22, fol.417. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 9c 
 
 fhc privilege was granted, that every freeman might have in his own woods, 
 aviaries of hawks, fparrow hawks, faulcons, eagles, and herons, and had a right 
 to all the money that he might find upon his own premifes ; and alfo, that no 
 man mould from that time forward, forfeit either his life or limbs for killing the J£ 
 king's deer ; but if any man mould be convicted, or taken in the fact of deal- 
 ing venifon belonging to the king, he mould be fubjecT: to a heavy fine, and in 
 default of payment, to be imprilbned for a year and a day; and alter that time 
 was expired, he mould either find lurety for his good behaviour, or be bammed 
 the land. 
 
 Of Tournaments, &rc 
 
 Thefe fports were entirely managed by their own laws, and at the firft infli- 
 tution, the combatants often proceeded from fport to earneft, flaying and maim- g^^"^ 
 ing each other downright ; they were (fays Camden} firft inftituted in the year refordfhire. 
 934, though, continues he, they made not their appearance in England till the 
 reign of king Stephen, as Lambard has thus noted, " this manner of exercife being 
 then ufed" (fays he) " not at the tilt, as I think, but at randome, and in the LamD ^e's 
 open fitlde, was accompted fo dangerous to perfons haveing to do therein, that ^"nof Kent 
 fundry popes had forbidden it by decree ;" and t1 thofe that were (lain (according fol. 448. 
 to Camden) were by the church canons denyed chriftian burial :"* The kings Camden ut 
 of this realm (continues Lambarde) before king Stephen, would not fuffer it to fupra. 
 be frequented within their land}; io that, fuch as for exercife in that feate in 
 armes, were driven to pafTe over the feas, and to performe it in fome indifferent 
 place m a foreigne countrie. But afterwarde, king Stephen in his time per- 
 mitted it; and then after him, king Richard the Firft not only allowed it, but 
 alfo encouraged his nobilitie to ufe it; and fo by litle and litle, the danger being 
 fufficiently provided for,-]- and the men waxing expert, it grewe in time of the 
 kings that followed (efpecially in the reigne of Edward the Third) to a moft 
 pleafent, ufual and familiar paftime. 
 
 The 
 
 * And Henry the Third, by the advice of pailiament en'acled, that all who (without leave) fhould 
 ieep a tournament, fhould forfeit their eftates, and their children to be diiinhcrited. 
 
 f The danger was not fo well provided aga'nit, as Lambarde affirms, witnefs the many accounts 
 We have in our hiftories, of the feveral lords and nobles that were killed and hurt at thefe fports y. 
 among many other nobie perfons, we read of Henry the Second, the French king, who in the year 
 1558, w as (lain at a tournament, And that they fhould be often hurt, mutt follow of confequence ; 
 for imagining two ttrong men on fpiritted horfes, running againtt each other, their horfes full fpeed ; 
 the leaft was the throwing one or ether out of their .'addles upon the ground, thus fays Stow, at a 
 juftiny held on London Bridge, A. D. 1595, between David earl of Crawford and lord Wells, the 
 iatur was at the third courfe, caft from his laddie to the ground, and much hurt; andCaxton tells us, 
 that in the 17th year of Richard the Second, * 'CErjEjk 0? ^0?e?f (a »>C0tCrj l0?0) CfjalClIgetl t\)Z 
 
 trie Si9a?.cl)al nlciEturlanD, to juftt toitrj Ijpm on liorsbatfe, toitb. fftaiipi fpr?e$ 9 ant) foo trjep rooec 
 together cc^tajme coujftj?, hit not trje full ttjalenst, for tlic ferottpfgl) trie toag caffe uotfje rjojg 
 & man, $ ttoo of \w$ rpbu£0 bjotien toitl) tlje fame falle, $ foo bow t;ome into W inn, $ anone 
 after teas ca^eo \jometoaj5e in a Uttper," anD at gojfee rjc Dpeo. Addit. to Polychronicon, 
 chap. 7. foL 399.. 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Robert of 
 Glocefter, 
 inYit.Wil- 
 Itel. Secun. 
 
 Geofry 
 Mon- 
 jnoath. 
 
 Harding's] 
 Chronicle, 
 chap 15 5„ 
 fol. 161. 
 
 The old poet Robert of Glocefter giving us a defcription of William Rufu^ 
 fon to the Conqueror, writes thus, 
 
 §>taltD8jtic tie teas!, $ Imty, $ goo fcnyst, flfjozn al ttjpn^ 
 3iii tjaraj»lc, (f in tornemnes et tfcan bx tocjc 3&png. 
 
 Which may lead one to think, that as Rufus was fo famous in thefe fports,, 
 he would . hardly have difcouraged them among his fubjects. 
 
 Thefe fports took rife from -the martial exercifes of the ancients. Our hifto- 
 rians inform us, that the noble Britifh king Arthur, loved and encouraged feats 
 of arms, or warlike games*, and made around table for his knights, who in 
 thofe troublefome times were to wander about in fear^ch of adventures ; to pro- 
 tect and refcue the innocent from oppreffion, and to be in particular as guards and 
 fervants to ladies in diftrefs, or danger : — In imitation of this round table of 
 king Arthur, fay s Harding, in the feventh year of Ed ward the FirnY, 
 
 ( 4no in rue p e?e a thoufano teas fut then 
 
 Ctoo hun^to alfo firtp anD npnetenr, 
 
 Mi)tn &ii IRoget ^o^timct fo began 
 
 $t llelpnslDO^tl), the round table a$ W km 9 
 j&f a tboufano l&nprjbtg for Dftipltne, 
 M poung menne, after be conic Dcbtfe 
 r^Df ^Tuznementcg, ant) f'uffejs to eycjciCc* 
 
 ;£l fOjOiifano UabieMvccUpnct. in feeatttee 
 l£e Ijarj alfo timz, in Rentes bigl) abobe 
 M\n juffeMbat trjci mitjbt toell ana cleulp fee 
 Ml\)o j'uGfD befte, ttjqcfot tim't ILabr ilobe 
 for toljofe beautie, it fljoulo tfjc ftni^ljtejS mobe 
 3n a?me$s fo ccbe otber torebie 
 Co get a fame in plap of €bibaljg. 
 
 This inftituticn has in it all the romantic fire of knight errantry, the ladies 
 -wer-e placed fo that they might be fpectators, and the young knights (arrayed 
 «o doubt in the colours of their favourite damfels) performed the beft they 
 could, in honour of their " Haop llobe," to proclaim her beauty and her virtue. 
 This round table, for the encouragement of arms and valour., was renewed at 
 Windfor with great fplendour, by king Edward the Third, in the eightetnth 
 year of his reign; and fuch was the number of foreign knights, who reforted 
 
 thither 
 
 * All thefe warlike games, as thofe of the round table, and tilt or tournaments, are by hiftorians 
 too often confounded together ; but they were different games, as appears from a pa/Tage in that ce- 
 lebrated hiftorian, Mathew Paiis; who fpeaking of thefe fports in the life of Henry the Third, 
 writes thus • non in hafiiludio illo, quod vulgariter torntamentum dicitur; fed potius in illo ludo militari, 
 qui men/a rotunda dicitur, &c not in the tilts which we commonly call tournaments, but rather in that 
 military game, called the round talk: the firft was the tilting or running at each other with lances, the 
 fecond likely was the fame with that anrjent fport, called barriers, which comes from the old French 
 larres, oxjeu it barres, a martial fport (fays the GJoflbgraphy) of men armed, and fighting together with. 
 Ihort fwords, within certain limits or lifts, whereby they were fevered from the fpeclators. See alfo 
 Dr„ Watts, in his GloiTary to Mat. Paris, fub .tournament ; and this fighting without lances, diftia- 
 guiftied the barriers, or round table knights, from the tilters. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 93 
 thither to {hew their fkill, and gain themfelves honour and renown, that Philip 
 Yalois, king of France, jealous of the glory of our monarch, made alfo a round 
 table in his own kingdom, 
 
 There was a royal jufts holden by king Richard the Second at Smithfield, nt 
 which (fays Caxton) the kins attended, and all 16 of IjijS totje of one futc tljej t A ddit. to 
 rotpjj, tfjcpr armpn, tl;cpc fljflocjjjT* t&epc tjappotttf tocje emlnotoDjco all toito toljptr Iwtstf, Poiychronr- 
 (hans) toitl; crotoncsJ of colD about tljcfr nertp, $ rljepnrp of golo l;angpng tljcjeon i tolnctjc «*, c. 6. 
 tojtpsi (harts) toc?c t&E fefngjS Utocjcp, thav l;c pf to IojDcjJ, taDpctf, fcnygfjtcg, 5 fquj-cus, to foI « 397- 
 ituoto I)t0 IjoafliolD pcplc fjom ottjtt ; tljnifoutano ttocntp laOpf? ccmpnge to the niu>S, laDOt 
 four ano ttocntp low tottlj cljepncs of polo, ar.D aut in tl;e fame futc of Iwtrjs a$ us afojc japD, 
 f join tne Cour on Ijojjsbafe tljujgl) tl;t cpte of Honoon into &mpt&fclD." 
 
 At thefe tournaments, tilts, jufts, or barriers, the ufual method was for the 
 knights to challenge all comers to perform fo many courfes with the lance, or 
 fo many blows with the fword, or the like. The following are fpecimens col- 
 lected from an old MS. "of Certaine Triumphes," in the Harliean Library. 
 
 At the marriage of Richard duke of York, (fon to Edward the Fourth) with MS; in B' b » 
 Anne Mowbray, daughter to the duke of Norfolk, fix gentlemen challenged all N "$£ lg * 
 commers at the 
 
 Jufl Roially with helme and flAeld, in maner accuftomed. 
 
 Secondly, To runne in Ofling harneis alongea tilte. 
 
 And thirdly, To ftrike certaine ftrokes with fwoards and guife of torney. 
 
 In the reign of Henry the Seventh, certaine gentlemen, who Ailed themfelve3 
 the fervants of Ladie Maie, in honour of that month, gave a challenge to be 
 performed at Grecnwiche ; the articles run thus: 
 
 Imprimis, The fourtenth daie of Maie fhalle be redye in the field certaine 
 gentlemen, perteyning to the Ladye Maie, armed for the tilt, in harneis ther- 
 unto accuftomed ; and there to kepe the fielde (in fuch place as it ihall pleafe 
 the kynge to appoint) from 2 of the clocke, till 5 at the afternoone, to run with 
 every commer 8 courfes ; and thus the anfwerers all anfwered & ferved, that 
 than if there be any that defireth jor their Ladyes fake other 4 courfes, it fhall 
 be granted, fo the hower be not paft, if it be then at thequeenes pleafure. 
 
 The fecond day, to fhoot Jlandart arrowe and Jlighte, with all commers ; he 
 that ihootes the jlandart furtheft to have a prife, and foin like cafe of the arrow 
 of the flight. 
 
 The third day, with fwordes rebated, (without points or edges) to ftrike with 
 every commer 8 ftrokes in waye of pleafure ; and four ftrokes more for any of 
 the commers miflrefs fake^ under the above reftridions, (and the queene's 
 pleafure.) 
 
 The fourth day, to ivreftle all manner of ways, at the pleafure of the commers. 
 
 The fifth day, armed for to fighte on foote, with fpeares in their hands rebated t 
 (that is blunted) and their fwordes by their fides for the battle \ and there with 
 fpeare and fword to defend their barriers ; that is to fay, with fpeares 8 ftrokes, 
 whereof two with foyne, (perhaps thrufts) and 6 with ftrokes; and that done, 
 to drawe their fwordes and ftrike 8 ftrokes every man, to his beft advantage, 
 with gripe or otherwife ; and four ftrokes for a lady, under the above reftridions. 
 
 The fix th day, to cajle the barre on foote, and with the arme both heavie and 
 light. 
 
 At thefe tournois the challenger doth engage to come in harneis for the tilt, 
 without targe or brockett, woolant peece over the head, rondall over the garde, reft 
 of advantage, fraude, deceit, or other malengine. 
 
 And 
 
94 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 And fome time after four gentlemen challenged all commers at Greenwich: 
 To the feate called the barriers, with the cajting Jpeare, and the targatt, and 
 
 the baftarde fworde. 
 
 And one caft with the Jpeare hedded with the morn, and 17 ftrokes with the 
 Jworde, point and edge rebated; without clofe or griping one another with 
 handes, upon paine of fuch punifhment as the judges for the tyme being mould 
 thinke requifite. 
 
 The tilts, we find, were performed with long tilting fpears, on horfeback ; and 
 when their lances were broken, they often took to their fwords as well as axes ; 
 fee the method of challenge in the defcription of the plates in the life of Earl 
 Warwick, and the manner of performing^ plates 35, 36,6c 37, 6cc. 
 
 Theatrical Amufements. 
 
 It will be impoflible to afcertain the date when thefe amufements were firft 
 introduced into England: we find them mentioned very early in the Norman 
 ara by Stephanides, or Fitz-Stephen, as we have already feen, page 22 of this 
 volume. His words are, Londonia pro fpeclaculis theatralibus, pro ludis fe- 
 nicis, ludos habet fanctiores, repracfentationes miraculorum quce fandti confeffo- 
 res operati funt, feu repraefentationes paflionum, quibus claruit conftantia mar- 
 tyrum. And as thefe reprefentations are by no means mentioned as new or un- 
 common, we may juftly conclude them to be of a date (till more ancient. This 
 author wrote in the reign of Henry the Second, and died in the reign of king 
 Richard the Firft, An. Dom. j 191 ; but he has not left any account of their 
 theatres, or method of performing ; nor whether there were at that time players 
 who made it their bufinefs, as in the prefent age. 
 
 In the Qth year of the reign of Edward the i hird, it was ordained by parlia- 
 ment, that a company of men, called vagrants, who made mafquerades through 
 the whole city, mould be whipped out of London, becaufe they reprefented 
 fcandalous things in little alehoufes, and other places where the populace affem- 
 bled. Thefe (fays Dodfley, in the Preface to his curious Collection of Antient 
 Dodfle 's Pl avs ) were in all probability of thatfpecies called mummers *, who ufed to ftroll 
 Preface 1 3 fl hout the country, drefled in an antick manner, dancing, mimicking, and fhew- 
 Anticnt ing poftures, and as thefe mummers always went mafked and difguifed, they too 
 ^ la )' s -. frequently committed violent outrages, and were guilty of many lewd diforders,. 
 
 which afterwards fo much encreafed, thai in the third year of Henry the Eighth, 
 an act was made againft mummers, in which the penalty for felling vifors, or 
 keeping them in any hcufe, was twenty (hillings each vifor. However, (fays my 
 V'd St t t ^ u r ) ^ a d as thefe mummers may have been, they feem to be the true origi- 
 1 c a ut ' nal comedians of England, and their excellence altogether confided,, as that of 
 their fuccefibrs does in part (till, in mimickry and humour. 
 
 Thefe mummings were alio the common holiday amufements among the 
 young people, both in town and country. In the year 1377, (fays Stow) the 
 Stow's citizens of London, at the feafl of Chriftmas, made a mumming, to pleafe the 
 Survey of young prince Richard, fon to Edward the Black Prince, (afterwards Richard the 
 London, Second) in the following manner : " On the Sunday before Candlemas, in the 
 V' 1 ' night 
 
 * A word fignifying one who mafks and difguifes himfelf to play the fool without fpeaking. 
 Hence, perhaps, comes our country word mum ; hold your tongue; fay nothing. Dodfley's Preface,, 
 page 8. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 95 
 night, one hundred and thirty citizens, dilguifedand well horfcd, in a muinmery, 
 with found of trumpets, fackbuts, cornets, fhalmes, and other minitlrels, and 
 innumerable torch-lights of wax, rode from Newgate thorow Cheap, over the 
 bridge through Southwarke, and fo to Kennington, befides Lambeth, where the 
 young prince remained with his mother, and the duke of Lancalier his uncle, 
 the carles of Cambridge, Hereford, JVarwicke, and Saffolke, with divers other 
 lords. In the firft ranke did ride 48, in the hkenefie and habit of efquires, two 
 and two together, clothed in red coats, and gownes of fay orfendall, with come- 
 ly vifors on their faces. After them came riding 48 knights, in the fame livery 
 of colour and ftuffe j then followed one richly arrayed, like an emperourj and 
 after him at fome diftance, one ftately t tyred like a pope, who was followed by 24 
 cardinals ; and after them eight or ten with blacke vizors, not amiable, as if they 
 had been legates from fome foraigne princes. Thefe mafkers, afcer they had 
 entered the mannor of Kennington, alighted from their horfes, and entred the 
 hall on foote, which done, the prince, his mother, and the lords, came out of 
 the chamber into the hall, whom the mummers did falute, (hewing by a paire of 
 dice on the table, their defire to play with the young prince, which they fo 
 handled, that the prince did alwaies winne when he cad at them. Then the 
 mummers let to the prince three jewels, one after another, which were a bowle 
 of gold, a cup of gold, and a ring of gold, which the prince wanne at three cads. 
 Then they fet to the prince's mother, the duke, the earles, and other lords, to 
 every one a ring of gold, which they did alfo winne. After which they were 
 feafted, and the mulicke founded, the prince and lords danced on the one part 
 with the mummers, who did alfo dance ; which jollity being ended, they were 
 againe made to drinke, and then departed in order as they came. 
 
 The like was to Henry the Fourth, in the fecond of his reign, he then keep- 
 ing his Chrijlmas at Eltbam, twelve aldermen of London, and their fonnes, rode 
 in a mumming, and had great thanks." 
 
 But to return to the ftage, Carew, in his Survey of Cornwall, (which was Carew's 
 written in the reign of Elizabeth) fpeaking of the diverlions of the people, j^™^^ 
 fays thus, — " The Guary-Miracle (in Englifli a Miracle Play,) is a kind of • ornwa 
 interlude, compiled in Cornifh, out of fome fcripture Hiftory. For reprefent- 
 ing it they raile an amphitheatre in fome open field, having the diameter of this 
 inclofed plain, fome 40 or 50 foot. The country people flock from all fides, 
 many miles off, to fee and hear it; for they have therein devils and devices to Vi j e SoM- 
 delight as well the eye as the ear." But this author has not told us of what ley's preface 
 date thefe interludes were fuppofed to be ; tho' without doufef they were very to the col- 
 ancient, for holy hiftories had long been the only fubjecT: of the drama, all over ie ^' of 
 Europe ; but thefe (fays Dodfley) were reprefented in fo ftupid and ridiculous a P ay '" 
 manner, that the ftories of the New Te/lament in particular, were thought to 
 encourage libertinifm and infidelity. * 
 
 The year 1378 (continues the lame author) is the earlieft date I can find, in 
 which exprefs mention is made of the representation of thefe miiteries, or holy 
 plays in England. In this year the fcholars of Paul's fchool prefented a petition 
 to king Richard the Second, praying his Majefly to prohibit fome unexpert peo- 
 ple 
 
 * They ftuck not (in thefe myfteries) at perfonating the raoft holy and facred characters : what 
 will the reader fay, when he hears that in a miftery called God's Promifes, the principal character is 
 Pater Caeleftis, the Heavenly Father. Vol. 1. of Dodlley's collection of old plays, 
 
96 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 pie from preferring the Hiftory of the Old Teftament, to the great prejudice of 
 rhe faid ciergy, who had been at great expence, in order co reprefent it publicly 
 Stow's at Chrilhras/' And, fays Stow, in the year 1390, the fourteenth of Richard 
 Survey, p. r ] ie Second, I read, that the parifli clerks of London, on the 1 8th of July, plaid 
 cnterludes at Skinner's Welly neere unto Clerk's Well, which play continued three 
 days together, the king, queene, and nobles being prefent. Alfo in the yeere 
 1409, the tenth of Henry the Fourth, they played a play at the Skinner's Well, 
 which lafred eight dayes, and was of matter from the creation of the world : 
 there were to fee the fame, the mod part of the nobles and gentiles in Eng- 
 land." How long thefe holy mifteries- of divinity continued to be exhibited 
 Dodfley's amongft us cannot exactly be determined : but that period (fays Dodftey) might 
 preface. ^ called the dead fteep of the mufes ; and when this was over, they did not. 
 
 prefently awake, but in a kind- of morning dream produced the moralities that 
 followed: however thefe jumbled ideas had fome fhadow of meaning. The 
 myfteries only reprefented in a fenfelefs manner, fome miraculous hiftory from 
 the Old and New Teftament but in thefe moralities fomething of defign ap- 
 peared, a fable and a moral, with fomething alfo of poetry: the virtues, vices,, 
 and other affe&ions of the mind being frequently perfonified. -j- " Then (con- 
 tinues the fame author) the mufe might now be faid to bejuft awake, when fhe 
 began to trifle in the old interludes,and aimed at fomething like wit and humour;. 
 Gammer Gorton's Needle (which is generally called our firft comedy, and not 
 undefervedly) appeared foon after the interludes : it is indeed altogether of a co- 
 mic caft, and wants not humour, tho' of a low and fordid kind. $\ 
 
 Thus the ftage continued ftill improving, and under Shakefpear> Johnfon,, 
 and other famous poets, has at laft arrived to that perfection, in which we find it 
 at this prefent period. 
 
 Many plays were written by mafters of fchools, to be performed by the youths'; ; 
 the fame were made and played at the univerfities by the ftudents: of the feveral 
 colleges : of which laft fort are the curious-performances of one Thomas GofF, ", 
 of Chrift- Church, Oxford, (who was in his day efteemed an excellent poet) as - 
 a fpecimen of the ftile, as well as of the ingenuity of the author, we give the- 
 following fpeech of Amureth, or the Courageous Turk , who coming upon the 
 ftage, and feeing • an appearance of the heavens being on fire, comets^-and* 
 blazing ftars," thus makes hisvaddrets to the .heavens.. 
 
 How now (ye Heavens) grow you' 
 So proud, that you muft needs put on curl'd lock's; < 
 And cloth yourfelves in periwigs of fire ?. 
 
 At: 
 
 -f As for example, in an old morality, entitled, All for Money, the perfons of the drama are: 
 Theology, Science, Art* Money, Adulation, Godly Admonition, Mifchievous Help, Pleafure, , 
 Preft for Pleafure, Sin, Swift to Sin, Virtue, Humility, Charity, All for Money, Damnaflon, . 
 Satan, Pride, Gluttony, Learning with Money, Learning without Money, Money without Learn*- 
 ing, Neither Learning nor Money, Moneylefs, Moneylefs and Friendrefs, Nychol, Gregory Graces 
 leis, Mother Crook, Judas, Dives, and William, with the two Wives. Dodfley's Preface. See 
 alfo the characters reprefented in the Triumphal Entry of Henry the Sixth into London, page 51, et 
 fee], of this vol. 
 
 X This comedy is given in Dodfley's curious collection of dd plays, printed from an edition dated 
 1661, which informs us that it was written by Mr. S — , Mailer of arts, and played at Cambridge 
 about 100 years before. Vol. 1. of Dodfley's collection. 
 
 Amureth the 
 Firft, aft 5, 
 fcene 3, 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 97 
 At leaft our readers will allow the thought of the Heavens cloathing themfelves 
 <witb perriwigs of fire, is uncommonly great; but how great muft their 
 furprize be, when they are informed that the whole play abounds with 
 pafTiges equal in excellency and novelty to the above fpecimen : and in another 
 play, entitled, The Raging Turk, or Bajazet tbe Second ; the hero Bajazet is 
 introduced with this fpeech, 
 
 Am I not emperor ? he that breaths a no, 
 Damns in that negative fyllable his foul, 
 Durfl: any god gainfay it, he mould feel 
 The ftrength of fierceft gyants in my armes, 
 Mine angers at the higheft, and I could make 
 The firm foundation of the earthly globe : 
 Could I but grafpe the poles in thefe two hands, 
 I'd pluck the world afunder, &c. 
 
 And this character of a great hero is compleated by declaring that he will fcale 
 Heaven, and would when he had 
 
 Got beyond the utmoft fphere, 
 
 Befiege the concave of this univerfe, 
 And hunger- flarve the gods till they confefs'd 
 What furies did opprefs (his) fleeping foul. 
 
 Thefe plays went through two editions, the Iafl was printed in the year i6j6 
 at London. 
 
 And at this period not only in comedies, but in the deepen: tragedies, a fool 
 was abfolutely neceffary ; who with his buffoonery might divert the audience, 
 which motley mixture, to the honour of the good fenfe of the prefent age, is 
 entirely exploded. 
 
 We will now conclude this fubject, with an account of the antient players 
 from Stow ; who informs us " that players in former times, were retainers to Stow's Sur« 
 noblemen, and none had the privilege to act ptays but fuch ; fo in the time of v ey« 
 Queen Elizabeth, many of the nobility had fervants and retainers, who were 
 players, and went about getting their livelihood that way." 
 
 And in another place fpeaking of the ftage, he fays, " This was once a re- 
 creation, and ufed therefore now and then occasionally, but afterwards by abufe 
 became a trade and calling, and fo remains to this day." 
 
 " In thole former days ingenious tradefmen, and gentlemens fervants, would 
 fometimes gather a company of themfelves, and learn interludes, to expofe vice, 
 or to represent the noble actions of our anceftors. Thefe they played at feftivals 
 in private houfes, at weddings or other entertainments ; but in procefs of time 
 it became an occupation." 
 
 Here we may add the Poflure Mafter, and the figure balancing a fpear,pl. 6, fig. 
 17 and 18 ; the firft we fee {landing upon the moulders of a man (who is playing the 
 bagpipes) while he turns and winds himfeTf about to the mufic : the fecond with 
 his right hand holds up his left foot, while on his nofe is placed the fpear : even 
 in their fports is fome difplay of martial genius, (at prefent the flraw, a proper 
 
 O emblem 
 
 Bajazet th<? 
 Second, a£t 
 x, fcene 2. 
 
 Ibid, a^s, 
 fcene 
 
<8 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 •emblem of lightnefs, is adopted.) The above figures are from a curious MS. in the 
 poffeffion of John -Ives, Efq; who communicated to me thefe, and feveral other 
 curious matters : the MS. is evidently by the fame hand, and habit of the figures 
 •as antient as the time of Edward the Third. 
 
 Fairs or Wakes. 
 
 '■vmoiurn. 
 
 Wakes firft took their rife, from the meeting of the people at the dedica- 
 tion of churches ; which ceremony was performed on the faints day, in whofe 
 honour the church was built on the preceeding evening came the religious peo- 
 ple to watch and pray all the night ; and this watching or waking, was annual- 
 ly kept up on the eves of the faints days. The firft intention of this warching 
 Spelman's was good and holy, but by degrees greater numbers attending, lefs devotion and 
 Gloffary. reverence was obferved ; till at length from hawkers and pedlars coming thither 
 to fell their petty wares, the merchants came and fet up Halls and booths in the 
 churchyards; and not only thofe (fays Spelman) who lived in the parifti to 
 which the church belonged, reforted thither, but others from ail the neighbour- 
 ? ing towns and villages ; and the greater the reputation of the faint, the greater 
 Warwick were numDers tnat flocked together on this cccafion. Dugdale in his War- 
 fol. 514. wickfhire, gives us the following quotation from an old MS. Legend, of St. 
 Vide Du- John the Baptift, and ye fljalt under jlond and know how the evyns were fur ft found 
 tfonaif Di' in °^ t* me * in the beginning of holi churche, it was fo that the pepull cam to the 
 chirche with candeliys brennyng, and wold wake, and coome with light toward to 
 the cbirche in their devocions, and aftir they fell to lecherie and Jongs, daunces, 
 harping, piping, and alfo to glotony andfinne, and fo turned the holinefe to curfyd- 
 nefs : wherefore holy faders ordeined the pepull to leve that waking, and to f aft the 
 evyn. But hit is caliyd vigilia that is waking in Englifie, and it is called evyn, 
 for at evyn they were wont to come to chirche. The unfeeminglynefs o5 thefe 
 riotous wakeings, becoming at length offenfive to the religious people, they 
 were fuppreffed, and the people meeting inthe day, regular fairs were kept an- 
 nually on the faints day : the direct time of the prohibition of thefe nocturnal 
 vifits to the church-, is not known, but (fays Dugdale) I do conclude it to have 
 been very antient; 
 
 The dedication of churches was coeval with Chriftianity, and annually kept 
 upon faints days ; but it often happened that thofe days fell out in the time of 
 harveft, which, made it very inconvenient ; therefore in fuch cafe, the wake 
 was ordered to be kept on the following Sunday : but this keeping the fairs on 
 Sundays,, was jnftl, found fault with by the clergy. The Abbot of Ely, in 
 John's, reign, preached much againfc fuch prophanation of the fabbath ; but this 
 irreligious cuftom was not entirely abolimed till the reign of king Henry the. 
 Sixth. 
 
 The Commoner Sports, 
 
 Stow r s At. the great houfes the Chrifrmas was held with much feftivity and there 
 
 London^' was apposed one,, who was ftiled the Lord of the Mifrule, he was always to 
 
 P- 97- 
 
 be 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 99 
 
 he the foremoft in contriving of mirth and delight, for the paftimes of the fur- 
 rounding guefts, while the loin of beef, and other large joints, with huge pud- 
 dings, fmoaked upon the table. 
 
 Not only the houfes and churches were decked with green boughs, as holly, 
 ivy, &c. but ftandards alfo richly drefted up with the fame, were fet up in the 
 ftreets, and they danced round them. 
 
 At Eailer alfo were great mews made at the fetching in (fays Stow) of a 
 twitted tree (or ivith as they termed) from the woods into the king's houfe, Ib;d ' 
 and the like into every man's houfe of worlhip and honour. 
 
 " At other holydays, the youths ufed after the evening prayer, to exercife at Ibid. p. 7S; 
 their matters doors their waiters and bucklers : and the maidens, one of them 
 playing on a timbrell, in the fight of their matters and dames, to dance for gar- 
 lands, hanged athwart the ftreet." 
 
 The mayings are in fome fort yet kept up by the milk maids at London, who 
 go about the ftreets with their garlands and muiic, dancing : but this tracing is 
 a very imperfect madow of the original fports, for May poles were let up in 
 the ftreets, with various martial (hews, moris dancing, and other devices, with 
 which and revelling and good cheer, the day was patted away, at night they 
 rejoiced, and lighted up their bonfires: at London ^fays Stow) they had befides 
 ftage plays and the like diverfions in the ftreets. 
 
 The bull and bear baitings were pattimes much efteemed throughout the 
 whole of this /Era; at London thefe fports were fet forth in the bear gardens, 
 where fcaffblds were erected for the fpectators to fit in fafety and behold them ; 
 with other games of ftrength, as fighting with the rifts, wreftling, &c. 
 
 The genteeler fports were bowls and tennis, both which are games of a long 
 {landing* 
 
 The Sports of Children. 
 
 Their amufements were much the fame with thofe at prefent played over by 
 the young lads of this age, as trundling hoops, blindman's buff, playing with 
 tops, fhooting with bows at marks, and fwimming on bladders j and of the ftili 
 younger fort, playing with whirligigs and paper windmills, all which are found 
 in an old millal, in the poffeffion of John Ives, Efq. 
 
 Mufical Inftrumentsj 
 
 Thefe differ not much from thofe we have already feen"; in plate 6 are exhi« 
 bited many various inftruments ; fig. xxvii is an organ, with two rows of pipes, 
 which the woman plays with one hand, while fhe blows a horn that me holds 
 in the other, which might ferve perhaps by way of bafe. The feveral other 
 pieces of niufick need no defcription. In the 45th page of this volume, I have 
 taken notice that Stow places drums among the warlike inttruments of mufick, 
 as early as the reigns of Henry the Fourth and Fifth but by figures 21 and 
 23 of this plate, we may fee they are much earlier, as thefe figures are taken 
 
 from 
 
ioo THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 from the Liber Regalis, at Weftminfter Abbey, which was written at the coro- 
 nation of Richard the Seconds alio by figure 22, we fee that the playing on 
 two flutes was yet pradtiled. 
 
 Banquets of the English. 
 
 HoTKngfc The excefs in banquetting in king Edward the Third's time was fo great, 
 head, page t ^ at ^ e was obliged in the feventeenth year of his reign to eftablifh certain rules, 
 
 forbidding any common man to have dainty difhes at his table, or coftly drink. 
 That the reader may have fome idea of the profufenefs of the time, let us hear 
 Stow's what Stow has faid ; '« At the marriage of Lionel duke of Clarence (the third 
 Chron, f° n or * Edward the Third) with Violentis, the daughter of Galeafius the Second, 
 page 267. duke of Millanj there was a rich feaft, in which above thirty courfes were 
 
 ferved at the table, and the fragments that remained were more than furfkient 
 
 to have ferved 1 000 people." This mutt have been a very aftonifhing banquet 
 
 indeed, for in common the moll fplendid feafl confifted only of three courfes, or 
 
 fix at fartheft, as we mall fee hereafter. 
 Surve of ^ ne l ame author (Stow) informs us, that when the great hall of Weftminfter 
 London^ p. was finifhed, in the year 1399, the king (Richard the Second) kept his Chrift- 
 521. mas there, with daily juftings and running at the tilt; and fuch numbers came, 
 
 that every day there were (lain twenty-fix, or twenty-eight oxen, and threa 
 
 hundred fheep, befides fowls without number. 
 
 And the old poet Harding, fpeaking of this king's houfhold, fays thus, 
 
 Karfing'a ^Tjuelp 3 fctfltf) Eobejt 3itttffe fap 
 
 chron.de,. Cli^e of the cjjenc clotlj, that to ttjc fjoutyolD 
 
 fci! F i94 9 . 3, Camc t<oz lv U V> for moft pajt altoap 
 
 Ctn thottrana foXfee, bg |ig mcfTcsf tola 
 Cljat follottitD t\)t l;ouff, ap ass tl)tp tooutD 
 2fclD in tip fee;l)in t\m l)iwD?EtI; fctfritoutf. 
 STirt in catlje office man? otcuptcjj?- 
 
 MS. in the 
 
 HarU Lih. The feaft made in honour of the nuptials of king Henry the Fourth, with 
 jnarked No. j af jy <j ane f Navar y widow of John de Montjord duke of Britain, in the 
 
 year 1403, confifted of fix courfes; the firft three were of ilefh- and fowls, the 
 
 lall three chiefly of fifii : in order as follows,. 
 
 Firft Courfe: 
 
 JFplCtteg lit giatenfpnf* (made of pork ftewedtn broth with breaf> — 3XjWtm8' 
 
 rpal! : - ^tofsi cbajc : (or fejh, as beef or mutton )—^\%x\ztty% * — €apoun of 
 
 tWt$lZCZ: (fat capons J— jfCfatmtpS ;— C&etoetpg :-~ a fOtelte : (or device, 
 was figures made witi jellies and confectionary, to be Jet in the middle of the table 
 for Jljew, tbence called a fQtelte, orfubtiltyj 
 
 Th* 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 The Second Courfe. 
 
 ft&lipfOtt fon'tf) fetmcnte : ( furmenty, or frumenty, was made of wheat and 
 milk J— t^Clge : — PorCCUpg Canjmge :— IBlttOre: (perhaps bittern a water 
 
 >wy— pulcpng farcer :— Pertrpcfje : (partridges)— tzt^zix^ : (fried) 
 Xtaumc fcrufc ; (boiled)— fotelte. 
 
 The Third Courfe. 
 
 ClClltC almaunH?0 : f/A5r was made with almonds, (lamped and done up with 
 
 milk y—jii>e#>0 in fgnippe :—23enifon rofleti :— EpBc :— COooDccofeke : 
 — pio'oqe:— IRabettps : — Ctua^lP* :— ^>njng0 : {per taps jnipes)— jFelDfaie; 
 — Ciufia&e ;— ^tuijjecin jr^ettouje ;— a foltelte. 
 
 The Order of the three Courfes of Fifh. 
 The Firft Courfe. 
 
 Opatmn rgaU:-— %zSxs nimrjajse :— ^altp fgflje :— Lamp?ep0 poutie^T) : — 
 Ppke j— TBizmz :— ^amcun toiii-U :— C?uGat»e JLumbatfie ; (made of cream, 
 
 eggs, percely, dates, &c. baked.) — SlfuteltC. 
 
 The Second Courfe. 
 
 Pmpapisi en ftqmente :— <Selp :— IBizmz:— ^amoun:— Congee :— 6ur- 
 tia?Dc :— Plaps : (plaice)— £amp?e?0 in pan :— iUcfcc ftpe? :— Pantcrpfe co* 
 
 TOIUJ0, fit a fCtCitC — (/ fiould jancy this means panthers with crowns upon their 
 heads, made of fome conjeclionary, for a device or fubtilty. 
 
 The Third Courfe. 
 
 Cieme of almaimti0 :— Penj>0in l&rppe:— Cencfje enlace Cjoutey:— • 
 iFIcunr^?0 f#>iD :— Pzntyst :— JLamp^ep roffeo :— iLorf)g0 $ jcoI^0 : — %tux* 
 jemm— Ciaufce fc cietoe£0 ;— (^afpegsi <£gle co*on£0 : \an eagle crowned) in 
 Xotelte.. 
 
 The feaft made at the coronation of Catherine, the queen, and Henry the Vth^ 
 the 24th of February 14 19, confifted of three couries, in order, as follows, word 
 for word from Fabian. 
 
 Firft Courfe.. 
 
 TBiaftms $ muSa^tit :— <£n$8 in buinmx v— JT^iment toitf) b&Um :— Pp&e 
 in e&age ilampieg potrjUerpo :—C?oug!)t :— Compng :— places frgefc:— 
 £9ait£ng f&en :—C|atJt!g0 ;— fLecfje lUmiiaifce fiouiP^jeB <?/ dates wine 
 
 and fugev, or eife with yolks of eggs, with honey and milk.) — Cajt£0 : — £lntJ a f0 ; 
 
 t$\t$c calieu a Pellgcane tytt^nci. on tyx nctt, Uiiti; f?pr indues, ano an image 
 
ios THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 of @agnte Eatfjerpnc fjoiogng a bckc, ano upfputgngtoitb tlje uoftourief, bois* 
 gngea reafcn in ber rggDtc ban&c, fognge " Madame le Royne," {Madam the 
 
 Queen) anO tf)e pelican aS an anftisete " Ce eft la figne, et du Roy, pur tenir 
 joy, et a tout fa gent die mete fa entent," {It is the Kings dejire that all bis people 
 Jhould be joyful t and thus he make, his intentions publick. 
 
 The Second Courfe. 
 
 ©clp coloured toPtf) columbine floureg : — COogte potage, or crcme of al= 
 manors : — IBitmc of tfce fee : — Counger : — ^oigs : ( pies)— c&eocn ;— 
 iDariiptt trsptb rocbe : — jfrcfsbe famon : — Fpalpout :— ®arnaroc :— iRocuet 
 oropicb — Smelts frgeD': — €reo20 or loouer : — Lec&e oamask, toitb tije 
 
 i^pngCSf tOOrBC Or prOtterO ftOUrgfgbeO, " Une fans plus," {one alone) — ILaills 
 
 prep frefsbe bakzn :— jflamtfejmc flourgfe&eo" togt& a fcoaljone ropal $no tbttc 
 in torcc crotone0 of goto plantgO taitjfr floure oe ipce ano fioureg of enampll 
 torougijt of confections :— ano al'etgirge nameo a Pantcr {panther) tegtb an 
 image of ^agnte &atbertne toltf) a te'oele in ?jer banoe, ano a roUe to^tb a 
 
 Xtafon in fjer Otber IjatlOe fageng, " La Royne ma file in cefte ile per bon refon 
 aves renount," The £>ueen my daughter, jhall in this ijland meet with deferved fame. 
 
 The Third Courfe. 
 
 2)ate# in compon :— Crememctlc :— darp tse ore : (that is fried in oil, with 
 
 onions, and white bread crumbled.) — CttrOilt : — CenC&e :~ Petcbe 'With gOion J 
 
 J?r^f0be fiurgeon togtD toetto :— Porperie^' roileo :— Q^enneg frgeo : — Cre* 
 t)£g oe catoe uouce :— Pranj>g :—<&\p rolSeo toptts lampreg : — 3 lec&e calico 
 tbz tub^te leebe flourgfsbeu tuptf? fiatotborne ietops ano reo barogg :— a 
 mmb pavne garnpfsoeo togtb og'oers fpguris of angers, atnonge tbe to&pcb 
 ftus fet an image of ^aint ikatberpne bolting tbi0 realon, " n eft efcrit par 
 
 voir et eit, per manage pur, ceft guerre ne dure," It is written, as may be heard 
 and feen, that holy marriage Jhall put an end to this war. — anO laftlp a fOtgitgC 
 
 names a Cgger, lofcgnge in a mgrour, ano a man fpttgnge on borfeoacke 
 clene armeo Soiognge in fjga armeg a tggei* to^clpe toitb }W reafon, " Par 
 
 force fanz refon je ay pryfe ceft beftc," by jlrength, not cunning, I have taken this 
 
 beajl : ano togtb M$ one fjanoe malvnge a cotrntenaimce of rbrofrgnge of 
 mgrrours at t&c great tigre tb'c tabgcb belo tbps reafon, " Oile de Mirrour ma 
 
 fete diftour j" decieved by the mirrour, i have Juffered this. 
 
 And the fame author ^Fabian) thus defcribes the coronation feaft of king Hen- 
 ry the Sixth, the 6th day of November 1429. 
 
 Fyrfte Courfe. 
 
 jTHimcnt toitf) ftJcnifon :— tl^anti roj?aU planteo niitb lofpngeg of goiD : — 
 05o?es beoe0 in candles of golue enajmc^ : — IBefe toitfj mctten 5opieo ; — 
 Capon cteto^o ^ggnet roSeo :— %z^\m soaeti :~-a?cat p^&e, or U:ce ; — - 
 a reoe Iccbe toitb Igonjsi couum f cut) thzizin €uMtn retail, ^itb a leoparoe 
 
 of 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 103 
 
 of golD fottmig tpe?in, aro Doming a fiou?c tie njee:— JTr^four ftmne faegcii* 
 toptl) a 8ou?e oc ipce tfjejln :— a fotpltge of §>amt <Z50toa?oc ano lou s 
 ^0 ajnujo, anD uppon eptijer frig cotcannouje, fcologngeoettoene t&eni a figure 
 fefce unto Eing focmp aanngngc alfo in fnj# cote a?mou?e, atrt a fqpptaie 
 
 pafl^ng f|Qttt tljegni UOtfj, fCgeng, " Behold two parfight Kynges under one 
 
 Cote Armoure 5 " anD unDec tfjc fecte of t&e fagoe ^a^ntes Urns torpten t&itf 
 oaiaoc ; 
 
 Holy Sayntes, Edward and Saynt Lowice 
 
 Conferve this brauncheborn of your bleffed blode 
 
 Lyve amonge Criften mode foveraygne of price 
 
 Enheritour of the flour de lice fo gode 
 
 This Sixth Henry, to reygneand to be wyfe, 
 
 God graunt he may be to your mode 
 
 And that he may refemble your knightehode and virtue, 
 
 Pray ye hertely unto Our Lord Jefu. 
 
 The Seconds Courfe. 
 Qiann blank ftagziB fonjta croiu : — pa?tp tojgten anD no tea tuitu 
 
 *« Te Deum laudamus :"— I^figC CnDO^CD : — Cjane tOftCD : — VvttQIZ 1 — CO- 
 V&t% : — €t}ZkyW : —W>mwhz — IPCCC-li CllfjafegU s (tins L take 'to be the pea- 
 cock brought to the t ahie y ivith the feathers of the tail pet up as tho ugh extended. ) — 
 
 <®mt bizmz -.— Wtt luht plantco ln^tfj a ieo antelop, 'tratfj a cjotenc auoutc 
 pis; rwefee toitb ac&agne cf goine -.— jriainpagne poto0cieDte2tf) ieopa^es anD 
 flout DC ipce of gcioc :-rt0 iotyaie, an empejouc anD a fringe ajagco in man* 
 telles of gamers, tofjpcjj figures ^irjiimimDetbeempqouranD^en^tfjcirifti) 
 anD a figure i^fee unto fe?ng H)en$ itic ®i£t& fcnelpng to fc?c c^y^) tfjem 
 ttnjtf) tbw Mane tafefcgD u£ fern : 
 
 Agayne mifcreauntes the Emperour Sigifmunde 
 Hath fhewed hys myght which is imperiall 
 Andllemy the Fifth a noble knight was founde 
 For Chri-f 1 es caufein actes marciall, 
 Cheryfshed the churche, to Lollers gave a fall 
 Gyvyng example to Kynges thatfuccede, 
 And to theyr braunche here in efpecial 
 Whyle he doth reygne to love God and drede- 
 
 The Third Courfe. 
 
 iHViigncea in comport :— T£!auno fu?e pofomergo mitb quarter fogies? g£!t':— 
 &em>fon : — <ZEg*ctt£0 :— Cupe&s: — Ccfc anD patfjpc&e: — PiGUer: — 
 jfi&uagtea : — %nvtm : — ®%m b^nea : — Hajfejg : — Ca?pe 1 — Cjaufse = — 
 lecb of t&iee coteu&ai : — a isafte meat Ipfee a Br/loe ( yft/f/^ miaueceD t£D anD 
 fofete, fet imjrb lofgngefl g£tt anD floines of linage:— a f$tour cjgCpeD : — 
 % totyltyz of cur La^g fgttgnf e togtfr bet ;l)uiDe in pec lappe, anD fyz fjoDing 
 a Qotone in ijer IjaniJ2, ^aint anD feagni £)en^ ; s fentigngE on tiVm 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 f^tsc, p^efent^ng to te Egng $en$e0 figure, be^ng in fmntie t&g* balatie as 
 
 O blefled lady Chriftes mother dere, 
 And thou Saynt George that called art her knight, 
 Holy Saint Denys O marter mofte entere j 
 The Sixt Henry here prefent in your fyght ; 
 Shedeth of your Grace on hym your heavenly lighte : 
 His tender youth with vertue doth avaunce, 
 Borne by difcent, and by title of right, 
 Juftly to reygne in Englande & in France, &c. 
 
 -Holllne- Having feen the kingly banquets, let us now fee what tables were kept in ge- 
 fhead, neral by the lords and grandees of the realm. 
 
 Defcrip. Richard Nevil, earl of Warwick, (fays Fabian) kept fetch a houfe, that there 
 Brit. 94. were often fix oxen eaten for a breakfaft. And, fays Hollingfhead, " In num- 
 ber of dirties and change of meate, the nobilitie of Englande do mod exceede, 
 sfith there is no daye in maner that pafTeth over their heades, wherein they have 
 not onely beefe, mutton, veale, lambe, kidde, pork, conie, capon, pigge, or fo 
 ■many of thefe as the feafon yieldetb : but alfo fome portion of the redde or fal- 
 low deere, befide great varietie of fifhe and wilde fowle, and thereto fundrie other 
 delicates, wherein the fweet hand of the portingale is not wanting. 
 
 The chief part lykewyfe of their dayly provifion is brought in before them, 
 and placed on their tables, whereof when they have taken what it pleafeth them, 
 the reft is referved, and afterward fent downe to their ferving men and waiters, 
 who fed thereon in lyke fort with convenient moderation, their reverfion alfo 
 being beftowed upon the poore, which lye ready at their gates in great numbers 
 to receyve the fame. This is fpoken of the chiefe tables whereat the nobleman, 
 his ladie and gueftes are accuftomed to fit ; belide which they have a certayne 
 ordinarie allowaunce dayly appointed for their halles, where the chiefe officers 
 and houfholde fervaunts, (for all are not permitted to wayte uppon theyr maifter) 
 and with them fuch inferiour gueftes do feede as are not of calling to affociate 
 with the noble man himfelf : fo that befides thofe afore mencioned, which are 
 called to the principall table, there are commonly fourte or threefcore perfons fed 
 in thofc halles, to the great reliefe of ftrangers, as oft be partakers thereof, As 
 for drincke, it is not ulually fet on the table in poites or crufes, but each one 
 calleth for a cup of fuch as he lifteth to have, or as neceflitie urgeth him : fo 
 that when he hath tailed of it, he delivereth the cuppe againe to fome one of 
 the ftanders by, who making it cleane, reftoreth it to the cubborne, from whence 
 he fetched the fame : By this occafion much ydle tippling is furthermore cut 
 of, &c." 
 
 " Neverthelefs, in any other than noblemens halles, this order is not ufed, ney- 
 ther in any man's houfe commonly under the degree of a knight or fquire of 
 great revenues. The gentlemen and merchants keepe much about one rate, 
 and eache of them contenteth himfelfe with foure, or five or fixe dithes, when 
 they have but fmall reforte, or peradventure with one, or two, or three at mod, 
 when they have no ftraungers to accompanie them at their owne table. And 
 after, he adds, when the merchant makes a feaft, he will feldome regarde any 
 
 thing 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 105 
 thing that the butcher ufually killeth, but reject the fame as not worthic to 
 come in place. In fuch cafes alfo geliffes, conferves, fuckettes, codinaes, mir- 
 milates, marchepaine, fugred bread, ginger breade, Florentines, wild fowle, 
 venifons of all fortes. And after fpeaking of the liquors, he tells us, thac there 
 were wines of all forts to be had in England ; neverthelefs, (adds he) ale and 
 beere beare the greateft brunt in drincking, which are of fo many fortes and 
 ages as it pleafeth the brewar to make them. The bere that is ufed at noble- 
 mens tables, is commonly of a yeare olde, (or peradventure of twoo yeres tunning 
 or more, but this is not general) it is alfo brued in Marche, and is therefore 
 called Marche bere, but for the houfehold it is ufually not under a monethes age, 
 eache one coveting to have the fame ftale as he might, fo that was not foure, 
 and the breade new as poflible, fo that be not hote." 
 
 He after adds, **■ The artificer and huibandman make greateft account of fuch 
 meate as they maye fooneft come by and have it quicklyeft readie : their foods 
 alio confifteth principally in beefe and fuch meate as the butcher felleth, that is 
 to fay mutton, veal, lamb, pork, &c." 
 
 The marriages, chriftenings, and other appertaining ceremonies, were 
 throughout the whole of this ifera, exadly the fame with thofe at prefent ufed, 
 and therefore do not require any explanation here : we will then pafs on to their 
 
 BURIALS. 
 
 When a man lay upon his death bed, the prieft was fent for, and he was con- 
 feffed, and received abfolution; and that done, the prieft adminiftered the p arJs 
 holy facrament, with the extreme unction. In his laft moments he was attend- ; n y; t> 
 r ed by his deareft friends, and when he had breathed his laft, his eyes were prim, 
 clofed by hisneareft relations. Thus Mathew Paris fpeaks of OrTa the Firft, Hoiling- 
 " He pioufly haveing clofed his father's eyes, and with great lamentation Read's 
 mourned his lofs." This done, a linen cloth was put over the face of the de- ^ h 6° n,pase 
 ceafed. Thus we are told, that Henry the Fourth, in his laft illnefs, feeming 
 to be dead, his chamberlain covered his face with a linen cloth. 
 
 Then the relations withdrew, and the body was warned, anointed, and laid 
 out, and afterwards wrapped up in linen cloths. 
 
 Mathew Paris informs us, that Henry, the eldeft fon of our king Henry the Scow's 
 Second, (who was crowned in his father's life time) died in the 30th year of his Chron. 127. 
 (Henry the Second's) reign, and his dead body was wrapped in thofe very linen 
 clothes that at his coronation were imbrued with the holy oil : and the body 
 thus wrapped up, was conveyed to the place of burial. 
 
 Kings and other great perfonages were embalmed, the method of doing 
 which was as follows : The brain was taken out of the head, and the body was 
 opened and the bowels alfo taken out, which, together with the brain, were 
 carefully buried, and then the vacuities were filled up with fome kind of prepa- 
 rations, for the prefervation of the corps. Henry the Firft, (fays Trevila) p , 
 " being acta !jps bofoels W\t njatoe oute of \)p boopr, H W bmpne tafecit cute of bte IjceDt, n£ y 7 ° c r °"' 
 ano tlje botp ralteD tottb moth fait, am? for to atooiDc tlje ffenclje tljat ban infetteo man? men, it , 7 ". 
 toa.u at laft clofeo in a boolc tlavim" 
 
 P Alfo 
 
io6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 AUb the dead body of Richard the Firft had the bowels and heart taken out r 
 Ibi 1 lib. - wfietf thefe verfes were made thereon : (Hpftcra Carleolum corpus coop fejtoat Ebardy, 
 ca P !' 3 r, fol! ft tor. Rothmagum magnc IRicarte ttffflfi, in terra ijiatoitur tutus, quia plus fnit lino, 
 37°- noil fnpcr eft Ktfo gratia ratUO \3iro. That is, Oh mighty Richard, thy bowels are 
 
 buried at Carlijle y thy body at Fcnteuarci, and thy heart at Rboan j thus in the 
 earth art thou divided, who in thy life time wert more than one; for in one 
 DunftaWe tt*an the equal is not to be found. And, fays the Dunftable Chronicle, "toxemic 
 Chronicle, feyftg |£tnrp to?l!c a?tD fcnetot fcc^Iv tljat 1)E (King Richard the Second) Iragcetit, be Ifttc 
 fol. 1 64. f cu \ } y. m (J] tl)E fag manner, ant ricfcQ !iim in a feyre i&ettfe, ttritl) Ditotjs fpices ano baumes 
 MS. m Bib. 8 tlo f £D ^ m in a l?nncn clotlje Cafee uifage, auD tfcat teas left oppn tljat nun niprjT;t fee a 
 knoUie |}1H pcrfonnc." By fome authors it is laid that antiently (particularly in the 
 reigns of Henry the Fourth) they uied a fort of pickle ; but this feems only to 
 confirm what the Polychronicon afferts of Henry the Firft, that tl)C bo&p toasfaltcD 
 lritl; mod) fait, which fait through the dampnefs of the ftonc coffin, and place 
 where the body was depofited, might melt and become a kind of brine. 
 
 After this ceremony of embalming,- lalting, or the like, the dead body of a 
 king was royally habited, with all his enfigns of regality \ and thus laid a certain 
 time in ftate, with tapers burning on either fide, and the attendants fitting round 
 in dole mourning, with black hoods over their heads: fee the manner thereof 
 plate 6, fig. 19, this reprefentation is copied from the old mifTal called the Liber 
 Regalis, (written as is fuppofed for the coronation of Richard the Second) this 
 figure it is likely may be intended for king Henry the Third, who enlarged 
 and rebuilt great part of the abby : it is placed as a frontifpiece to the funeral 
 ceremonies, as performed at the enterments of the kings, who were there buried. 
 And in this manner the kings (meaning in the Norman sera) were carried to the 
 place of burial, for fays Mathew Paris, fpeaking of King Henry the Second, 
 " In the morning he was carried forth to be buried, habited in his royal robes, with 
 his face uncovered, and a golden crown upon his head, gloves upcrn his hands, 
 lhoes wrought with gold upon his feet, and fpurs ; having a fcepter in his hand, 
 a large ring upon his finger, and his fword was girt round him." In the Englifli 
 Addit. to gera the king's body was fa ft clofed up in lead, and an image made like him, 
 Polychroni- roya H y habited, was laid upon the coffin : thus (fays Caxton) tfje boFrc of fcprtge 
 cap' 1 5.' S&nrt tlje fiftfje toas rnbamcD, ceret), ann tlofto in iifct, auD lar^c in tpal cljare, $ an pmage 
 Stow's like unto]r?m, (artificially moulded, as Stow informs us, with boiled hides, * and 
 Chron. the countenance painted accordiag to the life) upon the head of this image was 
 fc P ecd » 8c8. p Ut an imperial diadem of gold, fet with pretious ftone$ ; the body was clothed 
 in a purple robe, furred with ermine j in its right hand was placed a fcepter royal, 
 and a globe of gold in the left. 
 
 The archbifhops, bifhops, and abbots, with other principals of the clergy, 
 were buried in their ponttficalibus ; thus lays Mathew Paris, " they prepared the 
 body of Hubert, Archbiihop of Canterbury, for the burial clothing him in his 
 robes, (according to the method of interring a prelate) with his face uncover- 
 ed, and a mitre put upon his head, with gloves upon his hands, a ring on his 
 
 finger, 
 
 * The head of this image mufr have been wood ; for in the abbey of Weftminfrer (where he was 
 buried) there are the heads of feveral images yet preferred of kings there buried, one of which it is 
 faid belonged to the image mentioned here, of Henry the Fifth : thefe figures are now fo difmally 
 decayed, and the garments wherewith they were drefTed up, fo fluttered and torn, that they aie 
 ludicroufly called the Ragged Regiment. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 107 
 finger, and all the other ornaments belonging to his office." See plate 33, fig. 4, 
 of the firft volume, which reprefents the entombing of a bifhop ; the original is 
 drawn by the hand of Mathew Paris. 
 
 The bodies of other great men, were alfo nobly habited according to their 
 rank. King Richard the Second, (fays Grafton) caufed the dead body of Ro- Grafton,' 
 bert de Vere, duke of Ireland, to be arraied in princely garments, garniihed 3'7». 
 with a chain of gold, and rich rings put upon his fingers, with his face un- ^jjp 1 ^ 
 covered. • 
 
 The bodies of the kings and noblemen were carried on biers, upon mens 
 Shoulders, with great pomp ; or elfe, if the way was long, they were put upon 
 royal chars or hearfes. 
 
 In all the plates of the Saxon and Norman aeras, which reprefent interments, we 
 do not meet with any of the bodies enclofed in lead ; neither in the hiitories do 
 we find any authentic account that this cuftom was practiced by them, as it was 
 afterwards in the Engliih sera : for in former times we may find, that the bodies 
 of kings and other great men, were laid (as we have already feen) upon the 
 bier, habited according to their dignity, and carried to the grave with their 
 faces bared. 
 
 In the Engliih aera this cuftom was fupprefi'ed, and the bodies clofe done up 
 for the moft part in lead ; and an image dreffed up (in like manner as the real 
 body was formerly) borne before them. 
 
 Stow indeed tells us, that at the fuppreffion of Feverfham abbey in Kent, the 
 remains of king Stephen's corps were infamoufly caft into the river, for the fake 
 of the lead, wherein they were inclofed : but this might be only a lining to the 
 ftone cheft, or coffin, in which he was laid i for the body was not put into thefe 
 great wooden chefts, or ftone coffins, till the time of the interment : thus Stow 
 (peaking of the burial of the Conqueror, fays, " Now mafs being ended, the 
 mafons had prepared the ftone chert, or coffin, in the earth, while the body yet 
 remained on the bier, in order as it had been brought forth." 
 
 Geofry Magneville, or Mandeville, in the reign of Henry the Firft, dying 
 under thecurfeof excommunication, might not be buried; therefore fome of 
 the Knights Templars inclofed him in a pipe of lead, (fays Camden) and hung 
 him upon a tree in an orchard, at the old temple ; Weever inftead of a Camden's 
 pipe of lead, has it a leaded coffin: but be it as it will, this fineular cir- i? ri V? 
 
 n 1 1 - Z-LJ- -1, leJ ^j iOi.35?. 
 
 cumitance can by no means prove the wrapping of bodies up in lead, as Weewr's 
 was afterwards practifed in the Mvz. of the Engliih, as we may fee from the FuneralMo. 
 following inftances : Edward the Black Prince being dead, his body was (fays £J\ m J nts » 
 Froiffart) cmbafme ct mts en ttnrj fcatflfeau Cc plottcq. Embalmed y and put in a vejfel of Chroru^ap. 
 lead: and Richard the Second, when dead, his corps, as Harding informs us, 200, fol.199 
 was lapped in IcSe, and fo alfo was the corps of Henry the Fifth, as we have feen 
 already. 
 
 Funeral Proceffions. 
 
 King Edward the Firft, when his beloved Queen Eleanor was dead, caufed Walfingh. 
 her corps to be brought from Herdeby in Lincolnfliire, to London, in fojerna in Vit * Ed " 1 
 
 procellion 5 
 
Holllngf. 
 Chr 
 
 108 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 proceflion j and at every place where the body was refted on the way to Wefr.- 
 
 niinfler, he caufed a beautiful crofs to be erected,* 
 
 Froiffart "^he body of Edward the Third, was carried in great proceflion (fays Froiffart) 
 
 vol. 2. ' upon an open hearfe, through the city of London to Weftminfter, through crowds 
 of people, who with tears and lamentations bewailed their lofs. The corps was fol- 
 lowed by his children, together with the nobles and prelates in a great company. 
 
 Addit. to The funeral proceflion of Richard the Second, is thus defcribed by Caxton :. 
 
 the Poly- » ^ e tftclbcft Dape o? 20a?cbe toaa t\)t bocpe of % noble iipnge KpcbajD b^cugbte tljujgl> 
 
 4oi°«f .. 9. %dxmn t0 Ptult^" where, fays Harding, 
 
 lib/ 8. 
 
 ■ l£Ui? made \vq$ Done ant binge 
 
 Hardin^s 3n ] ^ r0 ? al '? kmzl V to ro ? alte 
 
 Chron.° & ^P"5 anc ilojscs, dottsfs of grolDe t\m offcjDe 
 
 chap. 200, &ome rigfjt, fome nine, upon Ijtp I;c?!3 Vnejc pjoffejoe. 
 
 fol. J99. 
 
 And, continues Caxton, %%t boDp of tl;t0 &pnge teas lepD on a cbarpotte robcjpD toitfr 
 Caxton ut blacf?, ano fotije banner, toljejeof ttocpne Une of tijc ajmcs* of feapnt (Bcc?ue $ ttocpns 
 Supra. of t^r a?mes or fe.apnt d£Dtoa?D, anD fyw Wt an bunDjcD men clofbcD tu black, cclje bejpnere a 
 to;d;e, anD tlje cptc of iLonoon IjaDDe tbpjttp men in tobtte, ecije be?pnc>e alfo a tojebr. 
 His corps was embalmed and feared, and covered entirely with lead (the vi- 
 fage excepted) tobpebe teas tc^D open, tljat ctoe?p man rjjigf;t fct anD knotee be toa? Dctfr, 
 And from thence the dead body was carried to Langley, where it was firft buried 
 foL i'i'30. but afterwards, continues the fame author, ^cn?p tbe ihftb in tl;e fi?ft pete of W 
 JKepgne, anone after i;c teas cioteo toljtcbc tiias ft)c npntbetap of Syjpl!, be fentc to tbc f;r* 
 Addit ad tpg at Hanslcp *#?e tbe boDp of ©pnoe }Ricba?D tije &econD butteD 3 anD hie tfjc boDp be 
 Poiychron. take out of ttjcjtlj acjepne, anD DiD no b?inge it to SElefimpnfije in a rpal djaje, coDe?eD toitlj 
 lib. 8, cap. jji a{; k ^^^1, anu banner of DibcrCc a?mc?f about, anD aUe tlje t>o?fcgi in tbe dje?e toqc eobcjcD 
 i 3) fol.406. tolt jj 6laf9 anD j3 £tEn \T3itlj tJitstife anncg, anD man? a tojcbebjennpng,f bp tljc cbaje tifJtfjtp 
 tarn to (Laietfmpnfljc, anD tbejc be lete make a rpatt tciment, anD bu?ptD bpm bp &ucne Zmn bps 
 myU afil)t0D£fp?e toas, about tobofe fcpulcje njcj flanse fouje g:cte tapr t s contrmiellp b;eiT= 
 tipnge, anD one Dap in rijctockt pcjpctuclip btljatl; a D^tge, Vottb npne leffon^ anD on tf?c mojne 
 a maOe, botb bp note, folempnlp, on tobtebe Dape i$ gpben alfo toc^elp in ptn0 to pou?c pcplr, 
 enkteu fdjpllpngcf, anD tpr-bt pens ; aU ojDcpncD bp tljigt H^png upon g?ctc papne ; anD on ftje 
 Dap 0? W annptoe?fajp 10 pcnlp gpben ttomtp ponD, in pens! to pour pepU. 
 , King Henry the Fifth died at Boys de Vyncent near Paris, then his body being 
 
 Chlon firft embalmed, and wrapped in fear-cloths, was clofed in lead, and laid upon a? 
 p. 362*. royal char or hearfe; and on the corps there was laid an image, made to repre- 
 Caxton. fent the dead king, richly habited : the char was covered with red velvet, era- 
 Hollingf. broidered with gold, and drawn by four horfes, whofe caparifons were richly 
 p. 1218. wor ked with gold, and imbofs'd with the royal arms ; firft, the arms of Eng- 
 Spced 808. j anc i a i one . fecondly, the Englifh arms, quartered with thofe of France j third- 
 ly the French arms alone and laftly, the ancient arms of St. Edmund. Over 
 J ' the 
 
 * §>be barb (fays Fabian, who wrote in the reign of Henry the Seventh) 2 \vtXt tape# 
 tncmunvT nyon ber tombe (at Weftnfmiter- Abbey) feotbe Dapc % npgbte, tobt-b fo batbecon* 
 tpnueDfpne tbcnapof bet bmpntp to %sp?cftnt nape.— Fabian's Chron. vol. 2, fol. 61- 
 
 f The burning of torches was very honourable, and the number was proportioned to the quality or 
 riches of the deceafed ; and to have a great many was a fpecial mark of" efteem in the perion who 
 made the funeral to the departed perfon. Thus, fays Froiffart, Richard the Second, in token of his 
 great love for Anne his firft wife caufed fo many torches and tapers to be lighted up, that the like was 
 never feen before. Froiffart, vol. 4. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 109 
 the char was borne a rich canopy by four noblemen. Thus was the body 
 brought in I- 1 rnn proceliion, both by land andfea, to England, accompanied by 
 James king of Scotland, and a numerous company of noblemen both of England 
 and of France. The char was furrounded with a great number of men clothed 
 in white, bearing torches in their hands ; and then followed the late king's 
 houihold fervants, all in black, and after them the princes, lords, and eftates, 
 every one in mourning garments ; and 1 aft of all the queen, with her retinue, 
 came alter the corps at the diftance of two miles. 3n etJR? toftme (fays Caxton) AdtfTt. to 
 flat tf pafTcD bptije toaye l;e liacce folcmpnlp W Wgt atte eben, i mafic on n> mom, rmB ^ e Pol v- 
 nmhc nlmcffc vjasi pptocn to wait people, 9 tlje ftbentOe cape of $ot)enito>e after, tlje cojpg toaa S?"" 1, b E. 
 fc?cu ;-ijttIjti?g!ilLonDon\iHtigretcKticicncE?foUmpnrte mitotic monaftejpe of aaicflmin» j xt °"' 1 
 tier, Wjqc as Ijc notoe reftetlj, tof^e l;e is caplp rcmcmbuD $ p?atB fo?c, $ etiejp cap t{nc maflc0 f *j 5: 
 pejpctttcUp tonfttn in a fapr clja^el otej fepulqe. i^We are to remember that Caxton ° ' 4 
 printed his Polychronicon in the beginning of the reign of Henry the Seventh, 
 long before the Reformation, fo that at this time the mafles yet continued to be 
 fung, as well as the tapers burning ; that he tells us were in his time to be feen 
 round the tomb of king Richard the Second.) 
 
 In this manner the nobles and perfons of condition, had their funerals per- 
 formed, with grand proceflion and like folemnities, according to their rank and Hollingf, 
 circumftances. Sir Robert Knolles (in the eight year of Henry IV.) died at his C hron * 
 manor in Norfolk, and his dead body was brought in a litter to London, with P ' 
 great pomp and much torch light, and it was buried in the White Friars Church, 
 Fleet-Street, by the iide of his lady Conftance, " where was done for him a fo- 
 lemne obfequie, with a great feaft and lyberall dole to the poore." This cuftom 
 of giving a juneral fcajt to the chief mourners, was univerfally pracrifed all over 
 the kingdom, as well as giving alms to the poor, in proportion to the quality and 
 finances of the deceafed. 
 
 Coffins, Tombs, &c. 
 
 The bodies of the common people moft likely, not only in the Norman, but 
 alfo in the Englifh aera, were only wrapped in cloth, and foput into the earth. Mat. Pari' 
 In this manner (fays Mathew Paris) were the monks of St. Albans buried ; but, 
 adds he, at thisprefent time (that is in his life time, during the reign of Henry 
 the Third) they are all decently buried in coffins of ftone. 
 
 Stone coffins continued long in general ufe ; the form and ornaments are feen 
 in plates 40, 45, & 66, &c. in the firft volume : afterwards, efpecially in the 
 reigns of Henry the Fifth and Sixth, thefe ftone coffins were made with necks r 
 diftinguifhing the heads and moulders. 
 
 Large wooden cbefls or tombs were alfo in ufe almoft from the time of the Con- 
 queft. King Richard the Second, as a fpecial mark of love to the duke of Ire- 
 land, paufed his corps to be enclofed in a coffin of cyprefs j but this was an un- 
 common cafe. 
 
 Of the large wooden chefts I have myfelf feen feveral very ancient; and the 
 covers to thefe thefts are often elegantly carved with the effigy of the perfoa 
 therein buried. At Little Baddow in the county of Eflex, in the parifii church,, 
 are the figures of two women carved on the covering of the cherts (that are 
 
 placed 
 
no THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 placed in nltches of the church wall) wherein they were buried, which through 
 age are both fo much decayed, that the bones and remains of the bodies are to 
 be feen therein under the covers: 
 
 At other times the grave was dug down in the church, and a flat (lone, with 
 plates of brafs (containing the name and epitaph of the perfon there buried) 
 laid over ; and fometimes befides there was added the effigy alfo engraved on the 
 brafs : and thefe are of very ancient date. 
 
 Altar tombs, either with or without figures, croffes, or the like ornaments, are 
 as old as the time of the Saxons. 
 
 It was a conftant practice to make a folemn dirge and mourning for princes 
 Addit. to of foreign courts when they deceafed. Thus Caxton tells us, that " in t\)t fir* 
 the Poly- teen tl) ip car of Kpnge %a??|> (the Sixth) Depfc fepgpfmunB, (SmrjE^ur ofSlmapnc (Germany) 
 chron. lib. $ ^ n ^t of the mittv, toWt tcjmrnt tfjc Ikvngz fer.pt at puilpss in HonDon tpalty, tor«eje 
 *? ' 4I 3» toss mafic a tpal fte?fc, ant> tlje l&yngt in Jjjg clfate clan in bktoc teas at etocn at tungc, auo on 
 c$p. tlje mornc at mafic." And in like manner the compliment was returned by the 
 
 foreign courts, when any king or prince of England died. 
 
 RELIGION. 
 
 The Roman Catholic religion univerfally prevailed, notwithftanding the feve- 
 ral efforts of fome of our kings, to (hake oft the power and fupremacy of the 
 Pope; for fuch was the fuperftition of the people, and the dread of his thun- 
 dring anathema, that it was never compleatly mattered, till the reign of Henry 
 the Eighth. 
 
 Blindnefs and fuperftition always marked out this religion ; for unlefs the 
 wileful priefts could keep the people in profound ignorance, how could they ex- 
 pect to force fuch horrid impofitions upon their reafon, as the long train of mira- 
 cles, and other religious juggles ? it is true indeed (to give every one their due) 
 that they did all they could to difcourage vice, in any but themfelves ; for they 
 painted the pains of Hell in the mo ft horrid manner : thefe are put forth in a 
 book called, The Shepherd's Calender, and given in a monkiih tale, as feen by 
 Lazarus, while he lay in the tomb, and by him related when raifed to life again 
 by our blefTed Saviour : it runs thus, 
 
 " Here followeth the pains of hell comminatories of finnes, to punifh the fins, 
 as Lazarus recounted after that he was rifen, as he had feen in the parts infernal, 
 as it appeareth by thefe figures enfuing one another. 
 
 Fir ft, faid Lazarus, I have feen in hell wheels right high, Jet on an hill, the which 
 Sheperd's was to look on in maner of mils, inceffantly turning about by great impetuofty, roar- 
 Calender. ing>>7id whirling as it were thunder. And the wheles were fixed full of hookes and 
 cramp irons of yron and flee!, and on the?n were hanged and turned the proud men 
 and women for their pride, with their prince, captain, and mafier Lucifer. 
 
 Secondly, faid Lazarus, / have feen in hell a floud frozen as ice, wherein the en-* 
 vious men and women were plunged unto the navel, and then fuddeniy came over 
 them a right cold and great wind, that greeved and pained them right fore, and 
 when they would evite and efchewe the wonderjull blafls of the wind, they plunged 
 into the water with great flouts and crys lamentable to bear. 
 
 Thirdly, 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. in 
 
 Thirdly, faid Lazarus, I have feen in hell a great cave tenebrous and obfcure , full 
 fif tables like butchers flails or great butchery, whereas irefull men and women -were 
 tborow pierced with trenching knives, and fjjarpe glaives, and with long fpears 
 pierced their bodys, wherewith the mod horible and fearful butchers hewed and 
 betrenched them with their glaves and knives, impitioufly without ceafng. 
 
 Fourthly, raid Lazarus, / have feen in hell an horible hall dark and tenebrous, 
 'wherein was a great multitude of ferpents big and finall, whereas Jlothful men and 
 women were tormented with bitings and Jlingings of venemous worms, the which 
 pierced them thorow in divers -partes of their bodies, wounding them to the heart with 
 unextinguished pain. 
 
 Fifthly, faid Lazarus, I have feen in the infer nail partes a great number of wide 
 cauldrons, and kettles, full of boiling lead and oyle, with other hot metals molten, in 
 the which were plunged and dipped the covetous men and women, jor to fulfill and 
 replcnifh them of their infatiate cove t if e. 
 
 The jixth fain, faid Lazarus, that 1 have feen (in helis in a vale) a floud foul and 
 finking at the brim, in which was a table with towels right difhone/lly, whereas 
 gluttons be fed with toades and other v-nemous beafls, and had to drink of the water 
 of the faidfioud. 
 
 The f event b pain, faid Lazarus, I have feen a field ful of deepe wells replenifhed 
 with fire andfulphur, uo hereout iffhued fmoak thick and contagious, wherein all leche- 
 rous perfons were tormented incejjantly with devils. 
 
 Thus endeth the feven deadly fins, figured each by itfelf, like as Lazarus 
 had feen in the parts infernal." 
 
 And to every one of the above punifhments, is prefixed a wood cut rudely 
 done, reprefenting the torments, as they are there defcribed, with a long com- 
 mentation on each particular vice. 
 
 On the other hand they painted Heaven, and the new Jerufalem as a holy 
 place, a golden city paved with diamonds ; where continual joys and boundlefs 
 happinefs reigned for ever. 
 
 Many of their religious allegories and fables are replete with excellent mo- 
 rals ; in the above quoted book, is " The man in the fhip, that fheweth the 
 unfhblenefs of the world firft we are prefented with a rude wood cut, repre- 
 fenting a man on fhip board at the helm, fleering the fhip ; behind is the Devil 
 pufhing it onwards, and fhiving to fink it ; the man feems to be earneftly, and 
 humbly addreffing himfelf to Chrift, who appears above in the clouds, as ready, 
 to protect him. Then follows this poem. 
 
 0on gui&e me rigf)t, tfmt once 31 nu'fjfjt 
 
 Come to tfje port of peace, 
 
 e^me ercfjange mafte, $ return take, 
 
 Cbat mine enemies map ceafe* 
 
 Dne me Mlotoen, tooulo me Jia&e I&allotocTJ* 
 
 3|n tf)s gulp!) Dangerous, 
 
 With usorlDip giolfe, (jetjotfjme tofle 
 
 amona tpetoatwertflcutf. 
 
112 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 £Dn rafejg £cUo&, feme to me Collofti, 
 (Bmmm me to take, 
 a great number, Do fmite meamser, 
 3f ftar 31 can't efcape, 
 Cbeftenotaitbtooe, tbe tnorio alfo, 
 
 fleli) too ootb me trouble, 
 31n tomke $ 0eep, tbcpfoitb me keep, 
 
 fotrotug maleing rouble. 
 Cbep bio me not fpate, out buy tbeir ftmre, 
 310 tooriOi? uanitp ; 
 
 Cbep fay bope among:, m for to Ime long, 
 
 Cbujj oo tbep cumber me, 
 
 Cbe ttjcrlo ootb fmile, me to beguile, 
 
 U fo'ootb tijeotber ttoo, 
 
 jfteto mufi 31 feefe, fome me to keep, 
 
 $ fatse me from mp foe ; 
 
 31 batie founo one, eu'n <S5oo alone, 
 
 3Ineeo noneotber aio. 
 
 ipebp bi0nugbt, put tbcm to fiisbt, 
 
 u maoe tbem allaftato. 
 
 JDe fpake to me, full courteouflp, 
 
 u profereo me full fair, 
 
 3lf 31 f o toell, toitb bun to otoell, 
 
 3in beatien tobebi0 bem 
 
 Though nothing can be faid in praife of the poetry, any further than its good 
 intention, yet the pertinent and fubftantial remarks which follow in profe, may 
 well be thought worthy our notice. It runs thus : 
 
 %i)z mojtall manltbing in tljte QHojlfi, U tucil compass to a t&tp on fyc its, or on a pei:il= 
 lou0 rttcr,l)cann5 rid; mauliamnfe, toljtcl; if it come to ffje po?t tObe?e tlje nia?ci)ant tjefifecfy, 
 i)c fljallbc bappp I rtclj. W^z fljip, ajs loon a# it is? enteieD into trje Tea, unto rl;e eno of &et 
 towage nfffbt in pejtl! to be Djotuneti or taken Ulitlj enemies, for in tbe fea be pejtlte 
 
 tuitljetit number. &ucl; is t',r boop of man Wring in ti;is 5fllojlD 9 tbe majcbantiife tijat be 
 foeajctb t0 W foul, %H tiejtueg anD goon &no?fces, Qpe po?t or baton Deatb $ pajaotfe for ttje 
 0000, to tbe Web be tbat ajjttoctb fljafl be fofocjaignlp ricb ; tlje fca is tbe KUojlD full of fittnc0: 
 for be tbat palTetb It 10 in penll to lofe botl; boDp $ foul, $ be DjotoncD in tlje fea of Deffcuttion, 
 f?om tul;tcl; CDoD fceepitf* ten. 
 
 We (in this more improved age) are too apt to call: many valuable things 
 afidc, becaufe they are written in a low and homely ftile ; we think that fuch 
 plainnefs can never be accompanied with any thing elegant, or worth our 
 trouble to examine into. But molt certainly this is a very miftaken notion, 
 for many of the old books contain both various and valuable treafures, that will 
 amply reward the curious mind for the pains and trouble taken to fearch them 
 over. We mull (oratleaft we ought) to recolledt that the people in general, in 
 
 former 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 113 
 former times were very ignorant and unlearned, and *heir notions of courfe 
 were narrow and confined ; therefore it was absolutely neceffary to reduce the 
 fcheme of religion to their understanding, as Milton has perfonated and given 
 bodies to his angels, that their wars and the heavenly commotions might be 
 adapted to our corporeal ideas : for fays Raphael, 
 
 High matter thou injoinft me, O prime of men, 
 Sad tafk and hard; for how mail 1 relate 
 To human fenfe th' invifible exploits 
 Of warring fpirits ? how without remorfe 
 The ruin of fo many glorious once 
 And perfect while they flood ? how laft unfold 
 The fecrets of another world, perhaps 
 Not lawful to reveal ? Yet for thy good 
 This is dilpens'd ; and what furmounts the reach 
 Of human fenfe, I mall deliver fo, 
 By likening fpiritual to corporeal form 
 As may exprefs them beft :— — 
 
 and in the fame manner, antiently, they made the tortures of hell, and 
 adapted them to the capacities of their readers. — They alio found that avarice 
 was a prevailing pafTion, ^though few men could ever be brought to acknow- 
 ledge it in themfelves) therefore a heaven was defcribed agreeable to the moft 
 fanguine defires of the people in general. They were taught to believe that 
 the ftreets of Paradife were paved with diamonds and precious (tones, with 
 great abundance of every valuable treafure, joined with perfect happinefs and 
 lafting felicity. — All thefe religious leffons might, perhaps, have loft great 
 part of their effect, had not the things to come been compared and likened to 
 thofe that they at the prefent time poffeffed and approved of ; and indeed it 
 is mod likely that the affurance of fuch a heaven, (according to the prefent 
 ideas of the world in general) would even now make a great many Prolelytes ; 
 for money feems no whit to have loft ground in the affections of the people. 
 Attending properly to thefe confiderations, we may eafily winnow the chaff 
 from the grain, and by taking only a little trouble to compare the writings 
 with the genius of the people, reap a very fruitful harveft. 
 
 The reliques of faints were with great reverence and devotion treafured up 
 as facred and holy. It would be impoflible to enumerate the many wonderful 
 and extraordinary miracles performed by thefe reliques in almoft every age. — 
 William Duke of Normandy, when he had prepared all things neceffary for 
 his invafion of England, was yet detained Come time (fays the Polychronicon) Polyctironl* 
 by contrary winds : then I;e maoe brpnge out fernt &Llderf 115 Ijoclp bjooyr, a nt» fcttc Ijjun ' ' * 
 tfateoute for to fcatoe topitDr, ant) anon lj>ftyng tp?ntic (a fair wind) fpiico tfje (tucjs.— Edit. Cax- 
 Had the unhappy Grecian chief but been poffeffed of fuch a rclique, his daugh- ton, fel. 
 ter Ipbigenia had never been facrificed to the inexorable deities; this equalled 3 2 7* 
 the bags of wind pofieffed by Ulyjfes, and given him by the bluflering MqIus, 
 or the knotted cords fold to the tailors in the days of yore by the Lapland 
 forcerers. 
 
 CL Wc 
 
 Parad. Loft, 
 Book V. 
 fine 359, ct 
 infra. 
 
ii4 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 We find many zealoufly religious, quitting the higheft pofts of honour to 
 follow a feclufe and holy life. Such pleafures they thought were enjoyed by 
 Mat. Paris, the pious monks and hermits. Henry the Second, and his queen, being crowned 
 in Vit.H. z. at a feftjy^ (Qok ff their crown's, and offered them upon the high altar, for- 
 lbiJ. bearing to wear them afterwards. In expiation for the murder of Thomas Becket, 
 
 the fame king walked bare-footed to the tomb of that proud prelate, and there 
 was fcourged with rods by the attendant monks. The fame zeal hurried the princes 
 of Europe to impoverim their fubjeds with grievous taxations, to fupport the 
 Holy Wars. 
 
 Of all the feels which fprung up, and the oppofers of Popery, John Wick- 
 liff, our own countryman, (who rlourifhed during the reign of Richard the 
 Second) defervedly ftands foremoft. He boldly (in defpite of the Pope's fo 
 much dreaded curfe of excommunication) preached up regal fupremacy, againft 
 Speed's papall ufurpation ; as alfo he fpoke againft the mafs, tranfubllantialion, the ado- 
 Chronicle, ration of the hojl, or of faints, of images, and of reliques ; and further preached 
 p. 744> againft the jriarly orders ,pilgrimages, indulgences, and the like : his followers were 
 czlledLolards, (which, fays Speed, fignif/es an evil offenfive weedj. In the reign of 
 Henry the Fifth, they were purfued with uncommon feverity ; for they were 
 ftigmatifed as Hereticks, and cruelly burnt alive, or otherways difmally mif- 
 uled. 
 
 Arts and Learning, Szc. 
 
 In fculpture how much they excelled in this JEra, the many curious mo- 
 numental images and ftatues preferved in the cathedral churches, are fuffi- 
 cient proofs ; many of which are moft elegantly executed. 
 
 Painting at the end of this Mva, may be faid as it were, to be revived 
 from a deep Deep : the only antient fpecimens of this art, that we have 
 now left, are fuch final 1 illuminations as appear in the MSS. and from which 
 curious remains the chief materials of this work are collected. 
 John Seres $ eres te n s us> tnat lnere was fent to king Henry the Fifth, a portrait of Ca- 
 Hlft * f ' ranc * tharine, the French king's daughter, done according to the life: but of what 
 fize, or in what manner it was done, we are not informed : however, at the 
 latter end of the reign of his fon, (Henry the Sixth) they began to paint in oil, 
 as may be proved by four curious fpecimens, painted on pannels, which com- 
 pofed a door of fome cabinet, or fhrine, belonging to the abbey of St. Albans j 
 thereon are pictured the portraits of cardinal Beaufort, Humphry duke of Glo- 
 cefter, &c. thefe truly valuable curiofities, are in the pofleilion of John Ives, El'q; 
 of Great Yarmouth in Norfolk. 
 
 About this period alfo engravings both on wood and copper, made their firft 
 appearance, as may be leen by the remaining old prints of Andrew Mantagna, 
 Martin Schoon, Albert Durer, &c. the wood cuts were chiefly defigned, and 
 made as ornaments to the old printed books. 
 Kartman's j n t j ie middle of the fifteenth century, was firft difcovered th?t glorious and 
 foh 251 . ' noble art of printing; which, fays the Nuremberg Chronicle, (that was print- 
 ed in the year 1493) we owe to the ftudy and induftry of the Germans. At 
 
 Mentz, 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. foj 
 
 Mentz, a city upon the Rhine, was this carious difcovery made; and the firft 
 book ^as it was faid) made its appearance in the year 1440. It is extraordinary 
 that tho' the above mentioned Chronicle was printed but 43 years after the in- 
 vention of printing, it makes no mention of the firft authors of this noble art. 
 William Caxton, mercer and citizen of London, firft introduced printing into 
 England, about the year of our Lord f 471. 
 
 Mathematics and arithmetic were well underftood : the combination of num- 
 bers was particularly ferviceable, not only in their computations of time, but in 
 the aftrological predictions. And great credit was placed in judicial aflrulogy 
 for they imagined that every fublunary being was under the government of the 
 Iters and planets. 
 
 Numerical figures are fuppofed to have been introduced intoEn,;land in the 
 thirteenth century : before that time they ufed only letters and marks, to as- 
 certain their dates and numbers ; which are alfo ufed at prefent. 
 
 We do not meet with the accounts of many mechanical productions. It is 
 certain, that within this laft two centuries, the improvements made in mechanifm, 
 are furprifingly great; yet the many ftately edifices of our forefathers, are fuffi- 
 cient proofs that they muft have had a vaft number of different machines that 
 we know not of, tho' perhaps not fo compleat, and well conftructed as our 
 own. 
 
 In the catalogue of the benefactors to the abbey of St. Aibans, we are told CouonLn^ 
 that in the year 1328, Richard de Wallingford, then abbot, gave a clock to the ra ry °mark'd 
 abbey church ; which greatly exceeded any that had ever been feen before in this Nero. D.vii. 
 kingdom. 
 
 1 have not been able to afcertain the date of the firft invention of clocks in Stow's 
 England. Stow, indeed, tells us, that in the year 6 1 2, both clocks and dials Chron. 
 were commanded to be fet up in churches ; but Stow muft have been miftaken p ' 
 in regard to clocks, for had they been known as early as the time of Elfred, 
 (a king fo remarkable for his encouragement of the arts) he would not have 
 been obliged to have had recourfeto a candle, divided into 24 equal parts, to dif~ 
 tinguifli the hours as they pafTed. But fome motion of this fort muft have VicJe ^ *■ 
 been made in the reign of Henry the Second ; for we are told, that Rofamond p [ 2 c 'h ron 
 had a coffer, wherein were reprefented various figures moveing like life, as lib. 7. 
 giants, beafts, and birds flying to and fro. 
 
 We have already feen the mufical inftruments of this JEra, and from hiftory 
 we learn, that feveral excellent muficians flouriflied in the various reigns, as well 
 as many learned men, both hiftorians and divines. 
 
 There lived alfo many great philolbphers, who made ftrict refearches into the 
 nature of things, and ftrove to explain and reduce all things to a rational fyf- N b 
 tern : they made, as it were in a chain, the fubordination of beings, from the chron. L6 
 higheft heavenly power (under God) to an atom. 
 
 God, omnipotent, omnifcient, eternal, perfect, good, and holy, firft made 
 the heavens (which are three in number) * ; and placed therein the facred ce- 
 leftial hoft of fpiritual beings : the higheft heaven was the happy feat of the fe- 
 raphim, the cherubim, and thrones ; in the middle heaven he placed dominati- 
 
 * Saint Paul tells us that he was " caught up into the Third Heaven." Second Epift. Corin- 
 thians, chap. 12, ver. 2. 
 
Abrahe. A 
 venans Ju- 
 
 116 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 ons, principalities, and powers; and the loweft heaven was afiigned to the vir~ 
 tues, archangels, and angels, (and thefe under their great creator ruled all things 
 either in heaven, or in earth* and from them to man ; from him to beads, birds, 
 and fifties, in the animal world ; from thence to trees, fhrubs, and plants, in the 
 dci Aitroi. vegetable world ; and fo on to flones, metal, and ores, in the mineral world : all 
 thefe, from man, were compofed by a union of the four elements, under the 
 influence of the ftars and planets, or rather of the intelligences, and heavenly 
 fpirits, who governed thofe planets. Man was united to the higher powers by 
 a reafonable and immortal Ipirit, called the foul. 
 Compitatio The planetary fyftem is thus divided : firft the Primum Mobile, or firft motion; 
 Leupoldi de f eC ondiy, the Chriflaline Heaven,* in which are placed the fixed ftars ; thirdly, 
 Sciencia" the twelve figns of the zodiac; and fourthly follows the fpheres, or circles of 
 the planets, in this order; Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, 
 and laft the Moon, as neareft the earth, which was placed in the midfl of uni- 
 verfal nature. Again the earth was furrounded by three elementary fpheres, as 
 the fiery fphere, the fphere of air, and the watery fphere : in the middle of the 
 world, us the fink of all nature) was Hell placed, for fays a little book entitled, 
 Image cf the Limaige du Monde, — feacljcs que cn la tcm eft nifcr, car tnfet ne pou^oit e(Ue en fi noble 
 World, lieu commc eft lair, nc tl w pou??ott rft?c ou rid qui eft ft bel et fi tier, tt enfer eft taut W 
 ea P . viii. t, cm; tant puant eff tant tfoutble tt plus pefant que mil Iz djofe, parquop on peult bcin tn* 
 tenore que tnfet DoOt t&it au plus bags lieu. Know that HeU is within the earth, for 
 it cannot be tn a p leaf ant place as the air, neither can it be in heaven, which is fo 
 clear and bright ; and Hell itfelf is fo hideous, finking, and difmal, and the mofi 
 heavy of all things ; therefore we may reajonably /uppofe that it fhould be in the 
 /owe/l place. And again in an old tradt of rhimes, quoted by Hearne is this 
 verfe :. 
 
 Hearne's Jfcpgflt m an ep (egg) ampwje flatietS a flT&f 
 
 Gioff. to .for as a polk tss euene a mpotuajoc 
 
 Robert de jDf tfje ftljtHe of anep, tohan it ts liartie; 
 
 Brunne's ■ %f^t fcr is ^elle pit, as elerfces teilrs 
 
 Chronicle, % mpDe tlje ertlje ano no tofocre tiles. 
 
 fol. 583, 
 ■vol. 2. 
 
 Inquiry mto F rom ^ e perufal of the foregoing pafTages, as well as from the works of af<« 
 theOngin mod all the chriftian philofophers, we fee that the fyftem which goes under the 
 of the pif- name of the Copernican, (from Copernicus, the fuppofed inventor) was not 
 to%h" r 'mo' adopted by them ; by which we may be led to conclude, that the long efta- 
 derns, pas;, blifbed doctrine of all the ancient philofophers was, that the earth was in the 
 148, Lap.\ middle of all things. But the Rev. Mr. Dutens, in his learned Enquiry into 
 the Origin of the Difcoveries attributed to the Moderns, has evidently proved, 
 
 that 
 
 * The idea of a Chriflaline Heaven above the firmament, is taken from the feventh verfe of the 
 firft chapter of Genefis : And God made the firmament, and divided the waters that were under the 
 firmament, from the waters which were above the firmament : that is (fay the old ChriftJan philo- 
 fophers) of the waters th.it were above the firmament, the which were frozen like chrfftaf, he made 
 the Chriflaline Heaven, and placed therein the fixed ftars : the other waters were placed in the 
 watery fphere, that furrounds the earth under the firmament ; and thus were the waters divided. 
 Nuremberg Chronicle, fol. 4. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 117 
 that this fyftem is very far from being a new eftabliflied opinion. His words 
 are thefe : " That the earth moves about the fun, and that there are antipodes, 
 are particulars known long ago, though received al moft every whereat firft with 
 contempt or ridicule ; nay, they have fometimes proved dangerous to thofe who 
 held therrt ; yet both thefe doctrines pre now fo well eftablifhed, that they meet 
 with general approbation. And thus for two ages paft have we gone on to re- 
 introduce the moft celebrated of the ancient opinions ; ftill affecting, however, 
 not to know that we are in any manner indebted to thofe who firft held them. 
 
 The moft reafonable in itfelf, and what agrees beft with the moft accurate 
 obfervations, is that fyftem of the world propofed by Copernicus, who places the 
 fun in the center, the fixed ftars at the circumference, and the earth and other 
 planets in the intervening fpace j and who afcribes to the earth not only a diur- 
 nal motion round its axis, but an annual round the fun. This fyftem is en- 
 tirely limple, and beft of any explains all the appearances of the- planets, and 
 their fituations, whether proceflional, ftationary, or retrograde; but it is a mat- 
 ter of furprife, how a fyftem fo fully and diftinctly inculcated by the antients,. 
 mould derive its name from a modern philofopher. Pythagoras, Philolaiis, 
 Nicetas of Syracufe, Plato, and Ariftarchus, have in a thoufand places exprefied 
 thisopinion j and Diogenes Laertius, Plutarch, andStobasus, have with great pre- 
 cifion tranfmitted to us their ideas." This argument he fupports with feveral 
 juft and learned quotations from the above-named authors, among which none 
 feem to ftrike me with more force than the following : " Archimedes, (fays he) Ibid.p.152. 
 in his book de Arenario, informs us, That Ariftarchus, writing on tbisfubjeii 
 againft fame of the philo/ophers of his own age, placed the fun immoveable in the cen- 
 ter of an orbit> defcribed by the earth in its circuit." And he after adds, ** That the 
 earth is round, and inhabited on all fides, and of courfe that there are antipodes, IbuJ> P^S* 
 or thofe whofe feet are directly oppofite to ours, is one of the moft ancient doc- 
 trines inculcated by philofophy." * Then he with the greateft juftice makes the 
 following remark : "And that thefe opinions were no fooner univerfally received, 
 ought entirely to be afcribed to the force of prejudice, which, deciding every 
 thing by appearances, prefers fenfe to reafon, and abandons whatever is not con- 
 formableto the judgment of the former." 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Thus have I atlaft, with great pains and diligence, brought this laborious 
 work to an end, and fubmit it to the candour and lenity of the readers, hoping 
 that the toilfome difficulty xhat muft neceffarily attend fuch an extenftve work, 
 may in fome meafure excufe the errors and imperfections that may be found 
 therein. 
 
 And 
 
 * In the Nurembergh Chronicle are pictured figures of the feveral monftrous people inhabiting the 
 World,, according to the various accounts of ancient authors ; among the reft are thofe of the anti- 
 podes, who live (fays '.he C hronicle) in a country where the fun rifes when it fits with us. Thefe 
 people have thtir feet fet the contrary way to ours ; their heels before, and their toes turned behind 
 them. 'This, however, was not antiently credited at Rome, as witneffeth Auguftine in his Lib. de 
 Civit.dei, Lib. 16, cap. 9/' — Hartman's Chronicle, printed at Nurembergh, fol. iz. 
 
n« THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, &c. 
 
 And if the reader has but met with pleafure and fatisfaction enough to think 
 his time has not been ill beftowed which he has (pent in the perufal, I mall be 
 perfectly happy in my labours. My love for my national antiquities is greater 
 than I can exprefs. I have with patience, nay with pleafure, turned over the 
 many various volumes from whence the chief materials of this work are collected, 
 and endeavoured faithfully to preferve thofe things which fome years hence 
 might elfe be loft and buried in oblivion. It is the moft natural love which 
 every man either does or ought to bear to his country, and 'tis his duty to pre- 
 ferve its glory ; for the pictures of our anceftors are fo truly noble, that we may 
 with pleafure perufe the records, and look back upon the antient times with fa- 
 tisfaction, for it is not our leaft honour to be fo nobly defcended. 
 
 Thus have I chaulked out the path j perhaps hereafter, when I am laid in the 
 filent grave, fome pen more able than my own may quite compleat this my im- 
 perfect tracing. 
 
 Account 
 
Acoount of the principal MSS. from which the Materials of this 
 Second Volume are collected. 
 
 THE firft is a MS. Pl'alter in the poffeffion of John Ives, Efq; of Great 
 Yarmouth, which is richly illuminated and adorned with figures. This 
 he kindly communicated to me. The date of this MS. both by the writing and 
 llile of the figures, appears to be about the reign of Edward the Third. 
 
 The next is in the Hariiean Library, a MS. written in the latter part of 
 Richard the Second's reign, (being the hiftorical account of his troubles) by 
 Francis de la Marque, a French gentleman, who was an eye-witnefs of moll of 
 the facls therein related. See a further account of this MS. in the Regal and 
 Eccleuaitical Antiquities. This MS. is marked 1319. 
 
 The large milial, called the Liber Regalis, is laid to have been made for the 
 direct on ol the clergy that aflilled at the coronation of king Richard the Second. 
 Thi-, valuable MS. is yet prelerved in the Abbey > and J had the permifTion to 
 copy it from the Bifhop of Rochefler, by means of Mr. Brooker, keeper of the 
 Record-Office, who alio kindly amlled me in feveral other matters. See a fuller 
 account of this MS. in the Reg. and Fcclef. Ant. 
 
 The next is a Piaher in the Harl. Library, v/ritten in the reign of Henry the 
 Fourth ; and in the calendar are figures prefixed to every month, with the figa 
 ol me zodiac appropriated to each particular month underneath it. This MS, 
 is marked 2331. 
 
 Another very curious MS. I found in the Harl. Library, which contains the 
 life oi :- t. Edjnund, king of the Eatl Angles, as tranflated from the Latin by John 
 Lidgaie, monk of Bury, on purpofe to prefent to the young king Henry the 
 Sixtn, while ne held his Chrillmas at Bury. This curious and valuable MS. 
 i£ enriched with a vail variety of excellent illuminations. See a fuller account 
 in the Catalogue 01 the Harl. MSS. and in the Reg. and Ecclef. Antiq. This 
 Mb. ii> marked 2278, 
 
 In the Cotton Library is prelerved a valuable MS. Poem, called the Pilgrim, 
 in old Englifh, and adorned with pictures. This, by the writing and flile, ap- 
 pears 10 have been made during the reign of Edward the Fourth. It is 
 marked Tiberius, A. VII. 
 
 And the next is alio in the Cotton Library, a very curious and valuable MS. 
 which, am >ng various other things, contains the Hiftory of the Life and Ads 
 of Richard Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, (as given in the defcription of the 
 pi tcs, liiullrated wan. 53 excellent delineations, which fuliy explain the man- 
 ners and cultoms ci the times in which they were done. Thefe compofe the far 
 greater part of the plates given in this volume : and the original delineations, 
 together with the writing, are all done by the hand of John Roufe, the War- 
 wkUhire Antiquary and Hiflorian. Vid. Catal. Cottonianae. John Roufe 
 dkd Hie 14th of January, 1491, the feventh year of Henry the Seventh. 
 This MS. is marked Julias, E \V. 
 
 With various other MS. that are not here mentioned. 
 
 Defcription 
 
( I*® ) 
 
 Defcription of the PLATE S. 
 
 PL.L No. i, the door way to St. Botolph's priory at Colchefter, fee p. 4; 2, an 
 
 arched door way of the Saxons, p. 4 ; 3, the door way to Great Canfield 
 church in the county of EfTex ; 4, 5, 6 and 7 are the capitals of Saxon columns 
 from the church of St. Peter at Oxford ; 8, is the capital of a Saxon column, 
 vid. p. 4; 10. the quinten, p. 21 ; 1 2, a pillory, p. 9 ; 13, an umbrella, p. 18; 
 9, 11, 14, 15, 16 and 17, mufical inftruments, p. 20 j No. 2 and No. 8, are 
 from the Caedman MS. at Oxford, mentioned in the firfr. vol. p. 105; 4, 5, 6 
 and 7 are from Hearne's Antiquities; 10, is from Stow's Survey of London; 
 9, is from Nero D. 1 ; 12, is from the tranfcript of Mat. Paris, at Cambridge, 
 and all the other mufical inftruments, as well as 13, are from the pfalter of 
 Eadwine, in Trinity College Library, marked R. 17, 1 ; fee the account of the 
 laft three MSS. p. 106, vol/i. 
 
 PL. II. No. 1, the gaveloc ; 2, the gifarma ; 3, the bipennis, vid. p. 98 of vol. 1 ; 
 
 4, 21 and 22, the globes; 5, 6 and 7, fcepters ; 8, a battle ax; 9, a fpear ; 10, 
 a tilting fpear, vid. p. 98 of vol. i ; from 11 to 20 are crowns; 23 and 24 are 
 fhields ; 25, a dagger ; 26, an arrow, headed with a phial ; 27, a war ax; 28, 
 a fword ; 29, a banner; 30, a pennon ; 31, a battle ax; 32, the arrows, headed 
 with fiery combuftibles, fee p. 98 of vol. 1 ; 33, a chair ; 34, a huntfman's horn ; 
 35, a royal feat ; 36, a church candleftick, as is alfo 46 ; 37, 38, 41, 42 and 44, 
 are different Norman veffels ; 39, an ink horn and pen ; 40, a penknife ; 43, a 
 lamp, and 45, a key. No. 1, 3, 7, 16, 18, 20, 33, 34, 37, 41, 42 and 43, are 
 from the pfalter of Eadwine, Trin. col. vid. vol. 1, p. 105. No. 2 is from 
 1585, MS. in the Harl. Lib. 11 and 6 are from the great feal of the Conqueror ; 
 5 is from one of his coins; 12 is from the great feal of Rufus ; 13, from a coin 
 of Stephen ; 14, from Henry the Firft's great feal ; 15, from the great feal of 
 Maud the Emprefs ; 17 and 21 are from the great feal of Richard the Firft, as 
 is alfo fig. 19 ; fig. 22, from the great feal of Henry the Third; 4, 8, 9, 10, 
 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 36, 44, 45 and 46, are from Nero D. 1 ; 26, 27- 
 and 32, are from the Mat Paris, at Cambridge ; for thefe two lad: MS. fee p. 
 106, vol. r ; 35, is from xiv, c. 2, and 39 and 40, from 10A13, both MSS. in 
 the Royal Library. 
 
 PL. HI. The firft 12 figures are the 12 months, beginning with January, hiving the 
 fign of the Zodiac proper for each month, delineated under it; 13, is a capari- 
 foned horfe ; 14, a lady on horfeback ; 1 5, archers ; 16, a gentleman hawking; 
 the months are from 2331, and the laft 4 from 2278, both MSS. in the Harl. 
 Lib. fee the account of the MS. in this volume. 
 
 PL. IV. Seven and 8 are men of arms in Richard the Second's time ; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 
 9, 10, 11 and 1 2, are foldiers during the reign of Henry the Sixth, fee p. 33 ; 1 3, 
 the proclaiming of a king, fee note p. 59 ; 15 and 17, veffels, during the reign of 
 Richard the Second ; 1 4, the failing fhip, Temp. Henry the Sixth, fee p. 73 & 74; 
 16, a boat, fee p, 77 ; \S, a workman drawing up a bucket ; 19, a plaifterer at 
 
 work ; 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. t'ti 
 
 work ; 20, a mafon at work, fee p. 46 ; 21 and 22, tents, fee p. 44; 7, 8, 15 
 17 and 22, are from 13 19, all the reft are from 2278, fee account of the MSS, 
 in this volume. 
 
 One, a battle ax ; 2 and 3, axes, as borne by the generals; 4, 5 and 6, are PLr. V. 
 bills; 8 and 9, glaives ; ,7, a (pear; 10, the tilting lance, thofe ufed in the 
 'tournaments, differed - nly in the points being blunted ; 11 and 12 are.fpears, 
 ufed by the footmen ; zi, the fhields borne by the footmen ; 19 and 20, pavifes, 
 ufed by the pavifers j 22 snd 23, fliields ufed by the archers ; 13, 14, 15 and 
 16 are fwords ; 17 and 18 daggers; 24 and 25, ftrange fliields; the two lait 
 mentioned, with 19, 20 and 21, are from Montfaucon's Monarchie Francois, fee 
 p. 34 of this vol. and the note J of the fame page, all the reft are from the MSS; 
 before mentioned. 
 
 No. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 are kings crowns ; 8 and 16 are queens crowns ; 9, pl, VI, 
 is the princes coronet ; io, if, 12 and 14 are ducal coronets ; 13 and 15, earls, 
 fee p. 65 ; 19, is the pofture m after mewing poftuies, (landing upon the moulders 
 of a man playing the bagpipes ; 18, the balance mafter, balancing afpearon his 
 nofe, fee p. 97 ; 19, a king lying in ftate ; 20 and 21, a man firing cannons; 
 I, II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, VIIJ, IX and X, are head dreffes; and from XI to 
 XXVII inclufive, muiicil inftruments, fee p. 99 ; 1, is the crown of Edward thfr 
 Firft, from his great feal ; 2, of Edward the Second, from a coin; 3, Edward 
 the Third, from his great feal ; 4, of Henry the Sixth, from his coin ; 1 6, of 
 his queen, from pi: 43 of the Regal and Ecclef. Antiquities; 7, of Edward the 
 Fourth; 8, of his queen, from pi. 47 of the Regal and Ecclef. Antiquities; 5, 
 from the great feal of Richard the Third ; 6, from the great feal of Henry the 
 Seventh; 9, from pi. 48 of the Regal and Ecclef. Antiquities; 10, is from the 
 1 6th plate of the fame book; 15, from the 19th plate of the fame; ji, from 
 the 42d plate, and 12, from the 43d plate of the fame; 13 and 14 are from 
 Julius E. IV. 17 and 19, from the MS. in the poileffion of John Ives, efq; fig. 
 19, from the Liber Regalis; 20 and 21, from Mountfaucon ; 22 and 23, from 
 1766 MS. in the Hail. Lib. No. I to VIII are from 2278; IX and X are from 
 theNuremburg Chronicle; XXIV, XXV, XXVI and XXVII, from Tiberius, 
 A. 7, MS. in the Cotton Library, and all the reft from the Liber Regalis. 
 
 The Life of Richard Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, by John Rous r 
 Ex MS. apud Bib. Cott. infig. Julius E. IV. 
 
 u This pagent meweth the birth of the famous knyght, Richard Beauchamp pL vn 
 erle of Warrewik, which was born in the maner of Salwarp in the counte of 
 Worceftre, the 28th day of the moneth of January, the yere of the incarna- 
 tion of our Lord Crifte 1 381 ; whofe notable acles of chevalry and knyghtly 
 demennaunce been alfo fhewed in the pagentis hereafter enfuyng. 
 
 Here is (hewed howe he was baptifed, havyng to his godfaders Kyng Richard p_L # ym. 
 the second, and Seynt Richard Scrope, then Bifhop of Lichefeld,. and after in 
 proceffe of tyme he was archebisfhop of Yorke. 
 
 He*e fhewefii how this noble lorde Richard Beauchamp, erle of Warrewik, pl. IX. 
 was made knyght ; to the whiche ordre in proceffe of tyme, as fhall appere 
 followyng by his noble achievements, he did gteat honour and wornhip. 
 
 R Here 
 
12% DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 
 
 fh. X. Here fhewes howe dame Jane duches of- Breteyn, doughter of the kyng of 
 Navern and newe wedded wife to Henry the Fourth, kyng of England, was 
 crowned quene of this noble reame of England. 
 
 PL. XL Here fhewes how atte coronacion of quene Jane, earl Richarde kepte jufle 
 for the quene's part ageynft all other commers, where he fo notably and fo 
 knyghtiy behaved hymfelf, as redounded to his noble fame and perpetualL 
 worfhip. 
 
 f>L. XII. Here thewes howe at theis dales appeared a blafyng fterre called Stella Comata> 
 ■which after the feiyng of Clerkya, ngnyried great deth and blodefliede ; and 
 fone upon beganne the worre of Wales, by Owen of Glendour their chief cap- 
 teyn j whom emonges other erle Richard fo fore fewed, that he hadde nere 
 bande taken hym, and put hym to flyght, and toke his baner, and moche of 
 his people, and his banerer. 
 
 ft*. .XIII. Here fhewes how at the battel! of ShrewelDury, between kyng Henry the 
 Fourth and Sir Henry Percy ; erle Richard there beyng on the kynges party 
 ful, notably and manly behaved hymfelf to his great larde (Laud J and worfhip, 
 in which batell was Uayne the faid Sir Henry Percy, and many others with hym ; 
 and on the kynges party there was ilayne in the kynges cote armoure, chef of 
 al other the erle of Stafford, erle Richard's auntes fon, wyth many other in greet 
 nombre, on whoes fowles God have mercy amen. 
 
 PL. XIV. i n this pagent is mewed, howe the noble erle Richard was made knyght of 
 the Garter at that tyme to his greet wormip ; and after by marvallous ads by 
 hym ful notably and knyghtiy acheved in his propre perfone, did greet honour 
 and wormip to the noble ordre of knyghtes of^the Garter, as by the pageants 
 hereafter followyng more pleynly is mewed, 
 
 PL. XV. Here fhewes how good provifion made of Englifh clothe, and other thynges 
 necerTary, and licence had of the kynge ; erle Richard failed towards the Holy 
 Lond, and fpecially to the holy city of Jcrufalem, where our Lorde Jhefus 
 Crifte wilfully fuffered his bitter pafiion, for the redemption of all man- 
 kynde. 
 
 PL. XVI. Here (hewes howe erle Richard, when he was paffed the fee, he turned to his 
 noble and nere cofyn the due of Barre, of whom he was ful lovyngly and wor- 
 fhipfully refceived, and there tarried eight daies in greet pleafir. 
 
 PL. XVII. And here is mewed howe at this noble duke's defire, erle Richard hys coufyn 
 rode with hym agaynft the Whitfontide to the cite of Parys, the kyng of Fraunce 
 there then beyng prefent in great roialte. 
 
 PL. XVIII. Here fhewes howe on the Whitfonday, the kyng of Fraunce in reverence of 
 the holy feefl was crowned, and made erle Richard to fitte at his table : where 
 he fo manerly behaved hymfelf in langage, and norture, * that the kyng and 
 lordes, with all other people, gave hym greet lawde, and at hys departying 
 the kyng arligned hym an heraude to geve his attendaunce, and conducTte hym 
 faufly thorowe all hys Raume. 
 
 PL. XIX. Here fhewes howe at hys departyng from Fraunce into Lumbardy, the 
 Frenche herawde richely rewarded and licenced ; in fhorte fpace after came 
 another herawde to erle Richard, fent from Sir Pandolf Malatete, or Malet, 
 with letres of challenge to do certeyn poyntes of armes with hym at Verona, at 
 
 a certeyn 
 
 f This word fignifies breeding and education* 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATE?. 123 
 a certeyn day afligned for the ordre of the gai ter ; to whych challenge to be 
 doon before Sir Calcot of Mantua, Erie Richard gladly agreed, and after he 
 hadde doon hys pilgremage at Rome he returned to Verona, where he and his 
 chalenger Sir Pandolf fhuld firft jult, then go togeder with axes, after which 
 armyng fwerdes, and laft with (harpe daggers. 
 
 Howe atte place and day afllgned, relortyng thidre all the contre, Sir Pandolf PL. XX, 
 entred the place ix fperes born before hym, then thacle of fperes to the erle 
 Richard worfhipfuliy finilhed, after went they to gedres with axes, and if the 
 lord Calcot hadde not the fonner cried peas, Sir Pandolf fore wounded on the 
 lift fhuldre hadde been utterly flayne in the felde. 
 
 How erle Richard came to Venife, and was inned at Seynt George, and was PI*» XXI, 
 right worfhepfully receved of the due and lordes of Venile, and many rial pre- 
 (ents hadde he there geven hym; and moche the rather ior the great lawde they 
 herde was geven hym at Verona. 
 
 Here (hewes ho we erle Richard was worthely refceved by the Patriarkes PL. XXII, 
 depute at Jerufalem, and licenced to commune in due fourme with the hethen 
 people, and fpecially with the greet eftate if the eaufe required ; and how with 
 them he mulde be demeaned. 
 
 Here fhewes how he offered in Jerufalem at our Lordes fepulcrc, and his PL.XXIIL 
 armes were fet up on the north fide of the temple, and there they remayned 
 many yeres after, as pilgrymes that longe after come thefts reported. 
 
 Here (hewes howe Sir Balderdain, a noble lorde the Soldans lieutenant, that PL. XXIV, 
 tyme beyng at Jerufalem; heryng that erle Richard was there, and that he was 
 lynyally of blede defcended of noble Guy of Warrewyk, and with greet honoure 
 receved hym, and defired hym and his rnayny (train) to dyne with hym in his 
 owne place j and erle Richard ful manerly behavyng hym, granted lorde Balder- 
 dain to come for his pleafer. 
 
 Here fhewes howe Sir Balderdain at that dyner in his owne place fet firft the PL. XXV, 
 erle Richardes chapelleyn, in the chief place, and next hym erle Richard, he 
 hymfelf beyng as marchall ; and after dyner rewarded hys men with hikes, and 
 clothes of gold, and to erle Richard he gave three pretious Hones of greet value ; 
 and in fecrete wifetolde hym, that in hishert, thowe lie durft notutter his concept, 
 yet he faithful) 7 beleved as we do; reherfyng by ordre the articles of our feiih. 
 
 Here (hewes howe on the morn erle Richard fefted Sir Balderdains men, and PL. XXVI, 
 gave them largely of EngliOi clothe to array them in his liverie, after their 
 degrees, bothe fcarlet and othe clothe of colour; this doon and by a fpye mewed 
 to Sir Balderdiine, he came to erle Richard and feid he wolde be of his liverey* 
 and marchal of his hall. This Balderdain was cunnyng in many langages. 
 Erie Richard gave hym then a gowne of blakke puke furred, and after dyner 
 they had 'e greet communycacion to gedre. 
 
 Hmve erle Richard came ageyn to Venus, and there was worthily refceived P.-XXVIT. 
 of the duke and other lordes, both fpirituel and temporal ; and all the cites 
 gave \av ng to God that he hadde fo wele, and profperoufly fpedde in his jour- 
 riey to the holy land. 
 
 Here {hewes howe erle Richard from Venife toke his wey to Ruffy, Letcowe, P.XXVIII. 
 and Velyn-, and Cyprufe, We'ftvale, and other coolies of Almayn toward Eng- 
 lonu, by fuch cooftes as his aunceflers had laboured in ;, and fpecially erle Tho- 
 mas, 
 
U* DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 
 
 mas his grauntfader, that in warre hadde taken the kynges fone of Pettowe, and 
 brought hym into England, and chriftened hym at London, namyng hym after 
 hymfelf Thomas, and in this journey erle Richard gate hym greet worfliip at 
 many turnamentes, and other faites of vverre. 
 
 P» XXIX. Here (heweth hovve alter the cummyng home of erle Richard from the Holy 
 Lande, Henry the Fifth when beyngkyng of England, was fecretely enformmed 
 of a- prevey and fodeyn infurreccion of traitorous heritikes, which fodenly by . 
 myght purpofed to have taken the kyng, and kept hym undre their rule and fub- 
 jeccion, and after by his auftorite to have deftroied the church of England, and 
 to flee the prelates and riiftribute their pofleflions ageynft the houfe of God, after 
 their indifcrete adviles and plealures. 
 
 TL. XXX. Here fheweth hovve this victorious and noble prynce kyng Henry the Fifth 
 oponed this matier to the lordes of his counfeil, erle Richard being prefent, 
 which for the accomplyfliment of the kyng's entent and pleafir therm, drefled 
 hymfelf into his harneys, and ful coragioufly with good circumfpeccion and 
 fprfight, avaunced hymfelf to the fubdewyng of the faid traytours and 
 he re tikes. 
 
 ?L XXXI Howe erle Richard after he hadde fcowred the fee, was made capteyn of 
 Caleys ; where he ful notably guided al things undre his governaunce, and when 
 he hadde feen al his londes and fet al thing in dewe ordre, he hede to Caleys, 
 where he was reverently received with proceffcion, &c. 
 
 P. XXXII. HoweerLeRichard after hchadde feen his londes, and fette al thyng in dewe ordre, 
 heryngof a greet gaderyng in Fraunce, inafmoche as he was capteyn of Caleys he 
 hied hym thidre haftely, and was there worthely received ; and when that he herd 
 that the gaderyng in Fraunce was appoynted to come to Caleys, he caft in his 
 mynde to do fume newe poynt of chevalry ; wheruppon he lete paynt3 pavifes, 
 and in every pavire a lady, the firft harpyng atte ende of a bedftede, with a greet 
 of gold on her lefte fleve, and her knyght called the grene knyght, with a blakke 
 quarter ; and he fhul.de be redy to jurl with eny knyght of Fraunce xii courfes, 
 and 2 fhildes mould be of purvinnes ; and that knyghtes lettre was fealed with 
 
 j» XXXIII tne ^ ea ' e °f m s amies ; the felde fylver, a maunche gules. The fecond pavys 
 hadde a lady fittyng at a covered horde, worchyng pedes ; and on her fleve was 
 tacked a glove of plate, and her knyght was called Chevaler Vert, and his lettre 
 was fealed with the armes ; the felde fylver, and 2 barres of gewles, and he 
 muft juft xv courfes, and that mulde be 2 fadilles of cheyes. The third pavys. 
 a lady fittyng in a gardeyn makyng a chapellet, and on her fleve a poleyn 
 with a rivet, her knyght was called Chevaler Attendant, and he and his felowe 
 muft renne x cours, with fcharpe fperes and without (heldys, his lettre was 
 fealed with golde and gewles quarte a bordour of vert ; their lettres were fent 
 to the kyng's coorte of Fraunce, and anone other 3 Frenche knyghtes received 
 ihem, and graunted their felowes to mete at day and place afligned. 
 
 Here fliewes howe as it is faid afore thefe lettres were received, to the firft 
 applied hymfelf a noble knyght, called Sir Gerard Herbawines, that called hym- 
 felf the Chevaler Ruge ; to the fecond anfwered a famous knyght Sir Hugh 
 
 P.XXXIV. Laundy, callyng hymfelf the Chevaler Blanke; and to the thyrde agreed an ex- 
 cellent knyght called Sir Colard Fymes, at a certeyn day and place afligned, that, 
 is to fey the xii day of ChriftmaiTe, in a lawnde called the Park Hedge of 
 Gvnes. 
 
 Here 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 125 
 Here fhewes how eric Richard on the f?rit day that was the xii day of p. XXXV. 
 ChrifrmafTe, comyng to the felde, his face covered, a bufsh of liffci ich fethers 
 on his hede, his horfe trapped with the amies of oone of his aunceftres the. 
 lorde Tony, and at the thud courfe he cafl: to the grounoe at his fpere poynt 
 behyndc the horfe taiie, rhe knyght called the Chevaler Ruge ; and then the 
 erlewith cloofe vifar retourned unknowed to his pavilyon. And forthwith lie 
 fent to the faid knyght a fair courier. 
 
 Howe erle Richard the Second day came into the felde, that is fey the morowe P. XXXVI. 
 after the xii day, his viiar cloos, a chapjet on his bafnet, and a tufte of eftricni 
 fethers alofte, his hors trapped with his armes of Haunflape filwer, two barrys of 
 gewlcs, and their mette with hym the blank knyghte, and they ran togider ; and 
 the erle fmote up his vifar thries, and brake his beiagnes and 01 her harneys, all 
 his apparaile faved j and fo with the victory, and hymfelf unknown rode to his 
 pavilion ageyn, and fent to this blank knyght Sir Hugh Lawney, a good 
 courier. 
 
 Howe on the morowe next folowyng, that was the laft day of the juftes, the Pk. 
 erle Richard came in face opyn, his bafnet as the day afore, fave the chapellet XXXVI1, 
 was rich of perle and precious (tones, in Guy his armes and Beauchampe quar- 
 terly, and the armes alio of Tony and Haunflape in his trappure, and faid like as 
 he hadde his owne perfone performed the twodayes afore, fo with Goddes grace 
 he wolde the third, then ran he to the Chevaler name Sir Colard Fymes, and 
 every ftrcke he bare hym bakwards to his hors bakke ; and then the Frenchmen 
 faid he was bounde to the fadyll, wherfor he alighted down from his horfe, and 
 forthwith ftept up into his fadyll ageyn, and fo with worihipe rode to his pavi- 
 lion, and fent to Sir Colard a good courier, and fefted all the people; gevyng 
 the faid three knyghtes gret rewardes, and rode to Calys with great worihipe. 
 
 Here fhewes howe king Henry the Fifth made erle Richard, and Robert pl ; 
 Halain bifhop of Saliibury, with other worihipful perfones, his ambaffiatours XXX VIII. 
 to the general counfeil of Conftance. 
 
 Howe the pope and the clergy, the emperour Sygifmonde, and the tern- P.XXXIX. 
 poralte, honourably and honeftly did receive them. 
 
 Here ihewes howe a mighty duke chalenged erle Richard for his lady pl. XL. 
 fake, and he juftyng flewe the duke: then the empreife toke the erles li- 
 very a bere, from a knyghtes ihuldre, and for grete love and favour me 
 fette hit on her ihuldre ; then erle Richard made oone of perle and precious 
 ftones, and offered her that, and ihe gladly and lovyngly received hit. 
 
 Howe the emperour for a fpecial love made e.rle Richard to bere his fwerde, PL. XLI. 
 and profored to geve hym Seynte George his Hert, Englifshmennes avowry, to 
 bryng into Englond ; but erle Richard heryng the emperour fey that he in his 
 owne perfone would come into Englond : he by endenture reflored hit to hym 
 ageyne, faiyng the delyveryng of hit by his owne perfone fhulde be more accept- 
 able, and nourifshyng of more love, and fo he did ; for in iliorte fpace after he 
 come into Englond, and was made knyghte of the garter, and offered up the 
 holy Hert hyrnfelf, which is worfbipfully yet kept at Wyndefore ; and in his 
 comyng and goyng at Caleys, erle Richard then beyng capteyn, he honourably 
 refceived hym, and the emperour faide to the kyng that no prince Criften for 
 wifdom, norture, and manhode, hadde fuch another knvght as he had of therle 
 
 War- 
 
126 DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 
 
 Warrewykj addyng therto that if al curtefye were loft, yet myght hit be 
 founde ageyn in hym ; and fo ever after by the emparour's audlorite he was 
 called the Fadre of Curteify. 
 PL. XLII. Howe erle Richard in his comyng into Englond, wanne 2 greete carykkes in 
 the fea. 
 
 PL. XL1II. Howe erle Richard in the warres of Fraunce, toke Denfront, and entred 
 firft into Cane ; but inafmoche as he was there with and under lorde Thomas 
 duke of Clarance, the kyng's next brother, he fette on the walle the kyng's ar- 
 mys, and the duke's, and made a crye a Clarence, a Clarence : and then entred 
 the duke, and gave the erle many greet thankes. After the erle befeged Caw- 
 bek on the water of Sayn, and they appoynted to ftande nndre the Fourme 
 of Reone ; and then brought he up veftels by water to ReOne, and than by his 
 policy was it befeged both by londe and by water. After he wanne Mount 
 Seynt Michell and many townes, and the kyng made him erle of fyumar\e. 
 
 PL. XL1V. Howe erle Richard was atte the fege of Reon, there fet firft betwen the kyngs 
 tent and Seynt Katheryns, and when Seynt Katheryns was wonne, he was fette 
 to kepe Port Quartevyle. 
 
 PL XLV ^ Cre ^ ewes nowe kyng Henry from Reon fent erle Richard to the kyng of 
 ' * Fraunce, and the erle of Kyme with hym in the begynnyng f May, with a 
 1000 men of armes, for the manage of dame Katheryne, daughter of laid kyng 
 of France. 
 
 PL.XLVI. Howe the dolphyn of Fraunce leide in the way 6000 men of armes, with the 
 erles of Vandon and Lymofyn ; and bothe the Frenih erles were flayn, and 
 2000 of his men taken and flayn ; all the other put to flight ; and erle Richard 
 fteweoon the faid erles with his owne handes. 
 
 P. XLVIL Howe erle Richard his enemyes overcome, did his meffage to the kyng of 
 Fraunce, and brought an fwers ageyn to kyng Harries greet pleafir. 
 
 P.XLVIII. Howe the noble erle Richard brought anfwere to kyng Henry of his meflage,. 
 
 deon to the kyng of Fraunce, for the mariage of dame Katheryn his daughter. 
 
 P. XLIX. Here fhewes howe kyng Henry the V' 11 was folempnely maried to dame 
 Katheryn the kyngs daughter of Fraunce. 
 
 PL. L. Howe kyng Hen. Vlth was born at Wyndfore, on Seynt Nicholas day : the 
 
 yere of our Lorde 1 420. 
 
 PL. LL Here fhewes howe accordyng to the laft wille of kyng Hcnrie the Vih. erle 
 Richard by the auctorke of the hole parlieament, was maifter to kyng Henrie 
 the VI^. and fo he contynowed til the yong kyng was 16 yere of age, and then 
 firft by his greete labour he was difcharged. 
 
 PL, LII. Here fhewes howe kyng Henry the VI' 1 '- beyng in his tender age, was crowned 
 kyng of Englond at Weftminftre with great folempnytie. 
 
 PL. LIII. Here fhewes howe kyng Henry was after crowned kyng of Fraunce, at Seynt 
 Denys befides Parys. Of whiche coronacion in Fraunce, and alfo the faid erle 
 to have the rule of hys noble perfone until he were of the age of i6yeres, it was 
 the wille and ordinaunce of Almyghty God; as our blefTed lady mewed by re- 
 velation, unto d.ime Emme R :v, htone reclufe at A He Halowes, in Northgate 
 ftreete of York ; and fhe faide that thorowe the rame of England was no per- 
 fone, lord ne other like to hym, in habllitie of grace, and true feithfulnefib ; to 
 • vertuouAy nonrilshe and governe his noble perfone,, accordyng to his rial aftate, 
 
 Alfo, 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 127 
 Alfofhe put greet commendacion by the ordinaunce of God of his greete bene- 
 fytes in tyme to come of devowt commers to the place of Gye Clif, etherwife 
 called Gibclyffj which in procefle of tyme fhal growe to a place of great war- 
 fhippe, oon of the moofle named in Englond. 
 
 Here (hewes how Philip Due of Burgoyn, befeged Caleys, and Humfrey due PL. LIV, 
 of Glouceftrc, Richard erle of Warrewyk, and Humfrey erle of Stafford, with a 
 greet multitude, went over the fee, and folowed the due of Burgoyn ; he ever 
 fieyng before them $ and they there fore noied the countrey with fire and 
 fwerde. 
 
 Here mewes howe kyng Henry the Vlth. made erle Richard lieutennant of PL. LV. 
 Fraunce and Normandy. 
 
 Here mewes howe erle Richard, when he with his navy toke the fait water, PL. LVL 
 in mort fpace arofe a grevous tempeft, and drefe the fhippes into Din fie coofte, 
 in fo moche that they al fered to be perilshed ; and the noble erle fore caitynge 
 Jete bynde hymfelf and his lady and Henri his fone and heir (after due of 
 Warrewyk) to the maft of the veffel ; to thentent that where ever they were 
 founde, they myght have been buried to gedres worftiipfuliy, by the know- 
 lege of his cote armour, and other fignes uppon hym, but yet God preferved 
 them al and fb retourned to F.nglond, and after to Normandy. 
 
 Here mewes howe he efle from Englond, come quietly into Normandy, and PL. LVII^ 
 there as a lorde rial the kyngs lieutennant and governcr (which fonries regent in 
 the French tongue) fo nobly and difcretely behavedde hymfelf, that bothe 
 Englim and Frenfhe were gladde of hym, playnly percevyng by his gwidyng 
 that God was with hym. 
 
 Here mewes howe by the hande of God, he fil feke in the noble cite of Reon, PL. LVIII. 
 and as a criftyn knyght departed from this worlde ; (all the facrementes of the 
 church devoutly of hym before received) the laft day of May the yere of our 
 Lorde 1439. the yere of his age 58. 
 
 Here mewes howe the fame yere of his deceffe, the 4th day of October next pL j ^ 
 folowing, his cors was honourably conveid, as well by water as by londe, from 
 Reon unto Warrcwik ; and there wormiply buried, in the college of our lady 
 churche, founded by his noble aunceftors ; the bifshop of Lichfeld beyng exe- 
 cutor orKcy, and many lordes ladyes and other worlliipful people there beyng 
 preferit." fl"t^*-*i ^-^0^ A <$Lc«*2i 1J-.^ 3Sy. 
 
 "This plate is engraved from a picture in the poffeffion of William Bray, Efqj pl. LX, 
 which was copied (in 1774) from a painting on glafs in a window of the Priory 
 Church of Great Malvern in Worcefterfhire. Thomas, in his Antiquities of 
 that place, gives the following account of that window. After fpeaking of fome 
 parts being damaged, he fays," Ejufdem fortunae participant fex inferiores Panel- 
 " las, qua? non multis ab hinc annis a turbinofo vento e locis suis ejecta? et plu- 
 "rimumfrac~r.se, negleclo priirino ordine, reponebantur. Sed tempore Thorn. 
 " Abingdoni, Arm. in illis depictx fuere Henricus Vil armatus, corona imperiali 
 " cinctu.s, et fuper exteriorem veftem quadrupai titim infignia Francise et Angliae ; 
 P a tergo Elizabetha regina ejus et fuper mantella eadem arma : poft illam 
 " Arthurus princeps Wallise fimul armatus' et fagum ejus iifdem inlignibus de- 
 " coratum, addito lemnifco triplici arg:nteo: Huic JucceJJit Reginaidus Bray t 
 ** miles, in pro/peris et adverts Meg'i fuofimperfidelis, getlans in clypeo candido 
 ft fignum inter tria nigra aquilarum vi diitrac~ta crura. Huncqne fecutus eft 
 
 " Johannes 
 
128 DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 
 
 *• Johannes Savage, Arm. pallum fufillatum nigrum in parma. argentea gerens, 
 " et poftremo omnium Thomas Lovell, Arm. unus ex confiliariis ejufdem regis; 
 
 cum fcuto gentilitio candido, figno inter tres fciuros miniatos infignito. Hi 
 " omnes genibus flexis, palmifque ad ccelum erectis, pro mifericordia fuppli- 
 " cant deum, et infra (criptum fuit, Orate pro bono fat u nobtliffimi et excellent iff- 
 
 mi Regis Henrici Septimi, et Elizabeths regime, ac domim Art hurt ' principufiii 
 " eorundemnecnon pradileBifjimce confortis face ac fiorum trhnn militum." 
 
 Of thefe fix the only ones remaining perfect are thole of the king and Sir 
 Reginald Bray ; both which are here reprelented. 
 
 Sir Reginald defcended from a family which came into England with the 
 Conqueror, and had been long feated at Eton Bray in Bedfordfhire. He was 
 the lecond fon of Sir Richard Bray, one of the Privy Council to Hen. VI. and 
 which Sir Richard lies buried in Worcefter Cathedral. He was very inffcru- 
 mental in the advancement of Hen. VII. to the throne ; and that king was fo 
 fenfible of his fervices and abilities, that he beftowed the higheft employments 
 and honours on him, and kept him in his fervice as long as he lived. He was 
 a knight banneret, probably made at the battle of Bofworth ; was created knight 
 of the bath at the king's coronation, was joint chief jufiice with lord Fitzwalter, 
 of all the forefls South of Trent, a privy counfellor, high treafurer, chancellor of 
 the Dutchy of Lancafter, high fteward of Oxford, and was chofen knight of the 
 garter. In the 12th year of the king he was at the battle of Blackheath, when 
 lord Audley having joined the Cornifh rebels, was taken prifoner ; he being af- 
 terwards beheaded, and his eftate forfeited, his manor of Shire Vachery and 
 Cranley in Surry, was given to Sir Reginald, from whom it defcended to the 
 Rev. Geo. Bray, the prelent owner of it. 
 
 His fkill in architecture appears from Henry the Seventh's chapel in Weft- 
 minfter Abbey, and the chapel of St. George at Windfor, as he had a principal 
 concern and direction in building the former, and the' finiming and bringing to 
 p-rfection the latter, to which he was alfo a liberal benefactor in his life time, 
 and by his will he made provifion for the completion of it. 
 
 He died 5th of Auguft, 1503, and was buried in a chapel built by him in St. 
 George's chapel at Windfor, called by his name. He was married, but 
 left no iffue, and by his will made ample provifion for his three nephews, fons 
 of his youngeft brother John, viz. Edmund, afterwards by Henry VIII. created 
 lord Bray ; Edward, anceftor of the prefent George Bray of Shire and Reginald, 
 anceftor of the late Brays of Barrington in Glouceftermire. 
 
 He was pofleffed of a very large eftate acquired by the favor of the king 
 (whofe kihdnefs from him was never withdrawn) and his great employmenes ; 
 but notwithftapding this, and his being an active minifter in the reign of a 
 monarch not generally beloved by his fubjects, hiftorians agree in givi !g him an 
 
 itient character, calling him, " "The -very father of his country, a fage and grave 
 per fon, a fervent lover of jufiice, and one who would often admoni.fi the king when 
 he did any thing contrary to juf ic? or equity." The words of Polydore Vergil are, 
 *' Eh zabetha rcgina emxa putltam, qua- paucos Dixit dies, moriiur, S e cuius ejl 
 reginam in ccelum redeunton, Regin. Braius, vere pater patrice, homo fever us, it a 
 refat amator, ut fi quid interdum peccatum ejet, illud acriter in Henrico repre- 
 benderet." 
 
 William 
 
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES, Qfe. 129 
 
 "William Bray, Efq; (who kindly gave me the permiffion to copy thefe curious 
 piclures; is brother to the above mentioned Rev. Mr. George Bray. 
 
 Though it is prefumed that moil of my readers are well acquainted with the 
 Saxon character, yet, as perhaps this work may fall into the hands of fome 
 ■who are not, for their ufe therefore here is fubjoined the Saxon alphabet. 
 
 ABCD6FGHIKLCDNOP Q^R 8 T V U] X Y Z 
 a b c t> e p 3 hikl mno p q ji r r u p xyz 
 
 Power abedefg hikl mnopqr st uw xyz 
 D « j? f 1 
 
 Power Th, th, th, that, and. 
 
 The Lord's Prayer in Anglo Saxon, as it was ufed in the eighth century, taken 
 from the venerable Bede. 
 
 £>u une paefcen 3e feajvc on heopenum. Sy Sin nama gehaljoto. Gecume \>m- 
 Thou our Father art in Heaven, by thy name hallowed, Come thy 
 juce Sy pilla ppa ppa on heopenum ppa eac on heopJ?an 8y!e 
 Kingdom', be thy will done as in Heaven Jo alfo in Earth; give 
 up ro t>x% upne fcaeghjpomhcan Klip ; Ant) popjip up upe gylrap„ rpa 
 us to Day our daily Bread ; and forgive us our Guilt, jo 
 
 ppa pa F0P3ypJ> ^ am P J J? U T ?SyMJ?i Ant) ne laeb Su na up 
 
 as ive j or give them that toward us are guilty ; and lead thou not us 
 on coprnunge , Ac alyp up ppam ypele : 8y hir ppa. 
 into Temptation But help us Jrom Evil, be it Jo. 
 
 And to mew the difference between the Anglo Saxon and Anglo Norman - 
 tongues, take the following prayer as tranflated by Pope Gregory (an EngliOi-- 
 jnan) and fent to king Henry the Second for the ufe of his fubjects. 
 
 (DUe falser in fseuene riclj, 
 Cbt name be fjalnu eueiilicfje, 
 CfSou biim tJ0 to tU mic&ilbttfce,. 
 €fn' toiil to toiicbc tf)u ttg toiu~e, 
 aiiS tit 10 in fceauene ifco, 
 OEtser in eajtf) bm bit alfo, 
 Cfrat fjoli tJteo tfrnt latfctb a?>, 
 Cijou fenn f)it ou0 tins iifce f.ap> 
 jro?gti*e ous all ttmt toe frauitf) Done, 
 ais toe foiaitjet Dei) otijet mon, 
 ^>e let falle in no fountiing^ 
 aft fciloe \)0 f?o tbe foule tfnng;, amen,- 
 
 This together with the creed (alfo in rhime) was at that time ufed in all the 
 <churches in England, with univerfal approbation. 
 
 W I N I S. 
 
vol. r. 
 
 Pint * 
 
 x tuts. 
 
 Antiquities. 
 
 
 
 SI. U. 
 
 I, Fig 2. 
 
 Roman, before Chrift 53 
 
 — 
 
 456. 
 
 I. to XXV. and XXVI. Fig. 3 
 
 . Saxon, 
 
 A. D. 451 
 
 — 
 
 1016. 
 
 XXVI. to xxviii. 
 
 Danifli, 
 
 1017 
 
 
 1066. 
 
 XXIX.toLXVII. 
 
 - Norman, 
 
 - 1066 
 
 ■ — 
 
 1272. 
 
 V 
 
 l. m 
 
 
 
 
 P/afei 
 
 Antiquities. 
 
 Mra. 
 
 
 A. D. 
 
 
 1.2,4,5,6,7,8. 
 
 Saxon, 
 
 from 457 
 
 to 
 
 1016. 
 
 
 J. 9 to 17 inclufive, and Plate II. Norman, 
 
 1066 
 
 to 
 
 1272. 
 
 
 From III. to LX. inclusive, 
 
 - Englim, 
 
 1272 
 
 to 
 
 1510. 
 
 
An INDEX for finding the Illuminations and Manuscripts mentioned 
 in the First Volume. 
 
 Plate, and Numbers on the Plate. 
 IV.5. V. 1, 2, 3,5. VI. VII. 1,2,3,4.. 
 VIII. 1, 2, 3. IX. 2, 3. 
 XIII. 2, 3, 4, 6, 7. XIV. 1, 2, 3, 4, ^ 
 
 XV. i, 2, 3, 5,6,7,8. XVI. 2, 3>4i 5. 
 XVII. 1,2, 3,5, 6, 7,8. J 
 XXXI. 2, 3. 
 
 1.3,4. IV. 1, 2, 3,6,7. V. 4, 6.-j 
 VIII. 4. XIH. 5,8. XIV. 6. XV. 4-\ 
 XVII. 4. - - - 3 
 IV.4. IX. 1. X.XI.XII.XIII.1.XXI.8. 
 VII. 5. XIX. XX. 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,9.1 
 XXI. 1,2, 3,4, 5, 6, 7. - 1 
 
 XVI. 1. 
 
 Cotton Library, 
 BritiJI) Mufeum. 1 
 
 Class. 
 
 Claudius. 13. iv\ 
 
 Claudius. D. n. 
 Clcopatria. C. vixi. 
 
 Tiberius. B. v. 
 JTiberius« C. vi. 
 Tiberius. C. VIIL 
 
 No.j 
 
 105 J 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 5 
 
 Date of MSS. 
 Century. i 
 
 8th. 
 
 14th. 
 9th. 
 nth. 
 
 Specimen of 
 he Writing. 
 
 [VII. VIII. 
 [ XIV. XV. 
 
 IV. v. 
 
 f IX. X. 
 [ XI. XII. 
 XIII. XVI. 
 
 . XXVI. 1, 2. XXVII. 1, 2, 3 
 
 XXII. 1-13, 15-21, 23-28. 
 
 XXIII. 1-11. Ato 
 
 XXIV. 1-20. Ato Q.=34. 
 
 
 Caligula. A. VII. 
 Caligula. A. xiv. 
 
 9 
 T 
 
 1 ith. 
 nth. 
 
 r xxvi. 
 
 { XXVII. 
 
 
 j" From the different 
 \ MSS before-men- 
 ttioiicd. 
 
 
 
 
 XXXI. 4. 8. from XXXVI. to LXVII. 
 
 XXXIII. 1. 
 
 XXXlV. 
 
 Nero. D. 1. " 
 
 Titus. D. 1. 
 Julius. D. vil. 
 
 
 13th. 
 
 t XXXVI. 
 \ LI. LVI. S 
 
 XXXlV. 
 
 XXX11I. 5. . - i 
 
 
 Harlcian Library, 
 
 OiltlJI) IVJUjCUnl. 
 
 No. 1585. 
 
 
 1 2th. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 
 
 Royal Library, 
 
 
 
 
 XXXIII. 2, 3, 4, 6, 10. XXXV. 
 
 Bri'tip Mufeum. 
 xiv. C. vii. 
 
 12 
 
 13th. 
 
 ' XXXV. 
 
 XIV. 5. XXVI. 4. 
 XVIII. 
 XXXIII. 7. 
 
 
 Bodleian Library, 
 
 Oxford. 
 Junius. No. xi. 
 N. E. D. 2. 
 
 1 
 
 .8 
 
 8th. 
 iotn. 
 1 2th. 
 
 XIV. 
 XVIII. 
 
 
 
 Bennet College Li- 
 
 
 
 
 XXII. 14, 22, 29, 30. 
 
 XXXI. 1, 4, 6, 7, 9. 
 
 XXXII. (, 2, 3, 8, 11. 
 
 LXII. No. 1. Additions from A. to F. 
 
 brary, Cambridge. 
 F. 1. 
 
 C. v. xvi. 
 
 4 
 
 H 
 
 9th. 
 13th. 
 
 
 XXXI. 10, 11. 
 
 
 Trinity College Li- 
 brary, Cambridge. 
 
 
 
 
 XXXII. 4, 5,6,7, 9, 10. 
 
 XXXIII. 8, 11, 12. 
 
 1 
 
 R. 17. 1. 
 
 1 1 
 
 12th. 
 
 
 XXVII. 4. XXVIII. - Tho. Aflk, Efq 
 XXV. Dr. RuJJel, and Tbo. Ajile, Efq 
 
 L i, 2. II.i,6. III. 1,4. XXVI. 3. 
 XXIX. 1,4. XXX. 1,4. 
 
 . Regifler of Hide Abbey 
 
 
 1 ith. 
 
 XXVIII, 
 
 r Plans andViewso 
 J Roman, Saxon, & 
 I NormanFortifica- 
 1 [tions, Caftles, &c 
 
 
 
 
 The Numbers contained in the third Column refer to the MSS. as they are taken notice of in the 
 Account of the MS, page 105, of the Firft Volume, 
 
An INDEX for finding the Illuminations and Manuscripts mentioned 
 in the Second Volume. 
 
 Plate, and Numbers on the Plate. 
 
 Bodleian Library, 
 Oxford. 
 
 Page 
 105 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Date of MSS. 
 Century. 
 
 Specimen of 
 the Writing. 
 
 I. No. 2. to 8. 
 
 Junius. No. xi. 
 
 1 
 
 8th. 
 
 
 L ii, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. — II. 1, 3, | 
 
 7,16,18,20,33,34,37,41,42,43. J 
 
 I. 9.— II. 4, 2, 9, 10, 23, 24, 25, 28, 1 
 
 20. 20. 21. 26. AA. AC. a6. - J 
 VI. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVI I. 
 
 VI. 9, 13,14. Plates fromVII.to LIX. 1 
 inclufive J 
 
 II. 26, 27, 32. - * 
 
 Trinity College Li- 
 brary, Cambridge. 
 
 R. 17. 1. 
 
 1 r 
 
 12th. 
 
 
 'Cotton Library, 
 Britifl) Mufeum. 
 Nero. D. 1. 
 
 Tiberius. A. vn. 
 Julius. E. iv. 
 
 Vol.11, 
 p 119. 
 
 6 & 7. 
 
 13th. 
 1 5th. 
 
 
 Bennet College Li- 
 brary, Cambridge. 
 C. v. xvi. 
 
 Vol.1, 
 p. 105. 
 14 
 
 13th. 
 
 
 II.35. 
 
 II. 39, 40. - 
 
 Royal Library, 
 Britifo Mufeum. 
 xiv. C. 2. 
 X. A. xiii. 
 
 — 
 
 13th. 
 
 nth. 
 
 
 VI. 17, 18. 
 
 P falter, in the pof- 
 jcjfion of J.Ives, Efq. 
 
 Vol.11, 
 pag. 1. 
 1 
 
 14th. 
 
 
 VI. 19. from xi. to xxxiii* 
 
 Liber Regalis, 
 IVeflminfler Abbey. 
 
 3 
 
 14 th. 
 
 
 IV. 7, 8, 15, 17, 22. 
 
 If frriiYt t fn 1 > inclnliVP * 
 ill* llUiil 1 IU 1 Z llJiluiJV c t 
 
 III. 13, 14, 15, 16. 
 
 IV. i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10,11, 12,13, [ 
 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21. 
 
 Harleian Library, 
 Britijh Mufeum. 
 
 1319 
 2278 
 
 2 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 14th. 
 15th. 
 
 IV. 
 
 VI. I. II. III. IV. V.VI. VII. VIII. •> 
 
 
 
 
 
 VI. 22, 23. 
 
 1766 
 
 
 15th. 
 
 
 V. from 1 to 1 8, and 22 23. - j 
 
 V. 19, 20, 21, 24, 25. VI. 20, 21. - 
 
 VI. 7, 8, 10, 11,12, 15, 16. J 
 
 CoDeded from chief 
 of the above MSS. 
 From Mountfaucon. 
 From the Regal and 
 Ecclefia/h Antiquities. 
 
 From the 
 Nuremberg Chronicle. 
 From Stow's Survey 
 of London. 
 
 FromCoins, Seals, Ifc 
 
 — 
 
 15th. 
 
 
 VI. ix. x. - * { 
 
 I. 10. - . - | 
 
 II. 5,6,11,12,13,14,15,17,19,21,22.1 
 VI. 1, 2, 3,4, 5, 6. - - J 
 
 }- 
 
 15th. 
 
 
 1.4,5,6,7. 
 I. 1, 3. 
 
 Parts of Buildings. 
 Saxon. 
 Norman. 
 
 
 
 
 The pieceding Indexes are added to this Work by the kind afliftance of John Fenn, Efq; F. R. S. 
 
 Eajl Dereham, Norfolk. 
 
YTTT 
 
XVI 
 
xvir 
 
XVTLT 
 
XXII 
 
xxm 
 
xxiv 
 
XXVIII 
 
I 
 
! 
 
LTD 
 
[ 
 
LVI1 
 
LX 
 
j£) ojfba An^el-cynnan ; 
 
 o R, 
 
 A COMPLEAT VIEW 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Manners, Cuftoms, Arms, Habits, &c. 
 
 OF THE 
 
 INHABITANTS of ENGLAND, 
 From the Arrival of the Saxons to the prefent Time j 
 with 
 
 A SHORT ACCOUNT of the BRITONS, 
 During the Government of the Romans. 
 
 IN THREE VOLUMES. 
 
 By JOSEPH STRUT T, 
 
 Author of the Regal & Ecclesiastical Antiquities of England, 
 VOL. III. 
 
 Thus deep Defire hath laftly moved me 
 On Pilgrimage Time's Traces to purfue, 
 The Relickes of his Ruines for to fee, 
 And for the Love of my deere Nation due, 
 The Things concerning them which I did view, 
 Tending to Englifh Honour, earft concealed, 
 Here in my Travels-Map I have revealed. 
 
 Vcrjlegaris Prefmatory Poem to his Rejlitution of Decayed Ant'tquitictl 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for WALTER SHROPSHIRE, N Q . 158, New 
 
 Bond-Street. 
 
 M.DCC.LXXV*!; 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 AS heretofore I promifed that this work fhould be compleated 
 in two volumes, I may now need fome excufe for the 
 putting forth a third. It fhould be recollected, that I 
 did faithfully perform my firft engagement, and brought the 
 manners and cuftoms of the people down to the beginning of the 
 reign of Henry the Eighth, as was then promifed, making the 
 work as compleat as I poflibly could : nor had I at that time the 
 leaft thought or intention of continuing it.down, as I -have now 
 done, to the prefent asra ; , for if I had, I fhould have made no 
 fcruple of declaring my. plan at once to the public. But in my 
 refearches, having met with fuch a variety of excellent and 
 authentic materials, I collected them together, and declared my 
 defign to a considerable number of the former purchafers ; and 
 they (fo far from exprefling the leaf! dilTatisfaction) ufed all their 
 endeavours to encourage me in the purfuit thereof, and the 
 more fo, as in the former volumes the difcourfe was broken off in 
 the moft interefting part of our annals —I have then, for thefe 
 reafons, once more taken up my pen, and once more claim the 
 indulgence of a favouring public. 
 
 In this volume, the reader will find the number of plates greatly 
 diminilhed ; but then he will fee, at the fame time, how much 
 better they are, and how much higher finimed, which may in 
 fome meafure compenfate for the deficiency. To the letter profs, 
 there is made the addition of upwards of eight whole fheets, or 
 fixty-four pages. 
 
 The variety of materials which compofe the prefent volume are 
 not conjectural, but real facts, collected from the beft and moft 
 undoubted authorities ; by means of which almoffc all the ancient 
 cuftoms and ceremonies, from the early times to the prefent period ? 
 are fet forth and fully explained. - 
 
 Alfo at the end of this volume is the addition made of three 
 compleat Indexes, referring to every remarkable circumftance 
 throughout the whole body of the work, one of them to each 
 feparate volume. 
 
tf able of the Principal Heads contained in Vol. III. 
 
 -Page 
 
 AR M IE S, and the Arrangement thereof - ** , " - 2 
 Method of Encampment - - 7 
 
 Soldiers, Arms, &c. - ------- 9 
 
 Government ----------- 
 
 Royal Proceffions, &c. - " - 18 
 
 Coronations - - - " " ~ 22 
 
 Nobility and their Creation - - - - - "* "3** 
 
 Laws and Adminiftration of Juftice ------ 4° 
 
 Shipping and Marine Affairs - - - - - - - 52 
 
 Kufbandry, &c. -'54 
 
 Collections relative to fundry Trades ------ 59 
 
 Domeftic Affairs ^3 
 Drefs and Habit - - -------- 75 
 
 r> ------ - 106 
 
 Banquets ----- - 
 
 Mufic ----- 
 
 Sports and Paftimes - - - - " - " * n 9 
 
 Theatre - - - - - " - " " '3° 
 
 Other Sports - - *45 
 
 Marriages - - - " " " " " " 
 
 Burials - - - 15 
 
 Religion - - -------- ! 7 2 
 
 The Progrefs of the Art of Defign » 
 
 Account of the MSS. - - - ■- " " - 189 
 
 Pefcription of the Plates - - - - * " T ' l 9 l 
 
C « ] 
 
 THE 
 
 MANNERS and CUSTOMS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ENGLISH, 
 
 CONTINUED. 
 
 TH E laudable defire of preferving, and handing down to pofterity, a 
 collection (as compleat as poflible) of our national antiquities, induces 
 me once more to take up my pen. — In the two preceding volumes, I 
 have brought the manners and cuftoms, of our early anceftors, to the reign of 
 Henry the Eighth : — in this, my tafk will be to continue the fame down to the 
 prefent time. 
 
 In the former aeras, 'tis true, the materials (particularly in the more early 
 periods) were but few, and the fubjects oftentimes obfcured with the clouds of 
 barbarifm and error : to make amends in the volume now before us, we are 
 advancing into a more extenfive, and I believe more pleafing fcene : the profpect 
 is far more clear, and beautiful j for we mall now find our progenitors making 
 hafty ftrides to perfection; the fun of literature, and politenefs, advances to its 
 meridian, while fuperftition and the dark veil of error, which formerly fhaded 
 the minds of men, by degrees doth vanifh, and give place to truth and reafon. 
 But though in learning, and the polite arts, the prefent age is greatly fuperior 
 to any of the foregoing, yet that noble hofpitality, that honeft fimplicity, 
 which has always been the true characteriftic of the antient Englishman, mull 
 raile in our minds a great and honourable idea of our ancestors, — In fhort, all 
 ages have produced, and will produce, as long as the world endures, ridiculous 
 cuftoms and fooleries without end ; whilft even the moft dark, and unen- 
 lightened times, do conftantly abound with many great and ftriking inftances of 
 heroic virtue and noblenefs of foul, worthy not only of our obfervation, but 
 ano of our imitation. 
 
 Vol. III. B To 
 
% THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 To purfue my plan regularly, as I did before in the two former volumes,, 
 I mould here begin with the Modern Fortifications.- — But this fubjecT: I mall 
 entirely pafs over, for thefe reafons; firfi:, that the alterations and the additions 
 made in this art are fo various, and the vaft variety of different fpecimens,. 
 which would be abfolutely neceflary to be given, fo numerous, that this (ingle 
 article alone would fill the limits 1 have fet to myfelfinthis volume; and to enter 
 fuperficially into the matter, would be only confuting, rather than elucidating 
 the fubjecl: ; fecondly, I wifTi, in thefe my publications, rather to throw 
 light upon fubjecls that are obfcure, or unknown, than to animadvert upoii 
 fuch as are well underftood, or may eafily be come at. — On this art, many very 
 curious, and copious volumes, have already been written and publifhed, which 
 will explain it, in all its branches, in a far better manner than 1 am able to do, 
 or ..ndeed than my defign can require referring therefore the curious reader to 
 publications, I mall pafs on immediately, to 
 
 The Armies, and Arrangement of thenv hi the latter English 
 
 i£ra. 
 
 MS. in Bib J n m y refearches amongft the valuable MSS. preferved in the Cotton Library,. - 
 T?beriuV S * met Wlt ^ one wr i tten m tne reign of Henry the Eighth ; in which I find 
 E. VllL 
 
 <£ The Order to be had, when the King goeth to Battle. " 
 All which I will fet down in the fame language and orthography as I found it. 
 
 Firft, the coneftable, and lord marfhall, ought to fend out ryders to difcover 
 the countryes together, as the army draweth nearer every day. 
 
 After them one marfhall, or other valiant man, conjoin'd with good efquierye, . 
 of good men and horfe and they to have with them good ordenaunce, and 
 ftore of fhott, fusficient for to fuccor the diftrefs (if neede be) of the fpyers. 
 
 After them the marfhall of the lodginges, the knight harbenger, fteward, . 
 pourveyors, and iergeaunts of the tents, with theyr trayne to decipline the 
 lodging. 
 
 The Forewarde of the Battle, to be in order as follovveth : 
 
 The conftable, and marfhall as chefe, to give order there, as the tyme and ' 
 place may require ; with the ordenaunce in order followinge - 3 as eqqyers, 
 knights, bannerets, barons, and the officers at arms, to ride here and there, 
 where they mail be commanded. 
 
 The conftable the firft in the fore-ward, then the barons, knights, and 
 efquyers; next after the maifler of the ordinaunce, with the ordinaunce, and all 
 thinges to him appurtainynge. 
 
 The mafter of the horfe ought to beare, or caufe to be borne, the kynges 
 &andard unto the tyme of the battle ; then he muft beare it himfel-f. 
 
 The. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 5 
 The kinges henchmen, upon bardett horfes, having the armour of the 
 kynge, both for the body and the head. 
 
 Then the trumpetters, next after the henchmen ; 
 
 Then pennons of the bachellers knightes ; . 
 
 Next banners of the bannerettes two and two, after their degree j 
 
 The barons two, and two , 
 
 The banners of the noble men of the blood, two and two, after their degree^ 
 and dignity ; 
 
 The banner of the kynge ; which ought to be borne into the field, or battle: 
 The chief chamberlayne ; 
 
 And two rankes from the barons, the kinges of armes, heralds, and purfe- 
 vants ; to be fent here and there, as caufe (hall be. 
 
 Then (hall folowe the kynge, accompayncd with princes of the blood royal, 
 dukes, lords, earles, and other noble men, to a great power. 
 
 The chief carver, ought to bear the kinges pennon, there where the kinge 
 goeth moll, next and behynde, to the ende that every man may know where 
 the kinge is. 
 
 Memorandum. They that bear banners, ftandards, or pennons, on horfeback j 
 the voiage accomplimed, — it is their right to have them. 
 
 The Rerewarde. 
 
 After cometh the -rerewarde; where the dukes, earles, and marfhalles, be 
 well accompayned, with the valienteft men ; and with the fhott appertayning to 
 the armye. 
 
 After the rerewarde, at a little diftance, fome companyes of good horfemen ; 
 
 After them horfemen well furnifhed, which fhall tarrye behynde, and fhall go 
 on bothe fydes, to difcover that they be not taken, or rather that the rereward 
 Should not be fuddenly attacked : and on the two fydes, fhall be two wynges ; 
 and therein gonnes, conducted by two princes, where the admirall, or the 
 marfhall, or the maifter of the ordinaunce, or other captaynes, wyfe and vau- 
 lient, mall fuddenly fend to the right, and left fydes, good and fufHcient m en 
 at armys on horfeback, for to difcover the countries, parTages, and lands, &c. 
 
 In another copy I met with the following addition, which, becaufe it itill In ib 
 further explains the prefent fubject, I have given word for word. MS. 
 
 The Ordynaunce of the Kinge a when he goeth to Battaylle. 
 
 When a kynge will goe to warre, in the countrie of his enemyes, and in- 
 ten.-'eth to make batayle ; he muft have in the forewarde; the maifter of his 
 crols bowes, to be before the kynge ; and after the forewarde, the high flew- 
 arde, and the marfhall of his lodgynge, the which is for the baitsylle of the 
 kynge ; and then the kynge, accompayned with dukes, and earlles, of hys 
 bloode, and barons of his realme; and then in the rerewarde, muft be put a 
 
 B 2 duke 
 
4 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 duke, or an earle, or one of the marfhalles, if the forewarde be ftronge enoughs 
 
 to refill the enemies. 
 
 The Order of a Kynge, if he intend to fyghte. 
 
 The kynge arrayed in his own coat of armes, muft be on horfeback, on a 
 good horfe, covered alfo with his armes : —The kynge muft alfo wear a crown 
 upon hys headpiece ; and on each fyde of hym two dukes, or knyghtes of the 
 valiaunteft that he hath in hys armye, well mounted, and armyd at all poyntes, 
 covered with the armes of the kynges bearynge ; in their handes eache of them 
 io bear, a banner of hys armes : — and before the kynge to be appoynted five 
 
 hundred fpeares, with hys banners ; — behind the kynge hys gentleman* 
 
 ihall go bearynge hys pennon, whecefoever the kynge goeth. — And if it happen 
 the kynge to go from the battayle, to make ordinaunces, or other thinges ; 
 then mail the conftable, and marmalles, ryde alonge the battayle, to ordayne 
 and keep good order, and arraye in the armye. — The kynge ought to be accom- 
 payned with dukes, and earles, and to contynue under hys banners. If the 
 cnemie will fight on foote, the kynge muft ftill byde on horfebacke, and thofe 
 that carry hys banners muft be on foot, accompayned as beforefaide :< The 
 kynge muft be on horfebacke, becaufe that the dignitye of a kynge hath that 
 priviledge; and for that it ought to fuffice, to fee hys people fight; and it is 
 requifite, that he fee from one ende of the fielde to the other, to comfort his 
 armye and give them courage : alfo if it happen that the fielde fhould be loft, 
 he may fave hymfelf ; for it is better to loofe a battayle, then to loofe a kynge.; 
 for the loofyng of a kynge, is often the lofs of a realme. 
 
 In the fame MS. I met with the following ordinances. 
 
 Howe to maintayne a Duke in Battayle, and in what Arraye. 
 
 The duke muft ordeyne his battayle, as aforefaide and muft have his horfe 
 with hys armes, and himfelf likewife arrayed in hys owne coate; and to have a 
 corownett of golde, and pretious ftones upon hys heade peece, fignifienge that 
 he is a duke : To have a banner, and pennon of hys armes, and to be accom- 
 payned with 300 fperes ; and his banner in the mydft; and archers for the 
 winges ; and hys earles and barons : and if he ordeyne hys battayle on footer 
 he muft ftande undyr hys banner, accompayned with hys earles, and barons, on 
 eyche fyde of hym and to do hys devoir untill he be taken or flayne : For. the 
 kynge his foveraigne is bownd to revenge, and ayde hym, and to releefe hym 
 alfo from prifon ; — and for this caufe the duke ought more to adventure hym- 
 felfe than a kynge, in any battayle that is. 
 
 How 
 
 * Hys gentleman— What office this gentleman bore is not to be feen at prefent in the above 
 copy, being entirely obliterated : but from the quotation before we may, I believe, fupply the want, 
 where we are informed that the chief carver ought to bear the kyngs pennon, &c. 
 
 f As aforefaide, — that is as the kings army was arranged ; for this order for the duke, is when he 
 (hall be commander in chief in the kings abfen.ee. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 3 
 
 How to maintayne an Earle, in Battaylc. 
 
 An earle muft have 200 fpeares, and alfo archers with hym , if he goe int$ 
 the battayle he mujl have one hundred fpeares before hym to fyght ; and to have 
 a banner of bys armes, and penons, with the other hundred fpeares, to keepe hys 
 bodye, and the bowmen before in the winges, to proceed in good arraye.* 
 
 The fame number of men, and the fame ordinaunce, belong alfo to a Marquis; 
 
 How to maintayne a Baron. 
 The baron muft have 100 fpeares : 50 to fight, and the other 50 for to keepe 
 his bodie, and hys banner ; but he muft have no pennon; which is the diffe- 
 rence between the earl and the baron. 
 
 How to maintayne a Bannerett. 
 A Bannerett muft have 50 fpeares and bowmen ; 25 to fight, and 25 for to 
 keepe hys bodye and hys banner. — He is to be under the barons, and if there 
 be any other banners of honor, according to their nobilitye, and in like wife 
 all men that bear armes. 
 
 Then followe thefe directions, for to Ordeyne Battayles, and to arraynge 
 the hofte. 
 
 ift. They muft not be fet too thick together, left one mould encumber 
 the other. 
 
 2dly. Not too thin, leaft the light armed of the enemy mould eafily enter 
 amongft them to annoy them: 
 
 3dly. To fet the beft armed, ftrongeft, and beft weapon'd men in front, the 
 weakeft'in the rear. 
 
 4thly, The general may divide his army into four or five battles, as he may 
 fee occafion j but if the enemy be ftronger than himfelf, he fhould bring all 
 his men together, and endeavour to force in upon the enemy unawares. 
 
 Seven Precepts, fhewing how the Enemy may be ftronge. 
 ift, When they are affembled in good order* 
 
 2dly, When they have the advantage of any paffages of water, mountain?, 
 ftraights, &c. 
 
 3dly, When the wind, the fun, or the duft is in their backs: 
 4thly, When they affail their opponents fuddenly, while at meat or other- 
 ways employed, thinking themfelves fecure. 
 
 5thly, If they have been fome time at eafe,, untired with long marches, 
 watches, &c. 
 
 6thly, 
 
 • This part is all dreadfully mutilated and torn in the MS. but I believe I have with examining 
 fome otter trails, pretty well iupplyed the deficiency j all that which is printed in italics, is added, 
 
6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 6thly, While they hold together in firm league without diffention and 
 quarrels. 
 
 ythly, If they are well acquainted with the ftate and condition of their 
 •adverfaries. 
 
 Seven other Precepts contrary. 
 
 rft, The chieftain muft endeavour to aflault, and break the ranks of his 
 enemies. 
 
 2dly, He ought to fecure all paftages, ftraights, mountains, &c. where he 
 can poft himfelf to advantage. 
 
 3dly, He mould be careful fo to contrive his battle, as to have the advantage 
 of the fun, the wind, and the duft, &c. 
 
 4thly, He fliould be careful to let fome part of his hoft, as well men as 
 horfes, have both meat and drink before they approach the enemy, that they 
 may then guard the reft againft any fudden aflault. 
 
 5thly, He mould conftantly (if poffible) afTail the enemy, when they are 
 weary and harrafled with long marches, and fatigued with watching, &c. 
 
 6thly, He mould by fpies and emiflaries, ftrive to breed debates and quar- 
 rels in the army of his adverfaries, to hurt their order and divide them. 
 
 7thly, He ought to be very clofe and fecret in his own intentions, yet ftriv- 
 ing by all manner of means to difcover the ftate, the number, and the motions 
 of his adverfaries. 
 
 To this I will add the order and arrangement of the royal army of Henry 
 the Eighth, as I find it drawn upon the march toward the enemies, in a curi- 
 Codex i ous delineation, preferved in a large book in the Cotton Library * (and moft 
 Bib. Cotton, likely done at the time) -f-. — Firft go a ftrong party of horfe, and on either fide 
 infig. Au- 2 cannons, guarded by 2 troops of horfe, one to the right the other to the left : 
 guftus 3. tnen follow a large party of mufketeers and henchmen^ rank'd alternately, 
 preqeeded by a fmall party, and followed by a larger party of mufketeers 
 only, and at either end as wings, go a fmall party of archers ; and on the 
 right and on the left, feveral pieces of cannon then follows the main body, 
 flanked at each end with a ftrong party of archers, and on either fide a large 
 wing of horfemen well armed ; the main body is compofed of pikemen and 
 henchmen ; the henchmen being placed in the middle to guard the kings 
 perfon ; after the main body follows a fmall party of mufketeers, then a larger 
 body of mufketeers, flank'd on either fide with a fmall company of archers, 
 which is alfo followed by a party of mufketeers only ; on either fide are many 
 pieces of cannon, and behind, (guarded by a ftrong troop of horfe) comes the 
 baggage, the women, the oxen, fheep, and the like. 
 
 In 
 
 •* Of this curious book fee a full account in the defcription of theMSS. at the end of the Vol. 
 
 f This march is alfo defcribed by Holingfhead, page 1479, and he has added the names of the 
 leaders ; it may be well worth while to the reader whom this may concern, to compare the two 
 accounts : the king was prefent in perfon, and in . this ftate marched from Calais toward the French 
 .army the 2 1 ft. of July, A, D. 1554, the 5th year of his reign. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 7 
 
 In a MS. which 1 found in the Harleian Library (written in the reign of MS. in Bib, 
 queen Elizabeth) is contained the names of the officers of honor and other ? ar1, inf,g * 
 mean officers, appertayninge to an armye royall, nominated and appointed men, 
 ueceffary for the invafione of a forraine realme. 
 
 The queenes majeftie beinge determined to make warre withe anie other 
 prince, by the advice of her graces moft honorable counfaile, dothe name and 
 aflign, the officers of honor, to fuch charge appertaininge as folowethe : 
 
 Firft the lord genet all of the arm)e, unto whom the v/hole charge is com- 
 mitted, and to his affiftaunce, two lordes leyvetenaunts (lieutenants J of the fore 
 and rere wardes, who have in their charge like as the generall hath in the bat- 
 taile ; favinge alwaies and in all lervices, they be at the commaundement of 
 the lord general, and they have in every of their charges one leyvetenaunt . 
 
 There are alfo apperteyninge to the lord leyvetenaunts and armye ; one knight 
 marefoall, and a provojl marifkally the treajurer, and the under treafurer-, the 
 general of the horfemen, and hys lyvetenaunt ; a jlandard bearer with certaine 
 trumpettes ; the maijler of the ordinaunce, and hys lyvetenaunt, with certeyne 
 derives in wages the Jiowte maijler, the harbinger , the general of the forlorne 
 hope; the ferjaunte major, and fome ccrpor alls undir him ; the mufier mafler t . 
 the fui'veyor of the victuals ; the Jurveyor of the workes j the ma/ler of the 
 cartages, ferjauntes, clerkes, corporalls and trumpet ts, &c. — and this feems to 
 be the mufter of all the officers in the army at that time, as the lift is given in 
 a book of inftructions, to each particular officer, pointing out the whole extent 
 of his duty and power of his office. — It will be well worth the trouble of ex- 
 amination, to any military gentleman, who may be defirous of comparing the 
 dilcipline of the army at the above period, with what is at prefent commonly, 
 pra&ifed. 
 
 Method of Encampment. 
 
 In the valuable book above quoted (preferved in the Cotton Library) is the Augurs $ 
 plan cf king. Henry the Eighth's camp, pitched during his wars in France, MS. Bib. 
 and under the delineation is the original direction for the form and order of it otto s« 
 for the better underftanding what follows, the plan as in the above book, is 
 copied, plate 10, of this vol. and the directions run thus word for word : 
 
 The mening of the plat, (or plan) ys fyrft that no manys tent, fhal be fett 
 within 200 foote of the kynges tentes, that is to faye, the uttermoft parte of 
 the cordds, mall not come nere the uttermoft parte of the cordds of the Kinges 
 tenttes ; both for ayer, and to have fpace about yt. 
 
 Item, that the fowre quarters be fo appoynted, that the kinges grounde, 
 and tentts, may be in the mydds, and to be bytweene corddes and corddes, 
 of every quarter, a hundred fote brode s fo that every fuch fpace bytwene the 
 quarters, may come ryght to the grownde of the kynges tentte, according as 
 it is drawn in the plat : — 'alfo yf the kynges highnefs will have the market 
 place, that then the way through the markett place to be made as yt is in the 
 platt and the fame markett place to be in the mydds, two hundred fote fquare, 
 with fowre quarters, and betweene every quarter, a lane 50 fote, betweene 
 
 corddes 
 
I THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 .corddcs and corddes ; and the faid lanes to come every one to the myddes of 
 the grownde, of the market place. 
 
 Item, for the good orderynge of the faid tenttes, accordyng to the platt; 
 there muft be two as Marjhalls> and they to appoynte the grownde, wher the 
 faide tenttes mall ftand j to chofe the grounde as nere as they can, to be upon 
 drye grounde, and fpecyally the place where the kynges highnes tenttes (hall 
 ftande ; and alfo to fee that there may be goode water as nigh as can be. 
 
 Item, thefe Mar/halls mall apoynte, fyrft the grownde for the kynges tenttes, 
 and for the fpace about them, according to the platt; which grownde, the 
 .faide Marjloalls dial delyver unto fuche as mail be appeynted to receyve the 
 fame ; and they to fee the kynges tenttes to be fett in order, and appoynte the 
 grounde for the fame. 
 
 Item, that the faid Marfljalls flhal alfo appoynte the grownde for the fowre 
 quarters, accordyng to the platt, to fuch as mail be appoynted to receyve the 
 fame; and they to appoynte grownde, and place in there quarters, to every 
 man, as they be appoynted, and after there degrees ; and one Marfiali to lye 
 there, and to have yrons (irons J for punymment of fuche as (hall offende. 
 
 Item, that they that (hall lodge, and apoynte the quarters ; have a bill of 
 the names of them that are appoynted to have tenttes, in any of the faide 
 quarters ; which boke muft be made by the kinges highnefs, or his counfill, 
 and to be delyverr'd to them that (hall have the charge. 
 
 Item, yf the kynges highnefs plefure be to have a markett place, according 
 to the platt; for the good ordyring of the fame, firft one marjhall mufte lye in 
 the faide markett, in his tentte, and the clerk of the markett allfo, to fee goode 
 rule and order, and the faid marfiall mull have withynne botihe yrons and 
 ftokys (flocks) for ponyfhment of fuch as do offende ; alfo there muft be made 
 a proclamation, fuche as fhalbe thought mete by the kynges highnefs, and hys 
 counfell, for goodde order and quyecenes, and ponymment for them that mall 
 offende, contrary to the fame, 6cc. 
 
 MS. in Bib. And in another MSS. (alfo quoted above) written in the reign of queen 
 Harl.infig. Elizabeth, is the. following article. 
 
 #47- 
 
 The order how a Camp ought to be pytched, videlicet. 
 
 Firfte of all, after that the high marfiall hath appointed the ground, bothe 
 mete and convenient for the campe; having both woode, and water, and for- 
 rage fuflicient for the armye; then muft the provofi marjjjail devide the grounde, 
 into fix feveral quarters e. 3 for the footmen, and 3 for the horfemen, 
 and betwixt the quarters, he muft appoynte a ftrete, whych muft be 80 foot 
 broade at the leaft ; then muft he alfo appoint a large place of affemblie, and a 
 marketplace, where he mufte place the rere-warde on the left hand of the 
 place of affemblie, and the battaile in ye nether part of the fayde affemblie, 
 referving the ftreet into it betweene the two battailes ; and to place the rere- 
 ward upon the right hand of the lame place of affemblie, referving alfo another 
 roome, for another ftreete, to goe be.ttwene the rereward and the battaile, and 
 tfyat all the tent doors do open into the faid place of affemblie; alfo the place 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 9 
 
 of the generals tentte, is in the quarter of the battaile, directly in the myddeft 
 of the laid battaile, and the door of his tent muft open into the place of affem- 
 blie, a little before the other tentes ; and in the fame quarter, muft he ap- 
 pointe the marjhalls tente, on the right hand of the treafurers, or the left hand 
 of the (aid generals tent. — Alfo he muft appointe the ordinaunce, before the 
 place of alTemblie, within the ringe of the faid campe, and cariages to impale 
 the fame, as muche as is needful : for in this campe, the horfe campe is not 
 environ'd with carriages ; for that it hath both woode, and a greate river 
 runeing by it, for the guard thereof, that it needeth no impalement. — The 
 horfe campe is alfo divided into 3 quarters j firft the horfemen of the vvarvvard, 
 are appointed in the quarter of the warward ; the horfe and the horfemen of 
 the battaile, directly under the battaile ; and like wyfe the horfemen of the 
 rereward, under the rereward : There muft alfo be appointed within the 
 market place of the campe, a place for the munition of ordinaunce, that muft 
 be trench'd aboute ; and a place for the M r of the ordinaunce, with the office 
 of ordinaunce, near unto the artillorie, on the righte hande ; and the victuelles 
 on the left hande : and for the order of letting of watches, both of fotemen, 
 and horfemen, fchall be declared ; alfo comandement muft be given, that no 
 man pitche anye tent, neare the ringe of the campe, by feven fcore foote at the 
 leaft. 
 
 Soldiers, Arms, 8zc. 
 
 The archers and the henchmen (or men with axes) were, in the reigns of 
 Henry the Seventh and Eighth, conftantly intermixed with the gunners, or 
 rather mufketeers, (Holingfhead indeed, and fome of the old chroniclers, call 
 them fta{QUCl)Uirg£0) and pikemen ; but during the reign of queen Elizabeth, 
 they do not feem to have made any very confiderable figure, and in the days of 
 James the Firft, we hear no more of them : but the pike-men were continued 
 down till of late days; and the pikes then ufed form, at this prefent period, a 
 confiderable part of the fmail armory exhibited in the Tower of London, 
 which muft have fallen under the notice of almoft every one. 
 
 The mufketeers, even in the time of Henry the Seventh, and more particu- 
 Ip-ly in the reign of his fon, made a confiderable part of the army ; and during 
 the rule of James the Firft, they with the pike-men formed the whole : for 
 muikets were then ufed by the horfe, as well as the foot foldiers : — fo that, 
 from this time, the Englilh archery were no longer had in ufe, at which a 
 judicious author, then living, expreftes his great concern. }J am 
 
 In the fecond plate of this volume, N°. 3, is exhibited a figure with a hand- note'tojEli 
 gun, or mufket, on his fhoulder, as in ufe in the reign of Henry the Eighth. ansTaftic? 
 The priming is laid in the hollow at the fide of the lock, expofed uncovered 
 to the weather, which, if damp and rainy, muft of courfe prevent the operation 
 of the gun, and render it ufelefs. And the author above-mentioned, John 
 Bingham, bears witnefs, that even in the more improved ftate of the mufket, 
 ?s in the reign of James the Firft, it was fubject to the fame inconvenience ; 
 for, fays he, " in rain, fnowe fogges, or when the enemy hath gayned the wind, ibiJ. p. ,6 
 mufkets have but fmall ufe and he alfo in the fame difcourfe declares, that 
 long time was neceftary for the charging ; While, fays he, " the muflzetier Hid. p. 25 
 
 Vol. III. C takes 
 
io THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 takes down his mufket, uncockes the matche, blowes, proynes, J/juttes, caftes of 
 the pan, cajtes about the mufket, opens his charges, chargetb, drawes out his 
 fkowring fticke, (ramrod we Jhould now call it) rammes m the powder, drawes 
 out againe, and puts up his fkowring flick, layes the mufket on the reft, blowes 
 of the matche, cockes and tryes it, gardes the pan, and lo makes ready. All 
 which actions muft neceftarily be obferved, if you will not faile of the true ufe 
 of a mufket." — What a number of operations, before it could be brought once 
 to fire ! — But before I proceed in this difcourfe, for the better explaining the 
 uncocking the match, and laying the mufket on the reft, it may not be imperti- 
 nent here to obferve, that the method of firing the gun was not with a flint and 
 fteel pan, as at prefent, but inftead thereof a piece of lighted match, made for 
 that purpofe (which the foldier conflantly had with him) was put into the lock, 
 inflead of the flint, which, when the trigger below was pulled, was forced by 
 the fpring of the lock into the pan, and communicated the fire to the prime, 
 or powder laid therein : And the refl here mentioned, was a ftafF fharp at one 
 end, with a curve at the top, which alfo was a part of the mufketeer's equipage; 
 the fharp end of this ftafF (when he was about to fire his piece; he thruft into 
 the ground, and laid the mufket on the reft or curve at top. while he took his 
 aim ; for fuch was the weight of his mufket, that without this help he could 
 never have been able to have taken any aim at all. — But the inconvenience of 
 all thefe methods mail ftrike every one fo much, that it will become a matter 
 of furprize that the archers (who were formerly fo juftly famed for their fkill 
 and fervice) Ihould fo fuddenly be put from the army, even before the vun, the 
 only inftrument that could be found to fupply their deficiency, was brought to 
 any perfection ; and efpecially as the author (above quoted) has fo manifeftly 
 pointed out the fuperiority of the long-bow to the mulket, at that period. 
 All from The military figures reprefented in the fix firft plates of this volume (the 
 Auguftus 3. originals of which were made in the reign of Henry the Eighth) are evidently 
 officers of diftinction. Dr. Morton (to whofe favour I owe the fight of the book 
 from whence thefe figures are taken)with the greateft propriety imagines, that they 
 may be delineated as portraits of fome of the chief performers at thofe tournaments 
 which were held at the meeting of Henry the Eighth and the French king, in the 
 valley of Ardern : and tho' no written account is now to be found in the book, 
 yet, I dare fay, any one who examines the figures, their armour, and fituations, 
 will immediately be of the fame opinion; efpecially when he is told, that the 
 former part of the book is filled with the marches and actions of the fame king 
 (Henry the Eighth) and his army, during his ftay in France. — If it is admitted 
 that thefe figures do really reprefent thofe gentlemen, who diftinguifhed them- 
 felves at the tournaments at that time held, it may naturally follow that the 
 tents (Plate 8 and 9) are the delineations of the tents then fet up for the 
 reception of the two kings and their lords; for they are contained in the fame 
 book, and are placed directly before the figures above-mentioned. If fo, as 
 appears very likely that Plate 8, N°. 2. (which did undoubtedly belong to 
 the king of England) is the pavillion of crimfon and gold, mentioned by Hall 
 the other (Plate 9.) might be for the French king ; and the third (Plate 8, 
 N°. 1.) ftrip'd or pain'd for the lords, knights, 6cc. that belonged to the 
 tournaments :. but as (I before remark'd) there is no writing in the book which 
 
 can 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. n 
 
 can tend to the better explanation of thefe curious delineations, all this 
 (which is indeed a very reafonable conjecture) muft be left to the further 
 judgment of the learned antiquaries. — Plate 16, of this vol. N Q . i, is prince 
 Henry, the eldeft fon of James the Firft, in his tilting habit, worn when they 
 exercifed the pike on foot. Fig. 2, of the fame plate, exhibits a nobleman 
 alio fo armed ; in the fame manner is prince Charles (afterwards Charles the 
 Firft) reprefented, Fig. 3,-and Fig. 2,»**Plate 17, is a man in the compleat 
 armour as worn in the reign of Charles the Firft, and the figure befide him 
 (N Q . 1.) is the habit of the foldier, when out of his armour, in his buff or 
 leather jacket. 
 
 The buff jerken, or jacket, is often alluded to in feveral of the old Plays, Untrufling 
 where a foldier is introduced : as in Decker's Play, of the Untrufling of the the Humor- 
 Humorous Poet, AlTinus fays of capt. Tucca (after he is gone) " My ftomach g 11 *^ ?*' 
 rifes at this fcurvy leather captain." And in the fame Play, Tucca himfelf (joined/ 1 "* 
 fays to Minever, " Do not fcorn me becaufe I go in flag, — in buff." 
 
 The arms of the horfe foldicrs, as in ufe at the latter end of the reign of 
 James the Firft, may be feen, Plate 21. — Fig. 1 and 2, reprefent the helmet; 
 3 the fore part of the compleat armour, and 4 the back part of the fame; 5 and 
 6 are right and left gautlets ; 9 is the vam brace, and 10 the cuifbe, or thigh 
 armour ; 1 1 is the feparate armour for the back from the fourth figure, fhewing 
 how it buckles to the breaft armour, fig. 12, under the vambrace ; underneath 
 fig. 1 1 is the guard due reine, which faftens on to the back armour with a 
 ftaple and hook, and buckles to the cuifbe, fig. 10. — Fig. 7 and 8, are the 
 mufkets as ufed by the horfe mufketeers. 
 
 The armour of the pike-men, at the fame period, may be feen upon the 
 fame plate. D reprefents the whole armour compleat, with the helm : A is 
 the breaft, or fore part, with the taffes or thigh-guards taken off, to mew how 
 they are faftened, with two hooks on each, and two fmall ftaples in the breaft : 
 B is the gorget, or throat-guard : E is the back of the armour : C is the helm, 
 or head-piece ; and F is the long pike. 
 
 The arms of the foot musketeer, are only, fig. I. the helm ; II. the reft for 
 the musket, fharp at one end, to ftick into the ground ; III. the musket; and 
 IV. the bandelier, or belt, with his charges : and thefe arms continued (with 
 very little alterations) almoft till the reign of king William the Third, when 
 they were but little ufed ; but every foldier was provided with a breaft-plate ; 
 which even now, in my humble opinion, would be oft times found extremely 
 ferviceable, if made of a proper fize and thicknefs,* 
 
 C 2 The 
 
 * In the Royal Library, I met with a MS. written in the reign of Henry the Eighth (mark'd 
 7 C 16) wherein, amongft various other accounts, I found the following. 
 
 Bought for the Kinges Grace 
 firft I bought at Coulleynne by John Palme, of Thomas Mac for 1200 men, Harneys all compleytc 
 at 2 florins the piece, 15 Batz for every florin, cometh to 2400 florins 
 
 S D 
 
 Item Bought in Handwarpe of fraunfoys Meer, for 26 men great complayt Harneys at 16 . 8 Spawylh 
 £ s D 
 
 the pece, amounteth to 21 . 13 . 4 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The name of foldier, in all ages, amongft our anceftors, was held in great 
 veneration, as it juftly ought j for the man who boldly ventures his life for his 
 country's good, is of all others the mod her friend. — Amongft the various 
 appellations given to valiant men, the obfolete term of <( Ta/l man " may feem 
 the ftrangeft. — We meet with many inftances of this in the old Plays : Thus 
 ofwCdfo" Falftaff fa y s t0 Piftoll > in the Meri 7 Wives of Windfor, " I am damn'd in 
 2. fc. 2! Hell for fwearing to gentlemen, my friends, that you {Pi/loll and Nim) were 
 good foldiers, and tall fellows." Thus alfo in Johnfon's " Every Man oat of 
 his Humour," Shift, when detected in his cowardice, fays, " I never robb'd 
 any man — but only laid fo, becaufe I would get myfelf a name, and be counted 
 a tall (that is a valiant) man :" with many other inftances. 
 
 The reader will, I hope, excufe my taking him back to the reign of king 
 Henry the Sixth, to examine that curious figure of a knight of that age, repre- 
 fented leaning on his glaive in compleat armour, in plate 29. — And plate 28, 
 which contains a curious reprefentation of a battle. The original of this laft 
 delineation was made in the reign of king Richard the Second. 
 
 And now, with the following defcription of the Martial Exercifes of a Prince 
 I fhall take my leave of this article. 
 
 Thefe verfes are felected from a much efteemed tragedy, called Gorboduc, 
 Written in the reign of queen Elizabeth : 
 
 Ah, noble prince, how of have I beheld 
 
 The mounted on thy fierce and trampling fteede, 
 
 Shining in armour bright before the tilte, 
 
 And with thy miftrefs' fleeve ty'd on thy helme, 
 
 There charge thy ftaffe, to pleafe thy ladies eye, 
 
 That bow'd the headpiece of thy friendly foe ? 
 
 How oft in armes on horfe to bend the mace ? 
 
 How oft in armes on foote to breake the fword ? &c. 
 
 The next article that fhould here follow is, The Religious Buildings ; but on 
 this head, the objections made in the fecond volume may for the fame reafons 
 be again (with the greateft propriety) made in the prefent. Alfo the Domeftic 
 Buildings, in the preceding accounts, are brought down to the memory of man j 
 that is, to the ftrange uncouth houfes chiefly of lath and plaifter, ornamented 
 with figures, flowers, trees, &cc. in the front : a curious fpecimen of this kind of 
 edifice I myfelf remember formerly to have ftood at the Eaft corner of Smithfield : 
 thefe plaifter images, with ftrange carved wooden ornaments, of frightful, and 
 fometimes beaftly figures, were what were conftantly in ufe, and that fo lately, 
 that there is fcarce a town in England of any note which does not ftill contain 
 lb me remaining fpecimens. — Pafs we therefore on to the 
 
 GOVERNMENT. 
 
 By way of addition to the Norman government, I beg leave to add the 
 fiift. Hert- following j partly collected from the ingenious Sir Henry Chauncv's Hiftory of 
 fordfii. P . 7. Hertfordlhire. 
 
 The 
 
OF THE- ENGLISH. r 3 
 The Norman William, after the conqueft of the realm, began to difpofe of 
 the dignities of the land, in fuch fort, to his followers and favourites, that ?5 1<Ien fi T !i ' 
 fcarce any Englifhman was fufFered to hold any ftate of honour. And the 3 
 better to lecure his power, he exacted an oath of fealty of every one of his Vid. Lege* 
 favourites to-wiiom he had given tenures under him : and the oath was in fuch Guliel. 1« 
 fort, that it obliged every poffeflbr of land to ferve him in his wars, to the cap ' 52 * 
 eltabhlhment of his power, with horfe and arms, according to the value of Ibid " c ' 5 
 their fees-: and if they failed in fuch fervices, they thereby forfeited their 
 eftates. — At the fame time promifing them, that they mould have nothing 
 taken or exacted of them but their free fervice, which they were bound to 
 perform. 
 
 Tiiele tenants, if they were knighted, were called Mi/ites, but if not, Libert lh\A, 
 Homines t or free men ; and all thole that were tenants in military fervice, were 
 at that time accounted Great Free Men, and their fervice ftiled free fervice; 
 for luCh men were accounted lawful, and fufficient to choofe juries, and ferve Ibid. c. 59* 
 upon juries themielves. 
 
 And they were obliged to defend the government with all their might, to 
 keep the peace and dignity of the crown : — for by their fervice they mult not 
 only aid the king with horfe and arms at home, but alfo accompany him in any pagi ^ 
 foreign expedition ; and moreover to attend the king in his great council, when- and 8. 
 ever he might require it : — alfo in their own courts and jurifdictions, where 
 they were lords, as well as in the county .and hundred court, to judge with 
 equity and execute juftice. 
 
 The Norman cultoms were then introduced into this country, and the courts 
 were held after the fafhion of thofe in Normandy ; and (as has been obferv'd Vide vol. 2 
 before) the laws were in the Norman tongue; and the judges were Normans ofthiswork, 
 of courfe : the monks and priefts (fays Sir Hen. Chauncy) were the counters, pa °' 7 * 
 and pleaders, that managed the trials for the people in thofe courts. 
 
 The next ftep he took, was to enquire diligently into every county, hundred, 
 rape, lath, and' wapentake ; what every perfon held in demefne lands, what in 
 plough'd fields, meadows, feeding woods, Millings, mills, commons, and rents ; 
 what men, and in what condition, knights, hulbandmen and bond-men, and 
 workmen, were in every borough, town, manor, vil, or hamlet ; what caflle 
 they had, and to whom they belonged ; and what rents and fervices every 
 perfon paid and performed ; which were fet down in a large book made for 
 that purpofe, fince called Domes-day Book. 
 
 This was the firft eftablifhment of the tenure, by military fervice, among the pjj^. jj ert f 
 Anglo-Normans ; and at this time fuch tenures were, at the will of the lord, p. 9 and 10! 
 or donor, to be taken away from the feudatory, at his (the lord's) pleafure ; 
 but afterwards they were granted for a year, then for life, till at Iaft they s P e J- Glofs. 
 became fucceffive to the fon ; or, if there were more than one fon, the lord ^ ^ qj 5 V 
 would give the fee to which he pleafed, and fometimes would equally divide it ^ ' 
 between them, after the manner of gavelkind : — yet at length by degrees it ' ' 
 became hereditary, and parTed alfo to the daughters ; but even then they 
 remained under conditions of fidelity, fealty, or faithfulnefs to the lord, and 
 military fervice when he commanded ; and they were always fubject to for- Hottom. in 
 feiture upon breach of trull, as felony, or defect of isrvice; for in fuch cafes verbo Rele * 
 
 the 
 
H THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Brad. Glofs. the land reverted to the lord : — and in cafe of an infant, or woman, who were 
 fol. 40, not fit to do military fervice, their eftates were in ward to the lord, therefore they 
 were called his wards, and he provided for the fervice until the male infant 
 came of age, and was made fit for the fervice he ought to perform, or the, . 
 woman by his confent had taken fuch a hufhand, of whofc fideihy he was 
 allured, and by whom me might perform the fervice which the fee required ; and 
 this was the reafon why the lord had the wardship of the heir within age, at the 
 death of his anceftor : — but if the heirs were of age, they paid reliefs, which in 
 the Feudal law were called relevia, releviamenta, relevationes, becaufe he took up 
 again the fees or lands which were fallen by the death of the feudatory. Some- 
 times they were called iniroitus or ingrejfus, and were at firft but honorary gifts. 
 
 Not all men were allow'd to give or accept fees, for thofe of bafe condition 
 were not permitted to perform military fervice - s but it was confined to the 
 nobles, and gentlemen, who, by their education, ought to be ufed to arms, 
 and more learned, to judge of fuch caufes of law, in the courts, as might come 
 before them, than the nifties and commoners. 
 Hift.Hertf. By this means the nobility had the whole power and government, under the 
 pag. 10. king, in themfelves, and kept the lower clafs of people in fubjection. By 
 which alfo the kings of England could not impofe any tax, tallage, or fubfldy, 
 upon the eflates of any gentleman or their tenants, without their confent in 
 common, or their reprefentatives in the great councils, or parliaments. 
 Spel. Glofs. At that time were three claries of people, diftinguiih'd by the.fe Feudal 
 
 fol. 513. tenures; 1. Military men ; 2. Socmen; and 3. Labourers. 
 ofEn hmd' mmtarv tenants, or fuch as held by knight's fervice, were fuch as by 
 
 ° f \l\li t ' their tenure were obliged to ferve the king, or their lord, in his wars, when 
 he mould need them, at their own proper coft and charge. 
 
 There were feveral forts of thefe military fees ; as where the king created a 
 man an earl, and granted him lands to the amount of 400/. per annum, to be 
 holden of him by military fervice : this was a tenure in capite, becaufe it was 
 immediately holden of the king himfelf. Perfons of this dignity ufually added 
 comes to their Chriftian name ; and in the reign of Richard the Firft, they took 
 alfo the name of their (hire or county. — Every fuch earl at the age of 2 1 years, 
 his anceftor being dead, was bound by his fee to pay to the king, for a relief, 
 eight faddle-horfes furnimed with bridles, foUr coats of mail, as m2ny helmets, 
 and as many fhields, {pears, and fwords ; as alfo other hunting horfes and 
 palfreys, with bridles and halters : but anno 9 Henry III. this relief was 
 afcertained at the fourth part of the earl's eftate, which confided of twenty 
 knights fees. 
 
 Thofe great perfons in William's days, who held immediately of him in 
 capite, were called in Domes-day Book, barons, or magnates. 
 Selden Tit. A viva/or was only a tenant by knight's fervice, who did not hold imme- 
 Hon. fo.627 diately of the king in capite, but of lome mefne lord, which excluded him 
 Leg Gul.I. from the dignity of a baron, by tenure :- — He paid for his relief, two coats of 
 
 cap. 24. mail, a fhield, a fpear, and a fword, or in lieu of them 100 millings. 
 Lambarde's A thane held land of the king to the quantity of five hides at leaft, by fervice 
 Pcramb. of f perlbnal attendance : — He paid for his relief, all his arms, one horfe with a 
 S dman's fiddle, and another without ; he alfo prefented his dogs and hawks to the king, 
 Glofs. who, ifhepleafed, might take them. The 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 15 
 The knight, by his tenure, was obliged to ferve the king on horfeback in 
 Wis wars, and maintain a foldier at his own proper charge, when the king 
 required it : at this time a knight's fee confifted of land, &c. to the amount of 
 20/. a year, which was then thought fufficient to fupport the dignity of his 
 eftate : — His' relief, in the 9th year of Hen. III. was 5/. 
 
 Edward the Second, in the firft year of his reign, obliged every one who 
 held an eftate to the amount of 20/. per ann. to be knighted, paying his relief. 
 
 The efquires were fuch as held land by the fervice of the fhield, and were 
 bound by their fee to attend the king, or their lords, in the wars, or pay 
 efcuage. They were anciently called fervientes, becaufe they ufed to attend 
 fome lord, or knight, in the wars ; fometimes fcutiferi, becaufe they did bear 
 a fhield j and oftentimes armigeri, becaufe they might wear a coat of mail. 
 
 In the Harleian library is a MS. containing various tracts, part written in MS. in Bib. 
 the reign of queen Elizabeth, and fome part of ftill later date; amongft the Ha |^ k 
 reft I found the following— 
 
 The Defynition of an Efquire, and the feveral fortes of them, 
 according to the Cuftomes and Ufage of England. 
 
 An efquier, called in lattyn armiger, fcutifer, et home ad arma % is he that in 
 tyme pail was an attendant of the knight, the bearer of his fcheilde and helme, 
 the faithful companion, and fcrvante to him, in the warres fervice, on horfe- 
 backej — whereof every knight hath two at the leaf}., attendant on him, in 
 refpect of his fee ; for they held lands of the knights by fcutage, as the knight 
 held his of the kynge by knights fervice. At this day that vocation is growen 
 to be the fir ft degree of gentry, taken out of the fervice of the warres j from 
 whence all other degrees of nobility are borrowed. 
 
 The firft forte of them, and the mofl antient, are the eldeft fonnes of 
 knightes, and the eldeft fonnes of them, fucceflively, for ever. 
 
 The feconde forte are the elder fons, of the feconde houfe of barons, and 
 noble men of higher degree ; which taken and are determined when the chief 
 mafters do faile of fuch elder fons, and that the inheritance goeth awaie with 
 the heires female.* 
 
 The third forte, are thofe that by the kinge are created efquires, by the 
 guifte of the collar of SS ; and fuch bearing armes of antiquitie, are the prin- 
 ciple and chief of that coate armoure, and of their whole race ; out of whofe 
 families, although diverfe other houfes doe fpringe, and yflue, yet the eldeft of 
 that coat armoure only is an efquier, and the refidue are but gentlemen. 
 
 The fowerth, and laft forte of efquiers, are fuch as bearing office in the 
 common wealth, or in the kings houfe, and are therefore called and reputyde 
 to be efquiers ; as the fargeantes at the lawe, the efcheatores uf every fhire, and 
 in the kinges houfe 5 the herauld of armes the fergeantes at armes j and the 
 
 fergeante 
 
 * The fenfe here feems a little obfeure 5 perhapt chief majltrt may mean the chief of the fail 
 houfe of barons- 
 
%6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 fergeante of every office, who have the collars of SS given them ; but having 
 11 o armes, that degree dieth with them, and their yffue is not inobled thereby. 
 
 Signed R Glover, Somerfett. 
 
 -Gentlemen, a title borrowed from the French, to diftinguifh the free men 
 from the vulgar and common people : thefe held of the mefne lords, fmall 
 parcels of land by military fervice ; thofe who had as much as amounted to 
 40s. a year, paid efcuage and fent men well furnimed to the wars, and thofe 
 whofe eftate would not afford them, to fend fublHtutes, attended perfonally 
 themfelves. 
 
 Bift. Hertf. The next clafs of people were the Socmen* fo called becaufe they held 
 pag. ii. their lands of their lords by Jocagium, or fervice of the plough; — thefe are 
 the yeomen and there is made three difHn&ions amongft them j 1, Jocmen in 
 ancient demefne.; 2, Jocmen by. free fervice; 3, Jocmen by bafe fervice. 
 Spel Giofs was P ro P er ty a tenant who was free and held land of the king in 
 
 ver. Socmzn Jocage ; which in the days of Edward the Confeffor and the Conqueror, 
 were kept for the maintenance and provifion of their tables and families : they 
 were by virtue of this priviledge, free from payment of toll and paflage, and 
 all impofitions for goods or chatties, fold or bought at fairs or markets, and 
 of wages to knights in parliament, or from ferving upon juries or inquefts in 
 the county, out of their own jurifdiction : neither could any turn them out 
 of their polTeffions, while they were able to perform the fervices which be- 
 longed to their lands or tenements, nor augment their fervices ; for that thefe 
 Jocmen were tillers of the lands of their lords in ancient demefne. 
 Ibid. 518. Secondly, Spcmen by free fervice, were tenants who held lands of the chief 
 lords, by certain rent in money, in regard of fome tillage, &c. — Every fuch 
 Jocman in ancient time, held a plough-land of his lord in free Jocage, which 
 was then reputed worth 5 nobles per annum ; and was thought a fufficient 
 eftate to maintain a ploughman or yeoman : they in thofe days could not 
 give or fell their land without the conlent of their lord ; neither could they 
 alienate certain fervices, the firfc born was to fucceed to the whole .• neither 
 could they fell their male cattle, or marry their daughter without paying to 
 their lord the fum of 3s. and 4d: however, they might make their fon a 
 clerk. 
 
 Ibid 519 Thirdly, Socmen by bafe fervices, were tenants who held not by certain 
 fervice, therefore were not free Jocmen, for their lords might impofe what 
 fervice they pleafed upon them : and tho' divers freemen might hold lands by 
 bare fervices, yet. this did not render them ignoble, for it was the perfon, 
 not the fervice, that did qualify the tenant : but all fees belonged only to 
 gentlemen ; for farmes which were granted to ruftic and ignoble men, were 
 not accounted fees by Feudal law. 
 
 The military tenants and Jocmen had their labourers and dependants, as 
 bordars, cotars, villains, Jerv ants and ru/lics, which compofed the third clafs 
 of people. — Bordar, from the French word borde, a cottager, or farmer who 
 hath a cottage ; thefe were bound to perform the bare fervices of their lord, 
 
 and 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. ly 
 and could neither fell, mortgage, or give, without his con fen t ; for thefe 
 there was no homage. 
 
 Cotar, fo named from cote a Saxon word, fignifying a mean hovel, was a Urad. p«f. 
 poor man who had his borde or cottage; he was taxed at the will of his lord, jg n **'*' °* 
 and was fubject to all his commands; he had nothing of his own, nor could " S ' I5/ * 
 he purchafe but for his lord's benefit. 
 
 A villain was not taken for a bondman in Domes-day book* but a perfon of Du Frefne, 
 bafe or fervile condition ; and took his name de villis, becaufe he had a farm, vo1 - 3> lo1 - 
 and did the works of hufbandry for his lord. Thefe were fo fix'd to their I333 ' 
 farms, that they were bought and fold, and were wont to pais by the grants of 
 the manors of farms to which they belonged, as f.rvants puffed in merchandize : 
 but the lord had no right to the goods of his villain ; for if at any time he took 
 more than his due, he took it wrongfully as a robber : yet if the lord wrong'd 
 the villainy he had no judge but God to relieve him. 
 
 A fervant, or rather a flave, was of two forts, predial or perfonai — Predial Brad. Hift. 
 fervant s poffefled their lands or goods at the will of their lords, performing o{ England, 
 fuch fervile works as they were required. P^rjbnal fervants had nothing of ' /C0 ' 
 their own, but what they gained was their lord's, who fed and kept them. 
 
 Rujiicks were labourers who did break open or dig the land or ground, and 
 were fo fix'd to it, that by grant of the land the rujiicks paffed with it. The 
 fons of the rujiicks might not be taken away from fuch eftates, without the Du Frefne, 
 confent of the lord. on whofe land they were known to be born. torn. 3. 
 
 But any of thefe might obtain their freedom from their lords feveral ways — 
 I. By his favour, as if he will releafe them, or if he give or fell them to another 
 to be releafed. 2. They might be made free by knighthood. 3. If a bond- 
 man that lived quietly a year and a day in any privileged town, and was made a 
 member of the common guild, as a common-councilman ; for the magiflrates 
 and chief citizens were properly the guild, or corporation, and they only 
 managed the affairs of the corporation. 4. By exchange, as when bafe and 
 fervile fervices were turn'd into rent, which was paid pro omni fervitio ; for if 
 the lord had no fervice to command him, but payment of rent, he was free. 
 
 In the very early times, the common and fervile people paffed only under 
 two names of diftindtion, bond or cujiomary tenants, and tlie cottager ; for 
 they who held by military fervice, and fecage tenure, were comprehended under 
 the general names of freeholders ; and thefe were they who by their voices were 
 to appoint the knights of the {hire, &c. But at length they fo increafed, by 
 the divifion of the fees, and many of them were of the low and ignorant clafs 
 of people ; yet, by their freehold, or tenure, they alfo claimed a voice equal to 
 the knights and' f quire 's of the county, when it was ordained that the knights Stat. 8. K.6. 
 of the fhire mould be chofen by people refident in the county, who had lands qap. 7. 
 or tenements to the yearly value of forty (hillings, befides reprizes ; and that 
 the fhenff might examine every elector, upon oath, how much he might 
 expend by the year This fum of 40J-. per annum, had refpecl to thofe 
 military men who paid efcuage, or /cut age ; and of thefe, the tenants in capite 
 paid it firft for themfelves and their tenants, and then the k ; ng granted a writ 
 /to levy of their tenants in military fervice fo many fees as they held of them ; 
 .but when tenants in vilenage, tenants by copy of court rolls, tenants for years. 
 
 Vol. HI. D and 
 
i% the Banners and customs 
 
 and all forts of people rending in the county, having lands or tenements of the 
 yearly value of 40/. pretended a right to have voices at all fuch -elections, by 
 reafon that fuch elections were not retrained to military and focage tenants by 
 Stat. 10, H. the laft ftatute, an explanatory law was immediately made, that every elector 
 8. cap. 2. fhould have freehold to the value of 40 j. by the year, above all charges and 
 reprizes, in the fame county. This 40^. fays Sir Hen. Chauncy as at that 
 period, is worth 6/. now, in filver, which then was only 20 d. the ounce, and 
 reckoning it at prefent at $s. 3^. if it is valued at the rate of fervants 
 wages, or the prices of goods, flock or victuals in thofe days, the price is more 
 than ten times the value : but if you will eftimate the value of the money by 
 the rent of the land, thofe lands which yielded then 40 s. would now let at 
 100/. per annum. In the parliament an. 9, II. 3. it was declared that 20/. 
 per annum was a fufficient eftate to maintain the ftate and dignity of a knight ; 
 whereas our modern parliaments, in all their poft-bills, have valued a knight's 
 eftate at 1000/. per annum-, and at this proportion, 20/. then, anfwers to 1000/, 
 at this day. 
 
 From that time it hath continued to the prefent period, that all who have 
 40 j. freehold in the county, clear of all reprizals, are reputed legal voters, 
 having an unqueftionable right to give their voice at all elections of the knights 
 of the mire. 
 
 jlx-. MS. in Our anceftors had only two kinds of tenures, bohe-land and folk-land; the 
 
 Bib. Hail. one was a pofTeffion by writing, the other without. That by writing was 
 freehold, and by charter, hereditary with all immunities, and for the free and 
 nobler fort. That without writing, was to hold at the will of the lord, bound 
 to rents and fervices, and was for the common people : the inheritance defcended 
 not alone, but after the ancient German manner, equally divided amongft all 
 gce the children, which they called JLantJgfuftatt, or part lande ; a cuftom yet 
 
 lambarde's continued (fays my author) in fome places in Kent, by name of <S>atJei'{un> or 
 
 Feramb. of Gi£;eal-kino, &c. 
 
 Kent. r 
 
 Royal Proceffions, Public Entries and Shows 3 &c„ 
 
 In the fir ft and fecond volumes of this work, we' have feen various royal 
 proceiTions and grand entries publicly made, by feveral of our kings, as well 
 into the city of London, as other cities of the realm ; nor mail we find that, 
 in this latter xra, the Englifh have been in the leaft behind-hand with their 
 anceftors, in their pageantry and mews of grandeur. 
 
 The whole life of Henry the Eighth (efpecially during the time which that 
 pompous prelate, Cardinal Wolfey, was in favour) abounded with proceflions, 
 and princely fliows of grandeur and magnificence. — But all that ever went 
 before, was far out-done in the ftately and fuperb meeting of our king, Henry 
 the Eighth, and Francis the Firft, king of France, in the valley of Ardern,. 
 the 7th day of June, 152c. The vaft profufion of expence, to fupport the 
 unbounded pomp which was at this time difplay'd, is almoft incredible 5 the 
 aftonifhing richnefs of the dreiTes, not only of the kings themfelves, cr the 
 
 great 
 
'OF THE ENGLISH, 
 
 .great lords, but indeed of all their attendants, was fuch, that it was SeeHolingT- 
 (tiled Le camp de drap a' or, or cloth of gold. Wolfey, who himfelf had head, Stow, 
 the chief management of the fcene, came alfo in all his fplendour to this ^J^ r ']!| l0 y 5 
 meeting j of whofe pride and ftate the old chronicles have given many 
 inflances. Hall, the faithful hiftorian of that time, has fet down in his ft^i*'' 
 hiftory a mod exact and circumftantial account, not only of the meeting u " 
 itfelf, but alfo of the preparations made, and the (lately pavillions then built, 
 as well as of the tournaments, which, with the reaftingS and grand entertiun- 
 <jiients, continued feveral days. Montfaucon, in his Monarchie Francois, has Montfaucon 
 'given certain prints of this famous meeting, done (as he informs us) from a Reg.&EccL 
 bafs relief at Rouen, in Normandy; the which prints Dr. Ducarel has copied A J p^ane" 
 in his Anglo-Norman Antiquities : —But the ibeiety of Antiquaries have lately . , XT * - 
 
 • , r i ^ r , ■ i • t • r i r i r \ Anglo Nor- 
 
 pubhfhed a print (of a large iizej which is a beautiful reprelentation of the ma nAmiq, 
 fame meeting, from the celebrated picture at Windfor Caftle ; of the which 
 Sir Jufeph Ayloff has given a full and copious account :— To the which works 
 the curious reader is referr'd. 
 
 But, before I pafs from this famous meeting, I would wifli the reader to 
 caft his eye to the plates, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7. The figures which he will 
 fee there reprefented, are fuppofed to be of the noble gentlemen who diflin- 
 guifhed themlelves (on the Englifh party) in the tournaments there perform'd : 
 the reafonsfor this fuppofition have already been fet forth in page 10, therefore 
 they need not be again repeated here. The tent, plate 8, N p . 2, which • 
 undoubtedly belonged to the king of England, may with the greater!: reafon be Cott. mfig." 
 fuppofed to have been there erected; for in magnificence and elegance (the Auguftus 3. 
 tafte of that time conhdered) it anlwers well with the defcription of the reft of 
 the meeting : it is much larger in the original book, and made of a rich 
 crimfon, embroidered and wrought with ornaments of gold, and all round, at 
 the bottom of the roof, is a rich fringe of gold, and crimfon filk ; above the 
 fringe is a narrow compartment like a moulding, which runs all round the 
 tent, in which is written in letters of gold, DEV : ET : MON : DROET : — 
 SEMPER : VIVAT : IN : /ETERNO.— and on the top is a running ornament, 
 carved and richly gilt, with the lion, the hart, the greyhound, and dragon, 
 alternately holding little banners, with the crown and the fieur de lys at the 
 tops : on thefe little banners are the arms of England, rofes, and the portcullis. 
 — Every one, upon the fight of this rich tent, will readily conclude it muft 
 have been made for more than the common purpofe of fetting up, during the 
 wars, for the king to lodge in : and if not for that purpofe, it follows that it 
 muff, have been for fome more particular occafion j and the which none other, 
 fo proper as the prefent, can (I believe) be imagined. Then it may follow, 
 that the other grand tent (plate 9.^ was for the French king, which, in the 
 book, is a deep blue, with rich gold embroidered flowers, fringed alfo below 
 the roof with blue and gold threads ; the top is ornamented with rich carving 
 of fleurs de lys, &c. highly gilt ; and at the corners are pedefials, with irons 
 flicking up, on which moft probably were figures, in the manner of thofe on 
 king Henry the Eighth's tent ; — but they are not here reprefented. The third 
 tent (plate 8, N°. 1.) is pain'd, green and white, fringed with the fame 
 colours, with a gilt ornament at the top ; here alfo at the corners are the 
 
 D 2 pedeftals 
 
2o THE MANNER'S AND CUSTOM'S 
 
 pedeftals or {lands, with the irons for the figures to be fet upon. This tent,- 
 which is not by any means to compare with either of the former in grandeur 
 or elegance, might, I fuppofe, be erected for the attendants on the great lords, 
 or for the reception of thofe who performed in the tournaments. 
 
 The induftrious Geo. Vertue has given to the world the royal proceffion of 
 This pnnt q U een Elizabeth, in her chair, carried by fix men, and attended by many of 
 ed "an"f-42; tne noD l es and grandees of the realm, as the went on a vifit to the right 
 honourable Henry Gary lord Hunfdon, governor of Berwick upon Tweed," 
 who was ccufin german to her majefty, by the lady Mary, fifter to queen 
 Anna Bolen. 
 
 Decker's Printed accounts, with delineations engraved, have alfo been publifiied* of 
 entertain "* ^ e ma g n ^ lcent proceffion, through London, of king James the Firft, the 15th 
 mens jnven of March, 1603; and of the triumphal arches (which were feven) through 
 to K. Ja. 1. which he paired, accompanied by a great number of his nobility. The various 
 Stow'sAnn.-verfes then repeated, and the pageants exhibited, were exceeding grand and 
 P a g. #36. elegant, according to the tafte of the times, at that period. 
 
 Several other proceffions, of later date, might be mentioned ; but as they 
 were not fo magnificent as the foregoing, and the accounts of them are fo very 
 MS In Bib. ea(y to come at, I (hall pafs them over, and add to this article the follo-v'-- 
 Cotton, in quotation from an old MS. in the Cotton library, written in the reign of king 
 Henry the Sixth* 
 
 Nero, 
 
 c. 9. 
 
 The Ordynaunce of a Kynge, when he fhall goo in hys Procefllone. 
 
 It is to be remembred, that what tyme the kynge (hall kepe his aftate 
 crowned j or ellys in habite ryall, that day that he (hall goo on proceffion, — 
 The finer d mall be 'fcoried 'J next to the kynge, and next before the fwerde the 
 kynges cote of armes, and all the prynces cotes, and other cotes, fhall be 
 departed and goo in their eftates, and degrees ; the oon (one)\\-A{ on the rWfrj 
 fide of the procefiione, and the other half on the lyft fide thereof;— and there 
 ihall no manne goo betweene Goddis vicare, that ieith f faith J the mafie that 
 day, and the kynges highnefs ; — The grete conftable of England /hall go on the 
 right hand of the fwerde, berynge a ftafF of woode in hys right hande, the end 
 of the ftafF upward, at which ende mnft be the kinges armes, -at the nether end 
 his owne armes; — The marfhall of England on the lyft hande, over a gey nit 
 the coneftable, he fhall bere in hys right hande a ftafF, fylver and gylt, the 
 ende vpward, at the upper ende of this flaff alio the kinges armes, at the nether 
 ende hys owne ; — The cappe of eftate bijore ; — on the right hande of the cappe, 
 the grete ftyward of Englande ; on the lyft hande, the kynges chamberleyn , 
 — byfore them the ftyward of the houfholde on the right hand y — The treforer 
 (treajurer) of the houfholde, on the lyft hande ; and all fuch officers as wearen 
 furcotes by their office, aught to goo before the kynge ; — Betwene them the 
 fergeaunt porter, that he may take hede of the fergeauntes of armes,. and alfo 
 to attende upon the prynce, and upon his lordes, yf he have any comaunde- 
 roent to receyve any perfon, or perfones, that he may do it ; the fergeauntes 
 of armes, owen (ought) to goo on every fide of the procefiione, to make 
 
 1 oome 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 21 
 
 roome from before the crofs,* to the lordes ; — The - uftieres 'of the kynges 
 chamber, owyn to goo on every fyde of the kynge, to make room from the 
 lword aboute kynges perfone, and to have recourfe to the nedyr (nether) ende 
 of the trayne, to feeepe the people from hym,' and to wayte upon hys trayne ; 
 — The grete chamberleyn of Englande, ought to bere the kynges trayne, 
 wether he be duke, or erle, or what eftate he be of by hys office j — And all 
 dukes, and erles, and other eftates, to follow the kynge ; every eftate in their 
 degrees. 
 
 Here, by the way of conclufion, I mail juff. fay a word or two on the parade, 
 or proceflion, at this day diftinguifhed by the name of The Lord Mayor s Show. 
 From the firft institution, till the year 1454, this proceflion was conftantly 
 made on horfeback, by land, to Weftminfter, where the lord mayor took the 
 oath; but the faid year 1454, Sir John Norman Draper being mayor, he 
 caufed a barge to be made at his own charge, and in that was rowed to 
 Weftminfter, attended by moft of the companies who had barges, in a fuperb ' 
 manner. This alteration was fo pleafant, and fo profitable to the watermen, 
 who ply'd with their boats at that time upon the Thames, that (fays Stow) stow's Sur- 
 they made a long in praife of their new mayor, which begins in this manner, veyof Lon- 
 " Row thy boat, horman" &c. — From what we may collect amongft the don > P- 5 6 7* 
 ancient chroniclers, in former ages this proceflion was managed with much 
 pomp and grandeur, as every company conftantly attended, habited in their 
 richeft habits, with vaft variety of banners, flags and ftreamers, on which 
 were figured the arms of the companies, and the emblems of their feveral 
 crafts t or trades : the houfes alfo, in fuch ftreets as they pafs'd through, were 
 ornamented and hung out with rich cloths and arras ; which was a great and 
 fpecial mark of elegance and finery, at that age. — What at prefent remains of 
 this (how, indeed, is fcarcely fine enough, one would think, to afford the leafl 
 fatisfaction to any but children, or the mere mobility ; for of late years, good 
 order and good fen fe have been fo much neglected, and fuch childifh trumpery 
 introduced, that this foolifh parade is become perfectly contemptible and 
 ridiculous. I fpeak now only of the land proceflion that on the water 
 certainly is infinitely fuperior, and when well managed (in a fine day) has a 
 very pleafing effect. 
 
 Perhaps it might not be an unpleafant fight, when the lord mayor u^'ed to 
 ride forth in proceflion, his mace with the officers before him, and guarded 
 round with hench-men. To this one of the characters in the Witts ieems to The Witts* 
 allude, where he fays, " I will match my lord m lyor's horle, make jockeys Comedy, by 
 of his hench-boys, and run them through Cheapfide." Davenant"* 
 
 CORONATIONS. 
 
 1 m3 J 3 g fl3WJ3 g. . ^^nvjl 3ffl anolidTj'oog 01 idgue «33ffio ibdj \d. 3dJ$»?bV 
 
 * The crofs was ufuafly carrie 1 in proceflion before the pre?ates, on holidays and r >Iemn occa-. 
 funs; v ;. wl'io'i alfftiys snt cer.um attendants of the lower clergy, wch ' kiitcd tapers* 
 fpnnk.ii ng »ae oiy water, and oftentimes ahv tinging of hymas and anthems. — See plalc 64, vol, 1. 
 
T H E M ANN E R S AND CUSTOMS 
 
 CORONATIONS. 
 
 In the fecond volume of this work, I have inferted a fhort hiftory of 
 coronations in general, and therein is contained fome of the ceremonies ufed 
 at the coronations of our own king6, as th:y are fet down by the old hiftonans. 
 I have fince thought, that an accurate description in full, of all the ancient 
 ceremonies, with the prayers, &c. ufed at fuch coronations, might perhaps be 
 acceptable to the world j I have therefore ^io render aay work as compleat as 
 poflible) here fubjoined the form and manner, as taken from the great book 
 Lib. Regal, called Liber Regaliu which is preferved in Weftni'; sifter Aboey. — T his curious 
 in Arch, of MS. was written, as is fuppofed, for the particular I . / ftruc~tions of the prelates 
 ^Ahf? 10 ^' atten{ ^ e< ^ at tne coronation of king Richard the :ond and his queen. A 
 ^ Y' flill further account of this MS. is given in the Regal - nd Eccleliaftical Anti- 
 quities of England, page 14 ; and therein are alio two eng LVed plates', 1 & 18, 
 (accurate copies of two illuminated delineations prcierv'd in this aluauic MS.) 
 which ferve as head-pieces to the par 'ar cert, onies, and reprefent, the one 
 the coronation of the king, and the he. coronation of the queen. — As the 
 
 whole of this noble book is in Latin, it is but juftice that I acknowledge the 
 MS. in the following tranflation of the ceremonial part is collected from a MS. in the 
 Had. Libr. Harleian library, — which tranflation (or rather abridgment in Englifh) might 
 .piark'd 310. probably have been made towards the latter end of the reign of queen Elizabeth, 
 or thereabouts. The title annex'd is as follows " A Collection out of the 
 Booke, called Liber Regalis, remaining in the Treafury of the Church of 
 Weftminfter." This tranflation, which is executed with lingular judgment, 
 I have carefully compared with the original, and have given here, diverted of 
 the antiquated orthography ; adding only fome few things which the writer 
 might have overlook'd. The prayers I have added, as they are, from the 
 ■original .; and thefe alio I have examined with feveral other MSS. in the Britifli 
 MS.'in Cot- Mufeum, particularly one in the Cotton library, of the fame date with the 
 ton Library, Liber Regalis at leaft, if not fomewhat older. 
 
 mark'd Ti- ' 
 
 .berius, B. Here follows the order of crowning the kings and queens of England. 
 VIII. 
 
 The day before the coronation, the king fhould come from the Tower 
 of London to his palace at Weft mi niter, through the midft of the city, 
 mounted on a horfe, handfomely habited,* and bare headed, in the light of 
 all the people. 
 
 The place where the king is to be crowned, is the Abbey church of Weft- 
 minfter, granted thereto by divers charters, to be Locus injiitutiojiis et corona- 
 tionis regie?, et repofitorum regalium infignium in perpetuum. 
 
 The time, if it may be with conveniency, either upon a Sunday, or on fome 
 folemn feaft day. 
 
 The 
 
 * In cultu decentillimo equitabit— capite denudato. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 23 
 The perfon that is to anoint, and to crown the king, is the lord archbifliop 
 of Canterbury : but if, through bodily indifpofition or other caufe, he cannot 
 be prefent, in his own perfon, to perform the folemn ceremonies, his place 
 muft be fupply'd by lbme other bifhop then prefent, of the greateft promo- 
 tion.* 
 
 Againft the folemnity, a fquare fta'ge -j- is to be fet up clofe to the four high 
 pillars between tr.e choir and the altar, with rails about it ; the ftage is to be 
 covered with tapeftry, and the rails alfo to be covered with the fame. 
 
 There mult be two pair of flairs from the fbge, one to the choir weftward, 
 and the other to the altar eaftward ; upon the ftage are tv/o thrones of ftate to 
 be erecled, the one for the king, and the other for the queen : the king's throne 
 mull be higher than the queen's. 
 
 On the fouth ude of the altar, a chair is to be fet for the king, and another 
 not fo high on the north fide for the queen, with /aid Jlools and cufhions, for 
 either of them to pray at. 
 
 In 8t. Edward's chapel a travers is to be fet up, wherein the king difrobeth 
 himielf, after the coronation is done j where alfo a ftool and cufhions are 
 prepared to pray at ; — and a chair for the queen to repofe herfelf, in the mean 
 time are to be made ready. 
 
 The evening freforu the coronation, the king is to be put in mind, that he 
 may give htmfelf to contemplation and prayer, 6cc. 
 
 To the king is to be delivered his tuntca, or veit. of red filk, which is put oil 
 next over his fhirt ; to which tunica his majefty's fhirt, and other wearing 
 apparel, is to be fitted, becaufe of the anointing. 
 
 here are to be delivered alio thele regalia, — by the abbot of Weftminfter., 
 or the prior in the abbot's abfence, — to thole whom the king mall appoint : 
 
 For the King. ' For the Queen. 
 
 The patena j The ivory rod with the dove gj \ 
 The fcepter with the crofs 5 . 
 
 The long fcepter ; The fcepter ; 
 The rod with the dove j 
 
 The fpurs. The crown. 
 
 All the other regalia, with the ampullula\ (in one of which is contained the 
 oil with which the king and queen are to be anointed, and in the other the 
 holy ointment) muft be laid ready upon the altar. 
 
 That the gowns, and other robes, which the king putteth on after the 
 coronation, be laid ready in the travers in St. Edward's chapel. 
 
 The 
 
 * l< Supplebit alius qui inter epifcopos tunc prefentes dlgnior reperitur," See. 
 f P; jeparetur pulpitum aliquantulum eminens inter magnum altare et chorum, Sic. 
 % Et provideatur a facrifta quod ampullulae tarn de o!eo, quam de chrifmate, quarum una deaurati 
 eft, et in fe continens fan£tum chrirma ; altera vero folum argentea et in fe continens oleum fan&um, 
 fiat ad altare prsparatx, Sic, 
 
g* THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 ' The heir of the lord Beauchamp of Bedford, almoner for the coronation day k 
 is to have care that cloths * be fpread upon the ground, from the palace to the 
 itage in the church. 
 
 The abbot of Weftminfter (or fome appointed monk of the fame place) mall 
 be conftantly at the fide of the king, to inform him concerning the ceremonies, 
 &c. -of the laid coronation.^- 
 
 The archbishop and bifhops, &c. who are prefent within the church of Weft- 
 minfter, are to meet the king in proceffion at the palace. \ 
 
 The lord chancellor (if he be a bifhop) mall carry the ftone cup of St. Ed- 
 ward, § and the treafurer (if he alfo be a bimop) mould bear the patena, |j 
 both in their pontificalibus : — but if neither of the two before- mentioned 
 grandees mould be bifhops, the king is to aflign two bifhops, that may pleafe 
 him, to thofe offices. 
 
 Then two peers, dukes or earls, of the greateft: eftates of .the realm, f one 
 bearing the fcepter with the crofs, the fecond having the fcepter with the 
 do vt . 
 
 After thern the three fwords, borne by the earls of Chefter,** of Huntingdon, 
 
 and of Warwick. 
 
 Then a nobleman, appointed by the king, bearing his fpurs.-j-'f' 
 
 The king goeth next (under a canopy %% borne by the barons of the Cinque 
 
 Ports, four of them at a ftaff" ; fupported by the bifhops of Durham and 
 
 Bath. 
 
 After the king follow three peers, carrying, firft the ivory rod, fecondly the 
 queen's fcepter, thirdly the queen's crown. 
 
 Then 
 
 - w ' Et faciet dominus N. de bello campo JBedetordlae, qui ab antiquo eleemofinarias revise- habet 
 officium,.pannum virgulatum, five burellum profiratum fub pedibus regis incedemis a.palatio uique 
 puipicum antediclum. 
 
 f Abbate Weftmonafterii ve] alio ejufdem monafterii monacho, ut praefcriptum eft, ad hoc ele&o, 
 qui femper lateri regis adhpsrendo prsfens debet efle pro dicti regis jnformatione in hi is quae diclae 
 coronationis concernunt folemnitatem. 
 
 X The following curious note, which my tranflator has not olfervd y I have added entire frotr. the original^ 
 as indeed almoji all tbefe notes are : I have added them where I thought the fenfe not fully expre/s ' Die 
 vero pnefinito, quo novus rex confecrandus eft, fummo mane conveniant praelati & in. biles regni in 
 palatio regio &pud Weftmonafterium, tractaturi de novi regis confecratiqne et electione, et de legibus 
 & confuetudinibus confirmandis firmifer ftatuendis. Hiis fub univerfoium concord/a ptr.ictis, 
 provideatur, quod in aula regia majori fedes eminens fit pannis fericis & inauratis decent r crnata, 
 iuper quam di£tus rex regnaturus cum omni manfuetudine & reverentia elevetur, ipfo tamen priu's, 
 
 ut moris eft, balneato et induto mundifiimis veftibus & caligis folum modo calceaio ordinetur 
 
 in ecclefia per archiepifcopos epifcopps, abbatem .^ convciuum Weltmonalterii in capis fericis cum 
 textibus & thuribulis, et aliis, qu2e procelfioni conveniunt. 
 
 § Calice lapidei Saiicli Edwardi. 
 
 || — di£tamque patenam honorifice eodem modo tenebit, quse patena a fubdiacono inter fecreta 
 miflae ante altare teneri folet. 
 
 f Duo duces five comites regni excellentiores, &c maxime, qui jure propmquitatis ftirpi regiae 
 proximios videntur pertineie, immediate fuU'equentur ; &c. 
 
 ** Comes Ceftrise — poi t.ibit gladium, qui vpcatur curtaua. 
 
 ft Unus de maghatibus, ad hoc per regem aflignatus, portans calcana magna h deaura'a. 
 XX Pannum de ierico quadratum purpureum quatuor haftis de argentatis fufteiuaium cum quatuer 
 campanellis argenteis & deauratis ultra regem, kc. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. , f 
 Than the queen under a canopy, borne likewife by the barons of the 
 inKook : * 1UPP ° rted alf ° b ? tW0 bi ^ops;-her crown and habit dcfcribcd 
 The king and queen are received into the church with an anthem or hymn • 
 they paf S up the rmddle of the choir to the rtage, and there repofe themfdveV 
 either of them, in feats appointed for them,f but not in their thrones. 
 
 Then the archbimop goeth to the four fides of the flage, fpeakinp- to the 
 people, enquiring of them, whether they were willing that he mould anoint 
 and confecrate the laid [prince: the king then ftanding up -by his feat, turneth 
 himfelf, as the archbimop fpeaketh to the people. 
 
 T J^r7 1 % fi r eW - th u ir J COn [ ent T and a PP robation > crying out unanimouhV 
 Then the choritfers mall fmg the following anthem : 
 
 Firmetur manus tun fcf exalteiur dexttra tua y jujlltia et judicium prxparatio fedis tua-Mifericordic 
 
 mZ fl^^T Si Allduia X - M 'f^rdias Mini in Jtcrnum Ltabo Z% 
 . filto et fpiritui fanclo. Sicut erat in principio, (Jc. Amen. wwpamv 
 
 Repetatur ant. Firmetur, 
 
 While the anthem is finging, the archbimop goeth to the altar. 
 
 The king, with the two bimops attending, and the abbot of Weftminfter, ' 
 followl tl!\ aha "\ and the q^n, likcwifc fupported by two bimops 
 followeth the king and they go to a place prepared for them before the altar. 
 
 The king offereth firft a robe, and next a wedge of gold of a pound weight;* 
 then kneeleth, and the archbimop fayeth this prayer : * 
 
 Deus bumiliumvifttator, qui nos fpiritus fandi illuftrathne anfolaris, pratende fu P er bunc famulum 
 ■ tuum N. graham tuam ut per eum tuum in nobis adeje fentiamus adventum. jamuium 
 
 A bimop then beginneth the fermon,§ which the king and queen hear by 
 the altar: a,ter the fermon, the archbimop afketh the king, whether he be 
 plealed to take the oath which his predeceflbrs ufually took ,11— the kin*, willing 
 thereunto, goeth to the altar to take it. 6 s 
 
 The 
 
 tuenti : quae quidem 
 
 * D.ftavero reg.na induta erit tunica k cyclade cum fimbria longa & den" 
 5L"i C *i* a 7 Un ' US efUnt C ° loris Videliclt P ur P"rei, et unius texture f me aliouo alio dffi 
 .rt.fic.al. defuper .ntexto: capite nudato, )mt^i&*i e *» decen ter tabfeffi #m2E 
 
 Tin^d^^frap^r" 1 ' 3 &t h ° neftiuS crin « ca P ;ti ^ conftringantur. ' 
 
 % Pallium unum & unam Iibram, auri. 
 
 § Metropolitano interim in cathedra fua refidente ante altare more epifcopali. Coram i D fo vero 
 refideb.t pnnceps coronandus m cathedra decenti fibi prorata ex adverfo P 
 
 a. Jeges & confuetudines ab antiquis iuftis & Deo devnt-i* r P <r;h„e „i 1 • a i *~ 
 rum facramemi confirmation eide,n pkl, concede™ & fervare vol J. lu A "S' 0r ' J , m c °"? 
 cenmaudine, & fibers, a gloriofo "rege EiZttL Z%^ t ^cfeL^K E 
 pnncpe fe prom.tteme omnia preofifla conceOWum & fervaturumVnc ex P o"«ei met™o 
 
 Refpondebit. — Servabo, 
 
 Vol. 111. E 
 
 Met rep:!, 
 
26 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The archbimorr afketh three firfl: queflions, and the king feverally anfweretrr 
 them j then another bifhop recordeth (or afketh | the laft queflion j the king 
 anfwereth to them all in the words as there fet down, namely. 
 
 Archbishop. 
 
 Sire, will you graunte, and kepe, and by your oathe confirme to the pepul 
 cf Englande the lawes and cuftomes to them graunted, by the kynges of * 
 Englande, youre lawful and religious predecefiores ; namely, the lawes, cu£- 
 tomes, and fraunchifes graunted to the clergie,, and to the peopul, by the 
 glorioufe kyng Saynte Edwarde your predeceffore ; accordynge and conformable 
 to the lawes of Gode, and. profeffione of the Goi'peil, eftablimed in thys kyn- 
 dome; and agreeing to the prerogatives of the kynges thereof, and the auncient 
 cuftomes of thys realme ? 
 
 The kyng anfwereth; I graunt and promyfe to keep them. 
 
 Then the archbifliop mall declare unto the king, what the things are that he 
 (hall fwear unto. 
 
 Archbishop. 
 Sire, will you keepe peece and agrement entirely, .according, to your power, 
 both to Gode, the holie chirch, and the peopul ? 
 The king anfwereth, 1 wyll kepe it. 
 
 Archbishop. 
 Sire, will you to the utmoft of youre power, caufe lawe, juflice, and de- 
 fcretione, and truthe to be executed,, in all your judgmentes ? 
 The king anfwereth, I will. 
 
 Archbishop. 
 
 Metropol. — Facies fieri in omnibus judiciis tuis aequam & recta rn juftitiam & difcretionem in 
 miiericordia & veritate fecundum vires tuas ? 
 Refpondebit. — Faciam. 
 
 Metropol. — Concedis jwftas leges & confuetudines efTe tenendas, et promittis eas per te e.le 
 prctegendas, et ad honorem Dei roborandas, quas vulgus ekgerit, fecundum vires tuaj ? 
 Refpondebit. — Concedo & promitto. 
 
 Take the above in old French, as from a MS. in my own PoJfeJJion. 
 
 fei?e tJOtllgsf bfjuci jauntier $ g&2t>tt' pat tootjc ftjemcnt confe^met an poeple &&iu hunt 
 tjjoittijrtjc U3 loptci ¥ tuffumes a ettje grauntcs pa?: le$ anxient5 ropg nangf ctcye 
 cufiu'ne? $ fnuinrfnle? o jaunty a cletgic f au poeple par k slq?ioufc top %>etnt dSotosm 
 
 felotir -jotre poto\ 
 
 He top ufrontiQap, 3eo U$ gapw?- 
 
 ga?D£!r3 vjous a Weu $ a fetnte tfglife a clejgie $ a popple pcejs f accojfce en titu 
 trttftjment Celcne taot?c pobcr. 
 
 %z top s ; :■:.<:■■■ ■< ?.ap, 3co lt$ ga^tic^ap- 
 
 fe>i?e fjee3 tiou3 faije tn toutj ta>5 jugfftmentj j© toile $ tijoit juflice $ tifc?cfione 
 
 tn mifeucojDc $ bc?ttee. 
 He top,— %to its wUv* 
 
 &Ue gajuiit^ bona a tennfr $ accomplUe 9 pjomotre? boug a tefentfe^e le hit} $ 
 fuftumcsi tyottu^U- queljr le comonalte fce botje reaume au^a tftnf % \t} enfojccjtj 
 nlbonour ce Meu ftlun bot?e pober. 
 %t ro? vefpouoejap., 3ieo a Ujj gjaunfe $ permittee. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 27 
 Archbishop. 
 Sire, will you graunt, to holde and kepe the lawes, and ryghtful cuftomec, 
 which the commonaltye of your kingdome have to defende, and upholde them, 
 lo the honour of Gode ; fo much as in you lyeth ? 
 The king anfwcrth, I graunt, and promife fo to doe. 
 
 Then one of the bimops, in an audible voice, mall read the following 
 admonition :* J 
 
 Domine rex a vobis perdonari pctimus, ut unicuique de nobis €ff ecclefis nobis ConuniJJis canonicum 
 pfivilcgium tic dcbitani legem atque jujiitiam tonfervetis & defenftonem exbilcatiSf fuut rex in fuo regno 
 debet unicuique epifopo, a I hat i bus & ecclefiis fibi cammijjis. 
 
 The king (hall anfwer, 
 
 Animo libenti & devote promitto vobis ct perdona, quia unicuique' de vobis & ectlefiis vobis commijfis 
 cancnicum privilegium & debitam lcge:n atque jujiitiam fervaho, et defenjionem, quantum potuero aajuvante 
 domino, exbibeo, ficut rex in fuo regno unicuique epifopo, abbatibus & ecclefis fibi commijfis per reclutn 
 exhibere debet. ' 
 
 Thefe queftions thus aflted by the prelates, and anfwered by the king, he 
 at the altar by oath confirms his promifes. 
 
 Then the archbimop kneeling , down, with an 'audible voice begins the hymn, 
 
 Veni creator fpiriius I 
 
 and the choir iing it. 
 
 Then the king and the queen kneel down, and the archbimop fayeth "this 
 prayer : 
 
 Te invocamus domine J "ancle \ pater omnipotens, aterne dens, ut hunc famulum tuum N. quern tucs divinte 
 difpenfationis providentia in primordia plafmatum ufque hunc prefentem diem juvenili fore latantem crefcere 
 cmceffti, -euni-tua- pietatis dono diclaium, plenumque gratia & veritate de die in diem coram deo i& 
 haminibus ad meliora fempcr prof cere facias, ut fumtni reginiinis folium gratia fupcrncs largitate gaudms 
 fufcipiat, et mifericordia tucs muro ab hoflium adverfitate undique munitus, plebem fibi commifjam cum pace 
 propitiationis fif virtute vitloriee feliciter regere mereatur. 
 
 This prayer being nnifhed, the Litany is fung j-J* and after that is ended 
 followeth thefe prayers : 
 
 Omnipotens fempiterne deus, creator omnium imperator angelorum, rex regnar.tium dominufque dominantium 
 qui Abraham fidehm famit'um tuum de hoflibus triumphare fecifli-, Moyfi- et *fefu& populo pra?latis 
 multiplicem vifloriam tribw/li humilemque David puerum tuum regni fafligio fublimajli, et Salomonem 
 fapientjte pacifaue inefabili muvcre ditafli ; re [pice quafumus ad prices humilitatis nojlrce^ & fuperhunc 
 famulum tuum quern fufplici devotione in regem confecramus % benediftionum tuarum dona multiplica, eumque 
 dextera: tuez potentia fempe'r & ubique circunda quatinus pradicli A'braba fidelitate firmatus M'ayfi 
 manfuetudine freius, fofua fortitudine munitus, David bumilitate exultatus, Salomanis fapientia decoratus 
 tibi in omnibus placeat fcf per trann tern iuflicia in offenfo gradu femper incedat eEcclefiamque tuam deinceps 
 cum plebibus fibi annexis ita enutriat ac -dateat, munidt £sf injlruat contraque omnes vifibites & invifibiles 
 
 E 2 hojles 
 
 * Sequitur admonitio epifcoporum ad regem 3 et legatur ab uno epifcopo coram omnibus clara 
 voce fic dicendo — Domine rcx, &c. 
 
 f Infra Letaniam haec adjungant.— Ut prefentem famulum tuum in tua pietate, juftitia ct 
 fanftitate confirmare & confervare digneris — Te rogamus, audi nos, &C. 
 
 % in regera eligimus i &e, in MS, Cottouian*. 
 
s3 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 hofles cidcm^otenter regaliterque tuajvirtutis regimen adminijlret, W ad vera fidei pacifqiu concordiam eorur. 
 aninios te opitulante reformet ut horum populorum debita fubjeclione fultus, cum digno amore glorificatus, 
 ad paternum decenter folium tua miferatione confeendere mereatur ; tua quoque proteclionis galea munitus, 
 iff Jcut-o infuperahili iugiter proteclus, armifque cceteflibus cirewndatus, optabilis'viiloria triumphum faliciter 
 capiat terroremque fine potentia infidellbus inferat, et pacem tibi militantibus Icztanter reportet : per dominuvi 
 nojlrum, qui virtute crucis tartare dejlruxit, regnaque diabcli fuperato ad caelos victor ajcendit, in quo 
 potejlas omnls, regnum confijlit & vicl oria, qui eji gloria humillum, et vita, falufque populorum, qui 
 tecum vivif, &c. 
 
 Alia O R A T I O. 
 
 Benedic domine hum regem nojlram qui rcgna omnium moderaris a faculo, & tali eum benediclion 
 ghrifica, ut Davidica, teneat fublimitatis fceptrum et glorifieatus in ejus, te pmpitio reperiatur merits ; 
 da ei tuo infpiramine cum manfuetudine ita regere populum, ftcut Salomoncm fecijli regnum obtinere 
 pacificum. Tibi cum timore femper fit fubditus ; tibique militet cum quiete : fit tuo clipeo prctcclus : cum 
 prcccribus & ubique tua grstia viclor exijiat : honorifica eum prcc cunclls regibus gentium : falix populis 
 domlnetur, et fallciter eum nationes adorent : vivat inter gentium catervas magnanimus : ft in judiciis 
 aquitatis fngularis : locupletet eum tua pradives dextera : frugiferam obtineat patriam, et ejus libcris 
 trtkudi pro futura : prefta ei prolixitatem vltce per tempora ut in die'bus ejus oriatur iuflicia : a te robujlum 
 teneat rcgiminis folium, et cum jocunditate &f iuflicia aterno glorietur in regno, occ. 
 
 Alia O R A T I O. 
 
 *Deus inejfabiUs autlcr mundi, auditor generis humani, gubernator imperii, confirmator regni, qui ex utere 
 f.delis amid tui patriarchs nojlri Abraha pro: eligijli regem fceculis pro futurum, tu prefntem regem hunc 
 cum exercitu fuo per inter cejfionem omnium fantlorum uberi benediclione locupleta, & in folium regni fir ma 
 Jlabilitate conned! e : vifta eum ficut Moyfen in rubo, Jefum nave in pralip, Gedeon in agro, Samuclem in 
 tempdo : & ilia eum benediclione fyderea ac fapientia tua rore perfunde, quam beatus David in pfalterip, 
 Salomon filius eius te remunerante percepit e calo : Sis ei contra acies inimicorum lorica, in adverfis galea, 
 tn projperis patientia ; in protedione clypeus Jempiternus iff prafia ut gentes illi teneant fidem ; proceres Jut 
 habeant pacem diligant charitatem ahjlincant fe a cupiditate loquanter iifliciam cuflodiant veritatem & ita 
 populus ifte pullulet coalitus benediclione aterni tails, ut femper maneant tripudi 'antes in pace vicl ores. Per 
 Chrijli, &c. 
 
 Dsminus vob'fcum, &c. 
 
 O R A T I O. 
 
 Deus qui populis tuis virtute confulis, iff amorc domhiaris, da huic f amnio tuo N. fpiritum fapientia 
 cum regimine difciplina, ut tibi toto corde devotus, in regni regimine ?naneat femper idoneus, tuoque tnunere 
 ipfius temporibus fecuritas ecclefia dirigatur, et in tranquillitate devotio chrifliana permaneat, ut in bonis 
 eperibus per fever a ns ad atcrnum regnum te duce valeat pervenire. Per domimtm nojlrum Jejuni, &c. 
 
 Then (hall the archbifhop fay, with an audible voice, 
 
 ..Per omnia fcscula faculorum. Amen. 
 
 Dominus vobifcum, — Refp. cleri, Et cum fpiritu tuo, 
 
 Surfum cor da. Habe?nus ad dominum. 
 
 Gr atlas agamus domino deo nojlro.——Dignum et jufilum ejl. 
 
 Vere dignum& juflum eft, aquum & falutare. — Nos tibi femper & ubique gr atlas agere, domine faniie^ 
 fatir omnipotens, aterne deus. — Eleclorum fortllndo U hu nullum celftudo, qui primordio per ejfuf*-iem 
 
 diluvli 
 
 * This excellent prayer is tranflated, and placed in the end of the Whole Duty of Man, afld 
 
 there faid to be from the Liber Regalis. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 2,9 
 
 , diluvii crimina mundi cajiigarc voluijli et per columbam ramum oliva portantem pacem terris rtdditam 
 demonjlrajli, iter umquc Aaron famulum tuum per unclionan olei facer dot em Janxifli, et pojlea per bujn-: 
 ungiienti infufionem ad regendum populnm Ifraelitium facer dotes ac reges fcf prophetas perfect/Ii, vultumquc 
 ecclefta in oleo cxhilarandum per propheticam famuli tut vocem David effe predixijli. Ita queefumus omni- 
 potent pater, ut per hujus creature pinguedinem bunc fervum tuum N. find if care tud benediclione digneris 
 tumqitc in fimilitudinem tolumba * pacern fimplicitatis popu/o fbi fubdito prajiare et exempla Aaron in dei 
 fervitio diligenter imitari, rcgnique fajiigia in conft/iis fcientia et cquitate judicii femper ajequi vultumque 
 hilarJtatis per banc olei unclioncm tuamque benediclionem tt adjuvant* toti plebi paratam habere facias^ 
 per Chriflum dominum nojlrum, &c. 
 
 This prayer finifhed, the prince arifeth, and fitteth in his chair for a fmall 
 fpace ; then goeth from thence to the altar, where he putteth off his upper 
 garments to the filk tunic, which is made open for the anointing : the arch- 
 bimop openeth the places to be anointed, and anointeth firft his hands with 
 the holy oil, faying 
 
 Unguantur manus tftce de oleo fanclifcato, unde uncli fuerunt reges etprophtta, et ficut unxit Samuel Da- 
 vid in regem ; ut fis bencditlus et con/lit utus rex in regno ijh fuper populnm iflum quem Dominus Deus tuns 
 dedit tibi ad regendum et gubernandum, quod ipfe prejlart dignetur, qui cum Patre et Spiritu Sanclo vivity 
 
 Sic. 
 
 Then the choir mall fing the following anthem : 
 
 Vnxerunt Salomonem Sadoc facer dos et Nathan prophet a regem ; et ac cedent es Ictti dixerunt, Vivat Rex, 
 Vivat Rex t Vivat Rex in aternum. — P. Domine in virtute tua. 
 
 O R A T I O. 
 
 Profpice, omnipofens Deus,ferenis obtutibus hunc gloriofum regem N. et ficut benedixifli Abraham, Ifaac, 
 et Jacob, ftc ilium largis benediclionibus fpiriiualis gratia cum omni plcnitudine tua potentia irrigare atqnc 
 profundere dignare ; tribue eiDomine de rore cceli et de pinguedine terra abundantiam frumenti, vini et olei, 
 et omnium frugum opulent i am ex largitate divini muncris longa per tewpora, ut illo regnante fit corporumfa- 
 niias in patria, et pax inviolata fit in regno, et dignitas gloriofa regain palatii in maxima fplendore regies po- 
 teflatis occulis omnium fulgeat luce clarijfima chorufcare at que fplendejcere quafi fplendidijfuna fulgura maxima 
 per/ufa lumine videatur. — Tribue ei, omnipotensDeus, ut fit fortifjimus proteSior patria, et confolator icclefi- 
 arum atque coenobiorum fanclorum maxima cum pietatc regain munifceutia, atque ut fit fortifjimus regum, tri- 
 umphator hojlium ad opprimendas rebelles, et paganas nationes ; fit que Juis inimicis fails terribilis pramaxima 
 fortitudine recalls potentia : optimatibus quoque atque pracelfis proceribus atque fidelibus fui regni munificus 
 etamabilis, et plus; ut ab omnibus timeatur, atque diiigatur : reges quoque de lumbis ejus per fucceffionestem- 
 porumfuturorum egrediantur regnum hoc regere totum, et pofl gloriofa tempora atque felicia prafentis vita 
 gaudia fempiterna in pcrpetua beatitudine habere mereatur, per Dominion, Sec. 
 
 Then mall the archbimop anoint his breaft, his {boulders, between his 
 fhoulders, the bending of his arms, and the crown of his head, in the form of 
 the crofs, firft with the holy oil, and afterwards with the facred ointment ;-f- 
 'that done, the abbot of Weftminfter mall put on his robes again, and the 
 archbimop (hall fay the following prayers : 
 
 Deus, Dei JiHus,JefusChriJlus, Dominus nojier, qui a Patre oleo exultationis inunclus ejl, pra participi- 
 . bus fuis, ipfe per prafentem facri unguinis infufionem fpiritus par acliti fuper caput tuum infundat benediclio- 
 
 * The ampull. wherein the holy oil was kept, was in the fhape of a dove, 
 f Imprimis inungantur de oleo— et poftea de chrifhute. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 mm, 
 
3 o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 rem, eandemque ufque ad interiora cordis tut penetrare facial, quatenus hoc viftbili et traclabili dono inyift- 
 Mia per cip ere, ettemporali regno juflis moderaminibus exccuto aternaliter cum eo regnare merearis, qui Jolus 
 jinepeccato rex regum vivit, et ghriaiur cum Deo Patre in unitate ejufdem Spiritui Sane. &c. 
 
 ALIA. 
 
 Deus quies jujlorum gloria et mifericordia peccatorum, qui mifijli Filium tuum preciofo fanguine fuo gemis 
 humanum redimere, qui conteris bella, et propugnator es in te fperantium, et fub cujus arbitrio omnium regno- 
 rum contintturpotejlas, te humiliter deprecamur, ut pratfentem fdmulum tuumN. in tua mijericordia confiden- 
 tem, in prcrfenti fede regali benedicas, eique propicius adeffedigneris , ut qui tua expetit proteclione defendi, om- 
 nibus fit hojiibus fortior. Fac eum, Domine, beatum effe, etviclorem de inimicis fuis : coronaeum cum corona 
 jujlicia et pietatis, tit extoto corde et totamente in tecredens tibi deferviat, et fanclam tuam eccleftam defen~ 
 dat et fublimet, populumque a te fibi commifjum ju/le regat, nullus iu/idiantibus malis eurn in inju/liciam con- 
 vertat.-—/fccende, Domine, cor ejus ad amorem tux gratia per hoc unclionis oleum, unde unxijli facerdotes-, 
 r.eges et prophetas, quatenus diligens jujticiamper tramitcm fimi liter jufticia populum ducens pojl peraila a te 
 difpofita in regali excellentia annorum curricula pervenire ad aterna gaudia mereatur : pzr y Sic. 
 
 Then they put on the king the colobium, or fliort veft of fine linen, made in' 
 the manner of the dalmatica, and fo as to cover the king's head, becaufe of the 
 anointing j* — which done, the archbifhop blefleth the regal ornaments, ufing 
 the following words : 
 
 Deus>Rex Regum, et Dom'mus Dominantium,per quern reges regnant, et legum conditores jura decernunt, 
 dignare propitius benedicere hoc regale ornameatum, et prajla ut famulus tuus rex nsjler, qui illud portaturws 
 tft t trnamento bonorum morum, et fanclorum aclionum, in con/peclu tuo fulgeat, et pojl temforalemvitam a- 
 terr,am gloriam, qua tempus non habet,fme fine pofftdeat, Uc. 
 
 Then the abbot of Weftminffcr pntteth upon the king the tunica,^ or veil, 
 over the colobium; which tunica, or veil, mult be very long, reaching down 
 to his ankles, wrought before and behind with large figures of gold ; and then 
 the bufkins X '• — tne fpurs are put on by a nobleman. 
 
 The archbifhop layeth the fword upon the altar, and bleffeth it, faying 
 
 Exaudi quafumus Domine preces no/lras, et hunc enfem qui hie famulus tuus N. fe circumcingi defiderat, 
 majejlatis tua dextera benedicere e-t fanclificare dignare : quatenus defenfio atque proteclio poffit ejfe eccleft- 
 arum, viduarum, orphanorum, omniumque Deo.fervientium, tontra favitiam paganorum, aliifque infidianti- 
 bus fit pavor, terror, et formide.-—'Per t etc. 
 
 Then a bifhop takes the fword, and delivers it to the king, when the arch- 
 bifhop fays 
 
 Accipe gladium per manus epifcoporum licet indignas, vice tamen et aucloriiate fanclorum apeftokrum con* 
 fecratas, tibi regaliter impofitum, nojlraque beneditlionis officio in de/enfionem fantfa Dei ecclefia divinitus 
 
 ordinatum •> 
 
 * Poft hsc induatur Sidonis colobio ad modum dalmatica; formato eapite ami&u operto propter 
 unctionem, qui ami&us per feptem dies continue* circa regium caput indeftinenter permanebit : 
 Oclava vero die poft di&i regis confecrationem unus epifcoporum dicto rege in ecclefia five in capella 
 fua prefente mifTam de Trinitate celebrabit, mifTaque finita idem epifcopus ami&um praefatum auferet 
 de capite regali di£lum caput regium aqua calida cum omni diligentia lavabit, quo loto & exficcato, 
 crines regios reverenter componet : deinde cifculum aureum capiti di&i regis imponet honorifice, &c, 
 ■ — This curious paflage my tranflator hath entirely pafled over, 
 
 t Et prius induetur fuper praediftum colobium tunica longa & talari, intexta magnis imaginibuj 
 fiureis an-. & retro. 
 
 % Calais fandariis & calcaribus tibiis ejus & pedibus coaptatis. 
 
CF THE ENGLISH. < 3 , 
 
 gfdinatum'; et ejlo memor de quo Pfalmi/Ia prophctavit, dicens, Accingere glad'io tub fuptr femur tuum potent 
 iiJjy > per cundem vim eequitatis exrrceas, molem iniquitatis potent tr de/lruas, et fandam, ecclefiam dei ejuf- 
 i v * propaganda protegas, nec minus fub fide faljos, quamChriJlian't nominis hojles execreris etc de/lruas, 
 
 v'uiun ; pilloi clement er adjuves et defendas, dejotata rejlaures, rejlaurata conferves ; ulcifearis injujla; 
 confirmed bine difpofita', quatenus bac in agendo virtutum triumpho gloriofus jujliciaque cultor egregius, 
 cum mu '■ 1 . 'ore, cujus t\pum geris, in nomine fine fine merearis regnare, qui cum Patre et Spiritu Sancl'o 
 xivit et regnal Deus per, &e. 
 
 The fword is then girded on by a peer ; — and the armill is prefented to the 
 king, the archbmhop faying 
 
 Accipe armiilas fmceritatis et Japientia, divinerque circumdationis indicium, quibus intelligas otnnes operd* 
 tfones tuas contra hoftes viftbiks et inviftbiles poffe eJJ'e munitas. 
 
 The armill, which is in the famion of a ftole, is then put about the king's 
 neck, which hangs down over his moulders to his elbows ; — then the lquare 
 robe, or pall, is put upon the king, (which pall is embroidered all over with 
 golden eagles *) the archbimop faying 
 
 Accipe pallium quatuor initiis formation, per quod intelligas quqtuor mundi partes divine? potejlati ejjh 
 fubjeffas, nec quenquam pojfe faliciter regnare in terris, nifi cui potejlas regnandi fuerit collata de coclis. 
 
 The archbimop mall blefs the crown, faying as follows : : 
 
 Deus tuorum corona fidelium, qui in capitibus eorum penis coronam de lapide preciofo, benedlc et fandificd 
 cironam iftam, quatenus f cut ipfa diverfis preciofifque lapidibus adornatur ,fic famulus tuus N. gejiatar iff us 
 multiplici preciofarum virtutum munere tua largiente gratia repleatur : per dominum noflrum Jefum Chrijlum 
 filium tuum regem aternum, qui, &C. 
 
 Then (hall the archbimop fprinkle the crown with holy water, and cenfe it jfj 
 after which he mall fet it upon the king's head, faying 
 
 Coronet te deus corona glories atque iujlicies, honore iff opere fortxtudinis, ut per officium nojha benediclionis 
 cum fide recla & multiplici bonorian operum fruclu, ad coronam pervenias regrii. perpeiui, ipfo largiente cujus 
 tegnum permanet in facula faculorum. 
 
 Alia O R A T I O. 
 
 Deus perpetuitatis, dux virtutum, cunclorum hcflium viclor, benedic hunc famulum tuum N. tibi caput 
 fuum inclinantem ; & prolixa fanitate (sf prof per a felicitate eum conferva', & ubicunque auxilium tuum 
 invocaverit^ cito ajfis df protegas ac defendas. Tribue ei qucefiimus domine divitias gratia tua : comple in 
 bonis defiderium ejus ; corona eum in mifericordia tua, iibique domino pia devotione jugiter famuletur : per 
 dominum noflrum Jefum Chrijlum filium tuum, qui, &c. 
 
 And this anthem {hall be fung ; 
 
 Confortare et ejlo vir, et ebferva mandata domini dei tut, ut ambules in viis ejus, et cujlbdias caremOniaf 
 tjus, £if pracepta ejustf tefiimonia & judicia : et quocunque te verteris confirmet te deus.*-P t Dominus regit 
 
 Then 
 
 • Unlefs *) aquilis aurds " may bear any other interpretation* 
 
32 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The archbimop (hall blefs the ring, faying 
 
 Deus coelejliumfterrejlriumque cond'itor creaturarum atque humam generis benigniffimus reparator, dairy: 
 fpiritualis gratia, omniumque benediftionum largitor, qui jufiitiam tua legis in cordibus credentium digito tuo 
 id efi unigenito tuo fcribis, cui magi in /Egypto rejiflere non valentes concinnabant dicentes, digitus dei hie ejf : 
 immitte fpiritum fanSlum tuum paraclitum, de coclis fuper bunc annulum arte fabrili decoratum, et fub/imi- 
 tatis tua pntcntia ita cum emundare digneris, ut omni nequitia lividi venenoftque ferpentis procul expulfa, 
 metallum a te bono conditore creation immune a cunclis fordibus inimici maneat. 
 
 Alia O R A T I O. 
 
 Bencdic domine 15 fantlifica annulum if urn, et mitte fuper cum fcptifarmem fpiritum tuum, quo famulus 
 tuus eo fruens, annulo fidei fub arratus virtute albijjimi fine peccoto cuftodiaiv.r : ct omnes benedicliones, qua 
 in Jiripturis divinis reperiuntur fuper eum copiofe defendant, ut quacunque fanilificavcrit, fanclificata 
 permaneant, et quacunque benedixcrit fpirituali beneaiclione benedicantur. 
 
 Then fhall the archbimop give the ring to the king, faying 
 
 Accipe regia dignitatis annulum, et per bunc in te Catbolica fidei fgnaculum y quatenus ut bodie ornaris 
 caput £ff princeps regni ac populi, ita perfeveres auilor ac fiabilitor Chrifiianitatis Sjf Chrijf.ana fidei, ut 
 fcelix in opere locupks in fide, cum rege regum glorieris, cui efl boner & gloria per aterna facula jaculorurn. 
 Amen. 
 
 O R A T I O. 
 
 Deus cujus e/i .omnis potejlas & dignitas, da famulo tuo fua propria dignitatis cjfctlum ; in quo te 
 remunerante permaneat, femperque te timeat, tibique jugitcr placer e contendat, per dommum, &c. 
 
 The king taketh off his fword, wherewith he was girt before, and goeth 
 to the altar and offers it ; which the chief nobleman prefent, by offering, 
 redeemeth, draweth out, and beareth naked before the king during the 
 foleronity. 
 
 Then the king putteth on his linen gloves, which, are part of the regalia ; and 
 the archbimop giveth him the golden fceptre, with the crofs upon the top, into 
 his right hand, faying 
 
 Accipe fceptrum regia potejlatis infigne, virgam fcilicet regni reclam, virgam virtutis qua ieipfum bene 
 regas, f and am ecclefiam, populumque -videlicet Chriflianum tibi a deo commiffum regia virtute ab improbis 
 defendas* praves ccrrigas, reclos pacifices, tt ut vitam reel am ten ere poffint tuo juvamine dirigas, quatenus 
 de temporali regno ad aternum regnum pervenias, ipfo adjuvante cujus regnum permanet in facula 
 faculerum. Amen. 
 
 ORATIO port S C E P T R U M. 
 
 Omnium domine fons-bonorum, cunilorumque deus inflitutor profcSIuurn, tribue quafurr.us famulo tuo N. 
 adeptam bene regere dignitatem ; et a te fbi praflitum honorem dignare corrolorare honorifica eum pra 
 cunclis regibus Britannia ; uheri eum benediclione locupleta, ct in folio re^r.i fir;ua fiabilitate confolida ; 
 v'fita eum. in fobole : pro/la ei prolixilatem vita : in dicbus ejus femper criaiur jiiflitia* ut cum jucunaitate 
 & latitiq aterno glorittur in regno. 
 
 Then the golden rod, with the dove, is given into the king's left-hand, ai d 
 the archbimop faith 
 
 Accipe virgam virtutis atque aquitatis, qua intelligas te mulcere pios & terrere reprobos : errantes viam 
 doce, lapfifque manum porrige : difperdafque fuperbos & releves humiles : ut aperiat tibi ojlium Jejus 
 Chriflus dominus nofler, qui de feifjb ait, Ego futti afiium, per me fiquis intreerit fahabitur, Et ipfe qui 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 33 
 
 e/t clavls David &f feptum domus Ifrael, qui aperit et nemo claudit ; clatidit et nemo aperit, fit tib'i adjutor, 
 qui educit vinclum de domo carceris, fedentem in tencbris y umbra mortis : ut in omnibus fequi merearis 
 eum, de quo prophcta David cecintt, fedes tua, Deus, in faculum faculi, virga recla eji virga regni tui \ 
 Et imitari ipfum qui dicit, diligas jujlitiam, et odio habeas ir.iquitatem ; propterea unxit te deus, dens 
 tuus, ol'eo latitia, ad exemplum illius quern ante facula unxerat pra particibus fuis Jejuni Chrijium dofri* 
 mm nojlrum. 
 
 Then the archbifhop blefleth the king, as follows : 
 
 Benedicat tibi deus cujlodiatque te, iff fic'ut te voluit fuper pnpulum fuum effe regem, ita in pretfenti facuU 
 falicem iff aterna falicitatis tribuat effe tonfortcm. Amen.— Clerum ac populum quern fua voluit opitulatione 
 tua fan£l:ov.e congregari, fua difpenfatione & tua adminifratione per diutuma tempora faciat f dicker 
 gubernari. Amen. — S>uatenus divinis monitis parentes, adverftatitibus omnibus carentes, bonis omnibus 
 exuberantes, tuo imperio fideli amore obfequcntes, fcf in prafenti faculo pads tranquillitate fruantur, & te cum 
 aternoru-n civium conforcio portiri mcreantur. Amen. — £htod ipfe praftare dignetur, cujus regnum e? 
 imperium. 
 
 The king kifleth the archbilliop and the afliftant bifhops, and then he is led 
 From the altar unto the flage, all the peers attending j the' choir in the mean- 
 time ling the hymn " Te deum laudamus." 
 
 When they have finished, the king is folemnly placed in his throne, and the 
 archbifhop fayeth to hkn as follows : 
 
 St a, & retine a modo locum, quern hujufquc pater na fuccejftone tcnv.ijli bar editor io iudicio tibi ddegatum 
 per aucloritatem del ornnipotcntis, tsf prafentem trefditioriem noflrarr,- et omnium epifcoporum, caterorumque 
 dei fervorum : & quanta clerum facris altaribus propinquiorem profpicis, tanto ei potlorem in locis congruis, 
 honor cm impendere mcmineris quatenus mediator dei & homiuum te mediatorem cleri et plebis in hoc regni 
 folio confirmet, & in regnum aternum rcgnare faciat Jefus Chrijlus dominus nojhr, rex regum & dominus 
 iovnnuutium, qui cum patre I? fpiritu fanelo vivit &• regnat in facula fsculorum. Amen. 
 
 When this is done, all the peers of the realm do their homage to his majefty, 
 and then put their hands and touch his crown together.* 
 
 The king (for his eafe) delivereth his fceptre and rod to any that he 
 pleafeth, attending. 
 
 The ceremonies of anointing and crowning the king being thus finifhed, the 
 archbifhop goeth to the altar 3 and the queen cometh from her feat alio to the 
 
 * "In a MS. in rry own pofTeiTibn I find this remark ; 
 
 Et memorandum quod archiepifcopus Cantuarienns primus faciet homaginam fegi & fidelitatem 
 in coronacione fua & poftea alii prelati & proceres regni quilibet In fuo'grauu. 
 
 Take the oath of homage, from the fame old MS. in the antiquated language. 
 
 Jc| become pout man lug>\ of Mr, 4 Ipmne, $ ftbtltjfe $ e;tMkty Ijonout to you 0>ll 
 fejc, as^nft al nun U;at mom IpVjc $ ope % fo ijelp \\\z -po f I;olpt>ome> • 
 
 The fame alfo in old French. 
 
 §00 Detofcn foot?* -T;oni!W . licgr, vz ui-, g 5c mcmbje, $ DC tufa?} $ ttim ftowjra tons 
 pitt% ttttotmtjc 'toot mairuc De $tm* ytt pot it l o\m g mc^tr, u otcu tyWM $ tui3 
 feints 
 
 Vol. III. F , altar. 
 
34 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 altar, fupported by the two bifhops, where me kneels down, and the arch- 
 
 bifhop fayeth the following prayer: * 
 
 Deus qui folus babes immorialitatem, lucemqne habitatus inacceffibikm, cujus providentia in fui difpofitio- 
 ne non fallitur, qui fecifli qua futura funt, etvocasea qua non funt, tanquam ea qua funt ; qui fuper bos 
 (quo moderarnine de principatu deicis atque humiles dignanter in fublime provehis ; inejfabilem mi/ericordia 
 tuam fupplices exoramus, ut Jicut reginam Hcfter, caufa "Judaice falutis de captivitatis fua compede folutam, 
 ad regis Jffueri thalamum, regnique fui conjor cium tranfire fecifli, ita banc famulam tuam N. humililatis 
 nojlra ben-editlione Cbrif liana plebis gratia falutis ad dignam fublimsmque regis nojlri copulum mifericorditer 
 tranfirt concedas ; ut in regalis fcedere conjugiijemper manens, pudica proximam virginitati palmam contine- 
 re queat, tibique Deo vivo etvero in omnibus, et fuper omnia, jugiter placere defideret, et, te infpirante, qua 
 tibi placita Junt toto corde per fid at, &c. 
 
 The queen arifeth ; then the chief lady prefent taketh of? the queen's coronet, 
 and openeth the robe at her breafl : when the queen kneeleth again, and the 
 archbifhop fayeth this prayer ; 
 
 Spiritus Sanili gratia humililatis nojlra officio in te copiofa defcendat, ut ficut manibus nojlris indignis 
 ole'j matertali oblita ping'uefcis exterius, ita ejus invijibill unguine delibuta, impinguari merearis interius, 
 ejufque fpirituali unclione perfecliffime femper imbuta et illicita, declinare tot a menteet fpernere difcas feu va» 
 leas et utilia anima tua jugiter cogitare, optare, atque operari queas, auxiliante Domino nojlro Je/u Cbrijlo 
 qui cum Deo Patrc et eodem Spiritu Sanilo vivit et regnat Deus in facula faculorum. Amen, 
 
 Then fhall the archbifhop anoint her breafl, and the crown of her head, in 
 the form of a crofs, faying, as he anoints her breaft, 
 
 In nomine Patris, Filii, et Spiritus Sanili, profit tibi bac untlio olei, in bomrem et confirmationem crttr- 
 nam in Jacuia frculorum. Amen. 
 
 The fame (hall he repeat, when he pours the holy oil upon her head ; and 
 then faith the following prayer : 
 
 Omnipotens fempiterne Deus, affiuentem fpiritum tua benediilionis fuper famulam tuam N. nobis oranti- 
 bus propitiatus infunde, ut qua per manjis noflra impofitionem hodie regina injiituiter fanclificatione tua 
 digna et elecla permaneat, ut nunquam pcflmodum de tua gratia feparetur indigna. Per, &c. 
 
 The 
 
 * At the entry of the .queen into -the church, the archbifhop fayeth this prayer : 
 Omnipotens fempiterne deus fons & origo totius bonitatis, qui feminei fexus fragilitatem nequa- 
 quam reprobando adverfaris fed dignanter comprobando propicius eligis, & qui infirma mundi 
 eligendo forcia quacque confundere decrevifti, quique etiam gloria? virtutifque tua? triumphum in 
 inarm Judith femina? olimjudaicas plebi de hofte feviffimo refignare voluifti; refpice quaefumus preces 
 humilitatis noftrx et fuper hanc famulam tuam N. quam luplicii devotione in reginam eligimus 
 benedidlionum tuarum dona multiplica, eamque dextera tuae potentiae femper & ubique circunda, ut 
 umbone muniminis tui undique fecuris firmiter prote&a vifibilis feu invifibilis hoftis nequitias 
 triumphaliter expugnare valeat, & una cum Sara atque Rebecca & Rachel beatis reverendifque 
 femims fru£tu uteri fui fcecundari feu gratulari mereatur, ad decorem totius regni ftatumque fandtae 
 dei aecclefiae regendum nec non protegendum, per Chriftum dorninum noftrum qui intemerato beatae 
 Maria; Virginis utero nafci & vifitare ac renovare hunc dignatus eft mundum, qui tecum vivit & 
 gloriatur deus in unitate fpiritus fandi per immortalia fecula feculorum. Amen. 
 
OF f HE ENGLISH. 3$ 
 
 The prayer finimed, the chief lady clofeth the queen's robes at her breaft, 
 and putteth upon her head a linen quoif : and the archbilhop putteth on the 
 queen's ring, faying, 
 
 Accipe annuhim fidei fignaculum Jinceritatis, quo poffis omnis bareticas pravitatis devitare, et harbamf 
 gentes virtutt Dei pramere, ei ad agnitionem veritatis advocare. Per, &c. 
 
 Then followeth this prayer : 
 
 Deus cujus eft omnis pottjlas et dignitas , da famula tux N. ftgno tua fidei profperum fuse dignitatis effeC* 
 f-m in qua tibi femperfirma maneat, tibique jvgiter placere contendat. Per, &c. 
 
 The archbithop placeth the crown upon the altar, and bleffetli it, faying 
 
 Deus tuorum corona fidelium, qui in capitibus eorum ponis coronam de lapide preciofo, benedic et fanclifica 
 toronam ijlam quatenus ftcut ipfa diverfis prccioltfque tapidibus adornatw, fic famula tua N. gejlatrix ipftus 
 rnuhtplici preciofarum virtutummunere tua largiente gratia replcatur. Per, etc. 
 
 He putteth the crown upon her head, faying 
 
 Accipt coronam gloria, honor em jocunditatis, ut jplendida fulgeas, et aternd exultation* coroneris 
 
 Alia ORAT I (X 
 Officio indignitatis nojlrrt feu congregations in reginam benediftc, accipe coronam regalis excellcntia, qua 
 licet ab indignis epifcoporum tamen tnanibus capiti tuo imponitur, unde ficut exterius auro et gemmis redimita 
 enites, ita et interius auro fapientia virtutumque gemmis decorari contendas ; quatenus po,1 occafum bujus 
 f<Tculi cumflrudentibut-virginibus, fponfo perenni Domino nojlro Jefu Chrifto valeas adherer e, qui cum Dei 
 Patre et Spirttu Sanclo vivit et regnat Deus per infinita facula Jaculorum, Amen, 
 
 This prayer being done, the archbifbop delivereth the fcepter into the 
 queen's right-hand, and the ivory rod (with the dove) into her left, and fayeth 
 the following prayer: 
 
 Omnium Domine fans bonorum y et cunftorum dator profettuum, tribue famula twee N. adeptam bene rege- 
 re ilvnitaum, eta (e fibi prajfitatnbonis operibus ctrroborare gloriam,per Dominum nojlrum Jejuni Chrijium 
 
 toi ' ' ' : I 
 
 This prayer ftnifhed, the queen arifeth, and goeth from the altar (fupported 
 
 by the two bifnops) up to the ftage j and parting by the king, doth bow 
 
 humbly to him : * after which me is led to her throne, and is placed in it 
 
 without further ceremony. 
 
 Th; archbimop goeth to the altar, and beginneth a communion j he 
 
 readeth ?lf>a colled;, the epiftle and gofpel are read by two bilhops, together 
 
 with the Nicene creed. 
 
 That done, the choir fingeth an anthem. 
 
 In the mean time the king and queen come down to offer : the king goeth 
 fir ft to the altar, and effereth bread and wine for the communion - y then 
 returneth to his chair, and going again h»e offereth a mark of gold. Then the 
 smeen goeth to the altar and offereth. 
 
 * Indinabit, ejus majeftatem, ut decet, adorando,. 
 
 F Zt The 
 
$6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 ;The bifhop who celebrates the mafs fayeth the following prayers, bleffin-g 
 j the king and queen. 
 
 t Dominus vobifcum. — JEt cum fpiriiu tuo. 
 Omnipotent Deus det tibi de rare caeli, et de pinguedine terra abundantiam frumenti et vini, et ferviant 
 tibi .populi, tt adorent te tribus ; et qui benedixerit tibi benedidionibus repleatur j et Deus erit adjutor tuus : 
 Omnipotens Dominus benedicat tibi bencdittionibus cceli defuper in montibus et in coHibus ; benedielionibus a- 
 byjfi jacentis deorfum ; benedifiionibus uberum frumentorum et rivarum, pomorumque ; benedicliones patrum 
 gntiquorum, Abraham et Jjaac, et Jacab confortciafmt fuper te. Per Dom y noftr. &c. 
 
 Alia ORATIO. 
 Bene die V amine fortitudinem ijlius principis, et opera manuum ejus fufcipe: et de benediclione tua terra 
 tjus de pomis repleatur, de fruclu cceli et rare, atque abyjji Jubjacentis, de fruclu folis et luna, de vertice 
 antiquorum montium, de pomis aternorum collium, et de frugibus terra, et de pinguedine ejus. — Beneditlio 
 iilius qui apparuit in rubo sjeniat fuper. caput ijlius, jet plena fit benedidlio Domini in filiis ejus, et tingat in 
 oleo pedem fuum : Cornua Rhino cerontis comua iilius, in ipfis ventilabit gentes ujque ad terminos terra, quia 
 ofcenfor cceli auxiliator ejus in aternum fiat, Per.Dominum, £3V. 
 
 After thefe bleffings, they are brought back to their chairs, hard by the 
 altar ; and the archbiihop proceedeth with the prayer as follows : 
 
 Munera Domine quafumus oblata fanclifica, ut et nobis Uni^eniti tut corpus et fanguis fiant, et famulo 
 tuo regi noftro N. ad obtinendam anima corporifque falntem : et ad per agendum injunclum officium te lar- 
 giente, ujquequaque proficiant per eundem. 
 
 Aliud fecretum- pro Rege & Regina. 
 
 Sufcipe Dotnine preces et hofiias ecclefia tux pro falute famuli tui regis nojlri N. et regina no/lra N. in. 
 froteclione fidelium populorum fupplicantis, td antiqua brachii tui te operante miracula fuperatis inimic:s i 
 fair a t'tbi ferviat Chrijlianorum libertas. Per Dominum,^fc, 
 
 P R yE F A T I O. 
 
 /Eterne Deus, qui es fans immarceffibilis lucis fjf origo perpeiua bonitatis, regitm confer ator, bonormi 
 ..omnium attributor,Jignitatumque largitor, a/jus ineffabilem clementiam votis omnibus exoramus, ut famulavi 
 tua?n N. quam regalis dignitatis fajligio voluifti fublimari, fapientia faterarumque virtutum ornament: s 
 facias decor ari, et quia tui eft. muneris, quod regnat, tua Jit pietath, quo id faliciter agat, quatenus in 
 " fundament o, fpei fidei charitatifque fundata, peccatorum labe abfhrfa de vifibilibus et b.vifibilibus triumphator 
 effeclus, fubjetti popuii augment o, profperitate fcf fecuritate exhilaratus, cum eis mutua dileclione connexas, 
 et tranfiiorii regni gube; nacula inculpabiliter teneaty l$,ad aterni infinita gaudia te miferante perveniat. 
 .per Chtijlum Dom. nofl. &c. 
 
 AGNUS DEI. 
 
 Stqtwtur autem>benediflio fuper regem iff popuhm, 
 Omnipotens Deus charifmatum fuorum -vos kcupleter jucunditate t et regem noj: 'rum ecclefiajlica pads 
 ,-perfrui faciat tranquilliiate. Amen. ( 
 
 Angelum fanilum fuum ubique ei cuftodem tribuat fcf defenforem tamque volts quam et fibi virtutum 
 
 Jane! arum conferat vigorenu Amen,, fj. v , ^tfj ► hoOQ ddl G. + 
 
 jimbitum rcgni fui in diebus ejus fax circumdet honcfla; et quocunque fe vertetur adverfariorum vis 
 fflfrvetur xnfejia ; omnifquc in nobis rcligio abundct mode/la. Amen. 
 
 After 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 37 
 After the archbifliop hath communicated himfelf and thofe who affift him, 
 the king and the queen come to the fteps of the altar, to receive the com- 
 munion ; the archbifliop miniftercth the bread, and the abbot of Weftminfter 
 the cup : that done, the king and queen are brought back to their thrones, and 
 there flay till the fervice is ended. 
 Then the choir fing this anthem : 
 
 Jntelltge clamorem mewn, intende voci orationis mea rex mens, Dcus mcus, quon'tam ad te orabo Do/nine, 
 
 The PRAYERS after the COMMUNION. 
 
 Mac nos Domine communio purget a crimine, et famuhim tuum N. regem nojirum ab omnlbns tueatur 
 adverfis : quaienus et ecclefiajliue pads obtmeat tranquillitatm, et po/i ijliut temporis decurfum ad aternam 
 ferven'ud lusredliatem. Per Dom. 2fC. 
 
 Another Prayer after the Communion, for the King and Queen. 
 
 Prajla, quafumus, omnipotent Deus, ut per hac myjlerla qua fumpfitnus, rex nojier N. et regina 
 noftra N. et populus Chr'ifl'wnus ftmper rationubilia meditantes, qua tibi Junt placita, et diclis exequantur 
 £ff fa&is. Per Dcminum nojirum, &c. 
 
 »f»-:r • 2v/oTIo.t <?£ na^iq ,3rlJ rilrw ihabssocnq 'qortitdftoifi a/b brt£-'~ tti* 
 
 After the mafs and fervice is done, the king and queen come down from 
 their thrones, inflate, and go to king Edward's chapel; and there the king 
 taketh off the crown, and delive'reth it to the archbifliop ; and the queen doth 
 the fame; and he layeth them upon the altar there. 
 
 The king withdraweth -himfelf into the travers; and the queen waiteth till 
 the king returns, either doing her devotions at her fald-ftool, or repofing 
 herfelf in her feat. Within the travers, the great chamberlain of England 
 taketh off the king's robes, and delivereth them to the abbot of Weftminfter ; 
 and the king putteth on his own robes royal, which are prepared for him to 
 wear that day : he then goeth out of the travers to king Edward's altar, where 
 the archbifliop putteth on the king and queen's heads the crowns they are to 
 wear that day. 
 
 The king and queen take into their hands again, each of them, their fcepter 
 and rod : the train is then let in order, and the king and queen go back to the 
 palace, in moft folemn manner, the fame way they came. 
 
 The king and queen withdrawing themfelves after dinner, the fcepter and 
 rod (part of the regalia) are re-delivered to the abbot of Weftminfter. 
 
 The Principal Officers at the Day of Coronation.* 
 
 The lord Richard Bello Campo (or Beauchamp") of Bedford, almoner, to caufe 
 the cloths to be fpread upon the ground, from the king's palace to the ftage 
 in the abbey of Weftminfter (as before obferv'd). As much of which as is 
 without the church belongs to the poor; the reft to the church. 
 
 The 
 
 * This is from a curious old MS. in my own pofTeffion. 
 
38 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The bifhops of Bath and Durham, to fupport the king in the proceffion, 
 
 habited in their pontificalibus. 
 The lord high chancellor of England (if a biffiop) in his pontificalibus, to go 
 
 before the king, bearing the cup of St. Edward. 
 The lord chief treafurer (if a bilhop) alfo in his pontificalibus, to go before the 
 
 king, bearing the patena. 
 Two chief noblemen to go before the king, carrying the one the fcepter with 
 
 the crofs, the other the fcepter with the dove. 
 The earl of Chefter, to bear the curtana before the king.* 
 The earl of Huntingdon, at the earl of Chefter's right hand, and the earl of 
 
 Warwick at his left, each bearing a fword. 
 A chief nobleman, to bear the great gilt fpurs, in the proceffion before the 
 
 king.-j- 
 
 A chief nobleman, to redeem the fword of the king from the altar, and bear it 
 
 during the foiemn ceremony. 
 The earl of Leicefter that day ferves the office of high ftewacd. 
 The duke of York or his heirs) ferve the office of marflial.. 
 The earl of Arundel, the office of chief butler. 
 The earl of Hereford, the office of high conftable-. 
 The earl of Oxford, the office of chamberlain. 
 Lord Richard Haftings ferveth the king with table napkins. 
 Lord Richard Beauchamp ferveth the office of butler. 
 
 Lord Richard de Furnival, to fupport the king's right arm, when he holds his 
 fcepter. 
 
 The barons of the Cinque Ports, to bear the canopy over the heads of the king 
 and queen, in the proceffion ; &c. 
 
 Nobility, and their Creation. 
 
 VicTe vol. 2 to the fecond volume of this work, I have faid as much as concerns my 
 of this work, prefent deiign, respecting the method of creating noble eftates : In this, I fhall 
 gag. 64.. Gn ] y jjjjj t ]- je expences for fuch creations, as in the time of Henry the Seventh ;.: 
 which I copied from a large folio MS. then in the poffeffion of the late worthy 
 MS penes g ent ' ermn > J onn l ves > ei( i; of Great Yarmouth ; it is entitled 4< An Account 
 I Ives Efq- °f the caronation of Henry the Seventh." 
 
 Ths 
 
 * This is alio cottfrnned by the Liber Regalis,. ** Comes Ceftria—portabit gladium, qui vacatur 
 curtana." — In a MS. in the Cotton library (Nero, D. vi. } in which is a particular account of the 
 offices claimed at the coronation of Richard the Second, 'tis expreiily affirm'd that John of Gaunt,, 
 duke of Lancafter, in. right of his earld >m of Leicelter, claim'd the office of bearing the curtana ; 
 and iJiat hvs affignee, Heimy carl of Derby (his ion) bore it for him during the ctreT.ony, while he 
 (,the faid duke) was ■bulled as fteward. — He alfo, as eari of Lincoln,, claimed the office to cut and> 
 carve at the king's table, which was granted him, and was performed by his affignee, the earl of' 
 Stafford. " 1 
 
 f. This office, at the coronation of Richard the Second, was claimed by John, the fon of John earl: 
 of Pembroke; but he being under age, it was affigned to Edmund earl of March. 
 .John Dymmocke* for the manor of Scryvelby,. at the above coronation fcrved the office cf 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 V) 
 
 The Apparrel for the Creacon of Eftates, from an Earle 
 upwarde. 
 
 Imprimis. For the kirtle, or circote, i4yardes of crymfen velvet. 
 Item. For the mantell, 18 yardes of crymfen velvet, furred with white mynivef 
 pur: 
 
 Item. The hoode, fcabarde of the fwearde, and girdle, to be of the fare 
 velvet. 
 
 Duties to be payed at the Creacon of the Eftates aforefaide. 
 
 To the officer of armes his gowne — — 10 o o 
 
 To the trumpette — — — — 200 
 
 To the gentlemen huifshiers — — — 200 
 
 To the fewers — — — — -—068 
 
 To the yomen huifshiers — — — - 100 
 
 To the gromes of the chamber — — 100 
 
 To the yomen waiters — — — 100 
 
 To the grome porters — — — 068 
 
 To the feller — — — — o 10 o 
 
 The buttrie — — — — 0100 
 The kinges largefle at fuch creacon - 5 markes. 
 
 Provilion for the Creacon of an Erie. 
 
 Firft to appointe the name of the countie ; — the daye of creacion ; — the 
 place where he (hall dyne with the noble men ; — the robes of ftate ; — the 
 fwearde ; — the lettres patents ; — three erles, two principall to lead him, one to 
 bear the fwearde ; — gartier, to beare his letres patente ; — his ftile to be pro- 
 claymed. 
 
 Provifion for the Creacion of a Baron. 
 
 Firft to appoint the name of the baronnye ; — the day of his creacon ; — the 
 dyning place; — the robe; — the kirtle; — the hoode; — the lettres patente, to 
 be borne by gartier; — three barons in their robes, two to leade him, one to 
 bear his robe ; — his ftile to be proclaimed by gartier. 
 
 Duties 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Duties to be paid at the fame Creacion. 
 
 
 r 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 ■ 
 
 To the office or armes his gown, occ. 
 
 IO 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 To the trumpette — — 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 o 
 
 To the gentlemen ufshiers — 
 
 — i 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 To the fewers — — 
 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 To the yomen hufshers - 
 
 
 
 
 To the grotnes of the chamber — 
 
 — o 
 
 IO 
 
 o- 
 
 To the yomen waiters — - 
 
 — o 
 
 10 
 
 o 
 
 To the grome porters — 
 
 . i •> o. 
 
 b 
 
 8 
 
 To the feller — — 
 
 — o 
 
 6 
 
 8" 
 
 To the buttrie — — 
 
 — o 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 To the miaftrells, at your pleafer 
 
 
 
 
 The kinges largefie at fuch creacions- five raarkes. 
 
 Laws and Adminiftration of Juflice. 
 
 MS ' B'b ^ ^ aWS °^ S kingdom no man is bound to accufe himfelf j for though 
 Karl "980 'heretofore (in cafes of high treafon, or the like) torture hath been uled, yet it 
 was for the difcovery of the confederates, and not for evidence againft the de- 
 linquent j for no prifoner, in capital matters, is required, or even permitted,' to 
 anfwer upon oath * to his accufation, except in fuch matters^as could not well be 
 MS. in Bib. proved, and the which were referred by the court to combat :■ m cafes of felo- 
 fi 0tt< T*itiis" n yf ceremornes °^ combat X were as follows j the defendant having pleaded 
 C. r. ' Not Guilty, put himfelf upon his perfonal defence ; then the plaintiff { being fo 
 ordered by the court) took the defendant by the left hand, and-laid his own right 
 Je Form of band upon the gofpels ; turning to the defendant, he called him by his chriflian 
 ihcCeremo- name, laying, •* You Thomas, whom I John do hold by the hand, I do. here 
 ny An. 17. charge thee, that upon fuch a year, and fuch a day; thou didft felonioufly rob 
 2l. III.. me ^ or n5 y brother, &c. ( repeating the full charge againji the defendant) and 
 I am ready to aver the fame by my body, as a good and lawful man, and that my 
 appeal is ti uc, fo help me God and all his faints then they disjoin their hands, 
 
 * Tri criminal matters, not capftal, handled in the Star Chamber; and 111 caufes of confcience handled 
 in the Chauncerv (for the molt part grounded upon truft and fecrecy) the oath of the party is re- 
 quired ; but not vvitere there is an accufation, or an accufor, VW. bills of complaint exhibited unto 
 the court, and by procefs notified unto the defendant : only the Ecdefiaft ical Courts enforce an oabh 
 ex cjfjcio, whereby men are enforced to accufe themfelves. — Befides they are ("worn unto bh-nque, and 
 r.oi unto accufations and charges declared. ViJ. Bacon's Confiderations of the Church of England, 
 and iVIS. in the Harl. Lib. mark'd 980. • 
 f For a full account of combat, in cafes of treafon, fee pages 69, 70, Vol. II. 
 X Great pait o' this article is taken from a large f-do MS. of various col led ions, preferred in the 
 Cotton Library; it confifrs of papers written by Whitlock, Camden, Sir Robert Cotton, and various- 
 other learned authors ; the prefent article is extracted from the papers " Sub Tit. Due/iuw," ■ The 
 prtfs mark of th;s MS. is Titus C, 1. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 4 l 
 and the defendant took the left hand of the plaintiff in his left hand, laying his 
 right alfo upon the book, making his declaration as follows ; You John whom 
 I Thomas do hold by the hand, have bafely and falfely lyed upon me ; for that 
 I did not rob thee, or kill thy brother, &c. as thou haft charged me ; this I am 
 ready to maintain by my body ; and that this my defence is true fo help me God 
 and all his faints." The plaintiff, if within three days he found pledges of his 
 battle, was fet at liberty ; but the defendant was committed to the cuftody of 
 the marfhal, who took care that he fhould have fufriciency both of meat and 
 drink, as alfo of reft and quiet. Braclon indeed affirmeth, that both plaintiff 1[b Bra< ^ on ' t 
 and defendant mould be committed to the marfhal's charge until the day of 1 * 3, c ' 21 ' 
 battle, and both fhould be kept fo clofe that none might be admitted to fpeak 
 with either of them. When they came into the field, prepared for the combat, 
 ■they muft either of them take an oath that their caufe was juft, and alfo to 
 acquit themfelves from the fufpicion of ufing any enchantments, or devilifh 
 arts, to obtain the viclory, contrary to the common courfe of things. 
 
 If the plaintiff (as above-mentioned) was fet at liberty, he was obliged, the Aft made 6 
 night preceding the day of combat, to come to the rnarfhal, to be by him en ' 4 * 
 arrayed in fuch armour as was requifite for the occafion ; and when the com- 
 batants were met in the field, a proclamation was made, ftridtly forbidding 
 any, on pain of great and grievous punimment, to make any outcry, or u(e 
 other unlawful means to make -the combatants turn their heads, or otherwife 
 interrupt them. 
 
 The plaintiff had the advantage of having his head covered, while the 
 defendant was obliged to perform his combat bare headed. 
 
 The Ceremonies of Combat, in a Writ of Right. 
 
 Combat was alfo allowed in cafes of writs of right; but it might not be 
 performed by the parties themfelves, but by their champions or fubflitutes \ l^ScJwrji 
 which champions were obliged to be free men, and of credit, fuch as would be ' "* 
 efteemed good and fubftantial witnefTes.* The day appointed for the hearing 
 of the caufe, the defendant's ferjeant doth rehearfc to the court the whole 
 
 * The words of Glanville are, " talis debet efle campio, qui fit et efie pofTen inde tefis idoncu? ;'' 
 and for this reafon the parties might not in their own proper perfons perform the combat, quid id 
 fieri non poteft, nifi per teftem idoneum, 'audientem vel videntem ; and therefore (before the itatutc 
 pri. Weft, cap 40.) the champion did fwear, at the time of combat, that he faw the defendant, or 
 the tenant, take efplees of the land ; or elfe that he heard his father fay, on his death bed, that he 
 iaw it, and deiired him to teftify the fame; for the words of Glanville are to that efFeci, where he 
 makes the defendant fay " et hoc paratus fum probare per hunc libeium hondnem, ] — cui pater 
 fuis injuxit, in extremis agens, in fide qua filius tenetur patri, quod fi aliquando loquelam de terra 
 ilia audiret hoc diracionaret ficut id quod pater fuus vidit et audivit but becaufe the champion* 
 were for the moft part perjured, in taking this oath, it was abylifjied by this fHtute ; Des ferememe 
 des champions eft iftint perveu, purceo qui rernement avient que le champion le demaundaunt ne fpit 
 perjure en ceo quil jure, quil ou fon piere vift la feyfine fon feignour ou de fon anceftre, et 
 que fon piere luy amanda a faire la dereigum qui tnefque ne foit le champion le demandant diftreynt 
 a ceo jurer, mes foit le ferement garder en toutes fes auters pointes.— E. MS. penes author. 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 G 
 
 procefs 
 
42 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 procefs of the matte* in difpute j and then the tenant's ferjeant maketh his 
 defence, and pleads that he (the tenant) was ready to prove his right, by the 
 body of his free man : then he produced the champion, prefenting him to the 
 court, holding him by the right hand, upon which he wore his gauntlet. In 
 the fame manner and form the ferjeant for the defendant alfo brought forth his 
 champion openly, with words importing his readinefs to undertake the combat ; 
 and this was thus done by the ferjeants for the parties, although they them- 
 felvesr might be there prefent in their own proper perfons-. 
 
 When the ferjeants had performed thefe above-mentioned ceremonies, a day 
 was by the court afiigned and fix'd for the champions to appear in arms, and 
 the parties on both fides were for the prefent difmilTed. 
 
 On the appointed day, the aforefaid parties being come into the court, the 
 chief juftice commanded the champions to be fet apart; that is to fay, the 
 champion for the tenant was placed in the eaft part of the court, and the 
 champion for the defendant in the weft, both being bare-headed, and there 
 they kneeled down) when the juftice demanded of the ferjeants, if they could 
 mew any lawful reafon why the champions mould not be allowed to perform 
 the combat? and on their anfwering No, the juftice further queftioned, 
 whether the champions were good and found men ; and then the clerks of the 
 court demanded of either champion one of his gauntlets, which v/as delivered 
 to the chief juftice, who examined whether there was a penny put into every 
 finger of each gauntlet; which being found to be fo, the gauntlets were again, 
 in the fame ftate, returned to the champions to whom they belonged. Then 
 were they feverally queftioned by the juftice, whether they would duly and = 
 truly perform the combat? On their anfwering that they would, they were 
 again remanded to their places, the one in the eaft, the other in the weft, as 
 before, and then ordered to lay down their gauntlets in the court; when the 
 juftices addretling themfelves to the ferjeants at the bar, who were of the 
 council for the two parties, demanding if there were any lawful caufe to he 
 alledged why the combat fhould be delayed? they anfwering No, the court 
 called for the champions again, and appointed then to them -the day certain for 
 the combat, ilridtly ordering them- that they fhould be ready to perform the 
 fame, at any hour on the day fo appointed that they might be called (or : the 
 court alfo gave charge to the two parties, that they fhould not permit their 
 champions- to go into the public markets, fairs, -or taverns, until the combat 
 was performed. They alfo ftraitly commanded the champions, that they 
 mould not, by any manner of means, do hurt or mifchief to each other ; and 
 men their gauntlets, each having five pence within the fingers, were re- 
 delivered to them,, and they were ordered to go, the one to St. Paul's church, 
 and the other to St. Peter's at Weftminfter, that they might there feverally 
 offer their five pence, in honour of the five wounds of Chrift, and make prayer 
 to God that he would be pleafed to beftow the victory on him. who undertook 
 the moft rightful caufe; which charge given, the champions and the parties 
 were difmiffed, the one champion going out of the eaft door of the court, and 
 the other out of the weft, that they might not meet or pafs each other. 
 
 At the day appointed for the combat, the parties and their champions 
 appeared again at the bar ; and there the whole charge and procefs was read,. 
 
 and 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. i| 
 and the names of the champions rehearfed. When this was done, the defendant 
 brought forth his champion, in red leather, with a red target at his back, and 
 a knight held his red baftqn, or truncheon, of five quarters in length, blunt at 
 the end without a knob : — the tenant alfo produced his champion, in like 
 manner apparelled ; and the chief juftice did meafure their ftaves, and caufed 
 them to be fearched before him, to fee if they had any rhyme, charm, or herb, 
 about them \ * and if they found any, the court forthwith difmifTed the 
 champions for that day : but if, on the contrary, nothing unlawful was found, 
 they proceeded to the place appointed for the combat (which was commonly 
 performed in fome open field near Wetiminfter -f ) where the lifts were railed 
 round, and made of a proper fize, to give them room lufficient. The champions 
 were then brought in by two knights, and on their arrival a proclamation was 
 made to the fpectators to keep peace, and the oath was adminiftered to the 
 champions ; which done, they began the combat, and according to the chance 
 of the held the judgment was finally given. 
 
 The lofs of members was a frequent and common method of punifhment, MS. in 
 for various crimes, in ancient ages j but in the latter times that punifhment Bib. Harl. 
 was confined to thofe only who {truck others in the king's prefence, or in his 9% 0, 
 court, and they (faith the author of the Defcription of Britain) were fure, 
 without any hope of mercy, benefit of clergy or fanctuary, to lofe their right 
 hands ; which dreadful fentence was executed in the following manner : — 
 
 At fuch time therefore as the party tranfgreffing is convicted by a fufficient 
 enqueft impanelled for the fame purpofe, and the tyme come of the execution ^heDefcrip 
 of the fentence, the fergeaunt of the king's wood-yarde provydeth a fquare of Britain* 
 blocke, which he bringeth to fome appointed place, and therwithal a great . ca P- 9- 
 beetle,^ ftaple, and cordes, wherewith to fallen the hande of the offender unto jY^ c v ^°j* 
 the fayde blocke, untill the whole circumftance of his execution be perfourmed, s " 
 The yoman of the fcullary lykevvyfe for the tyme beyng doth provide a great 
 iire of coales harde by the blocke, wherein the fearing yrons are to be made 
 ready againft the chiefe furgeon to the prince or his deputie mall occupie the 
 fame. Upon him alfo doth the fergeaunt or chief farrour attend with thofe 
 yrons, whofe office is to deliver them to the faid furgeon when he mall be 
 ready by fearing to ufe the fame; The grome of the falary for the time beyng, 
 or hys deputie, is furthermore appointed to be readie with vinegar and colde 
 water, and not to depart from the place untill the arme of the offender be 
 bounde up and fully drefled. And as thefe thinges are thus provided, fo the 
 fergeaunt furgeon is bound from time to time to be readie to execute his charge, 
 and feare the flump, when the hande is taken from it. The fergeaunt of the 
 lellar is at hande alfo with a cup of red wine, and likewife the chiefe officer of 
 
 G 2 the 
 
 * In the 2gth Edward III. the champion of the bifliop of Salifbury (in a writ of right for the 
 cattle of Therbeme) was found to have rolls of oiizons, and invocations wrapp'd about him. 
 
 t In the 13th of queen Eliz. a combat was appointed to have been performed in Tothill Fields 
 (concerning a writ for certain manour and demaine lands in the i fie of Hartye) where there was 
 erected, in form of a court of jullice, lifts properly railed round, twenty yards fijuare, &c. — See the 
 whole form and ceremony then ufed, in Hollingtheadj vol. 2, page \ 859. 
 
 X Or mallet. 
 
44 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 the pantry with manchet bread, to give unto the fayd partye after the execution 
 done, and the {romp feared, as the fergeaunt of the esvery is with clothes, 
 wherein to winde and wrap up the arme ; the yoman of the pultrie with a 
 cocke to laye unto it*; the yoman of the chaundrie with feared clothes; and 
 finally the maifter cooke, or his deputje, with a fharp dreffing knife, which he' 
 delivereth at the place of execution to the fergeaunt of the larder, who" doth' 
 hold it upright in his hande untill the execution be performed -j- by the publicke 
 officer appointed thereunto. And this is the maner of punifhment ordayned ' 
 for thofe that ftryke within the prince's pallace, or limites of the fame; and 
 (continues my author) the lyke privilege is almoft given to churches and church- 
 yardes, although in maner of punifhment great difference do appeare. For he 
 that bralleth or quarrelleth in eyther of them is by and by fufpended ab ingrejfw 
 ccclejice, until he be abfolved ; as he is alfo that ftriketh wyth the fill or layeth 
 violent handes upon any whome foever. But if he happen to fmite wyth ftafFe 
 or dagger, or any maner of weapon, and the fame be fufficiently founde by; the' 
 verdict of twelve men at his arrainement, befides excommunication, he is fure. 
 to lofe one of bis eares wythout all hope of Fecovirye. But if he be fuch a one as ' 
 hath been twyfe condemned and executed, wherby he hath now no eares, then 
 is he marked with an hote yron upon the cheekc, and bv the letter F, which' 
 is feared into hts fiefh : he is from thenceforth noted as a common baratour, 
 and fray maker, and thereunto remayneth excommunicate, till by repentaunce" 
 he deferve to be abfolved. 
 
 Conferning thieves, &c. who were faved by their clergy, and books, (fays ' 
 Defer. Brit, an \r\ author) they are burnt in the left hand, upon the brawn of the thumb, 
 a ^ a g I ° I 11 g ng ' with a hot iron, fo that if they be apprehended agayne, that mark berayeth 
 them to have been before arraigned of fellony • for which caufe there is no 
 hope for mercy the fecond time. I read not (continues my author) that this 
 cuftoni of laving by the book, is ufed any where elfe then in England ; — 
 neither do I find (after much diligent enquiry) what Saxon prince ordained this 
 law. Howbeit 1 generally gather thereof, that it was devifed at the firft to 
 train the inhabitants of this land to the love of learning, who before contemned ' 
 letters; for if the delinquent, whsn he was found guilty, could read the certain 
 books by law fet forth, he then claimed that privilege of his books, and was 
 excufed from punifhment. 
 
 In imitation alfo of the antient Hebrew cuftom, eftablifhed by that valiant 
 and victorious leader Jofhua, there were within this kingdom certain places 
 appoint :d A fandtuary ; to which offenders making their efcape, were there 
 protected, from the law, while they remained within the limits afeertained : — 
 Alio thofe who fled into the churches to the altar, there taking fandtuary, were 
 undsr fpecial proteclion ; and if they were by force taken from thence, the 
 
 pnefts 
 
 — ;gabl 3rfi oi. tfelniiri banimdul has. t biQ^ .n.jwp eirl lo duoi ,i>aiB>. ,uoi)ihpoa 
 
 * In the quarto edition of Stow, the preparation made, an. 38, Kvji..8. for the cutting off" the 
 hand of Sir Edmond Knevet, lent., for ftriking in the king's houfe, it runs thus : " The Jergcant of ' 
 the p-ultrie with a cocke, ivhich cocke Jhould have bis head /mitten off upon the fame block, and zuith the fame 
 knife but why this ceremony was performed I can get no account.- Vide Stow quart, pair. 978. 
 
 •f In Stow, " the fergeant of the larder to fet the knife right upon the joint.''' Thus it appears the 
 hand was fmittcn off by the executioner, with a knife, ftruclc upon by a beetle or mallet. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 45 
 priefts and clergy made great outcries, deeming it a violation of the church 
 privileges. Yet in matters of very heinous fort, offenders have been taken 
 from the churches, and fanctuaries, without any great offence given ; efpecially 
 if in fuch matters it concerned the intereftof the clergy to bring the offenders 
 tojuftice, 
 
 There were two famous fandluaries at London, the one in St. Martin's le 
 Grand, and the other at Wcftminfter Abbey. Of what date the inftitution of 
 fanctuaries within this kingdom is, I have not been able to difcover, but that 
 they are very antient may appear; £qr Se&riiQ king of the Weft Saxons, who 
 (ann. Dom. 605^ ) firft founded the abbey of Weftminfter, granted to it the 
 fanftuary privileges; which were increafed by Edgar, and after wards renewed 
 and confirmed by the Confeffor, whole charter runs thus in Stow's Survey:. — Stow's Sur- 
 vey of Lon- 
 
 Edward, by the grace of God, king of Engliflitnen : / make it to be known to don, p. 5*9, 
 all generations of the world after me, that by efpecial commandment of our holy 
 jathtr, pope Leo, I have renewed, and honoured the holy church of the blefjed 
 apoflle, Saint Peter of V^eftminuef j and I order and efiablifh for ever, that 
 what perfon, of what condition or ejjf&te Jbever he be, from whencefoever he come, 
 or for what offence or caafe it bee, either for his refuge into the faid holy place, 
 he be < -fared of bis l/fe, liberty and limbs. And over this, I forbid ( under the ' 
 pain of everlajling damnation J that no minifler cf mine, or of my fuccefjors, inter- 
 meddle th:m with any of the goods, lands, or pofejjions of the faid perfons, taking 
 tb* jaid Jantluary : J or 1 have taken their goods aud livelihood into my fpecial 
 protection ; and therefore I grant to every each of them ( in as much as my 
 t err eftial power may f office J all manner of freedom and joyous liberty ; and whofo- 
 ever prejumes or doeth contrary to this my grant, I will he loofe his name, worjhip, 
 dignity, and power, and that with the great traytor Judas, that betrayed our 
 Saviour, he be in the everlajling fire of Hell. And 1 will and ordaine, that this 
 my grant may endure as long, as there rcmaineth in England either love or dread 
 of Chrifidn name: 
 
 However good the intention of eiUblilhing fuch fancluaries originally might 
 have been, the dreadful abufe of them in latter years rendered them a nuilance ; SeeHolingfj 
 which may appear from the fpeech of the duke of Buckingham concerning r 3 ^hony-o 
 them, as recorded by our chroniclers, in the life of Edward the Fifth. He StowChron. 
 there plainly and exp/efsly declares, that they were (thefe two at London pa?. 442. 
 efpecially) but harbours for all kinds of villainous, iliamelefs, and abandoned s P eed - 8 9°» 
 mifcreants, the nurferies of vice and infamy, &c. 
 
 In the reign of king Henry the Seventh, Perken Werbeck (after his defeat) 
 fled to fancluary j ind though the king did not chufe to force him from thence; 
 yet he caufed tne place to be befet round fo ftrongly with his foldiers, that 
 there was no hope "eft to Perken of efcape ; fo he, feeing the extremity of his * 
 condition, came forth of his own accord, and fubmitted himfelf to the king.— r- 
 Thrs politic prince, to prevent :^ch future trouble, in the 1 7 th year of his Holiin.Chr, 
 reign obtained, of pope Alexander, authority to abolifh the cuftom of fanituary P* H5 7' 
 protection for rebelt, and traitors. 
 
 But 
 
 ^■Pri ■ .wlJanno slj^d a vrj aoau jijuiil ^tini n rinw t i3noiJU5'5Xi orb vd jrto tijjjical uiustt 
 
46 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 But as foon as the proteftant religion was introduced, and eitaplifhed in the 
 realm, the final and dellrudive blow was given to thefe inftitutions, which had 
 fo many ages continued afuccor and refuge for rogues and vagabonds. But to 
 this very day, the yard or ftreet before the abbey of Weftminiter is called the 
 SanBuary, which is all that remains of the antient eftablifhment. 
 
 Torture, as we have obferved in the beginning of this article, was fometimes 
 ; ufed, though not for witnefs againfl the offender, but difcovery of his accom- 
 plices. 
 
 A&s&Mo- I" Fox's Book of Martyrs, vol. 3, page 865, we find that thofe accufed of 
 numents, herefy were put upon the rack ; which is compofed of two rollers, at about 
 V. 3. p. 865. nme or ten f eet diftant from each other, and between thefe rollers the man who 
 . is to fuffer the torture is placed, and his hands made fan: to two feparate cords, 
 which go round one roller, and his feet in like manner fattened to the other : 
 ibid, • t ^ ien tw0 men » one at eacn efi d» with, levers, put into the holes for that purpole 
 made in the rollers, draw the cords tight, extending and flretching out the 
 limbs of the wretched fufferer in a mod dreadful manner.— The cruel and 
 In theLol-^ eav y * rons » ^Ifo figured in that book, as well as the flocks and gyves (as they 
 lards Tower are called) in which fo many refolute proteftants were tormented, during the 
 Aa. Mon. fharp, tyranny of the Romifh church, mult make every humane man fhudder 
 3 with horror ! — How many then, while that zealous bigot Mary fat upon the 
 
 .throne, fealed with their blood their love for a juffc and reafonable religion ! — 
 When we look on thofe horrid inftruments of torture, how can we help crying 
 out, Great God of mercies ! what ideas mufl: thofe men have had of thee, who 
 thus could cruelly torment their fellow creatures, and teach others alfo lb to do? 
 What was become of that heavenly doctrine of Chrifl, Blefied are the merciful, 
 for they mall obtain mercy ? Could this efcape them, if they fought for it? 
 Their eyes muft furely have been fhut to all. conviction, and their hearts devoid 
 of every fenfe of humanity ! 
 
 In the 20th plate of this volume, I have given fome few fpecimens of this 
 ecclefiaflical tyranny. N Q . 11. of that plate, reprefents a poor man doing 
 penance, at the command of William Courtney, archbifhop of Canterbury. — 
 :Jbid. Vol. 1. There were feveral others underwent the fame fate, becaufe (fays Fox, from 
 pag. 723. whofe book this figure is taken) they held certain lands of the fee of Canter- 
 bury, by tenure of . which they were obliged to furnifh the archbifhop's ftable 
 with hay, fir aw, , and other litter: now this litter they had lately brought pri- 
 vately in facks, and under their coats (and not in carts, as they ufed and ought 
 to do) for which fo heinous an offence, and horrible trefpafs, he, the laid arch- 
 bifhop, fitting ; in his tribunal feat, did greatly threaten them with excommu- 
 nication, and dreadful curfes ! ** They craving pardon of their trefpaffe, the 
 archbifhop abfolved them, on their fwearing to obey the lawes and ordinances 
 of the holy church, and to do the punifhment which fhould be appointed them 
 for their , offence : — that is, they mould go leifurely before the proceflione, 
 every one of them carrying openly, on his moulder, his bag ftufled with hay 
 and flraw, in fuch manner that the faid hay and flraw fliGuld appear hanging 
 out of the mouths of the facks, which were left open for that purpole." — Over 
 ? ihe print (which we are informed was copied from one of the original 
 
 figures, 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 47 
 figures, as painted in the archbifliop's own regifter) Fox hath put thefefl 
 lines : — 
 
 This bag full of ftraw, I beare on my backe, 
 Becaufe my lordes horfe his litter did lacke ; 
 If ye be not good to my lord graces horfe, 
 Ye are like to go bare foot before the crofle. 
 
 N°. 10. of the fame plate, is a man (James Bainham) doing public Aa.&Mon* 
 penance at St. Paul's crofs, after he had recanted from his hercfies (as the v - 2 -P-3 00 * 
 Chriftian-like priefts called the proteftant tenets). He ftood there bare-foot in 
 his fhirt, bearing upon his left moulder a faggot,* and in his right hand a 
 taper of a pound weight, before the pulpit, on a ftage erected for that purpofe $ 
 while the prieft above made his fermon to the people. 
 
 N°. 8. is another poor proteftant, whom, with tortures and threatnirigs, 
 they had forced to belie his confcience, and declare that he recanted from his 
 errors. He (becaufe perhaps he might have been more obftinate) is handled in Ibu} ' Yf' 1 ? 
 a feverer manner than the former : he was obliged to go almoft naked (except pa ^' * 
 only a fort of canvas breeches about his loins). In his hand he carries a taper 
 of a pound weight, and behind the fomner following, adminifters the cruel 
 difcipline. — but others were much more' dreadfully treated : for them that ' 
 force and torment could not prevail with to alter their opinion, they were 
 delivered over to the mercy of the flames. 
 
 Some few were hanged before they were burnt, and others, when they were > • - 
 hanged, were fo left, as public fpectacles, till they dropped to pieces. The ^ ° Q ' 2 *'* 
 manner of hanging them for fhat purpofe, is to be feen plate 20, rig 9 ; they 
 had firft an iron hoop put round their bodies, with a ftrong chain, which was 
 made faft to the gibber, but yet in fuch manner that it might not fupport the 
 criminal before the halter (which was made fo much fhorter) lhould be cut, 
 or broke; then the body could not fall to the ground, but the iron hoop flipped 
 up to the arm-pit, and fo it hung until it was quite eonfumed. 
 
 Since the time of difmembering, looflng the ears in the pillory, and other 
 fevere inflictions of like kind, hanging and tranfporting have been the molt ufual 
 method of punifhment for capital crimes, except indeed amongft the nobility, 
 who are generally beheaded ; though (as in the reign of our late king) the earl 
 of Ferrers, for the murder of his fteward, was publickly hanged at Tyburn, 
 The letter of the law to this very day, I believe, condemns a woman, who doth 
 murder her hufoand, to be burnt alive, but the fentence is always mitigated, for 
 they are firft ftrangled. In the cafe of Catherine Hayes (who, for the murder 
 of her hufhand, fome few years ago, was adjudged to fufter death at the flake) 
 the intention was firft to ftrangle her ; but as they ufed at that time to draw 
 a rope which was fattened round the culprit's neck, and came through a ftaple 
 of the flake, bm at the very moment that the Are was put to the wood which 
 was fet around, the fltmes fometimes reached the offenders before they were 
 quite ftrangled : — juft fo it happened to her y for the fire taking quick hold of 
 
 the 
 
 * This fame penance was afligned fo two merchants of the Stilyard, in the 17th year of Henry 
 the Eighth, for eating fleih on a f riday*— Hall's Union, in the life of Hen. VIII.. fol. 146. 
 
4.8 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 the wood, and the wind being briflc, blew the fmoke and blaze fo full in the 
 facts of the executioners, who were pulling at the rope, that they were obliged 
 to let go their hold before they had quite ftrangled her ; fo that, as I have been 
 informed by fome there prefent, £he fuffered much torment before (he died. — 
 But now they are firft hanged at the flake until they are quite dead, and then 
 the fire is kindled round, and the body burnt to ames. 
 Char.Lond. The puniihment of bafee?0 ot mjllatf (fays the Old London Chronicle) 
 Artie. 85. uetpng pa.ffe ot mele to be Djaturn nppn a bp?oeL 
 
 Survey of And fays Stow, I have read, that in the fourth year of Edward the fecond, 
 J,ond. 165. Richard Reffeham being mayor, a baker, named John of Stratford, for making 
 bread Jefs than the affizc, was, with a fooles hood on his head, and loaves of 
 bread about his necke, drawn on a hurdle through the ftreetsof the city of 
 London. 
 
 Thus writes the old poet, author of the Virions of Pierce Plowman : 
 
 ano ma/rxja, tbat meaner be itrtnene 
 t^be kpnge ano tl;e common, to feepe tbe latDcjS 
 %o pttnpfbe on pplaneg, ano ppnnpnge Holes 
 HB^uffetf anD bafcefte^, boucbe^ ano cofers 
 ifot tt)eCe a*e men on tl;ts3 moulo, tbat mott bajm too;ftctl; 
 Co tlje po*e people, tl;at pa*.cell mcale bpcjbc, &c. 
 
 • Pier. Plow- 
 man Paflus 
 ^Tertius,, 
 
 MS. in the And the fame complaint I find in a poem of ftill antienter date than the above, 
 raarkcd L i b ' ( bein S as earl y as the time of Edward the firft at leaftVthe author in a fort of 
 ar e 91 3 * ballad, expofes the deceit ufed in feveral crafts and profeftions • — take the throe 
 following verfes : 
 
 • be pe-bakejg, toitlj stir lobijs fmale, 
 flDE totjite fyeo ano of blake, fttl mant ano fale 
 $e pincljet on ttje rtgt tDigt, ageng goooesi latos, 
 Co tbe fait pillort id; tebe poutake I;eDc, 
 %W beris 10 lnjotogte fo fcoelle,— tbat no tung ttots -may ttlk. 
 ^atl be pc fyetoeffetf, tokb pout* galunss, 
 pottles, ano quakes?, o^ec al tl;e tonnc0, 
 %u\ tfjoUHncs bjttb mod; atoai, Ccbame bat t!jc gyle, 
 55etb i foar of tbe cocking dole, tbe lak ijs ocp boji, 
 Snkctlicb be tea cie^k,— tbat fo Oeilicb tojogbte tl;i|S toejke. 
 ,%atl be pe flofeelto, ounbt tbe lake, 
 mix}) canoleg anogolokeg, ano tbe pottfsiblak, 
 Cjiptsi ano ktne fete, ano febepen bebebe0 9 
 flflUtb tl;e bojt tromcbe*i l;ou is jnije inne, 
 
 ia Cozi of W Uf 9 -r-tfcM i0 faa to fuel; a toif, &c. 
 
 But 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 4? 
 'But Lidgate Is ftill more, fevere, in a fragment of one of his ballads, pre- MS. "Iriflg; 
 . fcrv'd in the Harleian library. Take the laft verfe. 22 55« 
 
 ■. %tt mellerys ant) bakery s gatyc f)em a jilDc, 
 
 « alle of aOcntc, mafce a fjatc?nitc, 
 
 WLnm lijc pillory a litcl tljapeU bploe, 
 
 Hfje place a mojtcptc, f pupate libcjtr, 
 
 jFor alle fttu tfjat of fyq nombje be, 
 .".Hflltjat cbit it coft atftit tljat ttjep tocntrc 
 
 Cbep map detune be juft auttojite, 
 
 Alport ttjat )5aflilc to mafee on cnoe. 
 
 Tn the year 1383, the 7th of Richard the Second, (fay? Stow) the citizens Su of 
 of London firft imprifoned fuch women as w r ere taken in fornication, orL on d.p. 2 o7 
 adultery, in the Tunn (a prijon at Cornhill) and after caufed them to be 
 brought forth in the fight of the world : they caufed their heads to be fliaven, 
 after the manner of thieves, whom they named appellators^ and fo to be led 
 about the city, in fight of all inhabitants, with trumpets and pipes founding 
 before them, that their perfons might be more largely known. Neither did 
 they fpare the men (fo caught in the above crimes) in the leaft, but ufed them 
 . very hardly. 
 
 Then the fame author relates the punifhment of a prieft taken in adultery. ^ 2o g^ 
 I faw (fays he) his punifhment to be thus : — He was on three market days 
 conveyed through the high ftreet and markets of the city, with a paper on his 
 
 •head, wherein was written his trefpafs. The firft day he rode in a carry j the 
 fecond on a horfe, his face to the horfe's tail j the third he walked, led between 
 
 .twain, and every day rung with bafons, and proclamations made of his facl, 
 at every turning of the ftreets : — he alfo loft his chauntrie, and was banifh'd 
 the city for ever. 
 
 Pirates, and robbers upon the fea, were (by the court of admiralty) con- Defcripion 
 deruned to be hanged on the fea more, at low water mark, where they were of Britain, 
 kft hanging until three tides had overwafh'd them. P a g- 108. 
 
 If the following cuftom (which the author feems only to report on hear-fay) Ibjd 
 be true, it muft indeed have been dreadfully fevere, however heinous the 1 * 
 offence certainly muft be. — " Such as having wals, and bankes neere to the 
 ,fea, and doe fuffer the fame to decay (after convenient admonition) wherby the 
 water entreth and drowneth up the country : are by a certayne cuftome appre- 
 hended, condemned, and ftaked in the breache, where they remain for ever as 
 parcell of the foundation of the newe wall that is to be made upon them (as I 
 have hard reported)." 
 
 Certain Adls and Laws againfl Pedlars, Sec. 
 
 In the 4th year of Edward the Third, an aft was made againft foreftallers te ^ ,d - 
 and pedlars. The condition of this ad: is, that no merchants Jit -angers » as et™ MS." in 
 Vol. III. H galymen Bib. Had. 
 
 2252. 
 
5€> THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 galymen and others, fhall fell any ware, but fuch as is lawful for them. As 
 the gasmen fhall fell no manner of Flanders ware ; but only fuch wares as 
 cometh out of their own native country. Neither fhall they go about to towns, 
 boroughs and villages, offering their ware to fell, to the prejudice of other 
 merchants, the king's fubjeds; and if any fuch be taken, for the firft time he- 
 is convicted, he fhall be amerced y the fecond time to abide the judgment of the 
 pillory, and to forfeit all fuch ware as he fhall have with him ; the third time 
 he fhall be imprifoned ; and the fourth time made to forfwear the town. — The 
 fame punifnment fhall be alfo affigned to all foreflallers, and alfo to them who, 
 either with aid or counfel, are affifling or abetting with them. 
 
 ©rupnaimccg of tfoe ■ C'ete of £ont>om 
 
 » »n Bib. %t p oflapntDr tfiat f& patroness, irf fijc galcps,. flail kept tljtu Ijotofp^, $ ^ejr&p?^ 
 Had. 2252. fl)utte at tljc rpngpng of Cotoejfuc of Wtifyngt 0%$%$ ano tijar tip? nc anj? oftfrpr 
 
 felotoajyppe be toaiiBE?j?nge ab^oDe ^ tljat tljep fljall tu no tDjfc make retapl^nge UHtfnn 
 
 itjc cete of iloncone. 
 
 In the reign of Henry the Seventh, the foreign merchants offered their 
 humble, petitions to the king, complaining that they were not permitted to 
 vend their wares within the city of London, in fuch places and in fuch manner 
 as they had been accuftomed. The king received their petition gracioufly, 
 and fent his letters to the mayor and fheriffs of London, . defying them that 
 they would, for the time limited within the faid letters, permit the galymen 
 and fhanger merchants to vend their goods; — ** feying" (fays he) *' that they 
 be come fo ferre wyth theyr merchaundyfes, and have (as they fay) paied the 
 cuftumes for the fame , we defyre ye wyll,, for thys feafon,-fuffyre them to 
 make fale of theyr faid merchaundyfe, as they have don oftyme paffyd ; gevyng 
 nnfo them a certeyne tyme and feafon to make their faide utteraunce ;, and they 
 not to paffe or exceede the fame; and that ye wyll thufe do at thys tyme, yn 
 avoydyng the clamacions, . and daly purfute that they make unto us yn tfcia 
 behalf," &c. — Add further, by the fame letters it was ordained, that they /the: 
 galymen, &c.) fhould kee,p in fuch mops as they were accuftomed to occupy in 
 the city, the which were fet apart on p.urppfe for them, and under great* 
 penalty not to offer their wares, on any confederation, in any other places than 
 thofe fo appointed. 
 
 Yet it fhould appear that they often abufed this privilege, , and ufed not only 
 to fet fucb their goods to fale at London, but in various other parts of the 
 kingdom ::for fome, time, after, I find a petition exhibited to the fame king: 
 (Henry the Seventh) and his parliament, in the name of the Englifti mercers, 
 grocers, drapers, goldjmythes, Jkynners, haberd offers, taylers, Icdyrjeliers, , purfers,. 
 poynt-makers, glovers, pouibe-makers y Jadlers, cutlers, pewter ers, coivpers,. 
 gyrdlers, founderSi cordwerters, vymtners, Jporyars, joyners, &c. againft grete 
 multytude of nedy pepulle eftraungers, as hrenchemene, Galymene, Py:ards, r 
 Flemyngs, Keterycks, .Spaynyars, Scotts, Lumbards, &cc. who, by their unlawful., 
 dealing by retail,, and continual hawking throughout the whole kingdom,.. 
 
 ruined 
 
OF THE E NOLI S H. $t 
 ruined the natives. Their perition was, by the king and parliament, properly 
 taken into confideration, and the following ftatute was the refult : — 
 
 " The kynge our foverayne lord, by the advice and aflente of the lordys 
 fpiritual, and temporal, at the prayer of the feyd commons hys iubje&es, in 
 the feiyd perliament afTemblyd, and by the awtoryte of the fame, hath or- 
 deyned, and prevydyd, that no merchaunts ftraungers, after the feafte of Eafter, 
 now nexte comyng, (hal brynge into the realme of Ynglond to be foulde, any 
 mans gy ray lies ; nor eny harnys wroughte for gyrdylles poynts \ laces of lede ; 
 purfyes ; powebes ; pynnes ; g/ovys ; knyvys ; bangers ; t ay four foerys ; J'ejars t 
 and yrens ; cobords ; tonges ; fyre forks ; gyrdyrenes, gyrdyrenes Jtockes ; cocks ; 
 keyes ; hynges ; garnets fporys ; paynted paper ; paynted focers ; paynted y mages \ 
 paynted clothes ; any betyn golde, or betyn Jilver, wrought in paper for payntes ; 
 fadylls ; Jadyl trees ; horfe barneys ; bouch by ties ; Jloroppes ; bokelles ; chaynes ; 
 latyn nayles, with yren /bankes -, cur rets ; (landynge candie,lickcs hangyng candy l~ 
 Jlyckes ; boiy water /coppers ; cbafynge dy/bes ; hangyng lasers ; curten rynges $ 
 fcardys for ivoole, excepte and rone cardys J cla/pes Jor gloves ; bokelles for JJooys 
 (moes) i beltes (excepte beltes for haivkes) ; /pones of tynn, and lede i cheynes of 
 wyre, as well laten, as of Jilver ; grates i buresi lanterne homes ; or any of thefe 
 forfeyd warys rede made, and wroughte, perteyneng to the feyd craftes above 
 fpecified, or any of them j upon peyne of forfetynge of all the wares fo brou^hie 
 into thys realme, fo it be contrary to this adte ; or the valcw of them, in wijofe 
 handes they or any of them mall be founde ; the one half of fuch fynes, for- 
 fayture, and penaltes, and eche of them be unto the kynge, our ibvereigne 
 lorde ; and that othir half to be unto hym, or them of the kinges fubjectes, 
 the whyche mail feaze the fame," &c. 
 
 Hence we may fee, that the trade carried on by thefe retailing foreign pedlars 
 and hawkers muft have been very extenfive, to have given caufe of complaint to 
 fo many different callings. —At the prefent time indeed, many of the above 
 crafts, or trades, appear as inefficient for the proper fupport of the tradefrnan : 
 a /pur-maker, a pouch-maker, a purfe-maker, a. point-maker, and a glover, one 
 would imagine, muft be at leaft all incorporated in one, to make up a comfort- 
 able fubfiftence for a man and his family j but yet, at that time, any one of 
 them alone (until they were hurt by the pedlars, hawkers, and foreigners 
 .above complained of) were efteemed and known to be profeffions, by means of 
 which fuch tradefmen might not only live extremely well, but alfo oftentimes 
 amafs very handfome fortunes. 
 
 Tnere is not the leaft doubt, but that the trouble which the hawkers above- 
 mentioned might take, was very well repaid ; for afterwards people of our own 
 nation, taking the hint, ufed alio to travel, with fuch wares as were moft 
 wanted, about the country ; which continued, and ftill continues in upland places, 
 notwithftanding the complaints and outcries that have frequently been made 
 by the country tradefmen in the towns and villages: and many of fuch itinerant 
 merchants have often amalTed great gains, efpecially fuch as could afford to 
 take a great variety of goods about with them, and were induftrious and civil 
 in their profefiion. Of all others, the Scotch have met with the greateft 
 
 H 2 luccefs ; 
 
52 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 fuccefs-; fomc of them have been-known, from carrying the fardal on their' 
 backs, by degrees to have faved and raked up confiderable fortunes. 
 
 Shipping and Marine Affairs. 
 
 BibTIarl In tht HarleIan is a MS. entitled the Bible of Englim Policy, the 
 
 iita'rk'd 78. autnor of which (who appears to have lived. in- the.reign of Henry the Sixth) 
 ' well advifes in the following lines : 
 
 €lje tjttoe p20cclTc of Cnglpfdje poUry," 
 %M totoator to ljpc tije teaime in nflc 
 $3D£ GEn^'ionD, tflat 110 man mapt Den^f, 
 
 foflje to Tap it y§ one of n)c ucftc 
 jffft tijem tfjat taplm fourtjc, e^lfc, nojtfjc, or tottfe, « 
 £D,nr rptalje mpjcbanupre'f'kcepeifyc ampjalte* . 
 'Cpat toe be matter of tfcc najoVoe fct^ 
 
 The author then informs us, that the emperor Sigifmund told king Henry 
 she Fifth of the importance which the holding firmly the two ports of Dover and 
 Calais would be to the nation for, adds he (the emperor) 1 efleem it impof- 
 fible for any other to be the matter of the ocean, whilft you hold them in your 
 own pofTemon. — How far this may be true, I leave to the more able and 
 experienced judges : but the keeping up a fuperior fleet, to check the neigh- 
 bouring powers, is fuch excellent and- found policy, that I. believe no man will 
 be brought to fpeak again!! it. 
 
 It would be an endlefs talk for me to enumerate air the brave and valiant 
 exploits of the Engliih navies, in this latter sra, I mall not therefore attempt, 
 it, but refer the curious reader to almoft any chronicle or hiftory. of our 'own 
 country, wheremhe will find them fully recorded, to the eternal glory of the 
 Englim name.* 
 
 I mall now add the following inventory of a fhip and its -furniture, as during 
 the reign of Henry the Eighth ; at the fame time referring the reader to the 
 mips reprefented plate 56, of the fecond volume ; by comparing which with* 
 the prefent account, he may be- better able to judge of both. 
 
 "VIS in Bib Thys is the inventory- of the great barke Vyenwyd, by youre humble fervant 
 Cotton, in- Chriftopher Morres, the 6 day of October, the 23 year of our foverayne 
 fig. Query . king Henry the 8th. 
 
 Vndlius. j tem j n prjjnus, the Jhype with one over/op-f; Item the fore cafteil, and a cloos 
 tymber deck, from.the ma/i forward, whyche was made of iaci ; Item above 
 
 the 
 
 *"Thu»-much I 'think it my duty to inform the reader, that thd noble and memorable a&ion, 
 performed by the Englifli navy againft : the Spanim armada, in the 21ft year of the reign of queen 
 Elizabeth, is curioufly wrought in tapeftry, and now hung round the wall of the houfe of peers, at 
 Weftminfter ; engravings from which have been mod accurately made. 
 
 \ ovtrlop, or orlopp, the deck. — Note, Theie explanatory notes are- from a MS. in- the Harldan 
 Library, mark'd 2$oi<, 
 
0T> tse fiUGLiw 
 
 the /5r* f<2/?<?//, a */<?^, from the mayne mafi afterwanf : Item a nyew toayn? 
 ma(t of fpruce,* with a nyew ftaye hounfyd,-^ and fkarvyd, % with the fame 
 wood ; whyche ma/i ys of length from the hounfe, to the ftep, 25 yards ; the 
 mayne mafti about the pat nas r ys 23 hands about : Item a nyew mayne yaerdf 
 of fpruce, of oon piece. 
 
 Item the takyllj pertaysyng to the fayd mayne' mafie, 6 takel/s - on a fyd. 
 
 Item 9 Jhrowds, and a yfoye- on either fyd. 
 
 Item in all the fayd takylles, 6 Jhyvers\ of brafle j that ys to faye 4, Jhyvers in 
 their pennants,- and two in the^j«y£r tukylh^ [, 
 
 Item a payer of t byes || and a payer of haylyards ; Item a gjwr with 2 brafyng 
 JJjyvers ; Item the mayne far ret j r with truffys, and 2 dryugbs ; Item 2 lyfts 
 Item two bracfys j Item two tregeti ; Iterti a mayne forfe ; Item a bonnet •f"f* 
 haulf worren, with Jboutts",. tacks, and : hollyngs ; Item a niew ft^>$ 
 Item a ma/?,' znd a y&y/i?, with all tbeyr apparrell. 
 
 Item a /wtfjK? «W5^ > and a myff}n yaerd, of fpruce, of oon pece. 
 
 Item a payer 01 hayllyaerds, 'arid'a7>r, for ih6 Cay d mayne myj/bi yeard •: Item £ 
 Jhrouds on eyche fyd; Item ^ mayne ?nyjfen haulf a top ; \\zm a mayne myffen 
 fayle haidj worren. 
 
 Item a bonaventure ma/i ; with a ;ytf<m/ of fpruce, of bon pece j with ^Jhrouds on. 
 a fyde.. —Item a payer of bay liar ds :^ Item a tyt?, with te//* j — Item a 
 bonaventure fayle, fore ivorreni 
 
 Item a /cj*t with 3 takylis, and 7 Jhroudys on a fyd ; with a /y*, and a 
 
 payer of hayliacrds, with 4 brafyn flyvers .-—Item a y^r<? y2ry/i? >wrr</, with the 
 apparrells ; 2 trujfys -Item 2 lyfis ; 2 braeffyr; two ^ T^jy// Jboutts; 2 
 boilyngs .-—-Item ajfer* ; Item /^r ^A)7/ JJjoutts ; 2 /^^j fuche as they be : 
 — item foer fayle koors, with 2 bonrietts, fore worren ; Item a joertcp maft % 
 with a yaerd, with fayles* and ftatv// pertayning' to yt.' 
 
 Item a bow/pry tt of 00^. — Item a jprytt fayle yaerd, fkarvyd, with a ^ry// y2?y/i? 
 /o/r worren. 
 
 Item 4 ankarrs, with 2 old cabulls: — and another old cabiill, whyche they fayc 
 ys in the watar. 
 
 Ite~m towe Jtatt bowks %%'; and tsNO fyfche bowks%%; — -Item 4 pollys, with brafyn 
 fhyvers ; Item a fnatche folly ; a : — Item 2 /><?//>\r, for the ftttfy/K top 
 
 fayle-, Item 2 yreat dubbell pollys, with woddyn Jhyvers: — Item a- great fyn%s 
 folly, with a woddyn Jhyver ; — Item ij pollys great and fmall;— Item 4 £zrp// 
 of fmall rf/^j of r^rj — Item 4 boye ropys, good and bad 5 a of 
 
 yeron 
 
 * A fort of frr fo called, 
 f Hor.fyd* bound round. 
 
 ijfa&karvyd, or ftarf'd, one piece of timber' let lht6 another, in a firm joist. 
 
 § fSbyvers, or Jheevers, the pulleys which run in the blocks, whether brafs or wood,' 
 
 \ Thves or f/Vfj the ropes by which the y ards do hang. 
 
 4 ' 'Gjwr, a in which the Jheevers run. 
 
 ** Lyfts, ropes which belong to the yard armes, 
 
 +f Bonnet-is belonging to another fail. 
 
 %X Katt bowkes, or catt hooks, to faften'the anchor. 
 
 \\ Fyfsbe httoke, belonyii ^ tothe^, therefore fo called* 
 
 IJ Luff booh, z takell mih 2 heoh. 
 
P THE MANNERS AN& CUSTOMS 
 
 yeron* (iron) rltem a j^jfe* kettell, of 24 gallons ; — hem a of 
 biaffe ; — Item a gryndyng Jioen Item a crew? of yet on i — Item a pytcbe 
 troutb. 
 
 Item a pompe* with ^ boxfys\ and 3 pompe ftavys i-*~li$m 3 eompajys, and a 
 
 kennyng glafs\\ ; — Item 5 lantctnnes. 
 Item a great pertaynnyng to the Jhyppe ; with a davyd, with a Jhyver of 
 
 brafs i—Item xn outers, and zfcbulL 
 
 ■ Hereafter followeth the ordenans, pertaynnyng to the {&yde ftype. 
 
 Item in primus, two brazyn pecys called kannon pecyes, on jlockyes j which 
 wayith C. quart, lb. C lb 
 
 'the other J ly } whok We! S ht 20 28 
 
 ;Item 2 payer of wheles, nyew j^-Item zladyng ladylk i 
 
 Starbord Syde. 
 
 Item, oon port pece of yeron, caft with 2 chambers 1 — Item a port pece of 
 yeron, with oon chamber.-^-hem a Spanyche Jly?ig» with on chamber. 
 
 Larbord Syde. 
 
 ■ Item oon port pece, with 2 chambers •>-— Item another port pece, witn oon 
 cheamber, whyche. ckaember was nat made for the. fay d, pece. 
 
 In the Forecafstelt. 
 
 Item a fmall Jlyng, with 2 chaembers j Item another pece of yeron with 2 
 chaembers, the Oon broken. 
 
 Hufbandry, and others Matters thereon depending. 
 
 J^rl' n 80*' Bef° re the conqueft, the king*s tenants, who held their lands of the crown, 
 paid only victuals, wheat, oxen, lheep, hay, oats, &c. And a juft note of 
 jhe quality and quantity of every man's poffeffion was taken, and the ratement 
 made accordingly : and thus it continued till the reign of Henry the Firft, as 
 -Vide yol. 2 we have already feen in the fecond volume of this work. — The incomes of 
 of this work, rea( jy jnoney, before his reign, were raifed- by mulcts, and out of cities and 
 j9* caftles, where agriculture .was not ufed ; but when the hufbandmen.complained 
 ,tp Henry the JFirft, he fettled certain prices to be paid in money. 
 
 And 
 
 • A f yd of iron,— an iaftrument ufed for fplicing rcpcu 
 ■f Kennyng glap,-~-?i fpy glafs^ oi-tekjhpe. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. jfr 
 
 And though many of the fucceeding kings, by very wholfome and juft laws,' 
 fought to encourage and promote the cultivation of land, and protect the 
 huibandmen, yet that, after all, fuch culture was much neglected, the many 
 cruel and urcidful dearths of corn, recorded in our annals, may fufficiently 
 evince ; and all the acte made in the various reigns (as exhibited in the fecond Vol.2,p.7$* 
 volume of this work) were by no means fufficient to put an effectual flop to the 
 ravages of famine. Amongft the other reafons heretofore given, it may not be Ibid. p. do» 
 ami Is to add, that thofe pefts to all focieties, forejlallers of markets, and holders' 
 up of corn, had often great mare in the caufe of thefe deftructive fcarcities ; 
 and that they (warmed at thofe early periods in the realm, appears very certain, 
 from the numerous acts and proclamations againft them. 
 
 Amongft the various methods taken to prevent the icarcities of breads corn, Proclamar. 
 one made ufe of in the year 1630, the 5th of Charles the Firft, muft (I dare fay) printed 28th 
 have produced a very happy effect : — namely, That no millers were permitted Se P tl 
 to buy and lay up corn, to fell out at the markets, when ground, at great and 
 exorbitant prices ; but all who had mills were conftrained to employ them in 
 grinding for the farmers, houfholders, occ. at reafonable rates, or by taking 
 a certain toll allow'd upon fuch occahons>: — for before this act, the millers 
 (thofe efpecially who were rich,, and could afford to keep a flock of corn by 
 them) would by no means grind the grain for the houfekeepers, as it was 
 brought to their mills, but obliged them to buy the meal of them, at whatever 
 price they chofe to fet upon it, winch (efpecially in winter, or in confequence 
 of a bad feafon) was attended with extraordinary charges 3 by which means the 
 corn, which they had purchafed in die plentiful feafons, and laid up, produced 
 extravagant gaini ; and by which means (unchriftianlike means) the poor were 
 olt^n reduced to the laft extremities. — But the lamentable cries of the wretched, 
 if not unheard, were generally unregarded. 
 
 With fingular pleafure I here mention, to the lafting honour of the prefent 
 age, that few inftances can be produced, of larger or more charitable contri- 1 
 bn:ions being made,, than what we have heard of this very winter, on account- 
 of the feverity and inclemency of the feafon. Great were the fums collected, and 
 many the poor and deftitute, whofe heavy diftreffes and wretchednefs' were by. 
 thefe noble, thefe chriftianlike donations, relieved and comforted. 
 
 Hard muft be that man's heart, and. devoid of all humanity, who can indif- 
 ferently look on the fufferings and wants of his fellow-creatures, whilft with 
 cruel hand, be infamouily, for his own private ends, withholds from them the 
 bleffings that they crave — the ftaff of human life. 
 
 In the year 1630, as before mentioned, by proclamation, it was not only ' 
 ftrictly ordered that no wheat mould be made into malt, but that u no graine 
 meete tor bread, to feede men, be wafted and confumed in ftuffe (Tailed ftarch." 
 — rAny one who takes notice, of the monftrous ruffs, cuffs, and other ftarch'd 
 linen attire, as reprefented in the habits of that time, will not wonder at this 
 act being. neceffary for the prefervation of the grain (wheat efpecially) of which' 
 ft arch was principally made. 
 
 Stow informs us, that in the year 1285, it was ordained that millers fliould'g cf 
 have but one halfpenny for a quarter of wheat grinding j and fo the price Lond? 546, 
 increafed as the value of money was lefs, or the grain cheaper or dearer : but 
 
 of 
 
56 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 9£ the poor people, that by gleaning, or other ways, might be pplTeiTed of fmall 
 quantities of corn (and -who could not pay in money for the grinding) a certain 
 toll or -portion of the meal, to the value allow'd, was <3educl:ed. This toll 
 about 30 years ago, as taken in lome of the country mills, was i^lb. in the 
 -peck; which, allowing for lofs in boulting, waG valued at id. bran and all : 
 at this rate the quarter of wheat grinding will be 2s. %d> — In ancient time, the 
 meal was by the bakers fifted through • fieves, no other method of taking the 
 bran from it v beiog then invented : but- 1 " find by the wood cuts given in an old 
 Afllze" of book, called " The Afiize .of Bread , : ' that the hand boulting mill was in ufe 
 |keade, «^ ^ ceiltur y . tjut as yet'it was not become the miller's bufinefs to make 
 ^ the flour, the bakers always -having their own boulting mills for that purpofe. 
 e But in the 17th century, -fundry rich millers caufed boulting mills to be fet up„ 
 which, went with horfes § others had them alfo turned -by hand ; either of which 
 fort J. myfelf well remember but at laft, by fome ingenious mill-wright, thefe 
 boulting mills were contrived to be turned either by wind or water, as the 
 grinding mills themfelves might be, withi-n which they were fet up; and when 
 the poor people brought their wheat to be ground, and required of the miller 
 to boult it alfo, he then exacted the bran for his trouble. 
 
 .A, great fiep to the relief of the poor, was to affize the profits to be gained by 
 the bakers; which profits were afcertained by the king's bakers, and allowed 
 - to them, be the grain at what price it would. We have already feen the 
 allowance made in the reign of Henry the Third (vol. 2, pag. 81 and 82}. 
 The next allay made was in the reign of his fon, Edward the Fhft, as fet down 
 Bread 6 rint * n the old ^ook of AiTize (which hath relation to the ftatute of Henry the 
 at^London' Third, above-mentioned). -The baker was then allow'd 
 
 i6?8 * # . <s. \D. 
 
 ■ ' For Growt and fuming r— o 3 
 
 Wood — — — — 3 
 
 The journey roan — -— -r- 31 
 
 Two pages or prentizes — — o 1 1 
 
 Salt — — - — — o ol 
 
 Yeaft — — — — o ol 
 
 Candles — — — — o pi 
 
 His ty-dog — —» — * o o\ 
 
 And his bran — ■ 
 
 In all - 11 
 
 ,Anno 1495, the 12tn °f Henry the Seventh, as the Book of Affize wit- 
 DclTeth, when the beft wheat was fold at ys. the fecon,d at 6/. 6d. and the 
 tjiird at 6 s, per quarter, the baker was allow'd, 
 
 s. D. 
 
 For Furnace and wood — - — — 06 
 
 The miller — — — o 4 
 
 Two journeymen and. two apprentices — 5 
 Salt, yeaft, candle, and fack- bands — 2 
 
 Himfelf, his houfe, his wife, his dog, his cat, &c. o 7 
 
 And the bran to his advantage 
 
 2 o 
 
 And 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 57 
 
 And the 2d of June, 1592, the 34th of queen Elizabeth, it was prefented by 
 a jury near London, before the clerk of the market of her majefty's houfliold, 
 that when the beft wheat was at 1/. ix. \d. the fecond at i8j. Sd. the third at 
 1 6s. the quarter, the bakers fhould have allow'd unto them for the baking a 
 ^quarter of flour (in and near London) 6s. lod. which was then allow'd by the 
 faid clerk of the market to be fo, in regard of the great charges and prices of 
 every thing, which was then more than in former times, the faid allowance 
 fceing made as followeth : 
 
 5. D. 
 
 For Fewel — — — — 06 
 
 Two journeymen and two boys — — J 8 
 
 Yeaft — — — — 10 
 
 Candles and fait — — — o 4 
 
 Himfelf, his wife, children, and houfe-rent 2 o 
 
 The miller's toll - — — 1 4 
 
 6 10 
 
 Yet this allowance of 6s. lod. was afterwards reduced to 6s. \d. refpectively, 
 as in the Epiftle to the laft Book of Aflize, directed to ali magiftrates and others 
 his majefty's officers, is at large exprefs'd : the which allowance of 6s. ^d. was 
 for a long time afterwards continued. — Here it is to be obferved, that bread 
 made in the country was obliged to be two ounces heavier in the penny loaf, 
 than bread baked in the city. 
 
 Ye mall underftand (fays Stow) that of old time bakers of bread at Stratford Survey of 
 were allow'd to bring daily (except Sundays and the principal feftivals) divers Lond.p.542 
 long carts laden with bread (the fame being two ounces in the penny wheaten 
 loaf heavier than the penny wheaten loaf baked in the city) the fame to be fold 
 in the Cheape, three or four carts ftanding there, between Gutherans-lzne and 
 FouJlers-\ane end, one cart on Cornhill by the conduit, and one other in Grace- 
 church -ftreet. But (adds he) thefe bakers of Stratford left ferving this city (I 
 know not upon what occafion) above forty years fince. 
 
 The figures of the bread, as anciently made, are exhibited plate 20, from 
 fig. 1 to 7 inclufive : — 1. the farthing waftell ; 2. the farthing fymnel; 3. the 
 farthing white loaf; 4. the halfpenny white loaf; 5. the halfpenny wheaten 
 loaf ; 6. a penny wheaten loaf ; 7. a halfpenny houfhold loaf. — In the book Rules for 
 intituled Rules for aflizing Bread, printed 1699, I find the following notes g^ e z a ^ s ri °^ 
 concerning the waftell, the cocket, and the fymnel, 8cc. Dublin" 
 
 Waftell bread> in Latin Ubum, which fignifies a cake; fome interpret it to be an. 1699. 
 a cake made with honey, or a cake made with meal and oil, and fome others a 
 wafer. Edmund Wingate, in his Abridgments of the Statutes, calls it a fort 
 of fmall bread out of ufe. It is left out of the aflize of queen Elizabeth's 
 reign. 
 
 Cocket bread, called in Latin pants fecundarius, is bread made of flour of a 
 lefs price than the waftell, and fliould weigh more by two ounces ; this is alfo 
 called white bread, and was continually afiizable. 
 
 Vol. III. I The 
 
5 8 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The fymnel, called by the Latins collyra, and by Plaut. pants genus in cineribus 
 ■coBi; by others a cracknel], a fop or fippet, and by the ftatute itfelf bread 
 twice baked, was a fort of fmall cake made in former times :— " And we (fays 
 he) had fome very lately made in Dublin, in form of a cup or fmall porringer, 
 of a hard and brickie nature; which anfwers very exactly.. the word cracker, 
 and very fit for a fop or fippet, when filled with good ale, &c. and thofe who 
 fold it in the ftreets called it fymnel cakes." 
 
 So far my author : : — but his defcription, and the form as reprefented plate 20, 
 fig. 2, do not in the leaft agree ; there it feems only a kind of long cake, like 
 the French roll of the prefent time. This was alfo out of the afiize. 
 
 There was befides, bread of trete, or over-weight, and fome Other forts, the : 
 names of which explain themfelves. 
 
 But in the reign of queen Elizabeth, there were only, by law appointed, - 
 three forts of bread, namely, White, Wheaten, and Houmold ; which forts 
 continue to be made to this day. 
 Bp of Ely's Before I conclude this article, I mall take notice of the permiffions anciently • 
 
 Treatii'e, granted by the church, in time of harveft, to the hufbandmen :— The catholic 
 £0.217,219, c h ur ch, for more than 500 years after Chrift, permitted labour, and gave 
 licence to. many chriftian people to work on the Lord's day, at fuch hours as 
 they were not commanded to be prefent at the public ftrvice, by the precept of 
 MS.inBib. the church ; and in Gregory the Great's time, it was reputed anti-chriftian 
 Had. 9S0, doctrine to make it a fin to work upon the Lord's day : but in after times, both 
 in the eaft and weft, in France and Great Britain, as well in the days of the 
 Saxons as Danes, rural works and labour, with other civil and fecular negotia- 
 tions, were prohibited and retrained upon the Lord's day, and upon other 
 feftival days. 
 
 3P!rockmat * n re 'g n °f queen Elizabeth, by proclamation, all parfons, vicars, and 
 $m. 20 Eliz. curates, were enjoined to teach and declare unto the people, that they might 
 6. with fafe and quiet confciences (after the common prayer) in time of harveft, 
 labour upon the holy and feftival days, and fave the things which God had 
 fent them : for if, by any groundlefs fcruples of confcience, they mould abftain 
 from working upon thofe days, that they Ihould grievoufly offend and dilpleafe 
 God, if the grain were thereby loft or damaged. 
 
 I can't help here remarking, that at the firft beginning of the reformation, « 
 under Henry the Eighth, the poor people, and ignorant, imputed every mif- 
 fortune that happen-ed in the realm to the departure of their priefts : thus, in ; 
 fcf Aruent °^ hallad of Truth and Ignorance, - the latter, who is reprefented by a • 
 
 Poetry, country bumpkin, fays 
 ■y»2, p. 290, Chill tell thee what,, good vellowe, 
 
 Before the vriers went hence, 
 A buftiell of the beft wheate 
 Was zold vor vourteen pence 5 
 And vorty egges a penny, 
 That were both good and newe 5 1 
 And this che zay myfelf have zeene s 
 And yet ich am no Jewe. 
 "Nor were they readily perfuaded out of their opinion, till cuftom reconciled 
 i$hem to the alteration. Some 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 59 
 
 Some Collections relative to the different Trades & Occupations, &c. 
 
 We have already rehearfed Tome few verfes (page 48, of this vol.) refpedting 
 the bakers, brewers, &c— Take the following flanzas of that old poem there Jj^j '"lu^ 
 mentioned; marked 91^ 
 
 $aU, be pc mcnfcansJ tuitT) put *uet pacltcsf 
 53Df Djape^c, aboir De poi^r, 5 pur tool facftctf, 
 dftolb, filter, (tones! tictje, marker a el punDcgi, 
 gibe pe tljerof to tl;e to^ec}} pober; 
 &lefcjl; \)t toa$ $ fitl of toitte,— CI;at ttjtg lo?e put in tojitte* 
 
 $?ail be pe tatleti^, totttj pout fcfja^pe fclwes*, 
 
 Co make toejpnge l;oDesi, pe feiittitb lomc eo^ejEf, 
 
 Slgeng miDtointet bote bttl) pur neloef, 
 
 ^bo pur ffmesf fetnitb fair,— ai letfttl) little tofjile. 
 $II;e clejfte tljat tljfe baffon tujotostc,— to:l Ije toofce I flepe rigljte notogto 
 
 f^ail be pe ftttlcjg, toitlj pour mani leffejef, 
 
 WHit\) pour blope IjiDes of Celtutlj befftsf, 
 
 Stno tables $ ttatfuless, boebbampe $ aUcgf, 
 
 515lak $ lotljlicb betl; pur tetl;, Ijo^t fijas t^at route : 
 <$i$ tl;isi baffun toell itbi£jte,— OEbcI; too^D ijim lit be ajt£te. 
 
 ^ail be pe $ftinne?0, toitlj pujc fcjauclje kibe, 
 
 SHHbo To fmillitl) tl)t0, to too is bim alibe ; 
 
 W\)<m tbat tW ttjonnejitb, pe mote tfjc?etn f e 
 
 HDa rljtit pur cujteifie, pe fttnfcetb al nje ftjete. 
 Moity \}lt tort tl;at be tocr 1&ing, — tIEljat Dttco tJ)\» t?ie tl;ing. 
 
 ^atl be pe potted, toitlj pour bole ajr, 
 
 ^att betl; put ba?ml;at?cis, pelofo bttb pur far, 
 
 $e ttontiitb at ttjc fcljamil, broD fcjltcfj be?nejs, 
 
 5fleiig pott folotiutf) pe ftoolotoitb p noto : 
 
 belt clejfe of al tins tun,— cjatefuWcfj mafctotljte baffun, 
 
 I have alfo added the following ballad of John Lidgate, which gives a perfect Mg jn th 
 piclure of London, in the reign of Henry the Sixth. He here mows forth a Hari.'Lib. 
 poor man, who came up to town to make a complaint of fome wrongs he had mark'd 367, 
 fuftained, feeking redrefs. It is intituled The London Lyckpeny. 
 
 <3T oHonfcon once mp ffeppeg i bent, 
 Wfttli tjoutlj in no topfe u)cuId be fapnt; 
 
 Co aaieftmpuflet tae i fortbtoitl; focnt, 
 ^0 a man of lato to complapnt ■> 
 3 fapb for paries lobe (tljat fjolp fapnt) 
 ^ptp n> pcore, tbat toolD pjocceDe ; 
 25nt rot lacfa of monp, i colo not fpeoe, 
 
 1 2 m% 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 SnB as t tl;ruft gje p^cfle amonge, 
 25p ftotoarBc cbaume mp pooo tuags gone, 
 
 fct for all t&at i ffaiO not longe, 
 tCill at fije l&pnge IBmcfj i foag on, 
 Before tbc iuBge t fcnelco anone, 
 Sinn piapD giin for ^oocess fake to take beeBe; 
 S5ut to lathe of monp, i mpgl;t not fpcBe* 
 
 3- 
 
 2BenetTj tfjem fet ctejkeg a gjet rout, 
 fcOibpcI; faff BpB to?pte, bp one aflcnt* 
 %\y.H ffojBe up one, $ cjpeB aboute 
 EpcljajBe, Eobejt, $ Jjoljn of fcent ; 
 3 toptt not U)cU toljat tin* man ment, 
 $e cjpeo out tfypfe, t^ejc in BeBe $ 
 25ut I;e ttyit lacfet monp, mpgijt not fpeue* 
 
 4- 
 
 (Unto tlje comou place, i poBe tljcu 
 C&b^e fat one toptl; a rplkcn 1;ojbc ■> 
 
 3 Bpo bpm tebejente {Tor t ougl;t to Be fo) 
 $ tolo mp cafe ttwe,.a0 toell a$ i couoe, 
 Lottie mp gcooess \mit DefrajneD mc bp falu>B • 
 31 BatJiot a mote of bis moutljt for mp meoe, 
 $ for laefce of monp, t mpgbt not fpeor. 
 
 & 
 
 Bnto ti;c uoflu, i jyat me from rftnee, 
 515efo?e ttje tlajfeegs of rue ^auncejpe, 
 
 MUjeje manp i founo eajnpng of penfe, 
 But none at ell once regajBcD mee ; 
 3 gatoe ttjem mp plapnt uppon my &me, 
 Ctiep IpfceB it W 5 Vmjen tbap !;a& it rtaB, 
 But lacfcpng of monp, i coulo not fpeDe. 
 
 6. 
 
 3n Mettmpnftet ^alle, t founDe out otonr, 
 aiilncl) toent in a longe goton of rape ; 
 
 3 t*otoc$et>, rfeneelcB, before ppm anon* 
 jfor tymw lobe of Ijelp, i 5pm p?ape; 
 3 toot not toljat t&ou meaneff, gan jje fape, 
 Co get me tfjence Ije BpB me beBe, 
 jfor lacfcof monep i coulo not fpeoe f . 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 7- 
 
 Wtljin tije fane, reptfot rptTje nor pet pon 
 MottlD Co for me ougi;ie, altbo i fijoulue bpe> 
 
 WW fetng i gat me oute of ttjc boo?e, 
 HJMmt JFUmpnge began on me for to cjpe, 
 Staffer tobat tolfl pou copen or bp ? 
 ifinc felt battel, or fpectatlej* to te&e ; 
 lap uotoirpow fplbcr, g tjc^e pott map fpebe* 
 8. 
 
 tOjen to aflieffmpnffcr gate t prefentlp toent, 
 Q2U^en ft> foun it Utog at bpgb prpme, 
 $ cofces to me tfjcp toofce gcot> entent, 
 5 prefeieo me bieab, toitr) ale $ topnne, 
 Epbbss of Me botb fat, anu ful fpne j 
 a fap?c clotb fycp gan for to fp?cbe, 
 But toanting monp, i mpflljt not be fpebr* 
 
 9- 
 
 'Ojen ttnto llonbon i bpbe me Tjpe, 
 j©f aU t&e lano it beajpetb tbs pjpfe, 
 
 1#ob pcfcobe oton began to c?pr; 
 fetjabeif type, $ eb^W in tt> rpfe $ 
 £>ton bab me Baatie neje, bp fome fppte 
 peper, $ feffojne, fijep rjan me bebe, 
 2But for lacfce of monp i mpgljte not fpebe, 
 
 10. 
 
 Cljcn to tbe €f)epe,i gane me tyafune* 
 Wjttf mutcl) people i fatoe for to ttanoe, 
 <3EJne ofreo me belbet, fplfee, $ latone ; 
 Hn ottjer \)t take* me bp ttje banbe, 
 -$}tn is JBajpg tb?eb, fl)c fpntft in'tbe lanbe; 
 31 tuber toasi ufeo to fttcb fbpngcg In bebe, 
 f toantpng monp, i mpgbt not fpebe. 
 
 1 1. 
 
 Cfan toent i fojtb bp Eonbon flone, , 
 Ubiougfjout all a>antDpfee ftjcetr, 
 
 SDjapcjss mncb tlotb me offjeo anotre, 
 ©ben corner in one crjeb Tjot u)epess fete, 
 £Dne lupbe maftenu*, pefen gutie, an ottjct jjan gjute , 
 flDn bab me bp a Ijoobe, to cobcr mp bcabe, 
 35ut tor toant of money t migljt not fpcto 
 
THE MANNE1S AND CUSTOMS 
 
 12. 
 
 Ws^tn i fipcb me unto Cfft&epe, 
 <2)ton c?pc0 rpbbe0 of btfe, $ manp a ppe ; 
 
 l^etoter potter tbcp fcattejcD on a Jjepp* 
 Cbeje toas l;a?pe, pppe, % mpnttjelpe ; 
 ^ea bp cocfc, nap bp cocfc, fomc began crpe, 
 Js>ome fonge of Jenken, % Julyan for tljeje mtOfj 
 JSut for iatfte of monep i mpgbt not fpeDe, 
 
 n- 
 
 ®l;en i into CombiU onon i poae, 
 :M1)W toass mutcb i ffolen geje, amonge 
 31 fatu Vobe?e bong* mpne otone bcooe, 
 ^ (]at i b an loff amonge fljc rbjonge } 
 Co bp mp oton baiDe, i tfjotigljt it fo?on0e; 
 feneto it toell ajs i t»pti mp qeDe, 
 .JSttt for lacfee of monp i conloe not fpeDe* 
 
 H- 
 
 Ufa tabejnet toofec me bp tbc flebe , 
 -&pr faftjfje topU pou otor topne aflap, 
 
 31 anftoejeottat can not mutcb me %\t% 
 §1 pcnp can do no moje tban pt mape b 
 31 tyanfce a ppnte, « for pt Did pape, 
 ■Pet foje a ijungc^D from tbcnce i peDe 5 
 t toantpng monp i coloe not fpeDe* 
 
 ^ben bp*& i me to 15elpngfgate s 
 $nD omne c?peD boo,— go toe bencc,- 
 31 prapD a bargeman for d&oDg fafer, 
 Cbat be tooulD fpaje me mp ejcpcncc, 
 •£bon fcaptt not beje quotfj be,unDct 2 pencei 
 J lift not pet beffofoo mp almeg DrDr, 
 W)\x$ lactpng monp I coulDe not fpeDe. 
 16. 
 
 Cben t conbapD me into Sent, 
 jfor of rfje lato toolD i meDle no inoje, 
 2Becaufe no man to me toofte entente 
 3 bpgbt me to Do, a? 1 DpD before* 
 jpoto Jefus ttjat in llSerblebem toag bo?n 
 . §>abe EonDon, $ fenD tm latopejg tbrje mebe, 
 ; Jfor tofjofo toants monep toptb fl)cm u)all not fpeDr. 
 Explicit London Lyckpeny, 
 
 The 
 
OF THE ENGLISH, 63 
 
 The reader will be pleafed to notice, that where he talks of hyeing to London 
 (verfe 8.) fromWeftminfter, that at that time London and Weftminfter were not 
 joined together, as they are now, but were two diftincT: cities, the Strand being 
 entirely bare of houfes. We may yet obferve, that the churches of St. Martin 
 and St* Giles had added to them \* in the Fields but how improperly they 
 now retain that addition to their names, need not be in fitted upon* 
 
 Domdlic Affairs.- 
 
 In the reign of king Henry the Eighth, at which time luxury and grandeu 
 was fo much affecled, and appearances of ftate and fplendour carried to fuc > 
 lengths, we may conclude that their houmold furniture and domeftic neceiTarie- 
 were alio carefully attended to : on pafling through their houfes we may expe 
 to be furprized at the neatnefs, elegance, and fuperb appearance of each room 
 and the fuitablenefs of every ornament - 3 but herein we may be deceived. The 
 tafle of elegance amongft ouranceftors was very different from the prefent, and 
 however we may find them extravagant in their apparel, excefTive in their 
 banquets, and expenfive in their trains of attendants, yet follow them home, 
 and within their houfes you fhall find their furniture is plain and homely, — no 
 great choice, but what was ufeful, rather than any for ornament or mow. 
 
 Begin we with the Gentleman. — -In the Cotton library, amongft fome mifcel- 
 laneous papers preferved from the fury of the flames, is one fmall tract, extant, 
 which by the hand appears to have been written early in the reign of Henry the j^rg ; n a 
 Eighth : it is there called " An inventorye of all the goodes and cattells, late Bundle 
 Richarde Fermers in the manor of Eftone. — This Mr. Richard Fermer, tho' mark. Query 
 I find no account of him in hiflory, was, as may be feen from his large porTef- Vitelhus^ 
 lions, a gentleman of great wealth and diftinction, and had, adjoining to his 
 manlion, ** a large parke with all fortes of deer therein." — Let us firft, in our - 
 progrefs, enter his hall 5 and there we find, 
 
 Firft a pece of tapftre, hanging at the heyght defe 
 
 Item thre tables, with formes and trelTylls, mortefed in the grounde j Item a 
 hawkes perche. 
 
 The furniture of the hall being thus fet fortlv we will next enter the 
 "per lor" 
 
 Furft the feyde perlor celyd -f with wenfkett ; — Item a fayr table ; two treflylls, 
 —three joyned formes, — a littell plaine cubbarde, — 2 turnyde chaires,— three 
 lyttell chaires for women, — and four foote ftooles ; — Item 6 culhins of tapftre, 
 with armes in the myddes,— an olde carpet upon the borde, of Turkye faye 
 
 ilrypy.de,- 
 
 r * The word defe, or, as it Is fome'times written, dees, m Latin dcfciis, doth properly fignify % 
 canopy over the high table ; but here I apprehend it may mean the chief feat, or bench, at the upper 
 end of the hall, which, by the way of diftinftion, was here covered at the back with tapeftry. 
 
 f Celyd here doth not refpeft the top of the room., but means only that the fides were covered 
 With wainfcot, 
 
54 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 ftrypyde, 2 lyttell carpettes for cubberdes, — one of Turkye makynge, the 
 other of tapftre : — Item in the chimney two awndirons,* — wythe a fyer 
 forke : — Item hanginge about the faide perlor on the feilinge, two tables;^ 
 one the picture of LucrefTe, — the other of Mary Maudeleine. Item a payer 
 of tables ; — thefe were backgammon tables. 
 
 Thus finimed the inventory of the parlour ; — leaving the rooms of lefs confe- 
 quence, let us pafs on to the " greate chamber, over the perlor." 
 ; Furft three large peeces of tapftre, of imagery ;-^Item a truffinge bedde of 
 wenfkotte, with cellar, and tefter, painyde with blacke velvet, and yellowe 
 bandkin; with curtains of blacke, and changeable perfnet ; — Item a coverlet 
 of tapftre, of imagery, lynyd with canvas ; a bedde of downe, with a mat- 
 terys ; under the fame bedde a paire of fuftyans ; 2 blankettes > 2 pylowes ; 
 and 2 bolfters ; — Item a cupberde of wenfkotte ; one turnyde chaire, with a 
 cumin of verder ; — 3 curtains of blue buckerom, for 3 windowes, which be 
 celyd with wenfkotte. 
 
 Before we leave the lodging rooms, let us fee the plain furniture of «« Maifter 
 Fermers owne chamber." 
 
 Item v peces of newe tapftre, about the chamber ; — Item a teftor, and celor of 
 . white lynyn clothe ; — Item a fetherbedde; a ftandyng beddeftede ; a mat- 
 terys; a payre of fuftion blankettes ; a paire of fhetes ; a Spaniflie happer ; a 
 quilte of yellow farfnet ; — Item two turnyde chaires ; one culhyn ; and a 
 cubbarde ; with three chefts containing various articles of cloths, bed fur- 
 niture, &c. 
 
 From hence it may not be amifs to pafs into the offices, and there examine 
 one of the upper fervants lodging. 
 
 litem, an olde hangynge ftainyde, round the room ; Item a bedftede, a fether- 
 .bedde, a bolder, a pair of metes. j 3 blankets, a coverlet of olde tapftre, a 
 teftor of redd faye. — But for the lower fervants and attendants, I find but a 
 matteres, a paire of fhetes, and an old coverlet; whilft thofe who were ftill 
 under them in office, were obliged to take up with the " materes, a bolfter, 
 . and. a covering only." 
 
 Thus have we feen the chief furniture and ornaments of a gentleman's houfe ; 
 we will now pafs on to the cellar, where I find a puncheon of Frenche wine, 
 and a hoggefhed of white wine, both abroach. — Go we now to the ketchyn, 
 and examine there. 
 
 Inprimis, 17 newe platters of the (hallowe faflyon ; — Item 16 platters of the 
 olde faftyon ; — Item 11 dyfhes of all fortes; — a charger, and a platter;— 
 
 Item 
 
 * In the country thefe awndirons are u fed to this day, and are called cobb irons; they ftand on the 
 hearth, where they burn wood, to lay it upon ; their fronts are ufually curved, with a large round 
 knobb at the top ; fome of them are kept polifhed and bright, anciently many of them were em- 
 bellifhed with variety of ornaments. 
 
 t Tables, a word conftantly ufed in ancient times for pictures, perhaps becaufe they were painted 
 en fiat boards. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH, 6$ 
 Item 16 porengers ;— $ faucers of the olde faflyon; — Item a dofon new 
 fawcers ; — Item a greate brafle potte, a lefle pott, and a lytell pott ; — a great 
 kettyll ; — 3 brafs pannes, of a myddle fyfe ; — 3 fmall pofnetts ; — a chaffer, 
 and 2 chaffing difches, one after the filver faflyon ; — one ladle ; — a gret ftone 
 morter ; — a lytell fpyce morter, with a peftyle of ierne ( iron) ; — 2 gret racks 
 of ierne, and a fmall paire ; — un fpytte ; — a paire of pott hookes ; — 3 hangers 
 of ierne, for pottes to hang on ; — two trevetts of ierne ; — a fyer forke of 
 ierne; — a tankarde ; — a fryenge panne ; — a clew of ierne; — a great owdde 
 bowle; — a paile ; — a grate for brede ; — a dreffinge border; — a ceftorne of 
 lede with a coke. 
 
 From hence let us pafs to the brew-houfe, and fee the utenfils there; and 
 < that the more efpecially, becaute at the end of this article I mean to treat of 
 1 the ancient method of brewing of beer. The utenfils are, 
 Inprimus a mefshe fatt ; — -Item a great ledde ; — Item a brafs panne, fet in the 
 
 walle (this was doubtlefs the copper for boiling the wort J; — Item 6 wort 
 
 leeds, callyd coolars ; Item a great clinge fatt, with 2 other fattes ; and other 
 
 tubbes, and kimnelles. 
 
 In the Bake-houfe. 
 
 Inprimus. A knedinge trough ; — a boultin-g huche ; — a kneading kimnelle ; — a 
 bufhell ; — a moulding board ; — 6 meal tubbes, &c. 
 
 Over and above what has already been mentioned of bed furniture in the 
 lodging rooms, I find mention made of down pillowes, pillow beres, and 
 blanketts of woolen, with coverings of white fryfe. — Now, to conclude, we 
 will examine this gentleman's fervice of plate, which indeed is not very large. 
 Imprim. A bafon and ewer perce'l (or half) gilte; — Item 2 fakes, with covers 
 gilt; — Item 5 ale potts with covers gilte; — Item 4 goblettes without covers 
 gilte; — Item 16 fpones, white; — Item 2 flate books, one lacking a cover, 
 gilte; — Item a peper boxe, gilte; — Item a chalyce, percell gilte. 
 
 His plate, mofh likely, was ufed but on particular occafions, for he had a 
 fervice of pewter, to fupply the want of it in common, which in the inventory 
 runs as follows : 
 
 2 bafous, and 2 ewers of pewter; one ale pott, and 2 wine potts, of the fame; 
 — 2 dozen of pewter trenchers; — 5 chargers; — 17 platters; — 2 dozen of 
 dvfhes ; — >r6 fawcers; — 2 porringers ; — 2 plates ; — a warning bafon j — a falte ; 
 and a potte for water ; all of the fame metal. 
 
 From the houfe of the gentleman, we will now go on to the knight's fair 
 rriianfion, where we may reafonably expect more grandeur and elegance. 
 
 The. following extracts are from a tract found in the fame bundle of papers In Bib. Cot. 
 before mentioned : it is an inventory taken of the goods and chattels of Sir infig. Query 
 Adrian Fofkewe, at his manllon-houfe in the country, dated the 30th year of v uelllus ' 
 king Henry the Eighth. 
 
 This extenfive inventory begins with a large and noble fervice of rich plate, 
 of filver, great part of it gilt, which fervice muit have been worth an amazing 
 
 Vol. III. K ium 
 
^6 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTO M S 
 
 fum of money ; and this may ferve to prove that the knight 'himfelf was 
 exceeding rich, as well as the great quantities of land which it appears he 
 poffefTed. — I will here alfo begin with the hall, which I find covered with 
 " A hangin of greine fay, bordered with darneng (or needle- work) j— Item 2 
 grete fide tables, with ftandinge trefTels ;— Item a fmall joyned cuberde, of 
 waynfcott, and a fhort peice of counterfett carpett upon it ;— Item a fquare 
 cuberde, and a large piece of counterfett carpett upon it 5--a fhort piece of 
 carpett in the wyndowe,— and 5 formes," &c. 
 
 In the perler ( the befi room for the reception of his -gut ft s ). 
 
 Imprim: a hangynge of greene fay and red, panede ;*— Item a table with two 
 treflells, and agreyne verders carpet upon it*— three greyne verders cufhyns j 
 --a joyned cupberd, and a carpett upon it ;--a piece of verders carpet in one 
 window, and a piece of counterfeit carpett in the other ;— one Flemifhe 
 chaire J--4 joyned ftoole's 5— a joyned forme ;--a wyker fkryne $.— 2 large 
 awndyerns,— a fyer forke,— a fyef pan,— a payer of tonges ;— Item a lowe 
 joyned ftole ;--2 joyned foote doles ;--a rounde table of ciprefs ; and a piece 
 of counterfeitt carpett upon it, — Item a paynted table for piSture j of the 
 Epiphany of our Lord. 
 
 From hence let us go on to the beft chamber, leaving all the rooms of lefs 
 confequence ; and there we (hall find, 
 
 " Firft a hanging all around the room, of grene and red fay, paynede % — Item 
 one great truffing bed, with 2 fether beds, wherof the one is downe j— with 
 2 bolfters;-- 2 pillowes of downe ; — Item 3 blankets of woolen clothe ;--a 
 coverlet of verder worke, enlyned Item a mantili of red : — Item a joined 
 cupborde, with a counterfet carpet upon it Item a fhort table joyned, 
 with a coarfe carpett j — Item 2 chefts-5— an old Flemifh ehaire ;— a turned 
 chaire ; — Item three cumins ; — Item 2 awndyerns, a fyer pan ;--a payer of 
 tonges ; — Item a chafer-]- of bra(Te;--two bafons ;~2 joined flools. 
 
 Before we take our leaves of this antique man'fio'n, let us fee the chamber 
 over the perler, which was the knight's own chamber. 
 
 M Furfte an hangynge, of redd and greine fay, panede-— Iiem a fparver of 
 greine and Make fay, with courteyns of the fame ;~ a truffinge bed, framed 
 of wenfkotte ;~2 fether bedds j— one grete bolfter ;--2 fuftyans ; — 2 pillows 
 of downe;— a large counterpoynt, of greate verders; -2 joyned formes ;— a 
 turned chaire ;— a joyned cupberde, with a counterfet carpet upon it; — Item 
 a wyndowe clothe of payned fey ;--2 fmall awndierns ;^-a pair of tonges ; — 
 Item a greate ftandarde,. with dyvers appariell belongynge to the lady 
 Itofkewe." 
 
 Having 
 
 * The form and manner of the tapeftry and other hangings, at that time ufual in the houfes pf 
 the gentlemen and nobility, to be hung round the wall, may be i'cen plate 15 of this volume. 
 ■\ This I take to be a warming pan,. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 67 
 
 Having thus furveyed the furniture of the country houfe of this wealthy 
 knight, let us, before we leave him, run over fome few rooms of his houfe 
 " befide the Black Freeres, in London." — The which inventory, taken at the Tract MS. 
 fame time, is alfo contained in the bundle before-mentioned. in Bib. Cot. 
 
 His " hawle " is indeed but very plain., and fparingly furnimed : for ^ftelhus^ 
 " furfte 2 pieces of ftayned clothe ; — Item a long table, with 2 treffils,— and a 
 fhort joined forme," compleat the whole furvey. But enter we the parlour, 
 and fee what there may be found : 
 - «« Furfte in the perlar ther is a hangynge of yelowe, and greine fay, pained ; — 
 
 Item a cupberd, with aFlemifh chayre; — Item a longe table, with 2 treflills ; 
 
 Item 6 joynede ftolles ; — Item a little pece of fay, hangynge before th 
 
 wyndowe, yellowe and greine, panede ; — Item a longe iett M 
 
 awndyerns,— a fyer forke,— a payer of tonges j — Item a pair of 1 
 
 V/e will now fee what is "in Sir Adrians Fofkewes owen c 
 ; then conclude. 
 
 ■ 6< Furfte a trulTyngc bedde, a feither bed, and a mattrefs ;--a b$l air of 
 
 blanketts j--a coverynge of vardures ; — Item a fperver,* - ;s to 
 
 the fame, of yellowe and greine ; — Item the hangynges round m of 
 
 red faye; — Item 2 awndiames, and a pair of tonges: — Item a joyncd xoi v. 
 --a chefte at the beddes feet with writings, Item a cheft of napery. 
 
 Thus have we feen the houfhold fluff of two people in very opulent circum- 
 ftances ; by which we may obferve how plain and homely they were in their 
 houfes. 
 
 Here note once for all, that we ought not to be furprized at the plainnefs Holingfhead 
 of the furniture here fet forth, for all the chroniclers confirm the fame. — V0I.1.B.2. 
 Harrifon, in the Defer iption of Britain (writing in the reign of Elizabeth) ca P- IO « 
 informs us, that amongft the various improvements which had happened in the 
 memory of men at that time living, that of houfhold furniture was one of the 
 moft confiderable j M for now (fays he) the furniture of our houfes is growne, 
 in maner even to parting delicacie : and herein I do not fpeake of the nobilitie 
 and gentrie onely, but even of the loweft forte that have any thing at all to take 
 to. Certes in noblemens houfes it is not rare to fee abundance of arras, riche 
 hangings of tapiftry, filvor vefTell, and fo much other plate, as may furnifh 
 fundrie cupbordes, to the fumme often times of a thoufand or two thoufande 
 pounde at the leaft : wherby the value of this and the read of their ftuffe doth 
 grow to be ineftimable. Likewife in the houfes of knightes, gentlemen, 
 marchauntmen, and fome other wealthie citizens, it is not gefon to beholde 
 generallye their great provifion of tapiftrie, Turkye worke, pewter, brafTe, fine 
 linen, and therto coftly cupbordes of plate woorth five or fixe hundred pounde, 
 to be demed by eftimation. But as herein all thefe fortes doe farre exceede 
 their elders, and predefe flours, fo in time paft, the coftly furniture flayed there, 
 
 K 2 whereas 
 
 * This appears to be the frame at the top of the bed, to which the curtain rods were made faiT, 
 for the fupport of the curtains. 
 
m THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 whereas now it is defcended yet lower, even unto the inferiour artificers and -> 
 rnoft fermers, who have learned alfo to garnifih their cupbords with plate, their 
 beddes with tapiftry and filke hanginges, and their tables with fine naperie, 
 whereby the wealth of our countrie doth infinitely appeare. Neyther do I 
 fpeaice this in reproach of any man, God is my judge, but to fhew that I do 
 rejoyce rather to fee how God bath blefTed us with hys good giftes, and to 
 beholde howe that in a time wherein all- thinges are grown to moft excefilve 
 prieces, we do yet finde the meanes to obtayne andatchieve fuch furniture as 
 Srow's Chr. heretofore hath beene- unpoflible." — And fays Stow, in his Chronicle, in the 
 pag. 867. Jif e f king James the Firft, " Cufbens, and window pillowes of velvet, and 
 damalR, &c. in former times were only ufed in the houfes of the chief princes, 
 and peers of the land •> though at this day thofe ornaments of efiate, and other 
 princely furniture, be very plenteous in -mofV citizens houfes., and many other 
 of like eftate." 
 
 But, lean: our ideas mould be funk too low, it may be' neceffary here to 
 remark, that the turned chairs, the joyned ftools, the awndycrns, &c. which wfe 
 find-mentioned in the above inventories, are, 'tis true, fuch forts of furniture as 
 at this day can only be feen in the houfes of the poorer! and meanefr. people ; 
 but at that timer they were oftentimes made extremely grand, enriched with 
 carve work and gilding, infomuch that they compofed part of the furniture, not 
 only in the houfes of the chief nobility of the. realm, but alfo in the palace of 
 the king himfelf : and of the awndyerns, or, as they are called by the moderns, ■ 
 cob irons, myfelf have feen a pair, which in former times belonged to fome 
 noble family ; they were of copper highly gilt, with beautiful flowers, enamelled 
 with various colours, difpofed with great art and elegance. 
 
 But before we bid adieu to the domeftic furniture of our anceftors, let us 
 tar»e Folio 1°°^ -into the palace of the king himfelf.— In an inventory taken of king Henry 
 M6; in the the Eighth's palace* at -Hampton-Court,. I find this delcription of the king's ' 
 Harh Obr. own bed : 
 
 " Item a bedftede ; the pofcs and heade curioufly wroirghte; painted, and guilte 5 ; 
 having as well foure bullyeons of timbre gilte, as foure vanes of yron painted, 
 with the kinges armes: haveing cellar^— tefter,--double vallaunces,--and 
 bafes, of cloth of golde tiflue, and cloth of filver paned together, embroidered 
 upon the feames, with a worke of purple- vellat ; haveing the kinges armes, 
 crowned with the crown imperial,--within the - garland- upon the celar, and 
 teller ;~and alfo with rofes, and floures deluce, likewife crowned within the 
 garlande, upon the faid clothe of filver: — The faid celer toke in lengthe, two 
 yardes and a quarter; in breadth 2 yards, and 3 quarters ; lined with yellow 
 bucker (perhaps buckram.) — The' double valunce, every one- of them, took 
 in depth one quarter of a yarde, with a deepe fringe of gold, filver, and filke : 
 — The tefter fringed upon bothe fydes, with a fringe narrow of Venice gold, 
 and filver, touke in depthe one yerde 1 quarter 3 nailes ; in height 3 yards', 
 lined as aforefaide- :-— the 3 bafes fringed arthe endes, and at both fides, with 
 a narrowe fringe of lyke gold, and filver as aforefaide, together with 5 
 curtaines, touk 23 paines of taphata, pained purple and white, garnimed 
 agon the fame, on bothe fydes,, with paffamyne late of Venice gold, and 
 
 fringed. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. Z 9 : 
 
 fringed uppon the edge, and at the lower parte with a narrow frindge of lyke 
 gold, and iilver ; every curteyne touk in depthe, 2 yerds 1 quarter. — 
 Alfo a countcrpointe of the fame taphata, embraudred with the kinges armes, 
 within a ; garlonde, holden by his majefties fupporters ; and four badges,' 
 within garlands, lykewife* embrowdered with cloth of golde, lozenged alV 
 over with cordaunte of Venice gold, and filver; fringed rounde aboute with, 
 a narrowe fringe of Venice gold, and filver; lined with purple farcenet $ 
 touke 3 yardes 1 quarter fquare : — One bedde of fuftian, filled with downe; 
 being of foure breadthes wide, of the fame fuftian, and in length 3 yardes. — - 
 The bolfter of one bredthe wide, of fuftian, nUed with downe ; and in 
 Jengthe 3 yerdes goode : — the 2 pillowes, being of one bredth wide cf 
 fuftiane rilled -with downe, either of them in lengthe on yerde 1 quarter, — 
 foure quiltes of lynnen clothis filled with wool (that is, perhaps, wool quilted 
 in thinly between them) whereof 3 took in length the piece, 3 yardes good ;> 
 and in breathe 3 yardes; and the 4th in length 2 yard 3 quarters, and in 1 
 breadth 2 yerds 3 quarters." 
 
 The other furniture" of the bed-chamber was as follows : 
 Two joined cupbbrds,— Item one joyned ftoole, — Item two awndyrons with •" 
 fire fork, tonges, and fire pan ; Item a fteel glafs covered with yellowe vellat," 
 
 In the inventories of fever'al other of the kings palaces, as well at Weftminfter 
 as other places, I find mention of ft blankets of redd Yrifh freeze, with 
 cmbrauded borders; alfo white Spanim blankets, of various Colours : the ge- j^g gfe . 
 neral length is 3 yards 1 quarter, and breadth 2 yards 3 quarters ; — and fheets Har 'j '"j^w 
 of fine Roland, 5 breadths wide, and 6 yerdes long; with pillow beres of line 1419, 
 Holland of one bredth, and 1 yerde long good." 
 
 It is very remarkable, that in all the inventories above-mentioned, of the 
 palaces of Henry the Eighth, I meet with but few (and thofe very fmall) 
 looking glades,' they generally ufing mirrours, or fteel glades as they theri 
 iriled them. 
 
 In the account of the fecre't fluff (as it is called) at Weftminfter, is a catalogue 
 of " the glades to looke in." The mod confiderable one is fet down as follows; 
 
 "'A faire greate lookinge deele glade, fette in crymfon velvette, richly em- 
 bravvdered with damafke piries with knots of blew ; — and a curtain to the 
 fame of blewe tafata, embrawdered with Venice gold, and cordiauntes of 
 the fame gold." 
 
 Here we may note, that in the former inventories, as wdl of the knight's 
 as of the gentleman's houfhould furniture, we find no mention made either of 
 looking guiles, or mirrours ; but the reafon perhaps may be this : — Glades, or 
 mirrors were at that time ufed only by the ladies, being always kept in cafes, 
 and (as for the mod part they were very fmall and portable) they might be 
 conftantly kept in their pockets, or lock'd up with their other trinkets, for 
 fear of damage done to them. Large pier glades, or mirrours, were never ufed 
 for ornaments, and hung up in the rooms uncovered, as at this period, but 
 
 entirely 
 
yo THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 entirely confined to the bed-chambers and dreffing clofets, where they might 
 be uleful. 
 
 I cannot here help taking notice of the vaft number cf clocks which I meet 
 with in all the inventories of the palaces above- yDentioned. At Weftminfter„ 
 amongft a great variety, I find the three folloy/ing imoft remarkable. 
 
 Item a rounde clocke of iron, with fondrye doores of copper, graven, fhowinge 
 how the fea doth ebbe and flowe, with a cafe of glaffe, let in iron, gilte, 
 ftandinge upon a foote or cafe of wode s with 3 great counterpoyfes (weights) 
 and two fmalle of copper,' the 3d fmall one being lede. 
 j Item another clocke, fliewing the courfe of the planets,— alfo the dayes of the 
 year j— this was very ellegant, being gilt and enamelled, and richly orna- 
 mented with the king's coat of armes, having a chime. 
 
 Item a laume (perhaps larum J or watche of iron, in an iron cafe., with. 2 leaden 
 plumets. 
 
 Wide Vol r Before the invention of clocks (the date of which cannot be afcertained) we 
 ,pag. j 2 . and have already feen the contrivance of king /Elfred the Great; but becaufe it alfo 
 VV. 2,p.ii5. gives us anqther excellent invention (namely that of lanthorns) I will here fpeak. 
 cf it again. 
 
 Vitas He (Alfred) caufed fix tapers to be made, for his daily ufe, of 72 penny 
 ,/Elfndi. W eight of wax, every taper containing in length 12 inches, 12 penny weight, 
 and of equal proportion in breadth, mark'd by 12 inches j every inch, thereof to 
 burn an hour, the whole taper therefore 4 ; lb that all the 6 tapers lighted one 
 after the other, might continue to burn exactly the four-and-twenty hours : by 
 which contrivance he divided every day and night into fix parts, and every part 
 into twelve fmaller divifions, whereby he could diftinguiih and know the time 
 of the day, and night. But when the wind, through the windows or doors of 
 the chapel, or the chinks of his walls, or the cloth of his tents, wailed thefe 
 . tapers that they burnt at no certainty, he invented lanthorns of ox or cow horns 
 cut into thin plates, which defended the tapers from the wind, that it could 
 not wafte them. The very words of Afferius are thefe:—" Lanrennam ex 
 Ji^mr* *j bovimj* cojinibur" pulchenjume conprnuene impenavir; bovma namque 
 connua alba ac in una renuitrep bolabpio epar-a non minur 1 vifneo varxulo elu- 
 cenr ; qua? iraque lanrejina minabiliren ex hgnis ^ connibuj- ur ante diximuf 
 pacta," &zc. 6cc. 
 
 The EnglifTi, like their ancedors, were very fond of bathing ; many of the 
 nobility had baths for that purpofe in their own houfes, belides thefe there 
 were public baths in different places, to which thofe who could not afford to 
 have them in their own houfes ufually repaired. The ladies apprehended that 
 MS in the ^ atmn S contributed to, and preferved their beauty j for I find in an old MS. book 
 liari. Lib! °^ prognpftications (written as early as the reign of Richard the Second) the fol- 
 2882. lowing advice to the ladies ; — that in the months of March, and November, 
 they fhould not " got tofljebat&efotlietttpe/' 
 
 It was the conflant fafhion for the gueft, invited to a banquet, to warn before 
 they fat down to table. This, with fome other cuftoms, are explained in the 
 
 following 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 71 
 
 following fpeech of Sir Giles Overreach (from a Play of Maflenger's) 5 he Comedy; 
 .neaning to prepare a rich banquet, fays j called^ Neu* 
 
 Let my choifeft linen be got forth ; old Debt5 »* 
 
 Perfume the room ; and, when we wafh, the water 
 With pretious powders mix, to pleafe my lord, &c. 
 
 Having thus taken a general view of the principal people of the realm, let us 
 now examine the furniture of the poor man's houfe. The following I find in 
 an old fong, written in the reign of queen Elizabeth, by W. Warner, which MS » 
 fpeaks of an earl who had loft his way : — He 6 l ^ 
 
 Did houfe him in a peakifh graunge, within a forreft great, ' 
 Where knowen and welcomed (as the place and perfones might afForde) 
 Browne bread, whig,* bacon, curds and milk were fet him on the border • 
 A cufhion made of lifts, a ftoole halfe backed with a hoope 
 Were brought him, and he fitteth down befide a forry coupe. -j- 
 The pocre old couple wifht their bread were wheat, their whig were pery, 
 Their bacon beefe, their milk and curds were ereame, to mike him merry. 
 
 I cannot help here taking notice of the ftate of gentlemen, and their extrava- 
 gant cuftoms, a century and half pad. In Johnfon's Staple of News, Peny Bey Jj*ws\&ed 
 the elder, complaining of the reigning luxuries, fays- J625. 
 
 -— Time ago 
 
 Men, good hulbands, look'd unto their flocks, 
 Had their minds bounded ; now the public riot 
 Proflitutes all, fcatters away in coaches, 
 In footmans coats, and waiting womans gowns 3 
 They muft have velvet haunches ! 
 
 And afterwards, 
 
 —Who can endure' to fee 
 
 The fury of mens gullets now a days,— 
 
 What fires, what cooks, what kitchens might be fpared ? 
 
 What flews, ponds, parkes, coups, garners, magazines 5 
 
 What velvet, tifues, fcarfs, embroideries, 
 
 And laces might they lack ?— What need hath nature 
 
 Of filver difhes, or gold chamber potts ? 
 
 Of perfumed napkins, or a numerous train 
 
 Of lazy waiting men to fee her eat ? &c. 
 
 And 
 
 * Butter milk. 
 •J A coop or pen for poultry* 
 
p THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The. Witts, And ui the Witts, a Comedy of 'Sir William Davenant, knight, the elder 
 
 * Believe me to be an arrant gentleman, 
 
 Such as in's fcutchion gives horns, hounds, and hawkes, 
 'And hunting nags,-r-with tall eaters, in blew coat.Se 
 -Sans number, 6cc. 
 
 Cynthia's -And in the interlude called Cynthia's 'Revels, it appears -that the ladies of rank 
 Revels. 1600 had their carroches, pages, monkies, and parachitoes, or parroquets, &c. 
 
 Vide . Hoi- In former times our anceftors ufed to drew their .houfes with rumes, which 
 ling. vol. 2, jWere care f u lly fpread over the floors, till the ufe of carpets came in fathion. 
 170 . the modern method (where carpets cannot be afforded) is to ufe fand in 
 place pf, rufhes, which, in my opinion, is a very difagreeable cuftomj for the 
 dull arifing, when the fand is thoroughly dry, is very inconvenient and tro.uble- 
 fome. 
 
 I have now to remark, that fo lately as the beginning of the 1 6th century, 
 the city of London was but ill fupplied with water; there were feveral conduits 
 ereded it is true, but yet it was npt conveyed from houfe to -houfe ; for there 
 VideStow's were a t tn at time people, whofe only occupation was that of bearing water to 
 Johnfon's t ^ e houfes of the citizens; — fuch we /ee is the employment of Cob, a character 
 Comedy of in Every Man in his Humour. — Hut about 1614 (fays Baker) a memorable a£t 
 Every Man was performed by Sir Hugh Middleton, citezen and goldfmith of London, ai\d 
 in his Hu- j 3om j n Denbigf^ire, who haveing an a£t of parliament for his warrent, with 
 Baker'sChr. infinite coft and indefatigable labour, brought water to the city of London,, 
 fol. 416. from two great fprings at Chadwell and Amwell in Hertforduhire, having 
 cut a channel from thence to Iflingtoo, wither he conveyed it into a large 
 pond, and from thence in pipes of young elms to all places of the. city. 
 
 Some time after, the w a ^ e - r - w °rks at London Bridge were erecled, which 
 with great water-wheels, turning with the tide, move large pumps, and force 
 the water up into citterns, from whence it falls down through pipes to fupply 
 the furrounding houfes. And fince them have been engines invented, which, 
 by the force of fteOm from boiliiig water, produce the fame effect. 
 
 . The method of brewing of beer, before the ufe of hops, is fet down as 
 
 " HarULit follows, in an. MS. in the Harleian Library : 
 
 jtnaik. 68 1 C. 
 
 ■M. To make a Hogflied of ftrong Ale/" 
 
 It was neceffary firft of all to make the grout, which was thus done :— -9 gal- 
 lons of water was to be well boiled, and put into a brewing veffel 5 when it 
 was a little cool, there was put therein 3 pecks of malt, which was left (landing 
 for an hour and half, and then it ought to be drawn off into a cooler ; — when 
 it wao near cold, , it was put into a veffel provyded for that purpofe, perfectly 
 clean, and haveing a cover to ftop it down clofe ; —being therein, it was clofely 
 covered down, that it might there fland to .(harpen ; — if the weather mould be 
 cold;, it might require about 1,8 hours, but, if it was hot not quite fo long. — It 
 
 was 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 73 
 was the brewer's talk carefully to examine it, and judge when it had work'd, 
 and was ripe enough ; (yet he ought as feldom as pofllble to open it, left by the 
 frequent uncovering, the fpirit mould evaporate). — When it was ripe enough, 
 upon die fudden opening of the veflel, the ftrength of the fume arifing from 
 the liquor would near, if not entirely, extinguish a lighted candle, which 
 ought to be provided fhort on purpofe, and holden over for the proof thereof : 
 — alfo it is to be remark'd, that when the liquor was ripe enough, it would 
 conftantly be of a fharp tafte, and a yellowifh caft. — When by thefe proofs the 
 brewer was fatisfied that the grout was properly ripened, he poured it forth 
 into the copper and boiled it moderately, upon a flow fire, for about an hour, 
 conftantly ftirring it all the while ; and to know when it was boiled enough, 
 he provided a fmall allien ftick, which being alighted at the fire, he thruft fud- 
 -denly into the boiling liquor, drawing it forth as quick as poffible, — when, if 
 the fire on the ftick. remained ftill unextinguished, it was well boiled, but not 
 if it were otherwile. This being done, the liquor was put into a vefTel of 20 
 gallons, or thereabouts, and yeft put to it, that it might work, which when it 
 had fufficiently done, it was ready for the wort to be put to it. — The wort 
 might be brewed of what ftrength the brewer fhould plcafe, fo that it did not 
 exceed 60 gallons to the above proportion of grout. The brewer ought to be 
 very careful, to have this wort ready at the proper time, to mix with the grout 
 before it fhould grow too fharp; alfo that his wort fliould be quite cold, when 
 it is poured upon the grout. — The grout being now properly ripe, and haveing 
 work'd enough, a quantity of the wort fufficient to fill up the 20 gallon vefTel, 
 into which the grout is put, muft be pored upon it ; and then the whole drawn 
 off into the yeehngfatt, and there being mix'd with the remainder of the wort, 
 is left to work together; which when it hath fufficiently done, it muft be 
 ftrained off into the hogfhedd, through a hair five made for that purpofe, where 
 it muft alfo work like other beer or ale. 
 
 Note that if the wort be made the day after the grout, they will be both 
 ready together, except perhaps in the depth of winter, when the exceffive cold 
 may prevent the grout from fharpning fo quickly ; — in that cafe, take a fire- 
 fhovel full of clean wood afhes, and put into the vefTel with the grout, and they 
 will caufe it to fharpen much iboner. 
 
 I read here alfo of head malt, which is the kernels groftly broken, an 1 
 cleared from the flour ; alfo of wheat malt, and in default thereof wheat grofsly 
 ground ; and alfo of bean flour, as ufed in brewing of beer. 
 
 The mctheglin> or mede, was, as now, made with honey, &c. but at this 
 period they ufed vaft quantities of almoft every fort of herbs, which were not 
 unwholfome or difagreeable, the which were alio brewed up with the liquor. 
 This was much efteemed amongft our anceftors, and was a very common drink ; 
 but the more coftly was ypocrajs, which was ferved at the king's own tabic. 
 
 In Deker's Comedy of the Honeft Whore, Roger receives three (billings The Honeft 
 and fixpence for a pottle of ypocrq/s, and a manchet, Com-dJ b" 
 
 Vol. III. L In 
 
7 4 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Chronicles ^ Q Arnold's Chronicle of London I find the following receipt, intituled 
 
 c>f London. 
 
 €&£ C?afte to make ^pocw 
 
 u ^ekt a qttaite of teD topnc, an ounce of fpnamon, ano Tjalfe an bncc " (ounce) " of 
 ggnser, a quartet of an unnte of gjepnes?, $ long? peper, 3 tjalf a poutuje of fuget, ano bjofe 
 all ftt0 (not tco finall) f tl;an put rbcm in a bage of tottllen cloftc, maoc tfjcjefoje " (or for that 
 purpofe) * 6 fcjtti) tfoe tome, $ Icte it Ijange obet a beflci tpu ttjs toyne b« tune njojouw/' 
 
 Now, whether the wine mould be poured hot upon the fpice, or whether 
 the fpice mould be firft boiled in the wine, before it be (trained, I am not able 
 to determine; yet it appears to me, that the bare putting the fpice to the wine 
 quite cold, and only philtering it through a cloth, can never communicate a 
 ftrength furficient of the fpice to make any very great alteration in the tafte of 
 the wine. 
 
 Another drink, very much efteemed, was the clarey, or clarre. The receipt 
 for making the fame, from the above-mentioned book, is as follows : 
 
 €&e C^aft to make Claiie, 
 
 jfor 1 8 galortgof rjoBttipne, tafrefrflf a potmse of ginger, quarter of a ponnD of long 
 peper, tin. titnuc of fafion, a quartet of an unnte of coHaunogr, 2 tinnces of calomolc Didum* 
 tpcujj-, % n> t&UD pajt agmuei) Jjonep n>t ■ 13 claipfpeD, a;s of ponjc lupne \— ftjepne ftym 
 tftougl; a cloti), I Do it into a dene DcAdl. 
 
 The common people made a fort of drink, thus called , of ale ; but a liquor 
 much regarded by them was braket, which was thus made : 
 
 Cafe? a pot of goto ale, % put £f»c:eto a pompon of fjonp, $ neper, in (!)ffi nuticr. W^fk 
 fton baft itooO air, icte it ftcnoe in a pott 2 oape?, $ tban Djatoe- rut a quait or a pctrcil cf 
 tijat ale, $ putt to tfec bonp } $ fet it obcr rfcc f y?e, $ let It fe$c totll, $ ta&c it of ei?c fpjr, $ 
 frame it dene j $ than fat it oOet n> f?jc, 9 icume it agapne, | -fijetr Icte it Kcrie a tobyk, #•' 
 put njcr to tl?c pepcr \ $ fym fet fopm on ti>e fpje, $ lete bpsn bople toeil to gpDir, Uatb efp fpie 
 — But cleje.—'&ake 4 galoncs of good ale,— a pjmte of fpn tjpcD benp, $ about a faucet full 
 of poiiBcr of peper,. 
 
 Book of wa y °f concluding this chapter, take the following extract from the 
 
 Kfervynge, Rook of Kervynge, printed by Wynken de Worde ; it treats of the office of 
 print. 1508. 
 
 C&e.C&aumti&lagne. 
 
 *clTI}c djaurnbrjapnc mutfe feeDpIygenr, I clenlp in W effpff, tottlj W TjeeD fecmfceD, $ To to 
 gobtfoze l)t0 toDejapuf, ^ Cc lijat Vje rjatoe a dene fljeite, tyccfK, petpcote, ano Doublet; tljau 
 6nifjsl;c fri$ liofen, toitljin anotoitbout, § fe big fljone, 1 flpppt# be maoc ilenc st mojne 
 l©l;en pout fotejsjne tojll a?ife, \mimt l;i^ fijejte bp tijc fpje, anD fe- pe IjaDe a fote fljete meDc 
 
 in 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 75 
 in tfote matter; fpjft fet a dja^e bp rbcttyr, Vo f C 1 1 a cttpfdun, an orbcr tmbtt l;ls fete, tban 
 fpuoe a flute ober tbc rbapic, ano ft tljqe be vcDp a fecicljcfc, ano combe •> fljrn toa?me bis pctp; 
 cote, bis Doublet, ant) bis ftomacfeeje, ano t&cn put on bis Ijofcn, $ Ik's fljone or flpppezi?, tban 
 ftjtpfce up Ins bofen manned, $ tpc fljcm up ; t^ati'latt Itfs Doublet tjole bp bolt, * lape tije 
 nctfte clorfjc, f fcembe bis been ; tjjan lofec pe babe a bafpn f an eUut, luitb toajnte \satcr, atttj 
 a totocll, toafsbe bis banncs ; tban Imclc upon pour knee, ano aefcc pour fobejapne fo$a't robe 
 be topiUue?c, $ bjpnac bpm fttc&c as Ijc pour fobcMrnc coitiinauncttb, $ put it upon jpnrj 
 tban ocu bps gp?bcll aboute bptn, | taHe pour lebe mane Up i $ Co to ri>; rbprdje ov djapcll, to 
 pour fobejapnes flofct, ano Iape ca^pettcs t cupfoluns, 5 Tape ootone bps bokc of p?ajpc?s j tban 
 bjato flu cttjtpnes, anD taUc pour lebe geuolp} anb go to pour fooejapnrs rbambje, $ raffe all 
 tbr clotijcs of bps beoce, ano bete tbc fcocibcooe $ bolder, but lofce pc tonCc no fcbejS ; tljan 
 fljafec tlje blanftctteo, ana fe tfjc flutes be fapic $ ftnetc, or ellee loke vt l;abc clene flutes ; tban 
 make up bis bebbt manr.lp, tljan lapc tfjc Ijeo flutes, ano tl;c ptUoracf, tban take up tbc totoell 
 anb tbr bafpn, anb lapc ca?pette0 aboute tljc bcooc, or topnuotoe^ an3 cupbotDeft lapbe UHtlj 
 camtces ano enpfsbpns, 
 
 Sllfo loke tbqe be a gcub fpie fyettnpngc bjpgbt \ anb lolte pe Ijalu bafpn ano ctoer tettb 
 TDatcr, ano a tohull for pour fobejapne, tban take of \Ki gotonef, anb bjpngc btm a mantel! to 
 fcepc bpm fro colo, tban bjpngc Ijpm to tlu fpjf , ano talie of Ijiss fl)<me anb bis forfeit, tljan tafte a 
 fapje ftcrcljct of replies ano licntbe bis Ijecb, ano put on ljiS feejcljer ano ijts bonet, tljan Cpjcaoe 
 ootonc Ins bebbe, lapc t!jc Ijecb flute, an& tbc ppllotocs; anbluljrn pour fotocjapnr tss got to bcooc, 
 b?atoc tl;c cujtcpnes, tljan fc flute be mooter, ortrja^e, or pc?cbou:cs be reop, tljcn t?pbc oute 
 torjs c 3 or cattr 9 an0 ^°^ c tl ^ E tr ^ fl ^ !l an5 ujpnal! ^ fobejapne, tl;an tafec pour lebe 
 
 mantjlp, tljat pour fobejapne map talu Ins tefi me?plp» 
 
 DRESS and HABIT. 
 
 In the reign of Edward the Fourth, we have feen abundance of different 
 •habits, exhibited in the various plates relative to the life of Beauchamp earl of 
 Warwick., given in the fecond volume of this work. The fame alfo may well 
 ferve to elucidate the early part of the reign of Henry the Seventh ; for during 
 the fhort reign of Richard the Third, both the nobility and commons were too 
 much taken up with the interefting matters then on the carpet, to attend to any 
 confiderable alteration of their drefs, and the introducing of many new fafhions. 
 — Plate 1, of this volume, contains a variety of figures, all of them in the habit The origi- 
 of the times, at the latter end of the reign of Henry the Seventh: — N°. 1. nals were 
 exhibits a noble perfonage, as alfo does N u . 10; the front of the lad's garment 
 is all the way down to the wafte laced over a ftomacher, like a woman's flays : 
 — to this fort of habit (which was only worn by the nobility) the author of the 
 Book of Kervynge, in the office of the Chawnberlayne, plainly alludes, where See above, 
 he fays, " warme your f&verayne hys petycote, his doublet, and his ftomachere ; 
 and then put on hys hofen, and then his fchone or ilyppers, then ftryke up his 
 holen mannerly, and tye them up, than lace his doublet hole by hole," &c. — 
 N c> . 6, as well as N Q . 9, of the fame piate, are figures of gentlemen of dhlinc- 
 tion, the latter of which has his dagger hanging from his girdle 3 their doublets 
 
 L 2 are 
 
7 6 TH'E MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 are fhort, reaching only to the knee, with broad borders of furr. — N Q . 3 is a 
 Sir Henry coun feM° r » an d 4 the ferjeant at law, with the coife upon his head. Thefe 
 Chauncy's ferjeant counteurs, being clerks or religious men (fays Sir Henry Chauncy) were 
 Hiit. Hertf. bound by their order to lhave their heads ;* they were, for decency, allow'd to 
 P a S- 7 6 « cover their bald pates with a coif, which was a thin linen cover for the head, 
 Spel. Glofs. gathered together in the form of a fkull cap, or helmet, -f and by which the 
 
 foJ.82. ferjeants at law are known, who are of the higheft degree in our law. 
 MS. in the ^ ne word coif a cometh from the French word coife or coeffe, otherwife 
 Had. Lib. fcoffion. Thefe coifes were foon after turned into coifes of white filk, whence 
 980, thefe ferjeant count eurs, or pleaders, were called ferjeants of the coife, and every; 
 ferjeant was clothed in a long prieft-like robe, with a cape about his moulders 
 furred with lamb-fkin, and an hood with two labels upon it, a white coife of 
 filk upon his head, and party-coloured robes, that the people mould mew the 
 greater refpect, as well to their perfons as their profefiion. — N°. 2 and 7, of 
 the fame plate, are gentlewomen ; 5 and 8, the ruftic man and woman. — The 
 figures exhibited N°. n§, are, the one a gallant a la macaroni, according to the 
 prepofterous tafte of that age, and the other is a fool, the fop's conftant and 
 clofe companios. 
 
 Ship of Barclay, in the " Ship of Fooks of the Worlde," exclaims greatly againft the 
 ^w S( »!) £he exce ^ s °f a pp are U as ufed in his time. — Pinfon, who in 1508 printed this book, 
 or e * has, to the fatirical verfes on drefs, fubjoined the prefent two figures cut irr 
 wood : over the defign is written, 
 
 Of newe Fafllons, and difguifed Garmentes. 
 
 Who that newe garmentes loves, or devifes,. 
 Or weareth by his fimple wit and vanitie, 
 
 Geveth by his foly, and unthrifty guifes, 
 Much evil example to yonge commontie, 
 Such one is a foole, and fcant mall ever bee;- 
 
 And commonly it is feene that nowe a dayes, 
 
 One foole gladly folowes anothers wayes-. 
 
 And underneath the following fevere lines, containing the mip-man's invita- 
 tion to the fops of the age to come aboard his mip : 
 
 Drawe nere ye courtiers, and galants difguifed, 
 
 Ye counterfait caitiffs that are not content 
 As God you hath made, his work is defpifed, 
 
 Ye thinke you more wifer then God omnipotent. 
 Unftable is your minde, that fheweth by your garment; 
 A foole is knowen by his toyes, and hys cote, 
 But by their clothing, now we may many note. 
 
 Some 
 
 * The reafon why they fhaved their heads is, becaufe they originally were priefts : but when the 
 priefts were forbid to intermeddle in fecular affairs, thefe ftill continued to fhave their heads, but 
 wore the coife for diftindtion. — See MS. in the Harl. Lib. inlig. 980. 
 
 % Signifying (fays the MS. quoted in the former note) that, as helmeted foldiers ought to be bold 
 in time of war, io ought thefe to be in their client's caufe. 
 
OP THE ENGLISH; 77 
 Some time after are thefe words in the fame poem : 
 
 Some of their necks charged with collars, and chaincs, 
 
 As golden withes j their fingers full of rings ; 
 Their necks naked almoft unto the raines, 
 
 Their fleeves blazin like unto a crane's winges. 
 
 And again, 
 
 Come neare with your (hirts bordered and difplaid, 
 In forme of furplois. 
 
 Shirts thus bordered with lace,- and curioufly adorned with wrought needle- 
 Work, continued long time in ufe amongft the nobility and gentry. 
 
 Ben Johnfon, in his Comedy of the Devil is an Afs, fpeaks of cut-work The Devi] 
 fmocks and fhirts. — In the inventory of the apparel of king Henry the Eighth, is an Afs, 
 we meet with fhirt-bands of gold, and ruffles to the farrie; and in the fame a<3ed l6l6 » 
 king's reign, in the acl: made for 'the reformation of applrel, I find it forbid to AaParl.an. 
 any perfon, under the degree of a knight, to wear pinch'd fhirts, or pinch'd 24 Hen. 8, 
 partlets of linen cloth, or plain fhirts garnifh'd with filk, or gold, or filver. — ca P* l 2>° 
 And that thefe adorned fhirt-bands, &c. by degrees were worn by people of 
 mean flations of life, is very certain. This we find in the old play of George ^ eor ^ a 
 
 r-> u ^ o x (jreen, Pin- 
 
 a Green, written about the year 1509. ner of 
 
 Jenken, George's man, fpeaks thus to his matter, concerning his own Wakefield, 
 fweetheart : Vide Dodf - 
 
 Jenk.—knd me gave me a fhirt coller, lion of Old 
 
 Wrought over with no counterfiet fluffe. Plays. 
 George. — What, was it gold ? 
 Jenk. — Nay it was better than gold ! 
 Geo. — What was it ? 
 Je?ik. — Right Coventrie blue. 
 
 The fame may be faid of the embroidered fhifts worn by the ladies. Thus F r pi 
 in the Four Plays in One, of Beaumont and Fletcher, Craft fpeaks of fmocks ^One^ 
 learned through with cut-works j and in the old ballad of Lord Thomas and 
 Fair An net, Annet fays • 
 
 My maids, gae to my drefling room, 
 
 And drefs me to my fmock ; Rehques 
 The one half is o' the Holland flnej Poetry, 
 The other o' needle- work, V.3, p. 244, 
 
 And that great fums of money were laid out for thefe fineries, we may juftly ^ Eaft ^ 
 conclude from the fpeech of Proud Girtred, in the play called Eaftwaro Hoe, Hoe^by 
 where (he fays, " Smb< ks of three pound a fmock, are to be born with all " johnfon, 
 Neither were the clergy cleare from- the pride of extravagant habits (fa)|Fs Chapman & 
 Catnbden). A lb. it Poly dor Virgil* and the late archbifhop of C^ift^jWy p r . n f c 
 D. Parker, noteth " that the cleargy of England never ware fiike, or velv.et, ^a-nJen's" 
 untill the time of the pompous Cardinall l-Fo/fiy, who opened that dore it' . • • Remains, 
 
 among P a g-*35- 
 
78 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 among them, which hitherto cannot bee fhut." — But we have heretofore feen, 
 that they were as much befotted in this excefs as the laity. Pierce Plowman 
 From a a '^° ^ a ^ es them for their love of pomp ; and the following ballad (which was 
 MS. in the written in the reign of Henry the Sixth) although it fpeaks of this vice in 
 Harl. Lib. general, yet it is. more particularly aimed at the clergy themfelves, by whofe 
 Iliar 3/2 " 5 a d examples the laity were led into excefs and bad habits. 
 
 Ye prowd gallontes hertleiTe, 
 
 With your high cappis witleffe, 
 
 And your fchort gownys thriftlefs, 
 
 Have brought this londe in gret hevynefTe, 
 
 With youre longe peked fchone, 
 Therefor your thrift is almoft done, 
 And with your longe hare into your even, 
 Have brought this lond to gret pyne. 
 
 Ye poope holy preftis, ful of prefomcone, 
 With your wyde fueryd hodes, voyd of difcrecione, 
 Unto your owyn pfechynge of country condioone, 
 Whech cauiith the people to have leffe devocone. 
 
 Avauncid by fymony in cetees and townys, 
 
 Make fchorter your taylis — and broder your crownys ; 
 
 Leve your fchort fhuffide dowbelettes, and your pleytid gownys,, 
 
 And kepe your owyn howfyng, and paffe not your boundys. 
 
 Reprove none other men, I fchall tell you whye, 
 
 Ye be fo lewd youre felfe there fettiche no man you bye 
 
 Yit is not but afchame ywold be callyd holly, 
 
 And worfe difpofyd people levyth not undir the fkye ! 
 
 Firfl: make free your felfe, that now to fyne be bounde ; 
 Leve fyne and drede it, — thane may ye take on hond 
 Othir to repreve, and that I undirftonde 
 Ye may amende all other, and brynge pefe to londe. 
 
 In the inventory of the robes and apparel at the caftle at Windfor (taken in 
 MS. in the the reign of Henry the Eighth) amongfr. vaft variety of other matters, I find-— 
 iiarl. Lib. Robes lately prince Arthur's, eldeft ion to our late fovereigne lord kinee 
 No. 1419. Henry the Sevcnt h. 
 
 Robes for the Order of St. George. 
 
 A mantell of blew velvet, lyned with white faten damafke : — a kirtell, and a 
 hoode of crimfon vellat, lyned with white damalke. 
 
 For 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 79 
 
 For the Order of ToUon d'Or. 
 
 A mantell of crimfon velvet, embroydered, and lyned with white fatten: — a 
 kirtill, and hoode of crimfon velvety lyned with black fattyn. 
 
 For the Order of St. Mychaell. 
 
 A mantell of cloth of lilver, lyned withe white fatten, withe fcalloppe fhelles 5 
 Item a hoode of crymfin velvet, embraudeard, with fcalloppe fhelles, lyned 
 with crymfon fatten. 
 
 Early in the reign of Henry the Eighth, the fafhion of wearing trawfes was ^ . fl ^ 
 much affected : thefe were breeches (fays Randle Holme) which fat fo tight upon Hai-l. Lib. 
 the thighs, that they difcovered the whole make and fhape. But this fafhion mark. 2014. 
 was by no means now newly invented ; for its firft appearance was, I believe, 
 in the middle of the reign of Edward the Fourth. An inftance of this fort of 
 habit may be feen in the 47th plate of the Regal and Ecclefiaftical Antiquities 
 of England, which I publimed heretofore ; and that the firoe fafhion was alfo 
 common in the beginning of the reign of Henry the Seventh, the plates of the 
 j'econd volume of the prefent work may evince.* — But indeed fome additions 
 were madej for (fays Holme) the lower parts were never fo fcanted, but the 
 upper made ample amends lor that fault, — for the doublets were fo bom baited 
 with linnings, and the fleeves fo ltuff'd out, that they were cumberfome both 
 to the body and the armes. A figure of this fort (improv'd from his delineation) 
 is to be feen N°. 7, plate 12. And indeed we may fee, that the fleeves are very 
 much fluffed out, and full, in the figures N°. f, 2, and 8, of the fame plate, 
 which, together with N°. 3 and 4, are all reprefentations of the habit cf that Cramn°r's 
 reign. They are taken from the frontifpiece and other parts of the Great Bible, Bible, with 
 
 publimed I54O. Wood Cuts, 
 
 print. 1540. 
 
 Some of the apparel of king Henry the Eighth himfelf, we meet with in the n 
 inventory of his fecret wardrobe, at Weftminfler. H iffiS* 
 
 Amongft the Gowns, mark - l 4 r 9« 
 
 Item a gowne, with a fquare cape of crimfon vellat, and crimfon fatten, all over 
 embraudered with pifles of damafke golde and filver ; having a riche border, 
 and gaurde of crimfon vellat, embraudered with damafke golde and pedes, • 
 faced with crimfen fatten, alfo alover embraudered with the fame •damafke 
 golde, and perles ; with a like border cut the length of the faid faceing j — 
 being upon the fleeves of the fame gowne, 26 diamonds let in buttons of 1 
 gold ; — the fame gowne is lined throughout with crimfen fattin. 
 Another was of purple fattin, and had on the fleeves 10 butttons, and 28 pair 
 of agletts of gold. 
 
 Among 
 
 * See the attendants, plate 15, — the man going up fteps, plate 16,— *and the nobleman delivering 
 the child to the earl of Warwick, plate 5 1,— all in the l'eccnd volume. 
 
8o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Among the kirtlcs, 
 
 The foreparte of a kirtle of crimfon fatten, all over embraudered with damafkc 
 peele, and perle ; with a pair of fleeves of the fame work, haveing perles fet 
 in golde. 
 
 Among the Robes. 
 
 A mantle for the parliament, of erimfon vellat, partely furred with powdred 
 ermyns. 
 
 Two mantles for the order of St. George, one of blue the other of purple vellat, 
 lined with white farcenet j — a crymfon vellat hoode, lyned with white 
 farcenet. 
 
 -Cotes and Doublettes. 
 A cote of Jhamewe, of purple clothe, with goldfmithes work, furred with 
 
 fables gaurded with purple vellat, and enbraudered with gold. 
 One doubelett of crymfon vellat, embraudered with gold ; the fame doublet fet 
 
 qute with camerike. 
 
 Various other things; 
 •Shirt bandes of golde, with ruffles to the fame : — a cloake of tawny fatten, of 
 2 yardes, enbraudered with Venice gold, and lyned with tawny farcenet. — - 
 Sumptous fleeves (Note, this part of the drefs was feparate from the gownes 
 and kirtles, being buttoned on to them). — Stomachers; fome of purple,, 
 filver tiflue, others enbrawdered with gold, and pirles. — Frontlettes of crim- 
 fon fatten, embraudered with perles; — plumes of feathers for helmets, of 
 white ofirich feathers, richly garnifhed with paflemayne, and fringes of 
 Venice gold, and gold fpangles intermix'd, with fmall copper ones, and 
 either of the plumes having a toppet of herons fethers. — Large plumes of 
 feathers for horfes, of all colours, chiefly herons feathers, garnifh'd with 
 
 fpangles and toppets.t (Of thefe forts of plumes, both on the helmets and 
 
 horfes, fee the plates 5, 6, and 7, &c. of this volume.) 
 
 MS. in the At Hampton Court, 1 find mention of " a payer of fweete gloves, lined with 
 Jlarl.' Lib. white vellat, each glove trimmed with 8 buttons, and 8 fmall aigletts of gold 
 , 4 , 9» enamelled ; alfo knitte gloves of filk, and handekerchers edged with gold and 
 filver, others with needle-work. Thefe handkerchiefs, wrought with gold and 
 fllver, were not uncommon in the after times. In the ballad of George Barnwell, 
 it is faid of Milwood, 
 
 A handkerchief (lie had, 
 
 Anc^oetr^ Al1 Wr0U £ ht with fllk and g old > 
 
 V. 3. p.j25^ Which. fhe, to flay her trickling tears, 
 
 Before her eyes did hold. 
 
 How fumptuous king Henry the Eighth was in his habit, as well indeed as 
 all his train of lords and courtiers, at every public fliow and tournament, our 
 hiftorians will teftify, but more efpecially the faithful Hall, who was often an 
 eye-witnefs of their fplendour and expenfive magnificence. 
 
 Henry 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 81 
 
 Henry the Eighth's habit, when he rode from the Tower of London, the 
 day preceding his coronation, as alfo that of his queen, &c. are thus fet down by 
 Hall : — *« His grace wared in his upperft apparrell, a robe of crimfyn velvet, Hall'sUnioti 
 furred with armyns ; his jacket or cote of railed gold j the placard embrowdered ™ f ^ 
 with diamonds, rubies, emeraudes, greate pearles, and other riche ftones ; a fol. 2. b. 
 greate bauderike aboute his necke, of large balances the trapper of his horfe 
 damafke gold, with a depe purfell of armyns ; his knights and efquires for his 
 body, in crimofyn velvet ; and all the gentlemen, with other of his chappell, 
 and all his officers, and houfhold fervauntes, wer appareled in fkarlet. 
 
 " The quene (Katheryne) fittyng in her litter, borne by two white palfries, lb. fol. 3. a.' 
 the litter covered, and richely appareled, and the palfries trapped in white cloth 
 of gold: her perfone appareled in white fatyn embrodered, her haire hangyng 
 ciowne to her backe, of a very great length, bewtefull and goodly to behold, 
 and on her hedde a coronall, fet with many riche orient ftones." 
 
 In this king's reign there were made four feveral ads for the reformation of A( ^ s macJe 
 apparel ; the purport of them were as follows : in the Rei<m 
 
 of K. 8.° 
 
 None but the king, the queen, the king's mother, the king's children, 
 brethren and fillers, might wear any cloth of gold of purpure colour, or filk of 
 the fame colour, or furr called furr of black genettsj upon pain of forfeiting of 
 the fame, and 20/. every time they fo offended. 
 
 None under the eftate of a duke, or a marquis, might wear himfelf, or put 
 upon his horfe harnefs, any cloth of gold, or tiffue, on pain of forfeiting the 
 fame, whether it mould be guarded or brouded, and to pay 20 marks for every 
 offence, 
 
 None under the degree of a duke's fon and heir apparent, marquis, or an earl, 
 might wear any furrs of fable, under the aforefaid pain of forfeiture of the fame, 
 and payment of 20 marks every time of offending. 
 
 None under the degree of a baron might themfelves wear, or put upon their 
 'horfe harnefs, any cloth of gold or filver, — no fuch apparel mix'd, guarded, or 
 embroidered with gold or filver ; upon the above pain, and payment of 
 1 o marks. 
 
 None under the degree of an earl, baron, or knight of the garter, might wear 
 any woollen cloth made out of the realm of England, Ireland, Wales, Calais, 
 or the marches of the fame (except in bonnets) on the above hazard, and pay- 
 ment of 10 marks. 
 
 No man, under degree of a knight of the garter, to have for himfelf, or 
 horfe, any velvet, crimfon or blue ; upon pain not only of forfeiting of the fame, 
 but for every offence to pay the fum of 40/; 
 
 None but knights, efquires for the king's body, his cupbearers, carvers, and 
 fewers, the fame officers belonging to the queen and prince, alfo the treafurer 
 of the king's chamber, and other officers, having land, &c. to the amount 
 yearly of 200 marks, — as alfo juflices of the Bench, &c. maffer of the Rolls, 
 barons of the Exchequer, the king and queen's phyficians, and the lord mayor 
 of London, might wear any velvet in their coats, gowns or jackets, — or furr of 
 martins, either mix'd, joined, guarded or broided ; on penalty of paying 10 j. 
 
 Vol. III. M 'and 
 
T H E MA NNER3 AND C U ST O MS 
 
 and forfeiting fuch their apparel. — the fons and heirs of barons, and knights, • 
 are alfo, with the above, excepted from this penalty. 
 
 No man under the degrees above-mentioned, except gentlemen who might 
 have 200 marks yearly value over all charges, to wear any chain, or collar of 
 gold, or gilt, or any gold about his neck, or in bracelets, on- pain of forfeiting 
 the fame; except certain officers fo appointed- to do, by their offices in the 
 king's, the queen's, the prince's, or the mofl honourable houfholds. 
 
 None but perfons above-mentioned, except gentlemen yearly poffefTed of 100 
 marks, to wear fat tin or damafk in their gowns, under pain to forfeit all fuch 
 apparel, and pay 40 j. every time they fo offended. 
 
 None but fuch as above-mentioned, or gentlemen having yearly value of 100/. 
 over all charges, to wear in their doublets fattin damafk, or filken chamlet, 
 under the forfeiture as. above, and the payment for every offence 40 
 
 No man under the degree of gentleman, pofleffed of 10/. per annum> or goods 
 and chattels to the amount of 100/. (which goods are to be proved, by oath) 
 to wear any furr which is not got in the kingdom. 
 
 No man under the degree of an earl, marquis,- or knight of the garter, to 
 wear embroidered apparel, broched or guarded with gold, filver, or goldfmith's 
 work, under the above penalty, and the payment of 40^. 
 
 No man under the degree of a knight (except fpiritual men, ferjeants at the 
 law, or a graduate at the univerfitie) to ufe more cloth in a long gown than 
 three yards, on pain of forfeiting of the fame. 
 
 No ferving .man, under the degree of a gentleman, to wear ia a gown, or coat, 
 more than three broad yards, nor any chamlet, or any manner of furr, (lamb's 
 excepted,) nor any cloth in his hofe above 20 d.per yard, unlefs it be the gift 
 and leaving of his matter, on pain of forfeiting the fame, or the value thereof, 
 and paying 3/. \d, \ airfi bn^ ; 8 .*VT ,02 aJcfq 
 
 No man, under the degree of a. gentleman, to wear any filk, or chamlet, or 
 any points in any apparel of his body, ornamented with aiglets of gold or filver 
 gilded, or buttons, or broches of gold, or filver gilt, or any goldfmith's work^ - 
 except it be the badge of his lord. The offender (hall forfeit fuch ornaments, 
 and pay ioj. 
 
 None, under the degree of^a knight* to wear gowns of velvet, pinch'd fhirts, 
 or pinch'd partlets of linen cloth, or plain fhirts garnifhed with filk, or gold or 
 filver, under the penalty of forfeiting all the fame apparel* and to pay 10^. for 
 
 every offence. 
 
 No hufbandman, fhepherd, or common labourer to any artificer, out of cities 
 or boroughs* ^having no goods of their own above the value of 10/.) mail ufe-v 
 or wear any cloth, the broad yard whereof paffeth is. \d. or any hofe above 
 the price of i2d. the yard, upon pain of imprifonment in the flocks for three 
 days. 
 
 This act was laft confirmed,: with feme few exceptions and additions, the 
 c3p ' * 3 ' 24th year of his reign. 
 
 MS in* the ^ n tn ' s king's reign (fays Randal Holme) began feveral forts of apparel,' which 
 Harl. Lib. (adds he) are now in ufe in our own days [he wrote in the reign of Charles the 
 jxurk. Z034. Second] 5 for, before his time, we read not that either bands, cuffs or ruffs, 5cc. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 83 
 were ufually worn ; neither (continues he) was the hat found out, till ahout 
 this time [that is, the latter end of his reign] caps, both round and cornered, 
 being the only head-cover both of men and women. — But in this laft particular 
 he muft have been miftaken, for we find the hat as early as the reign of Henry 
 the Fourth ; witnefs the figure at the left-hand of plate 39, of the Regal 
 and Ecclefiaftical Antiquities of England j — and in the ballad of Lidgate, called 
 the London Lickpeny, (given page 61 of this volume) verfe 7, mention is made 
 of " fyne felt hattes," which were then fold by the Flemifh traders. 
 
 Howe, in his Continuation of Stow's Chronicle, fays, " in the reign of Henry Staw's Chr. 
 the Eighth was begun the making of Spanifh felts in England, by Spanyards and P a g- 870. 
 Dutchmen, before which time, and long fince, the Englifh ufed to ride and 
 goe, winter and fommer, in knit caps, cloth hoods, and the beft fort in thromd 
 
 . hatts.* " — This might lead Holme to his miftake : they about that time began 
 
 • to be made in England, though they were known long before. 
 
 In this king's . reign alfo (adds Holme to his former account) the high winged MS. in ih© 
 doublets and gowns (fomething like the figures, N°. 8, 1 1 and 12, plate 22.) Hiirl. -Lib. 
 with trailing curtiles and troutes (fee N°. 9, of the fame plate) with fuch-like mdlk ' 20I4# 
 fafhions, did begin, which were kept up for many years without any great 
 variation, and were alfo much in ufe even feme time in the reign of Elizabeth. 
 
 Before I pafs over this reign of King Henry, I will juft take notice of that 
 abominable and beaftly cuftom of wearing the cod-pieces (as they are called) 
 flicking out from the hofe, or breeches. This may be feen in the figure of 
 king Henry the Eighth (as painted by Holbein) feated on his throne, granting 
 the charter to the barbor-furgeons : this picture is engraved by Vertue, and 
 published by the Society of Antiquaries, — to which pnnt 1 refer the reader; 
 the fame is reprefented in the figure of the fomner whipping the man, 
 plate 20, N°. 8.j and this filthy fafhion was long ufed, for it is very often 
 alluded to in the old plays and ancient hiltories. In the old Hiftory of John 
 Newchombe, the famous clothier of Newbury (in Henry the Eighth's re 'gn) The Hiftory 
 we meet with his dreis defcribed, when he went to meet the king : <s he had of Jack of 
 on a plain ruflet coat, a pair of keriie breeches, without welt or gaurd, and Newbury, 
 blockings of the fame piece lowed to his flops, which had a great cod-piece, on 
 which he ftuck his pins." — Alfo in the Play of the Honeft Whore, the fervant Tlie Honeft 
 fays to Bellafront, becaufe fhe was habited in man's apparel. " Slid, you are a Yf^ ore > , a 
 
 r 1 j 11 • A- 1 ■ Comedy, by 
 
 fweet youth to wear a ccd-piece, and have no pins to Itick upon it. Tho.Dcker; 
 
 Now then go we on to the reigns of Edward the Sixth and queen Mary j and 
 there we find that mo ft of the falhions which were chiefly affected in the reign 
 of king Henry the Eighth, were ft ill continued. Various figures of this age 
 may be feen in the plates of this work, — as the figure, N°. 6, on plate 12. — all 
 the figures on plate 1.3, — -N°. 1, 2, 3, and 4, plate 13, — and N°. 5, plate 17. 
 Here we find, indeed, that the cutting of the doublets begins to appear very 
 
 M 2 common. 
 
 * But afterwards they were only worn by the very commoner fort of people, for in the droll 
 Hiftory of George Dobfoti, printed A. D. 1607, the drefs of a country ale-wife is thus let forth: — 
 " She put on her faireft fmocke, a peticoat of a good broad red, her gown of grey faced with 
 buckeram, and her fquare thrum dhat^ and before her hung a clean white apron." 
 
84 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 common.* — The ftand-up cape to the cloaks, as reprefented upon the gentle- 
 men, N°. 3 and 4, plate 14, is extremely lingular ; as alfo the curious wrought 
 hat-bands, and the feathers. In thofe times the nobility and gentlemen of 
 diftinclion were chiefly noted by their fcariet cloaks, the hat and the feather, 
 and the hat-band ; which lafl: continued long in ufe. They were often made 
 The Witts, f goldfmith's work, and fet with precious (tones, and generally of great 
 — Thus in the Witts (a Comedy) the elder Palatine fpeaks of his hat-band, 
 p'Avenant. frying* ct My hat-band — a row of diamonds — worth a thoufand marks." And" 
 Every Man the gallant Faftido (in every Man out of his Humour) fpeaking of his drefs, 
 out cf his has this of his hat and band: " I had on a gold cable hat-band, then new 
 Humour, by come U p } f niaflie goldfmith's work, which I wore about a murrey French 
 jo n on. t k e bri ms of which were thick embroidered with gold twift and fpangles." 
 
 In the 'time of queen Mary (fays Bulver) fquare toes were grown in fafhiorr, 
 the ' Entlifli infomuch as men wore their mooes of fo prodigious a breddth at the toes, that, 
 Gallant, if I remember aright, there was a proclamation came out, that no man mould 
 pag. 548. wear his fhooes above fixe inches fquare at the toes. (See the gentleman, 
 plate 17, N°. 5.) — After thefe the picked pointed (hoes came alfo up again; 
 and in the latter end of the laft century, and the beginning of the prefent, the 
 fquare toes were again brought into fafhion. But fure, of all cuftoms, the 
 prefent (when men have their Aloes made to their feet, without pinching) is 
 the bed, and moft decent in appearance. 
 
 Early in the beginning of the reign of queen Elizabeth, the wearing of great 
 breeches was carried to very abfurd and ridiculous lengths, together with the 
 pjafcod doublet?, as they were called. (See the figure, N°. 8, plate 22.— 
 Thefe (loops or breeches, or trunk hofe, they ufed to fluff out with rags, or 
 Bulver's fuch-like fluff, till they brought them to an enormous (ize. Bulver, in his 
 ^ n r ^ r d ans " Pedigree of the Engliih Gallant, fpeaks of a man whom the judges aceufed of 
 £2^548. wearing breeches contrary to the law (for a law was made againft them) : he, 
 for his excufe, drawed out of his (loops the contents; as ftffl a pair of (heets,. 
 two table-cloths, ten napkins, four (liirts, a brum, a glafs, and a comb, with 
 
 night- 
 
 * All tbefe fafhions of the noblemen and grandees were, by degrees, followed by the very meanefl: 
 people of the realm. Camden relates a remarkable inftance: — " I vvili cell you (fays he) how Sir 
 Philip Calthrop purged John Drakes, the fhoemaker of Norwich, in the time of king Henry ths- 
 Kighth, of the proud humour which our people have to be of the genrlemens cut. This knight 
 bought on. a time as much fine French tawney cloth as fhouid make him"a gown, and fent it to the 
 iaylour's to be ma le. John Drakes, a lhoemaker of that town, comming to the fakl taylour's, and 
 feeini the knight's gown cloth lying there, liking it well, caufed the taylour to buy him as much of 
 the fame cloth, and price to the fame intent, and further bad him to make it of the fame fafhion that 
 the kr.'i Jit would have his made off. Not long after the knight comming to the taylour's, to take 
 meafure"of his nown, perceiving the like cloth lying there, afk'd of the taylour whofe it w<"S ? Quoth 
 the taylor, it is Joltn Urates' Che fhoemaker, who will have it made of the felf-faine fafhion that 
 your's is> made of. Well (faid the knight), in good time be it ! 1 will (laid he) have mine made as 
 full of cuts as thy fiieeres can make it. It lhall be done, faid the taylour; whereupon, becaufe the 
 lime drew neer, he made hall to finifh both their garments. John Drakes, when he had no time to go 
 to the taylour's til] Chriitmas day, for ferving of cuftomers, when he had hoped to have worne his 
 gown, perceiving the fame to be full of cuts, began to fwear at the taylour for the making his gown 
 after that fort. 1 have done nothing (quoth the taylour) but that you bid me; for as Sir Philip, 
 Ce.lfhrop's garment is, even fo have 1 made ycur's. By my latchet (quoth John Drakes) I will never 
 locate gentleman's faihion again !° — Camden's Remains, pag.. 236.. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 8T| 
 night-caps and other things of ufe, faying, " Your wormips may underftand, 
 that, becaufe I have no lafer a ftore-houfe, thefe pockets do ferve me for a 
 roome to lay up my goods in, — and tho* it be a ftraight prifon, yet it is big 
 enough for them, for 1 have many things of value yet within it." And lb was 
 his difcharge accepted, and well laugh'd at. 
 
 I met with a remarkable note, concerning thefe great breeches, in a MS. ^l^i'iib^ 
 preferv'd in the Harleian Library, which I cannot pafs over in filence ; it is ^so^ 
 this : 
 
 «« Memorandum, that over the feats of the Parliament-hcufe, in the 43 year of 
 queen Elizabeth (when fome repairs were there done) were to be feen certain 
 holes, about 2 inches fquare, in the walls j in which formerly were placed 
 ports to uphold a IcarTold, round the infide of the houfe, for thofe to fit on 
 who (in the beginning of the reign) ufed the wearing of great breeches, ftufFed 
 wich hair like wool-lacks j which fafhion, in her 8th year, being left off], 
 the fcarfolds were taken down, and never fince put up." 
 
 But though this ridiculous fafhion was then dropp'd, it was but for a time, 
 becaufe in the year 1614 it was again revived, as may be feen in the figures 
 N'. 3 and 4, plate 19 ; which breeches were then alfo chiefly ftuff'd with hair, 
 as we may conclude from the fatirical rhimes in a ballad of that age : it is 
 iatitdled u A lamentable Complaint of the poore Cuntrye Men, agaynfte great M g Jn t ^ g 
 hole, for the lofs of their cattelles tales." I have felected fome of the moft Hari. Lib. 
 ftriking ftanzas, the whole of the fang being too long to obtain a place entire mark'd 367. 
 i» this work. 
 
 I T. 
 
 For now of late in lefTer thlnge? r 
 
 To furnyme forthe theare pryde, 
 Wyth woole, with flaxe, with haire alio, 
 
 To make thear bryches wyde. 
 
 12. 
 
 What hurt, what damage doth enfue^ 
 
 And fall upon the poore, 
 For want of wool and flaxe of late, 
 
 Whych monftrous hofe devoure. 
 
 I will not fpeake, for that I think 
 
 Eache man doth knowe the fame ; 
 And chiefly thofe that till the grounds 
 
 The hufbande menne by name. 
 
 But haire hath fo pofTefs'd of late 
 
 The bryehe of every knave, 
 That none one beafl, nor horfe can tell, 
 
 Whiche way his taiie to 4v«4 
 
 And 
 
$6 T H E - MANN EvR S A ND CUST O-U'S 
 
 ■ And after he thus concludes : 
 
 I woulde that fuche as weare thys h.aire, 
 . Were well and truely bound 3 
 
 3°- 
 
 With every baire a loufe to have, 
 
 To fturre their bryches oute ; 
 And then I trufte they would not weare s 
 
 Npr beare fuch bagges aboute; 
 
 And the ladies alfo, that they might not be behind-hand with the gentlemen m 
 their fantaftical tafte, invented the large hoop farthingales, as a companion to the 
 trunk hofe or breeches. Thofe women who could not purchafe the farthingales 
 provided for themfelves the bum-rolls, which they put up under their petticoats 
 Poetafter, and gowns, to make them flick out. — " I was a lady (fays Chloe, in Johnfon's 
 by Johnfon, Poetafter) before I debafed myfelf from my hood and my farthingale, to thefe 
 A^D *6oi ^ um " ro ^ es * ana * your whalebone bodice. 'N — But yet even thefe were not ufed by 
 Parfon's ' ^ ver y cornmon people; for this fort of habit had its diftindion, as we find in 
 Wedding, the Parfon's - Wedding, where Jolly, fpeaking of a bawd, fays, Thofe virtues 
 byKillegrew raifed her from the flat petticoat and kercher, to the gorget and bum-roll." — * 
 Vide Eaft- I iind that the rnoft efteemed farthingales, were thofe which were called Scotch 
 ward Hoe— farthingales, with the French fall. 
 
 nf\}'rS5* Qy een Elizabeth, like her father, affected much -pomp and grandeur of drefs, 
 «' ,r - • as may be fee n by the various portraits of her,* efpecially one engraved by 
 •Crifpan de Paffe, in which print me is reprefented in a moft remarkable rich 
 and fuperb habit, curioufly ornamented with diamonds, pearls, and other precious 
 ftones. There is alfo a good portrait of her given by Vertue, attended by various 
 courtiers and ladies, in her proceffion to vilk Lord Hunfdon : her drefs is there 
 extremely rich, as alfo the habits of the attendant lords and ladies. Lady 
 .Hunfdon, copied from that print, is to be feen Plate 14, N°...6. 
 
 A portrait alfo of the fame queen (^Elizabeth) is reprefented plate 15, of this 
 volume. The perfon kneeling before her, is Gafcoigne the poet, who is pre- 
 fenting a book to her (fee the account of the plates at the end of the. volume). 
 — She is here feated upon her throne, under a canopy of ftate, in a large room 
 covered with hangings; her habit is a rich embroidered gown and kirtle, with 
 the robe of ftate; in her right-hand fhe holds a fcepter, and in her left the 
 mound or globe. — The drefs of Gafcoine is fantaftical enough.; one half of his 
 habit is like that of a poetry profeffor, and the other half is the drefs of a 
 foldier, to which the motto holden by a hand above alludes, Tarn Marti, 
 quum Mercurio-y" by which he meant to fignify, that he was ready to take up 
 either his pen, or his iword, , in. the defence of his fovereign miftrefs. 
 
 In 
 
 * Alfo froir. the account of her wardrobe, in whicji fhe. ha<3 .fuch an incredible number of changes 
 
 of .garments. 
 
of the English; *7 
 
 In a MS. which feems to have been written about the middle of this queen's MS. in the 
 reign, I met with the following orders for reformation of the head-drefs for Harl. Lib. 
 gentlewomen : mark * 
 
 Firft, None mall wear an ermyne, or lettice bonnet, unlefs me be a gentle- 
 woman born, having armes 
 
 Item, A gentleman's wife (me being a gentlewoman born) mall wear an ermyne> ■ 
 or lettice bonnet, having one powdring in the top j and if Ihe be of honour«» 
 able ftock, to have two powdrings, one before another, in the top. 
 
 An efquire's wife to have 2 powdrings. 
 
 An efquire's wife for the body, to wear 5 powdrings ; and if Ihe be of great 
 
 blood, two before, which maketh 7. 
 A knight's wife to wear on her bonnet 7 powdrings, or 8 at mod, in refpecl of 
 
 her higher blood' as before. 
 A bannered wife to weario powdrings. 
 A baron's wife 17. 
 A vilcountefs to wear iS. 
 A cotmtefs to wear 24 powdrings. 
 
 Above the(e eftates, the noble ladies may wear the number convenient, at their 
 pleafureSo • 
 
 Dukes daughters (fays Stow) in the reign of Henry the Eighth, wore gownes _ . 
 of fatten of Bridges, upon folemn days.' foT, 867" ' 
 
 In the fecond year of queen Elizabeth, fays Stow, (1560) her filk woman, 
 miftrefs Montagu?) prefented to her majeftie a pair of black knit (ilk ftockings, 
 for a new-year's gift ; which, after a few days- wearing, pleafed her highnefs fo 
 well, that (he fent for miftrefs, Montague, and afked her where (he' had them, 
 and if (lie could help her to any more ? — who anfwered, faying, " I made them 
 carefully on purpofe for your majefty ; and feeing they pleafeyou fo well, I will : 
 prefently fet more in hand." " Do fo (laid the queen) for 1 like filk (lockings 
 i'o well, that I will not henceforth wear any more cloth hofe."— For { continues jy^ 
 he) you (hall underftand that king Henry the Eighth did wear only cloth hofe, 
 or hofe cut out of ell-broad taftaty ; or by great chance there came a pair of filk 
 (lockings from Spain. — King Edward the Sixth had a pair of long Spanifh filk 
 hofe fent him for a great prefent. 
 
 But in the year 2599, William L^e (mafter of arts of St. John's college^ 
 Cambridge) invented a fteel loom, or engine, for the weaving of (ilk ftockings, 
 pieces for waiftcoats, and various other things : but even then, they were con- 
 fined to the nobility. — ^Upwards of thirty years before that time, one William 
 Rider (near the foot of Lcndon-bridge) feeing a pair of knit worfted ftockings 
 in the lodging of an Italian merchant, which came from Mantua, borrow'd 
 them for a time, and caufed others to be made like them. Thefe were the firft: 
 worfted ftockings which were made in England, which being approved of by 
 the commoners, the fale of them became very great, and in a (hort time the 
 kingdom was well fupplied them. At their firft appearance, even the nobles 
 themfelves ufed to wear them. — The earl of Pembroke is fet down in the 
 Chronicle, as the (irft nobleman that ever wore any worfted ftockings in Eng* 
 land. 
 
 u 
 
83 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Stqw'a Chr * n ^ e ^ird year of the reign of the fame queen (fays Stow) began the wear- 
 101.S68. ingof lawn and cambrick, which was then rirft brought to England in fmati 
 quantities ; and when the queen had ruffs made thereof, for her own wearing, 
 there was none in England who could ftarch and ftiffen them ; for before this 
 time the kings and queens of England wore fine Holland in their ruffs ; but the 
 queen procured feme Dutch women, who could ftarch, to do the fame; and 
 GuiUan's wife was the £rft ftarcher the queen had, as Guillan himfelf was the 
 firft coachman. 
 
 Ibid 86q But afterward, in the year 1564, (the. 1 6th of the fame queen) one miftrefs 
 .Dingben Vanden Plajfe, born at Teenen in Flanders, daughter to a worfhipful 
 knight of that province, with her hufband, came to London, and there profeffed 
 ,her(elf a ftarcher, wherein fhe excelled ; unto whom her own nation prefently 
 repaired, and employed her, rewarding her very liberally for her work. — Some 
 of the curious ladies of that time, obferving the neatnefs of the Dutch, and the 
 nicety of their linen, made them cambrick ruffs, and lent them to miftrefs 
 Dingben to ftarch } and afterwards they made them ruffs of lawn, which was at 
 that time a fluff mod Orange and wonderful ^fays my author) and thereupon role 
 .? general feoff, or bye word, that fhortly they would wear ruffs of a fpider's 
 web. Soon after they began to fend their daughters and kinfwomen to miflrefs 
 Dingben, to learn how to ftarch : her ufual price was, at that time, four or 
 •five pounds to teach them to ftarch, and twenty millings to learn them to feeth 
 ftarch. — This Mrs. Dinghen was the firft that ever taught ftarching in England. 
 Artificial Bulver, in his Pedigree of the Englifh Gallant, quarrels much with thefe thin 
 -Changeling, ruffs. " It is indeed (fays he) hard to derive the abominable pedigree of cob-web 
 f oI « 535- lawn — yellow ftarched ruffs, which fo much disfigured our nation, and rendered 
 them fo ridiculous and phantaftical : but (adds he) it is well that faihion died 
 at the gallows with her who was the fuppofed inventrix of it. "* 
 
 The yellow tinge in the ftarch was much admired, as may appear from feveral 
 ^pafTages in the old Plays. Thus in the Blind Lady, Peter fays to the Chamber- 
 •maid, " You had once better opinions of me, though now you warn every day 
 .your beft handkerchief with yellow ftarch, and your laced quoiff." (They ufed 
 faffron to colour the ftarch). — In the old Play of Albumazer, Armellina fays to 
 Trincalo, " What price bears wheat and faffron, that your band is fo ftiff and 
 yellow ? " — Yet in Charles the Second's days it was out of fafhion j for Wanton, 
 in Killigrew's Play of the Parfon's Wedding, has this fpeech : " One that has 
 payed fox fin, ever lince yellow ftarch and the wheel fardingales were cryed 
 down." 
 
 That they ufed to pay great and extravagant prices for ruff^ and the ridiculous 
 .lengths to which they were carried, may be concluded from the outcries made 
 .againft them, not only in the old plays and poems, but alfo>by the hiftorians 
 themfelves.-r— In the Dumb Knight (written in the reign of Charles the Firft) 
 a woman boafting of her drefs, and ruff in particular, informs us, that the one 
 .ihe has on is but mallow, and that fhe has one at home which is a full quarter 
 
 deep. 
 
 -* Hence it appears that fhe was hanged. But I do not remember to have read this in any other, 
 bock; neither can I poiitively determine whether miftrefs Dinghm is here meant, but I fancy not. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 89 
 
 deep. And in the Match at Midnight-, a Comedy (wrote about the fame time 
 with the former) the Widow particularly queftions her Maid, " if {he bid the 
 fempftrefs hollow her ruff in the French fafnion cut? " — By this we may be led . 
 to believe that this fafhion came from France ; but let us hear what an old Vide 
 chronicler fays thereon : " Noble perfonages, and other of fpecial note, made Stow's Chr. 
 them ruffs, a full quarter of a yard deep, and 12 lengths in a ruff; , this fafhion Jjf" g^ 1 '* 
 in London was called the French jajhion, but when Englifhmen came to Paris, pag> ^' 
 the French knew it not, and in derifion called it the Englijh monjler. 
 
 When thefe ruffs came firft in fafhion, the Dutch merchants only fold the 
 lawn and cambrick, -by ells, yards, half ells, and half yards ; for there was not 
 then one ihopkeeper amongfl forty duril buy a whole piece, either of lawn or 
 cambrick; and at that time there was not fo much lawn and cambrick to be 
 had in all the merchants houfes in London, as at this day may eaiily be purchafed 
 in one linen-draper's mop. 
 
 " Milleners or haberdashers had not (lays Howe) any gloves imbroydered or 
 
 trimmed with gold or filk, neither gold imbroidered girdles and hangers; — 
 
 neither could they make any coftly warn or perfume, until), about the 14th or 
 
 15th year of queen Elizabeth, when the right honourable Edward de Fere, earle 
 
 of Oxjord came from Italy, and brought with him gloves, fweet bagges, a 
 
 perfumed leather jerkin, and ether plealent things ; and that year the queen 
 
 had a paire of perfumed gloves trimmed onely with four tuftes, or roles of 
 
 coloured filke." The queen took fuch delight in thofe gloves, that (he was 
 
 pictured with them upon her hands. — But if perfumed gloves were then firft 
 
 introduced into the realm, what (hall we fay of the " fwete gloves" mentioned 
 
 in the inventory of the wardrobe of king Henry the Eighth, at Hampton Court? „ Vtl3e c 
 -nt 1 r l • 1 c 1 • 1 ?• r 1 , Return from 
 
 Not only gloves, but various other parts or their habits were perfumed; and p a rnaflus in 
 
 we frequently meet with mention in old plays of civet boxes^ boxes of fweet On^ct. of 
 
 powders, and pots of perfume, &c. as part of the lady's toilet. — In the Comedy Old. Pl?ys, 
 
 of the City Madam, the principal lady afks her maid for her fhoes, that (he CityMalam 
 
 gave orders to be made of Spaniih perfumed fkins. And the beaux were aComedy,by 
 
 none behind-h-md ; as, in Johnfon's Comedy of the Staple of News, the Taylor Mafienger. 
 
 informs the lpruce young Penny Boy, *'■ that his pockets were right good, with jjjgjjg °" 
 
 true Spanifh perfume, the Lady Eftifanias ; they coft 12 pound a pair." Lady Comedy. 
 
 E/hfonia is alio, in the Devil is an Afa, fet forth as very curious and choice in 
 
 her perfume?;, &c. even to a proverb. — Beaumont and Fletcher have often, in their is ^ n A r^ 
 
 plays, made mention of the expenlive perfumings, 8cc. Thus, in the Four adl: 1. fc. \, 
 
 Plays in One, Craft makes this anfwer to Delire, Moral Re- 
 
 Vain delight 
 
 Harh ruin'd you, with clapping all 
 
 That comes in for fupport, on cloaths, and coaches, 
 
 Perfumes, and powdered pates, &c. 
 
 prefent. of 
 Four Plays 
 in One.' 
 
 John Tice (fays Howe in the Continuation of Stow's Chronicle) fomewhere 
 about the fourteenth or fifteenth year of queen Elizabeth, attained to the per- 
 fection of making all forts of tufted taffaties, cloth of tillue, wrought velvets, 
 branched fattins, and all other kinds of curious iilk fluffs. 
 
 Stow's Chr 
 fol. 869. ' 
 
9 o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The4Pee's For the woman's trinkets at that time, take the following fpeech of the - 
 ofjohnHey- p ed j ar as it ftands in an ld interlude s 
 
 wood, wrote 
 
 about 1560, Doft thou not knowe, that every pedlar 
 
 In all kinde of trifles muft be a medler ? 
 Specially in woman's triflings, &c. 
 
 Which he afterwards fpecifies to be 
 
 Gloves, pinnes, combes, glafTes unfpotted, 
 Pomannders, hooks, and laces unknotted ; 
 Brooches, rings, and all manner of beads ; 
 Laces, round and flat, for womans heads ; 
 Needles, thred, thimbles, and fuch other knacks,- 
 Where lovers be no fuche thinge lacks; 
 Silkers fwathbonds, ribands, and fleeve laces 3 , 
 Girdles, knives, purfes, and pin-cafes. 
 
 Some time after the Pardoner afketh why 
 Women after their uprifing 
 Bee fo long in their appareling ? ' 
 
 The Pedlar anfwers, 
 
 Forfooth women have many lets, 
 And they be mafked in many nets, • 
 As frontlets, fillets, partlets and bracelets. 
 And then their bonets, and their poynets. 
 By thefe lets and nets, &c. 
 
 Xingua, Yet thefe are but modeft accounts, to what we find in the old play of Ling.ua s 
 Ant'Siewcr wr ' tten 111 y ear l ^°7» 4^ °f J ames the Firft, where Ta&us [ovTouching) 
 fays, " 'Tis five hours ago I fet a dozen maids to attire a boy like a nice gentle^ 
 woman j but there is fuch doing with their looking-glalTes, pinning, unpinning,, 
 fetting, unfetting, formings and conformings ; painting blue veins and bloomy 
 cheeks; fuch a ilir with Hicks, and combs, cafcanets, dreffings, purls, falls, 
 fq.uares, bulks, bodice, fcarfs, necklaces, carcanets, rabatoes, borders, tires, 
 fanns, palifadoes, puffs, ruffs, cuffs, muffs, puiles, fuiles, partlets, frillets, 
 bandlets, fillets, croflets, pendulets, annulets, amulets, bracelets, and fo many 
 lets, that yet fhe's fearce drefl: to the girdle ; and now there is fuch calling for 
 fardingales, kirtles, bufk points, (hoe ties, &c. that feven pedlars mops, nay 
 all Stourbridge fair, will fearce furnifh her. A fhip is fooner rigg'd by far, 
 than a gentlewoman made ready." 
 
 To the fame purpofe is the following fpeech of Graft, in the Reprefentation 
 lour Plays £ p our pi ays in Qne, quoted above : 
 
 no One, of * •* 
 
 Beaumont & I went (fays fhe) to Vanity, whom I found 
 
 cher ' Attended by an endlefs troop of taylors, 
 
 Mercers, embroiderers, feather-makers, fumers ; 
 All occupations opening like a mart, 
 
 That 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. gt 
 That ferve to rig the body out with bravery ; 
 And through the room new fafhions flew like flies, 
 In thoufand gaudy fhapes Pride waited on her, 
 And bufily furveying all the breaches 
 Time and decaying Nature had made in her, 
 Which ftill with art fhe piec'd again, and ftrengthen'd.— «• 
 
 She fhew'd me gownes, head tires, 
 
 Embroider'd waiftcoats, fmocks feam'd through with cut-works. 
 Scarfs, mantles, petticoats, muffs, powders, paintings, 
 Dogs, monkies, parrots — -all which fhew'd me 
 Which way her money went, &c. 
 
 The reader, I hope, will excufe thefe long quotations ; but as they convey to 
 ns feveral parts of drefs not eliewhere to be found, I have thought the infertion 
 of them abfolutely neceffary. 
 
 At the beginning, and before the reign of Elizabeth (fays Howe) the making Stow's Chr. 
 or wearing of filk buttons was very little, or not at all known to the common pag. 1039. 
 people, they having their buttons conftantly made of the fame (tuff with their 
 doublets, coats, and jerkins. — The honourable perfonages, as well women as 
 men (continues he) did wear borders of great chryftal buttons about their caps 
 or hat-bands, to diftinguifh between the gentry and others : but in the 10th 
 year of queen Elizabeth, many young citizens and others began to wear chryftal 
 buttons upon their doublets, coats and jerkins j and then the former wearing 
 of borders, and hat-bands fet with chryftal buttons, ceafed. And within a few 
 years afterwards buttons of thread, of filk, of hair, and of gold and filver twift, 
 became common, and were chiefly worn. 
 
 Howe alio informs us, that about the fame time, nay even before, they began 
 to wear buckles in their fhoes ; the gentlemen wore them either of filver, or 
 copper gilt, whilft the common people wore them of copper only : but (fays he) 
 ihoe rofes, either of filk or fluff, were not then ufed, or even known ; nor were 
 fcarfs above the value of four nobles, or thirty millings at the moft, worn by 
 any perfons whatfoever; nor garters above the price of fix (hillings a pair. But 
 at this day (that is, about the latter end of the reign of James the Firft) men of 
 mean rank wear garters and fhoe rofes at more than five pounds price each [fee 
 the figure of the earl of Somerfet, Plate ^6, N Q . 4]. — But even thefe were but 
 very moderate prices, if we may believe the words of Satan, in the Devil is an 
 Afs, who there crying out at the extravagances of the age [this play was firft The ^evil 
 atfed anno 161 6] fays, that they had by Johaion, 
 
 Tifiiie gowns 
 
 '-Garters and rofes, four/core pound a pair; 
 
 Embroidered ftockings, cut-work fmocks and fliirts, &c. 
 
 But perhaps, as the Devil is the father of lies, he may here have ftretch'd a 
 Jittle beyond the truth. — And fome (continues Howe) wear fcarfs from ten 
 pound a-piece to thirty, nay and more. The fame may be truly faid concerning 
 wrought waiftcoats : time was when no workman knew how to make a wrought 
 waiftcoat worth five pounds, nor did any of the firft lords of the land wear any 
 
 N 2 at 
 
92 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 at that price, although at this day many milleners mops are ftored with rich 
 and curious embroidered waiftcoats, of the full value of ten pound apiece, 
 twenty pound, and fome even forty pound." 
 Every Man I n Every Man out of his Humour is a paffage which may perhaps throw 
 out nf his fome light upon the prices of a gallant's drefs, towards the latter end of 
 H y n ? ou f r ' by Elizabeth's -reign. Fungofo therein thus reckons up the coft of the beau 
 Jo non. h a bit : "Let me fee (fays he) the doublet; fay fifty {hillings the 
 
 doublet, and between three and four pound the hofe : then the boots, hat, and 
 band ; fome ten or eleven pound will do it all." — And the above-mentioned 
 Faftidio, defcribing a duel between him and another, mentions thefe particulars 
 of his drefs : " I had on (fays he) a gold cable hat-band, then new come up, 
 [this play was firft acled in the year 1599] of maffie goldfmith's work, which I 
 wore about a French murrey hat that 1 had, the brims of which were thick 
 embroidered with gold twift and fpangles 5 I had alfo an Italian cut-work band 
 round my neck, ornamented with pearls, which coft me three pounds at the 
 Exchange: — he (the antagonijl) making a reverfe blow, falls upon myembofs'd 
 girdle, (I had thrown off the hangers a little before,) ftrikes offafkirt of a thick 
 doublet I had, lined with four taffataes, cuts off two panes of embroidered pearl, 
 rends through the drawings-out of tifTue, enters the linings, and Ikips the flefh ; 
 and not having leifure to put ofTrny filver fpurs, one of the rowels catch'd hold 
 of the ruffle of my boot, which being Spanifh leather, and fubject. to tear, 
 overthrows me, and rends me two pair of filk {lockings that I had put on (it 
 being a raw morning) of a peach colour and another." — The drefs of a beau of 
 that age is alfo, in the fame play, defcribed by Alper in the{e words : f* That a 
 rook by a py'd feather, — the cable hat-band, or a three piled ruff, — a yard of 
 fhoe tye, or the Switzer's knot upon his French garters, mould affect a 
 humour ! " 
 
 Stow's Chr. Until the 10th or 12th year of queen Elizabeth, there were but few filk- 
 tvi. 1038. fhops in London, and thofe only kept by women, not by men as they now are; 
 
 and at that time there was not fo much filk in all the filk-fhops, or fo many 
 forts of gold or filver thread, and lace, as at this day are to be found in feveral 
 various particular {hops in Cheapfide, and other places. At which time above- 
 mentioned, and for three or four years afterwards, the citizens wives in general 
 were conftrained to wear white knit caps of woollen yarn, unlefs their hufoands 
 were poffefted of great value in the queen's books, or could prove themfelves 
 gentlemen by delcent. And then (adds Howe) ceafed the wearing of minevor 
 caps (otherwife three-cornered caps) which in former times was the ufual head- 
 drefs for the ladies and matrons.* 
 
 And here, perhaps, it may not be improper to infert fome few particulars 
 relative to the drefs amongit the citizens, which feems to have been peculiar to 
 
 them. 
 
 * Thefe minevtr caps were white, and three-fquare, and the peaks thereof were full three or four 
 inches from the head. But the aldermen's wives, and people of fuch ftations, made themfelves 
 bonnets of velvet, after the fafhion of the minevor caps, but larger, which made a great fhow upon the 
 head. But thefe (adds my author) arc now (An. Dom. 1631 ) almpil forgotten.— Vide Stow"s 
 Chron. page 1039.. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 93 
 them. In the London Prodigal (written towards the latter end of the 16th, or L on( j on 
 early in the beginning of the 17th century) Civet the citizen fays to Frances, Prodigal, 
 
 thought to 
 
 No Frank; — I'll have thee go like a citizen, be Shake- 
 
 In a guarded gown, and a French hood.* fpear's. 
 
 But Delia thinking this too fine, advifes him to let her go like his own mother,, 
 — He returns, " There's a jeft indeed ! Why (he went in a fringed gown, a 
 fingle ruff, and a white coat; and my father in a mocado coat, a pair of fattin 
 fleeves, and a fattin back." — This alio con6rms the hiftorian's account (above 
 quoted) that the children could not be content to go as their fathers had done, 
 but were constantly aiming at fomething frill more grand and pompous. 
 
 In the comedy of Eaftward Hoe, the affedted Girtred fpeaks to her modeft Kaftwar<5 
 fitter with difdain, of her city habit: — " Do you wear (fays me) your quoifF, Hoe, firft 
 with a London licket ; your ftamen petticoat, with two guards; the buffin P rint< l6o 5«i 
 gown, with the tuftarHtie cap, and the velvet lace?" And afterwards (he 
 expreffes her contempt that her fitter mould be married in a taffata hat. 
 
 In the City Madam, Luke fays to his lifter, who is wife to a wealthy The City 
 merchant, Madam, by 
 You WOre Maffenger. 
 
 Sattin on folemn days, a chain of gold, 
 
 A velvet hood, rich borders, — and fometimes 
 
 A dainty minever cap, — a ill ver pin 
 
 Headed with a pearl, worth three-pence; — and thus far 
 
 You were privileg'd : — no man envied it, 
 
 It being for the city's honour, that 
 
 There mould be a diftinclion made between 
 
 The wife of a Patrician and a Plebeian. 
 
 But (continues he) ever fince your hufband was knighted, the cafe was en- 
 tirely alter'd ; 
 
 The reverend hood caff off — your borrow'd hair,-f« 
 Powdered and curl'd, was by your dreffer's art 
 Form'd like a coronet, hang'd with diamonds 
 And richeft orient pearls ; your cafkanets 
 
 That 
 
 * The French hood was not indeed peculiar to the crty alone, though much affe&ed there. I am 
 not able to afcertain its date, but I read of it as early as the reign of Henry the Eighth ; for 
 Hollinglhead informs us that lady Ann of Cleves, the day after her arrival into England, was attired 
 after the Englifh fafhion, with a French hood, which became her exceeding well. (Hollingfhead, 
 vol. 2, fol. 1577.) — Yet they feem to have been out of fafhion when Maffenger wrote his play 
 of the City Madam, about the middle of the 17th century ; for the maid feeing her young miftrefles 
 in French hoods, &c cries out, " My young ladies in buffin gowns and green aprons ! tear them off! 
 —What, and a French hood too, now 'tis out of fafhion ! a fool's cap would be better!" — The lady, 
 plate 22 of this vol. fig. 9, has the French hood upon her head. 
 
 f About the middle of the 17th century the ladies ufed to cut off their hair, and Inftead thereof 
 wore perukes. We find many inftances of this in the old plays. In the Blind Lady, written about 
 that time, (he (the Blind Lady), while fhe is dreffing herfelf, calls for her prrvwig\ and in the 
 Mad World my Mailers, Sir Penitent Brothel fpeaks of Mrs, Hairbrain's perriu*'&, 
 
94 THE M ANN E R S AND CUSTOMS 
 
 . That did adorn your rieek, of equal value j 
 
 Your Hungerland bands, and Spanifli Quellio ruffs: 
 , Great lords and ladies feafted to furvey 
 Embroider'd petticoats : and ficknefs feign'd, 
 That your night-trails, of forty pounds apiece, 
 Might be feen with envy of the vifitants j 
 Rich pantables, in oftentation (hewn, 
 And rofes worth a family : — you were ferv'd in plate, 
 And ftirred not a foot .without a coach, &c. 
 
 This was (as he obferves) tranfplanting the court fafliions into the city, where 
 they feem'd wond'roufly to thrive ; as we may gather not only from the fpeech 
 juft quoted, and various hints in the fame play, but alfo from the continued 
 complaints of aimed: all the Comedies of the 17th century. But to go on, and 
 jhew the City Madam in all her perfection, Luke farther adds, 
 
 1 And when you lay 
 
 ] In child-bed, at the chriftning of this minx — (one of her daughters) 
 I well remember it — as you had been 
 An abfolute princefs, (fmce they have no more) 
 Three feveral chambers hung ; the firft with arras, 
 And that for the waiters ; the fecond crimfon fattin, 
 For the meaner guefts; the third of fcarlet, 
 Of the rich Tyrian dye j— -a canopy 
 To cover your brat's cradle — you in ftate, 
 Like Pompia's Julia. 
 
 ' Match * n ^ e °^ ca ^ e£ * CHj? Match, Timothy, a rich citizen's fon, com- 
 !/ Jafper' P^ ams tnat his father will not let him be gallant and fine in his habit ; for, fays 
 Maine, he, " I never durft be feen, before my father, out of duretta and ferge. — And 
 in the fame play Mrs. Scruple fays to Sufan Seathrift, a rich merchant's daughter 
 (who was habited like a court lady) 
 
 See, now you have not your wire, 
 Nor city ruff on, miftrefs Sue, how thefe 
 Clothes do beguile ! In truth I took you for 
 A gentlewoman. 
 
 How would good Mrs. Scruple's fpeech be taken in the prefent age ? It 
 would, I believe, be efteemed an unpardonable affront, to inform the daughter 
 . of a wealthy citizen, that, notwithftanding her fine cloaths and affected gran- 
 deur, me only refembled, and was not really a gentlewoman : — for now indeed 
 all diftinction in dreis is laid afide, and the wearing of gold lace, rich filks, 
 fattins, and every fort of finery, as well among ft the men as the women, is 
 become fo common, that it requires fome acquaintance with a perfon, before 
 you can poffibly be able to conceive or know what their real ftation of life may 
 be, as many people in the prefent times not only drefs themfelves out to the 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 9 $ 
 
 full extent of their circumftances, but too often go far beyond them, by which 
 means they frequently ruin thernfelves, their families, and their friends.* 
 
 There were alfo feme particularities of drefs even amongft the apprentices of 
 London j for, fays Howe, " in the reign of Mary, and the beginning of queen f^io-Jo!^ 
 Elizabeth's, all the apprentices in London wore blue cloaks in the fummer, and ' 
 iq the winter blue gowns j but it was not lawful for any man, who was a 
 fervant, to have his gown lower than to the calves of his legs, except he were 
 upwards of 60 years of age : but as the length of their cloaks was not limited, 
 they ufed to wear them fo long that they reached down to their heels : their 
 (the apprentices) breeches and ilockings were commonly of white broad-cloth j 
 their Hops or breeches were round, and their /lockings fewed clofe upon them, 
 as if they were all of one piece ; they alfo wore flat caps, and not only they, but 
 the journeymen alfo.— When (continues my author) prentices or journeymen 1 „ - 
 attended upon their matters and miftrefles in the night, they went before them, 1 ' 
 carrying a candle and lanthorn in their hands, and a long club on their fhoulders ; 
 and many of the apprentices, bordering upon manhood, ufed to wear long dag- 
 gers in the day-time, either at their backs or by their fides." 
 
 Yet, e'er we take our leave of the reign of Elisabeth, let us remark the gallantry 
 of the beaux of that age, with the jewels and other ornaments in their ears, 
 which was elleemed a mark of their polite taffe.— -Mailer Mathew, in Every 
 Man in his Humour, propofes (among other things mentioned, to raife money 
 for the warrant againft Downright) " to pawn the jewel which Was in his ear :" 
 — and Faftidio, in Every Man out of his Humour, boafting of favours receiv'd 
 from his miilrefs, fays, " as this icarf," or " this ribband for my ear" or fo ; 
 or " this feather grew in her fweet fan," fometimes, &c. — This ridiculous ]\i an -p ra - a 
 falhion, Bulver, in his Pedigree of the Englifh Gallant, exclaims againft. formed, ° 
 
 Take the following fpeech of a gallant to his miftrefs, as it is found in the psg. 375. 
 old play of George a Green, Pinner of Wakefield : 
 
 To dignify thof; haires of amber hiew, 
 I'll grace them with a chaplet made of pearle, 
 Set with choice rubies, fparkes, and diamonds, 
 Planted upon a velvet hood, to hide that head, 
 Wherein two faphires burne like fparkling fire, &c„ 
 
 About the 40th year of Elizabeth (fays Randal Holme) the old fafhions, 
 which were ufed in the beginning of her reign, were again revived, with fome j^/j '"j*^ 
 few additions made thereto, as guifes, double ruffs, &c. The men likewife 2014." 
 (befide the common ufe of the cloak) had a certain kind of loofe hanging gar- 
 ment called a mandevik, much like to our jackets or jumps, but without Heeves, 
 
 only 
 
 * Hollar has given engravings of fevefal various habits, as well of the nobility and gentry, as of 
 the citizens and common people. So alfo Spe^d (in his Profpett of the moft famous Parts of the 
 World) round the fides of his map of England, has given the habit of the nobleman, the lady, — 
 the gentleman, the gentlewoman, — the citizen, the citizen's wife, — the country man, and the 
 country woman, as habited in the year 1631, the 6th year of Charles the Firft, when his book was 
 publiftied. 
 
96 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 only having holes to put the arms through ; yet fome were made with fleeves, 
 but for no other ufe than to hang on the back. 
 
 Thefe above-mentioned were the principal habits which, with their feveral 
 cuttings and dreflings, wore out her time, but with conftant alterations ; for 
 fometimes they were broad and (landing out, at other times narrow, and clofe to 
 the body; now long, then wide, and then again lTiort, never ftanding at one ftay.. 
 Now, by way -of conclufion, take the following pattern of lace, extracted 
 Pattcrnes from a book printed at London, by John Wolfe, 1591, intituled " New and 
 ^rintecTb' ^ n g u ^ ar Patternes and Workes of Linnen, ferving for Patternes to make diverfe 
 JohnWolfe. Sortes of Lace ; wherein are reprefented unto us the feaven Planets, and many 
 Other Figures." — This which follows is for a reprefentation of Apollo, or the fun : 
 
 ■seaas 4 ftaiHas?B!C9HE>aiBaa »*ii»Biiiaa«sainflB»aa. jflB4«aa£BSS5«eS">!»— 
 
 Apollo is here figured leaning with his left-hand upon his lyre, having 
 the rays of the fun round his head, with a cloud over it, and a rain-bow, which 
 arifes from a large vafe on either fide, ftanding upon an ornament of -flowered 
 work ; and each of the upper corners is ornamented with a light cloud. — The 
 above book contains a vaft variety of other figures ; to which I refer the curious 
 reader. 
 
 When 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 97 
 "When king James came to the crown, many, nay moll of the old faftiions 
 i ufed in the days of Elizabeth, came up again one after another, as we (hall 
 hereafter fee. 
 
 In 1614, the great breeches v were again revived, as may be feen by the figures 
 N°. 3 and 4, plate 19.; and indeed the fame appears from N°. 1, 2, 3, and 4, 
 plate 16, all of which are early in the reign of James the Firft. Here we may 
 fee the expenfive garters and curious (hoe rofes, as mentioned in the preceding 
 reign. — Nor were the women exempt from thefe expences. In the City Madam 
 a lady fays, '* thefe rofes would (how well, and 'twere the fafhion for the 
 garters to be feen." 
 
 But of all the ridiculous fafhions, that of the men wearing ftays (as the earl 
 of Somerfet, N°. 4, plate 16) is perhaps the mo'ft fo„ The large monftrous 
 farthingale, the ruff, and expenfive head-drefs, may aifo be feen in the lady, 
 his wife. 
 
 Mrs. Otter, in the Silent Woman, {landing much on her gentility, talks of 
 her black fattin gown, her wire ruff (the wire ruff I take, to be the ftanding-up Sl!ent 
 ruff worn by the ladies, as reprefented N°. 6, plate 14, N°. 4, plate 1 6, and johnfon. 
 N°. io, plate 22) and then (he fpeaks of her new fuit, namely, a crimfon fattin 
 doublet with black velvet fkirts. 
 
 But from the grandees pafs we on to the middling fort. Take the habit of a 
 rich clothier's widow : — " She came out of the kitchen, in a fair train gown The Hiftory 
 ffuck full of filver pins; a white cap on her head, with cuts of curious needle- °N»wbury! 
 work under the fame, and an apron before her as white as the driven fnow."— 
 And here I note.alfo the drefs of a fpruce mafter taylor, who was a fuitor to the 
 fore-mentioned widow, which was '« a new reflet jerkin, and a tall fugar-loaf 
 hat clapp'd on one fide of his head." 
 
 The pretty defcription of the maidens habits (who were working in their dif- 
 ferent occupations, as fpinning, winding, &c. of the wool for the loom) in the 
 clothier's fong, I Hi all (as far as concerns the.prefent defign) fet forth ; it runs 
 as follows : 
 
 And in a chamber dofe befide 
 
 Two hundred maidens did abide, 
 
 In petticoats of ftammel red, 
 
 And milk white kerchers on their head ; 
 
 Their fmock ileeves like to winter's fnow 
 
 That on the weftern mountains flow, 
 
 And each fleeve with a filken band 
 
 Was fairly tied, at the band : 
 
 Which pretty maids did never lin, 
 
 But in that place all day did fpin, &c. 
 
 At this time a fil k. gown and the French hood, with chains and bracelets, were 
 only worn by people of rank : for in the Hiftory of John Newchombe, a clothier 
 of Newbury, — when he, by his profeffion, had amaffed confiderable wealth, 
 tind was fo much refpe&ed that he was elected a member of the houfe of com- 
 mons, he purchafed the above habit and ornaments for his wife, which was 
 
 Vol. III. O much 
 
98 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 much wondered at by the neighbours, as fomething very ftrange and uncommon; 
 And when he (the faid John Newchombe) was defirous of paffing his maid for 
 a lady, upon a knight who had ruined her, he purchafed for her a fair taffaty 
 gown and a French hood. — And that this fort of habit commanded refpect, we 
 may learn from Johnfon's Tale of a Tub, where Dame Turfe rebukes her man 
 
 Tale of a for his familiarity with Lady Tub, faying, .** How now, you faucy puppy ! to 
 Tub. u f e no more reverence unto a lady in a velvet gown ! " 
 
 Hift.ofGeo, The young gentleman was diftinguifhed by his good fuit of apparel, his cloak : 
 Dobfon. and his rapier. — The merchant's drefs, at that time, was a plain grave fuit of - 
 
 print. 1607. c ] otrjeSj w i t h a black cloak. 
 
 Tale of a In the Tale of a Tub, by Johnfon, we meet with the habit of a ruftic, upon ' 
 Tub, firft his intended wedding day a leather doublet with long points, and a pair of 
 aded 1C09. breeches pinn'd up like pudding-bags, with yellow (lockings, and his hat turn'd 
 up with a filver clafp on the leer fide." 
 
 Pafs we on now to the reign of Charles the Firft * and the reader is referred " 
 to N°. 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, of plate 16, together with N°. 1 and 2, plate \y } . 
 all which are reprefentations of the habits during his reign. —Here we feem 
 almoft entirely to have loft the large ruffs, both in the drefs of the women as 
 well as the men, and inftead thereof they have fubftituted large bands, and * 
 kerchers (falfely fo named) of rich point and curious lace; and the almoft uni~ 
 verfal cuftom with the men of wearing boots and fpurs, infomuch that they 
 were feldom feen without them •» which fafhion alfo prevailed during, great part ' 
 of the fucceeding reign. — -In the Loft Lady, written by Sir William Barclay, - 
 Ergafto, a court gallant, is thus defcribed, "'He wears a deep band, a fhort 
 cloak, and great boots, fo that he looks three ftories high."— The wearing boots 
 for riding, and indeed for ornament, I fee is at leaft as ancient as the latter end 
 of the reign of Richard the Second 3 for where he refigns his crown to Henry 
 Reg.&Eccl. earl of Hereford (reprefented plate 32 of the Regal and Ecclefiaftical Antiqui- 
 Antiquities ties) there is a figure who has a boot- on one leg and a (hoe on the other; which 
 ©f England. extraor( j[ nar y fpecimen of gallantry was all of a piece with the wearing of their 
 hofe of different colours on each leg, of which there are ieveral inftances in the 
 work above quoted : and we meet with boots frequently worn by the heralds and 
 Vid Vol 2 menT " eri g ers » who are fuppofed to be much on horfeback (fee in the life of 
 ' Beauchamp, vol.2, plate 19, 33, 34, &c.) — They were alfo much affected in 
 the reign of Elizabeth, and of what conftruciions they were, we may learn from 
 Every Man Bobadil, to whom (when he takes off his filk ftockings to pawn, for the obtain- 
 in his Hu- j n g £ a warran t againft Downright) Mafter Matthew fays, " Pull up your boots, 
 by Johnfon. anc ^ the want of your ftockings will not be obferved." 
 
 Amongft the commoner fort of people, as farmers, labouring men, and the 
 like, high ihoes were ufually worn, though not fo much for ornament as on 
 account of their ufefulnefs. In the old play of Albumazar, Trincalo the 
 Albumazar. p arm er, being turned gallant, fays ** his high fhoes are changed into ftrait 
 boots." — High fhoes are alfo frequently (in country places) worn by the poor 
 people to this day ; they have a leather, the which comes up to the middle of 
 the leg, and laces all the way down before, to the inftep. 
 
 Amongft 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 99 
 
 Among ft the other enormities of flioes, before mentioned in 'this work? 
 Bulver exclaims againfl: thofe -which the women wore in his days ; namely, a 
 fort of fhoes raifed up to a great heighth, with thick foles and very high heels 
 (fee fig. 7, plate 17, of this volume). — Of a worfe fpecies we may reckon thofe 
 of the prefent age, fo very high at the heels, whilft the fole are of a moderate 
 thinnefs, infomuch that, from the vafl rifing of the heel, the women are obliged 
 almoft to walk upon their toes.* 
 
 Pantofles, or flippers, were much worn by the ladies in the morning, whether 
 in their chambers, or when they walked out ; which were often very richly T ne Guar* 
 ornamented. Thus, in the Guardian, dian, by ' 
 
 Maflenger. 
 
 A thin night mantle, to hide part of your fmock, 
 With pearl embroider'd pantofles upon your feet. 
 
 I fhould alfo fuppofe that they are a fort of flippers which Gafcoigne the 
 poet (plate 15) has upon his feet: if they are not, I confefs I know not what 
 name to give to them. 
 
 The gentleman, N°. 5, plate 16, I rather ' think is in a riding habit; and I 
 am fure that nothing can be faid againfl the decent apparel of the lady, N°. 6 of 
 the fame plate ; nor indeed of her N°. 8. The hair, fo hanging in loofe curling 
 ringlets, is extremely piclurefque and elegant. The lafl lady has her flomacher 
 adorned with two knots of ribbands, and wearls about her neck a handfome 
 kercher of rich point lace. — Thefe elegant and pretty fafhions Vandyke, that 
 king of portrait painters, has improved, and varied according to his fancy, in 
 the multitude of his beautiful paintings of many of the chief perfonages of the 
 realm; and though he has taken the liberty allow'd to all painters, of giving 
 the draperies a loofe and flowing air, yet he has, generally fpeaking, attended 
 
 • very clofely to the habit of the times, in which there k lomething extremely 
 pleafing and fluking. — The figure of the gentleman, N°. 7, plate 16, has the 
 bottom of his breeches ornamented with points, or ribbands tied up in knots; 
 and the figure, N°. 9, has' a fort of lace bound round at the bottom of his knees. 
 Perhaps to this ornament the old blunt Lord in Cupid's Revenge alludes, when Cupid's Re- 
 
 . he fays to a beau, venge, by 
 
 Beaumont & 
 
 The wars will hurt thy face ; there's no fempflers Fletcher. 
 Shoemakers, nor taylors, nor almond milk i' th' morning, 
 Nor poach'd eggs, to keep thy worfhip foluble. 
 No man to warm your fhirt, and blow your rofes, 
 Nor none to reverence your round laced breeches, &c. 
 
 O 2 We 
 
 * Add to thefe another fort, mentioned by the Country Girl, in Willy Beguiled, where fhe fays, 
 *' Upon the morrow after the blefkd new year, I came trip, trip, trip, over the Market-hill, 
 holding up my petticoat to the calves of my legs, to fhow my fine coloured ftockings, and how 
 finely 1 could foot it in a pair of new cerk'd Jhoe> 1 had bought." This play of Willy Beguiled was 
 written in the early part of the reign of James the Firft. — See Hawkins's collection of old plays, 
 intituled " The Origin of the Englifh Drama/' vol. 3, page 356. 
 
200 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 We now begin to find filk (lockings fo very common, that none who would 
 The How P re tend to the lead gentility could make a decent appearance without them ; 
 liath loft his infomuch that, in an old play, a perfon faith, " Good parts, without habili- 
 PearJ. ments of gallantry, are no more fet by, in thefe times, than a good leg in a 
 The Heneft worfted flocking." — The women alfo wore ftockings of filk as well as men. 
 Whore, by Peter (in the Honeft Whore) when- Bellafront his miitrefs calls for him, anfwers 
 Deker. t ^ at j ie j s drawing up a hole in her " white filk /lockings and Satan, in the 
 ^an Afs lJ ^ ev ^ 1S an ^ s ( nereto f° re quoted) tells us, that they wore embroider d /lockings. 
 by johnfon. ^ ut whether this was at the clocks, as in the prefent age, I am not able to 
 ' determine. Of which fpecies of finery we have feen many fpecimens, amongft 
 the finifh'd gallants of late years j -oftentimes the clocks of the fiockings wrought 
 with filk of different colours, and fometimes alfo with gold and filver thread : 
 - — and I fancy that I may pronounce the before-mentioned embroideries were of 
 the fame kind j for it is mod certain that wrought clocks, with great flaring 
 flowers, &c. were very much affected in the laft century. 
 New Inn a Johnfon, in his comedy of the New Inn, which was firft. acted in the year 
 Comedy, by 1 63 1 , the 6th of Charles the Firft, has given the following lines, as defcriptive 
 the fame. f tn e finished beau of that age : 
 
 I would ( fays he) put on 
 The Savoy chain, — about my neck the ruff,' 
 The cuffs of Flanders ; then the Naples hat, 
 With the Rome hatband, and the Florentine agate; 
 The Milian fword, the cloak of Genoa, fet 
 With Brabant buttons ; — all my given pieces; 
 My gloves the natives of Madrid, — etc. 
 
 About this time, and long before, the common wearing of gold chains by 
 Puritan, cr the gentry was in fafhion. In the Puritan, Sir Godfrey, an old knight, when 
 Widow of he nas ] ft; n i s chain, cries out, that it had at lean: 3000 links, and coft full 
 Ytreet"^ 3 00 crowns « — Various other inflanees may be brought, but let what is faid 
 iuffice. 
 
 Stewards in great mens houfes wore chains of gold, or elfe of copper gilt, as 
 alfo certain other of the domeftics, as may appear from the old ballad of King 
 Vide John and the Abbot of Canterbury j one verfe of which fong runs thus : 
 
 Reliques of 
 
 Anc.Poetry, A hundred men, the king did heare fay, 
 
 V. 2. p. 309. rphe abbot kept in his houfe every day, 
 
 And fifty gold chaynes, without any doubt, 
 
 In velvet coates, waited the abbot about. 
 
 Every Man An ^ * n Every Man out of his Humour, Carlo, advifing Soligardo how he fhould 
 out of his appear like a court gallant, tells him, he muft have a fellow with a great chain 
 Humour, by (though it be copper) to bring him letters, feign'd from fuch a nobleman, 
 johnfon, j^jght, or lady, and alfo keep men gallant at the firft, in fine pyed liveries, 
 laid with gold lace. 
 
 Here we may alfo fpeak of rings, which are of very antient date, nay they 
 were ufed in this kingdom as long as we have any records, and were always 
 
 worn 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. ict 
 
 worn by -every fort of people who could afford to purchafe them, not only 
 Women, but men alfo. — In ancient times thofe made of chryftal were efteemed, R .. 
 for in the antique ballad of King Eftmere, his d*iughter is thus defcribed : f Andent 
 
 The tallents-of gold were on her head fette, V.^pl?^' 
 
 Hunge lowe downe to her knee; 
 And every e rynge on her fmalle finger 
 
 Shone of the chryflall free. 
 
 The Aldermen were diftinguifhed by the thumb ring, as may appear from Fi r ft Part op 
 various paffages in plays, ballads, &c— Thus Falftaff, fpeaking of his youth, K. Hen. IV* 
 adds, that then " he was fo thin, that he could have crept through an alder- 
 man's thumb ring." 
 
 The ladies in general ufed to wear a vaft number of rings, and alfo upori 
 either hand. Jn the Witts, one fpeaking of his miilrefs's extravagances, fays, 
 "' i'il waffe her to her wedding fmock, and her /ingle ring, bodkin, and velvet 
 muff." — In the verfes before quoted in this chapter, from Barclay's "'Ship of a 
 Foles of the Worlde" is alfo, ft their fingers full of rings" &c. And fu rely in 
 the prefent age we lofe no ground in this old and lading fafhion ; for the fingers 
 of our modern ladies often Jparkle with fet ftones, and gems in rings of gold, to 
 a vaft amount. ■ 
 
 In the reign of Charles the Second, the fafhions fuftained many various altera-* 
 tions, every one of them for the worfe, being each more abfurd than the former. 
 —In 1648, the firfl year of his reign, we find fome alteration in the doublet, 
 (fee N°. 3, plate 17,) and the breeches have the knees loofe, and bound round 
 with ribbands, puff 'd on, and little tags- pendant from each puff ; the (lockings 
 are ioofe upon the legs, and the boots remarkable fhort, with a fort of ruffle 
 within- fide of them. — 'The next figure (N°. 4) is the poor man, in the habit of 
 that fame time : he (in the print from whence both thefe figures are copied) is 
 oppofed to the other, (N°. 3,) who appears to be a rich man, and perfon of 
 diflincf ion. 
 
 In 1649 we an alteration in the habit from the former figures; fee the 
 gentleman, N°. 6 of the fame plate. This figure reprefents John Lilbourne, as 
 pleading at the bar : he wears a kind of waiftcoat, with fhort fieeves, and large 
 cuffs coming but little below the elbow ; and from thence to his wrifr, appears 
 another clofer fleeve, over which his ruffle or linen cuff is turned up. His 
 breeches, or rather trowfers, are not fo wide, nor fo loofe, as thofe of the 
 former; they are ornamented down the fide, upon the feam : round the 
 bottom, at the knees, the ribbands are much in the fame fafhion with the 
 former. His boots are ftill higher, and alfo have within them, at the tops, an 
 appearance of a ruffle, or loofe lining. 
 
 In the year 1658 we meet with great alteration (fee N°. 8, plate 17). Here 
 we fee the open fleeve and the fhort-waifted doublet, with the petticoat breeches, 
 the lining of which (fays Randal Holme) came lower than the breeches, and 
 tied above the knee. The fides of thefe breeches were ornamented with ribbands 
 from the bottom to the pocket-holes, on either fide* half the breadth of each 
 
 thigh y 
 
xoa THE MA'NNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 thigh ; and all round the bottom ran a Tingle row of ribbands. Some fpace was 
 left between the bottom of the doublet and the waiftband of the breeches, fo 
 -that the (hirt might be feen hanging out over it, all round. The ftockings 
 were gartered below the knee. 
 
 In the fame year alfo was worn the large ftirrop hofe (or ftockings) two yards 
 wide at the top (fee N°. 14, plate 22) which, with points through feveral ilet- 
 holes, were made fail to the petticoat breeches, at bottom of which there hung 
 a fingle row of pointed ribbands. This fafliion (fays the above-mentioned 
 - author) firft came to Chefter with Mr. William Ravenfcraft, who came to 
 thence from France, in September, 1658. — See alfo the habit of the common 
 man at that time, N°. 9, plate 17; and N°. 10, of the fame plate, exhibits the 
 figure of a gallant in the year 1659. He alfo has the fhort jacket with the open 
 fleeves, and the petticoat breeches, tied with points to the jacket. Thefe breeches 
 are ornamented with two rows of ribbands, the one near the top, the other near 
 the bottom ; the lining comes lower than the bottom of the breeches, and ties 
 round juft below the knee, where the ftockings are alfo fattened. — About Auguft 
 in the fame year, men wore the large ftirrop hofe, fattened to the breeches with 
 points, (fee N°. 13, plate 22,) and another pair of hofe drawn over them to the 
 bottom of the knee, and fo turned down. 
 
 About the fame time was worn a cap of velvet (like that reprefented N°. 7, 
 plate 22) which had what were called ears, tu-rn'd up, tied H'ith a ribband 
 on either fide to the crown. Thefe could be pccafionally let down in cold 
 weather, to keep their own ears warm.. — The hofe bagging over the garters alfo 
 . were worn much about the fame time (fee N°. 22, plate 22). 
 
 Take the truly ridiculous habit of 1662 from the figure of Charles the Second 
 himfelf (fee N°. 2, plate 19).- — From his fhort jacket, the fliirt hangs a little 
 over the waittband of the breeches, which is ornamented with a double row of 
 ribbands; and at the fide appears another double row of ribbands hanging 
 . down. His curious wide-topp'd ftockings are gartered jutt below his knee, and 
 fo turn'd down : the tops of thefe ftockings are ornamented with curious work 
 .and flowers. His fquare-toed fhoes are tied with ribbands in four bows. 
 
 His queen (who is reprefented with him) has nothing very particular in her 
 habit, except the flit fleeves of her gown, and the nakednefs of her hreaft, 
 which is without any handkerchief and the tucker, inftead of ftanding up 
 round her neck, is turn'd down upon her ftays. This cuftom of bareing the 
 bofom was, much exclaimed againft by the authors of that age. 
 
 In the year 1672 a book was published, intituled " New Inttruclions unto 
 Wm Lee° r Y° um for their Behaviour, and alfo a Difcours upon fome [novations of Habits 
 at London, a nd Dreftings ; againtt powdering of Hair, naked Breafts, black Spots, and 
 i672. other unfeemiy cuftoms."r-On the back of the title page, the author has given 
 two ladies heads, the one reprefenting Virtue, and the other Vice. Virtue is 
 reprefented by a lady modeftly habited, with a black velvet hood, and a plain 
 . white kercher, on her neck with a border. Vice, on the contrary, is fet forth 
 without any handkerchief, and her ftays cut low, which difcovers great part of 
 i Pedigree of the breafts, and various black fpots or patches upon her face. 
 th Gadlant lfll Bulver alfo, with feveral others, cries out luftily againft thefe fafhions ; and I 
 . fol. 535" & believe .they prevailed at iaft with the ladies to cover their breafts. Yet the 
 543 patches 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 103 
 patches flood out a long time, and bid them all defiance ; for they continued to 
 be ufed by the ladies till within thefe fifteen or twenty years. 
 
 There yet remains a flill more abominable cuftom, namely, painting of the 
 face, together with ufing wafbes and various arts to improve and heighten the 
 complexion. — Thefe curious arts the moderns muft not arrogate to themfelves the 
 invention of, for arTuredly they are of very ancient date ; though the firft mention 
 that I remember to have feen of painting being ufed in England, is in a very old MS » In 
 
 MS. which is preferv'd in the Harleian Library, which I Should fuppofe is full as Ha , rl * V b * 
 iji 1 1 • t /•• * * 1 *■ mark. iock* 
 
 old as the 14th century; — wherein I find a recipe 
 
 JF.01* to ma&e a fagr jFace, ' 
 i^ocng to gpDer tfjc milk of an aflc, ano of a blak feoto aim bjimftone, of ebejpcl) p tucfce tnocT;e 
 (of each a like quantity) anD attopnte tl)p face, fo tljU U>U be fapt anD \)\Dyt (white). 
 
 Co mafte a ret) colour, the face was firft to be anointed with a certain mixture, 
 the name of which is fo obliterated in the MS. that I could not make it out $ 
 that done, the perfon was to " be in a batty, tfjat he migljtc ftoete tUel, anD after toafel? 
 ty$ face tOptfi tDpne.ano fo fdjul&e \)i be (both) Uj%t anD roDjy' 
 
 Another recipe I find perfect. 
 
 jFor to mafce tfrp jTace Wvt> 
 
 ^fra ponnnc of alum, tijc plume ana tbc btoitc of 20 ep^tn (that is, the white and yolk of 
 20 eg»s) rnto, ano mens tljam togpDer, ant) after taft n> tote of ja^e, ano bjap tyt pn a 
 mooter, ano mmle bit togvDcr, anD Do fbe ito 4 ounces of en?ofe, anD after Diftillc bit bp a 
 Icmbpfc, anD t?;c tuatet mahetl; tfjc f jtfefoe, anD ponglccl;, anD tytop* 
 
 In the old play called the Honeft Whore, Bcllafront, the courtezan, being The Honeft ' 
 about to drefs herfelf, her toilet is fet forth j to wit, " a table, a cufhion, a Whore, by 
 locking-glafs, and a chafing-dim, with a fmall phial of white mixture, and two Tho -^ eker i 
 little pots, one of white, the other of red paint." But I mould here remark, 
 that the chafing dim feems to be for the heating of the irons wherewith fhe' 
 curls her hair. — In the City Madam, a damfel exclaims againft her doctor, for CityMadani 
 fending her ceruffes to paint with, which were too common ; " He ought (adds 
 me) to have let me had fome fremoil of talc. "—And in Johnfon's Comedy of 
 the Devil is an Afs, a woman is recommended to the ladies, who has excellent The Devil 
 recipes for the face : — '* fuch oils, fuch tinctures, fuch pomatums, fuch per- 13 an A * rs » 
 fumes, medicines, quintessences, &c." 
 
 Nor were the beaux of that age (namely, the beginning of the 17th century) 
 exempt from this abhorrable cuftom, as may appear in the old Comedy of the TheWTdotf 
 Widow. Valeria fays therein to Ricardo, " Are you painted ? One painted Vid.utfupra 
 beau has juft been here ! " — He replies, " Here ! a pox, 1 think I fmell him ! 
 *Tis vermillion, fure ; ha! and oil of Ben." &c. 
 
 The figures reprefented plate 18, of this volume, exhibit the habit of the 
 year 1663, or thereabout, N Q . 1,2; and 6 are gentlemen, the two firft in their 
 hunting and hawking habits, the laft in the common drefs j 3, 5, 7* and 9, 
 
 are 
 
,104 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 are ruftics; 4 is a huntfman, and 8 -the falconer, or keeper of the hawks: Thefe 
 
 laft were a fort of people that noblemen and principal gentlemen were never 
 
 without, but kept them conflantly in pay, to attend them when they went a 
 
 ^porting. 
 
 -In the year 1667 the women wore a fort of garment called Saviarde (feeN . 17, 
 'plate 22) which had four fide laps, which .were ufuallyof a ftrip'd filk of various 
 colours, with fhort fieeves j and in 1670 they .wore linen fieeves,. with ribbands 
 above -the elbows and at the wrifts, as is feen N°. 19, plate. 22: and in the 
 reign of king William and queen Mary, that enormous high head-drefs (fee 
 "No. 15, of the above plate) was in fafhion ; and when that was done with, 
 another (as reprefented N°. 16, of the fame plate) was introduced, which, with 
 little alteration, was worn by -the ancient ladies, -even in the memory of man. 
 Abcnsrthe fame time were in faihion, petticoats with gold orTilk fringe at the 
 bottom: fome ladies of tafte ufed to have three, four, five, and fometimes fix 
 rows in the height, which was called by them fo many feet; others had the 
 fringes not in ftrait rows, but fcollop'd, and in various other fafhions, as they 
 plealed. — Then alfo their v gown fieeves, with long ruffles and ruffle-cuffs, began, 
 as may be feen N°. 20, of the fame plate. 
 
 But to return to the reign of Charles the Second. In 1667 the men wore 
 ; fuch a habit as is reprefented N°. 18, of plate 22. The tunic was long, reach- 
 ing down below the knees, bound round the waift with a zone or girdle ; and 
 the vefly or outward coat, was loo.fe, with large fieeves, exactly like the great 
 coat of the prefent age. 
 
 At the latter end of Charles the Second's, reign, the habit -was as is reprefented 
 on plate 19, N°. 1, .5, 6 and 7. The firft is a baronet, N°. 5 the .knight, 
 No. 6 the gentleman, and 7 the groom or commoner — Thefe habits, with very 
 little alteration, continued during the whole reign of James the Second, and 
 great part of William and Mary's time. 
 
 Here we have traced through the various. drefTbs of this realm, tilLwe at laft 
 have come to the coat, the waiftcoat, breeches, &c. which, with various 
 fhortenings, lengthenings, cutting and contriving, hath remained , to this very 
 day. — In the figures above-mentioned, we fee the breeches are tied below the 
 knee ; about thirty years ago they were buttoned ^above (for buttons were then 
 ufed, inftead of the ties, and a knee-buckle fattening with a ftrap) and now 
 again they are got below the knee, as they were before. 
 
 We may here obferve, that in the reign of Charles the Second men did firfr, 
 \ begin to wear wigs, and thofe moft enormous ones j but they w r ere made ftill 
 larger in his brother James's reign, and more efpecially in that of William and 
 Mary, at which time not only men, but even children and young lads, alfo 
 wore large wigs. And .though in the reign of queen Anne this latter cuftom 
 .was not fo common, yet the young men' had the want of wigs fupplied by 
 artificial curlings, and drefiing of the hair, which was then only performed by 
 .the women. 
 
 Colleton j n t h e i ar g e collection of title pages, &c. in the Harleian Library, I meet 
 
 in Had. Lib. . , , ■ ° r '. r ° ' 
 
 park. 5931. Witfi the two following Bills : 
 
 The 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 105 
 The firft had the queen's arms, with A. R. at the top j and under it the 
 contents of the bill run thus — 
 
 Next Door to the Golden Bell, in St. Bride's-Lane, Fleet-Street, 
 Lyveth Lidia Beercraft, 
 Who cutteth and curleth ladies, gentlemen and childrens hair. — She fells a fine 
 pomatum, which is mix'd with ingredients of her own makeing, that if the 
 hair be never fo thin, it makes it grow thick ; and if fliort, it makes it grow 
 long. If any gentleman's or childrens hair be never fo lank, (he makes it curie 
 in a little time, and to look like a perriwig. 
 
 Another fair tonforefs promifes to cut and curl all ladies and gentlewomens The Readcr 
 hair extremely fine, after the French fafhion : fhe alfo drefles the hair as fine muft excufe 
 upon caps, which is the niceft way of drefling, and is not performed by all that the Coarfe- 
 profefs cutting of hair.— She cuts and curls all boys hair, after fofine a manner, ne £ n ^ thc 
 that you mall not know it to be their own hair. 
 
 Oh monftrous ! that counterfeiting what is unnatural mould be efleemed a 
 beauty. This reflects but little honour to the tafte of our grandfires. — Surely 
 in this one inftance we are greatly improved ; for wig-makers now in their 
 advertifements boaft, on the contrary, of making the fine natural wigs, fo like 
 a perfon's own hair that the difference mall hardly be difcovered. — It is very 
 juft and natural, that one who has by any caufe loft his own hair, mould fo 
 wifh to fupply that defect as it may be leaft obferved. But alas ! (though in 
 ■this one circumftance our tafte is improved, do not the macaronies and fops of 
 the prefent age fully equal, if not exceed, the prepofterous patterns of their 
 gallanting forefathers ? Do not the ladies now, who hang all all forts of fruit 
 upon their heads, nay fome who place thereon a low and pigs, with other 
 curious animals, almoft, nay quite equal the broad-wheel waggon, the coach 
 and horfes, and various other pretty inventions of the ingenious milleners, about 
 fifty years ago ? — This cuftom Dean Swift has fufriciently ridiculed. Oh that 
 he were now living, what a fund of matter is there at prefent fet forth for his 
 iatirical abilities to work upon ! 
 
 During the whole of the laft century, and even in the beginning of the 
 prefent, it was the fafhion for the ladies, when they walked or rode abroad, or 
 went to the play, or other places of diverfion, &c. to wear mafks, which in 
 general covered only part of the face, reaching down to the bottom of the nofe, 
 fo that the mouth and chin might be feen, as alfo part of the forehead. 
 
 About fifty years ago the ladies wore large broad hoops, with petticoats fo 
 fliort that half their legs were difcovered ; which fafhion being juftly cenfured 
 and ridiculed, at laft was altered, and fuch habits as now are worn were intro- 
 duced in their ftead. 
 
 But to what a length have I unavoidably fpun out this chapter; yet, left I 
 mould tire my reader, let it here finifh, and go we on to the 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 P 
 
 BAN QJJ E T S 
 
io6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 BANQUETS, &c. 
 
 Before I proceed with the continuation of this fubjecl, I beg leave to make 
 fome few additions to what has already been faid in the two former volumes, 
 efpecially fome quotations which will elucidate certain of the curious obfolete 
 cuftoms and ceremonies thereto relating, which I have lately met with. — The 
 MS. in the fir ft addition is from an ancient MS. in the Cotton Library, written on vellum, 
 Cotton L^. as ear ]y as tne r eign of king Henry the Sixth at lead. It refpecls the old cuf- 
 ' toms and fbte of the king's houfhold, at chief feafts. I have faithfully copied, 
 it from the MS. where it runs as follows : 
 
 " At all principal! feftes the treforor of the houfholde aught to wayte upon the 
 kynge by hys office, to deljver hym hys offbyng (perhaps offering) and to kifs 
 it. Alfo the ftyward of houfholde by his office, may fitte in the halle, undyr 
 the clothe of aftate, at dyverfe feftes ; feynge that the. feide cloth be rolled up 
 higher than his hede : and fhall be ferved covered, by the kinges fervaunts and 
 officeres : In his abfence the treforer of houfholde, to be ferved in the hall, &c. ; 
 and in the abfence of the ftyward and treforer, the countroller may be ferved in 
 the hall, &c. Alfo the aforefaide ftyward aught, when he is in the kynges 
 houfe, to calle before hym twyfe or thryfe an a weke, or elles every other day, 
 the hufbcndes of the kynges houfe and fourfears, that is to fay the fergeauntes 
 of every office,' and principall officers ; that doone, the fly ward for the tyme 
 beying, or ellis the treforer of houfeholde, in hys abfence, fhall comaunde 
 bothe wyne and ale, and their comaundement aught to be kept and fulfilled j 
 and they of the peche.r houfe ought, or oone of them by their office, to be with- 
 inne the cupbord, purveyde of the fame, that the fervice may be redy whan 
 they ar comaunded. — The 4 marchalls of the halle, or elles 2 of them for the 
 tyme beyng, aught to be wiffe, difcrete, and perfonablef to have undyrftondyng 
 of fuych perfones as be honorable, and ftraungers to befett at theyr boorde j and 
 tlierfor theyr fervice is ordeyned, to be barnes fervyce and the more large, and 
 in abundaunce ar theyr comaundementes, &c. The yomen ufshers aught to 
 bee walking in the halle, and the gromes in lykewyfe to ovyr fee the fittynge 
 of the halle, and to have recourfe to the marchalles, if need be. — Whanne the 
 hall is fett, the treforer aught to be ferved furft; which treforer, if he be a 
 knyght, oweth to be in his fercote of velvet, at pryncipalle feftes ; and if he be 
 a fquyer, he oght to have upon hym a fercote of fad morrey, furred with gray j 
 the wampelees that hangyn upon hys fhulders, aught to be furred with the 
 fame, and above the purfyle to have a rebond of fylver, as a knyght and an 
 officere hath of golde : ftate fhall he kepe noone but in the halle. The kervers 
 aught to be knyghted $ where evyr they be, they fitte as banrettus, and aught 
 to be ferved theraftyr; and a queftyone it is to make, wether the chief juge 
 fbulde be in degre above them, or they above hym : The queftyone may foone 
 be affoyled, &c. As for the grete chambre, there aught to be 2 boordes, the 
 oone /or the.byfshoppes, and the fecunde for the chaumberleyne $ the byfshoppes 
 
 owen s 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 107 
 owen to have at their boorde the kynges chaplyns j the chamberleyne ought to 
 iitte in the inner fide of hys boorde, and to be pryncipall at the boorde ; next 
 hym the lordes, knyghtes, and fquyers for the body — the ufshers of the chambre, 
 next the dore to the kynge ; the fergeaunte porter aught to be loged next the 
 gate, and to have hys fervice dayly at the gate, for hym and for all fuych officers 
 as wayte upon the kynge at the gate, for fewrte of the fame, and to be ferved 
 barnys fervice largely, and often tymes at hys comaundements, for bycaufe of 
 lordes, knyghtes, and fquyres, that fitten with hym, for the tyme beyng, or 
 other ftraungers. And when the kynge is fervyde of the fyrft courfe, all men 
 aught to voyde the chambre, but fuch officers as is afTigued to wayte upon the 
 prynce. — And as for fuch pryncipall dayes, as ony bifshoppe feith maffe, he 
 owith to wafshe when the kynge doth wafshe, and tofitte at the kynges boorde, 
 on the kynges right hand, and to be ferved covered. — Whanne the iecunde 
 courfe is fervid inne, anoone aftyr the marchalle of the melodye aught to goo to 
 the chamberleyn, or elles to the ufhers of the chambre, that they may under- 
 ffande the kinges plealure of their entrynge ; and the melody doone, the kynge 
 of armes, and the herawdes ought to go to oon of the feyd officeres, to undyr- 
 ftonde the kynges pleafure, for theyr meryment ; which ought to be doone as 
 wifely, and as dyfcretely, and as worfhipfully, as it can be doone. That doone, 
 they f the heralds) ought to come to the kynges chambre doore, and to remember 
 wele the kynges ty tie, and hys aflate, and the crye of larges j— that doone they 
 aught to goo, and crye larges in the kynges halle, in the prefence of them all 
 fuch as iitte in the halle ; — and that doone, they may goo to the wyne teller, 
 and comaund wyne. — The trompettes aught, at pryncipall feft.es, to blowe at 
 every courfe, both at the gate, and throughe the halle, &c." 
 
 Our anceftors (that is, fuch of them as were rich and opulent) ufed conftantly 
 to have mufic at theirfeafts and grand entertainments. This old Chaucer, in 
 his Parfon's Tale, maketh note of in the following words : — « Stlfo in evccsTe of Chaucer's 
 btbe?ss meatc?, $ oHtto, $namelp fuel) manet bake meatcr, $ DiC?)c meateg, tyrnnmre of Canterbury 
 totloe fi?c, pcittttD aim caffellrb toitlj paper, $ femblable toaft h to ttjat it its abufion to tfoinfc: a es> 
 4 alfo in too g?eat pieaoufnelTe of bcGe'ii, $ cujiofitit of minftralcie." 
 
 And after him, Pierce Plowman makes Sloth fay, 
 
 €otilt) 31 Ipe to 5o men laiigtje, trjau laclier 31 fi)ouItuj 
 jSPfljcr mantill or mciup, smongess lo^ttttfttflfjetfl ; 
 3no for 3 tan nelftct tabcr, nc tjumpe, ne tell no grffctf, 
 Jfojtcn ne fiflett at fcaftes, nc barpen, 
 3|ape ne juggle, ne rjentilfp pppc, 
 $e neitber fallen, ne fatttc, ne fpngc to ftc jjpttcjne, 
 3 1;abe no goob elites of tbc gjeat lo^bcg, &c 
 
 The fame is alfo confirmed by the old fongs and ballads; this being the chie** 
 occupation of the minftrels, who then ufed to play upon the harp, and fin* 
 thereto the popular ftories and romantic rhymes of the ancient heroes, among!! 
 which the Britifh Arthur /lands in great repute. 
 
 P 2 The 
 
 Pier. Plow- 
 
 man Paflus 
 Decimus 
 Tertius. 
 
ip8 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS' 
 
 The next addition which I (hall here fubjoin, is from an old printed -book 
 Boke of * ntltu l e d " The Booke of Kervynge, " printed by Wynkin de Worde, Ann 
 Kervynge, Dom. 1508. It contains the directions neceffary for the butler panter, or 
 prim-. 1508. yeoman of the fellar, concerning the manner in which they mould fpread the 
 king's table, &c. — It runs thus : 
 
 " Serve your foverayne with wafers', and ypocras. Alfo loke your compose 
 be fayre and clene, and your ale fyve dayes olde before men drynke it, and be 
 curtoys of anfwere to eche perfone and whan ye laye the clothe, wype the 
 borde clene with a cloute (cloth) r then lay a cloth* (a couch it is called) take 
 your feluwe, that one ende, and holde you the other ende, then drawe the 
 clothe ftraught, the bought on the utter edge, take the utter parte and hange it 
 even, then take the thyrde clothe, and laye it bought on the inner edge, and' 
 laye eftat with the upper parte halfe a fote brode, the cover thy cupborde, and? 
 thyn ewery with the towel of dyaper than take thy towell about thy necke, 
 and laye that on fyde of the towel upon thy lefte arme, and thereon laye your 
 ibveraynes napkyn, and on thyn arme feven loves of brede, with thre or foure 
 trenchour loves, with the ende of the towel, in the lefte hande as the maner is? 
 then take thy fake feller in thy lefte hande, and take the ende of the towell in 
 your ryght hand, to bear in fpones and knyves ; than fet your falte on the ryght 
 fyde, where your foverayne mall fytte, and on the lefte fyde the fake fet your 
 trenchoures y than laye your knyves,-]- and fet your brede one lofe by another ; 
 your fpones, and your napkyns, fayre folden befyde your brede; than over your 
 brede, and trenchours, fpones, and knyves, and at every ende of the table fet a 
 fake feller, with two trenchour loves, and yf ye wyll wrappe youre foveraynes* 
 brede ftately, ye mull: fquare and proporcyon your brede, and fee th; t no lofe 
 be more than another ; and then mall ye make your wrapper manly j than take a 
 towell of reynes, of two yerdes and an halfe, and take the towell by the endes 
 double, and laye it on the table ; than take the ende of the bought a handfull in 
 your hande, and wrape it harde, and laye the ende fo wrapped betwene two 
 Lowells, upon that ende fo wrapped laye your brede, bottom to bottom fyx or 
 feven loves ; than fet your brede manerly in fourm,, and. when your foverayne* 
 table is thus arrayed, cover all other bordes with fait, trenchours, and cuppes ; 
 alfo fe thyn ewery be arrayed with bafyns, and ewers, and water, hote and colde ; 
 and fe ye have napkins, cuppes and fpones % and fe your pottes for wyne and ale 
 be made clene, and to the furnape make curtefy, with a clothe, under a fayre 
 double napry j than take the towelles ende nexte you, and the utter ende of the 
 clothe, on the utter fyde of the table, and holde thefe three endes atones, and 
 folde them atones, that a plyte pafle not a fote brode ; than laye it as it fhoulde 
 
 Jye : 
 
 • TaWe-cloths.anciently. were made of great value, for the-ufe of the nobility and opulent gentry. 
 In Johnfon's Silent Woman, Mrs. Otter mentions her damatk table-cloth, which coft eighteen 
 pounds. 
 
 f I find here no mention of forks. It is ftrange that fo ufeful and cleanly an utenfil fhould not 
 have been of more ancient date ; but of certainty, in all the old delineations of feafts, Sec. I find 
 knives and fpoons, but never either forks, or any things which might feem likely to fupply their 
 place.. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. ,o 9 
 
 lye : and after mete vvafshe with that, that is at the ryghte ende of the table, 
 ye muft guyde it out and the marfhall muft convey it ; and loke on eche clothe, 
 the ryght lyde be outwarde, and drawe it ftreyght ; than muft ye reyfe the 
 upper parte of the towell, and laye it without ony grouyng, and at every ende 
 of the to well, ye muft convey halfe a yerde that the fewer may make reverently 
 and let it be. And whan you foverayne hath wafhen, drawe the furnape even j - 
 than bere the furnape to the myddes of the borde, and take it up before your 
 foverayne, and bere it into the ewery agayne; and whan your foverayne is fet, 
 loke your towell be aboute your neck ; than make your foverayne curtefy ; than 
 uncover your brede, and fet it by the fait, and laye your napkin, knyfe, and 
 fpone, afore hym than knele on your knee, till the purpayne paffe eyght 
 loves ; and loke ye fet at your endes of the table foure loves at a mefle ; and fe 
 that every perfone have napkyn and fpone, and wayte well to the fewer, how 
 many dylshes be covered, that fo many cuppes cover ye j than ferve ye forth 
 the table manerly, that every man may fpeke your curtefy. — Here endeth of the 
 butler, and panter, yoman of the fellar, and ewery." 
 
 In the fame book we are told that the waiters mould ferve fafting, " butter, - 
 plommes, damefons, cheryes, and grapes; after mete, peres, notts (nuts), 
 ftrawberyes, mirtleberyes, and hard chefe, alfo brandrels, or pepyns, with 
 carawey in confetes." 
 
 Here alfo we may add the terms of carving, as then in ufe, from the fame Ibid. Lib,' - 
 book above quoted, fol; i. B5f ■ 
 
 " The Termes of a Kerver be as' here followeth : 
 
 M Breke that dere, — lefche that brawne, — rere that goofe, — lyfte that fwanne, - 
 — fauce that capon, — fpoyle that hen,— fruche that chekyn, — unbrace that mal- 
 lard, — unlace that conye, — dyfmembre that heron, — difpjay that crane, — disfy- 
 gure that peacocke, — unjoynt that bytture, — untache that curlewe, — alaye that 
 felande, — wynge that partryche, — wynge that quayle, — mynce that plover, — 
 thye that pygyon, — border that party, — thye that woodcocke, — thye all maner 
 fmalle byrdes, — tymbre that fyre, — tyere that egge, — chynne that famon, — 
 ftrynge that lampreye, — fplat that pyke, — fauce that plaice, — fauce that tench, 
 — fplaye that breme, — fyde that haddock, — tulke that berbell, — culpon that 
 troute— fyne that cheven, — trafTene that ele, — trance that fturgeon, — under* 
 traunche that purpos, — tayme that crabbe,— barbe that lopfter. — Here endeth : 
 the goodly termes of kervynge. 5 ' 
 
 * Thus alfo, even at common tables,, the mafter was diftinguifhed. In the Hiftory of John ; 
 Newchombe, we find that when his miftrefs had married him (for he was journeyman to her former 
 hufband) ihe caufed him to be fet " in a chaire at the table's end, with a fayre napkyn layde beforfe 
 him upon the table, lyke a mafter.'' 
 
Chriftmafs 
 Carolls, by 
 Wynkyne 
 de Worde, 
 1521, 4to. 
 Vide V0I.2, 
 of this work, 
 
 no THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 In the former volumes we have fpoken of the boar's head, as a dim highly 
 efteemed by our anceftors : take the following extract from an old book intituled 
 Cfoiffmafai Ca?OU0, printed in the year 152 1. 
 
 a Caroll att&e fc^nggnge in t&e lBo\t& ^eeu. 
 
 Caput afri differo, 
 
 Reddens laudem domino, 
 bojeg fjecfc in fjanDc bjlnse 3, 
 CffiUtfj gajleng gap $ toftma^,t 
 31 $WV Z 3?ou all fpngt mejclp* 
 
 Qui eflis in convivio.. 
 Crjc uo?eia hxet>, 31 tmtiejffanEr, 
 3js ftje ctjefc iejopce in tljts lano^ 
 llo&e totjcje £bcr it be fanne. 
 
 Servite cum cantico. 
 
 ©e-jlauue, lojsejs, botl? moje $ Iaflfe, 
 5for tljtjs Ijatl) ojDcpmo our ffetnajoe, 
 
 Co c!jc?c pott ail \W <E; jiffmaifc, 
 W^t fjorcs Ijccrjtoitl) mnftajDc, &c. 
 
 As Hall Whoever has leifure fufficient, and is defirous of confulting the old chronicles of 
 Stow, Hoi- tms kingdom, will find, by the many profufe and expensive banquets made in the 
 lingihead, reigns of Henry the Eighth, queen Elizabeth, and the fucceeding reigns, that 
 Grafton, our g rea t grandfires loft .no ground with their anceftors in bountiful houle- 
 and P others. keeping, which in the days of Elizabeth, as well as during the reign of her 
 father, was as firmly adhered to as the moil found and important article of faith 
 could be.— In thofe days, when coffee and tea, with various other like flops, 
 were not known, it was no uncommon thing for the chief lords and ladies of 
 the court to breakfaft upon a fine beef fteak broiled, with a cup of ale, and that 
 at eight, or perhaps nine o'clock in the morning at fartheft : they then uiually 
 dined at mid-day, or one o'clock ; and fuch as eat fuppers mo ft commonly fat 
 down to meat about feven, or a little before, in the evening. Indeed, in queen 
 Mary's reign, the hour of fupper at court feems to have been ftill earlier, for in 
 Fox's Martyrs, Wefton promifes Bradford that he would go and fay evening fong 
 before the queen, and fpeak to her in his f Bradford's J behalf: but (adds he) 
 . it is to be thought that the queen had almoft fupped at that prefeat, for it was 
 in the Life 'of pad fix of the clock. 
 Bradford. The 
 
 Vide Hol- 
 ling. vcl. 2, 
 pag. 1706. 
 
 Fox's 
 A&s & Mo- 
 
 f This cuftom of garnifhing the difhes for the table with rofemary was very common in former 
 times, efpecially at a wedding feaft. Thus in the Knight of the Burning Peftle (by Beaumont and 
 Fletcher) the rich Merchant, meaning to make a private dinner at his daughter's wedding, fays, 
 ls We will have a c?pon in itewed broth, with marrow ; and a good piece of beef ftuck with rofe- 
 mary." — AcT 4th. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. m 
 
 The common methods of housekeeping, as ufual with the great tradefmen, 
 and the manner of their fervants living, we may learn from the Hiftory, before 
 quoted, of John Newchombe, the wealthy clothier of Newbury, wherein aTheHiftory 
 gollip reproaching his wife of unthriftinefs, fays, " You feed your folks with °£J a £ k of 
 the beft of beef and the fineft of wheat, which is an overfight j neither do I hear eW Ury * 
 of any knight in this country that doth it : and to fay the truth, how were they 
 able to bear that port which they do, if they faved it not by fome means? Come 
 thither, and I warrant you that you mall fee biown bread upon the board ; if it 
 be of wheat and rye mingled together, it is a great matter, and bread moft 
 highly commended : but moft commonly they eat barley bread, or rye mingled 
 with peafen or fuch-like corie grain, which is doubtlefs of fmall price, and there 
 is no other bread allowed except it be at their own board : and in like manner 
 for their meat, it is well known that necks and points of beef is their ordinary 
 fare; which, becaufe it is commonly lean, they feeth therewith now and then 
 a piece of bacon or poark, whereby they make their pottage fat, and there with 
 drive out the reft with more content : and this you muft do. And befides that, 
 the midriffs of oxen, and the cheeks, the fheeps heads, and the gathers, which 
 you give away at your gate, might ferve them well enough : this would be a 
 great fpareing to your meat, and by this means you would fave much money in 
 the year, wherby you might mOch better maintain your French hood and filk 
 gown." — Thus we may fee, that as foon as the pafiion fordrefs became general, 
 by degrees the noted, the boafted hofpitality, dwindled away ; for fo much was 
 then laid out upon their apparel, that they were obliged to make many, and 
 thofe great favings, elfewhere, to fupport that additional expence. 
 
 Yet a fpecimen of the extravagances of the lad century we meet with in the 
 City Madam, wherein Holdfaft exclaims ap-ainft the profufe feafting in the city. The City 
 
 Madam by 
 
 " Men (fays he) may talk of country Chriftmafs, and court gluttony, Matters 'o-er. 
 Their thirty pounds for butter'd eggs, their pies of carps tongues, 
 Their pheal'ants drench'd' with ambergrife ;* the carcafies 
 Of three fat weathers brufed for gravy, to 
 Make fauce for a fingle peacock : — yet their feafts 
 Were fafts, compared with the cities." 
 One dim he in particular inveighs againft, which may juftly ferve as an ex- 
 ample to the reft. 
 
 " Three fucking pigs, ferv'd up in a dim, 
 
 Took from the fow as foon as (he had farrow'd, 
 
 A fortnight fed with dates, and mufkadine,-j~ ; 
 
 That ftood my mafter in twenty marks apiece 3 
 
 Befides the puddings in their bellies, made 
 
 Of I know not what," &c. The 
 
 * Thus in Albumazar, an old Comedy, Albumazar afks for " fome boxes of white confites, march- 
 pane, and drve fucket, macaroons, and diet bread and to compleat the banquet, " fome dozen 
 ounces of ambergrife, as grey as can be got." By this it follows that colour was efteem'd the belt. — 
 And again, in the Antiquary (written by Shakerly Marmion, Efq; in the reign of Charles the Firft) 
 Petiucio wifhes the cooks (at a banquet) to have in the middle of the table " an artificial hen, made 
 of pufF parte, with her wings difpiay'd, fitting upon eggs of the fame materials, wherein each of 
 them fhall be enclofed a fat nightingale, feafoned with peper and ambergreafe." 
 
 \ This was a fort of wine, or drink much efteem'd. — After, in the fame play, Luke fays to his com- 
 pany, " But that a tavern's near, you ftiould tafte mufkadine at my houfe to wafu down forrow/* 
 
H2 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 Parfon's The captain in the play of the Parfon's Wedding, being defired to chufe 
 Wedding, the dimes he prefers for the fupper, in the evening fays, " Provide me then 
 byKillegrew chines fry'd and the falmon calver'd, a carp and black fauce, red deer in the 
 blood, and an aflembly of woodcocks and jack-fnipes fo fat, you would think 
 they had their winding meets on ; and upon thefe as their pages, let me have 
 wait your Suffex wheat ear, with a feather in his cap ; over all which let our 
 countryman, general chine of beef command : I hate your French pottage 
 that looks as if the cook-maid had more hand in it than the cook. 
 
 But the widow's dinner in the Match at Midnight, is plain and homely 
 Match at enough " I am fet (fays (he to fome gueft juft entering) — but pardon our 
 ^Midnight, ru( j ene f Sj — you fee a Fridays fare for myfelf, — a dim of eggs and a rabbit; — 
 yj. ow ey ^ j^j^.j j Qt nQ Grange faces." 
 
 No doubt there were then, nay always were and will be, fome fober people 
 to be found (however advanced an age may be in luxury and vice) who will 
 not facrifice their health and eftates to the cravings of a brutal and depraved 
 appetite j yet on the other hand, every age has been peftered with high 
 pampered gluttons, who determine to gratify their unnatural and prepofterous 
 defires with the moft profufe and expenfive dainties. — Even in our own age, 
 (amongft variety of other cruelties and deteftable pradtifes) we have heard of 
 whipping young pigs to death to make them tender — and bleeding fowls till 
 they die, by cutting them under the tongue, to make them white. But no 
 more of this fubjec"t ; — No, rather let the remembrance of fuch vices be 
 buried in oblivion than fet forth a lafting monument of national difgrace ! — 
 I mall only add, that the turtle and venifon feafts, &c. of the prefent age, 
 will moft likely fome time hence by our fuccefibrs, be thought as extravagant 
 as we can poflibly conceive the banquets and fuperb feafts of our own ancestors 
 to.have been. For certain it is that high living is now more followed than it 
 was in former times, and tho' at the tables of the ancients there was always 
 great abundance, it was constantly much plainer food: for indeed, fuch a 
 variety of made dimes and fauces fo highly feafoned (which are the ruin of 
 the conftitution) were not known to them. It is ftriclly fpeaking in the 
 quality more than in the quantity, that the great difference is now made 
 .between the banquets of the prefent age, and thofe of our anceftors. 
 
 On Sundays and holidays, the youth of London of almoffc all degrees, the 
 citizens alfo and their wives, ufed to repair to Pimlico, Hoxton, Iflington, 
 and Newington, &c. places then famous, for the faihionable refort thither to 
 drink ale and eat cakes ; a noted houfe alfo of like fort was at Tottenham- 
 Court, as appears from an old play of that name : and fuch was the fame of 
 Pimlico, that a ba*d in the beginning of the 17th century, wrote a poem, 
 This Poem. entitled " Pimlico, or Runne Red Cap" in which he has delineated levcral 
 at ?S JL Pr 'd te(J cur * ous characters, and with .fome humour defcnbed the manners of the time : 
 1609. ' an ^ ' n °^ P^ av > entitled "Greens Tu quoque" Sir Lionel the citizen 
 declares, that he has fent his daughter in the morning as far as *« Pimlico, 
 to get a draught of Derby ale, that it might fetch a colour in her cheeks." 
 
 lpocras, clarry, bracket, &c. as we have feen already (page 74 of' this vol.) 
 were drinks much efteemed in former times ; betides which -we read of 
 muikadine ; the which was greatly affected when brewed up with eggs. In 
 
 the 
 
OP THE ENGLISH. 
 the Pi&ure, a comedy of Maftenger's, the maid tells Honoria that the courtier ThePi&jr.*, 
 *' is drinking by himfelf to her ladymips health, in mufkadine and eggs, (and Comedy, 
 adds lhe) the rather to draw the liquor down, he hath got a pye of marrow- 
 bones, potatoes, and eringos." In the London Prodigal, mention is made of London 
 " a pottel of Rhenifh wine, brew'd with rofe water :" and in the play of Prodigal. 
 Tottenham Court, I find mortified claret ; add to thefe the fack and fugar, Tottenham 
 fo much talked of, and fo much commended by the gormondizing Falftaff. 1 ft°&2d 
 
 The clergy themfelves were not behind-hand with the laity, in frequenting p.. rts of K. 
 fuch places as were noted for good liquor; for in the old humorous comedy Hen. 4. &c. 
 of Gammer Gurton's Needle, the old gammer, wanting the aid of the Parfon, Firft printed 
 calls Cock the boy and thus gives him his orders, A. D. 1551. 
 
 See the Ori- 
 
 Come hither Cock anon, gin of the 
 
 Hence fwithe to dodtor Rat, hye the that thou were gone, v^f ^"os' 
 
 And pray him come fpeke with me, cham not well at eafe, "■** p ' 20 
 Shall find him at his chamber, or els at mother Bees, 
 -Els feek him at Hobfilchers fliop ; for as charde it reported 
 Triers is the beji ale in the 'town, and now is moji reforted. 
 
 The boy goes forth to feek him as he is ordered; and when he returns, 
 .■Gammer thus enquires.; 
 
 Gammer — Where didft thou finde him boy ? was he not wher I told thee ? 
 Cock — Yes, yes, even at Hobfilchers houfe, by him that bought and fold me: 
 a cup a} ale had in his hand, and a crab * lay in the fier, &c. 
 
 Some few Notes relative to the prices of Provision. 
 
 In the reign of king Edward the third, it was enacted by proclamation, that 
 no poulterer mould fell one of the beft fwans, for more than as. and that he E.LibroMS 
 mould fell the beftporcelle f for %d: — the beft ewe for 6d. — the beft capon in ^ b j^ | ott - 
 for 6d. — the beft hen for 4^".— the beft pullet for 2d. \ — the beft poucyn for 2d. NeroA.Vf 
 — the beft conynge {perhaps coney) or a peel for qd. — the beft teel 2d. — the beft 
 river mallard 5 d. — the beft mallard of the fyns 3 J. — the beft fnipc \d. — four 
 alloives id. — the beft woodcock 3^. — the beft patridge 5^. — the beft plover 3^. 
 — the beft pheafant i«r. d,d. — the beft turbi lod. — 13 of the beft thru flies 6d. — 
 12 eggs id. — 12 fmall birds id. 
 
 Farther difcovery of the prices of provifion, as in the reign of Henry the 8th. MS. in the 
 I meet with in a MS. account of the preparations, made for the funeral of Harl. Lib. 
 Sir John Rudftone, who had lately been mayor of London. He died A.D. 15.31, mark * 12 3 1, 
 
 Vol. III. and 
 
 * Or apple. 
 
 t Note here that the whole of this proclamation, in the original MS. is in old French; fuch 
 names as I could not well underftand, I have left in the fame manner which I found them, and 
 taufed them to be printed in italics for diftin&ion fake. 
 
U4 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 and the following are the bills of the provifions which were provided for the 
 dinner, &c. at his burial : 
 
 d. s. d. 
 
 Item, in prymys — for the fpyce brede 7 5 | 60 egges - - o 71 
 
 jib. of fugar for the fame - 41(7 dyfshes of butter, at 4^. i * 
 2 unces of faffron - - 2 o | the gallone - - J 3 + 
 2 unces of clovys and mace - 1 8 | Manchett brede - -10 
 7 unces of peper - - o \o\ | Foure hundred of peers 2 4 
 2 gallons of milk - o 3 j lib. of byfketts - 08 
 
 And here folowes the coftes done on the morowe for the dynner : 
 
 To the Pyke-monger. jT. s. d. 
 
 Item 16 pykes, at is. 4 d. a pece - - 114 
 
 8 roundes of fturgeon - - 120 
 
 To the Pulter. 
 £. *- d £• s. d. 
 
 Item 6 roundes of brawne o 
 10 fwannes, at 6s. a 1 
 
 pece - J 
 
 2 doz. of quayles 010 o 
 
 3 doz. of rabetts 066 
 
 22 capons - - 01210 
 
 9 doz. of pygeons, at 10^. i * 
 
 per dozen - _ j 7 
 4 gefe - - 028 
 
 300 eggs - -039 
 
 In another bill for what was provyded at the month's mind, is 
 A doz. of chekyns and 2 capons - is. $d. 
 
 To the Bowcher. 
 
 s. d. 
 
 Item — A furloyne of beffe 2 4 | 4 Mary bones 
 
 Half a vele (calf) 2 8 I 
 
 1. d. 
 
 To the Mylke WyrTe. 
 
 s. d. ' s. d. 
 
 Item 2 gallones and 6 dyfshes } | 8 gallones of creme - 40 
 
 of butter - i ^ | 12 gallones of curdde - 16 
 
 To the Brewer. 
 
 s. d. s. d. 
 
 Item 3 barrelles of ale - 1 1 o | For double bere to the tabull o 4 
 
 A kylderkyn of bere 1 o J Yeffc - -04 
 
 Alfo in another bill paid to the brewer, for what was had of him for the 
 month's mind, is as follows: 
 
 One flande of good ale, and 3 of three-halfpenny ale - 4J. 6d. 
 
 To 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 To the Vyntener. £. , 
 Item 32 gallones of redde and clarett wyne, at lod. per gallon - 1 
 
 3 gallones of makerey ------ 
 
 In the vyntner's bill at the month's mind, is for 
 
 A rundlett of mufkadell (perhaps the fame with mujkadine) - 6s. 
 
 "5 
 . d. 
 
 The Grocer. 
 
 Item. 6 unces of pepper 
 
 4 unces of clovys 5c mace 
 2 unces of faffrone 
 1 81b. of pruenes 
 81b. of corans 
 
 61b. of dates 
 lib. of byfketts 
 1 2lb. of fugar 
 5 unces of cynimion 
 4 unces of gynger 
 
 2 o 
 
 10 
 7 
 
 1 3 
 
 o 6 
 
 The Baker. 
 
 Item. 4 bufshelles of chete, at i 
 is. lod. the bufshelle J 
 
 For hot brede 
 
 For fyne flower 
 For bafterde flower 
 
 The Chaundeler. 
 
 Item. A peck and a half of fait 
 For candells 
 For venyger 
 For vergeys 
 
 6 For packthrede and muftarde o 2 
 
 4 For cappys ( perhaps capers) o 2 
 
 4 For lofs of pottes - -08 
 
 6 For hyer of pottes - -04 
 
 The Cooke. s. d. 
 
 Item. For hys labor and hys companye for 18 meffes of meate 15 o 
 Item. For yerbys - - - -08 
 
 Item. A quarter of a hundrede of fagottes - - 12 
 
 Item. For coles - - - ---16 
 
 Item. Paide the turners of broches and fkulyans, foure of them i 4 
 
 Add to thefe the bill found in FalftafPs pocket, which runs as follows: — FirftPartof 
 '«< Item a capon 2s. 2d. — Item fauce 4^. — Item fack two gallons $s. Sd. — Item K. Hen. IV, 
 anchovies and fack after fupper is. 6d. — Item bread \d." — But as thefe are fup- 
 pofed to be the tavern charges, we may reafonably conclude that they were very 
 extravagant ; as were alfo the following, felefted from the comedy called 
 Tottenham Court. The waiter gives the particulars as follows : " Cakes zs. od, 
 — ale as much — a quart of mortified claret Sd. — ftew'd prunes is. od. (which 
 prunes the waiter fays cofl: id. per lb.) — and a quart of cream 1/. od." But he 
 confelfes that he had over-charged in his reckoning: 
 
 In 
 
4 i6 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS v " 
 
 MS, in ^ n a MS. in the Harleian Library, I find a fragment of the Houfhold Book, 
 Bib. Harl. which book did contain " the Orders of Prince Henryes Howfe, as it was By 
 "»fig. 293- him figned the 9th. of Maye, an. 1610." 
 
 The Pryfes of Flefiie, as the Prince Henrye payethe, as they are agreed for 
 
 with the Purveyors. 
 " An ox mould waye 600 lb. the fowere quarteres, and commonly coftethe 
 9/. 10s. or there abouts ; — a mutton mold waye 441b. or 461b. and they coft by 
 the ftone 2s. 3^. eache ftone beyng 8 pound : — vealles (cahes) go not by wayght, 
 but by goodnefs only j their price is commonly ip, or thereabouts: — lambes 
 at 6s. Sd-, the peece," 
 
 m u s i a 
 
 Who pleythe on the harp, he mould pley trew j 3 
 Who fyngythe a fong, let hys voyce be tunable ; 
 
 Who wreftythe the clavycorde, myftunyng efchew ; 
 Who blowthe a trompet, let hys wynd be..mefurabyle ; 
 
 For inftruments in themfelf, be ferme and ftable, 
 And of trowthe, woulde trouthe to every man's fong, 
 Tune them then trewly, for in them is no wrong. 
 
 MS inibiJ. Thus fays an old MS. book of inftructions for raulic, as old as the reign of 
 Bib. infig Henry the Fourth, preferved in the Harleian Library. And <in another MS. 
 
 43* namely the inventory of the palaces belonging to Henry the Eighth, I find the 
 MS. in ibid, following inftrurnents of mufic mentioned : 
 
 Bib. infig. pj r ^ a pair of double regalles, with 2 ftoppes of pipes, very richly ornamented. — 
 (The regall, as Sir John Hawkins kindly informed me, is a fmall kind of or- 
 
 Tnnt. A.D. gan its figure may be fee n in the Nuremberg Chronicle, fol. 10.) 
 
 ? 493« A pair of fingle regals, 3 ftopys of pipes ; — after followeth it hath but 2 (lopes 
 of pipes; the other 2 is but a cimbal, — This instrument here mentioned, 
 " had one ftoppe pipe of tin, one regal of tin, and acimbal. 
 Vyrgynalles. — One fingle vyrgynall, and fingle regally with a ftoppe of timber 
 pipes of woode : — a double virgynall, and a double regally three flops of 
 wooden pipes; (thefe inftruments were join'd together, and befides thefe 
 
 there were fingle virgynails without the regalls) : — a pair of claricordes ; 
 
 citterons, or Spanijh vialles ; — citteronpipes of ivory, called cornetts vialles, 
 great and fmall ; — a lute, being in a cafe, with a. citteron i^— flutes flutes, 
 called pilgrims /laves ; — crumhoms (I do not know but that thefe were of the 
 fame fort with thofe now called French horns) ; — recorders ; — bafe recorders-, 
 — recorders of oaken bowes (the recorder was a fort of pipe not much unlike 
 the hautboy ; it was blown into, and ftopp'd with the fingers);— a pipe for a 
 taberde \—Jhalmes (a Jljalme- v/as a fort of wind pipe) ; — a bagpipe ; — a flute of 
 glafs;— a thort inftrument called dulcerijfe (the fame perhaps with dulcimer), . 
 
 Thet 
 
of the English: U j 
 
 The reader will not be much furprized at this great variety of inftruments of 
 mufic belonging to the above-mentioned prince, when he is inform'd from Hall, „ ^, „ 
 that he (Henry the 8 th) was very fond of muiie, often amufing himfelf with f u bVit° a 
 " playing at the recorders, flute, virginalls, and in fetting of fongcs, or making of Hen. 8. 
 balattes : he did (continues my author ) let 2 goodly malles, every of them 5 partes, 
 which were fonge of i -ntymes in hys chapel, and afterwards in divers other places. 
 
 Stow informs us, that in the fourth year of queen Elizabeth, *' John- Rofe, 
 dwelling in Bridewell, devifed and made an inftrument with wyer firings, com- ^ S Q^ r * 
 monly called the bandora, and left a fon, far excelling himfelfe in making 1 °" 
 bandores, voyal de gamboes, and other inftruments." Michael Drayton, 
 in the following, verfes, fpeaks of the various forts of mulic, as ufed irf 
 England : Poly-dbfon 
 —Their height of fkiil might livelieft be expreft j So £g ^th 
 
 The trembling lute fome touch, fome ftrain the viol beft ' 
 
 Jn let which there were feene, the mufic wondrous choice ; 
 
 Some likewife there affect the gamba with the voice, 
 
 To (Lew that England could variety afford. 
 
 Some that delight to touch the fterner wyerie chord, 
 
 The cytbron, the bandora, and the theorbo ftrike : 
 
 The gtttern and the kit the wand'ring fidlers like. 
 
 Se were there fome againe, in this their learned ftrife, 
 
 I/Oud inftruments that lov'd ; the cornet and the pb if e y 
 
 The boboy, fagbut deepe, recorder, and the flute j 
 
 Even from the mrilleft JJjawtne unto the cornamutC. 
 
 Some blow the bagpipe up, that plaies the country round s ; 
 
 The taber and the pipe fome take delight to found. 
 
 In the play of Ferrex and Porrex, each aft is preceded by a dumb mow, and yj^Onoia 
 before that was begun there was fome particular mufic performed, before the G f t he° 
 firft dumb (how, '* the mufic of violins began to play;" the fecond, «' the Enj, Drama 
 mufic of cornets j" the third, >*' the mufic ot liutes j" the fourth, " the mufic Vul - 2 * 
 of hautboys;" and laftly, before the fifth mow-, " the drums and flutes began 
 to found." 
 
 In the Sad'Shepherd (by Johnfon) mention is made of *« the bells, the pipes, g a j § he ^ 1 
 the tabors, and the timburines -," and in the fame play Robin Hood fays, herd, byBen 1 
 
 Johnfoii* 
 
 " The woodman met, the damfels and the fwaines, 
 The neatherds, plowmen, and die ptpers loud, 
 And each did dance, fome to the kit or crowd, 
 Some to the bagpipe, fome the tabret mov'd." 
 
 Concerning the horns, ufed by the huntfmen and game-keepers, I meet" 
 with the following account in a MS. entitled the Mafter of the Game, Jl * th * 
 which was written for the ufe of king Henry the fifth, to whom it was lg ^ t 
 prefented. ' XVlli. ■ 
 
 " There be (fays the author) diverfe manners of hornesj that is to fay 
 bugies, great abotes, hunts homes, ruettes> fmall fofter homes, and many 
 
 hornea 
 
1 18 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 homes of 2 manners ; — the one manner is, thofe which are wexed with greene 
 wexe, and be greater of found j and becaufe that they be beft for good hunters, 
 therefore I wool devile how and of what fafhon they fhul be drive : Firft it 
 fhould be drive of 2 fpanne length, and not too michlefs more fi. e. not much 
 more] neither michlefs leffe, and not too crookyng, neither too ftraight, but 
 that the flew may be 3 or 4 fingers uppermore for higher) than the head, or 
 great end ; and alfo that it be as great, and hollow driven as it may, to the 
 lengthe; and that it be fhorter at the fide to the bawdericward, then at the 
 nether fide ; and that the head be as wide as it may be, driven fmaller and 
 fmaller to the flew ; and that it be well wexed thicker, or thinner after, as 
 the hunter thinketh it wool beft fovvne ; and that it be halfe the lengthe of 
 the home, from the flew to the binding j and alfo that it be not too fmall 
 driven, from the binding to the flew; for if it be, the home woulde be too 
 meane of founde. — As for the other maner, as homes of feutres, and wood- 
 men, I fpeak not of — for every fmall home and other meane homes unwexed, 
 both goode ynough for them." 
 
 The minftrels * and muficians, ufed to ftroll about the country, and at the 
 fairs, feafts, weddings, &c. did play, and fometimes fing to their mufick ; 
 relative to thefe muficians, and the ftate -of ballad finging in the reign of 
 Putten. Art Elizabeth, take the following extract from Puttenham's art of Englifli poefy ; 
 of English <( frnall and popular muficks, fung by thefe cantabanqui, upon benches and 
 r oe y, \. barrels heads, where they have none other audience than boys or country 
 fellows, that pafte by them in the ftretes ; or elfe by blind harpers, or fuch 
 taverne minftrels, that give a fit -f of mirth for a groat; their matter being for 
 the moft part ftories of old time, as the tale, of Sir Topas, the reportes of 
 Bevis of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke,- Adam Bell and Clymne of the 
 Clough, and fuch other old romances or hiftorical rhymes, made purpofcly 
 for recreation of the common people at the Chriftmas dinners and brideales, 
 and in tavernes and ale-houfes and fuch other places of bafe refort." Thus 
 in the old hiftory of John Newchombe, the widow being with two of her 
 gallants at a fair, entered a tavern, where " they had not fitten long (fays 
 the author) but in comes a noife of muficians in tawny coates, who (putting 
 of their cappes) afked if they would have any mufick." With thefe we may 
 put the waits or ivakei, who are certain people that go through the ftreets at 
 midnight, about Chriftmas time, and the beginning of the New Year, playing 
 their mufic, and iinging of carrots, hymns, 6cc. 
 
 * See a large account of thefe minftrels in the firft volume of Dr. PercV's Reliques of Ancient 
 Poetry. 
 
 t Fit is the part of a fong or ballad, which is commonly divided into feveral, and the minftrel had 
 a groat for every fit or part which he fung. Thus, in the Blind Beggar of Bethnal-Green, is the 
 
 following verfe : 
 
 Then give me leave, nobles and gentles, each one, 
 One fong more to fing, and then I have done; 
 And if that it may not win good report. 
 Then do not give me a GROAT for my fport. 
 
 (See Reliques of Ancient Poetry, vol. 2, page 174.) 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 119 
 
 I find thern mentioned in Johnfon's Silent Woman, where they are called 
 " Waights" —And again, in the prologue to the Knight of the Burning Peftle, 
 the Citizen fays to the actor of the prologue, 
 
 What {lately mufic have you ? 
 
 You have ftiawns. 
 Prologue. Shawns ? No. 
 Citizen, Let's have the ivaits of Southwark ! 
 
 They are rare fellows as any in England. 
 
 SPORTS and PASTIMES. 
 
 Mafter John Gyffbrd, and William Twety, that were with king Edward MS. in the 
 the Second, compofed a book on the Craft of Hunting, the which book is now Cotton Lib. 
 preferv'd in the Cottonian Library : part of it is in verfe, and part in profe. It f 
 Beginneth thus : B. xn. * 
 
 All fuche dyfport as voydeth ydilneffe 
 It fyttyth every gentilman to knowe, 
 For myrth anexed is to gentilnefte ; 
 Wherefore among alle other, as I trowe, 
 To know the cfafte of hunting, and to blowe, 
 As this booke mall witnefie, is ove the befte, 
 For it is holfium, pleafaunt, and honeft : 
 
 And for to fette yonge hunterys in the way 
 To venery, I call: me fyrft to go ; 
 
 Of wheche 4 beftes be, that is to fay, 
 The hare, the herte, the wulfhe, the wild boor al Co, 
 
 And ther ben other beftis, five of the chafe, ■ 
 
 The buk the firft, the do the feconde, 
 The Jox the thyrde, vvhiche oft hath hard grace; 
 
 The ferthe, the martyn, and the laffc the roo. 
 
 The ferthe and the martyn mull be both one beaft, otherwife there are fix in 
 number, and the firft line of the verfe limits them to five. — The martyn is, I 
 fancy, the fame with the animal no w called martin cat.— The roo is fometimes 
 called roobuck. 
 
 And thre other beftes beene of gret difport, — 
 The grey is one thereof, with his ftepy pace 3 
 The cat another ; the otre one alfo. 
 
 The grey was the badger, and the cat here mentioned is the pole-cat \ 
 
 To the above verfes is fubjoined three illuminations, exhibiting coloured 
 delineations of all the beafts therein mentioned. — From thence the authors 
 
 (having 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 (having thus opened their defign in verfe) proceed in profe to give the following 
 a ccount of the boar and the hart : 
 
 The Boor. — Firft he is a pig, as long as he is with his damme j aud when his 
 damme levyeth hym, then he is called a gorgeaunt ; and the 3d yere he is 
 called an boggaft ; and when thay be 4 yere of age, they lhall departe fro the 
 found for age ; and when he goeth foole, than is he called a boor. 
 
 Now wyl we fpeke of the Hert ; and fpeke we of his degrees, that is to fay, 
 the fyrft yere he is a calfe, the fecunde a broket y the thyrde yeare a /payer, the 
 fqurthe yere a Jlagg, the fifthe yere a greet Jlagg, and the fixth yere a hert. 
 
 Then the authors fet forth inftrudtions to know the age of the flag by the 
 {hooting of his horns. That . done, hy the way of queftion and anfwer, they 
 proceed to inform the hunter how he ought to blow his horn, at the different 
 points of the hunt. 
 
 Of Blowyng. 
 
 ■$$jieJlion. — Syr Hunter, for how many beftis (hall a man blow the me?ie? 
 Anfwer.— -For thre males, and for one femalle ; that is to fay, for an hert, the 
 
 boor, the wolfh male, and al fo the wolfh female, as wel as to .her hufband. 
 Que/l.—How fhal ye blowe, whan ye have fen the hert ? 
 
 Anjw. — I fhal blowe after one mote, 2 motes; and if myn houndes come not 
 haftily to me as I wolde, I mall blow 4 motes ; and for to haft them to me, 
 and for to warne the gentelys that the hert is fene, then mall I rechafe on my 
 houndes 3 times ; and whan he is ferre from me, then fhal y chafe hym in 
 this manner, — Trout, trout, tro-ro-rot, trout, trout, tro-ro-rot, trou-ro-rot, 
 trou-ro-rot. 
 
 Quefl. — Syr Hunter, why blow you fo ? 
 
 Anfw. — For caufe that the hert is feen, and y wot nene, whedir that myn hundis 
 
 be become fro myn meyne. 
 Quefl. — And what maner of chafe clepe you that ? 
 
 Anfw. — We clepe it the chafe of the forloyne. I chafe with my houndis that be 
 huntyng another chafe, that is clepid the perfyzt ; then ye fliall begynne to 
 blow a longe mote, and afterwarde 2 fhorte motes, in this manner, Trout, 
 trout, and then trout, tro-ro-rot, begynnyng with a long mote for every 
 man that is a bowte yow, and can fkylle of venery, may Jcnowe in what 
 poynt ve be in yowre game, by yowre horne. Another chafe ther is, whane 
 a mane hath fet up archerys, and grey houndes, and the befte be founde, and 
 pafle out the boundys, and myne houndes after : then mall I blowe on this 
 maner, a mote, and afterward the rechafe upon my houndys, that be panned 
 the boundys ; whech be the boundes that we afignyd. 
 
 Quefl. — Sir Hunter, wole ye fech this chafe ? 
 
 Anfv. — Ya, fir. If it be a befte in ftreft, or in chafe, and myn houndes pafs 
 out on the boundes, and if ye wyl not that they chafe eny longer, I mall 
 blowe a mote, and after ward I ftiall ftrake after myn houndes, for to have 
 ( them a yen and when the chevet is take, ye lhall feye howe harrowe* 
 
 Then 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. Ht 
 Then followeth certain rules to be obferved when the beafts lb hunted tfiould 
 be taken by the hounds. — As fir ft, of the Hare, 
 
 And whanne the bare is take, and your houndes have ronne well to hyr, ye 
 fhall blowe ; and afterward ye fhul give to your houndes the hallow, and that 
 is the fyde of the fhuldres, the neck, and the hedj and the loyne fhall to the 
 kechone. 
 
 And whanne the hert is take, ye fhal blowe 4 mofys, and it fhall be defected as 
 of other beftes ; and if your houndes be bold, and have flayn the bert with 
 ftrength of huntyng, ye (hall have the flcynne ; and he that undoeth hym, 
 fhall have the ihuldre, by lawe of venery ; and the houndes fhall be rewardid 
 with the nekke, and with the bowellis, with the fee, and they fliall be etyn 
 under the fkynne; and therefore it is clepid the guar re.: and the hed fhal be 
 brout homme to the lord of thefkynnej the ivex, the gargilonne, above the 
 tayle forched on the right honde. Thanne blow at the dore of the halle the 
 
 Whanne the buk is i take, ye fhul blowe pryfe, and reward the houndes with 
 the paunche and the bowellis. 
 
 Whan the bore is i take, he be deftetyd alvelve ; and he fhal have 32 hafceleytys, 
 and ye fhal. gif your houndes the bowellis, boyled with bredd ; and it is callyd 
 reward, for caufe that it is etyn on the earth, and not on the fkynne. When 
 he fhall be carried home, the houndes fliall be rewarded with the fete, and 
 the body fhall to the kechyne. 
 
 The fefounne of the fox begynnyth at the Nativity of our Lady, and duryth til 
 the Annunciacion ; and the bare is alway in fefoune to be chafyd. 
 
 The names of the different hounds for hunting, I find mentioned in the book 
 intituled " The Mafter of the Game," written for the ufe of king Henry the ,n * e 
 Fifth, by one who was mafter of the game to his father, Henry the Fourth. infil^is'c 
 
 xvni. 
 
 Of Raches, or Houndes. 
 
 •Firft the renning hounds, the fame with thofe to chafe the hares, Sec. — the 
 grey houndes — the alauntes, or bull dogs (thefe were chiefly for hunting the boar;. 
 — The jpaniel was a hound for hawking : " his craft (fays my author) is 
 for the perdrich, and the quayle ; it is a goode hounde to a man that hath a 
 good gofhhawke, or tercel, or fparhawk, for the perdrich ; and alio when they 
 be taught to be couchers, they beth goode for to take the perdrich and quaile in 
 a nette. — The mafttff'h alio a good hounde for hunting of the wild boar. 
 
 Take from the fame book 
 
 The Ordenaunce, and the Maner of Hunting, whan the Kynge would Hunte 
 in the Forreft, or in Parke, for the Hert, with Bowes and Grey Houndes. 
 
 " The maifter of the game fhould be accorded with the maifter fofter, or 
 paiker, wether that it be where the kynge fhal hunte, fuch a dav, — and if the 
 lette be wide, the forefayde fofter or parker fhould warn the iherirfe of the fhvre 
 
 Vol. III. R that 
 
122 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 that the huntyng {hall be in, for to ordayne ftable fuffifant, and carts eke for to 
 bring the deere that fhoulde be flayne at the place, there as the quirres of hunt- 
 yngs ban been accoftymid. — And then he fhould warne the hunters, and the 
 feutrers, whider they fhoulde comen ; and the fofter fhould have men to meete 
 with hym, that they goe not ferthur, nor ftrayle aboute, for dreade leaft they 
 fraye the game er the kynge come, and if the hunting (hall be in a parke, all 
 men fhould abyde at the parke gayte ; — faf the ftables, that oweth to be fet for 
 the kynge ere he come, and they £hul be fet with the forefters, or parkers. And 
 the morning early the maifter of the game mould be at the woode, to fee that 
 all be ready; and he or his lieuetenant, or which of the hunters that him luft, 
 oweth to fette the greyhounds : — and whofoe be treaforers to the kynge or to the 
 queene, or to their lefes, as oft as any hert cometh out, he mould whan he is 
 palTed blowe a moot and recbate, and lat renne after two, and eife forth ; and if 
 it be a ftagge, he fhould lat paffe as is fayde and relye, for to make the feutrers 
 avifed what commeth oute, and to leife deere fhoulde noe wight be lat renne. — 
 And yet have I feyn not to the ftagge, but if he were commaunded, and then 
 the maifter, forefter, or parker, oweth for to mow him the kynges ftbrid, if 
 the kynge wool ftond with his bowe, — and where all the remnante of the 
 bowes mould ftond, and the yeoman for the kynges bowe oweth to be there, 
 to keepe and make the kynges flondyng, and abyde there wythoute noyfe, till 
 the kynge commej — and the gromes that keepen the kynges dogges, and 
 chaftife the grey houndes, fhould be there wyth hym -for they longen to the 
 yeoman's office, and alfo the maifter of the game, mould be enformed by the 
 forefter or parker, what game the kynge fhoulde fynde withyn his fette; and 
 whan al this is y do, then mall the maifter of the game worth upon horfe, and 
 meet the kynge» and brynge him to hys flondyng, and tell him what game is 
 within the ktte, and of the grey houndes, and eke the liable, and alfo to tell 
 
 hym where he had better ftande with hys bowe, or with hys greyhoundes. 
 
 It is to wyte that the Icofi of hys chamber, and of the queenes, mould be beft 
 fett, and their fewtrers oweth to make fay re logges of greene boughs, at their 
 trijlis, to keepe the kynge and the queene, with the ladyes and gentelwomenne, 
 and the greyhoundes, fro the funne, and foule weder. And whane the kynge is 
 at his flondyng, or at hys try/ire, wether he be lever,-— and that when the 
 maifter of the game, or hys lieuetenant, have fette the bowes, and afligned who 
 mall leade the queene to hyr try/Ire, then he fhoulde blowe three , long mootes, 
 to the uncoupling : and the hert houndes, and the heirers, that byforn han be 
 lad by fome forefters or parkers theder, as they mall uncouple, and all the 
 hunters that longeth to both mutes, abiding upon the maifter of the game's 
 
 blowy nge, &c. All fuch game as the kynge fleyeth with hys bowe, or the 
 
 queene, or my lord the prince, or other that they bidde with theyr own mouthe 
 to let renne, of thefe the huntfmen or attendants can not claim any part j but 
 of all others ther.e are certain parts affign'd to them, by the maifter of the game, 
 as to the baily, the forefter, the parker, &c. in their degrees. " 
 
 Next to hunting, hawking (in the proper feafons) was efteemed amongft our 
 anceftors. 
 
 In 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 123 
 In the Harleian Library is an old French treatife concerning the keeping of 
 hawks, The author fays in the beginning, marked qi6. 
 
 S0u\t tjolctatcjs! j'ol bottg bin*, 
 %t cn ct'tnt trobc enat, 
 fe>t ctun jo lig e jo Icujazt), 
 CH libtii al ton vti (HTDtoajD. 
 Iblm ja tits tfttitnt d nglfefe, 
 S^tilt cnfctgncr e inter cu?tci0. 
 
 Which verfes import, that he (the author) intended to fet forth to the reader 
 what he had feen in the book (on the fubject of hawking) written for or by 
 king Edward of England. 
 
 Mr.' Wanley (who made the former part of the Harleian Catalogue) fuppofes 
 that the author of this old poetic treatife might have written Edward {ox Alfred, 
 as the latter (adds he) did write a book de accipitribus, which is now loft. But 
 I rather believe that the French author made no miftake ; [for another MS. MS. in 
 on the fame fubjecl, likewife preferved in the Harleian Library, has this writing Ibld -Lib. 
 at the end — " Here endith the boke of haukyng, after prince Edwarde kynge mar ' 234 °* 
 of England." But what king Edward this was, I am not able to determine. 
 — The former MS. is as old as the time of Edward the Firft, and the latter was 
 written about the latter end of the 14th century. From the firft it feems 
 probable that the treatife here mentioned was either made by the ConfefTor, or 
 fome one of the Saxon Edwards that were before him. In the latter MS. is 
 contained the full directions how to manage the hawk, with a long account of 
 the various difeafes to which they be fubject, and the medicines to be admini- 
 ftered for their relief and cure : in the beginning I find 
 
 The Termys of Hawking. 
 
 In the begynnyng of termes of hawkyng, who fo vvoll him lere, he mail 
 fyndefix that ben of ufe : — the firft is boldejad, when he a battitb; — the fecunde 
 is, rebate your hawke to yourfifte; — the thirde is, fede your hawke, and (eye 
 not geve her mete; — the fourthe is, that an hauke faytb his beke, and not 
 ivy pit b — the fifth, cafle your hauke to the perche, and ieye not ley ; — the fixthe 
 is, that your hauke joketh, and not Jleepitb 
 
 Then followeth inftructions how to govern your hawk, See. 
 
 « And if your hawke fchall fie to pertriches, ye mode make him to know a 
 pertriche; and when he knowith a pertriche, go to felde where is covey, and 
 lete the fpaynell flufh up the covey ; and if that (he abate, lete her fie i but 
 beware that you conftreyne her not to flee : and if me neme (take) one, rewarde 
 her apon her foule : — but when you come firft to the covey, goo afore them 
 fome what, and lete the patriche that ye have in your bagge (provided for that 
 purpofe) fie be a creaunce, fo that the hauke nym the pertryche fleyng ; then 
 call the hauke to, and he will nym her withoute doute; — then go fyndde more 
 of the covey, and he woll take ynough of them without any doubt : — then 
 
 R 2 rewarde 
 
3 2 4 THE MANNERS A N D C ITS TOMS 
 
 rewarde your havvke in this maner, take a knyf and ftrike of the pertriche 
 .hedde, and the nek, and ftrike away the fkyn fro the neck, while the hawk 
 plumyth on the pertriche, and then hold the nek and hedde to gyder to her, . 
 and then fche woll leve the fowle, and come to the fuft to the mete ; then gyve 
 her to reward the brayn, and the eyen (eyes) and the flefch aboute the neck 5 
 and lete her not fie afterwardes, till me have fewyd her beke, or rowfed : — then 
 is your hawk made as touchyng pertriches," &c. 
 
 The hawk being a bird of a very delicate conftitution, it was extremely difficult 
 to rear and keep them in health, as alfo to teach them the feveral exercifes that i& 
 was necefTary for them to learn, before they were fit for the fporter's amufement.. 
 — Let the reader jadge of the trouble neceftary, from the following [ingle 
 inftance : 
 
 ATia Tracf» To drawe a hawke on the fift, and to rewle (rule) her in all poyntes. 
 
 in ibid,. . ( ^ t nyth ^/fg^/y go to the mew, and take her fayr and- hefely, ryth fyuftjk 
 as fche fyttis on her perche, and put on hyr jeffis and belles ; and loke that th& 
 nether jefie be an ynch longer than the farther, for batyngj and than- fet her on - 
 your fill, and bere her all that nyght, and keepe her from batyng." 
 
 Stricl command is given, in all the MS. inflruftions to the hawkers, that 
 they mould have the " jeffes " and "belles" made of the proper lize, and. 
 proportioned to the ftrength of the hawk. 
 . In the inventory of the goods at Hampton Court, I find (amongft vaft variety- 
 
 HarI ,n Lib. e °f omer things) mention of houndes collarrcs, with tirretts and ftuddes of iilver, 
 2340. fome gilt, — and hawke gloves, together with- hawke hoods embroidered. The* 
 hood was put over the eyes of the hawk till me was brought into the field, and 
 when the game was ftarted, then were her eyes uncovered, and the game was 
 mown to her,, which me inftantly, with much celerity, purfued. 
 
 The vaft lave that king Henry the Eighth had lor this- amufement. 
 Hall'sUnlon nac * ^ e to have proved fatal to him; for (fays Hall) on a time as " the 
 an. 16, H. 8. kynge following his hauke (on foot) he attempted to leap over a ditche, 
 fol. 139. B. befide Hycbyn, with a pole, and the pole brake ; fo that if one Edmond Mody, 
 a foteman, had not lept into the water, and lift up his hede, which was faft in 
 the clay, he had beene drowned : but God of his goodnefs preferved him." 
 
 MS. in the From the above quoted MS. take the feveral forts of hawks' allow'd the dif- 
 
 Hurl. Lib. ferent degrees of people. 
 YrtiU'k. 2340. 
 
 Three hawkys longyn to an emperour ; that is to fay, an egkyl, a watour, a- 
 
 millony neither lured nor redaymyd for hem. 
 Ther ben hawkes of tower that is to fey, a genfaucone, and a tarfenlet of the 
 
 fame for a kynge. 
 A faucon rmtyH,* a tarfelett thereof for a prince. 
 
 .A 
 
 * In an old printed edition of this work, it hgeniylL 
 
OF THE ENGLISH, 12$ 
 A fautone of the rocke, a tarfelet therof tor a duke. 
 A f aeon per egryne y a tarfelet therof for a lorde.* 
 There is a Bajiarde, and that hawke is for a baron.-)- 
 A Jakyr, and a Jakyret, for a knygth. 
 A lay ner, and a laynerett, for a fqwyer. 
 A lefe of mar/yons, for a lady. 
 
 A hoby, or a caj'elett of the fame, for a gentil man of the firft hede, 
 
 A gofe hawke, for a yoman. 
 
 A tetfel^ for a pore man. 
 
 A fparaw hawke, for a preft. 
 
 A mvfketbi for a haly watyr clarke. 
 
 A rejhretl, for a knave. - 
 
 An abij hawke is canvas mayk ; a lovyng hauke, an harde, that may indure 
 myche lbrowe, and commynly they be the hardyeft. 
 
 By the 13th chapter of the 1 Foreft Law, made by Henry the Third, it was Carta ^ 
 enacted that " every freman mould have within his owne woodes, ay res of Forefta 
 baukes, Jparroxv haukes, fawcans, eglys and herons." — In the 34th year of cap. 13. 
 Edward the Third, it was alio enafted, that " every perfon which fyndeth Vide 
 faivcon, tercelet, laner, or lanneret, or other fawcon that is lofte of their lord, Berthelet's ' 
 that mayntenaunt he bring the fame to the fheriffe of the county ; and that th£ Stat. vol. 1. 
 iherifTe make proclamation in al the good townes in the county, that he hath fol «53« A.j 
 fuche an hawke in his cuftody : and if the lord, which loft the fame, or any of 
 hys meny, cometh to chalenge him, and proveth reafonable that the fame is his 
 lordes, let him pay for the coftes, and have the fawcon : and if none come 
 within 4 monthes to chalenge him, that than the fherifFe have the fawcon, 
 makynge gree to him that dyd take him, if he be a fymple man, and if he be a 
 gentylman and of eftate to have the fawcon, that then the merirTe tedelyver to 
 him the fawcon, taking of him refonable coftes for the time that he had him in 
 his cuftody. And if any man take fuch fawcon, and the fame conceyle from 
 the lorde whofe it was, or from his fawconers, or whofoever taketh him from 
 the lord, and therof be atteinted, fhal have imprifonment of 2 yeres, and yelde 
 io the lorde the price of the fawcon fo coceiled and caried away, if he have 
 t hereof, and if he have not he fhall the longer abide in prifon." — And in the 
 37th year of the lame king, the following addition was made to the foregoing 
 acl : «* Notwithftandinge this crdynaunce, the offenders doubte but lyttel to ao .*^' g 
 offende in this behalfe, wherfore it is ordeyned, and by ftatute ftablylshed in pas ' 
 this prefent parlyament, that if any ftele any hawke, and the fame cary away, 
 not doyng the ordynaunce aforefayd, it mail be done of hym as of a thefe that 
 fteleth a horfe, or any other thynge." 
 
 In the eleventh year of Henry the Seventh it was ordained by the parliament, ibid. 
 *' that no maner of perfon, of what condytion or degre he be, take or caufe to n Hen. 7. 
 betaken, be it upon his owne grcunde or any other mannes, the egges of any ca K? l P 
 
 fdwcon y 
 
 * For an earl. — Ibid. 
 
 i This line alfo is entirely added from the printed edition, 
 
J26 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 fawcon, gojhawkes, laners t or fwannes, out of the nefle, upon peyne of impry- 
 fonment of a yere and a daye, and fine at the kynges wylle, the one halfe 
 thereof to the kyng, and the other halfe to the owner of the grounde wher the 
 egges were fo taken, and that the juftyces of the peace have audtorytye by this 
 prefent adte, to hear and determyne fuche matter."— -Alfo it was then ordained s 
 
 that no man, from the feaft of Pafche nexte enfuinge, fhoulde beare any 
 hauke of the breede of Englande, called an nyeJJ'e gojhake, tajfelle, laner, laneret, 
 or Jawcon, upon peyne of forfeyture of fuch his hawke to the kynge 5" but to 
 have hawkes comeing from abroad. 
 
 Thefe, with various other alterations, were afterwards confirmed. 
 
 Now pafs we on, and to the account of tournaments (given page gi of the 
 fecond volume of this work) add the following : 
 
 From a Ordinances, and Statute Rules, made and inacled by John Tiptoft Earl of 
 
 MS. in the Worfter, and Conftable of England, by the Kynges Comandement at 
 
 Had. Lib. Windfor, the 6th Year of Kvnge Edwarde the Fourthe. 
 
 mark. 1776. - 
 
 Firjl, Whofoe breaketh raoft fpeares as they oughte to be broken, mall have 
 
 the prife. 
 
 Secondly, Whofoe hitt 3 times in the fight of the healme, fhall have the prife; 
 'Thirdly, Whofoe meeteth twice the coronell, to coronelj, mall have the prife. 
 Fourthly, Whofoe beareth a man down, with the ftroke of a fpeare, fhall have 
 the prife. 
 
 Here foloweth wherefore the Prifes mall be lofte. 
 Firjl, Whofoe fhiketh a horfe, fhall not have the prife. 
 
 Secondly, Whofoe flriketh a mannes backe, turned or difarmed of his fpeare, 
 
 fhall have no prife. 
 Thirdly, Who hitteth the toyle, or tilte 3 times, fhallhave no prife. 
 Fourthly Whofoe unhelmes himfelfe 2 times, fhall have no prife, without his 
 
 his horfe faile him. 
 
 How Speares broken be difallowed. 
 Firfl, Who breaketh a fpeare on the fadle, fhall be difallowed for a fpeare 
 broken. 
 
 Secondly, Who hitts the tilt or toile once, fhall be difallowed for 2 fpeares 
 broken. 
 
 Thirdly, Whofoe hitts the ti]t twice, flial be for the two times abated, for 3 
 fpeares broken. 
 
 Fourthly, Whofoe breaketh a fpeare within a foot of the crownall, fhall be 
 judged as no fpeare broken, but a good attaynte. 
 
 The Prifes to be given. 
 Fir/}, Whofoe beareth a man downe from the fadle, or putteth hym to the 
 erth horfe and man, fhall have the pryfe before hym that flriketh coronal to 
 coronal 2 times. 
 
 Secondly, 
 
OF" THE ENGLISH. 127 
 
 Secondly, He that ftriketh coronal to coronal 2 tymes, mall have the pryfe 
 
 before hym that ftriketh the fight three times. 
 thirdly, He that ftnketh the light 3 times, fhall have the pryfe before hym that 
 
 breaketh mode fpeares. 
 Fourthly, Jf there he any gentleman in this wife, that fortaneth to be longeft 
 
 in the feilde, healmed, and ran the faireft courfes, and gave the greatcfi 
 
 flrokes, and helped him belt with, his fpeare, thall have the prife; 
 
 (Subfenbed) Iohn Wofter. 
 
 Thcfe tournaments continued in all their glory during the reign of Henry 
 the Eighth, who himfelf greatly delighted in them, and often made one Hall'sUnion 
 amcnglt the refc of his lords and favourites. One time in particular he had in Vitae 
 liked to have loft his life ; for being on horfeback within the tilt, and his vizor Hen * 
 up, when the trumpets founded to the charge, he, forgetting to fhut and clafp 
 his vizor down, rode full fpeed to meet the opponant (who was Brandon duke 
 of Suffolk)'; The furrounding people, feeing his danger, cried out aloud, but 
 it was too late: Brandon (who knew not the caufe) pufh'd on, aiming his 
 lance, as he thought, at the fight of the king's helm; but fortunately he paffed 
 fomewhat afid-e his aim, for the lance enter'd the helm by the fide of his face, 
 and the braces giving way, the helm was forced off, and the king received no 
 further harm than a flight hurt by the fudden riling of the helmet, — Thele 
 warlike fhows were generally fucceeded in the evening by a fuperb banquet and 
 mafque, with dancing and other polite amufements. 
 
 The reader may not, perhaps, be difpleafed with the following fpecimen of 
 the tafte of thofe times, in fuch princely entertainments, and, for the curiofity 
 thereof, may be inclined to excufe the length of the quotation. It is felected 
 from a vail variety of thefe grand mows (which did abound throughout the 
 whole of Henry's reign) recorded by Hal!, in his Union of the houfes of York t \% fa 
 and Lancailer, and was, both tilt and banquet, holden in the fecond year of ° in{ - r a. 
 Henry the Eighth, in honour of the queen, and as a token of joy for her fafe 
 recovery from her late lying-in. 
 
 V The morow beyng the xni daye of February after dynner, at tyme con- 
 venient, the qaene with the ladyes repaired to fee the juftes. The trompettes 
 blew up, and in came many a nobleman and gentelman, rychly appareiled^ 
 takynge up their horfes : after whom followed certayne lordes appareiled, they 
 and their horfes, in clothe of golde and ruffet tynfell ; knightes in clothe of 
 golde Hid ruffet velvet ; and a greate number of gentelmen on fote in ruffet 
 fatyn and yealow, and yomen in ruffet damafke and yealow : all the nether 
 parte of every man's hofen fkarlet, and yealow cappes. Then came the kynge 
 under a pavilion of clothe of golde and purpul velvet enbroudered, and poudered 
 with H and K of fyne golde, the compafs of the pavilion above enbroudered 
 rychely, -and valenced with flat golde, beten in wyre, with an impenall croune 
 in i.he top of fyne golde, hys bafes and trapper of clothe of gold Ffdtted with 
 damafke gold, the tripper pendant to the tail ; a crane and chafron of.ftejej in 
 the frouat of the chafrofl was a goodly plume fet full of mufers or tremolyng 
 
 fpangles 
 
itS THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 fpangks of golde. After followed his three aydes, every of them under a 
 pavilion of crimofyn damafke and purple, poudred with H. and K. of fine golde, 
 valanced and frynged with golde of damafke : on the top of every pavilion a 
 great K. of golde fmythes worke. The number of gentelmen and yomen 
 attendant a fote, appareiled in ruflet and yealow, was c.lxvnr. Then next 
 t-hefe pavilions came xii chyldren of honor, fitting every of them on a greate 
 courier richely trapped and enhroudered in feveral devifes and facions, where 
 lacked neither brouderie nor goldefmythes worke, fo that every childe and horfe 
 in device and facion was contrarye to other, whiche was goodly to beholde. 
 
 Then on the counter part entered Sir Charles Brandon fyrft on horfe-backe, 
 in a long robe of rufTet fatyn, like a reclufe or a religious perfon, and hys horfe 
 trapped in the fame fewte, without dromme. or noyfe of mynftrelfye, puttinge a 
 byll of peticion to the queene, the effecte whereof was, that if it would pleale 
 her to licence hym to runne in her prefence, he woulde do it gladly, and if not, 
 then he woulde departe as he came. After that hys requefl: was graunted, then 
 he put of hys fayde habyte, and was armed at all peeces, with ryche "bales, and 
 horfe alfo rychely trapped, and fo did run hys horfe to the tylte ende, where 
 divers men on fote, appareiled in ruflet fatyn, awaited on hym. Next after 
 came in alone young Henry Guylford, efquier, hym felfe and hys horfe in ruflet 
 cloth of golde, and clothe of filver, clofed in a device, or a pageant made lyke 
 a caftel or a turret, wrought of riiffet farcenet Florence, wrought, and let out 
 in golde with hys worde or pofye, and al his men in rulTet fattyn and white s 
 with hofen of the fame, and their bonettes of like colours, demanding alfo 
 licence of the quene to runne, whiche to him graunted, he toke place at thende 
 of the tylte. Than came next the : marques Dorfet and Syr Thomas Bulleyn, 
 like two pilgrems from Sainct James, in taberdes of blacke velvet, with Palmers 
 hattes on their hellmettes, with long Jacob's ftaves in their handes, their horfe 
 trappers of blacke velvet, their tabardes, hattes and trappers fet with fcolloppe 
 fchelks of fyne golde, and {tripes of blacke velvet, every llripe fet with a fcalope 
 fhellj their fervauntes all in blacke fatyn, with fcalop fhelles of gold in their 
 breaQes. Sone after came in the lord Henry of Buckyngham erle of Wylfhire, 
 hymfelf and his horfe appareiled in cloth of filver, embroudered with a poyfe, or 
 his y/orde, and arrawes of golde in a poyfe, called La maifon du refuge, made 
 of crymofyn damafke, broudered with rofes and arrowes of golde. ; on the top a 
 greyhonde of filver bearinge a tree of pomegarnettes of golde, the braunches 
 thereof were fo large that it overfprede the pagent in all partes. Then entred 
 Syr Qyles Capell, Syr Roulande, with many other knightes, richely armed and 
 appareiled. And thus beganne the juftes, whiche was valiauntly acheved by the 
 kyng and his aydes, emonges whome hys grace atteyned the price. Thefe 
 juftes fynimed, every man withdrew ; the kynge was difarmed, and at time 
 convenient he and the quene heard even fong, and that night all the amballadours 
 fupped with the, kyng and had a great banket. After fupper, hys grace, with the 
 quene, lordes and ladyes, came into the white hall, within the fayde pallays, 
 whiche was hanged rychely; the hall was fcaffolded and rayled on all partes: 
 there was an interlude of the gentelmen of hys chapell before his grace, and 
 , divers frefhe fonges. That done, hys grace called to hym a great man or a 
 lor ; d <af Ireland, called Odovetl, whom in the prefence of the fayde amballadours 
 
 . • he 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 129 
 'he made knight: then the mynftrells beganne to playe, and the lordes and 
 -ladyes beganne to daunce. 
 
 " And in the middeft of this paftyme, when all perfones were mode attentyve 
 to beholde the dauncyng, the kyng was fodenly gone, unknowen to the mofte 
 parte of the people there, onlefs it were of the quene and of certayne other. 
 Within a littel while after his departing, the trompettes at thende of the hall 
 began to blow. Then there was a device or a pageaunt upon wheles brought 
 in, out of which pageaunt iflued forth a gentelman rychelye appareiled, that 
 (hewed, how in a garden of pleafure there was an arbour of golde, wherin were 
 •lordes and ladyes, moche defirous to (hew pleafure and paftyme to the quene 
 and ladyes, if they might be licenced fo to do, who was aunfwered by the 
 quene, how (he and all other there were very defyrous to fe theim and their 
 paftyme. Then a great cloth of arras that dyd hang before the fame pageaunt 
 was taken awaye, and the pageaunt brought more nere : it was curioufty made 
 and pleafaunt to beholde ; it was folempne and ryche, for every poft or pilier 
 therof was covered with frife golde ; therin were trees of hathorne, eglantynes, 
 rofiers, vynes, and other pleafaunt floiires of divers colours, with gillofers and 
 other herbes, all made of fatyn, damafke, filk, filver and golde, accordingly as 
 the natural trees, herbes, or floures ought to be. In which arber were 6 
 ladyes, all appareiled in white fatyn and grene, fet and enbroudered full of H 
 and K. of golde, knytte together with laces of golde of damafke, and all their 
 "garmentes were replenyfhe with glytteringe fpangles gylt over; on their heddes 
 were bonettes all opened at the 4 quarters, overfryfed with flat gold of damafke j 
 'the orrellettes were of rolles, wrethed on lampas douck holow, lb that the golde 
 mewed thorow the lampas douck ; the faffis of their head fet ful of new devifed 
 facions. In this garden alfo was the kyng and 5 with him, appareiled in 
 garmentes of purple fatyn, all of cuttes with H and K ; every edge garnifhed 
 with fry led gold, and every garment ful of poyfees, made of letters of fyne gold 
 in bullyon, as thick as they might be, and every perfone had his name in like 
 letters of maffy gold j the fyrft cuer loyally the fecond bone volure, in the 3 bone 
 efpoir t the 4th vai'yaunt dejyre t the fyft bone foy, the vi amour e h) all \ their 
 hofen, cappes, and cotes, were full of poyfes, and H. and K. of fyne gold in 
 bullion, fb that the grounde could fcarce apere, and yet was in every voyde 
 place fpangels of gold. When time was come, the fayd pageaunt was brought 
 forth into prefence, and then difcended a lord and a lady by copies, and then 
 the mynftrels, which were difguifed, alfo daunced, and the lordes and ladyes 
 daunced, that it was a pleafure to beholde. 
 
 " In the meane feafon the pageaunt was conveyed to the ende of the place, 
 there to tary till the daunces were finilhed, and fo to have receyved the lordes 
 and ladyes againe ; but fodanly the rude people ranne to the pagent, and rent, 
 tare, and fpoyled the pagent, fo that the lord fteward nor the head officers could 
 not caufe them to ab-ftaine, excepte they moulde have foughten and drawen 
 bloude, and foo was this pagent broken. 
 
 " After the kyng and hys compaignions had daunced, he appoynted the ladyes, 
 gentel women, and the ambaffadours, to take the letters of their garmentes, in 
 token of liberalitie, which thyng the common people perceyving, ranne to the 
 kyng, and ftripped hym into hys hofen and dublet, and all hys compaignions in 
 
 Vol. III. S likewife. 
 
i 3 o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 likewife. Syr Thomas Knevet ftode on a ftage, and for all his defence he loft" 
 hys apparell. The ladyes likewyfe were fpoyled, wherefore the kynges garde 
 came fodenly, and putte the people backe, or els, as it was fivppofed, more 
 inconvenience had enfued. So the king, with the quene and the ladyes, 
 returned to his chamber, where they had a great banket, and all thcfe hurtes 
 were turned to laughyng and game, and thought that all that was taken awaye 
 was but for honor and larges : and fo this triumphe ended with myrthe a*;d 
 gladnes. 
 
 " At this banket, a fhipman of London caught certayn letters, which he 
 fould to a goldfmyth for 3/. 13^. Zd. by reafon wherof it appeared that the 
 garmentes were of a great value." 
 
 The T H E A T R E. 
 
 In th* fecond volume of this work, I have already given a fhort account of' 
 * v ' E f rifeatce'i I mall now refume the thread of that difcourfe, and en- 
 fet forth the gradual improvements of the ftage. 
 - ; ;v dawn of literature, and when the facred myfteries were the only 
 performances, what is now called the ftage did then confift cf three 
 feverai platforms, or ftages railed one above another ; on the uppermoft fat the 
 futer cakjits, furrounded with his angels ; on the fecond appeared the holy faints 
 and glorified men ; and the laft and loweft was occupied by mere men, who had 
 not yet paded from this tranfitory life to the regions of eternity. On one fide 
 of this loweft platform was the refemblance of a dark pitchy cavern, from 
 whence ifiued appearance of fire and flames y and when it was neceffary, the 
 audience were treated with hideous yellings and noifes, as imitative of the 
 howlings and cries of the wretched fouls tormented by the relentlefs daemons. 
 From this yawning cave the devils themfelves conftantly afcended, to delight 
 and to inftruct the fpectators ; to delight, becaufe they were ufually the greater! 
 jefters and buffoons that then appeared; and to inftrudt, for that they tieated 
 the wretched mortals who were delivered to them with the utmoft cruelty, 
 warning thereby all men carefully to avoid the falling into the clutches of fuch 
 hardened and remorfelefs fpirits. — But in the more improved ftate of the theatre, 
 and when regular plays were introduced, all this mummery was abolifned, and 
 the whole cavern and devils, together with the higher!: platform before men- 
 tioned, entirely taken away, two platforms only then remaining ; and thefe 
 continued a considerable time in ufe, the upper ftage ierving them for chambers, 
 or any elevated Situations (as when fome of the actors mould, from the walls of 
 cities or the like, difcourfe with thofe who were Handing under them on the 
 lower platform). This appears from feverai entries to be found in the old 
 editions of the firft plays, where mention is often made of the uffer and lower 
 Jlagcs. 
 
 But, before I proceed in my difcourfe, I beg leave to prefent to my readers 
 lame few fpecimens of the ancient myfteries (which will not come in here 
 
 impertinently) 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. ip 
 impertinently) as I have but juffc now explain'd the manner of fetting up of the 
 flage for the performance of them. — The mod ancient that I have met with 
 (in its original ftate) is a fragment * in the Harleian Library ; there is no date 
 to it, but the hand-writing of the MS. is at leaft as early as the reign of Edward 
 the Firft. The iubject is our blefTed Saviour's defcent into Hell. The inter- 
 locutors are, Chrilt, Sathan, Janitor, Adam, Eva, Habraham, David, Johan 
 Baptift, and Moyfes. The ftory itfelf is fore-run by a prologue, which fetteth 
 forth the argument 3 it begins thus : 
 
 PROLOGUE. 
 
 Alle herkneth to me nou, 
 A ftrif wolle y tellen ou, 
 Of Jhefu ant of Sathan j 
 
 Tho Jhefu wes f was J to Helle y gan, ( 'gone J ■f 
 
 For to vacche (fetch) thenne (thence) his, 
 
 Ant bringen them to Paradys : 
 
 The Devel hevede fo muche poufte, (power) 
 
 That alle rrioften to Helle te ; 
 
 Nas not fo holy prophete 
 
 Seththe (fince) Adam and Eve the appel ete, 
 
 And he were at this worldes fyne, 
 
 That he ne mode to Helle pyne, 
 
 Ne fhulde he never thenne come 
 
 Nere Jhefu Chrift, Goddes fonne. 
 
 Then the prologue recites the prophecies concerning Chriit, and thus 
 concludes : 
 
 He (Chrifl) was bore for oure nede, 
 
 Jn this worlde, in pore wede j 
 
 J' this worlde he was dede, 
 
 For to lefen (free) us from the qued, (evil) 
 
 For Jhefu hevede (having) fhed ys blod, 
 
 For our neode upon the rod, 
 
 In Godhed, toke he then way 
 
 That to Helle gatis lay ; 
 
 The he com there, tho {too) faide he, 
 
 AiTe (as) you nouthe {now) fhal fee* 
 
 S z the 
 
 * I call it a fragment, not but that the ftory, or pagent, of " our Saviour's Drfcent into Hell," 
 (which is the fubjeft) is compleat from the beginning to the end,— but becsufe I fancy it was only a 
 part of a larger performance, or an afiemblage of pageiites, in the nature of thole which follow this 
 ancient fpecimen. YHS **<■ a4W&<.a*« m<**k3 -z<zs3. 
 
 t Note, the words that are difficult to underftand, I have explained) and fet in Italics, following 
 the difficult words fo explained. 
 
33 2 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The prologue ended, Chrift advances and fpeaks, rehearfing what he had 1 
 iuffered for the redemption of mankind, and declares his intention of coming* 
 to the gates of Hell was to fet free all thofe that believed on him. He ends his 
 fpeech thus : 
 
 Adam, thou has duere {dear) a boht {bought) 
 That thou levedeft {loved) me noht, {not) 
 Y fhal the bringe of {from) Helle pyne, 
 Ant with the, alle of myne. 
 
 Then the Devil ftarts up from his gloomy regions, and fpeaks. 
 
 Sathan ait. Who ys that, ych here {hear) thore ? 
 
 Ich hym rede {council) fpeke na more •„ 
 For he may lb muche do, 
 That he fhal us come to, 
 Forte buen oure fere {divers) 
 Ant founden hon we pleyen here. 
 
 Do minus ait, Thou might wyten {know) in thy lay, 
 That mine woll y have away j 
 
 Woft {know/1) thou never {not) whet yc ham ? (/ am) 
 Almoft ys thritti wynter gan, 
 That thou haft founded me, 
 For to knowe wet y be ; . 
 Sinne found thou never non 
 In me, as in other mon, 
 *' Ant thou malt wyte wel to day, 
 
 That mine wolle y have away; 
 When thou bileveft, al thyn one, 
 Thenne myghte thou grede and grone. 
 
 Sathan< Par mafey ich holde myne, 
 
 Alle tho {thofe) that bueth theryne {or are within, i. e. in He//.') 
 
 Theiv followeth various fpeeches, in which Sathan endeavours to prove, that 
 man, having finned, is become fubjecl: to him ; and Chrift, on the other hand, 
 ihews that what heJias done to redeem loft man is fufficient for his falvation, and 
 moreover adds, that all power is by God given to him, to overcome the powers 
 of darknefs. Sathan then ceafes to fpeak, and Chrift addreifes himfelf to the 
 janitor, or gate-keeper, concluding thus his fpeech : 
 
 Helle gates y come nou to, 
 
 And I wole that heo {they) undo ; 
 
 Wher ys nou this gate ward ? 
 
 Me thuncheth {methtnks) he is a coward* 
 
 Janiter 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 133 
 
 Janitor ait, Ich have herd wordes ftronge, 
 
 Ne dare here no langore (longer) ftonde I 
 
 Kepe the gates whofo may, 
 
 Y let them ftonde, ant ranne [run) away ! 
 
 Dominus ait, Hell gate wolle y falle, 
 
 Ant out taken myne alle : 
 
 Sathanas y bynde, ther malt thou lay 
 
 O that {until) comes domes day. 
 
 Adam ait, Welcome Louerd {Lord) God of londe, 
 
 Godes fone, ant Godes fonde ; {appointed or ordain d) 
 
 Welcome Louerd mot {may) thou be, 
 
 That thou wolt us come and fe : 
 
 Louerd nou thou art come to ous, 
 
 Bring ous out this lothe {loathed) houfe - 3 
 
 Bring us out this lothe loncj, 
 
 Louerd henne {hence) into thy hond : 
 
 Louerd woft thou whet ycham ? 
 
 Thou me mupteft (JJjapeJl) of eorthe (earth) Adam; 5 
 
 For y thyn hert {command) heveld {held) noht, (not) 
 
 Duere ich halbe {have) hit her (it here) aboht (bought). ' 
 
 In like manner Eve, Abraham, David} &c. offer up their petition to their' 
 Redeemer, who affures them that he is come to deliver them from that dreadful 
 dungeon, and carry them with him to Heaven ; — it ends thus : 
 
 Louerd for thi muchele (great) grace, 
 
 Graunte us in Heovene one place j. 
 
 Let us never be forloren, ( forfaken) 
 
 For now finne Crift ycoren (hath overcome) : 
 
 Ah" bring us out of Helle pyne, (pain) ' 
 
 Louerd ous and alle thynne ; 
 
 And gef us grace to libbe (live) and ende 
 
 In thy fcrince (faith) ant to Heovene wende (go),. 
 
 There is indeed in the Harleian Library two MS. copies of a very ancient MSS. in tW 
 myftery, or rather an affemblage of myfteries, called the Plays of Chefter the Harl - Lib. 
 deleft of the two is dated 1600, and before the prologue is this entry made: °"ot ""he* 
 
 other 2124. 
 
 *' The Proclematione* for W hit/one Play es y made by Wm. Newal, Clarke of the 
 Pendice, ann. 24 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 " For as much as of ould tyme, not only for the augmentation and increes MS. 
 of the holy and catholick faith, of our Saviour Jefu Chrift, and to exort the mark ' 2G! - 4 
 mindes of comon people to good devotion, and holfome doctrine thereof ; but 
 
 alfo 
 
.134 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 alfo for the comon welth, and profperity of this city; a play, and declaration of 
 divers ftoryes of the Bible, beginning .with the creacion, and fall of Lucifer, 
 and ending with the generall judgment of the world, to be declared, and played, 
 in the Whitfone weeke, was devifed and made by one Sir Henry Frances, 
 fomtyme moonck of this monaftry difolved : who obtayning and gat of Cleman.t, 
 then bufhop of Rome, a iooo dayes of person j and of the bufhop of Chefter, 
 at that tyme, 40 deyes perdon ; graunted from thenceforth to every perfon, 
 reforting in peceable maner, with good devocion, to heare, and fee, the fayd 
 playes, from tyme to tyme, as aft as they (hall be pleyed, within the fayd citty : 
 and every perfone, or perfones, difturbing the fayd playes, in any maner of wife, 
 to be accurfed by the authority of the fayde pope Clement's bulls (untvll fuche 
 tyme as he or they be abfolved thereof) : which playes Were devifed to the honor 
 of God, by John Arnway, then maior of this citty of Chefter, his bretheren, 
 and whole cominalty thereof, to be brought forth, declared, and played, at the 
 coftes and charges of the craftfmen, and occupations of the fayd city ; which 
 hither unto haive from tyme to tymeufed, and performed the fame, accordingly. 
 ; — Wherfore the maior, in the kinges name, ftratly chargeth, and comandeth, 
 that every perfon, and perfones, of what eftate, degre or condicion foever they 
 be, reforting to the fayd playes, do ufe themfelves peaceblie, without making 
 any aifauit, affray, or other difturbance, wherby the fame playes mail he 
 difturbed - 3 and that no maner of perfone, or perfones, whofoever he or they be, 
 do ufe or weare any unlawfull weapons, within the precinct of the fayd citty, 
 during the tyme of the fayd playes, not only upon payne of curing by authority 
 of the fayd pope Clemant's bulls, but alfo upon peyne of imprifonment of their 
 bodyes, and making fine to the kyng.e at the maior's pleafure." 
 
 Underneath this proclamation the third Randal Holme hath written " Sir 
 John Arnway maior, 1327 and 1328 ; at which tyme thefe playes were written 
 by one Randall Higgenett, a mortk of Chefter Abby, and played openly in the 
 Whitfon weeke:" 
 
 Then followeth " the banes," (or the fhort arguments of the pagents, by 
 way of prologue) <c which are reade beefore the begininge of the Playes of 
 Chefter." The firft ftanza runs thus : 
 
 Reverende lordes, and ladyes alle, 
 That at this tyme here aflembled be, 
 
 By this melfauge underftonde you mail 
 That fome tymes there was mayor of this citie, 
 Sir John Arnway, knight, who moft worthilye 
 Contented hymfelf to fett out in playe, 
 t The devife of one Donne Rondall, monk of Chefter Abby. 
 
 Then/ 
 
0F THE ENGLISH.' 135 
 
 Then, after fomc few ftanzas more, the prologue explains and affigns the 
 parts which each company mould take upon them to have performed ; the firftis 
 the tanners.— 
 
 Nowe you worfliippfull tanners, that of cuftome olde, 
 
 The fall of Lucifer did fette out : 
 Some writers a wart-ante, your matter therfor be fhoulde 
 
 Craftelye to playe the fame, to all the rov/tte ; 
 
 And yf any therof ftande in any doubte, 
 Your authour his auther hath : your mewe let bee 
 Good foeech, fyne players, with apparrill comelye. 
 
 In the fame manner the prologue runs through the reft of the pagents. — 2. To 
 the drapers was afligned " the creation of the worlde, Adam and Eve." — 3. To 
 the water leaders, and drawers of the river Dee, '•' the Jlorye of Noe," [Here it is 
 remarkable that the author has made Noah's wife as perverfe as Job's, and me 
 ftieks not to fwear by Chrijl, and by St. John, &c] — 4. To the barbers and wax- 
 chandlers, e ' the offerynge of Melchefedecke, of breede and wyne. — 5. To the 
 cuppers and linen-drapers, " the jlorye of Balaam and his afje, and of Balacke the 
 Wfoge? — 6. To the wrights and flaters, r * the beirth of Chri/le." — : y. To the 
 |aintet;s and glaziers, *\ the angel appearing to the JJ:epberds." — 8. To the mer- 
 chant vintners, " the fet ting forth of the wife men tnfearch of Chn/l." — 9. To the 
 mercers, "the offeringe of the wife men."-~ro. To the goldfmiths, <l the murder 
 of the innocents." — i. To the blackfmiths, to mow " howe Chri/le amonge the 
 dealers in the Temple did di/pute." — 12. T6 the butchers, •« the forte of Satban 
 that Chrifte woulde needes tempte." — 13. To the glovers was afligned the " death 
 of Lazarus, and his ri/eing againe." — 14. The curvifors were to mow *' howe 
 that to Jerufalem our Saviour ' tooke the waye." — -15. The bakers, " howe Chri/le 
 our Savyour, at hys lafl fipper, gave his body and his bloude for redemption of us a/." 
 — 16. To the fletchers, bowyers, coopers, ftringers, and ironmongers, was given 
 the fetting forth " of Cbrijles doleful death, his fcourginge, his whippinge y his 
 bloude Jhedd, and paffion." — 17. The cooks were to (how " bow Chri/le defended 
 into Helle, and what he did in that place*'' — 18. The fkinners mould fet forth 
 " the tlorye of the refurreflione." *— 19. The fadlers and furterers performed 
 " the appearances of Chrifte, his travayle to Emaus." — 20. The taylors were 
 charged to fee that they " the Jlorye of the afjention formablye dide frame." — • 
 
 21. And 
 
 * In the dayes of ceremonial religion, they ufeci (at Wytney in Oxford/hire) to fet fourthe 
 yearly, in maner of a (hew or interlude, the Refurre&ion of our Lord^ Sec. for the which Purpofes, 
 and the more lively heareby to exhibite to the eye the hole aclion of the refurreclion, the priefts 
 garnifhed out certain fmalle puppettes, reprefenting the perfons of Chrifte, the watchmen, Marie, 
 and others; amongeft the which, one bare the part of a wakinge watchman, who e/piinge Chrifte 
 toarife, made a continual noyce, like to the found that is cauled by the metynge of two ftyckes, 
 and was thereof commonly called Jack Snacker of JFyiney. — Lumbarde's Topographical Diclionarv, 
 Written fonewhere about the year 1570, Edit. 1739, ioL 459. 
 
.136 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 21. And the fishmongers were to {how " the peagant of the Holy Ghojle " *— 
 . 22. And the merman mould " Jhewe forth howe Antichrift fiou/de rife." — Arid 
 then, 23, " you diers and hewfters Antechrifl bringe out" — And 24, laftly, the 
 wavers mould caufe to be performed " the cominge of Chrifle, to geve eternall 
 judgement ." 
 
 As a fpecimen of the piece, take the following fhort quotation from the ficft 
 pageant : — 
 
 Godde alone fpeak.es. 
 
 ' Ego fum alpha et omega, primus et noviffimus. 
 It was my will it moulde be foe, 
 Hit is, — hit was, — it fhal be thus ; 
 I. am greate God gracious, 
 Which never had begyninge.; 
 The holy foode of parentes 
 Is fett in my licentia ; 
 I am the tryall of the Trenitye, 
 Which never fhal be twyninge,; 
 Pearlefs patron ymperiall, 
 And patris fapientia. 
 
 From this mort fpecimen, it is plain that not only the othography, but the 
 language itfelf, has been much modernifed ; for which reafon I rather thole to 
 omit any longer quotations from the prefent, and give a more enlarged view of 
 MS. in theth e following curious myltery, which flill remains in its antiquated (late : it is 
 , Cotton Lib. preferved in a MS. volume, written on vellum, in the Cotton Library ; it is 
 mark'd fcw more copious than the foregoing, containing no lefs than forty fevcral 
 Vefjjafianus, p a g ents> or (hows, the arguments of which, becauie they are much in the fame 
 jflile with thofe of the former (beginning with the Creation, and ending with the 
 General Judgment, including the moft popular ftories of Scripture) I omit. — 
 This Play, by the hand-writing, fsems to be at leaft as early as the middle of 
 the 14th century. Prefix'd to the Play is this note, in a more modern hand, 
 probably written by Dr. Smith, who made the catalogue of the Cottonian MSS. 
 or elfe by Sir Robert Cotton himfelf : — " Contenta novi teftamenti lcenice 
 expreffa, et aclitata olim per monachos five fratres mendicantes vulgo diciturhic 
 iiber Ludus Coventrize five Ludus corporis Chrifti fcribitur tnetris Anglicanis." — 
 On what authority this note is -inferted, 1 know not; but we find that the J 
 
 Coventry 
 
 • " I myfclf (fays the author quoted in the former note) being then a childe., once faw in Poule's 
 churche at London, at a feaft of Whitfuntyde, wheare the eomynge downe of the .Holy Goft was 
 fet forthe by a white pigion, that was let to fly out of a hoie that ys to be fene in the mydft of the 
 roofe of the great ile, and by a cenfer, which defcendinge out of the fame place almoft to the verie 
 grounde, was fwinged up and downe at fuche a lengthe, that it reached with thone fwepe ahnoft to 
 the weft-gate of the churche, and with the other to the quyre ftaires of the fame, breathinge out 
 over the whole churche and companie a moft pleafant perfume, of fuch fwete thinges as burned 
 therein. With the like doome fhewes alfo how they ufed everie where to furnifh fondrye parts of 
 their church fervice, as by their fpedacjes of the jialivitie, pallian and ailcenfion, &c."— Lambarde, 
 ui fupra. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. i 37 
 Coventry p/ay, of Corpus Chrifti, was anciently a very popular performance : — 
 it is mentioned in the Four Pee's, an old interlude, where the Pardoner fays, 
 
 This Devil and I were of old acquaintaunce, 
 For oft in the play of Corpus Chrijli, 
 He hath play'd the Devil at Coventrie. 
 
 The prologue, or argument, is fpoken by three perfons (called vexi/lators) 
 who fpeak after each other alternately : — it is ended thus : 
 
 3d Vexrll. Now have we told yow, all be dene, 
 
 The hool matter that we thynke to playe ; 
 
 Whan that ye come hit fhal ye fene, 
 This game wel pley'd in good aray ; 
 
 Of holy wrytte this game mail bene, 
 And of no fablys be no way : — 
 
 Now God them five from trey, and tene, 
 For us that prayth upon that day, 
 
 And I wyte them wel y mede, 
 Munday next, yf that we may, 
 At vi of the belle, we gynne our play, 
 In N. town, wherfor we pray, 
 
 That God now be your fpede. 
 
 Take alfo the whole of the firft pageant, tranferib'd in its ancient form s 
 God fpeaketh. 
 Ego fum alpha et omega, principium et finis. 
 
 My name is knowyn, God and Kynge ; 
 
 My work to make now wyl I wende j 
 In myfelf reftyth my reynenge, ( reigning ) 
 
 It hath no gynnyng, ne non ende ; 
 And all that evyr (hall have beynge, 
 
 Is clofyd in mymende; (mind) 
 When it is made at my lykynge, 
 
 I may it fave, I may it fliende, (dejiroy) 
 After my plefawns : 
 So gret of myth (might) is my poufte, (power) 
 Al thynges ftial be wrowth (wrought) by me j 
 I am one God in perfonys thre, 
 
 Knyt in one fubftawnce : 
 I am the trewe Trenyte, 
 
 Here walkyng in this wone ; 
 Thre perfonys in myfelf I fee, 
 
 Lokyn in me God alone. 
 
 Vol. III. T 1 
 
i 3 8 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 I am the fadyr of powfte, 
 
 My fon with me gynnyth gon, 
 My goft (gbqfi) is grace, in majefte 
 
 Weldeth welthe up in Hevyn tron {throne) 
 One God thre I calle : — 
 I am fadyr of myth, — my fone kepyth ryth, 
 My goft hath lyth (light) — and grace with alle. 
 My felf begynnyng nevyr dyd take, 
 And endelefs I am, throow myn own myth; 
 
 Now wole I begynne my werke to make ; 
 Fyrft I make Hevyn, with fterrys (flats) of lyth, 
 
 In myrth and joy, evermore to wake; 
 In Hevyn I bylde angelles full bryth, (bright) 
 
 My fervantes to be, and for my fake 
 Wyth merth and melody worchep my myth, 
 
 I holde them in my blyfTe : 
 Angelles in Hevyn evyrmor ftial be, 
 In lyth ful clere, brith as ble, 
 With myrthe and fong to worchep me,. 
 Of joys yei (they) may not mys*. 
 
 Here the angels enter upon the upper ftage, and furround the throne of God 3 . 
 finging " To thee all angels cry aloud : — the Heavens and all the powers 
 therein: — to the cheribin and feraphinj continually do cry, Holy, holy, holy*. 
 Lord God of Saboth." — This finimed, the Devil fpeaks : 
 
 Lucifer. To whos worchipe fynge ye this fonge, 
 To worchip God, or reverence me ? 
 But (unlefs J ye worchip me, ye do me wronge, 
 For I am the wurthyeft that ever may be. 
 
 7 he good Angels. We worchip God, of myth mod ftronge r . 
 
 Whiche hath formyd both us and thee ; 
 We may (can J nevyr worchip hym to longe. 
 For he is moft worthy of magefte : 
 
 On knees to God we fall, 
 Oure Lorde God worchip we, 
 And in no wyfe honowr we the j 
 A gretter Lord may nevyr non bee, 
 Than he that made us alle. 
 
 Ztuci/cro A wurthyer Lorde forfothe am I, 
 
 And wurthyer than he evyr wyl, I be i 
 In evydens that I am mor wurthy, 
 
 I wyl go fy tten in Goddys fe (feat or throne J. 
 
 Abov« 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 139 
 
 Above funne, and mone, and ftarrs on Iky, 
 
 I am now fet, as ye may fe ; 
 Now wurchip me for mod: mythty, 
 
 And for your Lorde, honowr now me, 
 Syttynge in my fete. 
 Evil Angels. Goddys myth we forfake, 
 
 For mor wurthy Ave the take, 
 The to wurchep, honowr we make, 
 And falles down at thy fete. 
 God fpeaketh* Thu Lucyfer, for thy mykyl (great) pryde, 
 
 I bydde the falle from Hefene (Heaven) to Hellc, 
 And all tho that holdyn on yowr fide, 
 In my blyffe nevyr mor to dwelle : 
 At my comawndement anoon {quickly} down then flyde, 
 
 With merth and joye nevyr mor to mell ; 
 In mychief and manas evyr that thou abyde 
 In byttyr brennyng, and fyer fo felle, 
 In peyn evyr to be pyg'ht {put). 
 Lucifer. At thy byddyng y wyl I werke, 
 
 And pas fro joy to peyne and fmerte ; 
 Now I am a devyl ful derke, 
 
 That was an angel bryht. 
 Now to Helle the wey I take, 
 
 In endlefs peyn y to be pyhtj 
 For fere of fyr {fire) afart {afraid) I quake, 
 In Helle donjoon {dungeon) my dene is dyth. 
 
 {The Devil and his angels fink into the cavern. 
 
 From hence the play goes on, and the next which follows is the pageant of 
 the Creation of the World, &c. In this manner thefe myfteries, or miracle 
 plays were conftantly conducted, and as many of the pageants play'd each day 
 as the time would permit. — From Chaucer, we find them the ufual retort of p ro ] 0ffue to 
 
 the idle goftips in Lent. the Wife of 
 
 fctoefoje maoe 3 mp btCtations ^ cWw! 
 
 Co bi'atttess, 9 to inocefftona!, 
 
 ^0 pjcat&ingg efcc, $ to pilgrimages, 
 
 *QTo p'layes of miracles, $ to nia??iagesf* 
 
 This is (fays Mr. Warton) the genial wife of Bath, who amufes herfelf with TheHiftory 
 xhofe falhionable diverfions, while her 66 fcusbotiD tDaS at Hoiioon ai! tljat Unvt."— of Englifti 
 And in Pierce Plowman's Crede, a piece perhaps prior to Chaucer, a friar Po " r ^ 6 
 minorite mentions thefe miracles, or myfteries, as not lefs frequented than ,I,p,2 3 • 
 markets and taverns. 
 
 Wz Jjatmtcn no tabejtuas ne IjoMcn abouteti , Pier. Plow- 
 
 St majfettg $ miracles VDe mtoeU? W nebcr» man'*Crede. 
 T 2 What 
 
i 4 o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 What fucceeded thefe myfteries we have already feen in the former volume; 
 I ihall therefore go on with the difcourfe, and fpeak ftill further of the ftage 
 itfelf. . 
 
 Before the Restoration, the ftage decorations and ornaments were very few, 
 Difcourfe and even thole extremely plain and homely. " They had " (Ays a certain 
 
 fubjoined 10 author) " no other lcenes nor decorations of the flage, but only old tapcftry, 
 
 Love'skln S ant ^ t ^ rie ^ a § e ft rewe d u 'i tri rufhes, with habits accordingly." — And the nature of 
 
 domj 1674. t ^ e ^ a g e contrivances, at that early period, may be feen plate 20, fig. 12, which 
 . . is copied from an ancient wood cut prefiVd to a very early edition of Terence's 
 
 ^'rench^f 1 Comedies, in French. Here we fee four feveral curtains in the front, 
 Terence, inftead of a fcene ; each curtain is divided by a column, and thefe fpaees ferved • 
 
 with Wood the actors to make their entries and exit?, drawing the curtains afide to let them 
 Cuts. pafs. By the names over the top, it fliould appear that the partitions are 
 intended as defign'd to reprefent the doors, or portals, of the houfes belonging to 
 fuch characters and their families, as might, by the nature of the play, require 
 feparate houfes; and the name of the perfon was wrote over his respective man- 
 lion, from which it is moil likely he conftantly came out, and to which he alfo 
 retired, as the occafions of the play might require funlefs he were to enter into 
 another's houfe, when fome plot or turn in the piece mould make it neeeiTary 
 fur him to do fo) and this might be to prevent confufion and mi Hakes, as well 
 amongft the actors themfelves, as with the fpectators. — The fides, which in the 
 original cut are not filled up, were doubtlefs compofed by the walls of the theatre, 
 over which they hung their tapcftry ornaments, as mentioned above; tor it 
 appears very plainly, that no paffages were made on the fides of the ftage, nor 
 indeed were they needed, till the introduction of the flat front fcene, and then 
 the iide entrances took place; fo by degrees, as the players were more encou- 
 raged, the houfes were more ornamented, and the fcenes with the decorations 
 augmented, which have at laft, through a long fucceffion of years, arrived to the 
 fplendour and magnificence we now lee in the theatres of the prefent age. The 
 lame may be faid of the elegant drefTes and vaft improvements' made in them, 
 together with their great variety. 
 
 Show's Chr. '^ ne ac "t° rs themfelves, even after the abolifhir.g of the myfteries, made but 
 J'ai. 69S. flow improvement, till the reign of queen Elizabeth ; for fays Stow ^writing m 
 her reign) " comedians and ftage players of former time were very poore and 
 ignorant, in refpect of thefe of this time; but being now growne very fltilfull 
 and exquifite actors for all matters, thsy were entertained into fervice of divers 
 great lordes, out of which companies there were twelve of the belt chofen, and 
 at the requeft of Sir Francis IValJingbam they were fworne the queenes fervants, 
 and were allowed wages, and livories, as groomes of the chamber: and untill 
 this yeare 1^83 the queene had no players: amongft thefe twelve players were 
 two rare men, viz. Thomas Wiljon, for a quicke, delicate, refined externporall 
 wit, and Richard Tarieton, for a wondrous, plentifull, pleafant externporall 
 wit, he was the wonder of his time." — This is find of their firft riling, 
 they foon made themfelves noted, fo that an ancient author complains of the 
 Schoole of pride of the lower clafs of players, or, as he calls them, players men, in thefe 
 
 Abufe, 1579 words, " Over-laming in apparel is fo common a fault, that the very hyerlings 
 fol.23. f f 0flie f our players, which ftand at revnlion of 6s. by the week, jet under 
 
 gentlemens 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. iff 
 gentlemens -nofes in futis of filke, exorcising themfelves to prating on the ftage, 
 and common fcolling when they come abroad, where they look afkance over 
 the moulder at every man, of whom the Sunday before they begged an almes. 
 I lay not this as though everie one that profeflfeth the qualitie foabufed himfelfe* 
 for it is well knowen that fome of them are fober, difcrete, properly learned, 
 honeft houfholders and citizens, well thought on among their neighbours at. - 
 home, though the prydeof their fhadowes (1 meane thofe hangbyes whom they 
 l'uccour with ftipends) caufe them to be fomewhat il talked of abroad." 
 
 All female characters were formerly aded by men, no women ever appearing 
 publicly upon the ftage before the Reftoration. We muft indeed except the 
 performers at the court mafques and the like, where the chief ladies of the realm 
 made no fcruple of acYmg fuch parts as fuited their fancies.— Sir William 
 Davenant, after the above-mentioned period, abolilhed the plain front curtains 
 before mentioned, and caufed painted lcenes to be fet in their ftead ; and alfo, p , 
 by the way of completing the theatrical improvements, brought women upon Malt.™. Vi 5 
 the ftage, to play their refpeclive characters. 
 
 But one realon why the ornaments- of the ftage were fo plain and fo few, was 
 
 the lownefs of the prices of admiflion into the theatres. In the prologue to the Woman 
 
 Woman Hater, mention is made of the two -pamy gallery. The play-hcufe j/^^' ^ 
 
 called the Hope had rive feveral priced feats, Irom (id. to half a crown 5 and pl^her* 
 
 nearly the fame may be inferred from the following paflage, — " How many are Dartholow- 
 
 there, who, according to their feveral qualities, fpend 2d. %d. ^d. 6d. I2d. i8d. mew Fair, 
 
 2s. and fometimes 4*. or 5*. at a play-houfe, day by day, if coach-hire, boat- Prynne's 
 
 hire, tobacco, wine, beere, and luch-like vaine expences, which playes doe Hiftriomaft. 
 
 ufuallv occafion, be call into the reckoning ? " — The price of the pit was ecn- „/ 0, *JJ 2Z * 
 iX / n •„• ' t .Mad Lover, 
 
 ftantly one milling..- SeaCaptainI 
 
 It was alfo common for the audience to lit at the play, and dnnk wine and &c. 
 beer, as well as fmoak tobacco ; and this falhion was continued even till the 
 latter end of the reign of Charles the Firft. But thefe unfeemly cuftoms were 
 afterwards dropped at the - theatre, though- now they are (Imoaking tobacco " 
 excepted) refumed and continued at Sadler's Wells. 
 
 In former times, while the myfteries were the only ftage performances, they 
 were often, and indeed moft ulually, performed in the churches, and on the Wirton * s 
 fabbath day ; and this famion, as 'tis thought, continued even when prophane Hiftorv' of 
 ftories had taken place of the religious ones. However, the playing in churches fcng. Poetry 
 was, in the reign of Henry the Eighth, reftrained by a pioclamation ilTued Vol. 1. 
 forth by Bonner, bifhop of London, to the clergy of his diocefe, dated 1542, 
 prohibiting all manner of common plays, games, or interludes, to be played; 
 fet forth, or declared, within their churches, chapels, &c. But the acting plays Rrj]; ues 
 on the fabbath day continued even till the reign of Charles the Firft, and they G f Ancient 
 were then performed by the chorifters, or finging boys, of St. Paul's Cathedral Poetry, 
 in London, or of the Royal Chapel.* The ufual time of acting was early in Vo1, u 
 
 the 
 
 * I find the following in a hand-bill preferved amongfr the collections of title pages in th< 
 Harleian Library : — * k If Mr. Brady had employed his ingenuity in petitioning the king and parlia- 
 ment 
 
I4S THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Biogr. Brit, the afternoon. In the reign of Charles the Firft they generally began at three, 
 I. 117. n.d. f Q t | iat t j le ^oig f t ] ie pi a y might be performed by day-light ; but this was 
 
 not anciently fo, for in the prologue to the old myftery, Ludus Coventri^ 
 
 before mentioned, we find it thus : 
 
 Vid.p. 1 37. Munday next, yf that we may, 
 
 At vi of the belle, we gynne our play. 
 
 Vol.2,p.94. The roummings and mafques are mentioned in the former volume j but with 
 thefe fpecies of entertainments we may (perhaps juftiy) rank the ludi, which are 
 fo frequently mentioned as performed for the diverfion of the king and his nobles 
 S^of at court -— " 1 find ( ravs Mr - Warton in his valuable Hiftory of Englifh Poetry) 
 Eng. Poetry, " in the wardrobe rolls of Edward the Third, in the year 1348, an account of 
 V. 1, p. 236. the dreffes, ad faciendum ludos domini regis, ad feftum natalis Domini, cele- 
 bratos apud Guldeford — for furnifhing the plays or fports of the king, held in 
 the caftle of Guildford, at the feaft of Chriftmas.— In thefe ludi, fays my record 
 were expended 80 tunics of buckram of various colours, forty- two vifours of 
 various fimilitudes, that is, 14 of the faces of women, 14 of the faces of men 
 with beards, 14 of heads of angels, made with filver ; twenty-eight crefts,-j* 
 14 mantles embroidered with heads of dragons, 14 white tunics wrought with 
 heads and wings of peacocks, 14 with heads of fwans with wings, 14 tunics 
 painted with eyes of peacocks, 14 tunics of Englifh linen painted, and as many 
 tunics embroidered with ftars of gold and filver. 
 
 In the wardrobe of Richard the Second, in the year 1391, there is alfo an 
 entry which feems to point out a fport much of the fame nature — " Pro xxi 
 coifs de tela linea, pro hominibus de lege contrafadtis, pro ludo regis tempore 
 natalis anno xn. — for linen coifs, for counterfeiting men of the law, in the 
 king's play at Chriftmas." 
 Ibid. Hift. The fame author gives us " A memoir of mews and cerimonies exhibited at 
 \ Chriftmas, in the reign of Henry the Seventh, in the palace at Weftminfter." 
 
 Lela'nd 'col- * 1 IS quoted from Leland. — " This Chriftmas (fays that ancient author) 1^.89, 
 lec.3.apend. I faw no difgu) lings, and but right few plays ; but there was an abbot of Mifrule 
 pag. 256. that made much fport, and. did right well his office." — And again, " At night 
 the kynge, the queene, and my ladye the kynges moder, came into the White 
 Hall, and thcr hard a play." 
 
 The play here laft mentioned, together with the ludi before fpoken of, were 
 nothing more than dialogues and fhort moral interludes, performed by the 
 mafkers and difg.uifed courtiers, but feem not to bear any refemblance to the old 
 
 myfteries, 
 
 .ment for pulling down the curfed plays, and the hackney coaches tradeing on the Lord's holy day* 
 he had done God and this nation very good fervice ; we mould have had very great caufe to applaud 
 and to have given him thanks for fo great and fo good a work ; but for his bringing in new devifed 
 pfalms, to amufe and make a confufion in our churches, we {hall pray to God to confound fuch his 
 devices, and wifh we had never known fuch a man as Mr. Brady." — Volume in the Harl. Lib. 
 mark'd 5937. 
 
 t I do not perfedly underftand the Latin original in the place, viz, " 14 creftes cum tib is 
 rcverfatis et calceatis, 14 creftes cum montibus et cuniculis." 
 
of the English; 
 
 fflyfterles, the moralities, and other pieces, which were on a far more extenhve 
 pj an . — And that thefe dialogues were the fafhionable diverfions at court, during 
 the reign of Henry the Eighth, let Hall bear witnefs: 
 
 An. 13 of Henry the Eighth, to pleafure the emperor, the king gave a great HalhUnion 
 entertainment at Windfor ; and "on Sonday (the 16th of June) at night, in ^J"* 
 the greate halle was a difguifyng or play. The effcd: of it was, that there was a f j, * QQ / 
 proud horfe which Woulde not be tamed nor bridled, but Amitie fent Prudence 
 and Police which tamed him, and force and puillance bridled him. This horfe 
 was ment by the Frenche kyng, and Amitie by the king of Englond, and the 
 emperor and the other perfoncs were their council and power. After this play 
 ended was a fumptyous mafke of 12 men and 12 women." — Again, An. 19, Ibid. 
 <« Tow perfones play'd a dialogue before the kyng, the effecT: whereof was, fol « *5 6 5 & 
 wether riches were better than love, and when they could not agree, each called 
 tkre knightes, who fought a fair battle of the barriars, and left the place j then 
 •come in an old man, with a filver beard, and he concluded that love and riches 
 both be necelfary for a- prince ; that is to faie, by love to be obeied and ferved, 
 and riches to reward his lovers and friends : and with this conclufion the dia- 
 logue ended." 
 
 Indeed this kind of dialogues, interludes, or mafques, did flill continue, even 
 after the introduction of the regular plays, and were generally compofed by the 
 chief poets, and played by the courtiers themfelvesj of which fort Johnfon in 
 particular wrote feveral, as well for the diverfion of the king and the queen, as 
 for the entertainment of the nobility at their marriages, or ibme particular occa- 
 sions. — Piate XI. of this volume, reprefents one of thefe laft- mentioned mafques, 
 made at the marriage of Sir Henry Unton [fee a full account of the picture, in 
 the defcription of this plate at the end of this volume]. Here we fee the mafkers 
 inarch in order round the table, where the muflcians are feated ; going up the 
 flight of fteps to the left, come up into the chamber, where the company are 
 fitting as at dinner the chief mafker is Diana, who is preceded by Mercury j 
 before him ftand two Cupids, the one black, the other white, and a meffenger 
 is bearing a paper (that might perhaps contain the intention of the mafk) which 
 he prelents to one of the chief perfonages at the feaft. Diana is followed alter- 
 nately by two of her nymphs, and two Cupids, each of them bearing a torch, 
 the one in white, and the other difguifed as a black : each of the nymphs, who 
 walk two and two, bear in one hand a bow, and in the other a wreath or garland, 
 —which garlands were moft likely to be diftributed amongfl the furrounding 
 guefts. 
 
 By way of conclufion, I mall juft obferve that Hall is accufed of an error, Hall'sUnion 
 where he affirms that king Henry the Eighth firfl devifed, arfd caufed to be An - 3 H - 8 * 
 performed in England, an entertainment called a " majke.'" His words are 
 tne f e : — << On the daie of the Epiphanie at night, the kynge with xi other 
 were difguifed, after the maner of Italic, called a. mafke y a thing not feene ajbre 
 
 in 
 
 * In the original, the mafkers at the top are paffing by a large table, where the guefts are placed* ; 
 tut that, as well for want of room on the plate, as that it did not immediately concern the prefect 
 matter, was omitted. 
 
. -^44 THE MANNERS AND GUSTO MS 
 
 in Englande ; thei were appareled in garmentes long, and brode, wrought all 
 -with gold, with vifers, and cappes of gold." — But mall this be faid to prove 
 that no fpecies of this fort of entertainment before exifted in England ? or fhali 
 we fancy that Hall (hould have fo grossly rniftaken the matter as plainly here to 
 contradict what he has pofitively affirmed a few pages before, namely, the dif- 
 
 Hall'sTJ ion g u ^ n g\ w $* ma ^ s > '* f° r in ^ r .ft y ea r of Henry the Eighth's reign (fays 
 
 inVit H°H tne ^ ame author) after a great banquet, " came a certayne number of gentelman, 
 pag/7. a. . wherof the king was one, apparayled all in one fwete of morte garmentes, litle 
 beneih the poyntes, of bjewe velvet and crymfyne, with long fleves, all cut and 
 lyned with clothe of gold ; and the utter parte of the garmentes were powdered 
 with caftels, and iliefes of arrowes of fine doket gold ; the upper partes of their 
 hofen of like fewte and facion, the nether partes were of fcarlet, powdred with 
 tymbrelles of fyne golde ; on their heades bonets of damaike, filver, flatte, 
 woven in the ftole, and thereupon wrought with gold, and ryche fethers in 
 them, — all in vifers.'''*— He^ce it is plain that the former mentioned Italian 
 entertainment could not have been fo particular and ftrange on account of the 
 vizers (or mafks, as they are now called) fi nee we find they were ufed long 
 before; nor can we fuppofe that Hall could have been guilty of fo glaring an 
 overfight. The moft likely ftory is, that the Italian w.ufke differed from the 
 former mentioned difguifings in feme of the material parts, as the dances, and 
 . conduct thereof y as alio then the new name of mafque might be tack'd to the 
 entertainment, all which may be thought to authorize the affertion of that 
 faithful hiflorian. But be it as it may, moft of our more modern authors have 
 carelefsly blunder'd over this paffage of Hall, and ftick not very gravely to 
 inform us, that the ufe of vizors, mafkings, and the like, did then, and not 
 till then, take their beginning: — yet not to go farther, one of the ftatutes 
 enacted- by Henry the Seventh inuft ftare them in the face ; he, in the firft year 
 
 Stat. An. i f n j s re i^n, made it felony for any perfon " to hunt by night, with painted 
 
 H -7- ca P-7 f aC es, or vizors." 
 
 The myfteries, that were of old times fo famous, feem even in the later times 
 to have furnifhed at leaft the ground-work for another very noted ftage per- 
 formance ; I mean that celebrated diverfion entitled a puppet-mow. Take the 
 following bill, which was printed in tiie reign of queen Anne : 
 
 From the -By her Majefties permition, 
 
 Thle^Pa^es At Heatly's booth, over againft the Crofs Daggers, next to Mr. Miller's booth 
 in the° during the time of Bat tlwlomew fair, will be preiented a little opera, called 
 Har). Lib. The old Creadon of the World new revived, with the addition of the glorious 
 mai k- 5931. b a ttle obtained over the French and Spaniards by his grace the duke of Marl- 
 borough. 
 
 The contents are thefe, 
 1, The creation of Adam and Eve. 2. The intreagues of Lucifer in the garden 
 of Eden. 3. Adam and Eve driven out of Paradice. 4. Cain going to plow; 
 Abel driving (heep. 5. Cain killeth his brother Abel. 6. Abraham offereth up 
 his Ion Jfaac. 7. Three wife men of the Eaft, guided by a flar, come and 
 worlhip Cbrift. 8. f ojeph and Mary flee away by night, upon an afs. 9. King 
 
 Herod's 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. i 4$ 
 Heron's cruelty ; his mens fpears laden with children. 10. Rich Dives invites 
 his friends, and orders his porter to keep the beggars from his gate. 1 1. Porn 
 Lazarus comes a begging at rich Dives gate, the dogs lick his fores. 12. The 
 good Angel and Death contend for Lazarus 's life. 13. Rich Dives is taken. 
 Tick, and dieth ; he is buried in great foletnnity. 14. Rich Dives in Hell, and 
 Lazarus in Abraham's, bofom, feen in a moft glorious object, all in machines 
 defcending in a throne, guarded with multitudes of angels ; with the breaking 
 of the clouds, difcovering the palace of the fun, in double and treble profpects, 
 to the admiration of all the fpectators. — Likewife feveral rich and large figures, 
 which dances jiggs, farabands, anticks and country dances, between every act ; 
 compleated with the merry humours of Sir Jn°. Spendall and Punchanello, with 
 feveral other things never yet expofed. 
 
 Performed by Mat. Heatly. — VIVAT REGINA. 
 
 Here was a noble dim of variety—a motley mixture with a witnefs ! A long 
 feries of Scripture hiftories, the fabulous palace of the Sun, and the humours of 
 Punchanello, all — all fet forth, and but for the entertainment of one evening! 
 Oh what a fertile fancy ! 
 
 But to go on. Mr. Penkethman's pantheon was a much more fimple exhi- 
 bition : take alfo his bill. 
 
 Penkethman's Pantheon, 
 Confifting of feveral curious pictures and moving figures, reprefenting the 
 fabulous Hiftory of the Heathen Gods. 
 The whole contains 14 feveral entertainments, and near 100 figures (befides 
 
 Jhips, bea/ls, Jifh fowl, and other embellishments) fome near a foot in height ; 
 all which have their refpective and peculiar motions, their very heads, legs, 
 arms, hands and fingers artificially moving exactly to what they perform, and 
 fetting one foot before another, as they go, like living creatures, in fuch manner 
 that nothing but nature itfelf can exceed it.: in fhort, the painting is by the 
 fineft hands, and the Jlory and contrivance fo admirable, that it jurtly deferves 
 to be efteemed one of the greatefl wonders of the age. — It continues to be fhewn 
 every day, from nine in the morning to nine at night, in the Great Room at the 
 
 .Duke of Marlborough's Head, in Fleet-Jireet ; price is. 6d. — is. — and the lowell: 
 6d. — [See more of thk man's performance, with the accounts of the opera, &c c 
 
 .in the Spectators.] 
 
 Other SPORTS. 
 
 The ancient cuftoms of our anceftors are now, in this polite age, but little 
 regarded or attended to ; for in the prefent time, it is not genteel to fit down to 
 dinner until three, four, five, or fix o'clock ; the time from thence to tea is 
 fpent by the gentlemen over the bottle, and by the ladies in converfation on 
 drefs, and the like : after tea, the cards are brought, and dear quadrille beguiles 
 the tedious hours, till fupper fummons caufes them to rife i they fup, they 
 
 Vol. III. U drink, 
 
14$ THE MAN N E R' S A K D CU S T O M S 
 
 drink, and then — why then to bed? and fo life pafles on! — In former times they 
 
 ufually dined at twelve or one o'clock* and 
 
 a&Ifjcti rfcrp Imo opneo, as 33 £ou ffl'?^' - 
 %tspt$ f laoptjs petrc to plap, 
 ^ome to tablte, $ fomc to iefTe, 
 MS - in Mitt) ottjir gamjs moje $ UCe> 
 
 Hari. Lib. 
 
 mark. 2252. Thus fay3 an old poem intituled"*" King Arthur s" and in another, called 
 Cotton LitT " S ir Launfal," as ancient, or perhaps more fo than the former, I find the court 
 °mark'd ' thus amufing themfelves after their dinner : 
 
 fapjefl tfyii fclje mpsfttt a fppt,— fpytp laaycg f lf| 
 ftffd tomt tljem ootone anoon rpgteis, 
 ^ain to plep among tije kn^gtejs, — toeli ftpUe font!; euten fij?f» 
 'QTlje quene peoe to tf# fojmcffe r nfce, 
 
 Btttoene Haunfal $ (Bantoejn fyt fjenoe,— | "after T;er 1st pes* bjpgt j c 
 
 *QEo oattrice rf)CT> toente, all fame, 
 
 Co fe ttjem plapc, tjft toas fa^r game,— a' laop $ a fcnpgt 
 
 C&cp tjaTJ'imnttjtUcsi of moclje Ijonottjjs, 
 
 jffOtlezsi, fptolyjjs, 9 t?ompote#,— f tUc0 it tocje nn?pgt ; 
 
 Cljcr rtjc? plapoe, for fotlje to faye, 
 
 Sifter nute ? tfjc mnuw oape,— all totjat fr?t toag tu?t npgK * 
 
 MS. in the Diceing was a game well known by our anceftors, and fo much pradb'fed by- 
 Hari. Lib. them, that Lidgate, in his Dietory,'* thort poem, advifes all men to be aware 
 Siark'J 116. 
 
 &ttO aU-fljcni t&at ufltl) fttct;E untl)?iffj> bpffcsf, 
 &WlJ all dyfe pleyers attD hafardours. 
 
 ]yj S 5rl And in another old poem, ftill perhaps of .more ancient date than the fore- 
 Ibid. Lib. going, I find this caution^ 
 
 mark d 321. ^.^ ^ f0 pp f ^^ c c }jf e j j. t j, ou E f c |) C ^^ 
 
 Thefe were the fafhtonable diverfions in the reign of Henry the Eighth.— 
 Hall'sUnion is f}- ie ky n ge (fays Hall, fpeaking of that prince) aboute thys feafon, was 
 Her^T muche given to play at tenice, and at the dice, which appetite certayne craftie 
 perfons aboute hym perceyving, brought in Frenchmen, and Lombards, to 
 make wagers with him, and fo hee loft muche money; but when hee perceyved 
 theyr crafte, hee efchued their company, and let them goe." 
 
 The fame prince (in his younger days efpecially) delighted in martial exercifes, 
 as alfo mooting, fmging, dancing, wreftling, and cafting of the bar. — The 
 footing here mentioned was mooting with bows and. arrows at butts s- thus in 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. t 47 
 
 an old ballad, written in praife of the princefs Elizabeth, wife to Henry the MS. in the 
 
 Seventh, that prince is defcribed as employed in a princely amufement. Har] - Lib# 
 
 A 1 * mark'd 367. 
 
 ■ " See where he Jhooteth at tils' b'ittes>~- and with him lordes three." 
 
 In the comedy of the City Madam, we find aTfd that Aich diverfions were much 
 affected by the city gallants. " You (fays lord Lacy to Luke) were then gallant ; 
 —no meeting at the horfe-race, cocking, hunting, foooting, or bowling, but you. 
 were there," &c— In Charles the Second's reign, this late f'amionable amufement 
 began to decline, for Jolly, fpeaking in contempt of the country pleafures, fays, 
 " What are they call'd ? walking, or hawking, or /hooting at the butts ? And 
 this is not wonderful, for on the introduction of mufkets, the former archery by 
 .degrees grew out of fafhion ; and indeed, even in the reign of Henry the Eighth, 
 ; the ancient (hooting with the long bow .began to be laid afide, and people in 
 general ufed to fhoot with hand, guns and crofs bows. This cuflom fo much 
 prevailed, that a . proclamation was by the king and parliament put forth, Statute 35 
 iiridtly forbidding the ufe of them s and obliging every man, «.« beinge the kinges ^* n '*£ 
 fubjecte, not lame, decrepite, nor maymed, .not havyng any other lawful or Ibldf'An.'j, 
 reaibnable caufe or impediment, being within the age of 60 yeres (except fpiri- cap. .3, 
 tuel men, juftices of the one bench or of the other, juftices of affize, and barons 
 of the Exchequer, &c.) to ufe and exercife fhotynge in longe bowes ; and 
 alfo to have a bowe and arrowes redey continuelly in his houfe, and that 
 , he do ufe himfelf in fhotynge : alfo fathers, and guardians, to teach their 
 i male children early to fhoot with the long bow, and to have bows continually 
 I provided for them : alfo mafters mould find bows for their apprentices." So 
 that all men were compelled to learn to moot in the holidays, and at other con- 
 venient times, — At the fame time great complaint was made to the parliament, 
 by the bowyers, fletchers, fpringers, and arrow-head makers, that numbers of 
 unlawful games, as bowling, diceing, flyde thrift, and move groat, were prac- 
 tifed in the fields, to their great hurt, and, the prejudice of the young people ; 
 therefore by this act all fuch games were ftrictly forbid. 
 
 Now we are here fpeaking of the amufements of young people, it may not 
 be amifs to add the following poem, made by the fecond Randall Holme, of 
 Chefter: 
 
 Auntient Cuftoms in Games ufed by Boys, and Girles, MS in the 
 mtrily fett out in Verfe : Hari. Lib. 
 
 J mark. 2057* 
 
 Any they dare chalenge for to throw the fledge, 
 To jumpe, or leape ovir ditch, or hedge j 
 To wraftle, play at ftoole ball, or to runne, 
 To pich the barre, or to fhoote of a gunne ; 
 To play at loggets, nine holes, or ten pinnes, 
 To trye it out at foote-ball, by the fhinnes 
 At tick tacke, feize nody, maw and ruffe, 
 At hot cokles, leape frogge, or blind-man's burTe : 
 
 U 2 To 
 
£ 4 8 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 To drink the halper pottes, or deale at the whole cann, 
 
 To play at chefTe, or pue, and inke home ; 
 
 To daunce the moris, play at barley brake, 
 
 At al exploits a man can think or fpeak : 
 
 At move groate, venter poynte, or crofs and pile, 
 
 At bemrew him that's lafl at any flile ; 
 
 At leapinge over a Chriftmas bonfire, 
 
 Or at the dravvynge dame out of the myer; 
 
 At fhoote cocke, Gregory, ftoole ball, and what not j 
 
 Picke poynt, toppe and fcourge to make him hott. 
 
 Cd^fOld In the old morality intituled New Cuftom, firft printed an. 1 573, . Perverft 
 Plays° V.i. Doctrine, in a deriding fpeech, mentions the following games : 
 
 Give them that which is meete for them, a racket and a ball, 
 
 Or fome other trifle, to bufy their heads withall ; 
 
 Playinge at coytes or nine hooles, or mooting at buttes, — &'c 
 
 By a ftatute made in the 1 ith year of Henry the Seventh, it was enader*. 
 Statute An. mat n0 p ren tice mould play at tenys, clafh, dice, cards, bowles, or fuch-like 
 Cap. 2."' T ° unlawful games (except dureing the Chriftmafs hollydayes, and then only within 
 their mafters houfes) ; alfo any houfholder allowing any of the above games in 
 his houfe (at Chriftmafs excepted) mould be fined 6s. $d. for every offence. 
 Of the bowls and tennice, as mentioned above, hear what an old book, inti° 
 Country tuled Country Contentments, faith : — " Bowling, in which a man mall finde 
 foi^o '* g reat art m choofing out his ground, and preventing the winding, hanging, and 
 cap. 8^* many turning advantages of the fame, wether it be in open feild places or in 
 clofe allies. And in this fport the chufing of the bowle is the greateft cunning $ 
 your flat bowles being the beft for allies; your round byazed bowles for open 
 grounds of advantage j and. your round bowles like a ball,, for green fwarthes, 
 that- are plain and level. — Not inferior to this fport, either for health or action, 
 are the tenije and baloonc ; the firft a paftime in clofe or open courts, ftriking a 
 little ball to and fro, either with the palm of the hand, or with a racket; the 
 other a ftrong and moveing. fport- in the open fields, with a great ball of double 
 leather filled with wind, and driven to and fro with the ftrength of a man's arm 
 armed with a bracer of wood." — This laft game was of late years revived by. 
 fome Italians, , and a yard for that purpofe made at Pimlico y they called it the 
 Olympic game. 
 
 Vaffionate In the Paffionate Madman, of Beaumont and Fletcher, . I find mention o£ 
 : vladman f me other games : a gentleman therein fays, 
 
 Or may I thrive as I deferve at billiards %, 
 No other wife at chefs, or at primer q. 
 
 ~D iimb 
 Kmghtt 
 
 In the Dumb Knight alfo mention is made of another^ named mount cent y 
 the name was taken from hundreds ; it was play'd by counting. This mount 
 tent, as well as the primero y were games upon the cards.. 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. rtf 
 
 A book intituled '.' The compleat Gamefter," printed ann. 1674, contains £ om ^ 
 inftrudtions for the following games : — Firft of billiards, of trucks (not much Gamefter 4 
 unlike billiards) of bowling, and of the game at chefs. Then follows the games 1674* 
 at cards; of picket, of gleek, 1'ombre, cribbidge, all fours, Englifh ruff and 
 honours, and whift, French ruff, five cards, coftly colours, bone ace, put and 
 the high game, wit and reafon, the art of memory, plain dealing, queen Na-» 
 zareen, lanterloo, penneech, port: and pair, bankafalet, beaft. — Then follows 
 games within the tables ; of Irith, backgammon, tick tack, dubblets, lice ace, 
 ketch dolt : — Games without the tables ; inn and inn, of paffage, of hazard ; — 
 together with the whole art and myftery of riding, whether the great horfe, or 
 any Other. To which is added, of raceing, of archery, and of cock-fighting. 
 
 Amongft the robuftic exercifes, are to be reckoned thofe of wreftling and Norden's 
 hurling, " which (fays Norden) were fharpe and fevere activities, for which Gen. Hi ft. 
 the Cornifh men were famous. The firft (adds he) is violent, but the fecond is ofCornwail 
 dangerous : the firfl: is in-two fortes, by holdder (as they call it) and by the 
 coller ; the f< conde likevvife of two fortes, as hurling to goales, and hurling to 
 the countrve." — Amongft thefe we may place the gymnaftic exercifes with the 
 fifts, cudgelling, and the like ; and yet thefe are but play to thofe cruel feats' 
 exhibited in the beginning of the prefent century. Take an advertilement from "' 
 a news-paper, dated iTor, November the 12th. From the 
 
 tl aUgifljvP ?rl^Sni9iq.b Co]J e a. of 
 
 u At his majefty's Bear-garden,, at Hockley in the Hole, a trial of fkill is to Title Pages 
 be performed to-morrrow, being Wednefday the 12th inflant November, 1701, j^"] t! ^j b 
 between William -Carpenter, of Oxford, (who lately fought the Champion of ma rk.*593i, 
 the Weft) and does now invite Thomas' Cook, butcher of Glocefter, both 
 matters of the noble fcience, to fight with the ufual weapons.— I the faid 
 Thomas Cook, for our former difappointment of gentelmen, now will not fail 
 (God willing) wet cr dry, money or no money, to meet the fair inviter, 
 defireing a clear ftage, and from him no favour. — Note, 1 defire all gentlemen 
 to come exactly at two of the clock ; for, upon honour, I do promife it fhall 
 be a good prize, if there is no box, as if there was a box of fifty pound." 
 
 In another advertifement' of this fort, dated 1709, the champion's promife, at 
 two o'clock exactly, to exercife with the following weapons, viz. back fword, fj$« 
 pword and dagger, fword and buckler, Jingle falchion, and cafe of falchions ; — and 
 in yet another bill, befides the foregoing weapons, we find /word and gauntlet, 
 and quarter faff. With thefe weapons they ufed to fight on flages, generally- 
 taking the greateft care not to fiay, but only maim and disfigure their antago- 
 nifts. — It is furprizing that people, who call themfelves Chriflians, could delight 
 in beholding fuch cruel and inhuman trials of the fkill and activity of the 
 champions ! 
 
 Now we are fpeakihg of the amufements fhown forth at the Bear-garden, we 
 muft not omit the following :— 
 
 At the Eear-Garden at Hockley in the Hole, 17 10.. 
 This is to give notice to all gentlemen gamefters, and others, that on this ^ 
 -prefent Monday is a match to be fought by two dogs, one from Newgate market, 
 
 again ft 
 
150 T H E M ANN E R S AND CUS TOMS 
 
 aga in ft one of Honey-lane market, at a bull, for a guinea to be fpent : five ki 
 goes out of hand; which goes fai reft, and furtheft in, wins all.-— Likewife a 
 green bull to be baited, which was never baited before, and a buli to be 
 turned loofe with fire- works all over him ; alfo a mad afs to be baited. — 
 Likewife there are two bear dogs to jump, three jumps a piece, at a bear, which 
 jumps higheft, for ten millings to be fpent : with variety of bull and bear 
 baiting ; and a dog to be drawn up with fire works. 
 
 #j» To begin exa&ly at, three of the clock, Vivat Regina, 
 
 Vide Vol. 2, Some mention has already been made, in the fecond volume, of the May 
 ofthiswork,^^.^ an( j t } ie following quotation may ferve ftill further to elucidate the ancient 
 P a g- 99- manner f them : it is from the Knight of the Burning Peftle, by Beaumont 
 Knight of an d Fletcher. In the 4th act the Citizen fays, *f Let Ralph come out on 
 Peftle" a& 4? May-day, in the morning, and fpeak upon a conduit, with ail his icarfs about 
 ' ' him, and his feather, and his rings, and his knacks, as Lord of the May." — ■ 
 Soon after Ralph enters, properly habited, and makes an occasional fpeech, 
 faying, 
 
 With gilded ftafF, and -croffed fcarf, the May Lord here I ftand. 
 Oh you, I fay, of this fame noble town, 
 
 And lift aloft your velvet heads, and flipping of your gowns, 
 vWith bells on legs, and napkins clean unto your moulders ty'd, 
 With fcarfs and garters as you pleafe, and hey for our town cry'd ; 
 March out and (how your willing minds 9 by twenty and by twenty, 
 To Hog/don, or to Newington, where aie and cakes are plenty : 
 And let it ne'er be faid, for fhame, that we, the youths of London, 
 Lay thruming of our caps at home, and left our cufiome undone. 
 
 Befides all this, they ufed«to make mock proceflions, with various pageants,'&c. 
 amongft which ufually was the mzidMarian, who was reprefented by, a boy habited 
 like a woman, and he walk'd with a mincing pace, to imitate the female gait. 
 - Hall'sUnion Take alfo the following account of a Maying from HalL-r-" In the feventh 
 inVit. H. 8, year of his reign, king Henry the Eighth, on May-Jay morning, with queene 
 Vide Stow's Catherine his wife, accompanied with many lords and. ladies, rode a maving 
 Survey, from Greenwich, to the high ground on Shooter's Hill, where, as they pafled 
 /0I.78. & 80 by the way, they efpyed a company of tall yeomen, clothed all in greene, with 
 greene hoods, and with bowes and arrowes, to the number of 200. One, being 
 their chieftain, was called Robin Hood, who required the king and all his 
 company to fiay and fee h,is men (hoot ; wherto the king granting, Robin Hood 
 whiftled, and all the 200 archers mot off, . looting all at once; and when he 
 whiftled againe, they likewife fhot againe : their arrowes whiftled by craft of 
 the head, fo that the noife was ftrange and loud, which greatly delighted the 
 king, queene, and their company.— Moreover, this Robin Hood defired the 
 king and queen, .with their retinue, to enter the greene wood, where, in arbours 
 made with boughes, and deckt with flowers, they were fet, and ferved plenti- 
 fully with venifon and. wine, by Robin Hood and his meyny, to their great 
 contentment, and had other pageants and paftimes." By 
 
OP THE ENGLISH. i 5 r 
 
 By way of concluding this chapter, I mall juif. obferve, that bonfires and other 
 rejoicings of iike nature, were not only patronifed, but even commanded, by the 
 kings of England, on particular occafions ; — thus, at the conclufion of the mar- Jn tJ , e 
 riage between the prince of Caftile, and Mary, daughter to king Henry the Se- Cotton Lib. 
 venth j-^-the king, by his letter, directed to the mayor and aldermen of London, mar^'d Ts- 
 informed them, that the above marriage was finally concluded ; after which pre- tus j B. i, 
 amble, the letter thu . hniflies-. — ,f As we doubt not but yee, and every of you, 
 will take pleafure and comfort in the hearing thereof ; fo, with convenient dili- 
 gence, upon the fight of thefe our letters, ye will caufe demonftrations and to- 
 kens of rejoycing and comfort, to be made in fundry places, within oure city ; 
 there afwell by making fyers, in fuch places as you fhal thinke convenient, as 
 otherwife in the beft, and mod comfortable manner that ye can j fo that thereby 
 yt maie be evidently knov/ne, what gladnes and rejoyfing is to be generally taken 
 ami made, &Ci 
 
 MA RR I A G E S, &c. 
 
 To what has been already faid on this fu bject, we may juftly add the following 
 remarks ; — and firft we will fpeak of the gallantry of our anceftors. — The lover 
 did not dare to approach his lbvereign miftrefs with his vows of love, till, with 
 fome fweet madrigal, or enchanting panegyric, he- had, by extolling her beauty, 
 her charms, her graces, and her virtues, foftened her heart, and paved the way 
 for his addreffes : but, however they might flonriih away with their metaphors and 
 fimilies, it is but juftice to clear them from the bombaftic ftile of the more mo- 
 dern gallants.- --The railing the object of their heart above the clouds, and mak- 
 ing her equal, if not fuperior in beauty, to the inhabitants of the blefs'd abodes, 
 was a fort of luperlativ'e nonfenfe, unknown to, or at lealt unpractical 'by them % 
 ---No : 'tis to the inventive genius of their wife and improving offspring, we 
 owe thefe wondrous and extraordinary fallies of an elevated and afpiring foul !--- 
 We may juftly fay that love-compliments, in the earlier ages, were but in the bud, 
 but matured and brought to perfection, in the fucceeding times. — In a love poem 
 (at leaft as early as the reign of Edward the Firft) J find the enamour'd fwain 
 contents himlelf with only declaring, that his miftrefs is the faireft lafs betwixt 
 Lincoln and London. But let the reader judge for himfelf cf the ftile and fafhion 
 cf this love infpired production : 
 
 When the nyhtengale finges, the wodes waxen grehe, Harl ' Lib* 3 
 
 Lef, gras, and blofme fpringes, in Averyl y wene ; mark.' 2353* 
 
 Ant love is to myn herte gon, with one fpere fo kene, 
 
 Nyht and day my bled hyt dr> nkes, m;;n harte deth me tene 1 
 
 Ich have loved al this yer, thaty may lovena more, 
 
 Ich have fiked mani fyk, Lemmon for thin ore, 
 
 Yet mi love never the ner, and that me reweth fore ; 
 
 Suete Lemmon thenk on me, ich have loved the fore 3 
 
 Suete Lemmon, y preye the of love one fpeche, 
 
 Whil y lyye in world fo wyde, other niile y feche i 
 
 With 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOM'S 
 
 With thy love my fuete leof, mi blifs thou mihtes eche s 
 A fuete cofs of thy mowth mihte be my leche ; 
 Suete Lemmon y preye the, of a love bene, 
 - Gef thou meloveft, afe men fays, Lemmon as y wene 
 Ant gef hit the wille, be thou loke that hit be fene, 
 So muchol y thonke upon the, that al y waxe grene 5 
 Bitwene Lyncolne and Lynderfeye, Northamtonn, ant Lounde> 
 Ne wot y non fo fayr a mayd, as y go for ybounde : 
 Suete Lemmon y preye the, thou lovie me a ftounde, 
 Y wole mone my fong, on wham that hit ys on ylong, 
 
 1 Now, ferionfly, I think that this little poem (the occanon confidered) is very 
 modeft,. and entirely within the bounds of reafon :— perhaps quite the fame can- 
 MS. penes not be faid of the following flourifh, which (as we are told at the end) was writ- 
 Author. ten by a duke of York.- It is contained in a MS. on paper, in my own poffeffiqn 
 and, by the hand-writing, and a fubfequent entry, appears to be as old as the 
 reign of Henry the Fifth ; as the whole of the poem would be too long to infert 
 it entire, I have only felecled fome of the mod; ftriking fianzas ; 
 
 Excellent foveraine femely to fee, - - Proved prudence, peerlefs of pris, 
 Bright blolfome of benyngnyte, - - - Figure faireft, and frefheft of devys:- 
 I recomannde me to your rialnefs, - - As lovely as I can or may, 
 Befechyng inwardly your gentlenefTe, - Let never faynt hert true love betraye. 
 
 Your womanly beaute delicious, - - - Hath me hent all into his c-heyne, 
 Rut ye graunte me your love gracious, - My hert will melt, as fnowe in reyne. 
 
 Vif ye wift my lyfe, and knewe, And af the peyn.es that y feell, 
 
 Y wys ye wold upon me rewe, - - - Though your hert wer made of fteeli. 
 A'nd though ye be of high renoun, - - Let mercy enclyne your hert fo fre, 
 To you lady this is my boun, ------ To graunt me grace, in fom degre. 
 
 Myn hert is fetin your delite, - - - - Preveth it well be experience, 
 
 A'nd to you my trouth I plyte, - - - • That ever y drede your offence. 
 
 Alias that God ne hadde - - - - - - By verry reafonne of truthe, 
 
 In your perfone properly made . - - «■_> Half your beaute, merci and rulhe. 
 
 But fortune is no thinge my frende, - - But ever {he cafteth me to fpille, 
 
 For love y may no longer lende, - - - So he propofeth me to fpille. 
 
 But fith it ftantin fuche degre, - - - And may none otherwyfe trende, 
 
 Of farewell, myn end (hall be, - - - - To youwarde, wher ever ye wende* 
 
 Farewell l.adi of grete pris, Farewell wys, both fare, and free, 
 
 Farewell freefull flourdelys, - - - - - Farewell burell, brighte of ble, 
 
 Farewell faphir, foverain of affay, - - - Farewell feir, fresihen: and fre, 
 
 Farewell rubye, rial of array, - — - - Farewell dyamand, derein degre, 
 
 Farewell perle, pris preifable, - - - - Farewell criftall, corioufe in. kynde, 
 
 Farewell amyceft, all amyable, - - - - Farewell emeraude, moil of my nde. 
 
 Farewell 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. i 53 
 
 /Farewell creature, comely of kynde, - Farewell Janterne, luflbtn of" light, 
 .Farewell mynder, mod of my myndc ; Farewell foverain, femely in fighte. 
 .Farewell ameroufe, and amyable, - - Farewell worthy, witty, and wys, 
 Farewell pured pris, prifable, - - - - Farewell ryall rofe in the rys ; 
 Farewell fair, and fre figurable, - - - Farewell womanly wight in the wede, 
 Farewell dereworth, and delitable, - - Farewell foifon your love for to fede. 
 Farewell carbouncle, chofen chiefe, - Farewell glorioufe, as gold y grave, 
 Farewell pured principall in prees, - - Farewell gracioufe j God you fave ! 
 ^Farewell derworth of dignite, - - - - Farewell grace of governaunce, 
 How ever y fare — farewell ye, - - - - Farewell prymerofe, my plefaunce.- 
 
 [Explicit Amor, per ducem Ebor. nup.fatf.] 
 
 This rifes a little higher than the former ; — but what mall we fay of the fol- 
 lowing ftrange mixture of old French and Englifh? We muft furely in extafy 
 cry out, Oh, it is the tender breathing of the love-fick foul '.—-However, reader, 
 • take it as it is, from the above-mentioned MS. lbld * 
 
 ' Mb. penes 
 
 En Jhefu roy foverayne, - .- - You lady fair and fre, Author, 
 
 En fyne amour certain, - - - Als reafon telleth me, 
 
 Come a mon coer demefne, - - Swetynge y grete the, 
 
 Unquore durant en peyne, - - But ye my bote be; 
 
 Quar en foye vous die, - - - - I holde noon your peer ; 
 
 Defore en vous affie, - - - ~ As in my true feer, 
 
 Tre doulce, trelbein ame, - - Myn onne derlyng dere :— '*• 
 
 De votre loial vie ------ Blethly wold y here, 
 
 Tre doulce creature, ----- Myn hert is wonder wo 
 iPur votre, longe demure - - - That is Co fer me fro : 
 
 Ore fwetyng loial & pure, - - Let not our love go, 
 
 Qar certain 6c fure, ----- Y love you, and no moo ; 
 
 Si jeo les ofe dire, ------ That is agein fkill, 
 
 /Qune chaft coer defire — - - That ye may fullfille, 
 
 Se vous quant jeo rem.embre, - Fair fo flour on hill, 
 
 Sovent foitz fupprice, - — - I figh, and mone full flill : 
 
 Ne poet eftre a taunt, - - - - As y wolde with right, 
 
 Mais Jhefu tout puilTaunt, — Of you me fend a fight. 
 
 But what is even this, to the funs, the moons, the ftars, the Cupids, the 
 .flames, and the darts, of the latter ages ? 
 
 In the Harleian Library I meet with a remarkable note j it is as follows : — 
 ** By the civil law, whatfoever is given ex fponfalitia largitate, betwixt them ^ S 'j '". the 
 that are promifed in marriage, hath a condition (for the moil part filent) that it a ^8 lb * 
 may be had again, if marriage enfue not : but if the man mould have had a kifs 
 for his money, he mould lofe one half of that which he gave. Yet with the 
 .woman it is otherwife, for kifling, or not killing, whatfoever me gave, Ihe may 
 aik and have it again: however, this extends only to gloves, rings, bracelets, 
 and fuch-like fmall wares." 
 
 Vol. III. X la 
 
i 5 4 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 S tow's Chr. In the reign of Elizabeth (fays Howe, in his additions to Stow's Chronicle) 
 IgS't 10 ^?' it was " the cuftome for maydes, and gentelwomen, to give their favorites, as 
 An* 163/. t0 ^ ens °f tne ^ r l° ve > liftle handkerchiefs of about three or four inches fquare, 
 wrought round about, and with a button or a taflel at each corner, and a little 
 one in the middle with hike and threed : the beft edged with a fmall gold lace, 
 or twift, which being foulded up in foure crofle foldes, fo as the middle might 
 be leene, gentlemen and others did ufually wear them in their hatts, as favours 
 of their loves and miftrefTcs ; fome coft fix pence apiece, fome twelve pence, and 
 the richeft fixteene pence." — And of the gentleman's prefent, a lady in Cupid's 
 Revenge, of Beaumont and Fletcher, fays 
 
 Cupid's Re- 
 venge, a& 2. Given earings we will wear, 
 Bracelets of our lovers hair, 
 Which they on our arms fhall twift, 
 (With their names carv'd) on our wrifts* 
 
 Some of the ceremonies relative to marriages amongft the middling fort of 
 Hiftorv people, we find in the old hiftory of John Newohombe, the wealthy clothier of 
 i>f Jack of Newbury. Speaking of his marriage, the author fays, " The bride being 
 Newbury, attired in a gown of fheeps ruffet, and a kertle of fine worftcad, her head attired 
 with a billiment of gold, and her hair as yellow as gold hanging down behind 
 her, which was curioufly comb'd, and pleated, according to the maner of thofe- 
 days : the was led to church between two fweet boys, with bride laces, and 
 rofemary tied about their filken fleeves ; the one was Sir Thomas Parry, the 
 other Sir Francis Hungerford. — Then was there a fair bride cup, of filver gilt, 
 carried before her, wherein was a goodly branch of rofemary, gilded very fair, 
 and hung about with filken ribbands of all colours; next there was a noife of 
 muficians, that play'd all the way before her. — After her came the chiefeft 
 maidens of the country, fome bearing bride cakes, and fome garlands made of 
 wheat, finely gilded, and fo pafs'd to the church : and the bridegroom finely 
 apparelled, with the young men, followed dole behind." 
 
 Still more I gather from Johnfon's Silent Woman. Lady Haughty fays to 
 man °" Morofe, *' We fee no enfigns of a wedding here, no character of a bndale. 
 Where be our fkarves, and our gloves ? I pray you give 'em us. Let us know 
 your bride's colours, and your's at leaft."— And after the adds, 
 
 You to offend, in fuch a high point of ceremony as this, 
 And let your nuptials want all marks of folemnity ! 
 
 What plate have you loft to-day ! what gifts ! 
 What friends ! and all through your rufticity ! 
 
 Hence we may learn, that the friends of the new efpoufed couple ufed, on the 
 day of their wedding, to make them prefents of plate, and other things, accord- 
 ing to their ability. 
 
 But to return : Lady Haughty continuing her fpeech, adds, ** I intimate 
 *• your errours to you no gloves, no garters, no fkarves, no epithalamium, nc 
 malque," 6cc. — Thefe latter were the fafhionable entertainments, even in. th< 
 
 pditeft 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. r j£> 
 
 politeft and gre-ateft families; and tlierefore in the old play of Maflengei, Q ome A v 
 intituled " A New Way to pay Old Debts," the Page juftly lays that his Lord called New 
 " (lands refolv'd with all due pomp to have his marriage celebrated, as with Way to pay- 
 running at the ring, plays, mafques and tilting," &c. ^ eblS - 
 Of the lower clafs of people, we have fome intimation in Johnfon's Tale of a Ta)e of a 
 Tub. The maidens in the morning early, on the bridegroom's fir ft appearance, Tub. 
 ufually prefented him with a bunch of rofemary, bound with ribbands ; to the 
 which cuftom Turf alludes, when fpeaking of Clay, the intended bridegroom, 
 •who was juft arrived — " Look (fays he) and the wenches ha' not found im out, 
 and do prefent u.n with a van of rofemary, and bays enough to vill a bow pott, 
 or trim the head of my beft vore horfe ; we Hi all all ha' bride laces, or points, 
 I zee." — Neither went they to church without their mufic ; and this was fo 
 common a cuftom, that Dame Turf (in the fame play) thus reproaches her 
 .hufband: " A clod you ftiould be called, to let no mufic go afore your child 
 to church, to chear her heart up !" — And after Scriben, feconding the good old 
 dame's rebuke, adds, " She's i'th' right, fir ; for your wedding dinner is ftarv'd, 
 without mufic." 
 
 It was cuftomary of old time (efpecially with the more common people) upon 
 a verbal contract of marriage, and promifes of love, to break a piece of gold, or 
 Jilver, in token thereof ; one half the woman kept, and the other part remained 
 with the man. In the play of the Widow this cuftom is mentioned, and to it 
 is joined another, which I knew not of before, namely, drinking to each other. The Widow 
 The paffage is a* follows : — The Widow complaining that Ricardo, had artfully b * j°™nfon, 
 drawn her into a verbal contract, one of her fuitors thus enquires, " Stay, ftay ! Fletcher, & 
 you broke no gold between you ? " She anfwers, " We broke nothing, fir." Middleton. 
 He adds, " Nor drank to each other ?" She again replies, " Not a drop, fir." 
 Then he concludes from thence, that the contract cannot ftand good in law. — 
 So much for the ceremonies before marriage. 
 
 At Dunmow priory, in EfTex, a whimfical cuftom prevailed. " In this M g - n 
 priory (fays a MS. in the Harleian Library) arofe a cuftom, begun and inftituted Bib. Had. 
 either by Robert Lord Fitz Walter (who lived in the reign of Henry the Third) infig. 980, 
 or one of his immediate fucceffors, — that he who repents him not of his mar- et alia * 
 riage, deeping or waking, in a year or a day, may lawfully come to Dunmow, 
 and fetch a gammon of bacon ; which bacon was delivered with fuch folemnity 
 and triumph as they of the priory and townfmen could make. The manner of 
 it was as follows : — The party or pilgrim for the bacon was to take an oath 
 before the prior, the convent, and the whole town, humbly kneeling in the 
 church-yard, upon two hard and pointed ftones " (which ftones are to be feen 
 in the priory church to this day).-— The form of the oath, as modernized in the 
 MS. is as follows u 
 
 M You mall fwear by cuftome of confefiTione, 
 If ever you made any nuptial trangrecion j 
 Be ye eyther maried, man or wife, 
 By houfhold brawls, or contentious ftrife, 
 Or otherwife, in bed, or at borde, 
 Offended each other in deede, or in worde; 
 
 X 2 Or 
 
*f> THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 Or fince the parifh clerke faide Amen, 
 Wifhed yourfelfes unmarried agen j 
 Or in a twelve month time and a day, 
 Repented not, in thought, any maner of way. 
 But continued true, and juft in defire, 
 As when you joined handes in holy quire : 
 If to thefe condicions, withouten all feare, 
 Of youre owne accord, you will truely fweare. 
 You ill all of oure bacon of Dunmow receive, 
 To bear it hence,, with love, and good leave ; 
 For this is our cufiom of Dunmow, well known, 
 Tho' the paftime be our's, the bacon's your own. 
 
 " This oath being adminiftered, with a long proceffione, and ringing over him " 
 all the while, he was afterwards taken up, and carried upon mens moulders, 
 fcrft about the priory church-yard, and after through the town, with all the. 
 friers and brethren, and all the townsfolk, young and old, folowing with- 
 acclaimations and ihouts, with his bacon before him ; and afterwards (recieving 
 the bacon) he returned home." 
 
 It appears, by the records of the houfe, that three feveral perfons had of this ' 
 bacon, at three feveral times. 
 
 " Be it remembred, that one Richard Wright, of ' Badebrigh, neare the citte 
 of Norwich, in the counte of Norfolke, yeaman, came, and required of the 
 bacon of Dunmow, namely the 27th daye of Aprille, in the 23 yeare of the 
 reigne of Henrie 6th, and according to the forme of the charter, was fworne 
 before John Cannon, pryor of thys place, and the convent, and many other 
 neighbours s and there was delivered to him, the faid Richard, one fleeche of 
 bacon." 
 
 " Be it remembered, that one Stephyn Samvell, of Little Ayfton, in the 
 county of EfTex, hufbandman, came to the priory of Dunmow on our Lady • 
 Daye, in Lent,, the feaventh yeare of kinge Edwarde the Fourthe, and required 
 a gammon of bacon,, and was fworne before Roger Bulfatt, prior, and the 
 convent of this place, as alfo before a multitude of other neighbours ; and there 
 Was delivered unto hym one gamone of bacon." 
 
 " Be it remember'd, that in the yeare of our Lorde 15 10, Thomas le Fuller,, 
 of Coggemall in the county of EfTex, came to the priory of Dunmow, and 
 required to have fome of the bacon of Dunmow - 3 and on the 8 th daye of 
 September (being Sunday) in the 2A yeare of kinge Henrie the Eight, he was, 
 according to the forme of the charter, fworne before John Tyles, then pryor of 
 the houfe, and the convent, as alfo before a multitude of neighboures ; and 
 there was delivered unto the faid Thomas, a gammon of bacon. ' r> 
 
 Thefe three claims made of the bacon, were before the dilfolution of the 
 Hionafteries ; and fince that period, it has alio been demanded and received juft 
 fchree times more. The lafl was as late as June the 20th, 175 1 , when one 
 Thomas Shakcmaf^ a weaver, living in the pa t i(h of Weathersfield, in the 
 
 county 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 157 
 county of E flex, with Anne his wife, claimed the bacon, which was with much 
 mock pageantry delivered to them.* 
 
 Though, in the above regifter of the claimants, we find the firft is in the 
 reign of Henry the Sixth, yet this inftitution was certainly of much more 
 ancient date. I find this mention of it in the Vifions of Pierce Plowman: Pier. Plow- 
 man's PaffuS 
 
 , £)c tbofetoho ntfmp foj gain, Nonus. 
 
 &nb tljougfj ttjri Do bcm to SDonmoto, but if the 2Dct»il help 
 <£o folloto after tljc fitcbe, fetcTje thcp it itebcr, 
 Clutj but trjej? be both foiCtoojnts & c - 
 
 Arid alfo as follows, in Chaucer's Wife of Bath's prologue ! The Wife of 
 
 Bath's Pro- 
 
 QCUe bacon m$ not ftt for bcm, 3 troto, iogue,foi.3£- 
 'tEhat foinc men babe in (Eflcr, at 2Dunmoto» Edit - Chau ° 
 
 cer, 1602. 
 
 A cuftom of fimilar nature was held at Whichenovre, in Staffordshire ; of 
 which, together with the whole procefiion, and manner of the delivery of the 
 ftjtch of bacon, the reader may fiad a loi^g account in Plott's Hiftory of that Plott's Ox^t 
 ouiuy.— and (as Mr. Pennant has kindly informed me) in the hall of the tordflure. 
 manfion-hoiife, where the bacon formerly was delivered, right over the chimney- 
 piece, yet hangs the flitch, cut out in wood and painted. 
 
 Another ftrange cuftom alfo was held at Kylmerdon, in Somerfetfhire. The y rom ^ 
 wife had the eftate of her hufband ; but if me marrieth again, me thereby loft above- men- 
 he r land j and if me was found to be incontinent,, me alio forfeited her land: Honed MS. I 
 but flie might again have it reftored to her, provided flie would come into the y^V 
 open court, and there plainly acknowledge her incOntinency. 
 
 To this chapter it may not be improper to add the following account of the 
 ceremonies which were ufed, and the manner of the queen's taking her chamber, ^ x MS. in 
 aim. 5 of Henry the Seventh, when me was with child : tafigJuS* 
 
 <e Item, Upon All-halow even, the quene tooke her chamber at Weftmynfter, . B ' XI1 ' 
 gtffetely accompagned with ladyes and gentilwomen ; that is to lay, the lady the ' 
 kinges modir, the duchefte of Northfolk, and many oudre; havyng before hir 
 the^greate parte or the nobles of th-ys royalme, being prefent at this parlement 
 and (lie was ledde by therle of Oxenforde, and therle of Derby ; and the reverent 
 fader in God, the bifhop of Exceftre, fong the majje, in pontificdlibiis, and after 
 agtttfJ Dei ; and whan the bifhop had done, the quene was lede as bifore; and 
 tileries- of Shrewsbury, and of Rente, hylde the towelles, whan the quene toke 
 her right es ; and the torches ware holden by knightes, and after majs, accom- 
 payned as before ; and when (lie was comen into hir great chambre, fhe ftode 
 undre hir cloth of eftate; then their was ordeyned a voide af efpices, and fwet, 
 wyne ; that doone, my lorde, the quenes chamberlain, in very goode worths, , 
 deiired, in the quenes name, the pepul there prefent to pray God to fende hir 
 
 the 
 
 * -One Mr. Ogborne, of Chelmsford in Eflex, was prefent there, and painted a very exa£l repre-- 
 fentatun of the above-mentioned proceflion, which he caufed to be engraved, an. 175&, 
 
- 1 5 8 T H E MAN'NE'RS AND C U S T CMS 
 
 the goode oure (hour) t and fo file departed to her inner chambre, which was 
 hanged, and fceyled, with riche clothe of arras of blew, with flour de lifis of 
 gold, without any other clothe of arras of ymagerye, whiche is not convenient 
 about wymen in fuch cafe : and in that chambre was a riche bedde and palliet, 
 the which palliet had a marviellous riche canope of clothe of gold, with velvet 
 paly of divers colours, garnefhyd with rede rofes, enbrodured with two riche 
 pannes of crymfon, couvered with raynes of lande; alfo ther was a riche auter 
 (altar) well furnyfhed with reliques, and a riche cupborde well and richely 
 garnyihed ; and then {lie recomancied hir to the goode praiers of the. lordes, and 
 then my lord her chamberleyn drew the travers ; and frome thens forthe no 
 maner of officers came within the chambre, but ladies, and geatelwomen, after 
 the olde couflume. 
 
 Ceremonies, . &c. relative to Funerals. 
 
 S ^ ^ ol * To the account of the royal obfequies, fet forth in the fecond volume of this 
 ^yf'sl ^'o,.' vvork, I beg leave to add the following preparatory directions for the treatment 
 Lib. Regal. °f tne corps of the kings of England, before they were burkd. It is extracted 
 in Arch, of from the Liber Rega/is, preferved in the Abbey of Weftminfter, and immediately 
 ^M^'in'the ^°^ ows t ^ ie c o r ° nat i° n ceremonies. In the fame manner it is found in a MS. in 
 CottonYib. Cotton Library, as alfo again in another in my own pofTefTion. 
 
 Nero, D. vi. 
 
 ^author" " ^ e exe 1 u ^ s regalibus cum ipfos ex hoc fecuh migrare contigerit" 
 
 ci Cum Rex immclus migraverit ex hoc feculo, primo a fuls cubiculariis, corpus ejufdem aqua callda five U- 
 pida lavari debet ; delnde balfamo et aromatibus unguetur per totum. Et pojiea in panno lineo cerato invol- 
 vetur ; ita tamen quod facies et barba tllius tantum pateant. Et circa manus et digits s ipjius die! us pannus 
 ceratus itaerit difpojitus ut qui li bet digitus cu?n pollice utriufque rnanus ftngillatim infuatur per fe ; acji ?nanus 
 ejus cirothecis lineis effent coopertes. De cerebro tamen et vifecribus caveant cubicularii prtcdifti. — Dcinde 
 corpus induetur tunica ufqite ad talos longa ; et defuper pallio regali adornabitur. Barba vero ipfius decenier conx- 
 ponetur fuper peclus illius ; et pojimodum caput, cum facie ipfius, fudario ferico coopcrietur : ac deinde corona 
 regia aut dwdema capite ejufdem apponetur. Pojiea induentur manus ejus cirothecis cum aurofragiis ornatis ; 
 et in medio digito dextra manus imponetur annulus aureus aut deauratus. Et in dextra manu fua ponetur p':la 
 rotunda deaurata in qua virga deaurata erit fixa a manu ipfius ufque ad peclus protenfa, in cujus virga fum- 
 mitate erit fignwn dominicce crucis quod fuper peElus ejujdem principis honejie debet collocari j — in fniflra ve- 
 rq manu fceptram deauratum habebit ufque ad aurem finijlram decenter protenfum : ac pojiremo tibia et pedes 
 ipfius caligis ferius et fandaliis induentur :—Tali vero modo diclus princeps adornatus cum regni fui pontifici- 
 , bus et magnatibus ad locum quern pro fua fpuUura eligerit cum omni reverent ia deferetur, et cum exequiis re- 
 galibus honejlijfima tradctur fepultura." 
 
 When the reader hath read the above directions, he is referred to N°. 19 of 
 plate 6, (of the fecond volume) where he will fee the king laid forth, as is juft 
 . defcribed ; and this reprefentation is copied from the illumination which in the 
 ^Ltber Regalis is prcfix'd to the above directions. 
 
 The 
 
foh I Br' 
 
 OF THE ENGLISH. 159 
 The funeral procellion of Henry the Seventh, together with the ceremonies , i 
 
 thereto belonging, are thus let forth by Hall, in his Union of the Houfes of Han-sUnion ■ 
 York and Lancaster : — Hen. 8* 
 
 " After that all thynges neceffary for the interment and funeral pompe of the 
 late king (Hen. 7^ were fumpteully prepared and done, the corps of the faid 
 defunct was brought out of his privy chamber, into the great chamber, wher 
 he refted thre daies, and every daie had there dirige and maffe fong by a prelate 
 mitered : and from thence he was conveighed into the halle, where he alfo was 
 three daies, and had like fervice there ; and fo thre daies in the chapell ; and in 
 every of thefe thre places was a hearfe * of waxe, garnifhed with banners, and 9 
 mourners gevyng there attendance all the fervice tyme ; and every daie thei 
 offered, and every place cjhaunged with blacke clothe. Upon Wednufdaie the 
 9th daie of Maiey the corps was putte into a chariott covered with blacke clothe 
 of gold, dravven with 5 greate courfers, covered with blacke velvet, garnifhed 
 with cushions of fine goid j and over the corps was a image or a reprefen- 
 tation of the late kyng, laied on cufhions of golde, and the faied image was 
 appareled in the kinges riche robes of eftate, with a crowne on the hed, and 
 bail and fcepter in the handes ; and the chariot was garnifhed with banners and 
 pencelles of tharmes of his dominions, tities and genealogies. When the chariot 
 was thus ordered, the kinges chapell, and a great nombre of prelates, fet for- 
 ward praiyng : then folowed all the kynges fervauntes in blacke ; then folowed 
 the chariot, and after the chariot 9 mourners, and on every fide wer caried long 
 torches and ihorte to the nombre of fix hundred ; and in this order thei came to 
 Saincte George's rclde, from Richemonde (for he died at Richmond). There 
 met with theim ail the preiftes and clearkes, and religious men within the citee s 
 and without (whiche wente formofte, before the kynges chapell). The maior 
 and his brethren, with many commoners, all clothed in blacke, met with the 
 corps at L01 ion bridge, and fo gave their attendaunce on the fame through the 
 citee : and in good ordre the compaignie paffed through the citie, wherof the 
 fhreetes on every fide were fet with long torches, and on the ftalles flcode young 
 children, hold vng tapers, and fo with greate reverence the chariott was brought 
 to the cathedrall churche of Sand Paule, wher the body was taken out, and 
 carried into the, quire, and fet under a goodly herfe of waxe garnifhed with, 
 banners, pencelles and cufhions, where was foung a folempne dirige, and a 
 mafic, with a fermon, made by the byfshoppe of Rochefler; duryng which 
 tyme the kynges houfhold and the mourners repofed themfelves in byfshoppe of 
 Kochefter p?lis. The next daie the corps, in like order, was removed toward 
 Weflminfter, Sir Edward Hayward bearynge the kinges banner, on a courfer 
 trapped in the armes of the defunct. 
 
 " In 
 
 • The hearfe was ufually a four-fquare frame of timber, which was hung with black cloth, and 
 garnifhed with flags and icutcheons ; as alfo a great quantity of lights, accoru ng the wealth and 
 quality of the perfon deceafed. — I find the following dimenfions for a hearfe in the Harleian 
 Library : '• Lach fide was twelve foot broad, and each corner poft twelve font high ; from each of 
 thefe pofts arofe a rafter flanting, and all four rafters met at the top, and mortic'd in an upright polf 
 in the middle, which rife about four foot above the corner pofis," 
 
i6o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 «' In Weftminfter was a curious herfe, made of 9 principalles, full of lightes, 
 -which were lighted at the comynge of ,the corps, whiche was taken out of the 
 chariot by fixe lordes, and fet under the herfe, the image or the reprefentation 
 lying upon the cufliyn on a large palle of golde. The herfe was double railed -, 
 within the firfte railes fatte the mourners, and within the feconde raile ftoode 
 knightes bearyng banners of fainctes, and without the fame ftoode officers of 
 armes. When the mourners were fet, Garter Kyng at Armes cried for the 
 
 " foule of the noble prince kynge Henry the VII. late kynge of this realme ; the 
 ouire began n e placebo? fo fong the dirige, whyche beynge finifhed, the mourners 
 
 ' departed into the palaice, where they had voyde, and lo repofed for that night. 
 *' The next daie wer three mafes folemply fong, by bufshoppes, and at the 
 
 t laft mafle was. offored the kynges banner and courfer, his coate of armes, his 
 fworde, his target, and his helme ; and at thende of maffe the mourners offored 
 up riche paulles of clothe of gold and baudekin, and when the quire fang 
 
 ' libera me, the body was put into the yearthe ; and then the lorde treaforer, lorde 
 ftewarde, lorde chamberlein, the treforer, and comptroller of the kynges houf- 
 hold, brake their ftaves and caft them into the grave. Then Garter cried with 
 a loude voyce, Vive le roy Henry le Huites-me, roy Dangliter & de Fraunce, Jire 
 Dir/and ! ( Long live king Henry the Eighth, king of England, of France, and 
 lord of Ireland I) Then all the mourners, and all other that had geven their 
 attendance on this funerall obfequie, departed to the palaice, where they had a 
 great and fumptuous feaft." 
 
 The ocder in which a funeral, of any noble perfon was conducted, was as 
 MS. «n J^e £ n ows in, the reign of Henry the Seventh ; the which I find in a curious MS. 
 
 Cotton Lib. r i 
 
 mark'd Ju- of that age : 
 
 lius, B. i2» 
 
 . C( This is the Ordynaunce, and Ouyding, that pertayneth unto the wormipfull 
 Berying of any Eftate, to be done in Maner and Fourme enfuynge." 
 
 " •Furfte, to be orferde a fworde, by the mooft wormepfull of the kynne of 
 , the aforefaid eftate ; and if none be attending, it fhold bee prefented by the 
 mooft wormipfull man that is prefent ther, on his perte. 
 
 " Item, In like wife his fhelde, his coote of worfoep, his helme, and crefte. 
 f ft Item, To be had a baner of the Trenite, a baner of our Ladye, a baner of 
 St. George, a baner of the feynt that was his advoure, and a baner of his armes. 
 "Item, A panon of hys armes, and ftandard, and. his befte (fupporters) 
 ..therein. 
 
 " Item, A getone of his device, with his words {motto). 
 
 "Item, A double valance aboute the herfe, both above and byneath, wifh 
 his worde, and his device, written therein. 
 
 " Item, XII fcochones of his armes, to be fett upon the barres, without and 
 within, the herfe j and .3 dozen penfelles,, to ftande aboven, upon the herfe, 
 amongft the lightes. 
 
 " Item, To be ordeyned as many fcochones as be pilers in the chirche, and 
 . fcochones to be fet in the 4 quarters of the faide churche, as beft is to be fette 
 "by difcretion. 
 
 « Item, 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. t6 t 
 
 "* Item, As many torches as the faide eftate was of yeres of age, and on every 
 . torche a fcochone hanging, and the beerers of the torches in blak. 
 
 '* Item, To be ordaynede ftandyng, 5 officers of armes about the faide herfe ; 
 that is to faye, one before the faide herfe, bearing the coote of armes of worthep, 
 and he ftandyng at the hede, in the middle warde of the faid herfe ; the fecond 
 Handing on the right Tide of the herfe, in the fore front, bearyng his fworde; 
 and the 3d ftondyng on the lifte fide of the faide herfe, bearinge his helmet and 
 crefte ; the 4th on the right fide of the faide hers, in the nether part, bering his 
 baner of armes j and the 5th ftandyng on the lifte fyde, in the nether parte, he 
 bearing his penon, fo ftandyng till the offering ; and the baners of the Trenite, 
 our Lady, St. George, and the baner of his advowre, to be fett above in partes 
 of the faid hers, and his ftandard alio. 
 
 ** Item, To be ordenede certeyne clothes of golde, for the ladies of his kynne, 
 being within the faid hers ; and they to offere the faid clothes of gold. 
 
 " Item, A fcochone of innocentes, clothed in white, every innocent bearyng a 
 taper in his hand. 
 
 " Item, The horfe of the faid eftate, trappede with his armes, and a man of 
 armes, being of his kinis ( 'kindred) upon the fame horfe ; or elfe any other man 
 of worfhep, in hys name, havyng in his hande a fpere, fwerde, or axe, fo to be 
 preientede to the oftringe, in the chirche ; with 2 worfhepfull men, oon gooing 
 one that oon fide of his ho^s, and that other on that other fide of the hors and a 
 man leding the fame hors. 
 
 t( Item, The heire of the faid eftate, after he hath offered, fhall ftande upon 
 the lifte lide of the prefte, receyvinge the offering of the fwerde, helme, and 
 creft, baner of armes, cote of worfhep, and penon. 
 
 " Item, 2 men of worfhep, to ftand on the fame fide of the prefte, holdynge a 
 bafon with money therin, for the offeringe." 
 
 And the fame forms were continued till the Reformation, and utter abolifh- 
 ment of the Romifh religion. The whole ceremonial rites are ftill more fully 
 explained, in another MS. written early in the beginning of the reign of Henry 
 the Eighth. 
 
 The maner of orderinge of every man, at the fettinge forthe of a Corps, and how MS. in the 
 they fhall goe, after their Eftate and Degree. Cotton Lib. 
 
 mark'd Ti- 
 
 Firft the croffe, then the clarke and prieftes ; then they of the churche where benuss > E - 
 the corps fhall be buried, mu ft have the preheminence to go next the corps, VUU 
 within their jurifdidtions ; then the prelates that be in pontifica/ibus ; then cer- 
 tayne gentlemen in due// (mourning) with their hoodes on their fhoulders; then 
 the chaplaynes of the defunct; then the overfeers ; then the executoures, wear- 
 inge their hoodes on their fhuldres, becaufe their faces fhould been feene, as 
 minifters of the body, going in good ordre j then a gentleman in mourning 
 habitte, with a hoode on his face, to beare the baner of his armes, if he be not 
 under the degree of a bannerette, and if he be but a bachelor knight, to have a 
 penon of his armes, and a guydon of his crefte, and pofeys written therin, and a 
 
 Vol. III. Y croffe 
 
3 6 2 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOM'S 
 
 croffe of St. George in the chiefe ; the baneret to have his ftandart made in lyke 
 manner, with his crefte, the banners or pennon, the right fide and left alike, 
 and the ftandart between the gentlemen in duell and the preftes ; and the herald 
 at armes next before the corps, bearing the coate of the defunct in his handes-, or 
 on his backe, if there be two; alfo four banners of faintes, at the four corner*, 
 borne by fower gentlemen in mourninge, habitted with hoodes on their faces ; 
 that is to fay, the banner of the Trenete at the right fide of "the heade, the 
 banner, of our Ladye at the heade on lifte fide, the banner of St. George at feete 
 on the righte fide, hys avoury (or patron faint] at the feete on the lefte fyde ; 
 alfo to go next after the corps, the chiefe mourner alone, and the other frendes 
 to go two and two, a certeyne fpace one from another ; then thcgreateft eftates ; 
 after al other to followe as fervantes, and all that wyll :• Alfo when the corps 
 •comethe where it (halle remayne, at the weft doore, the prelate mail fence the 
 corpes, which mail do the defired fervice : alfo fix of them of the place, being 
 preftes, or religious, muft or ought to beare the corps, as alfo fo many gentle- 
 men ; and at the fowre corners of the riche clothe, fowre of the greateft eftates 
 of the faide churche rouft be fupportinge, as if they bare him, and fo to goe 
 into the quyer, where there muft be a goodlie herfe, and branches' well garnifried 
 with lightes, pencells, and fcochones of his armes ; and. if he bean earle, he 
 muft have a maiefte, and valence fringed ; and if he be a knight banerettj he 
 may have a valence fringed ; and a bachellor knight none : alfo the faid herfe. 
 muft be rayled aboute, and hanged with blacke clothe, and the grounde within 
 the rayles alfo ftrayed with rufhes; and the ftoles and fourmes that mourners 
 do lean upon ; the chefe mourner at the hede, and the other mourners at the 
 fydes ; alfo the helme, creft, wreath and mantells, muft be at the heade of the 
 beere, the fhelde on the left fyde 5 and the fworde on the righte fyde the coat of 
 armes, upon the beere ; the banners to be holden within the rayles, in forme as * 
 they went, the herald toftand at the head of the- corps, without the rayles, and 
 all the other without the rayles, except the mourners : the quver finginge diver 
 anthemes, and at the kyrie/ej//on, one to fay for the foule of N.-B. pater nofler ; 
 the mourners to goe their way after libera tne, and the banners to be borne to 
 the fepulcre with the corpes ; and the executors muft fee the enterring of the 
 corps; and the helme and creaft to be fett upon the highe alter, till the morrow 
 at the mafTes 5 then they are to be putt on the beere or prefentation. 
 
 The Manner of the OfTnnge, at the Enterment of Noble Men. 
 
 Furfte, in the morninge betimes, mafle of owre Lady be faide; the banners 
 to be holden ; the helme,. fhilde, fworde, the cote of armes, to be layde upon 
 the bere, in dewe order, and the mourners in their places. 
 
 At the Offering Tyme. 
 
 The- chiefe morner, accompayned with all the other, to go furthe at the 
 heade on the left fyde of the herfe, and none to offer but the chefe mourner at 
 that malTe, and he to offer 3J, ^d. and returne on the other fyde to hys place 
 that Jae came from 5 the herald (wearing his coate) before them, to and fro ; 
 
 and 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 163 
 
 and for lacke of the mourners at that maffe, he may take the executors, or other 
 mourninge habitte, to fupply the roome of the mourners. 
 
 Item, The fecond maffe of the Trynete, at the offringe, in like cafe as before, 
 faveing that the chefe mourner fhall offer $s. 
 
 Item, The thirde maffe of Requiem, that to be fonge by the nobleft prelate 
 in pontificalibus ; the chefe mourners, accompayned as before, (hall offer 
 6s. 8d and lb go to the places they come from ; at every tyme the heraulde, or 
 herauldis, there beyng (weryng theyre maftrcs cote of armes) going before the 
 morners, to and fro, atoffring, and to bringe them ageyne to their places; and 
 the fayde officers of armes to ftand wythout the rayles at the heade. 
 
 Item, Then mufte be offered the cote of armes, by two of the greateft gen- 
 tlemen. 
 
 Item, Two other to offer his fworde, the pommell, and the croffe, forewarde/ 
 hem, Two to offer his helme and crefte. 
 
 item', If he be of the degree of an earle, to have a knyghte ryding on a courfer, 
 trapped with the armes of the defunct ; the fayd knyghte armed at all places, 
 faveing the head ; havynge in hys hande a battel axe, the pointe downewarde, 
 led betweene too other knightes, from the weft doore of the churche tyll they 
 
 . come to the decke ( or dext, in the Gther copy) in the quyer, the officers of armes 
 goynge before hym ; and there the fayde knight to alight, and the fexton there 
 to take the horfe as hys fee ; and the knight to be led to the offringe, and there 
 to offer the axe, the pointe downewarde; then the fayde knight to be conveyde 
 
 . into the veftery, and there to be unarmed. 
 
 Item, Then the reft of the mourners to go in due order, two and two, to offer 
 for themfelves. 
 
 Item, If he be an earl, there muft be two gentlemen, to bringe two clothes of 
 bawdekin from one fide of the quyer, and deliver them to the heralds, who 
 fhall deliver them to- two of the greateft eftates, which muft offer them, the 
 loweft eftate firft, and the greateft lafte ; fome men calle thefe clothes pawles, 
 and fome clothes of gold ; whiche mail remayne in the churche : then all other 
 to offer that wyll, the greateft eftates firft next after the executors. The offer- 
 inge done, the fermon to begin ; and at the lafte ende of the maffe (at verbum 
 carofaStus ej'i) the banners of the armes, or pennons, to be offer'd. 
 
 Thinges necelTarie to be had at the Enterment of a Knight. 
 
 Firji, A reprefentation of his bodie, covered wyth blacke clothe, with a 
 white croffe of fatty n damafke, or lynen clothe. 
 
 item, Fourmes and rayles covered with blacke clothe, and garnimed with 
 fcochons of hys armes. 
 
 Item, Four braunches, or a herfe, garniflied with pencelles. 
 
 Item, To have three maffes, one of the Trenyte, one of our Ladye, one of 
 Requiem. 
 
 Item, A doctor to make a fermon, and five men mourners, to offer his 
 hatchments, as knightes, in black gownes and hoodes. 
 
 Item, Fower gentlemen for his fower banners of fayntes, and one for his 
 ftandart, in black gownes and hoodes. 
 
 Y 2 Item, 
 
164 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOM'S- 
 Item, Twelve fiafe tourches, bourne by twelve yeomen in black cotesv 
 Item, Sixe braices of iron for his hatchemente. 
 
 The Painter's Bilk 
 s. d. £.s. d: 
 
 Item, A coate of hys artnes -26 8 | Fower banners — — 4 - - 
 A mield of hys armes — 6 8 | Fower dozen of efchochens,") 
 A helme, with creft and 1 j two of mettals & two of>- 20 -■ 
 
 mantells — — j j coller — — J 
 
 Standart of his cognysans 26 8 j Fower dozen of penfells, fori « 
 
 I the braunches, &c. — j " 4 ° 
 
 What is neeeflary at the Burying of a Knighte, {from another copy.) 
 
 Furft the place of fepulture, the watche of the corps 3 or 4 at the IeafV 
 nyghtley, unto fuche tyme as the corps be beryed : — a knyghte to have -.5; 
 mourners, yche of they me to have gownes and hooddys, 5 yards of blacke 
 clothe; the officer at armes 5 yardes ; the ftanderd, and penyons, and banner 
 of fanctis, 3 blacke gownes and hoods: blacke gownes for the prelates, or* 
 preftes, for the 3 maffes, oure Lady, the Treynety, and Requiem ; and for the- 
 iarmond, the wax chandelers for torches, and branches for-the herfe, and tapers' 
 with branches. 
 
 Lyveries for Noble Men, at Interement °, every Maiv according to his Eftate, 
 
 A duke, for his gowne, fl.ope, and mantille,,.i6 yards, at iox. the yarde and' 
 lyvery for 1 8 fervauntes. 
 
 An earle,. for his gowne, flope, and mantell, 16 yerdes> at 8j". the yerde; a: 
 lyvery for 17 fervauntes. 
 
 A baron, or bannaratt, being knyghte of the garter,, for his gowne and hoode,, 
 6 yerds j and lyvery for 8 fervauntes. 
 
 A knight, 5 yardes,. 6s. Sd. the yerd ; and Ievery for 4 fervauntes.- 
 
 An efquyer for the body, as a knyght ; and levery for 4 fervauntes. 
 
 The clothe for efquyers, and jentillmen, at $s. the yard j levery for the 3 
 fervauntes. 
 
 None to where hoddes, under the degree of an efquyer of houfhokle, but only 
 fuch as are of a quarter of a yerd brode; and in tyme of ned they may wher 
 hoddes. 
 
 None to wliere hoddes, with rolls flydide on hys heed* or otherwife, being: 
 under the degree of a baron, or earles fon. and hey re y. but only hoodes without 
 folks. 
 
 Fees apperteynyng to Officers at Armys. 
 
 At the buriall of one, beyng a pere of the reallme, of the blode riall, or elles* 
 •fomeof thefe officers,, as coneftable, marmall, chanceler, heygh treaforer, cham- 
 berlayn, lord admyrall, or lord preve feale, then hath been accoftomyd all the- 
 
 offycara 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 165 
 
 off) cars of the armis to wher thene cottes of the kyngs armys, and to have theyr 
 gownes, hoodes, and 5^. to be devidyd amongyft them j in lykewife if anny 
 lord of perlement chance to dye, duryng the tyme of perlement, they to have' 
 as afor ys fayd. 
 
 Fees apurtayninge to the Officer at' Armes, at the Enterement of any Noble Jnibid.MS* 
 Perfons, {from another copy.) 
 
 Imprimis, For his longe gowne, and hood, five yardes of blacke clothe, at- 
 fix millings and eight pence the yerde. — Item, If the corps be carried far, he 
 muft have fower yerdes of blacke clothe for his ridinge gowne and hood, and' 
 for his trap-horfe five yardes ; and for every fervaante three yardes.— ±Item, The 
 rayle withe the blacke clothe, within and without. — Item, The maiefte, and' 
 valence. — Item, For a baron or his wiefes cofte, or baneret or his wiefes cofte,' 
 20 s. — Item, For a knight, or his wiefes cofte, 20;. — Item, A captayne or 
 eiquyer, or fuch as may have penons- of armes, their coftes 13J. 4*/. — Item, 
 An efquyer,. or gentleman havinge cote of armes, the coftes 10 s. 
 
 Memorandum. That no perlbn, or perfons, may fet up at any enterement, or 
 any other tyme, any cotes of armes, targe, fworde, helme, or crefte, with 
 mantelles, or with other apurtenances, as banners, penons, or rayles aboute the 
 heife, without the knowleydge and thafent of the chefe kynge at armes, or the 
 kinge of armes of the fame province, or the marfhall ; becaufe of the orderinge 
 of every noble perfone, according to their eftates and degrees; upon payne of 
 pulling downe, and loffe of the faid thinges fo fett up, and for their fo doing to> 
 be punifti'd by the kinges conftable, or marfhall, or the kynges courts, for the 1 ' 
 m'ifufeinge, or exercifmg of the faid fees, comytted and graunted by the kinges- 
 highnefs, and his predecelTors, kinges of England, to the kinges at armes, and- 
 their deputies. 
 
 Order for wearing, of Aparelle. 
 
 Ordinaunces and Reformacions of Aparel, for Princes and Eftates, with othe^ 
 Ladies and Gentlewomen, for the Tyme of Mournings made by the right 
 Klghe, and mighty, and excellent Princefs Margaret, Countefs of Richmondea 
 Daughter ahd fole Heyre to the moft noble Prince, John Duke of Somerfeu 
 and Mother to our moft dread Soverayne Lorde, Kynge Henry the Seventh, 
 the 8 Yeare of his moft noble Raigne. 
 
 Firft, It is ordayned the greateftr eftate to have their furcott, with a trayne 
 before, and another behynde, and their man tells with traynes, and the greateftr 
 eftate the longeft trayne, with hoodes and tippets, as hereafter appeareth ; and 
 that in no manner of wife beakes be ufed, for the deformitye of the fame. 
 
 Item, The queene to weare a furcotte, with a trayne before and another behynde, 
 and a mantell with a trayne, and her grace to weare the longeft trayne, becaule 
 fee is the greateft eftate : and a playne hoode, wythoute clokes, and a tippet at 
 her hoode, beynge of a goode lengthe, on the trayne of her mantell, and in- 
 breadth a nayk and an inche : and after the firft quarter be pafs'd, it fhall be at 
 
T'H E M A N N E R S AND CUSTOMS 
 
 the pleafure of her grace to have her mantell lined ; it muft be black fattin, or 
 fine double farcenet ; and if it be furred, it muft be with the-ermyn, powdered 
 at her grace's pleafure. 
 
 Item, That my lady the kinges mother, in mourninge apparell, were every 
 thinge lyke the queene. 
 
 Item, The kinges daughters unmaried, fillers, and auntes, (hall weare in all 
 thinges like the queene, the trayne and tippets rather fijorter. 
 
 Memorandum* The queenes fifter reprefenteth a duchefs in the tyme of mourn- 
 inge, and muft have livery accordingly. 
 
 Item, A duchefie to weare a furcote, with a trayne before, and another be- 
 hynde, and a playne hoode without clokes ; and tippette at the. hoode, in length 
 to the grounde, and in breadth a. nayle and a half an inche: and after the nrft 
 quarter, the duchefte mantell to be lyned, or furred ; and if it be furred, it 
 muft be with ermyne powdered, at the ende of the ermyne, faving that between 
 every powderyng, muft be as muche fpace as the lengthe of the ermyne. 
 
 Item, A marquefte to weare a furcote, with a trayne before, and another be- 
 hynde ; a mantelle with a trayne ; a playne hoode without clokes ; a tippette at 
 the hoode in lengthe to the grounde, faveyng the nayle, and in bredth a nayje 
 and quarter of an inche : and after the firft quarter, the marquifTes manttclle to 
 be lyned or furred ; and if it be furred, it muft be with mynever, faving the 
 edge both of the hoode and of the mantell, may be furred with ermyne pow- 
 dered, and between every powdering the nayle. 
 
 Item, The countefte to wear a furcote, with a trayne before, and another be- 
 hynde; a mantell with a trayne ; a playne hoode without clokes ; a tippette in 
 lengthe to the .grownde, at the hood, faveing half a quarter, and breadth a large 
 nayle: and after the firft quarter, the countefTes mantell to be lyned or furred; 
 and if it be furred, it muft be with mynever, faveing the edge, both of the 
 mantells and the hoode, may be with ermyne, powdered, and betweene every 
 powdering halfe a quarter of a yard. 
 
 Item, A duchefTes daughter to wear in all things as a countefTe. 
 
 Jtem, A duchefs dowager to weare in all thinges lyke a countefTe. 
 
 Item, A marquefs's daughter to wear in all thinges as a baronefte. 
 
 Item, A baronefle to weare a furcote, without a trayne, and a mantell accord- 
 ing; a hoode without clokes; a tipette in length to the grounde, faveing a 
 quarter of a yerde, and in breadth a fcarce nayle. 
 
 Item, An erles daughter to weare in all thinges as a baroneiTe. 
 
 Item, Lordes daughters, and knightes wives, to wear iurcotes with medelyng 
 traynes, and no mantells, their hoods with clokes ; and tippettes in bredth 3 
 quarters or a nayle, and in length a yard and a half, to be pynned upon their 
 arme. 
 
 Item, The queenes chefe gentlewoman, and efquires wiefes for the body,, 
 being in houfehpld, to weare in all thinges as lordes daughters ; and all other the 
 queenes gentlewomen, in houfehold, to weare lloppes, or cot harders, and hoodes 
 and clokes ; the tipettes a yerd longe, and an inche broad, to be pinned on the 
 . fydes of their hoodes. 
 
 Memorandum, 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 167 
 
 Memorandum, Every one, not beyng under the degree of baroneffe, to wearc 
 a barbe above the chynne ; and all other as knyghtes wiefes, to were it under 
 there throte, and other gentlewomen beneathe the throte roll. 
 
 Item, Duchefies and counteffes gentlewomen, as many as be barbed above the 
 chyne typpet, in length and breadth as the queenes gentlewomen have. 
 
 For a barones no trayne j the trayne before to be narrowe, not exceeding the 
 bredthe of 8 inches, and muft be trufTed up before, under the gyrdell, or above 
 upon the lefte arme. 
 
 Item, All chamberers mail weare hoodes, with clokes, and no manner of 
 tippettes. 
 
 Item, Create eftates wearing mantelles, when they ryde to have fhort clokes, 
 and hoodes* with narrow tippets, to be bound about their heades j and alone 
 as they come to court, they to laye away their whoodes - 3 and that after the 
 firfte monthe, none to wear whoodes in their betters prefence, but when they 
 labour. 
 
 Item, The queene, my lady the kinges mother, the king's daughter, ducheffes, 
 marquiffes and counteffes apparele to be made of the faflion and largeneffe as 
 they weare ufed when they wore ' bekes, except the tippette to be inftead of 
 beke. 
 
 A Jlope is a mourning caffo'ck for ladies and gentelwomen, not open before. 
 The circotte is a mourning garment, made like a clofe or ftrayte bodyed gowne a 
 wore under a mantel!. 
 
 That we may fee the difference which arofe from the change of religion, here 
 folio weth the order of the funerals of barons, knights, and efquires, as they 
 were appointed to be done in the reign of queen Elizabeth, when the former 
 Popiih mummery was abolimed. 
 
 When a Lord or Baron is to be buried, he is to be carried as followeth : 
 
 Firft muft go the poor men two and two, in black gown'es j then two yeomen 
 with ftaves and black gownes, as conductors ; then a gentleman in a black 
 gowne, bearinge a ftandard ; then all his fervants, two and two, in black 
 gownes j then his penon ; then his banner 5 
 Then his helme and creft, V^>& ^ tQ fce carried by fouj . hcrauheSf wherof 
 Then his targett,- I the tWQ ]aft tQ be king& of beraultes, and for 
 
 Then his iworde f dcfaul fa fif ^ Qr tlcmen> 
 
 Then his coate of armes, J j -l & 
 
 After them foUoweth the preacher in a longe gowne ; then the corps borne 
 by fowre men in blacke coates (or gownes) and on each fyde of the corpes two 
 gentlemen, bearinge fower bannerfells', every of them one : after the corpes 
 followeth the chefe mourner, in a blacke gowne* who muft be an earle, or a 
 baron, to go alone; after him followeth fower others, two and two, in black 
 gownes, as afMants to the cheif mourner. 
 
 And in this order mult he be brought to the churche* 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The place appointed for the corpes to ftand muft be rayled in, and covered 
 with black clothe, and hanged full of fchocheons of his armes ahd the body 
 beinge brought into the churche, muft be fet upon two treffels, and there to 
 ftand during the fermon. 
 
 The mourners muft kneele next to the- hearfe, on ftooles and kufshions, and 
 under their feet blacke cloth : the body once fett upon the treffells, coate, helme 
 and creft, target and fword, muft be fet upon the hearfe, during the fermon tyme; 
 the guydon, ftandard, and other things, muft be placed aboute the hearfe, in the 
 jiandes of the bearers. After fermon ended, all the forefaid thinges muft be 
 offered up, in the fame order that they were carried ; and the chiefe mourner 
 rnuft offer himfelf ; and after him the affiftants, 2 and 2, muft followe, and 
 offer up wljich the herauks bore before. 
 
 The forefaid offering fo done, the body is to foe buried ; then his hearfe is to 
 be fet up within a rayle, upon the grave, all covered with blacke clothe, and 
 garnifhed with fcocheons of his armes, and with penfells of filke, of the colour 
 pf his colouring, which muft be his creaft, or fome principall badge of his 
 armes. 
 
 Then over the grave muft be hanged and fett upp liis ftandard, banner, ban- 
 neralles, Sec. and in the mideft muft be fett upp his whole atchievement, viz. 
 creaft, helme, targett, fworde, and coate armour. 
 
 The churche alfo muft be full of great fcocheons, fome of his fingle coat or 
 armes j and thefe muft be all black about the borders, fome quarter'd, and fome 
 impalled with his wife's, if he have any; and of thefe the one fide of his owne 
 muft be black, the other white. 
 
 Burial of a Knight. 
 A, knight muft in all thinges have as a baron, except his banner rolles. 
 
 The Efquier. 
 
 An efquier muft have all things as a knight, faving ftandard, fword, and 
 targett ; all thinges elfe to be done in the fame order. 
 
 And if any lord, baron, knight, or efquier, do die in the fielde, in the fervice 
 of. the warres, then the trumpeiter muft 'go foremofte, fownding the dead 
 fownde, and the bill-men, the pike-men, the hargebufhiers, muft go in their 
 order, 2 and 2, the bill-men holding the heads of their weapons downe wards, 
 the pike-men trayling their pikes, holding the points in their handes, and fo 
 the hargebufhiers ; and whilft the corpes is burieng, the whole noife of 
 trumpetters muft fownd faft by the buriall, and after them the drumfters 
 muft ftrike a dead fownde ; and laftly, the hargebufhiers muil difcharge their 
 fhott. 
 
 In 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 169 
 In the Churcb-Wardens of St. Helen's accounts, published by the Society of ArchreoW. 
 -Antiquaries, we find frequent mention made of lights, and other expences, for Vol. i, c. 4, 
 " the monthes minde, the yeares minde, the two yeares minde," &c. as alfo of P a S **• 
 the " obits for deceafed perfons which were both of them maj/es, performed 
 at different feafons, for the reit of the foul of the perfon for whom fuch cere- 
 monies were done, the word mind itfelf fignifying a memorial or remembrance : 
 and in the fame manner bifhop Fifher has it, in his fermon intituled 66 & $po?n* 
 pnge Eemtmbjattncf . l;ao at tljc a&omijiS $PpnD of tlje noble J^tnccfe ^ajejajcte, Counted of 
 Eicl;mottDe ano "Bajbpe." 
 
 The obits were only the annual maffes, which were performed in memory of 
 the deceafed, and for the reft of his departed foul. Thefe maffes may be feen 
 in the Romilh Miffals, under the title of " MiJJce pro DefuncJis .;" and the com- y j(J y u i] er ' s 
 nnon expences of an obit, anno 1542, was 2s. 2d. difpofed of as follows : — To Hift. of 
 the paiifh priefl 4^.-— to the charnel prieft 3^. — the two clerks <\d. each j-^-to the Waltham 
 children (cborifters) ^d. — to the fexton and bellman each 2d. — two tapers, 2d. Abbe y»P'H 
 oblation id. — —Thefe maffes continued to be faid until the year 1559, when the 
 expreflion of month's mind was changed to " monthes monument." 
 
 At the funeral of Sir John Rudftone, mayor of London, ann. 1531, I find jvjs. Fn 
 ■the following charges made : — £. s. d. Bib. Had. 
 
 Item, To the prieffs at his ennelling — — - 090 mark. 1231 
 
 For maflys — — — — - 1 1 o 
 
 To poor-folke in almys — — — 150 
 
 22 days to 6 poor folk-e — — — -20 
 
 .26 dayes to 2 poor folke — — — 8 
 
 Full payde at the bewryal < — — — 1 15 9 
 
 Taide Gararde Smythe for yerne worke about hys herfe - 8 8 
 To the carpynter for all thinges belongyng aboute the herfe - 13 4 
 (Geven in penfe f pence) to offer at the maffe at his berynge 1 2 o 
 To the fexton, for knellyng of the bell at hys departynge^ 
 
 to Gode, and ryngyng — — — j "* 3 4 
 
 To the bedyll of the beggers, and hys 2 fellowes, for^ 
 
 waytyng at the bewrying — — ■ ] " 3 4 
 
 To 9 priefles, for maffys — — — -30 
 
 To the clerkes at fyngynge maffe of the Holy Gode,, for 1 
 
 their brekfaft — — — — j " 1 ° 
 
 Paide to Carlyle the heraulde, for that is hys dewe by •« 
 
 hysbyll . . - - - - }* 
 
 Payde to Flethe the paynter, and hys felowe, for all i ^ 
 
 thynges belongynge to the enteremente — . ] 1 00 
 
 x 'Yet afterwards it is added, 
 
 Payde more to Hethe for fkowcheons — — - 15 S* 
 
 Payde the waferer for wafers at the buryall — -60 
 
 Payde for the wyndynge fhettes — — « - 2 % 
 
 Vol. III. 
 
 Z 
 
 Some 
 
i;o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS' 
 
 Some time before we are told that «' Syjleys wyndyng fheit" (the maiden w/jj 
 died there) coft is. od. Hence we way fee the difference paid to the knight 
 himfelf. JT. s. d* 
 
 Payde to Elynor for frankenfens, to be burned at the place -20 
 To Goodmane Dowres for wrytyng of the wylle — ■ ■ 13 4 
 The herfe itfelf was moffc richly lighted up with wax, and a 
 great number of tapers muft have been confumed, for the wax- 
 chandler's bill amounts to — ■ — — — 25 o o 
 For yerbys at the bewryal — — — -10 
 Payde the prieftes for beyng there at the bewryal — « - 10 o 
 Payde for 50 elles of bokerame for the feryng clothe 10 o 
 
 Hereafter followeth the coftes and charges done at the mowncthys mynde., - 
 begynnyng the 19 daye of September : £. s. d. ■ 
 
 Payde to the priefts and clarkes at the monthes mynde, andi 
 
 to the torch berers, and offrynge at maffe, &e» — J 1 1 ^ 
 Payde the herbe wyfe for herbes — — -03 
 
 Payde to prefts and clarkes, for dyryge and maffe, from the 1 
 
 daye of buryall to the daye of the mownethes mynde ]4 r 9 4 
 Payde more to the preftes and clarkes, in a rewarde for thel , g 
 
 maffys fayde in the mownethes mynde — - — J " 7 
 
 Payde to 8 preiftes, clarkes of St. Mychelles, for the maffe l 
 
 at the burynge, and maffe at the mownythes mynde — J 7 
 Lights were alfo here expended •„ the wax-chandler's bill is 180 
 
 Befides all this, there was alfo a great banquet prepared for the friends, at the 
 month's mind j for I find the entries of monies paid to the cooks/ butlers, brcche 
 for /pit) turners,, &c. and " payde to Thorowgoode the kerver, at the monthes 
 mynde, Sd. 
 
 Though the general mourning colour was black, yet the kings, and even 
 fometimes the great noblemen, have deviated from this rule. Henry the Eighth 
 (fays Hall) wore white for mournynge, at the deathe of -Ann of Bolen. — At the 
 ^.'^y" t l0n above burying I find that *' blacke pewke " was the only mourning cloth, the 
 Hen. 8. heft at Ss. 6d. the yard, and that made ufe of in the fervants gowns, Sec. at 
 fol. 228. only 4-r. Sd. the yard. The hearfe, the forms, and alfo the rooms of the knight's 
 houfe, were hung with black frieze, which coff 6.\d. the yard. 
 
 In an old MS. on vellum, preferved in the -Cotton Library, on- one of the 
 MS. in the leaves is the following entry, which was moil probably made at the time the-- 
 Gorton Lib. t hi n o;s therein mentioned were performed ; it runs thus : 
 
 mark d ° 1 
 
 Claudius, j n t hi s cec jule be conteyned the charges and obfervaunces appointed by the noble 
 A * vm ' prince Humfrey, late, duke of Glouceftere, to be perpetually borcn by thabbot 
 and convent of the monafferie of Seint Albans, 
 
 Fir/I, Thabbot and convent of the feid monafterie have payd for makynge of. 
 the tumbe and place of fepulture of the faid duke, within the faid monaftrie, . 
 above the fume of 433/. 6j- 8d. — Item, To monks priefls, dayly feynge maffe 
 2t the auter of iepulture of the feid prince, everich of them takynge 6d. fumme. 
 
 iherby 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. i 7 t 
 therby the hole yere is 18/. 5/. od. — Item, To the abbot ther yerly, the daye of 
 the auniveriary of the feid prince, attendyng hys exequyes ther, 40 (hillgs. — . 
 To the priour ther yerly, the fame daye, in lykewyfe attendyng, 20 fhill n g s .— 
 Item, To 40 monks prieftes yerly, to everych of them the fame daye, 6s. %d. 
 fum therof \ 3/. 6s. Sd. — Item, To 8 monks, not priefts, yerly the feid day, to 
 everych of them $s. 4^. fum therof 1/. 6s. Sd. — Item, To two ankereffes, 1 at 
 St. Peter's chirch, another at Seint Michael's, the laid day, yerely, to everych 
 one 2od. fum. 3*. \d. — Item, To money to be distributed to pore peple ther, the 
 ieid day, yerly, ux. od. — -Item, To 13 pore men, beryng torches the feid day 
 aboute the place of fepulture, is. 2d. — Item, For wex brennynge dayly at his 
 meffes, and his feid anniverfary, and of torches yerly, 61. 13J. 4^, — -Item, To 
 the kechen of the convent ther yerly, in relief of the gret decay of livelode of 
 the feid mouaflerie, in the marches of Scotland, which byfore tyme hath be 
 appointed to the feid kechyn, 60/. 
 
 At the end of a MS. in my own pofTefiion, I find fome regulations relative to MS. pen e3 
 the ehufing the church-warden for " St. Stephen's Chirche in Colman Street," Author 
 which, by the hand, appears to have been written early in the reign of Henry 
 the Seventh j and at the end the following orders : — 
 
 Statute for Belles and Fitts (or Graves). 
 
 We will that for every pitt that is made in owre Ladies chapel!, for mane, 
 womane, or childe, pay to the chirche werks ioj-. and for every pitt in the body 
 of the chirche, 6s. Sd. to the faid werkes. 
 
 'Alfo as it happeth oftene tymes that ther falleth difcencione, and debates, 
 betwene the parifhens and the parim clerkes, for ryngyng of knylles and pitt 
 makyng : therefor we will that what man, or woman, that wille have the great 
 belle rong for a knyll, mall pay to the chirche wardeyns 4J. whereof the clerks 
 to have for the ryngyng i2d. — and the profites of knylles of alle the other 4 
 belles to be to the ule and profite of the clerkes ; that is to fey, for the fecunde 
 belle 2s. for the thirde belle i2d. for the fourthe Sd. and for the fyfth belle 4^. 
 — And alfo yf any mane, or woman, wylle have alle the belles ronge at dirige, 
 and at maffe, at the burying of any perfone, monthes minde, or yeres mynde, 
 mall pay to the clerkes 2s. — Alfo the clerkes (hall have for every pitt that is 
 made in the chirche yard, for mane or womane that is howfelede f perhaps houfe- 
 bolder) Sd. and for every childe the pitte makyng 4^. — -alfo for every pitte made 
 in the body of the chirche, for mane, womane, or childe, 2s. — and for every 
 pit made in the chancell, or oure ladyes chapell, 31. 4^. 
 
 The following is another memorandum, of the fame fort with the foregoing, 
 made " the 25 of November, the yere of our Lorde Gode 1526, the 17 yere of in . the 
 Hen. 8 th , by the churche wardens for the parim of JVolchurch," fettling the m ™ k ' 
 prices for ringing the bells and making of graves. - 
 
 Fyrfle, for the lefte belle toTynge the fpace of one ower, for man, woman 
 or chylde, os. 4^, — item, the ieconde belle to rynge one ower, or, 6d. — Item, the 
 
 Z 2 thvrde 
 
, 7 2 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOM'S 
 thyrde belle to rynge on ower, of. %d. — Item, Whate perfone wyll have the? " 
 thyrde to rynge 6 owrys before none, or after none, with the three fmallyfr.e ; 
 belles to rynge at dyryge and maffe, to pay gx. qd. — Item, Whate perfone wyll 
 have the fourthe belle to rynge 6 owrys before none, or after none, with the 
 four fmallefte belles at dyryge and maffe, to paye $s. od. — Item, Whate perfone* 
 wyll have the 5th bell, whyche is the greateft bell, to rynge 6 owrys by fore* 
 none, or after none, wyth alle the belles to rynge at dyryge and maffe, (hall 
 paye 6s. 8d. and the fextone to have for the fame greate bell, fyndynge all the 
 ryngers, 6s. %d. — Item, The fextone to fynde the roope for the fame, and alfo 
 the bawdrycks for the fame bell, at hys owen cofte and charge. Alfo hyt ys 
 agreed the fame tyme, the clarke have all the vauntage of the 4 belles, and he to 
 fynde both bawdryckes and ropes for the 4 feyd belles — -Item, The clerk to 
 have all. the vauntage to hymeftlfe of rynginge of the belles, for yerely obytes; 
 and yerelye myndes. — Item, The clerke to have for tollynge of the pafTyng.s 
 belle, for manne, womanne, or childes, if it be in the day, or. 4*/. — Item, if it 
 be in the night, for the fame os: Sd. — Item, What perfone that (hal be 'beryed 
 in ony of the 2 fyde chappelles, on the fyds of the quere, that is to fey -owr'Lady 
 chapell, and.St. Nicholas chapell, fchall paye for- brekynge of the grownde ther, 
 to the behafe of the chyrche, 2L os. od. — itci:i, for makynge of the pytte* 
 withinne the 2 feyd chapells, to the behafe of the clerke, o/. 2s. od. — Item, 
 What perfone that fhal- be beryede yn the bodye of the chyrche, undyr the rode • 
 lofte, for man or woman 0/ \os. od. — Item, for makynge of the pytte there, 
 to the behofe of the clerke, o/. is. ^d. — item, For the beryinge - of a chylde 
 there, to the chyrch ol. $s. od.- — Item, for the makynge of a pytte' there for 
 chylde, to the clerke o/. os. 8<i. — Item, Whate perfone, mane or womane, that 
 fhal be beryed in the bodye of the chyrche, and in the ylys, add under the 
 belfreys, fhall paye to the behofe of the chyrche 6s. 8c/.— ^ tern, to the clerke, 
 for makynge of the pytte in ony fide of the forfeyd places, ij-. od. — Item, Whate 
 chylde that Aral be beryed in the bod3'e of the chyrche; downe to the weft ende 
 of the lame, to pay 3J. — Item, to the clerke for makynge of the pytte, in 
 ony of the forfeyde places, for a chylde, os. %d. — Item, Whate mane or womane 
 ill all be beryedin the chyrche yarde, to paye to the clerke for makynge of the 
 pytte there, os. 6d. — Item, For the beryinge place of a chylde, in the chyrche 
 yarde, os. qd. 
 
 R E L I G I O W. 
 
 In the fecond volume we have already fpoken fhortly upon this fubje£r, and. 
 but fhor.tJy, for indeed the blindnefs and- error which prevailed in the former- 
 ages, while the dark clouds of f iperftition obfeured the minds of mankind* 
 (during the continuance of the Romifh religion) as alfo the glorious Reforma- 
 tion, compleated by king Henry the Eighth, and his daughter Elizabeth Cnot- 
 withftanding the repeated efforts of the blood-thirffy prelates, during the fhort 
 but cruel reign of Mary) are fuch familiar fubjects, that few, if any, are. fo 
 unlearned in the Englifli.hiftorv, as to be ignorant of them. 
 
 Tha 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 173 
 The fallacy and deceit of the monks, and their abominable and deteftable 
 practices, under the veil of religious piety, has been fufficiently expofed to the 
 public view. However exaggerated the lafcivious account, contain'd in the 
 poem from whence the following fhort quotation is taken, may appear, yet- 
 perhaps the author had but too much reafon for his affertions. Let the reader 
 reflect, that when the mafic was pluck'd away (I mean at the diflblution of the 
 monafterles) there was fuch a fcene of wickednefs, villainy, and beaftlinefs, 
 difcovered, that even the greateft advocates for thofe devouring wolves muft 
 fhudder with horror at the relation thereof, and cry out, " they were devils, and 
 not men ! " 
 
 The author of the fubfequent verfes defcribes a 6< JLonDibote Cocfatpgne," which MS. in th© 
 he extolls with the moft extravagant praifes y and fpeaking alfo of the luxurious J^ a j^j^ lb " 
 living of the religious votaries, he crowns the whole with thefe lines : — 
 
 flfliljan Qe&omcgfti Dai is bote, ^bc puns mimics tahttb a bctr, 
 
 ^ud Doth tjam- foul* in tljat ribcr, ISotlj \uitl) r^is (oars^nno toitlj ftcre (rudder) 3 
 
 flttt&an \)i betl) -fur from tljc abbei, mafeitlj ham nafeiD for to plci, 
 
 SlnD Uptth Dune (down) into rljc b:tmmc, - ftJOtl^amfltfUcM^yly^c^ftiiyJfortoftoimme^ - 
 Clje pung mon&ttjjs ( monks) tint bi rcctb, tM ml) ban up, anD fojtlj bi ficrcb, 
 
 811D commit} to the imnncsf mm, 3nD tut} moitkt Ijim taUctl; on ; 
 
 £1 UvdMcl) (quickly) tyitb fojfl) Ijar #cf, - <3To tbe moc}il (great) g?ei (grey) abbci : 
 
 to tctbit!) tlrmtnneg m omfun, U\tt\) famblebe (gambols) up a Dtt«r • 
 
 'QTbc monfcrtljat tool be tfalun gone, 3 featl fct ajfgot bis bobe, 
 
 fcijal }at>, toil!; oute Danger, Itoclbc Woe* efoie} per. ■ 
 
 Thefe verfes, which are at leaft as old as the beginning of the 14th century, 
 may lerve to (frow us, that even at a time when' few were to be found hardy 
 enough to deny or oppofe the monkifh authority, their doctrines, and the devices 
 of their agents, yet now and then a champion, arm'd with the truth, would 
 fhrt up, and boldly cry their fkame to the world. 
 
 The author alfo of the vifions of Pierce the Plowman, has been very fevere 
 againft the priefts, and mewed their horrid ignorance ;* and even Chaucer, in 
 Vinous places, expofes them. — But of all other, the hi ft fill debaucheries, which 
 Were the confequences of the holy pilgrimages, were (hocking to the laft degree; 
 
 fygmetf on a beape, toitb botoD ftabc& Pierce the 
 
 Caicntcn to Walfigham, f . tber ft>cnc}cjs after, Prim" 
 
 In 
 
 * In the poem called Pierce Plowman's Crede, the author feigns h'imfelf ignorant of his creed, 
 and applies himfelf to the friars for inftruclion ; but they all are unable to give him fatisfaction, till 
 Pierce, the poor plowman, refolves his doubts. — The ignorance of the people is evident from th« 
 following lines of the Vifion : 
 
 3 cannot pcj&tli mi pater noffer as tbe pjieff tfncretrj} 
 3llt 3 .can rimcg Of Robinhod $ Randall of Chefter^ 
 
 JSut of out %oito $ %mt lv t iK notljina atatt. 
 
i;4 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 In this rout the women freely gave themfelves up to the will of their loving 
 male companions ; as they thought that, on their arrival at the fhrine of the 
 faint, all their crimes would be forgiven, they fcrupled not in the leaft, by 
 indulging their fenful appetites, to heap the meafure of their, iins top full.-— - 
 Yet let us not be too hafty, and for the fake of fome wicked and abandoned 
 people, condemn the whole of mankind : no, furely there were among!! them, 
 of all claffes, many good and pious perfons, who really were what they profelled 
 themfelves to be, and ftrove, not only by their good inftructions, but alfo by 
 their virtuous lives, to reform the age. 
 
 Having premifed thus much on this fubjecl, I fhall now proceed to fet before 
 MS. in the the reader certain ceremonies which were done in the ancient church, and the 
 mark 2 ~i rea *° ns therefore afiigned in the old Legends and Homilies. Now paffing over 
 ""'See alfo 1 ' thofe of no great confequence, we will confine ourfehes.to fuch as regard the 
 ^1S. in the chief Sundays and holidays j and firft of all 
 
 Cotton Lib, Palm Sunday, — The author telling us of ChrifVs proceflion to Jerufalern, with 
 Claudius t ^ ie P eo pl e ' s cutting down branches of trees, &c. adds " wherfor holi chirche 
 A. 2. this daye makith folempne proceffion, in mynde of the proceffyon that Cry ft 
 made this dey : but for enchefon (reafon) that wee hav noone olyve that bearith 
 greene leves, therefore v/e taken palme, and geven inftede.of olyve, and bear, it 
 about in proceflione : fo is this daye called Palme Sonday : and as they fonge.n, 
 .and did worfhep Crift in his procefiione, there is with us kneelyng to the 
 croffe, in wormep and mynde of hym that was doon upon the crofs ; and we 
 welcome hym into the chirch, with fon.ge, as they welcomed hym into the citee 
 of Jerufalem." — And again, he tells us that it is alfo called Palm Sunday,, inaf- 
 much as the palm betokeneth the victory which he (Chrifl) gained over the 
 money-changers, &c. in the Temple ; wherefore, fays he, " every Cryften 
 manne mu'lae this daye bere palmes in proceffion ; in tokenyng that he hath 
 foughten with the fende, and hath victory of him, by cleene fhrift of mouthe 
 (i. e. confefjiori) repentaunce of hert, and mekely dooing hys penaunce." 
 
 Three days before Rafter, — " You (hall welle knowe, that holy chirch ufith 
 theife three daies to fay fervice in the evene tyde, in the derknefTe ; wherefore -it 
 is callid with you Tenebris, that is darknefs." — And for this cuftom he afligns 
 three "Jki/ies," or reafons : the firft is, becaufe Chrift prayed by night in the 
 garden, on mount Olivet; the fecond is, for that Judas betrayed Chrift by 
 midnight ; and the laft is, becaufe that, at his crucifixion, the fun and moon 
 were eclipfed. 
 
 Tbwjday before Eafter, — ct -Shy re Thurfday, oure Lord foppore day. It is 
 • . callid in the Ynglifli tonge Shire Thurfdaye ; for in old fadir's daies, meene vvoi.de 
 make thaim that day, to (here thaim, and combed thaire heedis, and clipped 
 thaire berdis, and fo make thaim honeft agenfte Efterne daye; for on the tnor- 
 rowe they wolde doon thaire bodies noon eafe, but fuffer pennaunce, in mynde 
 of him that fufferid fo hard for theim ; and on Satur-daye be befye to thaire 
 fervice. :s 
 
 Among many various ceremonies, I find that they had one called " The Font 
 , Hallowing," which was performed on Eafter even, and Whitfunday eve ; and 
 fays the author, " m the begynnyng of holy chirch, all the children weren 
 kept to be cryftened on thys even, at the font hallowyng j but now, for 
 
 enchefone 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. i 7S 
 
 enchefone that in fo long abydynge they might dye without cryftendome, there- 
 fore holi chirch ordeyneth to cryften at all the tymes of the yeere, fave 8 daies 
 before thefe evenys, the chylde fhalle abyde till the font hallowing, if it may 
 favely for perrill of deth, and ells not." 
 
 I omit the ceremony of fetting up on Eafter eve a chief taper, which repre- 
 fents Chrift, the chief of the church, and is called the pa/call ; it alfo reprefents 
 the pillar of light which went before the children of Ifrael, 6cc. with various 
 other things of like confequence. 
 
 Good Friday, or rather God's Friday ; becaufe this day holy men were re- 
 conciled to God; 
 
 Eajier Day. — " This daye is callid in fom place Goddes Sonday. Yee wete 
 well that yn ych place it is the maner this daye to doo the fyre out of the hall, 
 and the henh ftone, that hath been the wynter browne, and blacke with the 
 fmbke, it fhall be this daye arayed with greene rufhis, and ftrewyd with flowris 
 all aboute ; mewinge a high example to all menne and womenne, that right as 
 they make cleene thaire houfes, bering out theire fyre, and ftrewe it with flowres 
 all about, right fo fhall yee clenfe the home of youre foule, and do awaye the 
 fyre of lecherye, and dedly wrath, and envye, and ftrewe the herbys and floures 
 of virtues and goodnefTe." 
 
 The author particularly recommends to all people to come to the church on 
 the three days following Eafter day, their children, fervants and all ; for, fays 
 he, " we have great caufe to fall, and pray alio, theife 3 daies, to all the faynts 
 of heven, for to help us in oure neede ; and for wee fyne many tymes in the 
 yeare asjenft the will of God, therefor thefe 3 dayes we mall fait, and praye to 
 God to put awaye the powre of the fende, and feeke to be holpen of divers mif- 
 cheeves and perills' that fallen, namely in this tyme of the yere : for now 
 thundir is often herd, and thanne, as Lincolniens (bifoop GroflbeadJ feith, fendis 
 that flateren in the ever bene fo fore a ferde of the brefte of thundir that Cryft 
 coome with to hell gates, that yett they been fo agaft whanne they heere 
 thundir, that they fall dewne into the erth, and from whance they go not up 
 agayne till they have done fome wikked deedes j thanne they areyle weddirs 3 
 than they make tempeft in the fea, and drowne fhippes, and maketh debate 
 between neighbours, and manne llaughter j and they fend fyre, and brennen 
 houfes, and fteplis, and trees ; they make womennes to overleye theire children^ 
 and they make menne to fley thaimfelf in wain hope j and many other curfid 
 mifdeedes. Thus for to put away all fuche curfid deedis, holy chyrche ordeyneth 
 every manne to fa ft theife three daies, and to goon in proceftion, to have helpe 
 of faynts of Heven j wherfor in proceflion bellis been rongen, and baners been 
 mewed, the crofTe cometh aftir." 
 
 That the bells mould be rung in fuch proceffions was very natural, for in the Weaver's 
 Rornifh church the bells were not only blefs'd and exorcis'd, but alfo baptized, F un - Mon, 
 and anointed with the holy oil :* after which ceremonies pafied, it was verily pa °' r22 ' 
 believed that they had (being rung) the power to overcome the daemons of the 
 
 '■ air,-'- 
 
 *' The whole ceremony of baptizing bells, as pradlifed in the modern Roman Catholic countries,, 
 may be feen in Sir Henry Chauncy's Hiftory of liertfordfhire, page 383. 
 
i 7 6 THE MANN E R-S ■ AND CUSTOM S 
 
 air, and put them to fudden nights—The ufe of bells in the ancient churches 
 
 .' is comprehended in thefe two Latin rhimes : 
 
 Laudo Deum verum, — plebem voco, — congrego c/erim, 
 .< DejunSlos plero.,—peJiem jugQ ) —fe.fta deeora. 
 
 Spel. Gbfs. Bells were firfl invented by Paulintis, bimop of Nv/a, a city of Campania, 
 verb, ^am- ^ out ^ r f our L or d , 00> They were ufed in Brittany (as Bede informs 
 
 pania.fol qs . . J , »• * • 1 i i i n • » • i , 
 
 Bede Ecc. us) Ann. Dom. 080 - y and Inguiphus reports that bells, were in high repute long 
 Hi ft. Lib. 4 before his time, for, fays he, " Turkettullus, the firft abbot of Croyland, who 
 cap. 23. fced 8 7-5 , gave fix bells to that monaftery, viz. two great ones, which he iur- 
 pfg. 889? ~ r,am 'd Bartholomew and Bettelme ; two middle bells, which -he called Turketulum 
 -and Betwine; and two fmall bells, which -he /termed: Pega and. Mega-: and he 
 caufed the great-eft bell, called Gudlac, to be. made, which tuned to the other 
 . bells, and made an admirable harmony, fo that the like was not in England." 
 
 But however, the bells made mention of in the legend above, feem to be the 
 -fmall beHs which were carried in the hands, by the priefts who accompanied 
 -the procellion, ringing them as they went; notwithftanding the larger bells, in 
 the fteeples, might be, and molt likely were, alfo then rung. -r-But to go or 
 4 com the Legends : 
 
 IvIS.utfupr. ' Whit- Sunday. — " Goode menne, yee knowe well that this daye is called 
 Whitt-Sonday, for enchefon that the Holigoeft as this day broughte witt and 
 wifdome to Cryft's difciples." 
 
 In the homily for Trinity Sunday I find the following account of the 
 -Trinity : — " The fourme of the Trinite was founden in manne, that w. s 
 Adam oure forefadir, of Erth oon perfone, ,and Eve of Adam the fecunde 
 perfone j and of them both was the third perfone: this Trinite was firft 
 ibundein in manne, by worfliipping of fuch high Trenite, wherfore manne 
 -ihoulde -have mynde on the Trenity which holie .chirch ordeyneth ; that in 
 weddinge manne and womanne, the mafte of the Holy Trinite is fonge j and at 
 ■the deth of a manne three bellis fhulde be ronge, as his knyll, in worfcheppe 
 of theTrenetee ; and for a womanne, who was the fecunde perfone of the 
 'Trenite, two belfis fhulde be -rongen." 
 -. Feft. Metro. Cbri/tmas.—As this was the greateft feaft amongft the Ghriftians, the homily 
 or the Birth.for- the day informs us, that *« holy chirche makith melodye and myrth, in 
 of Chnft. ni y nc j e of the bleffid birth , of our Lord Jhefu Chrift." — The we ftern church 
 called it Dies Nativitatis, by way of eminency and dignity ; and fecondly Lu- 
 minaria, either becaufe they ufed many lights, or rather becaufe Chrift, the 
 true light of the world, came then upon the earth.— But yet there has been, 
 from time to -time, many difputes concerning the ancient ceremonies on this 
 dav, which are by fome held unlawful, fuch as decking the churches out with 
 green things, as bays, rofemary, holly, ivy, and the like, with various other 
 cuftoms, fome of which are now unknown. The reaion affigned for it by the 
 -advocates is, that by thefe plants, which are ever green, they mean V to fignifye 
 and put us in minde of his (Chrift's) deity, that the child that nowe was borne, 
 v who was god and man, mould ipring up like a tender plant, mould alwaye be 
 green and flouriming, and live for evermore ; therefore thus the fpo.ufe enter- 
 Uins her beloved, whole bed is always green. But, on the other hand, the 
 
 dilputants 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 177 
 
 dilputants urge that the keeping of this feftival came from the Romans, who Chriftmas, 
 about this time held a great feftival in honour of Saturn and Ceres, called Satur- a pamphlet, 
 nalia. [Saturn firft found out the art of grafting fruit trees, and hulbandry, in pub * 
 Latium, part of Italy, and was the firft: who taught it in Europe.] — If it is true 
 that the feaft of Chriftmas had from hence its origin, the carrying about and 
 fetting up of green boughs, &c. is then fo naturally accounted for, that it needs 
 no comment. 
 
 From thence alfo (add they) come the abufes of this feaft, the drinking, the 
 wafailling, the mafks, mummeries, &c. &c. This feaft was anciently called 
 Title, yAos, and ]«Ao>, as with the heathens ; and the mad, riotous, prophane 
 plays and fports in Chriftmas time, Tule games, and Chriftmas karolls, fung in 
 praife of Chri/t, as the heathens did hymn TaAos in honour of the idol Keres, that 
 is Ceres, goddefs of corn. 
 
 ', Zhoi I'rfXos was f° named becaufe of the fheaf then offered toCeres, and the hymn 
 fung in honour of her. Thefe words are ufed both for a fheaf and that hymn. 
 
 The Jirft of "January, commonly called New-Tear s Day, a part alfo of our j n ibi( j j^g. 
 Chriftmas, was formerly dedicated to the honour of Janus. u t fupra. 
 
 May-Day. — The ift of May was confecrated and kept in honour of the 
 goddefs Flora. They (the Romans) ufed to bring laurel, green boughs, and 
 branches of trees and flowers, with finging and rejoycing, and adorn their doors 
 and houfes. This cuftom, which the chriftians continued, was condemned by 
 the council of Toledo, on account of its origin, and by pope Martin, as alfo by vide Vol. 2 
 many other good writers : yet it was conftantly continued in England, as we pag. 99. 
 have already feen. 
 
 innocent's Day. — December 28th was confecrated and kept feftival in honour 
 of the idol god ^uirinus ; the feaft as is by them (the Romans) called £>uirinalia. 
 
 Candlema/s Day. — When the author of the above-mentioned homilies fpeaks 
 of the Virgin Mary's coming to the Temple, he fays that Simeon and Anna met 
 her at the door, and condu&ed her in : in memory hereof, it was cuftomary for 
 a woman who came to "be churched, to tarry at the door till the prieft came, and 
 caft holy water upon her, and cleanfeth her j then he taketh her into the church, 
 and gives her permiffion to return again to her hufband's bed. Alfo, continues 
 he, " holy chirche makith mynde of candeles offringe: ye fe that it is a comon 
 ufe to come to the chirche that daye, and to here a candill in proceffion, as 
 though they went bodily to the chirch with our ladye, and ofBr it in worfhip to 
 hir." — He then proceeds to tell us from whence this cuftom fprang ; «« In old 
 times ^fays he) the Romans, who were heathens, worfhipping many ftrange gods, 
 had amongft the reft one named Mars, whole mother was named Februa after 
 whiche wommane (fays he) many are of opinion that this month of February 
 was fo called :" and on the firft day of this month they ufed, in worfhip of this 
 goddefs, to go all about the city with torches and candells burning; and this 
 they did the more efpecially, that by her means they might have the help of 
 Mars, her fon, who was the god of war. "Thanne (adds he) was a pope, that 
 was callid Serquis ; and for that he fawgh that theife criften menne drough to 
 this mawmentrye, he thought to fordoo this foule cuftume, and turne it into 
 Goddes worfhepp, and oure ladies Saynt Marye, and commaunded all criften 
 
 Vol. III. A a ' menne 
 
, 7 8 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 menne and womenne to come to the chirch, and ych of them offer up a candell 
 in the worfhipp of our Lady." 
 Vide Vol 2 Although in the account of the origin of wakes, in the fecond volume, I have 
 pag. 98. ' quoted in part the following prelude to the legendary homily for the even of 
 St: John the BaptifVs day ; yet, as it is not there fo full, and does not fo well 
 explain the particular ceremonies, nor mention the alterations therein made, I 
 beg leave to tranicribe it again from a more perfect originial. It is as follows : 
 — " In the begynnyng of holy chirch, menne and womenne ovir nyght coome 
 with candellis and other lightes, and waked all night in thaire praiers and 
 devocions. But after, by proceffe of tyme, menne loft fuch devocions, and 
 ufed fongs and daunces, and fellen in to leacherye and glotonye, and turned the 
 good holy devocions into fynnes ; wherfore holy fadirs made the pepill to leve 
 that waking, and to faft the evyn, and fo turned the waking into faftinge : but 
 yitt it holdeth as is callid in Latyn, Vigilia, that is a wakyng in Englifh ; and it 
 is callid the evyn, for at evyn they were wont to come to chirch. But in wor- 
 Ihippe of St. John menne wake yitt at home, and makyn 3 maner of fyres : 
 oone is clene bonys, and no woode, and that is clepid a boonefire ; another is 
 cleene wode, and no bones, and that is clepid a wode fyre, for men fyttin and 
 waken therby ; the thirde is made of boones and wode, and is callyd St. John's 
 fyre."—- The firft fire hath this fuperftitious reafon affigned, that in the country 
 where St. John was martyred the air was hot, and the country infefted with 
 dragons, which are thereby driven away ■, and in England they fuppofed that 
 all manner of evil fpirits were by the fame means put to flight. The fecond, of 
 Wood, was to burn and lighten around, as St. John was a lantern, burning and 
 lighting men ; they alfo made great blazes of fire, that might be feen afar off, 
 in token of St. John's being feen in the fpirit by Jeremiah, who prophefied of 
 him long before he was born. The third fire, of wood and bones, betokeneth 
 the martyrdom of the holy faint, whofe bones were burnt (lays the author) by 
 Julian the apoftate, long after his death. 
 
 Concerning the former part of this old cuftom, is this mention made in Bede's 
 Eccleiiaftical Hiftory, where we find the Englifh were permitted — " Die dedi- 
 Rft S Ll° C i cat * on * s ve * nata huis fan&orum martyrum, quorum illic reliquiae ponuntur, 
 cap. 30. 1 tabernacula fibi circa eafdem ecclefias, quae ex fanis commutata funt, de ramis 
 arborum faciant, 5c religiofis conviviis folemnitatem celebrent; nec diabolo jam 
 animalia immolent, fed ad laudem Dei efle fuo animalia occidant, & donatori 
 omnium de fatietate fua gratias referant, ut dum eis aliaqua exterius gaudia 
 refurvantur, ad interiora gaudia confentire facilius valeant. Nam duris men- 
 tibus fimul omnia abfeindere impofiibile effe non dubium eft." — This is a letter 
 from pope Gregory to Melitus, a Britifh abbot; and from hence it appears that 
 thefe kind of wakings and facrifices were of much more ancient date than 
 chriftianity. Indeed, from feveral of the above quotations, we find that thefe 
 ceremonies, many of them, are the remaining traces of idolatry and heathenifm, 
 though now (fay the Homilies) turn'd to the honour of God. It is true, that it 
 might be impoflible for the ancient fathers to divert the minds of the late 
 Converted people, at once, from all their bigotry and errors; therefore what 
 they could not abfolutely hinder, fuch they however changed, and made the 
 
 people 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 179 
 people acknowledge that al) thofe ceremonies were done to honour the true God 
 alone. 
 
 Embir Dayes. — " By th' oppinion of many menne, theife been callid Ymber MS.utfupra 
 Daies, for enchefonne that oure olde fadirs wolde ete theife daies kakes that 
 weren baken undir aflies, in ymbris, that was callid panis Jubcinericeus y that is, 
 brede bakyn undir afshis ; fo that, in etyng of that brede, they reducid to thaire 
 inynde that they wern but afshes." 
 
 All-Hallowen Daye. — " Whanne Romanes weren lordes of all the worlde, 
 they made a tempull in Rome, rounde as a dowve hous, and callid it Pantheon ; 
 and thanne they let in the middle of the tempill an ymage, that was the chief 
 mawment of all Rome ; and thanne of yen londe of the worlde a other ymage, 
 rounde about by the wallis, and the name of the londe that ymage was of, 
 wryten the feet of the ymage j and all they within made fo by nigromacie, that 
 whanne any londe turned from themproure, anoone the ymage of londe woulde 
 turne his face to the wall, and his back to the ymage of Rome ; and whan the 
 byfhoppis came to the tempill, and faw an ymage turnid, they wolde looke what 
 londe it were of, and annoone tell themproure, and he woulde thanne fende 
 thider a great hooft, and fette them at reft : and thus durid thys tempill, till 
 Boniface the Fourthe came ; thanne he went to themproure that was callyd 
 Tocca, and praied hym that he woulde geve hym the tempill, that he might 
 put out the multitude of mawments, and hallowe it in the honore of our Ladye, 
 and of all hallower, and fo he dyd : and there came an othir pope, callid 
 Gregorye, and he ordeyned this daye to be hallo wyd, and fo was this feeft bi- 
 gonne. This feeft alfo was by the pope ordeyned to fulfill oure omiffions for 
 many a faynt's day in the yeere we leve unferved ; for there been fo many that 
 we may not ferve them all ; for as St. Jerome faith, ych daye of the yere, been 
 moothanne 5 thoufande fayntes and marters, out tak the forft day of January." 
 
 All Souls Day — So called, becaufe on this day malTes were laid for all the 
 fouls of men in purgatory, who had need of prayers. 
 
 Add to thefe the ceremonies of Valentine s day, which, in fome fort, remain 
 
 to the prefent time. Of this cuftom John Lidgate makes this mention, in a MS. in the 
 
 poem written by him in praife of queen Catherine, confort to Henry the Fifth : Harl « Lib - 
 
 marki 225 I. 
 
 Seynte Valentyne, of cuffom peeje bp peejf, 
 
 SR^cu Ijabt an ufaunre in tW regtoun 
 Co lofcc % fejctje Cupides Menace, 
 
 &nD cljofe ttj*pr cbopCe, bp gjete afftctioun; 
 
 ^tictje as ben pjifce toitij Cupides moctoun, 
 Cafcpnp; tljepje ctjopfe as tljcpt lo^t fcotl; falle: 
 TSut a lotoe oon tol;tcl)e cxcellitl) alle. 
 
 Agreeable to the fuperftition, which till of late prevailed, was the belief of 
 the appearance and power of daemons, fpectres, fairies, and the like ; as alfo 
 the various nonfenfical ceremonies performed by the lower clafs of people, that 
 they might, by preternatural means, fee and know their fweethearts and fpoufes : 
 
 A a 2 — lis 
 
i8o THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 — as on Midjummer-day, at night, to run three times round the church, and 
 fow hemp feed as they ran, faying the following verfes : 
 
 Hemp feed I fow, — let hemp feed grow ; 
 
 He that will my fweetheart be, come after me and mow. 
 
 When it was pretended that the fhadow or appearance of the man for them 
 deftined would of a certainty follow, with a fcythe, as if he were mowing. 
 
 Again, they would fit up by the fire fide, and hang a fhift near to the fire; 
 and as the church clock ftrikes twelve,, the good man fhould furely come and 
 turn the fhift. 
 
 To fuch effect was the dumb cake, fo called becaufe it was to be made with- 
 out fpeaking ; and afterwards the parties were to go backwards up the ftairs to 
 bed, and put the cake under their pillow, and then they mould dream of their 
 loves. 
 
 Alfo writing their names on a paper at twelve o'clock, burning the fame, 
 then carefully gathering up the allies, and laying them clofe wrapp'd in a paper 
 upon a looking-glafs, mark'd with a crofs, under their pillows ; and this mould 
 have the fame effect with the former. 
 
 Another,- for a different purpofe, was for young people to go and fit in the 
 church porch, till the clock fliould ftrike twelve, when they fhould fee all thole 
 who mould die that year pafs by them, and enter the church. 
 
 But let thefe fufrice j for it would be endlefs to purfue, and fet down, all the 
 foolifh pranks of this fuperftitious- fort, which were often put in practice ; and 
 cfpecially as now moll people are well convinced of the ridiculouTnefs of them j 
 for the belief of ftrange and uncommon appearances has lately fo much loft 
 ground, that though, indeed even now, there are fome who have heard knock- 
 ings and noifes which they have not been able to account for, yet I meet with 
 none who have themfelves feen a ghoft, but many whofe acquaintances, mothers, 
 aunts, or the like (and whofe veracity may be depended upon} have really and 
 actually feen thefe airy beings : yet, in my younger days, I have heard feveral 
 affirm that they themfelves had feen them, and trufted not to the ftories of otherj> 
 — Since thefe accounts are already come to the fecond hands, they will mod 
 likely very fhortly be no more remembered, but with contempt and ridicule.. 
 
 A fliort Account of the Rife and Progrefs of the Art of Defign 
 in England. 
 
 If, in the former ages, the Englifh could not boaft of the elegance and beauty 
 of their defigns, yet thofe their delineations-, as rude as they may be, are ex- 
 tremely valuable, as well as curious, for they prefent to us a picture of the 
 ancient times, by far more perfect than we could elfewhere have found many 
 ©bfolete cuftoms and ceremonies are in them preferv'd and clear'd up, which, 
 fc-ut for them, had yet remained in ohfeurity, nay been buried in oblivion. On 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. ifff 
 this fcore they merit every degree of refpedl, and become defireable to all who 
 would explore the manners and the genius of their anceftors : a proper attentions 
 paid to them leads us gradually back, and we feem to behold their very thoughts 
 unveiled. — But in the next place it may not be improper to examine their real 
 merit as dtfigns, as they are the only proofs now left of the ftate of that art irr 
 thofe early periods. 
 
 To begin then with the Britons themfelves, who poflefTed fome notions, 
 though very flight ones, of defign ; I mean not refpe&ing the rude forms of 
 animals and the like, faid to have been by them made upon their naked bodies, — 
 but the figures of their gods, which, according to Gildas (who was himfelf a 
 Briton) were yet even in his time exifting, trac'd out and painted upon the walls- 
 of their cities, and were (as he aflures us) moft wretchedly ugly and deformed.' 
 
 Pafling on to the Saxon sera, we find that one Benedict, a Saxon monk, tra- 
 velled to Rome, and after tarrying there fome time, returned with Theodore" 
 archbifhop of Canterbury, fomewhere about the year 668, and with him came 4 
 various arlflts, as glaziers, painters, and the like : but not till about forty years Vid. Vol. 2* 
 from that period, or perhaps rather earlier, do we meet with any fpeci'men of P' 33 & 34* 
 their delineations, when the firft that appear are the four Evangelifts (platesXXIII. 
 XXI V. XXV. and XXVI. of this vol.) which are found prefix'd to she holy golpels: 
 Thefe were, very early in the beginning of the eighth century, drawn by the s ee the Ac- 
 hand of Bilfrith, a celebrated Anchorite. Over the head of each Evangelift is count of the 
 reprefented the fybolical animal afcribed to him by the prophet Ezekiel, with MSS. at the 
 its name written over it, as Imago Hominijr, Imago Leonif, Imago* Vi'fulty ^Volurhe'-'* 
 Imago Xcquilze, the image of a man, a lion, a calf, and an eagle : the other Ezekiel', 
 characters upon the plates are the names of the Evangelifts, with the Greek ch.i. ver.ic* 
 word O'AriOS, or faint, prefix'd thereto, as Q'AFIOS CDurtheuj", CDajicuj-, 
 Lucap, Johanner'. — In thefe rucb and ancient delineations, we find no great 
 idea of grace, nor the leaft mark of genius : befides the evident difproportion, 
 (as every figure, did he ftand up, would be confiderably too tall) the drapery is- 
 very ft iff and unnatural, and the peripective of the {tools or chairs which they 
 fit upon extremely deficient ; yet, on the whole, thefe defigns are not abfolutely 
 devoid of merit, efpecialiy if they are confidered (as lurely they ought to be) a3 
 the firft dawning of the art amongft our Saxon fires. 
 
 From hence go we a ftep higher, and examine the variety of ancient defigns 
 given on the firft volume, beginning with plate IV. and continuing to XIX ;— = * 
 and here we mall find that no great improvement in the finishing part ha3 been' 
 made, or the proportion in general much mended j yet at leaft the draperies are 
 better difpoied, and fome faint ideas of tafte and gracefuiYiefs are difcoverable $ 
 — for inftance,. the figure of the woman, N 9 .. c, plate XIII. and fsveral* other 
 not inelegant outlines, as the foldier, N 9 . 3 r plate IV and the two figures at r 
 the altar, N°. 4, plate XV. — It muft be confefs'd that the outlines generally 1 
 fpeaking) are better than thofe which are higher finished y but' this might arife 
 from their being done by a better artift. I myfelf can look over thefe flight 
 {ketches with infinite pleafure ; and though I am fenfible how much better they 
 might be made, yet I can eafily difcover therein the marks of an original genius/ ■■ 
 Jabouring under a vaft disadvantage, namely, the want of proper cultivation. 
 
 Tim 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 The beft finifh'd delineation of the Saxons that I have met with, is that of 
 Edgar, copied in the Regal and Ecclefiaftical Antiquities of England, plate i. 
 The angels there reprefented are extremely well done j the figure of Chrift, 
 together with that of the Saint on the right hand, are far from being inelegant 
 or difproportionate, and the draperies throughout the whole are well difpofed. 
 This was done as early as the year 966, as may appear from the date of the MS. 
 in which it is contained ; and the reafon why this delineation has fo much the 
 mattery over not only the foregoing defigns, but alfo over thofe immediately 
 fubfequent, is this, — During the reign of Edgar, the troubled kingdom enjoy'd 
 fome little fpace of peace and tranquillity; in this funfhine, the tender art, like 
 a young plant, began to moot forth its branches ; but the boifterous Danes 
 returning, foon began afrefh their deftructive ravages, which nipp'd the tender 
 bud, and then again it withered — The rude proportion'd figures that fucceeded 
 may be feen N°. 1 and 2, plate XXVI. arid 1, 2, and 3, plate XXVII. and thefe 
 mould feem to be the works of the Danes themlelves, for thefe delineations are 
 Vide Vol. 1, found in a book which belonged to king Cnute, himfelf a Dane. And yet we 
 pag. 106. may fee, as it were, the very ftruggles of the art under thofe inaufpicious years, 
 for we find them again improving at the latter end of Cnute's reign, which is 
 evinc'd from the figures mark'd N°. 4, plate XXVII. for thefe are much better 
 proportion'd, and much more graceful, than the preceding. 
 
 From hence we find, as it were, a large chafm in the annals of defign ; for 
 the wars and tumults, together with the rigour of the Norman William, reach'd 
 even the peaceful folitude of the monks, and fo difturbed them, that other 
 thoughts than thofe of improving the art of defign employed their whole atten- 
 tion ; and till the reign of Stephen we meet with nothing of confequence, when 
 one Eadwine, a monk, took great pains to ornament a large folio Pfalter. — 
 Some of the figures extracted from that MS. are exhibited on the plates XXXL 
 XXXII. and XXXIII. of the firfl volume; but they are fo fmall, and fo incor- 
 rect, that they can by no means vie with thofe of the Saxons, heretofore defcribed. 
 The fame incorreclnefs attends the large portrait of this monk, which he has 
 fubjoined to the book ; and it is engraved on a plate of the fame fize, by the 
 Antiquarian Society. 
 
 The next delineation which we meet with is that of John Wallingford, 
 (plate XXXI V. vol. I.) This was moft likely either done by himfelf, or fome 
 other for him, at the time he finifhed his Chronicle, to which it is prefix'd ; 
 and the reafon for this fuppofition is, that the hand-writing beneath it is the 
 fame with the Chronicle, and that is manifeftly as ancient as the time he lived 
 in, the latter end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th century, for he died 
 Ann. Dom. 1213. This figure is extremely well done, the proportion is very 
 juft, and the drapery is difpofed with great tafte. — After him fucceeded a . very 
 accurate and ingenious defigner, as well as a great and faithful hiftorian, Matbew 
 Paris. The firfl volume of this work abounds with his defigns, fome of which 
 fketches (for they are no more) are fo well done, that many artifts of the prefent 
 age need not be afliamed to own them : as for inftance, the king delivering a 
 letter to the herald, plate LI. the two figures of the queen, LXI. I only 
 mention thefe amongft a vaft variety of others, which bear the true marks of 
 
 tafte 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 183 
 
 tafte and genius. Not only the tracings of elegance, which is difcoverable in 
 thefe valuable outlines, is to be admired; we ought alfo to regard the feeling 
 manner in which the (lories are told by the-defigner : but, leaft I fhould trefpafs 
 too much upon the reader's time, 1 (hall only notice one, namely, N°. I. plate 
 XXXIX. which pictures out the burial of, and mourning for, the dead, flain in 
 battle, reprefented in the preceding plate. Here are the widows, the children, 
 the parents, paying the Laffc fad offices of refpect to their departed relations 3 
 amongft the which we fee the father bemoaning the Jofs of his fon, whofe head 
 he has found fevered from the bloody corpfe j he catches it up in frantic 
 tranfport, and prefles to his lips the well-known vifage. In the other copart- 
 ment are the inconfolable relations, one rending his hair, whilft another is 
 lamenting her lofs in fad though filent grief j and the third, who appears to be 
 the friend, is endeavouring to comfort, and lead them from the difmal fcene. 
 And not only this, a number more might be mentioned, equally juft and well 
 defigned ; but thefe the examiner's good tafte will eafily lead him to diftin- 
 guilh. 
 
 Now we are thus far on our progrefs, let us turn, and take a tranfient view 
 of the fculptures ; on which fubject, indeed, fomething has been already faid, Vol. i.p.71 
 and our opinion declared, that they were infinitely fuperior, in general, to the 
 MS. delineations : and this feems to be a convincing proof that their pried: s and 
 illuminators, efpecially amongft the Normans, were neither their only, ncr yet 
 their bell ar tilts ; — amongft the Normans I fay, becaufe fo few figures of theSaxon 
 fculpture now remain, and even thofe have lb much fufFer'd from the deftructive 
 hand of time, that no competent judgment can pofllbly be framed of them. But 
 of the Normans, a great number of very excellent figures are yet to be feen : 
 amongft them all, I have found none fo finely executed as thofe monumental 
 effigies heretofore mentioned to be feen at Danbury church in the county of Vcl.a, p,25 
 ElTex. The proportion of them is fo juft, the drapery flows with fuch real tafte, 
 and fuch an elegant turn is given to each figure, that the carver muft certainly 
 have been an artift of vaft genius and furprifing execution j and though they are 
 all of them cut in wood, upon the lids of the coffins, yet they are (two efpe- 
 cially) entirely diverted of that aukward ftiffhefs which is ufually found in fuch 
 monumental remains. One of them is drawing his fword ; the fecond is 
 returning his into the fcabbard ; and the third feems at his devotions. Their 
 laze is rather larger than life. 
 
 But notwithftanding, this perfection in their ftatues does not ufually run 
 through the whole of their performances ; for the ornamental figures fet up in 
 their buildings, and alio fuch as decorate the fides of their tombs, retain in 
 general much of that Gothic ftiffhefs and uniformity which fo univerfally pre-* 
 vailed, even in the after times. The fame may be faid of the little figures (caft 
 in brafs) that furround the tomb of Edward the Third, in Weftminftcr Abbey, 
 which, in every other relpect, are far from being bad fpecimens of the tafte of 
 that aera. — For my own part, I confefs that, amongft all the various monuments 
 which I have examined, even till the end of the 16th century, I have feen no 
 figures, however excellent a number of them are, more beautiful than thofe of 
 Danbury, defcribed above and though it is impoflible to afcertain the exact 
 
xB 4 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 ^ate of their being made, yet their habit plainly proves them to be as ancient as 
 ?he 1 3th century. 
 
 Throughout the whole of what I call the Englifh aera, of almoft all dates, are 
 -a vaft variety of fine tombs to befeen; and fo great is their number, that to 
 enter even into a general defcription of them would far exceed the limits I have 
 here propofed to myfelf : they juftly merit to themfeives an entire volume; I 
 iliall only exprefs my concern that fome able man will not refolve with himfelf 
 to undertake fo valuable a work: I mean to delineate and preferve all fuch 
 ancient effigies as he may meet with curious and well executed, and the which, 
 through, neglect and barbarous treatment, are every day falling to ruin and 
 decay. 
 
 But to return to the defigns. — Plate VIII. of the Regal and Ecclefiaftical 
 Antiquities, reprefents the difputation between T. Becket and king Henry the 
 Second. This compofition is extremely pretty, and the two chief figures., the 
 king and the archbifhop, are well executed and expreffive,— that proud prelate 
 is in his pontifical'ibus, ftanding before the king, urging his grievances with a 
 haughty bold'nefs : the king, who is feated on his throne, feems with great 
 . difpleafure to be anfwering him. Behind the archbimop are three foldiers, 
 which are well difpofed, and not inelegantly defigned. — This illumination, I 
 fancy, was made as early as the reign of Henry the Third. 
 
 From this period we find them making improvements in the finifhing part of 
 defign, and greater regard was afterwards paid to the colouring; for before, few 
 delineations .confided of more than two, three, or four colourings at moft, but 
 at laft they increafed the number, and varied the tints according to their fancy. 
 And if in thofe plates, from N°. XX to XXXI. of the Regal and Ecclefiaftical 
 Antiquities (which reprefent the latter part of the life of Richard the Second) 
 we find more attention paid to the colouring and the finishing, yet there is not 
 therein to be difcovered that tafte and genius which appeared in the outlines of 
 Mathew Paris, mentioned before : not only the perfpeclive is bad, but even the 
 idea of fymmetry and proportion feems to have been almofl: entirely loft. — 
 Plate XXVIII. of this volume, befides thofe already mentioned, is a ftriking 
 proof of this affertion : this plate reprefents the coronation of Edward the Second, 
 and was moft probably done about that time. Yet we may add, that, in point 
 of proportion, Edward the Third and the Black Prince, plate XV. John duke 
 of Lancafter, plate XVI. and Richard the Second, plate XIX. all in the Regal 
 and Ecclefiaftical Antiquities, are exceptions to the above obfervations. 
 
 From this period to the reign of Henry the Fifth, the art continued much in 
 she fame ftate ; but it was then confiderably improved, as the little delineation 
 of that prince and his attendants, plate XL. of the Regal and Ecclefiaftical 
 Antiquities, may fufficiently evince. 
 
 In the reign of Henry the Sixth there were feveral very excellent artifts, 
 whofe works do great honour to that age ; amongft which we may juftly rank 
 the delightful bifter drawing, copied plate XLV. of the Regal and Ecclefiaftical 
 Antiquities. The hermit there is truly beautiful, and the figure of the 
 earl of Salifbury is drawn with fuch tafte, that it muft ftrike every one ; indeed 
 the whole of the compofition is extremely juft and fpirited. Other valuable 
 
 fpecimens 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. j8 5 
 ipecimens are the portraits of the duke and duchefs of Bedford, preferved in a 
 miffal highly illuminated, in the poffemon of her grace the dutchefs dowager of 
 Portland. — The figures on the XXIXth plate of this volume are alfo of the fame 
 age, and they are very far from being ill executed ; the bifhop in particular is 
 not inelegant; the drapery alfo is well managed, and bears the marks of true 
 tafte. 
 
 About this- period they began firft to paint in oil, and the beft fpecimens of 
 their art at that time are the pannels of two doors which came from the abbey of Vide Vol. 
 St. Edmondfbury, and they were in the pofTeffion of the late John Ives, efquire., pa &' II * 
 of Great Yarmouth. — In juftice to the memory of that worthy gentleman, 1 take 
 this opportunity of acknowledging the many obligations which he conferred on 
 me; permitting me to fee and make what ufe I would of his valuable collec- 
 tions, as well MSS. as other curious things: 
 
 In the reign of Edward the Fourth, the MS. delineations are very beautiful, 
 and the deligns executed (though ft ill in the Gothic Mile) with great accuracy 
 and fidelity. I mean, when I fay this, the draperied figures, for wherever we 
 ihnd an attempt made to reprefent the naked, they have by no means fucceeded 
 fo happily, either in the drawing or the colouring ; the former is always ft iff, 
 and without the leaft knowledge of nature, and the latter conftantly either too 
 white, or elfe, on the contrary, too red. 
 
 About this time were done thofe pretty, though flight defigns of John Roufe t 
 reprefenting the life of Beauchamp earl of Warwick, given in the plates of the 
 fecond volume. It will be needlefs to defcant upon their -merit, which muft 
 ftrike the obferver without any fuch recommendatory obfervations :• let him but 
 look at plate LVIII. which reprefents the death of that noble perfonage, and 
 he will there fee how feelingly the defigner has made his compofition, how juft 
 the feveral attitudes are, and how ftriking the whole of the difmal fcene is 
 pictured to the view. 
 
 When oil painting began, and the arts met with encouragement in Italy, 
 . fome of the artifts, in their travels, reach'd this kingdom; but yet their genius 
 was cramped, and their fancy confined ; for the only fubjects for fome time 
 .were crucifixions, pictures of the Virgin Mary, of the faints, and of holy men, 
 .which were ufuilly painted on the pannels of the doors of mrines, and the like : 
 they alfo ft ill continued to be done in the former ftiff ftile, though fevefal of 
 them are extremely well executed. 
 
 Under the aufpices'of Henry the Eighth, portrait painting was much encou- 
 raged, and vaft numbers of the pictures of illuftrious people, then done, yet 
 remain, at the head of which Holbein, as chief captain, takes the lead; and this 
 love for portrait painting no whit decreafed in the fucceeding reigns, as the 
 numberlefs fpecimens which- are yet to be feen in different parts of the kingdom 
 may fufficiently teftify ; and though many of them are very fine, yet the ftiff 
 Gothic tafte was never thoroughly conquered, until the arrival of thofe fplendid 
 geniufes, Rubens firft, and after him his fcholar Vandyke. 
 
 Hiftory painting was not even then much encouraged, and indeed the only 
 man we had in that way, of any -confequence, was Sir James Tbornbtlf, who 
 painted, amongft otlier things, the pictures in the dome of St. Paul's, and thofe 
 
 Vol. HI. B b 
 
i86 
 
 THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 at the Royal Hofpital of Greenwich 5 but thefe are far from being either perfect 
 or pleafing performances, and are confiderably outdone by the artifts of the 
 prefent age, who have greatly advanced the art of hiftory painting. 
 
 Caxton, the firft Englifh printer, when he learned the art of printing abroad, 
 and brought it over with him into England, alfo was taught the manner of 
 engraving, or rather cutting on blocks of wood, which he fubjoin'd to fome of 
 his early printed books ; but they are fo very rude, and fo raiferably executed, 
 that they merit not the leaft attention. After him, Wynkln deWorde and Pynfon, 
 with the chief of the other printers, followed his example : Pynjbn's moft con- 
 iiderable work, in this way, is to be feen in his edition of the " Ship of Poles 
 of the Worlde," which he printed Ann. Dom. 1508, and before each chapter 
 placed a wooden block, containing a reprefentation of figures relative to the • 
 contents of the chapter, the which it preceded. Specimens of thefe figures are 
 given plate 1, of this volume, all of which are from the above book. — In 
 queen Elizabeth's reign they brought the cutting on blocks of wood to great 
 perfection, as may be feen in the prints given in Fox's Book of Martyrs, the 
 early editions ; feveral of which figures are copied upon the plates of this volume. 
 
 Although engraved prints are nearly, if not entirely, coeval with thefe wooden 
 cuts, yet it was a long time after, before they made their appearance in England, 
 at leaft performed by Englifh artifts. It has been by fome difputed to whom 
 the invention of engraving may properly be afcribed, whether to Ijrael van Meek 
 or Martin Scboon, among ft the Germans, or to Andrea Mantagna r the Italian 
 painter, all of whom were cotemporary, and their engravings appeared nearly at 
 the fame period of time. — At the firft invention of engraving, the whole of the 
 work was performed with the graver j for etching was afterwards difcovered by 
 Parmagiano, many of whole works are now extant. I fhall not here enter into 
 the confiderations cf the reafons afiign'd for the firft invention either of 
 etching or graving, but (hall go on to obferve, that both continued a long 
 time ieperate branches of art, the former being chiefly practiced by the 
 painters, and the latter by the profefs'd engravers ; but in procefs of time the 
 French artifts join'd them together, etching firft, and then finiftiing with the 
 graver the imperfections of the aqua fortis. — Baptifta Polly and Gerard Audran 
 brought thefe arts to perfection, efpecially the latter, who not only far exceeded 
 the former, but even all the artifts who went before or follow'd after him: his 
 engravings of the prefervation of Cyrus, and of Time delivering Truth (both 
 from Poiijjin) are the moft perfect prints of their kind that ever appeared to 
 public view ; nor muft we here forget thofe admirable engravings of Alexander's 
 battles, which are faid to far exceed the pictures themfelves, Thefe excellent 
 pieces will,, without doubt, as long as they endure, remain the ftandards of 
 perfection in this pleafing art. 
 
 'Tis but of late years that hiftorical engravings have been encouraged in this 
 kingdom, and now that branch of the art feems to be greatly advanced. — 
 Portrait engraving has long been eftablifhed (as well with the point and graver, 
 as with the fcraper; and fome portraits as early as James the Firft's reign, done 
 by one Payne, are very well executed, as alfo are feveral of Fait borne and others. 
 But yet, *fter all, we are even now far behind with the French, if the works of 
 
 our 
 
OF THE ENGLISH. 187 
 
 our artifts mould be compared with thofe of an Edelinck, a Nantuel, or a Drevet. 
 — If in the former branches of the art the French are fuperior to us, in land- 
 fkape we have a Woolet^ whofe equal yet the world hath not feen : add to him 
 another, a Frenchman indeed, but yet chiefly educated under Cbatelan in 
 England ; Vivarei I mean, whofe engravings from Claude Lorrain (in particular) 
 are truly excellent and beautiful : and not only thefe two, there are feveral other 
 artifts who are making hafty ftrides to perfection. Who then knows 6ut that 
 we may, and I fincerely hope we mall, hereafter fee an equal with Audran, and 
 a portrait produced to vie with that beautiful one of Champaigne the painter, 
 by Edelinck* 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Having now at length travelled through the long tract of the ancient times, X 
 am at length arrived again at my own home, amongft the moderns ; and I fin- 
 cerely congratulate them on their advancement of the arts, and the general 
 improvements made in every branch of polite learning. I moft heartily wifh 
 that we may hereafter attain to a greater and more refpectable name (if poffible) 
 than that which our anceflors do fo defervedly pofTefs.-— And reader now 
 farewell ! I have only to beg of thee kindly to excufe the errors which hitherto 
 have been difcovered in this my laborious work and believe that my only 
 concern is, that it is not much more perfect, for your better amufement and 
 fatisfaction. 
 
 END OF THE THIRD 
 
 V O L U M E. 
 
r 3 
 
 Account of the Manuscripts 
 
 From which the Plates of this Volume are collected. 
 
 HP HE firft is a Saxon MS. of the Gofpels (in the Cotton Library) which was 
 written by St. Ealdtiith, who particularly undertook it at the inftigation 
 of St Cuthbert, from whence it received the name of St. Cuthbert's Gofpels. 
 It was written at the latter end of the feventh century, and at the beginning of 
 the eighth was ornamented with its illuminations, by the hand of Bilfrith, an 
 Anchorite. — See"-a full account of this book in the Hiftbry of the Cotton Library, 
 prefix'd to the Catalogue ; and alfo in the Preface to 'the Catalogue of the Royal 
 MSS;— This MS. is mark'd Nero, D. iv. 
 
 Th'eiiext is a beautiful MS. in the library of Benet (or Corpus Cbrifti) col- 
 lege, Cambridge. The Rev. Mr, Tyfon, fellow of that college, has favoured 
 me with the following account of the MS. as drawn up by Mr. Namfmith, 
 in the catalogue of the MS.- contained in that library, which is now printing 
 for the public ufe: — 
 
 xx.*- Codex- Membranaceus in Folio, feeulo xw. exaratus. In quo conti- 
 nenttir- 
 
 M 1. Textus Latinus apocalypfis cum verfione rithmica, et expofitione lingua 
 Gallica. 
 
 st 2. Manere de coroner novel roy (d'Angleterre). 
 
 " Imprimis obfervatione dignum videtur ; . quod poll: peractos fponfiones ex 
 parte regia, quales alibi reperiuntur, communitas regni confilium inire jubetur, 
 de lis q'uae.pro communi utilitate forent decernenda, et rex promittit fe firma et 
 rata habiturum, qua? decreverit communitas Haec ignorabant illo qui feculo 
 praeterito tarn acriter difputaverunt * de lenfu verhi elegerit in juramento a regibus 
 noftris in folemnitate coronationis prceftito. Lectori gratum erit verba ipfa ante 
 ocu'los habere. 
 
 ** Granter vous les leys et les cuftumes. et oromettier a tenir les et defendre al 
 honur de dieu que la commune de voftre realme offerra ? 
 " Refpon. Jeo les grant et les promet. 
 
 " Et puis a ceo ferra arettee ceo que la comune voudera ordinee felone ceo que 
 lorn entendera qua-bien foit. 
 
 " Et quant tut ceo ferra fait et lui roy corone il a vera -tut ces grante, il fra le- 
 ferment en la manere que le erceves qui lui crurge,ra. 
 
 " Ex loco citato fatis apparet hoc ■promiflum referre non ad leges jam ftabi- 
 litas necad eas quas parliamentum poftea decreverit, fed folumodo ad petitiones 
 quas illo ipfo die et inter folemniutes coronationis communitas regi obtulerit." 
 
 Thus far Mr. Namfmith ; and this fingular and important faclt may juftly be 
 efteemed a valuable addition to the former account of the coronation ceremonies, 
 page 22. 
 
 To 
 
 • Vide Remonftrances ci the commons, dated May 26, 1642, and the king's anfwer thereto* 
 
ioo . ACCOUNT OF THE MSS. &c. 
 
 To the foregoing account Mr. Tyfon adds, " In the firfl: page of the MS. is 
 written — Apocalypfis cum pictura, de dono dne Juliane deLeybowrn comitifle 
 de Huntyndun, de librario Sancti Auguftini Cantuarie.-— This infeription (which 
 is not mentioned by Mr. Namfmith) will nearly afcertain the age of the MS. 
 exactly. William de Clinton earl of Huntingdon, we find, about the year 1337 
 married Juliana, daughter of Thomas Leybourn. Perhaps the illumination may 
 repreient the coronation of Edward the Second j and to me there appears a 
 finking reiemblance between the illumination, and the portrait of that king by 
 Venue." 
 
 Another is. from the Cotton Library,, and is the Hiftory of Abbington Abbey, 
 written about the reign of Richard the Second. — This is mark'd Claudius, B.vi. 
 
 The next is from the Royal Library ; it is Hoccleve's poem De Reg. Principis, 
 or The Government of a Prince. The hand is cOeval with the time of Hoccleve, 
 and this MS. may be written by himfelf. The poem was compofed for, and 
 prefented to, Henry prince of Wales, who was afterward Henry the Fifth, buC 
 &hen only prince of Wales, as the author himfelf declares,.— 
 .. Now, gracious prince, agayne that corone 
 Honoure you fliall with roial dignitee, &c. 
 This MS. is mark'd 17 D. vn. 
 
 Another is from the Cotton Library, written in the reign of Henry the Sixth, 
 and is intituled " The Pious Contemplations of Walter Hilton, an Anchorite." 
 — This is mark'd Fauflina, B. vi. 
 
 Another alfo is from the Cotton Library : it is thus defcribed in the Catalogues 
 Liber continens varias figurationes exercituum in acie pugnantium, tentoriorum, 
 militum, penicillo depictas," &c— This book feems formerly to have belonged 
 to Henry the Eighth : it is mark'd Auguftus 3. 
 
 The next is in the Royal Library, and is Gafcoigne's translation of the Tale 
 of Hemetes, the Heremyte, into Englifh, Latin, and French, prenounced before 
 Elizabeth at Woodcock, 1575. Before the tale is the frontifpiece (repre- 
 fented plate XV. of the prefent work) which. is followed by this poetical expla- 
 r pation and addrefs to the queen :— - 
 
 Beholde (good quene) a poett with a fpeare j 
 h, Straundge fightes well mark't are underftode the better ? 
 
 A foldyer armde with penfyle in his eare, 
 i With penne to fighte, and fworde to write a letter, 
 His gowne haulrre of, his blade not fully bownde, 
 . In dowbtfull doompes which waye were beft to take, 
 
 With humble hafte, and knees that kyfTe the grownde, 
 . Prefentes hymfelf to you for dewtyes fake, 
 
 And thus he faithe: — No daunger (I proteft) 
 - Shall ever lette this loyall harte I beare 
 
 To ferve you, fo as maye become me beft, 
 In flelde, in towne, in courte, or any where ; 
 
 Then peerlefs princes, employe this willinge man 
 In your arTayres, to do the befte he cann. 
 Tarn Marti quam Mer curio* 
 
 DESCRIPTION 
 
[ '91 ] 
 
 Description of the Plates. 
 
 TVFO. 1 1 6, 9, and 10, gentlemen; 2 and 7, ladies j 3, counfellor ; 4, ferjeant pj ate j 
 * ™ at law ; 5, a poor woman with a diftafT ; 8, a ruftic ; if, the fool and a 
 beau. — All thefe are from Pynfon's Ship of Fools, printed 15085 vide page j£ 
 of this volume. 
 
 Military men in the reign of Henry the Eighth; vide pag. 10 of this vol. — ^nciufiv^' 
 All thefe are from a book in the Cotton Library, mark'd Auguftus 
 
 Royal tents j fee page 19. — Thefe are from the above book in the Cott. Lib. VIII. & IX. 
 
 Plan of Henry the Eighth's camp ; fee pag. 7. — From the fame book. X. 
 
 A mafque at a marriage feaft; fee pag. 143, of this vol. — This plate is done XI. 
 from a large picture on board, in the poffeffion of Mr. Thane, printfeller. The 
 picture contains a large portrait of bir Henry Utton, and on either- fide the 
 portrait is reprefented not only the moft remarkable paffages of his life, as his 
 birth, his education, his travels, and his marriage, but alfo his death, his burial, 
 and the monument which was afterwards erected for him. It was probably painted 
 fbein after his death, at the defire of fome of his family. 
 
 N°. 1, 2, 3, 4, 7 and 8, are figures in the reign of Henry the Eighth (fee XII, 
 pag. 79) ; 6, a figure of Sir John Tyrell, in the reign of Edward the Sixth ; 
 5 and 9, are the habits in the reign of Elizabeth. — N°. 1, 2, 3, 4 and 8, are 
 from Cranmer's Great Bible, publifhed 1540; 7, from the Harl. MS. N°. 2014; 
 5 and 9 from Hollingfliead's Chronicle, 1577. 
 
 1, a gentleman ; 2, yeomen; 3 and 6, commoners; 5, a bifhop ; 4, Brad- XIII. 
 ford the martyr. — Thefe are all from Fox, in the reign of Mary j fee pag. 83. 
 
 1, an archer; 2, a commoner; a lord; 4, the merifF; 5, a ruflic ; 6, lady XIV. 
 Hunfdon, fee pag. 86; 7, a commoner. — 1 to 4, are from Fox, as above; 
 5 and 7, from Hollingfhed, as above ; 6, is from Venue's procefiion of queen 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth and Gafcoigne ; fee pag. 86. — This is from a MS. in the XV. 
 Royal Library, mark'd xvil-i. A. 48. 
 
 1, Prince Henry, fon to James the Firit; 2, a nobleman; 3, prince Charles, XVI. 
 fee pag. 1 1 ; 4, Robert Carr earl of Somerfet, and his lady, fee pag. 97; 5, 7, 
 and 9, gentlemen, fee pag. o3 ; 6 and 8, ladies. — 1, from Drayton's Poly- 
 olbion, 1613; 2 and 3, from Bingham, 1616; 4, from an old rare print; 
 5 and 6, from the Englifh Gentle;*"- n and Lady, 1631 ; 7 and 8, from a Dif- 
 courfe on Nuptial Love, 1638; 9, is the portrait of John Danefy, from his 
 Paralipomena,- 1639. 
 
 1, a fea captain ; 2, a foldier, vid. pag. ii ; 3, 5, 8 and 10, gentlemen, fee xvlL 
 pag. 15, 71 ; 4, a poor man ; 6, John Lilbourn, pag. ici ; 7, a lady, pag. 99, 
 100; 9, a commoner, pag. 101. — 1 and 2, are from the Navigator, by captain 
 Charles Saltonftall. 1642; 3 and 4, from the Mifcellania Spiritualia, 16485 
 5 and 7, from Bulwer's Artificial Changeling, 3653 » ^, from an old fcarce printj 
 8 and 10, from 2014 MS. Bib. Harl. ; 9, from the Honeft Ghoft, 1658. 
 
 1, 2, 6, and 8, gentlemen, pag. 103; 3, a falconer ; 4, a hunter; 5 and XVIII. 
 9, ruftics, ib. el 104. — Thefe are all from Hollar's prints of hunting, hawking, 
 and timing. Wo. 
 
t 9 A DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 
 
 Plate XIX. N°. I, a baronet, vid. pag. 1 04 j 2, Charles the Second and his queen, ib. ; 3 and 
 4, a gentleman and his attendants, pag. 97 ; 5, a knight ; 6, a gentleman - t 7, a 
 groom, pag. 104; 8, a mourner at a funeral ; 9, the herald carrying the creft of 
 the defunct. — 1, 5, 6, and 7, are from the funeral proceffion of General Monk ; 
 2, ftom Heath's Chronicle, 1662; 3, from a book of hawking, 1608; 7 and 8, 
 from Mr. Thane's picture as before mentioned, plate 11. 
 
 XX. 1 to 7> figures of the ancient loaves of bread, pag. 57 8,1 o, and r 1, penance, 
 page 46, 47; 9, a man hanging, pag. 47 ; 12, the ancient theatre, 140. — 1 to 
 7, from the Book of Affize ; 8, 9, 10, and 11, from 'Fox, as above ? 12, from a 
 very old edition of Terence. 
 
 XXI. 1 to 12, the arms for a horfe foldier, pag. 11 ; A-. to F. of the pikemen ; 
 I. to IV. of the mufketeer, pag. 1 1. — All thefe from Bingham's Tactics, ut fupra. 
 
 XXII. i> the crown of Henry the Eighth j 2, the crown of queen Mary ; 3, the 
 globe j 4, the crown of Charles the Second j 5, the circlet of gold worn by queen 
 Caroline j 6, Henry the Eighth's cap ; 7, a particular cap, pag. 102.5 8, the 
 
 . fturY'd breeches, 103 ; 9, 10, 11, 12, habits in the reign of Elizabeth ; 13, 14, 
 22, breeches and ftockings, vide pag. 83 ; ic, the high head dreis in William 
 and Mary's time, pag. 104 16, head drelles, pag. 104 ; 17, the favarde, pag.ib. 
 18, a gentleman in Charles the Second's reign, ib. ; 20, fleeves, ib.; 21, a 
 petticoat, ib. — N°. 1, from the great feal of Hen. 85 2, from the feal of queen 
 Mary ; 3, 4, 5 and 6, from a book of coronations, 1760 $ all -the reft, from a MS. 
 in Bib. Harl. 2014. 
 
 XXVI." incl. The four Esangelifts, from Nero, D. vi. — See page 181. 
 
 XXVII. The coronation of Edward the Second, from a MS. N°. X f X. in Corpus Chrifti 
 
 college at Cambridge. — See the account of the MSS. page 189. 
 XXVIIL A battle, which fhews the arrival of the Saxons in Britain, This is given 
 heeauie it reprefents in a clearer manner the armour in the time of Richard the 
 Second, about whofe reign this illumination was done. This is from Claudius, B.6. 
 XXIX. Three curious figures done in the reign of Henry the Sixth : they each of them 
 in the original hold a long fcroll, on which is written the lines as follows. — The 
 firft is the knight, and his fcroll -contains thefe words, 
 
 3 toenne to Dctic m\ygl)n$ fttd;c in ffouie ; tl)ii?gljc fpctfjte in fcloe $ tiift'nnf n;e floisjc i 
 $a figl;t£s me tacrjjttijc De.oe to ^tiell \ JtocnD to Deoc, Cot!) J poto tell. 
 On the king's fcroll, 
 
 3 teentie a &pnge 31 topflfe ; ttfiat fylpte potior or tucJtus bl p(Tc ? 
 aDese i* to ma uc tije ftptiDe teai: 3 luenDe to be dace in clap. 
 On the bifhop's roll, 
 
 toenae to DeDc clufee fttl of afct'ii : ftat coutrj toitlj too;D* men niaje in aiU 
 feome Ijasi tne mane fibc&coe auc enoe : beefe toaje VDitfj me to DcDe 3 toenoe. 
 Thefe figures are taken from a MS. in the Cott. Lib. mark'd Fauftina, B. vi. 
 XXX. Is a curious and valuable portrait of king Henry the Fifth, while he was prince 
 of Wales, and Hoccleve, who is kneeling before him, and pr-efenting his book, 
 " De Regimine Principis" for that prince's acceptance. — This is taken from a 
 MS. in the Royal Lib. mark'd 17 D. vi. 
 
COMPLEAT INDEX 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 FIRST VOLUME, 
 
 Note. Brit, ftands for Brims, Anc. Sax. Ancient Saxons, Ang. Sax. 
 
 jjCCA, his monument 69 
 
 Adhclm, a great poet 71 
 jgrieola t tvafku8ta f tb& Britons- 5 
 Ml/red, enters the Saxofi camp 50. 
 His learning 70. His character ib. 
 His ftudious difpofition 72. His 
 works ib. His time how divided ib. 
 His revenue how divided ib. His 
 patience ib. His battles ib. Swears 
 the Danes on their bracelet 81 
 Ale, the drink of the Saxons 44. 
 
 Drank in the fkulls of enemies 17. 
 Almanack, a Saxon one 20 
 Ancient Saxons, their original 16. - 
 bey their generals 17. A hardy 
 people ib. Delight in plunder ib. 
 Opinion of an af ter ftatc ib. Con- 
 fult their wives ib. Their chaftity 
 17, 74. Go finging to battle 17. 
 Sit armed at their feafts 18. Cruel 
 Sacrifices ibid. Their marks of 
 friendfhip ib. Prevent difgraceby 
 death ib; A description of them ib. 
 Their ranks and degrees ib. Their 
 fondnefs of diceing 51 
 Andrajlc, goddefs of vi&ory 12 
 Angles, who they are 16 
 Anglo-Saxons, rather graziers than 
 ploughmen 45. Ti eir fports and 
 paftimes 51 . Addi&ed to drink- 
 ing 49. Fond of hunting and 
 hawking 51. Their me. hod of 
 burial ibid. Their arts and learn- 
 ing 70. Their method of leckon- 
 ing time ibid. Fond of poets and 
 poet-v 7 1 . Their effeminacy com- 
 plained of 88 
 Anlajf, his ftratagem 50 
 Ardurna, a goddefs of the Britons 12 
 Arms, oi the Britons 2. Of the an- 
 cient Saxons 16. Of the Anglo- 
 Saxons 29. Of the Danes 83. Of 
 theNormans 98. Of a foldier, bu- 
 ried with him'53. Thrown into 
 the funeral pile ibid. Symbols 
 painted upon them 84 
 Army,- in fhape of a wedge 84, 99 
 Armour-, of the Normans 97. Provi- 
 fion for in Normandy ibid* In 
 England ibid 
 
 Arthur, his tomb difcovered 67 
 Ajhology, affe&ed by theA-ng. Sax. 70 
 Augufius Ctefar, taxes the Britons 6 
 Aune, offers nine fons to Woden 80 
 B. 
 
 T>Ack Gammon, whence fo called 87 
 & Banquets, of the Ang. Sax. 48 
 Banners, borne before the kings 30. 
 
 Borne by priefts 31 
 Baptifm, ceremonies 77 
 Bards, an inferior fort of Druids 10. 
 
 Their office ibid. 
 Barley, grown by the Brit. 7.- Favo- 
 rite grain of t-he Anc. Saxons 43. 
 Carefully grown by theAng.Sax.44 
 Barrows, made ot various materials 
 56. Only made for heroes 58. 
 Various forts defenbed 59. Not 
 always fepulchral 60. Their ori- 
 gin 5;,. Of Ninus its fize 57 
 Bafc Court, its conftruction 94 
 Batavians, their battle with the Bri- 
 tons 3 
 Bath, frequented by the Saxons 73 
 Battle, againit the Scots delciibed 100 
 Of Haltiugs ibid. 
 Bed, of the Ang. ^ax. defcribed 45. 
 
 Uf the Danes 86 
 Bedford Cajile, the fiege of 94 
 Beer, matie by the Britons^. The 
 dunk of the Anc. Sax. 21, 43 
 Belenus, a god of the Britons 2 
 Beril, windows glazed with 34 
 Boats, of the Britons made of leather 
 0. Ot the Anc. Sax. 22 
 Bolt, a kind cf arrow 95 
 Boniface, reproves Ethelbert 74 
 Botany, underftood by the Sax. 70 
 Bonduca ox Boadicia, her courage 4. 
 
 Her habit deicribed 8 
 Boots,, worn by the oaxons 47 
 Books. 70 
 Botolph St. the ruin defcribed 102. Its 
 materials 103 
 Bracelet, of the Saxons defcribed 47. 
 
 Of the Danes held facred 8 1 
 Bride, how fhe was received < 76 
 Britijh lady, her reply to Julia 1 2 
 Britons, defcription of them 2. Their 
 method of making war 3, 4, Abf- 
 tain from food in voyages 6. Ig« 
 
 glo-Saxons, and Norm. Normans, 
 
 norantof hufbandry 7. Their fitji- 
 pie food ibid. Their religion 9 5 IO. 
 Burn animals with their dead S>2. 
 Their great agility 3 
 Buckle, a Saxon one defcribed 46 
 Buildings, religious of the Ang. Sax. 
 33. Of the Norm. 103. Domef- 
 tic of the Anc. Sax-. 36. Of the 
 Ang. Sax. 36, 37. Of the Nor- 
 mans- 104 
 Burials, in church-yards fir ft began 
 66, 69. The ancient htftory of 5 1 
 Burnings, made for the dead 54 
 Burrough hills, defcribed 60 
 
 /^Amalodunum 5. Suppofed to b'jat 
 ^ Maiden 10? 
 Camps, of the Britons 5. OftheRo- 
 mans atWallbury 14. Of Carac- 
 tacua- defcribed 5 
 Caraclacus, his habit defcribed 8 
 Caftbalcn, leader of the Brit. 2. His 
 device to Hop Csfar 5 
 Cajile, Saxon one at Maiden 24.- At 
 Witham 25; At Caff le Chun ib, 
 Of Colchetter defcribed 26, 17. 
 Reafons why not Saxon 28. Of 
 Bamborough built of wood 26. Of 
 the Normans how condrucled 89. 
 The difference between the Saxon 
 and Norm. 9?.. Of the Sax. and 
 Norman why ftrong 95 
 Categern, his monument 62 
 Cavalry, firft introduced by the Nor- 
 mans 96 
 Covinus, a war chariot 4, • 
 
 Ctowulf, cjuits his crown for a cowl 
 49. Permits the monks to drink, 
 wine ibid; 
 Chapel, of Ina very rich 33. A Sax. 
 one at Braintree 35. At Cogge- 
 Ihall defci ibed 103 
 Chariot^ of war of the Brit. 5. Of 
 the Sax. 31. Of the Ang. Sax, 45. 
 Sacred one of the Anc. Sax. 32 
 Chartres, a place in Gaul 9 
 Chefs,, the Danes fond of 87 
 Chejlerftrd, a Roman town 14 
 Chimnies, want of in former time$ 1 04 
 Church, fit ft Chriftian one built 33. 
 made of wood ibid. 
 
 Claudm 
 
[Vol. I.] 
 
 Claudius Cafar, temple built to him 5 
 
 Cnute, fhares England 82. His re- 
 .proof of flatterers ibid. Offers his 
 crown 83. A fong by him com- 
 pofed * ibid. 
 
 Ccsdmon, a learned Saxon JO 
 
 Coffins, of wood very ancient 68. Of 
 ftone ibid. 
 
 Coggejhall, conjecture concerning 103 
 The abbey there ibid. Lamp 
 there found burning 63 
 
 Coin, firft made in Britain 5, 6. Of 
 the Ang. Sax. 41 
 
 Cold Bath's, difliked by the Ang. Sax. 
 
 73 
 
 Colchejler CafJe, not Norm. 28. Said 
 to be built by Coel ibid. 
 Cromlech, defer i bed 61 
 Crofs Bows, not Saxon 23. Of the 
 Norman 98 
 CroJJ'es, erected before a battle 3 r 
 Croyland, church built 34 
 Cunobelin, firft coins money 5, 6 
 Cuthbcrt, his monaftery 36 
 
 T\A N E S, their original difputed 
 •^-^ 79. Their cruel facrifices 80. 
 Their ftedfaftnefs in death ibid. 
 Cruel and lafcivious 81. Great 
 drinkers 49, 81. Their notions of 
 Hell 81. Regardlefs of their oaths 
 ibid. Their funeral ceremonies 56 
 Wear their hair long 73. Their 
 government 82 
 Danifn, gallant defcription of 86. 
 
 Exercifes of young men ibid. 
 Dead, how enterred, from 51 to 61. 
 "Why burned 52,53. Tolieun- 
 buried a difhonour 53. Given as 
 pledges 55. Buried by the way- 
 fide 58. How buried by the Ang. 
 •Saxons 66 
 ^Defiance, how fent anciently 102 
 Dis, a god of the Gauls 72 
 Dove, fcepter its antiquity 38 
 Dragon, a fhip fo called 65 
 Dragons, caftles fo called ibid. 
 D'uids, their doctrine 10. Their 
 cruel facrifices it. Had urns for 
 their victims 59. The end of their 
 worfhip 12. Female ones their 
 clalfes 10. Never go to the wars 
 9. Judges of d.fputcs ibid. Meet 
 once a year ibid. Had the tuition 
 of youth 10 
 Dungeon, at Waldon caftle 91 
 E. 
 
 J4BBA chafte abbefs a ftory of 75 
 Edclfrcd-a, her performances 74 
 Edgar, punifhes the magiftrates 40. 
 His law to prev ent hard dinking ib. 
 
 I N D E X. 
 
 Edgitha, fimplicity of her manners 46 
 Edwine, his juftice 40. Good order 
 during his reign ibid. 
 Embalming, amongft the Egyptians 
 SJ. 55 
 
 England, d i vi d e d i n to fh i res 41 
 Epitaphs, their antiquity 68 
 Ernulphus, builds St. Botolphs 102 
 Efchwine, his monument 68 
 Ejpringold, a warlike machine 95 
 Efj'edum, a war chariot 4 
 Lthelbert, his murder 77 
 Etheiburga, a wicked woman 75 
 Ethcldreda, a virgin wife ibid. 
 Etkelred, his monument 68 
 Ethelwolf, offends his people 75 
 Eudo Dappifer, builds St. John's ab- 
 bey 103 
 Evil m n, denied monuments 58 
 Exeter, walled with itone 26 
 
 F. 
 
 TpJBLES, of the romancers ex • 
 plained 85 
 Fttz Allen, his orders at London 104 
 Fires, made in the middle of rooms 
 ibid. 
 
 Fleet, of Cnute defcribed 85 
 Flutes, two at once played on 50 
 Forts, of the Romans 14, 15. Of 
 the Danes and Saxons little differ- 
 ence 85. Of wood erected 95 
 Fortifications, of the Romans 15. Dif- 
 ferent from the Sax. 28. Of the 
 Brit. 45. Of the Ang. Sax. 24. 
 Of the Danes, b'c Of the Norm, 
 
 Frea, a Sa^on 
 
 Gi 
 
 'ATE, to St. John's abbey de- 
 fcribed 103. Its materials ibid. 
 Gavel kind 20 
 General, ceremonies of electing 17 
 Gith, her barbarous commerce 73 
 Gods, of the Brit, their uglinefs 1 z 
 Government, of the Brit. 2. Of the 
 Anc. Sax. 19. Of the Ang. Sax. 
 39. Of the Danes 82 
 Gcodtuin, his grand prefent 43 
 Grants, how made 41 
 Graves, adorned wich flowers 69 
 Greeks, buried and burnt their dead 
 
 Guanicum, a gown 8 
 
 H. 
 
 JTABIT, of the Brit. 7, 8, Of 
 the Anc. Sax. 23. Of the Ang. 
 Sax. 46. Of the Danes 86 
 Hacon, offers his fon to Odin 80 
 
 Hair, long admired 75. Preached 
 againft ibid. The Danes careful 
 of _ 86 
 Hardicnute, a great glutton 49 
 Harding, becomes a chriftian 89. Set- 
 tles in France ibid. 
 Harold, prefents a fhip 42 
 Harp, ufed by the Saxons 50 
 Health, firft drank 4 & 
 Hcdmgham Cajlle, defcribed 89. Sub- 
 te raneous paffage there 90 Con- 
 jecture concerning ibid. 
 Henry III. his politic device 101 
 Hetlor, his monument 55 
 Helmet, form of the Saxon 30 
 Hengijl, his treachery 16 
 Heroines, Brit, and Sax. 64 
 Hcfius, a god of the Britons 1 1 
 
 Hijlorians, of the Saxons 70 
 Horn, ufed by the Ang;. Sax. 32, 50. 
 
 Uled inftead of glafs 34, 
 Horfa, his monument 68 
 Horfe, (acred one 1 7 
 
 Horjes, armed with mail 96. Expor- 
 
 tation of forbid 
 
 7.3 
 
 Houfes, of the Brit. 4. Of the Saxons 
 34. In London meanly built 104 
 
 Hubble St oiv, a monument 57 
 
 Hunting, the Brit, fond of it 7. The 
 Saxons like, it 44 
 
 Hujbandry, the Brit, ignorant of it 7. 
 Difliked by the Anc. Sax. 43 . Of 
 the Ang. Sax. ibid. 
 
 INFANTRY, the Britons chief 
 "* ftrength 14 
 Ina, his laws 39 
 Julia, rallies a Britifh lady 12 
 Jury, thought not to be Saxon 40. 
 
 Some conjectures concerning 8l 
 Juftice, how adminiftered 40 
 Jutes, their origin 16 
 K. 
 
 J7~ARNS, difgraceful monuments 
 57. Not always lepulchral 61 
 Keels, improved by^Elfred 73 
 Keep, proved to be Norman 92 
 Kemp -fight, what it is 18, 32 
 
 Keys, carried on a fpear 96 
 Kings, of the Ang. Sax. their habits, 
 46. Offered by the Danes as fa- 
 crifices 80. Elected in circles of 
 fionesSi. Why fo elected ibid. 
 Kijlvean, & Brit, monument 57, 59 
 Knight, how made 32 
 Knives, played with 50, 108 
 
 L. 
 
 T A TVS, of the Saxons very fevere 
 19. Of the Ang. Sax. 39 
 Lead, ufed for coverings 35 
 L taming 
 
Mi 
 
 Learning, rare amongft the Ang. Sax. 
 
 Lech y GowreSy defcribed 62 
 Lent) ordered to be kept ftricT: 49 
 Links of Skeal, graves there 64 
 Long Serpent^ a (hip fo called 85 
 London) wall originally Roman 15 
 Lot) manner of deciding by 20 
 Lord DaneS) why fo called 82 
 Lothbrock) ftory of 5 1 
 
 Lyre t of the Sax. 50 
 M. 
 
 JAIL) form of ufcd by the Ang. 
 ' Sax. 29 
 
 .Malcolmc^iAXX. 96 
 Mcmiet) laid to be known to the Dru- 
 ids 10 
 Mangonel, a machine of war 95 
 Manors, how given 4 c 
 
 Marriage, ceremonies 76. Health 
 
 \Mafacre, of the Britons 16 
 Material) of Saxon buildings 34 
 Mijletoe, how gathered 1 1 
 
 ' Monks, forbid wine 49 
 Months, the Sax. names for 21. The 
 employment for 43 
 Monument S) in memory of the dead 
 58. Why erected 54. Not always 
 honorary ibid. Expenfive ones for- 
 bid 58. Of ftones raifed by the 
 Danes 57 
 Moon) her courfe obferved 20 
 Morning Gift, what it is 76, 77 
 Mortimer, fui prized 91 
 Mothers, fuckled their children 77 
 Mundbora, his claim 75. His fine 76 
 Murder, punifhment for 40 
 Mufical, inftruments 108. Of the 
 Ang. Sax. 50 
 N. 
 
 "AjAvi<yation, of the Britons 6 
 Afai/y, of Edgar 42 
 ^Needlework 7 3 
 
 Niding, a name of contempt 101 
 AW* his monument 55 
 Nonnans, who they were 88. Their 
 ancient habitation ibid. Their at- 
 tack on France 89. Their lan- 
 guage changed ibid. Their me- 
 thod of battle 96. Their military 
 arrangements 99. Behaviour at 
 Haftings 100 
 Norman, caftle embattled on both 
 fides 94 
 Northburn, bones found there 05 
 
 O. 
 
 ATH, upon the holy bracelet 81 
 
 Obelifks) why fet up 61 
 
 Ochter) his voyage 73 
 
 
 
 I N D E X. 
 
 Old Bale) compaffed with {lone 26 
 Ordeal, by fire 19. By boiling water 
 ibid. By cold water ibid. 
 Organ, of the Saxons <;o 
 Ornaments, upon tombs 69 
 Ofxvtild) a banner over his tomb 30 
 
 jp, liming) of bodies by the Brit. 8 
 * Painter S) and glaziers hilt come 
 here 33, 34 
 
 Patroclus, his monument 55 
 Paulinus Suetonius 4 
 Perfpeclive, not. known by the Sax. 33 
 Peter St. his church defcribed 34 
 Petriaria, a warlike machine 95 
 Pilars, why fet up 61 
 Pillory, origin of 40 
 Pledging, the old form of 49 
 Pointed Arch, its introduction 102 
 Polynices, his monument 55 
 Priefh) forbid to make knights 32 
 Punijhment, for adultery 19 
 
 QUEENS) forbid to fit in coun- 
 °<_,cil 75 
 R. 
 
 pAFEN, theDanifh ftandard 30 
 **■ Rayleigh CaJUe 93 
 Regal Courts, of the Sax. 37, 38 
 Richard I. lands at Cyprus 100 
 Rheda, a war chariot 4 
 Ring, of iron token of bondage 18 
 Rocking Stones 62 
 RollO) conquers Normandy 88 
 Romans) expert in arms 5. Their po- 
 licy 6. Their fortifications 14, 15 
 Opinion of the foul 52. Their 
 method of fepulture ibid. 
 Reman Bricks, the meafure of 15. 
 Antiquities found at Wroxcefter 
 65. At Bifhopfgate ibid. 
 Runic Charailer, invented by Woden 
 18. Engraved on fpears 17. Set 
 up over the dead 68 
 
 gADDLES, ufed by the Ang. Sax. 
 
 Sandwich, a haven for fhips 43 
 Saul, his bones burnt 52 
 Saxons, whence fo called 16. Their 
 navigation 22. Women fine em- 
 broiderers 74. Their religion 2t 
 Scalds, carried to battle 87 
 Scaphis, a fmall boat 43 
 Seals, of wax firft introduced 41 
 Seator, a Saxon god 22 
 Sculpture, better than uefigns 7 1 
 Sepulchres^ of the kings of liraei $4 
 
 [VoL.-l.] 
 
 Shield, loft in battle a difgrace 17. 
 
 The ancient form thereof 29 
 Shrine, of faints prayed to 31 
 Shipping, of the Ang. Sax. 41 
 Ship, a Sax. one defcribed 41 
 Ships, to hold 3000 men each ibid. 
 
 Of the Saxons grand ibid. 
 Sighclm, his voyage 7 j 
 
 Singing, in churches firftdone 33 
 Siward, dies in his armour 48 
 Slippers, worn by the Saxons 47 
 Slingers, go before the army 100 
 Soldiers, of the Ang. Sax. 46. Their 
 
 Noife in battle 100. Of the Nor- 
 mans defcribed 96, 97 
 Spinning, a fafhionableemployment 45 
 Spurs, ufed by the Ang. Sax. 48 
 Standard, royal by whom borne lOf. 
 
 To lofe a great difgrace ibid. 
 
 Granted to each leader ibid. Sax. 
 
 different from the Norman ibid. 
 Stephen, defcribed in battle 100. 
 
 Founder of Coggefhal abbe y 103 
 Stone Buildings, of the Normans 33 
 Stones, with holes in them 62 
 Stonehcnge, what it is 13. Not Da- 
 
 nifh, and why 82 
 Swearing, the ancient form of 39 
 Sword) borne by a chief peer ,38. 
 
 Sworn by gr. 
 T. 
 
 CTEMPLE) of the Sax. idols 22 
 -* Tents, of the Ang. Sax. their 
 
 form 31 
 Theft, how punifhed 4.1 
 Thor, a Saxon idol 22 
 Tin, the Britifh merchandize 15 
 Tomb, of Conftantine found 6$ 
 Toranuts, a god of the Britons j 
 Traitors, punifhed by death 41; 
 Trebuchet, a war inftrument 95 ' 
 
 Trees, fell'd and why 100 
 TrematonCaJlle, defcribed 91. Not 
 
 Roman 
 
 Triumph 1% 
 Trumpet 32, 50 
 
 Tufan, the banner 31 
 Tuifco, a Saxon god 22 
 Tunic, a Saxm one defcribed 46 
 Tuiatcs, a god of the Britons 7 
 
 U. 
 
 T fRNS, what found in them 63, 64 
 
 Ulfola, a Saxon temple 22 
 
 T/'IOLIN, a Saxon one 50 
 ' Vines, grown in England 7, 44 
 W. 
 
 TfrALLS) how built by the Ro, 
 ' mans 15 
 Walled Tou/ns, of the Romans 114 
 
/Vol. ir.] 
 
 War, ceremonies at declaring of 1 7 
 
 Warwglf, a warlike engine 95 
 
 Wedding Ih-ejjes, particular 77 
 
 Weaving, practifed by ladies 74 
 
 Weftminjler Abbey , defcribed 36 
 Wilfred, teaches the art of fifhing 73 
 
 How buried 67 
 
 //7«?, made in England 44 
 
 I N D E X. 
 
 Witches, the punifhment of 20. The 
 fwimming of ibid. The proving 
 of ibid. 
 Wives, common amongft the Brit. 12 
 Woad, a colour ufed by the Brit. 7 
 Woden, leader of the Anc. Sax; i-o 
 
 Woden's Hall 
 Women, their drefs 47. 
 why 
 
 Writings forbid by the Druids 
 Y. 
 
 Vf 
 
 Burnt and 
 
 His valour and policy, 21, 22. His -V^O^^/Z/^^reliques therefound 
 ceremonies before a battle ibid. •*■ 66 
 
 Com pleat Index to the Second Volume. 
 
 Note. Norm, {lands for Norman, Eng. for Engiljh; and Anc. for AieienU 
 
 A. 
 
 ' ABCOKEt 87 
 the prices of 81. Its proper 
 age 105 
 Alderman, their mumming 95 
 Alexander, feaft at his knighting 19 
 Ancient Ornament, worn by kings 57 
 Anciently, one ecclefiaftic to crown 
 the king 58 
 Anointing, whence it came 57. Fiift 
 performed in Britain 58. Ufed by 
 the Sax. and Norm. ibid. 
 Antipodes^ known to the ancients 1 17 
 Apparel, excefs of 85 
 Archlijhop of Canterbury, crowns the 
 king , 59 
 
 Archers, their fervice in battle 39, 40 
 'I heir armour 33 
 Arches, pf the Sax. round 2. Much 
 ornamented not Sax. ibid. Saxon 
 and Norman diflinguifhed 3 
 Archery, neglect of lamented* 40 
 Architecture, its progrefs I 
 Arithmetic 1 1 5 
 
 Arms, ordinance for by Edw. I. 43. 
 By Edw. II. 44. Ofrenfive of the 
 Eng. ibid. And devifes on banners 
 77. On fails of "{hips ibid. 
 Armies, of th..- Eng. their degrees 33. 
 Their arrangement 36. Divided 
 into three bodies ibid. 
 Army, of Edw. III. how arranged ib. 
 Arts, and learning of the Norm. 25. 
 
 Of the Englifh 114 
 Afhel/lan. his coronation 56 
 Aurciius Ambrcfms, his election- ibid. 
 Aurifaine, the French banner 35 
 Aunfiigium fc» 
 B. 
 
 -jnAJPGES, worn by fojdhrs 43 
 & Bakers, their punifhment 14. Set 
 on tbe pillory 73. Pikes- allowed 
 $0 ttam 82 
 
 Baneret, a title of honour 33. How 
 
 created 65 
 Banners, fet up in the field 35 
 Banner Royal, when difplaycd 44 
 Bannerers, their office 34. Why clofe 
 
 armed ibid. 
 Banquets, of the Normans 18 
 Banquet, at Lionel's marriage 100. 
 
 Made by Richard II. ibid. 
 Banqueting, the excefs o-f. ibid. 
 Baptipn, f rm of 24 
 Barca, a fort of boats 10 
 Bards, attend royal feafb 20 
 Baron, the privileges of 6 
 Barriers 9 3 
 
 Bathing, before knighthood 66 
 Battle, againft the Welch 36. Of 
 
 Faukirk ibid. Of Poiters 37. Of 
 
 Agincourt 38. Of Shrevefm 39 
 Battles, chiefly gained by archers 40 
 Bawds, their punifhment 72 
 Beards, fhaved by the Normans 1 7 
 Bed Furniture, of a princefs 88 
 Beds, of the Englifh defcribed ibid. 
 Been? how made 81 
 Berwick, how befieged 30 
 Bill, a weapon fo called- 34 
 Black Prince, his courage 42a His 
 
 fpeech at Poiters ibid. 
 Bear Baiting 2.2. 29 
 
 Boar's Head, an efteemed dim 19. 
 
 Brought to table with trumpets ib. 
 Boats, light portable ones 32, 75 
 BouMing.Mdll, anciently not known 
 H 
 
 Bow Church, lanthorn there 47 
 Bow Bridge 46 
 Bovjs, fuperior to mufkets 40 
 Breads .baked on the hearth 14. Af- 
 
 fizeofibid. The ftatute for 8r. 
 
 Various forts of ibid. 
 Brewers, the prices allowed them 82 
 Bridfertus a learned Saxon 25 
 
 Bridges^,, Erected at fi'eges 47 
 Britons, their coronation ceremonies- 
 not known 56 
 Buccas 3 £. large fh in 10 
 Buffoonery, in old plays 97 
 Building, religious of the Englifh 45 
 Bull Baiting 22, .99 
 
 Burial, of the common people 109 
 Burials, the manner of ipc. 
 
 c. 
 
 r^JLAIS, fiege of 29 
 ^ Camp, of the Englifh how forti- 
 fied 35 . 
 Cannons, ancient form of 32. Ufed 
 in {hips 76 
 Caps, worn by the kings, &c. 17 
 Caricks 1 o 
 Cajllcs,. how befieged 28 
 Caxton, firft Englifh printer 1 15, 
 Channel Bridge 47 
 Chefs, the game effeemed 21.; 
 Children, their fports 99. 
 Chri/lnias fports 98 
 Churches, their dedication ibid. 
 Circoat 1 6 
 Clergy, their habit 17. Buried -in 
 their canonical 1 06 
 Clocks ji 1 5 
 Coaches, firft made 90. 
 Collar, ufed in knighrhood 67 
 Columns, of the Saxons 2 
 Combat, when granted 69. One per- 
 formed ih. Proccfs of ib. Prepara- 
 tion for ib. PVught atWeitnunfter 
 
 Comedy, the firft 96 
 
 Commerce, of the Norm. 12.' The 
 extending of 77 
 
 Compafs, anciently not known ibid. 
 
 Conqueror, his tyranny 7. His fleet 
 9. His profufenefs 18. His oath 
 at his coronation 58. Caufes the 
 peers to fwear ibid.. 
 
 QantraSi-: 
 
Contraf?, law concerning 24 
 
 Coronations, the hiftory of" 55 
 
 Coronation* of Richard I. 59. Of 
 
 Hen. IV. 60 
 
 Ccrcncts, their difference 65 
 
 Copernicus lib 
 
 Corps, of a king royally habited 106. 
 
 Scred in lead ibid 
 
 Court, of Exchequer 7 
 Crofs-bow, would Ihoot four rods 44 
 
 Crofs Bowmen, their armour 34 
 
 Crown, of Eng. hereditary 6. Its 
 
 antiquity 63 
 
 Croxm, worn by the Romans 57 
 
 Cry, of the ibid ieis in battle 36 
 
 D 
 
 \ANBURY\ monuments there 25 
 ^ Danes, a law of theirs 5. How 
 they elect a king 56 
 • Darts, fhot from guns .3.1 
 Dead, how treated 1 05 
 
 . £V<r Jlealers, how punifhed 91 
 Defence, made by beiieged towns 30 
 Degrees, of pre-eminence 5 
 /)/'«-, forbid to failors 12 
 Dignities, of honour 48 
 Dinner, the manner of fitting at 62 
 Dirge, for foreign princes 1 10 
 
 Domejlic, buildings of the Eng. 45 
 Drefs, of the Norm. 14. Of the 
 Eng. very pompous 82. Very 
 ridiculous 86 
 .Duke, of Auftrich his death 25. An- 
 tient name reftored 6. Of Clarence 
 how found 42. Antiquity of 64. 
 How created ibid 
 E 
 
 YfARL, whence derived 65 
 Ears, why cut off 72 
 Eajler, games then play'd 22. Cuftoms 
 
 then 99 
 Edward I. his .ftrength 41 
 Edward II. deprived of royalty 62 
 Edward 111. his courage 42. Wears 
 
 achapletof pearls 43. His vagrant 
 
 adf. 94 
 EdivardW. meets the French king 49 
 Emperor, his fleet defcribed 11, 12 
 •Encampment^ manner of 35 
 Engines, ufed at fieges 31 
 England, governed by a king 47 
 Jingiijh, extend their commerce 73. 
 
 Navy potent on the fea 75 
 Jzngraving, when firft begun 1 14 
 Enfigns, of regality 63 
 Enthifiafm, fpecimens of 1 14 
 
 Etheldreda, re-built Ely 2 
 Mxcejs, in apparel forbid 87 
 Extreme unSi 'ion . 105 
 
 I N D E X. 
 
 F 
 
 J? AIRS, their origin 98 
 Fares, by water 77 
 Fealty, how done 78 
 /v<7/?, 30,000 difhes prepar'd for 19. 
 
 At Hen. lVth. marriage 100, 101. 
 
 At Hen. Vth. marriage 102. At 
 
 Hen. Vlth. coronation 102, 103. 
 
 At funerals 109 
 Fires, why formerly fo deftrudYive 46 
 Flour, how made from wheat 13 
 Forejlallers, fevere act againft 82 
 Funeral Procejfion, of Edward III. 108. 
 
 Of Richard II. ibid. Of Sir Rob. 
 
 Knowlec 109 
 
 (GATEWAYS, how ftrengAened 28 
 '^- r GW/rVj, various forts 10, n 
 Gallows, ancient form of 73 
 Garland, worn by the chiefs 57 
 Garter, the order of 68 
 Gcofrey of Anjoi', made a knight 66 
 Girdles, worn 16 
 Glave men, their armour 34 
 Globe or mound, antiquity of 63 
 Gothic Architecture, firft in Eng. 3. 
 
 Still much affedled 45 
 Government, of the Norm. 4. Of 
 
 the Eng. 47 
 Grain, the different forts 43 
 Grinding maid, law concerning 16 
 Guns, caufe alterations in caftles 27. 
 
 Firft invention of 32 
 
 H 
 
 TJABIT, in the Confeffors reign, 
 14. Simple and elegant, 15. 
 Of the Norm, kings, 16. Of the 
 Norm, ladies ibid 
 Habit, of the virgins difting. 16. Of 
 the common people 17. The 
 luxury of defcrib. 83. For com- 
 mon women 84. Of the Eng. 
 in Rich. lid. time ib. In the 
 reign of Edward IV. 87 
 Hanging, firft appointed for murder 8 
 Hanging waggons, what they are 90 
 Harlots, the habits affigned them 84 
 Harclay Sir Andrevj, degraded 67 
 Harrow, antiently ufed 13 
 Harp, the form of a Norm, one 20 
 Hawking, affec~ted 21,90 
 Heaven, Monk's tale of III 
 Hell, in the middle of the earth 116. 
 
 Monkifh tale of 110 
 Helmet, variety of 35 
 Henry I. his a£t againft long hair, 
 15. His body faked 105. A 
 ftury of 21 
 
 [Vol. II.] 
 
 Henry 11. divides England 8. His 
 charity 19. His penance 114 
 Henry I V. his contrivance 39 
 Henry V. raifes a mount 29. A noble 
 warrior 42. His triumphal entry 
 into London 50. His and his 
 queen's habit 86 
 Henry Prince of Wales, his habit ib. 
 Henry VI. his entry in Lond. 51 
 High tower, at fieges erected 29 
 Hiflorians, of the Norm. 25 
 Hog/heads, filled with ft mes 31 
 Hobbelers, whence that name 34 
 Hood, worn by king Hen. VI. 86 
 Hsrfe litter 89 
 Houfes, decked with leaves 99 
 Houjhold furniture €9 
 Housekeeping, of Rich. Nevill 104. 
 df the nobility ibid. Of gentle- 
 men ib. Of tradefmen 105 
 Hunting, affe&ed 21, 90 
 
 Hujbandry, of the Norm. 12. Of 
 the Englifti 77 
 
 J 
 
 "igEIFS, refer the choice of their 
 
 J king to god 56 
 
 bnpofors, their punifhment 71 
 
 Infantry, of the Eng. 33 
 Interludes, c{ holy fubjeefs 22. When 
 
 let forth 96 
 John Manfdl, his banquet 19. Made 
 
 duke of Normandy 64 
 
 Jury, when firft inftituted 7 
 
 Jtfliciars, itinerant 8 
 
 Jujls, at Smithfield 93. Various 
 
 forts of ibid. 
 
 JC 
 
 T/'INGS, their power formerly 47, 
 48. Of England, whence their 
 power 48. Never depofed but by 
 rebels ib. Of Eng. their cuiloms 
 ib. Their proceflions ib. Amongft 
 the Brit, how chofen 55. Of the 
 Norm, crown'd often 19, 63. their 
 bodies einbalm'd 105 
 Knight, whence fo called 65. How 
 created formerly 66. How created 
 latterly 67. How degraded ibid 
 
 L 
 
 J AM P S, the want of at London 
 46 
 
 Lands, howholden of the king 78 
 Laws, of the Norm. 7. Of the 
 Eng. 68. In the Norman Franco 
 tongue 7. Of the cojifeilbr re- 
 ftored 8 
 
[Vol. II.] 
 
 Law, concerning big women 9. Rev 
 fpe&ing the highways ib. Of Eng. 
 its three grounds 48. Concerning 
 weight, &c. 7 
 Laymen, permitted to baptize 24 
 Leaders, of the Eng. their courage 41 
 Learned men, cf the Norm. 25 
 Leche, the name explained 20 
 Lent, the amufements then 22 
 Lime, ufed in fea fights 1 1 
 
 Light armed troops, their ufe 39 
 Linen cloth, put over the faces of 
 the dead 105 
 London, its great trade 12. Narrow- 
 nefs of theftreets 46. Streets new 
 gravelled, ib. Bridge made of 
 timber 47. Offtone ib. 
 Longhair, forbid by Hen. L 15 
 Lofs of Members, for what crimes 8. 
 Why rather than death ib. 
 
 Mj 
 
 TtyfACHINE, at rhe< fiege of 
 Reole 29 
 Man imibex Ship, a poem 1 1 1 
 
 Marriage, the ceremonies of. 23. 
 
 Ring a ftory.of ib.. 
 Marriages, mercenary condemned ib. 
 Married Lad;es, their diit.in6t.ion 16 
 Matine affairs, of the Eng. 73 
 Mariners, their punifhm^nt J2 
 Ma quis, title when g^ven 6 
 Martial Exercife 93 
 Mat* Griffons, a wooden tower 29 
 Mayings, --count of 99 
 Medumical improvements X15 
 Men of arms, their armour 53 
 Meffiah, how expedteu by the Jews 
 
 4/i7/ ftones, call by engines 31. Hand- 
 mill, its antiquity 13. Water- 
 mill, its antiquity ib. Wind- 
 mill ib. H< fe-millib. Ship-mill 
 ib. Boulting mill 14 
 
 Mills* antient conftiiu&iorj not known 
 ibid. 
 
 Milkrs, the toll allowed them 82 
 Mifiniei, the firft plays 9b 
 Mirical quary, what it is 95 
 Monuments, the effigies thereon 25 
 Moralities, what they be 96 
 Mumming!, an account of 95 
 Mummers,, whit they be 94 
 Murder, how punifhed 72 
 Mufic, of the Wuim. 20. On board. 
 
 the (hip 11. Ofhtfa* 45 
 Mufical. injlruments- 99 
 
 f N D E X. 
 
 N 
 
 7^ Tejlament, ftories of play'd 
 
 i.Y 95 
 
 Normans, their courage 11. Expert 
 
 in fea affairs ibid 
 
 Numerical. figures, firft ufed 1 1 5 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 SG^iVdefcribed 
 
 p AGE 'ANT, atLondon for Rich. II. 
 •* 49. For Hen. V. 50. For 
 Hen VI. 51 
 
 Painting, its {late 114 
 Parks, firft made 21 
 Parliament, when ' affembled 5. Its 
 three eftates rbidi 
 Pauls St. fet on fire 46 
 Pavifes, their form 32 
 Perjury, how punifhed 72 
 Perfons anointed, held facred 58 
 Phyfidans, attend the royal banquets 
 
 20 
 
 Piked Jhoes, when worn 84 
 Pillory, who were punifh'd by 9. 
 
 Law- concerning 73. 
 Planetary fyflem 1 1 6 
 
 Plates of brefs, put on tombs no 
 Platforms, made of boats 30 
 Play, lads eight days 96 
 Plays, wrote by fchooltr.afters ib. 
 Players, antienily fervants 97 
 Plough, of the Norm, dtferibed X2. 
 Staff, its ufe 13. The Englifh 
 one 77 
 Pointed Jhoes, an a£t agahrft 8 7 
 
 Popery, the oppofers 114 
 Porcupine, firft. feen in Eng. 21 
 Portrait of Catherine 1 1 4 
 
 Ptfiun.majier 
 
 Preparations, in cafe of fire 46 
 Prefftngt to death 68 
 Priejh, their pride in habit 15. Law 
 concerning ib. Antiently anointed 
 5« 
 
 Prince of Wales, the firft 64. How 
 created ibid 
 Printings when invented 1 1 5 
 
 Prices, of grain 79. Fixed for pro- 
 visions 80 
 Prifon- breaking, not death 73 
 Purple, by whom worn 1 6, 63 
 
 a 
 
 QUEEN, her diainftion 17. 
 "Vj Elizabeth her. employment 89. 
 
 Mary, her coach 90 
 Quinten, the running at 2.1 
 
 jyEGAL, courts of the Norm. 4. 
 
 Religion, of the Eng. no 
 Reliques 1 13 
 
 Refignation, of the crown 63^ 
 Retainers, numbers of kept by R. 2. 
 
 100- 
 
 Richard the Ift. dies of his wound 25. 
 His fleet defcribed 9. His arrival 
 in Sicily 10. His ads 41. How 
 buried 106- 
 Richard IId» meets the Franch king- 
 49. Refigns his crown 63. His 
 expenfive apparel 84 
 Richard III d. his proceffion 48 
 Richard Earl of 'Cornwall, his feaft 19 
 Robert TVinchclfca, his benevolence ib. 
 Robes, for new made knights 66 
 Roger Bolingbrook, how punifhed 71- 
 RoundTable, when made 68, 92 
 Rufus, his pride in drefs 15. Hia 
 fkill in tournaments 92^ 
 
 OAXON, build, difficult to afcertainv 
 *^ 2. Choofe valiant men for kings- 
 56. Their ceremonies ibid 
 Scaling Ladders 3^. 
 Scepter, antiquity of 63, 
 School boys, their fports 23 
 Scolds, their punifhment 73.. 
 Scots, their- device 39 
 Sculpture, its ftate 114 
 Sea-fight, betw-en the French and; 
 - ng. 75. The Eng. and Flem. 
 
 76 
 
 Sheep -filealers, loofe their hands 72 
 Shingels, the ufe of forbid 46 
 Ship, ornamented with gildings 77 
 Shipping, of the Norm. 9. Of the- 
 
 Eng. 73, 
 Short, hofe 18. Mantel ib d 
 
 Siege, of a town or -cattle. 28 
 Silk, firft- worn 83. 
 Skaiting 23, 
 Skinners. IVells, play there 9b 
 Sleeves, long ones condemned 86 
 Smith field, a place of execution g> 
 Soldier, a ftory of 15 
 Soldiers, their fhort tunics 16. Of 
 
 the Eng. 33 
 Solomon, crowned in public 56 
 Sons, of the kings crownd 63, 
 Splendid Attire affeaed 4. 
 Sponfors, how many. 24. 
 Sports, of the Norm. 21. Of the 
 
 Eng. 90 
 Stage, by whom improved 96 
 $tafos 9 
 
Stakes, ufed by Hen. V. 39 
 Stocks, fet up 72 
 Stones, fhot from guns 32 
 Stratagem, to annoy the enemy 38. 
 of Hen. V. at Agencourt 39. Of 
 the Welch ib. Of the Scots ib. 
 Stuffing out of gartnents forbid 87 
 Sunday, the prophanation forbid 98' 
 Surgery, ill underftood 25 
 Sword, offered on the altar 67 
 Syflem, of nature 116. Call'd Coper- 
 nican ibid 
 
 CT'AXE S, of the landholders 78. 
 
 Paid in money 79 
 Terms, how kept 7 
 Tertium Donarium 6 
 Theatre, 94- 
 
 , 93 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Tomlerel, what it is 9 
 Tournaments, account of gi. Dan- 
 gerous ib. Permitted ib. En- 
 couraged by Rich. I. ibid 
 Traytors, their punifhment 72 
 Tripget, a warlike machine 32 
 Troylebaflm, when inftituted 69 
 
 u 
 
 TjMBRELLA, ancient 18 
 Unclian, performed only by priefts 
 24 
 
 V 
 
 rsESSELS, of the Eng. described 
 £ r 73, 74 
 
 yiotin, 20 
 Vifcnunt, 6 
 Vortigcrn, king of the Brit. 55 
 
 [Vol. III.] 
 
 w 
 
 JjrAKES, their origin 98 
 
 ff, */ flT«^ made by the 
 
 French 35 
 
 Ward, of heirs 24 
 
 Warlike habits, of the kings 42 
 
 Warlike habit, of H n. V. ibid 
 
 Watch, ordain'd at London 46 
 
 Warwolf, what it is 31 
 
 Wheat, forbid to be made malt 8t 
 
 Weaving, anciently done abroad 82. 
 
 Encouraged in England ibid 
 
 Wedge, army in the fhapeof 37 
 JVeflminJler, Abbey , carving there 25 
 
 Wickliff 'John, his doclrine 114 
 
 Ik uLw, her time of mourning 24 
 
 Wild fire, thrown from (hips 70 
 
 Wine, prices of gr 
 Witnefs, perjur'd the punifhment 63 
 
 Women, their drefs cenfured 84 
 
 Wool 14 
 
 CoMPLEAT Index to the Third Volume. 
 
 A. 
 
 ABBOT, of Mifrure 142 
 Ails, lu prevent fcarcity <;5 
 deling, on a Sunday, 141. The 
 time of 
 
 Aclors, account of 'them 148 
 AM: allows, whence the name j 79 
 AJ Souls Day ib'. 
 Apparel, acts for reforming of, 82* 
 Decent of the la its 9.9. For 
 mou:n'ng J f 5 
 
 Apprentices, their habi f s V j 
 Archers, intermix d with the gunners 
 9 
 
 Archery, the negie£r. nt lamented ib. 
 Armies, the arrangement of 2, 6 
 Armour 1 1 
 
 ^r/wy, of Hen. VIII. 6. Royal Offi- 
 cers appertaining to 7 
 .^rr, ftate of amongft the Saxons 181 
 Artijls, of the Saxons ibid. 
 Awnd)rons, what they are 68 
 
 B. 
 
 "3>AC0N, how fetched 155 
 
 Ballad-fmgingi relative 1 1 8 
 
 Saloone I48 
 
 when worn 58 
 
 Banquets 106. Various matters rela- 
 tive to 113 
 Baptifia Poilly 186 
 Baron, orders for his creation 39. Du- 
 ties then paid 40. How-buried 167 
 Bathing, th&Engliih fond of 70 For 
 beauty .bid. 
 Battle, the fore and rereward of how 
 ordained 3, 5. 
 
 Veafjleak, at breakfaft 1 1 o 
 
 bear garden, amufements there 149 
 Be. tr- baiting 150 
 beajls, that are to hunt ■ 119 
 Beau, a defcription of 100 
 becket, his deputation 184 
 Bed 64, 66, 67. Royal 68 
 Beer, how brewed 72 
 Bells ringing^ prices of 171, 172. 
 Their < ngin 175. Baptifed 175, 
 176- By whom invented 176 
 Bilfrith, his defigns 281 
 Bokeland and Fokeland 1 8 
 
 Bonfires, ordered to be made 151 
 Boots,- fome account of 98. Very 
 tnort 101 
 B or ilar, why fo called 16 
 Bore 121 
 Bore's head, much efteemed no 
 
 Bowling j 48 
 
 Bracket, how made 74 
 Branched 'fat tins 89 
 Bread, brought to London, 57. The 
 form of, ibidl 
 Breeches, veryclofe 79. Very large 84* 
 Story of, ibid. StuffM with hair 
 85. Song upon them, ibid. Or* 
 namented with hce and points 99 
 Britons, their paintir, 
 Buck-hunters, rules concerning 325 
 Buckles, for thoes 9 j 
 
 Buff jerkin, worn by foidiers n 
 Bull-baiting j ^ 
 
 Bum-rolls g§ 
 Butler, his office i g 
 Buttons, of thread, of filk, of twift, 91 
 
 QAmlrick, frrir brought to England 
 88 
 
 Camp, of Hen. 8. defcribed 7. How 
 it ought to >e pitch'd 8. D'or, 
 whence fo :a .ed jg 
 Candlemas day \yj 
 Cards, the games of 148-149 
 Carrol, at bringing.in the bore's head 
 
 Garving 9 
 
[Vol. III.] 
 
 Carving, the ancient terms of 109 
 Cafles, mulct rais'd thereon 54 
 Catherine Hayes burnt 47 
 Ceremonies , relative to marriage 154. 
 
 at Chriftmas, the reafons for 175 
 Chains of gold, by whom worn 1 00 
 Chamberh^, his office 74. 
 Charles II. his habit 102 
 Chcjlcr. plays, argument of l 33 
 
 Children, finer than their parents. 93. 
 
 Their fports 147 
 Chri/tal buttons 9 1 
 
 Chrijlmas, ceremonies then 176 
 Citizens wives, their drefs 92 
 City extravagance, in drefs 93. In 
 banquets lit 
 Clarre, how made 74 
 Claffes, three of the people 14 
 Clergy, their habits condemned 77. 
 Their pride blamed 78. Accufed 
 of excefs 1 1.3 
 
 Chcks, various forts of 70 
 Cloth, hoods 83. Hofe 87 
 Cocket bread, what it is 57 
 Codpieces 83 
 Coif, worn by theferjeants at law 76 
 Combat, in cafes of felony 40. The 
 " ceremonies thereof, ibid. In cafe 
 of a writ of right 41 
 Conqueror, divides the land 13. Ex- 
 acts an oath of fealty, ib. 
 Canclufvon of the work 187 
 Coronation, the ceremonies of, 22. 
 Offices then claim'd 37. Oath 
 then made 26 
 Cotar, what he is 17 
 Coventry play, an account of, 136 
 Specimen ©f ib. 
 Coats and Doublets 80 
 Croy land Abbey, bells there 176 
 Cruel cuftoms 1 1 2 
 
 Cujiom, between lovers 153 
 
 D. 
 
 \ ANBURY, monuments there 
 183 
 
 Dancing, after dinner 146 
 Danes, their rude defigns 1.82 
 Deftgns, their ufe, 180. Of M. Paris 
 well done 183. The merit of 181 
 Dialogue, before Hen. 8. 143 
 Diceing 146 
 Dinner, a plain one 112 
 Dormfday Book 1 3 
 
 Doublets, ftuff'd out 79 
 Drefs, diftin&ion of laid afide 93. 
 In the reign of James Ift. 97. Of 
 a young gent. 98. In the reign of 
 .Charles Ift 101 
 
 D' 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Drinking, at the pkyhoufe 141. To 
 
 each other ae promifing 1.55 
 
 Drink;, beloved by the Eng. 112 
 
 Duke, his array in battle 4. Of 
 
 York his lovc-fong 152 
 
 Dumb Cake, how made 1 80 
 
 Dunmow, cuftom there 155 
 
 TfARL, his array in battle 5. 
 '-^- J Orders for his creacion 19. Du- 
 ties paid then 39 
 E after, three clays before 174. Day 
 
 ceremonies then 175 
 Eadwine, his pfalter 182 
 Edward Il.caufes men to be knighted 
 
 15. His coronation 184 
 Edivard 111. his tomb 183 
 Edgar portrait of 182 
 Elizabeth, queen, her grand procef- 
 
 fion 20—186 
 ■Ember Days 179 
 Encampment 7 — 8 
 
 Engraving, the antiquity of 186 
 Efquire, his fervice 15. Ancient 
 
 names, ibid. Definition of, ibid. 
 
 How buried, ibid. 
 Etching, by whom firft perform'd 1 86 
 Evangclifls, pictures ,cf itfi 
 
 F. 
 
 TfArthingales, when invented 86 
 Fajhions, old ones new revived 97 
 Field Officers, how buried 168 
 Fermer Richard, his houfhold 65 
 Fiends, fearful of thunder 175 
 Firft of January 177 
 Font hallowing 174 
 Fops, (atyrized 76 
 Foref alters, acts again ft 55 
 Fox, the feafon for hunting of 121 
 Fray -makers, how punifhed 44 
 Freedom, how obtained 17 
 Freeholders, who they are 17. Their 
 
 increafe and why, ib. 
 Freemen, who the are 13 
 Funeral Frocejfion, of Hen. 8th. 159. 
 ,Of a nobleman how conducted 
 
 160. Procelfions 161 
 Furniture, anciently very plain, 63, 
 
 65. Ofaruflic 71 
 
 G. 
 
 QALLANTRY, of the ancients 
 
 Garments, difguifed ones ridiculed 76 
 Garters, the extravagant price of 91 
 Gavel kind, explained . j 3 
 
 Gentleman, whence the title 15. His 
 flare 71 
 Gerard Audran, his merit 186 
 Glaffes, t<t look in 69 
 Gloves, perfumed 80. Prefented to 
 queen Elizabeth 89 
 God:, of the Brit, their uglinefs l8x 
 Gold, broken by lovers 155 
 Good Friday, whence the name 175 
 Government 1 2 
 
 Gown 1 ! 79 
 Graves, the prices for making of 
 
 171—172 
 
 Grout, for beer, how made 72 
 H. 
 
 TTABIT, in the reign of Hen. 7th, 
 75. Extravagant condemned 
 78. Belonging to Hen. 8th, 80. 
 Act for reformation of 81. In the 
 reign of Edward 6th, 83. Of 
 Mary, ibid. In the reign of. 
 Elizabeth 84. Of dukes daugh- 
 ters 87. Of a gallant 92. Of 
 citizens wives, ibid. Of a com- 
 moner 97. Of a maiden, ibid. 
 Of a ruftic 98. In the reign of 
 Charles Ift. ibid. 
 Hair, made to look like a wig 105 
 Hall, not miftaken 143 
 Hand, why cut off" 43. Ceremonies 
 of 44 
 Handkerchief, edged with gold 80 
 Hanging, the manner of 47 
 Flare-hunters, rules concerning 121 
 Harlots, .their punifhment 49 
 Hart 1 2 1 
 
 Hat, its antiquity 83. And feather 
 84. Bands very coftly, ibid. 
 Haivk, difficult to rear and teach T24. 
 To draw her on your fift, ibid. 
 Bells, rules concerning, ibid. 
 Hoods, ibid. Gloves, ibid. 
 Hawks, allow'd to people after their 
 degrees 124. Laws concerning 125 
 Hawking 123 
 Flead malt 73 
 Head Drejs, act concerning 87. Of 
 a lady 95. Very high 104 
 Henchmen 21 
 Henry 5th, his portrait 184 
 Henry 8th, his pompous reign 18. 
 meets the French king, ibid. His 
 fumptuous apparel 80. His habit 
 defenbed 8|. His fondnefs -far 
 mufic 117. His danger in hawk- 
 ing 124. At a tournament 127. 
 Fond of gaming 146. Of /hoot- 
 ing, &C. ibid. 
 
 High, 
 
High, winged doublets 83. Shoes 98 
 
 Hi/lory Painting ^ 185 
 Holbein, his merit ib. 
 Horns, for hunting 117 
 Horn, how the hunter fhould blow 
 
 it 120 
 Hounds, the different fpecies of, 121. 
 
 Thrir reward ib. 
 Houjhold Furniture, of a knight 65. 
 
 Of the king 106 
 Houfekeeping, of the nobility 1 1 1 
 Humphry* duke of Glocefter, his 
 
 tomb, &c. l 10 
 Hunter, how he mould blow his 
 
 horn 120 
 Hunting, the ancient manner of, 1 r<> 
 
 The ordinances when the king is 
 
 prefent »2 f 
 
 Hurling H9 
 Huffandry ^ 54 
 
 JAMES Ift. his entry into Lon- 
 don 20 
 Jewels, worn in the ears by men 95 
 Innocents Day 1 77 
 
 K. 
 
 rrATHAR INE, her drefs 8 1 
 " King, his privilege in battle 4. 
 Orders when he is there, 2, 3. Of 
 England how crowned 22. Ed- 
 ward his book of hawking 123. 
 His corpfe how treated 158 
 Kittles I 80 
 
 Knight, his tenure 15. His fee, ib. 
 
 His burial 163, 164, 168 
 
 Knit Caps, Wben worn 83 
 
 L. 
 
 J JBOURERS 16 
 Laces, ancient fpecimen of 96 
 Ladies, their extravagance 72 
 Lanthorn, by whom invented 70 
 Large Hoops 105 
 Lawn, firft brought into England 88 
 Laws, in the Norman tongue 13, 40. 
 
 For mooting >47 
 Lilbourn John, portrait of iol 
 Livery, for noblemen at funerals 164 
 London, ordinances there 50. Lyck- 
 penny, afong, 59. Separate from 
 Weftminfter 63. Ill fupplicd with 
 water 7 2 
 
 Loom, for weaving filk 87 
 Lord, how buried 167 
 Lord Mayor s Show, 21. Better by 
 water than by land, ibid. 
 Lovers, their gifts 154 
 Lofs of members 44 
 Ludii> what they are 142 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 M. 
 
 71/TANDEVILLE 95 
 
 Manufcripts, account of 189 
 Marriage Proceffion 154 
 Marquis, how maintained in battle 5 
 Marjhals, their office 8 
 Martial Exercifes, ufed by princes 12 
 Mafhs, worn by ladies 105 
 Mafque, described 143 
 May, lord of 150. Day 177 
 Maying, of Hen 8. defcribed 150 
 Mede, how made 73 
 Men, paint their faces 103 
 Midfummer Night, tricks then play 'd 
 179 
 
 Millers, their punifhment 48. Ad - 
 vice to 49. Complaints againff aS 
 Military Men, account of 10. Te- 
 nants obliged to ferve the king 13. 
 who they are 14. Reliefs by them 
 paid, ibid. Fees their various 
 forts, ibid, 
 Militrs, whence fo called • 13 
 Minever Caps, defcrib'd 9,2 
 Minftrels, account of 118 
 Mir r curs, of lleel 68 
 Alyjleries, fpecimens of 131. Greatly 
 reftored to 139 
 Money, ancient value of 18 
 Monks, their deceit 173, Their ig- 
 norance, ib. 
 Montlis-mind, explain'd 169 
 Monuments, the merit cf 182 
 Mourning, colours of 1 70 
 
 Mufket, form of 9. Manner' of fir- 
 ing 10. Staff its ufe, ib. 
 Mi:fketteer, when ernploy'd 9. His 
 arms 11 
 Mafic, at banquets 107. Various 
 inftruments of 1 16, 117, At wed- 
 dings 155 
 
 [Vol. III.] 
 
 170 
 
 pAINTING, the face 103. Re- 
 y cipes for, ib. In oil when done 
 185 
 
 Pageant, a grand one defcribed 1 29 
 Palm Sunday 1 74 
 
 Pantheon, of Penkethman 1.15 
 Paris Matthew, his defigns 183 
 Pafchall, what it is 175 
 Pedlars, laws concerning, 49, 51. 
 
 Their extenfive trade 51 
 Penance, various kinds 46, 47 
 
 Perfuming, of rooms 71 
 Perkin Werbeck 4.5 
 Petticoat Breeches 101, 102. Fring'd 
 with gold 104 
 Petition, of foreign merchants 50. 
 
 Againft pedlars ib. 
 Ptwke, a mourning cloth 
 Pikcmcn, their arms 
 Pilgrimages, the abufe of 173 
 Pirates, their pun ifh men t 49 
 Plates, account of 19 r 
 
 Plavs, ofChefter, 96. Before king 
 Hen. 8th i 43 
 Pleadings, bv whom managed 13 
 Pockets, perfumed 89 
 Portraits, engraved by theFrcnch 187 
 Poultry, prices of 113 
 Prejudices, of the common people 58 
 Prentices-, refrain'd from gaming 148 
 Pri'ft, for adultery puniihed 49 
 Prize fighting \ 149 
 Price:, at the playhoufe 141. Grant- 
 ed to bakers 56, 58. At buiials 
 104, IC9 
 
 Frivilegr:, aliov/'d to ft-rangers 50 
 Ptoceffian, of a king 20 
 Proclamation, againft fquare - toed 
 fhoes 84. Concerning the Chefter 
 plavs 132 
 Provifion, prices of 113-14-15-10 
 
 J\TAKRD Brcajts, 102. Figures 
 
 1 * 185 
 
 Navy, its ufe 52 
 Neiv River, brought to London 72 
 
 Nobility, their power 14 
 
 Norman Cufloms, introduced 13 
 
 Nuns, their lightnefs ' 173 
 
 o. 
 
 r\ATH, atDunmow 155. At the 
 
 ^ coronation of a king. 26 
 
 Obits, what they are 169 
 
 Offering, the manner of 162 
 
 Order, the effects ,of 5,6. For the 
 
 proceffion of a king 20 
 
 Outlines, their merit 18 1 
 
 (jS'UEEN, cerem<-nies when fhe 
 °\ 'takes her chamber 157. EIiz. 
 her habits 86. Her portrait de- 
 fcrib'd' 84 
 R. 
 
 pJCIC, defcrib'd a6 • 
 
 "* V Relief^ when paid 14 
 Richard ft' right, claims the bacon 1 56 
 Robes, lor the order of St. George 78. 
 
 For the Toifon d s or 79. For St. 
 
 Michael, ib. 
 Rofes, for fhoes 9 r 
 
 Rofemary, at weddings 155 
 Rubens \ #5 • 
 
 Rudjlone Sir John, his funeral 169 
 Ruffs, 
 
[Vol. im) 
 
 Ruffs, called cobweb 88. Their 
 price, ib. Their enormous fize ib. 
 
 ■Jlu/lic, w.ho he was 17 
 6 RyJhes } ftrew'd in houfes 72 
 
 . > OAncluaries, the privileges of 45. 
 Two famous ones, ib. Charter 
 concerning, ib. Abufe of them, 
 ib. Not to ,prote& rebels, ib. 
 Quite abolifhed 46 
 Saviard, whatsit is 104 
 Scarfs, the prices of 91 
 Seats, made in the parliament- hoirfe, 
 and why 85 
 .Serjeants at Law, their habits 76 
 Servants, two forts of them " 17 
 .Shifts, embroider'd 77 
 •.Ship, inventory of - 53 
 
 Shipping 52 
 .Shirts, border'd with lace 77 
 iShoes, with fquare toes 84. With 
 picked points, ib. With high 
 heels 99 
 ^Shooting, at the butts 147. With 
 long bows ib. 
 Short Petticoats 1 05 
 
 throve Thurfday 174 
 ,£ilk, and Velvet, worn by the clergy, 
 77. Stockings firft made 87,100. 
 .Stuffs, 89. Buttons firft worn 91. 
 Gowns 97 
 ^Slippers, worn by ladies 99 
 • S mo a king I4-I 
 Sccmen, why fo called 16 
 Spirits, belief of 180 
 Sports 1 1 9 — 145 
 
 I N D E X. 
 
 Spots and Patches, condemned 102 
 Siage, nature of 140. Improv'd, ibid. 
 Starch, not to be made of wheat 55. 
 
 made yellow 88 
 Starching, by whom .invented 88. 
 
 the price of to learn ib. 
 'Steam Engines, fet up 72 
 Stephen Samvilk claims the bacon 156 
 Sfackings, embroidered .100. Garter 
 
 ibelow the knee 102. Two yards 
 . .wide ib. 
 Striking, in court, law for 43. In 
 
 church-yards, how pu milled 44 
 Styrrup Hofe 102 
 .Supper l 1 2 
 
 Survey, of England made 13 
 Symnel, bread To called 58 
 
 T. 
 
 CTAll Man, meaning of 1 2 
 
 Taxes, paid in money 54 
 
 Tenice 1 48 
 
 Tents, defcrib'd 19 
 Thane, what he is 14. His relief, ib. 
 
 Theatre 1 3° 
 
 Thieves, burnt in the hand 44 
 •Thomas le Fuller, claims the bacon 156 
 
 Shakefrafi, ditto ib. 
 
 Thornhill, his works 185 
 
 ■Tilting habit 1 1 
 
 Torture, when ufed 40— 46 
 
 T lilet, how fet out 89 
 
 Trades, deceit of them 48 
 
 Trailing Curtails 83 
 
 Trinkets, of the women 90 
 
 Tuffed Taffaties 8.9 
 
 jyAientine's Day 1 7 $ 
 
 * Vandyke 99 
 
 Velvet Gowns 98 
 
 Villain, what he is 1 7 
 
 ■Virtue and Vice, poitray'd 102 
 
 Vivares, his merit 1 87 
 Viva/or, what he is 14. His relief, ib. 
 /W, to whom confined 17, 18 
 
 W. 
 
 JjrAiftcoats, wrought 91 
 
 ry Wakes 178 
 
 War, deftru&ive to the arts 182 
 
 Wards, who were fo 14 
 
 Wajhes and Perfumes 89 
 
 Wafltll, a fort of bread 57 
 
 IVhichnovre, cuftom there 157 
 
 Whitfun Plays 1 36 
 
 Sunday 1 76 
 
 Wind/or Caftle, picture there 19 
 
 #?r* . 97 
 
 Wolfey Cardinal, his pride 77 
 
 Womens Trinkets 90 
 Women, drefs hair, 104, 1 05. Did 
 
 not anciently act in plays 141 
 
 Wood, the cutting of 186 
 
 Woolet, his merit 187 
 
 /^or/f, on Sundays allow'd 58 
 
 Worfled Stockings, firft made 87 
 
 WrejUing 149 
 
 Wrought velvets 89 
 
 y^Pocrafs, the price of 73. --How.it 
 ** was made 74 
 
IV 
 
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