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THE 
 
 
 EDINBURGH REVIEW, 
 
 OR 
 
 CRITICAL JOURNAL:^ 
 
 (N- CLIV.) 
 
 JANUARY, 1843. 
 
 TO BE CONTINUED QUARTERLY. 
 
 -.JUDEX DAMNATUR CUM NOCKKS ABSOLVITUR. 
 
 PUBLIUS 8YRUS, , 
 
 EDINBURGH: 
 
 PHINTEE BY BALLANTYNE & MUGHK?, 
 
 0 
 
 K)K UONOMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS, LONDON; 
 
 ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK, EDINBURGH. ^ 
 
 {Price Six Shilliriijs^ 
 
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January 16, 1843. 
 
 ^Uliertt^emeritg 
 
 CONNECTED WITH 
 
 LITERATURE, THE FINE ARTS, ^c. 
 
 NEW WORKS I 
 
 Just ready for publication by Messrs. Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. \ 
 
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 THE LAST YEAE IN CHINA TO THE PEACE OP NANKING. | 
 
 By a Field-Officer, actively employed in that Country. 
 
 In a series of Letters to his Friends. 
 
 NOTES AND REELECTIONS DURING A RAMBLE IN THE EAST: 
 
 AN OVERLAND JOURNEY TO INDIA, VISIT TO ATHENS, &c. 
 
 By C. R. Baynes, Esq. of the Madras Civil Service. 
 
 ARTICLES CONTRIBUTED TO THE EDINBURGH REVIFAV. 
 
 By the Right. Hon. T. B. Macaulay. 
 
 3 vols. 8vo. 
 
 A TREATISE ON FOOD AND DIET, 
 
 And the Dietetical Regimen suited for a Disordered State of the Digestive and other Organs : with 
 Formulas of Dietaries for Prisons, Union Workhouses, and other Public Institutions. 
 
 By J. Pereira, M.D. F. R.S. Author of “ Elements of Materia Medica.” 
 
 REPOET OF THE GEOLOGY OF LONDONDERRY AND OF PARTS OF 
 
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 Examined and described under the Authority of the Master-General and Board of Ordnance, 
 By J. E. PORTLOCK, F.R.S. F.G.S. M.R.I.A. M.R.D.S. &c. 
 
 Vice-President of the Geological and Zoological Societies of Dublin, Belfast, and Londonderry ; 
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 REPORT OF THE SOUTH SHIELDS COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO 
 
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 in the Mines ; Plans and Sections ; Scientific Education of Officers of Mines ; Government 
 Inspection ; and Medical Treatment after Explosion, 
 
 With Plans and Appendix. 
 
 EVA ST. CLAIR; AND OTHER TALES. 
 
 By G. P. R. James, Esq. 
 
 A DIAMOND LATIN-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 
 
 By the Rev. J. E. Riddle, M.A. Author of “The Complete Latin Dictionary.” 
 
 The work is intended as a Manual of Reference for the general reader, for the use of medical 
 and other students, for ladies who may wish for a key to Latin words met with in readim and 
 I from Its convenient and portable size, it will form a useful companion in travelling ° 
 
 Edinburgh Rev. N” 154. — Jan. 1843.] 
 
 B 
 
2 ADVERTISEMENTS connected with LITERATURE, FINE ARTS, &c. 
 
 MR. COLBURN HAS JUST PUBLISHED 
 
 THE FOLLOWING 
 
 MEMOIRS OE THE QUEENS OE ERANCE. 
 
 By Mis. FORBES BUSH. 
 
 2 vols. small 8vo. with Portraits, 21s. half-bound. 
 
 “ This charming’ work comprises a separate Memoir of every Queen of France, from the earliest 
 of her annals to the fall of Napoleon. It cannot fail of being a desirable acquisition to every 
 historical library in the kingdom.” — Sun. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF THE 
 
 LITERARY LADIES OF ENGLAND. 
 
 Bj Mrs. ELWOOD. 
 
 2 vols. small 8vo. with Portraits, 21s. bound. 
 
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 the commencement of the last century down to the present. Each biography is marked by good 
 taste and excellent judgment.” — John Bull. 
 
 III. 
 
 DIARY & LETTERS OE MADAME D’ARBLAY, 
 
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 FREDERICK THE GREAT, HIS COURT & TIMES. 
 
 Edited by THOMAS CAMPBELL, Esq. 
 
 The Third and Fourth Volumes, completing the Work. 
 
 NARRATIVE OE THE EXPEDITION TO CHINA, 
 
 From the Commencement of the War to the Present Period : 
 
 With Sketches of the Manners and Customs of that singular and almost unknown Country. 
 
 By Commander J. ELLIOTT BINGHAM, R.N. 
 
 Late 1st Lieutenant of H. M. S. Modeste. 
 
 2 vols. small 8vo. with Illustrations, 21s. bound. 
 
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 RUSSIA AND THE RUSSIANS IN 1842. 
 
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 By the Author of “The Chase, the Turf, and the Road.” 
 
 In 2 vols. small 8vo. 21s. bound. 
 
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ADVERTISEMENTS connected with LITERATURE, FINE, ARTS, &c. 3 
 
 MR. COLBURN’S NEW PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 THE FOLLOWING ARE JUST READY:— 
 
 THE HISTORY OF WOMAN IN ENGLAND, 
 
 AND HER INFLUENCE ON SOCIETY & LITERATURE 
 
 By Miss LAWRANCE, 
 
 Author of “ Historical Memoirs of the Queens of England from the 12th to the 16th 
 Century.” In small 8vo. 
 
 “ Although the study of English history has of late beeome so popular, the progress of 
 female society in England has never received the attention which its importance demands. 
 
 “ Little has been told us of women in Saxon times ; and yet, even then, there were 
 illustrious queens, and female scholars, whose exertions for the diffusion of knowledge de- 
 mand the gratitude of their descendants — and scarcely more is known of female society 
 during the Norman period, and yet it was at the bidding of the lady that the poet-fathers 
 of England first sung. Even during the age of chivalry, many a lady, illustrious for her 
 talents, and interesting- from her romantic history, has no record, save in the seldom- 
 opened pages of the monkish chronicler. Descending to more recent times, we find the 
 history of woman in England linked with the Reformation and each great event. ! 
 
 “ To trace the progress of woman in England through these various phases of her his- i 
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 the manners-painting troiivere, the letter and the diary, have all been laid under contri- 
 bution to throw light upon a subject as curious and interesting as it is important.” 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, i 
 
 From the Convention- Parliament of 1688-9, to the passing of the Reform Bill in 1832^ j 
 By W. CHARLES TOWNSEND, Esq., M.A., Recorder of Maeclesfield. In 8vo. | 
 
 This work is intended to give a popular history of the Commons’ House of Parlia- 
 ment, and will comprehend the lives of the Speakers, of the Lawyers, Orators, and 
 Statesmen, who have been most distinguished in its annals ; a review of the Privileges 
 once enjoyed by Members, and their hard-won right to personal and deliberative free- 
 dom ; a record of the vindictive powers exereised by the House over their own body and 
 strangers ; a narrative of the internal economy of St. Stephen’s Chapel ; the changes in | 
 the habits, manners, and character of the constituency — in the decorum and method of 
 proceedings — in the tone and temper of discussion, and in the progress of intelligence 
 and refinement. It is proposed to unlock the store of light reading, the fund of interest 
 and amusement, whieli has been concealed from the general gaze in the voluminous Jour- 
 nals, State Trials, Parliamentary Debates, Preeedents of Hatsell, and contemporary me- 
 moirs and pamphlets.” 
 
 HISTORY OF OUR OAVN TIMES. 
 
 By the Author of “ The Court and Times of Frederick the Great.” 
 
 “ It maybe affirmed, without fear of contradiction, that if we were to search through 
 the whole range of history, we should not find in any period of equal duration so many 
 astounding events as have crowded together in the compass of the last half century, to 
 which the denomination of Our Times is here applied. The history of Our Own Time's will 
 of course exhibit all the extraordinary scenes of the French Revolution ; the emaneipa- 
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 dom ; the diring but unfortunate insurrection of the Poles; the transfer of the crown 
 of France to a new branch of the house of Bourbon ; the foundation of the kingdom of 
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 more recent features in this great moving drama. It is scarcely necessary to add, that 
 the means by which the power and prosperity of the British empire have meanwhile been 
 gradually extended and consolidated, will elairn the particular attention of the historian. 
 
 In short, it will be his aim to furnish, in a popular form, a faithful and impartial record 
 of every event of public importance which has taken place during the last fifty years. On 
 the utility of such a history it were superfluous to insist.” 
 
4 ADVERTISEMENTS connected with LITERATURE, FINE ARTS, &c. 
 
 MR. COLBURN’S NEW PUBLICATIONS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE LANDED GENTRY: 
 
 A GENEALOGICAL 
 COMMONERS OF 
 
 AND HERALDIC ACCOUNT OF THE 
 GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND ; 
 
 Comprising Details of all the Eminent Families in the United Kingdom, and upwards of 
 One Hundred Thousand Individuals connected with them. 
 
 Mr. COLBURN begs to announce that he has nearly ready for publication the New 
 Edition of this important Work, with considerable Additions and Improvements by JOHN 
 BURKE, Esq., Author of “ The Peerage and Baronetage,” and JOHN BERNARD 
 BURKE, Esq., of the Middle Temple, Barrister-at-Law. This Edition will accord pre- 
 cisely in arrangement with Mr. Burke’s “ Dictionary of the Peerage and Baronetage,” 
 and will be comprised in a single volume. 
 
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 those families who have not yet communicated the information requested by the Editors, 
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 THE POOR LAW SYSTEM. 
 
 Now ready, with Illustrations by a distinguished Artist, No. 1, Price ONE SHILLING, 
 (to be completed in Twelve Monthly Parts,) 
 
 JESSIE PHILLIPS; 
 
 A TALE OF THE NEW POOR LAW. 
 
 BY MRS. TROLLOPE, 
 
 AUTHORESS OF MICHAEL ARMSTRONG, THE FACTORY BOY,” &c. 
 
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 hardships which are inflicted on the poor by the attempts to enforce them, is strong, and she con- 
 scientiously believes well founded. She is also deeply impressed with the general impolicy and 
 evil tendency of that system of administrative centralization, which seems of late to have been 
 creeping into the practice of our Government. Above all, the author is anxious to declare her 
 detestation of the newly broached doctrine that the poor have no right to a sufficiency of necessary 
 food to sustain the life which God has given them; and she hopes and believes that there are still 
 abundantly enough English hearts to join with her in scouting this doctrine as unchristian^ 
 
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 Adam Brown, the Merchant. By 
 Horace Smith, Esq., Author of 
 “ Brambletye House,” “The Moneyed 
 Man,” &c. 3 vols. 
 
 II. 
 
 The Tuft-Hunter. By Lord William 
 Lennox. 3 vols. 
 
 III. 
 
 College Life. By J. Hewlet, M.A., 
 Late of Worcester Coltege, Oxford. 
 Author of “ Peter Priggins,” “ The 
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 Phineas Quiddy. By John Poole, Esq., 
 Author of “Paul Pry,” “Little PeY 
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 edited by the Author of “The Subal- 
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ADVERTISEMENTS connected with LITERATURE, FINE ARTS, &c. 5 
 
 NEW COMMENTED EDITION 
 
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 AUTHORIZED VERSION OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 
 
 DEDICATED TO 
 
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 HERMENEUTIC & EXEGETICAL COMMENTARY & REVISED VERSION. 
 
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 the religious wants of the community. 
 
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6 ADVERTISEMENTS cOxVNEcted with LITERATURE, FINE ARTS, &c. 
 
 HEBREW. 
 
 In a few days will he published, 
 
 8vo. cloth, pp. 264, 
 
 P SALMS OF DAVID (first 12) 
 
 in HEBREW, with an improved 
 Latin Translation and Pronunciation, ac- 
 cording to the Vowel Points ; with an ex- 
 tensive Praxis, more copious and explana- 
 tory than Bythner’s, or any yet published ; 
 to which is appended, a Hebrew Grammar. 
 By the Rev. W. Batllie, LL.D. 
 
 Dublin : S. J. Machen ; and all Booksellers. 
 
 E xamples in arithme- 
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 The Second Edition of the 1st and 2d 
 Parts of this Work will be published on 
 the 21st of January, 1843. 
 
 London : Hamilton, Adams, and Co. 
 Huddersfield : T. G. Lancashire. 
 
 PIOLLAND’S BRITISH PSALMISTS. 
 
 Just published. 
 
 In 2 vols. 8vo., price ^1. Is. 
 
 ECORDS, BIOGRAPHICAL 
 
 and LITERARY, of upvv'ards of One 
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 work, has been to do something like jus- 
 tice to a subject which must be interesting 
 I to the English reader in a three-fold 
 ! degree — namely, as belonging to Biblical 
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 THIRD EDITION, IMPROVED. 
 
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 ARIAMNE, the last of the 
 
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ADVERTISEMENTS connected with LITERATURE, FINE ARTS, &c. 7 
 
 St. Paul’s Church Yard, and 
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 1 . 
 
 T houghts on the study of the holy gospels; intended as an In- 
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 late Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. In small 8vo. price 8s. 
 
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 The HOLY WEEK. 
 
 2. The PROPHET of the NINETEENTH CENTURY; or, the Rise, 
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 This work, like the “ Practical Introduction to Greek Prose Composition,” by 
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 Transactions and Naval Campaign of Great Britain in 1797 — Campaign of 1797 — Fall of 
 Venice — Internal Government of France from the Establishment of the Directory to the 
 Revolution of the 18th Fructidor — Expedition to Egypt — The Peace of Campo Formio 
 — Renewal of the War — Civil History of France from the Revolution of the 18th Fructidor 
 to the Seizure of Supreme Power by Napoleon. 
 
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 Part II. — The Accession of Napoleon to the Opening of the Campaign of Marengo — 
 Marengo — From its Opening to the Armistice of Alexandria — Campaign of Hohen- 
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 Napoleon — Napoleon’s Assumption of the Imperial Throne. 
 
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j 46 ADVERITSEMENTS conxectep with LITERATURE, FINE ARTS, &c. 
 
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ADVERTISEMENTS connected with LITERATURE, FINE ARTS, &c. 47 
 
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 Societies rf Painters in Water Colours. 
 
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 The following view of the progressive extension of the Society’s operations will show 
 the success which has hitherto attended this plan. 
 
 Year 
 
 ending 
 
 March 
 
 Amount 
 
 Subscribed. 
 
 Number 
 of Works 
 of Art 1 
 Purchased! 
 
 Amount 
 expended 
 in I’rizes. 
 
 Amount set 
 apart for 
 Engravings, &c. 
 
 Subject, &c. of Engraving. 
 
 
 s. 
 
 
 £ . 
 
 £. .. d. 
 
 
 1837 
 
 489 f) 
 
 13 
 
 390 
 
 
 
 1838 
 
 757 1 
 
 15 1 
 
 420 
 
 1 
 
 150 0 b 
 
 “ .1 Camaldot esc Monk shnieing the 
 Iteh'cs of his Consent.'’' En- 
 graved in Mezzot. by W. Giller, 
 from a picture by W. Simson. 
 
 1839 
 
 1,295 14 
 
 22 
 
 700 
 
 292 15 5 
 
 “ yl River Scene in Devonshire.^' 
 Engraved in Mezzotint by F. D. 
 Lucas, from a picture by R. 
 Lee, R.A. 
 
 1840 
 
 2,244 18 
 
 42 
 
 1,400 
 
 576 15 5 
 
 The Ti red Huntsman . ' ' En graved 
 in Line by H. C. Sbenton, from 
 a picture by C. Landseer, A. R.A. 
 
 1841 
 
 5,562 18 
 
 133 
 
 3,650 
 
 1,325 12 5 
 
 “ The Saint's Day." Engraved in 
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 “ Una entering the Cottage." Now 
 Engraving in Line, by W. H. 
 Watt, from a picture by the 
 late W. Hilton, R.A. 
 
 1842 
 
 12,905 11 
 
 301 
 
 9,300 
 
 2,333 1 2 
 
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 THE CONVALESCENT."' 
 
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 BOLLANDUS ACTA SANCTORUM, quotquot toto orbe coluntur collegit, digessit, notis, 
 illustravit lohn. Bollandits. Operum et studium contulit Henschenius, Papebrochius, abiique 
 Societatis Jesus Patres. 53 vols. folio, vellum, ^ 80 Antwerp, &c. 1643, &c. 
 
 This set contains the three volumes which ought always to accompany the work, but which is 
 sometimes found deficient, namely, Propilaeum ad acta Sanctorum Maii, Martyrologium 
 Usn.ardi, and Acta Sanctorum Bollandiana Apologeticis libris vindicata. It is therefore com- 
 plete down to the 9th day of October — the work being arranged according to the months and 
 days of the year— so that under each day all the saints would be found that are included in the 
 Roman Calendar. There are only tw o more volumes published, which brings the w'ork down 
 to the 14th day of October. 
 
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 17th century, who collected a great quantity of materials for it, and traced out his plan ; but 
 being arrested by the hand of death in 1629, it was reserved for John Bolland to have the 
 honour ot carrying it on, and thus preserving the acts of martyrs and saints in a general 
 history of the church for sixteen centuries. Boilandus soon found it a work of so gigantic a 
 nature, that it was impossible he could execute it alone, and therefore he associated several 
 others with him in the work, men of immense learning and indefatigable research: such men 
 were Fathers Geofirey Henschen and Daniel Papebroche. The latter, particularly, assisted 
 the Bollandists for fifty years, and brought into contribution, not only his own great learning 
 and zeal, but an ample private fortune, which he did not spare. If we wish for a true history 
 of the middle ages, the annals of bishopricks and the origin of the monastic orders, and a true 
 and correct history of the Lives of the Popes, we must look into the Acta Sanctorum. But 
 more than this, for interest at the present Puseyite period, it throws most valuable light on 
 the early records of Christianity, and describes the practice and discipline of the Christian 
 church in its first ages. 
 
 TORNIELLI, ANNALES SACRI et ex Profanis pra'cipui ab Orbe condito ad eundem Christ^ 
 passione redemptum. Baron ii Annales Ecclesiastici a Christe nate cum contenuatione Reynaldi, 
 accedunt critica historico-chronologica Pagi apparatas notre Mansi et Indices. Large paper, 
 
 42 vols. folio, vellum, ^65 Romas et Lucae, v. y. 
 
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 Affairs during the first twelve centuries. From the papal archives he has drawn an immense 
 number of original documents, which have throwm a new light upon histoiy. Not only for the 
 history of the church, but also for all other histories, an abundant store of materials is still 
 concealed in this admirable work. Large paper copies are extremely rare. 
 
 LABBEI et COLETI SACRAxMENTA CONSILIA ad REGIAM, additiorum exacta ab initiis s^rs^ 
 Cbristianai ad annum 1727. Best edition, 23 vols. folio boards, ^34 Venet, 1728. 
 
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 SUBSCRIPTIONS. 
 
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 present) 25 0 
 
 The Archbp. of Dublin. . 200 0 
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 Tlie Earl Howe 25 0 
 
 Viscount Melbourne 25 0 
 
 Viscount Morpeth 10 0 
 
 Viscount Ebrington .... 5 0 
 
 The Bishop of Durham. . 10 10 
 The Bishop of Llandatf , . 10 0 
 
 The Bishop of Ripon 10 0 
 
 The Bishop of Salisbury .10 0 
 The Bishop of Norwich. . 50 0 
 
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 The Bishop of Barbadoes 5 0 
 
 Lord Delamere 20 0 
 
 Lord Portman 10 0 
 
 Lord Leigh 10 0 
 
 Lord Wenlock 150 0 
 
 Lord Stanley 25 0 
 
 Lord Jeffrey 10 0 
 
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 Rev. R. A. Arnold (for the 
 present) 10 0 
 
 F. Arthur, Fsq 1 1 
 
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 s. 
 
 J. Atkinson, Esq 5 0 
 
 Rev. C. Audrey, Worthing 5 0 
 J. F. Baird, Esq 3 3 
 
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 Rev. F. R. Barker, Oriel 
 
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 C. H. Barker, Esq, 1 0 
 
 Rev. W. Barlow 2 2 
 
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 G. Barlelot, Esq 5 0 
 
 G. W. Bateson, Esq. of 
 Trinity College, Camb. 1 1 
 
 S. S. Bateson, Esq. Trinity 
 
 College, Cambridge 1 1 
 
 Rev. W. Bateson, of St. 
 
 John’s College, Camb. . 1 1 
 
 Rev. W. H. Benn 5 0 
 
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 Hon. Captain Berkeley . . 2 0 
 
 J. Bickbeck, Esq 5 5 
 
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 W. Biggie, Esq. 10 0 
 
 Mr. W. Billington, Rugby 1 1 
 
 P. Birch, Esq 2 2 
 
 Rev. W. Birch 1 0 
 
 Rev. Roger Bird 1 0 
 
 Rev. H. Bishop, Tun- 
 bridge Wells 2 2 
 
 J. Blackburn, Esq. Pem- 
 broke College, Camb.. . 1 1 
 
 J.B. Blackett, Esq. Merton 
 
 College 2 2 
 
 Rev. F. C. Blackstone ..21 0 
 Rev. J. A. Blakesley, of 
 Trinity College, Camb. 5 5 
 
 T. D. Bland, Esq. Kippax 
 
 Park 10 0 
 
 S. Blandford, Esq 2 2 
 
 G. Blissot, Esq. Bal. Coll. 5 0 
 
 E. W. Blunt, Esq 5 0 
 
 H. Blunt, Esq 2 0 
 
 Miss Blunt 3 0 
 
 Th? Misses Boddington. . 5 0 
 
 Dr. Borland 5 0 
 
 W. Bovill, Esq. Clapham. 2 2 
 Mrs. Bowles, Abingdon. . 20 0 
 Rev. C. Bradley, Clapham 2 2 
 
 G. G. Bradley, Esq. of 
 University College .... 2 2 
 
 W. W. Bradley, Esq. of 
 
 Magdalen College 2 2 
 
 Edward Hrancker, Esq.. . 1 0 
 
 ' R. Brandt, Es(i 2 2 
 
 9 . 
 
 J. H. Brezzi, Esq 1 1 
 
 Rev. Dr. Bridges, Presi- 
 dent of Corpus Christi 
 College 5 5 
 
 B. Haywood Bright, Esq. 10 10 
 
 R. Bright, Esq 10 10 
 
 C. Bristed, Esq. Trinity 
 
 College, Cambridge 1 1 
 
 Mr. R. Bromwich, Rugby 3 3 
 
 Sir H. Browne, Bart 1 1 
 
 M.H.Buckland,Esq.C.C.C. 1 0 
 Samuel Bucknill, Esq. of 
 
 Rugby 10 0 
 
 Rev. H. J. Buck oil, Rugby 10 0 
 
 Rev. W. H. Bull i i 
 
 H. W. Bull, Esq 2 2 
 
 Rev. H. G, Bunsen, Oriel 
 
 College 25 0 
 
 Rev. A. Burn i 1 
 
 G. Burnham, Esq 5 0 
 
 The Rev. Dr. Butler, Dean 
 
 of Peterborough 10 10 
 
 C. Butlin, Esq. Rugby .. 5 0 
 
 Miss Butlin 5 0 
 
 Mrs. Byrne 1 0 
 
 Mrs. Caldecott 2 2 
 
 Rev. F. Calvert 5 0 
 
 Rev. J. Cartmell, Christ’s 
 College, Cambridge .... 5 0 
 
 J.Cartmell,Esq. Pembroke 
 College, Cambridge. ... 20 
 
 Rev. Dr. Cardwell, Princi- 
 pal of Alban Hall 10 0 
 
 Mrs. Chester, Leamington 1 0 
 
 J. Chippendale, Esq 5 5 
 
 Col. Cholmondeley 10 0 
 
 H. P. Clarke, Esq. 3 0 
 
 H. Clay, Esq 5 0 
 
 Rev. W. Cleaver 3 0 
 
 Hon. R. Clive, St. John’s 
 
 College, Cambridge .... 22 
 
 A. H. Clough, Esq. Oriel 
 
 College 10 10 
 
 C. B. Clough, Esq 1 1 
 
 Mr. Justice Coleridge 30 0 
 
 J. D. Coleridge, Esq. Baliol 
 College 2 2 
 
 T-T T 11 
 
 Rev. J. Day Colli s, W or- 
 
 cester College 5 0 
 
 T. Combe, Esq. Oxford . . 5 0 
 
 J. F. Congreve, Esq 5 0 
 
 Rev. Richard Congreve, 
 
 ¥/adham College 20 0 
 
 W. Congreve, Esq 1 1 
 
 1 
 
Arnold Memorial. — Subscriptions continued. 
 
 
 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 
 £. s. 
 
 
 £ 
 
 . s. 
 
 Rev. R. Coning'ton 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Dr. Greenhill, Oxford. . . . 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 F. J. Lace, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. W. D. Conybeare . . 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Mrs. W. A. Greenhill 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Capt. Lake, Weedon .... 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. W. Conybeare, Liver- 
 
 
 
 Miss Greenhill 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Rev. W. C. Lake, Baliol 
 
 
 
 pool 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Mrs. Greenwood 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 College 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 C. R. Conybeare, Esq. Ch. 
 
 
 
 D. F. Gregory, Esq. Trin. 
 
 
 
 Rev. Dr. Lamb, Dean of 
 
 
 
 Ch 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 Coll. Cambridge 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Bristol 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 H. Conybeare, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev. A. Grenfell, Rugby 25 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. T. B. Lancaster 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 J. C. Conybeare, Esq 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 Rev. J. H. Gurney, Lut- 
 
 
 
 J. Latham, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. H. Cooper, Trinity 
 
 
 
 terworth 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 J. H. Latham, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Colleg-e, Cambridge 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Mr, Baron Gurney 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. J. Lawford 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev. G. Cotterill, Colney . 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Sir Henry Halford, Bart. 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 Sir Francis Lawlev, Bart. 150 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. G- L. Cotton, Ruffby 25 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. Henry Hall, Ch. Ch. 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Hon. S. W. Lawley, Baliol 
 
 
 
 Rev. W. H. Cox, St. Mary 
 
 
 
 Joseph Hall, Esq 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 College 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 Hall 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Henry Hallam, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 William Lea, Esq. Brase- 
 
 
 
 W. Cox, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 J. W. Hallewell, Esq. Tri- 
 
 
 
 nose College 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev. Ur. Cramer, Princi- 
 
 
 
 nity Coll. Cambridge . . 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Thomas Leach, Esq. Lon - 
 
 
 
 pal ot New Inn Hall . . 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. W. K. Hamilton, Sa- 
 
 
 
 don 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev. H. Crawley 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 lisbury 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 G. Leapingwell,Esq. Cor- 
 
 
 
 Sir George Crewe, Bart.. . 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 Rev.Dr. Hampden, Oxford 10 10 
 
 pus Christi Coll. Camb. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Rev. S. Creyke 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 S. C. N. Hansard, Esq. 
 
 
 
 Rev. J. P. Lee, Birming- 
 
 
 
 John G. Crompton, Esq. . 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Univ. College 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 ham 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 George Crompton, Esq.. . 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 E. V. Harcourt, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. J. C. A. Leigh 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Mr. J.S.Crossley, Leicester 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 Dr. Harding 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 J. H. Lindow. Esq... . 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 F. Currie, Esq. Christ’s 
 
 
 
 Wyndham Harding, Esq. 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev, F, Lipscombe 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 College, Cambridge. . . . 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 Col. Hardy, Rugby 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 Archd. Lonsdale, Princi- 
 
 
 
 M. E. Currie, Esq 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 Archdeacon Hare 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 pal of King’s Coll. Lond. 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 — Curtis, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Mrs. Augustus Hare 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 W. Lonsdale, Oriel Coll. . 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 R. Curtis, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Geo. Harris, Esq. Rugby 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 F. Lushington, Esq. Trin. 
 
 
 
 J. T. Curtis, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. H.Harris,Magd. Coll. 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 College, Cambridge 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 W. Curtis, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hawkins, Pro- 
 
 
 
 Rev. J. R. Lyon 
 
 
 0 
 
 T. G. Curtler, Esq 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 vost of Oriel College . . 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 Edwai'd Lyon, Esq 
 
 0 
 
 10 
 
 Rev.Dr.Curtois, Rochester 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hawtrey, Eton. . 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 Miss IMacaulay 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Rev. J. Dandridge 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 J. Haylock, Esq. Rugby. . 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 C. McNiven, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. H. Dale, Bishop’s 
 
 
 
 Rev. H. Hearn 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 W. Macreadv, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 College, Bristol 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Rev. J. M. Heath, Trinity 
 
 
 
 Major Majendie 
 
 
 1 
 
 Professor Daubeney 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Coll. Cambridge 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Rev. J, E.'Male 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 James Davies, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Mrs. Hibbert 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 W. Malton, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 F. H. Dean, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 Rev, H, Highton, Rugby 25 
 
 0 
 
 Mrs. Maul 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 W. Dean, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. C. Hill 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 Miss Marriott 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 William tielafield, Esq. .. 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. H. Hill, Warwick . . 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 F. E. Marshall, Esq. Bra- 
 
 
 
 E.J.Delafield, Esq. Ch.Ch. 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev. T. Hill, Chesterfield 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 senose College 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 J. E. Dicey, Esq. Clay- 
 
 
 
 Rev. Edward Hill, Christ 
 
 
 
 E. R. Marshall, Esq. . . 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 brooke 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Church 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 J. G. Marshall, Esq 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 J. Dimmock, Esq 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 Henry Hobhouse, Esq. . . 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev. F. Martin, Trinity 
 
 
 
 H. H. Dixon, Esq. Trinity 
 
 
 
 E. Hodson, Esq. Rugby 
 
 
 
 College, Cambridge. . . . 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Coll., Cambridge 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 School 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 J, R. Massey, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 J. Dixon, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Mrs Hodson 
 
 30 
 
 0 
 
 J. V. Mather, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 J. C. Dixon, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 W. S. Hodson, Esq. Tri- 
 
 
 
 Rev. J. Mayor 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 P. Dixon, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 nity Coll. Cambridge.. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Rev. C. Mayor, Rugby . . 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 R. Dixon, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 W. C. Hodgson, Esq." 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Rev, D. Melville, Durham 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 Professor Donkin, Univ. 
 
 
 
 H. Holbech, Esq 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 Mrs. A, F. Meiivale .... 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 College 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 T. H. Holberton, Esq... 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. C, Merivale, Saint 
 
 
 
 W.'S. Dugdale, Esq 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 J. G. Holloway, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 John’s Cambridge 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 David Dundas, Esq. M.P. 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 Rev. W. Holme 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 J. H. Merivale, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Mrs. Durham, Rugby 
 
 1 
 
 
 Rev.MeyrickHolme, Bra- 
 
 
 
 Arthur Mills, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 T. D. Ellis, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 senose College 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Lieut. C. J, Mills 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 Miss Anne Ellis, Dublin. . 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Capt. Hornby 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Lieut. W. R. Mills 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. C. Elmhirst 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Lieut. P, Hornby 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. H. H. Milman, 
 
 
 
 Rev. John Emeris, Univ. 
 
 
 
 Rev. J. L. Hoskyns, Lug- 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Westminster 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 College 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 wardine 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. Dr. Moberly, Win- 
 
 
 
 H. Empson, Esq. Hailey- 
 
 
 
 J. S. Howson, Esq. Trin. 
 
 
 
 chester 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 bury 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 Coll. Cambridge 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 R. Moorsom, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 J. C. D. Engleheart, Esq. 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 Rev. J. Hull 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 J, R. Moorsom, Esq. Univ. 
 
 
 
 Mrs. Evelyn 
 
 30 
 
 0 
 
 W. W. Hull, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 Coll 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Mrs. Farrer 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 W. W. Hull, Esq. Ch. Ch. 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 John Mott, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 B. Fellowes, Esq. London 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 W. Hussey, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. J. Moultrie Rugby. . 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Mrs. Fenwick 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 W. Hutchins, Esq. Lond. 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 Archdeacon Musgrave .. 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Miss Fenwick 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 W. J. Hutchins, Esq. 
 
 
 
 Robert Mynors, Esq. Uni- 
 
 
 
 Hon. P. Fielding 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Worcester College 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 versity College 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 R. Findlay, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 C. Hutton, Esq 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 H. R. Nevill, Esq. Uni- 
 
 
 
 Mrs. Fletcher 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 R. Ingham, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 versity College 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 P. Freeman, Esq. Peter- 
 
 
 
 R. Inglebv, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 H. Newby, Esq. Worces- 
 
 
 
 house, Camb 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev. R. H. Ingram 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 ter College 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 G. J. Fox, Esq. Durham. . 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. W. Jacobson, Magd. 
 
 
 
 W. T. Newman, Esq. 
 
 
 
 W. Gatty, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Hall 
 
 10 10 
 
 Trinity Coll. Camb. . . 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev. W. Gay 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 C. R. Jacson, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 G. J. Newmarch, Esq. . . 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 W. Gay, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. W. James, Cobham 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 W. Nicholetts, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 F. Gell, Esq 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Rev. Dr. Jenkyns, Master 
 
 
 
 H. Nichols, Esq. Trinity 
 
 
 
 J. P. Gell, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 of Baliol College 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Coll, Cambridge 
 
 0 10 
 
 A German Admirer 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Rev. Dr. Jenkyns, Dur- 
 
 
 
 Dr. Norris, Rugby 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 F. W. Gibbs, Esq. Trinity 
 
 
 
 ham 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 Mrs. and Miss Norris 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Coll., Cambridge 
 
 0 10 
 
 G. Johnson, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 J. Pilkington Norris, Esq. 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Sir R. Glyn, Bart 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Mrs. Hugh Jones : 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 W. Foxley Norris, Esq.. . 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 G. C. Glyn, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. Hugh Jones 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 J, F. Ogle, Esq. Jesus 
 
 
 
 Mr. J. Goodman, Rugby. . 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Rev, B. Jowett, Baliol .. 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Coll. Cambridge 
 
 2 10 
 
 W. Gott, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. W. Joy, Pantley. . . . 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 Col. Olivier ; 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. W. Gover 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 Mr. C. Judd, Rugby 
 
 0 10 
 
 A. Orlebar, Esq 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 P. Grant, Esq 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 Mrs. Justice 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 E. L. Ornierod, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 A. R. Grant, Esq 
 
 0 
 
 10 
 
 W. Seton Kai’r, Esq 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 W. P. Ornierod, Esq 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 R. Gray and Co. (Dublin) 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 Rev. Dr. Kennedy, Shrews- 
 
 
 
 Rev. J. A. Ormerod, Esq, 
 
 
 
 Geo. Greenhill, Esq.Lond. 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 bury 
 
 2 
 
 2| 
 
 Brasenose College .... 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
Arnold Memorial — Subscriptions continued. 
 
 dS. s. 
 
 Rev. T. J, Ormerod 5 0 
 
 H. M. Ormerod, Esq 2 2 
 
 A.S. Ormerod, Esq. Exeter 
 
 Colleg-e 2 2 
 
 Mr. John Over, Rugby. . 1 0 
 
 Mr. R. Over, Rugby 2 0 
 
 Mr. Richard Over, jun. . 1 0 
 
 Roundel i Palmer, Esq. Lin- 
 coln’s Inn 5 0 
 
 T. Papillon, Esq 3 3 
 
 J. Parker, Esq. Oxford . . 10 0 
 Sir Thomas Pasley, Bart. 10 0 
 Rev. Dr. Peacock, Dean 
 
 of Ely 5 0 
 
 G. Peake, Esq. Worcester 
 
 College 2 2 
 
 J. Peake, Esq. Magdalene 
 Hall 3 3 
 
 Rev. J. W. Peile, Repton 5 0 
 -E. Leigh Pemberton, Esq. 3 0 
 
 R. Leiiib Pemberton, Esq. 1 0 
 
 C. Leigh Pemberton, Esq. 1 0 
 
 E. Penrice, Esq 1 1 
 
 Rev. John Penrose, Rugby 25 0 
 
 S. Percival, Esq 5 0 
 
 R. B. Phillipson, Esq. 
 
 Rugby 2 2 
 
 Rev. B. Philpot 1 0 
 
 W. J. Pickin, Esq 5 0 
 
 H. C. Pigou, Esq. Univ. 
 
 College 2 2 
 
 J. C. Platt, Esq 2 0 
 
 E. H. Plumtre, Esq. 
 
 University College 1 1 
 
 Rev. Dr. Plumtre, Master 
 of University College. . 5 0 
 
 John Portal, Esq 5 0 
 
 W. Portal, Esq. Lavistoke 20 0 
 Rev. Professor Powell, 
 
 Oriel College 1 1 
 
 B. Price, Esq. Rugby. ... 25 0 
 
 P.Q.R 1 1 
 
 G. P.Pownall, Esq. Trinity 
 College, Cambridge . . 3 0 
 
 D. Pugh, Esq 5 5 
 
 Rev. J. 11. Pugh 2 2 
 
 J. Purchas, Esq. Christ’s 
 
 College, Cambridge 1 1 
 
 Mrs. Radcliffe, Rugby... 2 2 
 
 Rev. J. Randal 2 2 
 
 J. Rawstorne, Esq 2 2 
 
 W. Rawstorne, Esq 5 5 
 
 W. E. Rawstorne, Esq., 
 
 Ch. Ch 10 0 
 
 Hon. A. 11. Spring Rice, 
 Trinity College, Camb. 1 1 
 
 Hon. W. C. Spring Rice, 
 Trinity College, Camb. 1 1 
 Rev. S. F. Rippingale 5 0 
 
 R. B. Roberts, Esq 1 1 
 
 Rev. J. C. Roberts 5 0 
 
 H. Crabb Robinson, Esq. 5 0 
 
 C. F. Roe, Esq 1 1 
 
 Mr. Baron Rolfe 10 10 
 
 Mrs. Rose 2 2 
 
 Rev. li. J. Rose 2 2 
 
 Major-General Ross 1 0 
 
 Mrs. E. Royds 3 0 
 
 E. Royds, Esq 1 0 
 
 F. C. Royds, Esq 1 0 
 
 Rev. K. H. Rudd, Oriel 
 
 College 1 1 
 
 T. 1). Ryder, Esq. Oriel 
 
 College 5 5 
 
 E. L. Ryder,Esq. Calcutta 10 0 
 
 Mr. John Sale 5 5 
 
 Mrs. M. Sandars 10 10 
 
 Rev. John Sandford, Dun- 
 
 church 2 2 
 
 J. Sayer, Esq 1 0 
 
 J. Scholefield, Es<i. M.P. . 5 0 
 
 Archdeacon Scott 1 1 
 
 J. S. Scott, Flsq 3 0 
 
 R(‘V. Professfu- Sedgwick, 
 Trinity College Camb. 3 3 
 
 Archdeacon Sliiriey .... 2 2 
 
 W. Shirley, Es<i 25 0 
 
 Rev. W. Short 2 0 
 
 J. F. Simpkinson, Flsq. .. 10 10 
 Rev. J. N. Sirnpkinsoii . . 10 10 
 
 G. D. Sismey, Esq 2 2 
 
 £. s. 
 
 Sir Grey Skip with, Bart. . 25 0 
 
 General Smith 1 0 
 
 Mr. Smith 2 0 
 
 — Smith, Esq 2 0 
 
 Rev. Solomon Smith, Ely. 5 5 
 
 Rev. W. Smyth 2 2 
 
 F. Snowdon, Esq 2 0 
 
 J. Snowdon, Esq. Bath . . 5 0 
 
 Rev. A. P. Stanley, Univ. 
 
 College 25 0 
 
 C. Stanton, Esq 5 0 
 
 Rev. J. Sterling 1 1 
 
 Rev. H. Steward 5 0 
 
 Rev. Dr. Stocker, Dray- 
 
 cott 1 0 
 
 Anthony M. Story, Esq. . 3 0 
 
 J. M. Strachan, Esq 5 0 
 
 F. Strickland, Esq. Tri- 
 nity Coll. Cambridge. . 2 2 
 
 C. Strikland, Esq. ditto. . 2 2 
 
 C. A. Swainson, Esq. 
 
 Christ’s Col'. Camb... 2 2 
 S- Sykes, Esq. Downing 
 
 College, Cambridge 2 2 
 
 Rev. Dr. Tait, Rugby 105 0 
 
 Rev. A. Tate, Emman. 
 
 College 3 0 
 
 Frank Tate, Esq. Univ. 
 
 College 1 1 
 
 Rev. A. R. Tawney 2 0 
 
 Samuel Taylor, Esq 5 0 
 
 C. Telford, Esq. Black- 
 
 heath 1 1 
 
 C. Telford, Esq. Ch. Ch. . 1 1 
 
 F. Temple, Esq. Balliol 
 
 College 1 1 
 
 R. Temple, Esq 3 3 
 
 — Terry, Esq 1 1 
 
 F. Terry, Esq 1 1 
 
 R. G. Thomas, Esq 3 3 
 
 Dr. Thompson, London. . 5 5 
 
 J. V. Thompson, Esq ... 10 0 
 Rev. W. Thompson, Tri- 
 nitv Coll. Cambridge. . . 3 3 
 C. E.‘ Thornhill, Esq. ... 10 
 
 A. R. Thornhill, Esq 1 0 
 
 J. Thornhill, Esq 1 0 
 
 Rev. F. V. Thornton, 
 
 Bisham 10 10 
 
 Archdeacon Thorp, Trin. 
 
 College, Cambridge. ... 5 5 
 
 Rev. K. Thorp, Leicester. 5 0 
 
 Rev. R. Thorp 5 0 
 
 Kev. A. Thurtell 1 0 
 
 E. A. Tickell, Esq. Balliol 
 
 College 5 0 
 
 Mrs. H. Tomkinson 2 0 
 
 W. Townsend, Flsq 2 2 
 
 A. Twining, Esq. London 3 3 
 
 Dr. Twining, London 2 2 
 
 Dr. Twiss, Univ. Coll. ... 5 5 
 
 Rev. J. E. Tyler, St. Giles’s 3 3 
 
 John Valrent, Esq 5 0 
 
 Rev. C. J. Vaughan, Lei- 
 cester. 10 10 
 
 Rev. E. F. Vaughan 5 5 
 
 H.H. Vaughan, Oriel Coll. 10 0 
 
 Mr. Vaux. 1 1 
 
 Arthur 1). Veasy, Esq. ... 20 
 
 H. Venables, Esq. Jesus 
 College, Cambridge. . . 2 0 
 
 Horatio \Vaddington, Esq. 20 0 
 Rev. Dr. Wa(ldington, 
 
 Dean of Durliam 20 0 
 
 Miss Waddington 5 0 
 
 J. E. Walker, Esq. Oriel 
 
 College 1 1 
 
 T’nomas Walker, Esq 3 3 
 
 T. Wa'ker, Esq 2 0 
 
 Kev. R. J. Walls 2 2 
 
 T. Walrond, Esq 20 0 
 
 Major G. Warbiirton .... 3 0 
 
 The late Rev. Dr. Ward, 
 
 Coltishall 10 0 
 
 Rev. W. G. MMrd, Balliol 
 
 College 5 0 
 
 G. H. Ward, Esq 10 0 
 
 J. Ward, Esq 5 0 
 
 JohnAshleyS.Warne,Esq. 10 0 
 Rev. E. Warter, Magda- 
 lene Coll. Cambridge. . 5 0; 
 
 £ s. 
 
 H.T.Whately,Esq.Ch.Ch 1 0 
 
 Rev. H. White 1 1 
 
 Rev. Dr. Williams, War- 
 den of New College 10 0 
 
 FI. Willoughby, Esq 10 0 
 
 W. Wingfield, Esq 10 10 
 
 Mrs. Winstanley 1 0 
 
 Tycho Wing, Esq. 2 2 
 
 E. Woodhouse, Esq 1 1 
 
 H. Woodrow, Esq. Trinity 
 
 College, Cambridge 3 0 
 
 Mrs. Woodward 1 0 
 
 Mr. Thomas Woollridge, 
 
 Rugby 1 0 
 
 W. Wordsworth, Esq. 
 
 Rydal Mount 3 0 
 
 F. S. Wortley, Esq 6 10 
 
 A. K. Wratislawq Christ 
 
 College, Cambridge . . 2 0 
 
 W. F. Wratislaw, Esq. . . 2 0 
 
 T. Wright, Esq. Trinity 
 
 College, Cambridge 5 0 
 
 Rev. Henry Wrightson . . 10 10 
 
 Hon. A. Wrottesley 10 10 
 
 Rev. W. Yeadon. .:.... 50 
 
 C. W. Young, Esq 1 0 
 
 Rev. Howell Lloyd 2 0 
 
 Rev. F. Maurice, Guy’s 
 Hospital 1 1 
 
 G. Shirley, Esq. M.P. ... 25 0 
 
 John Hughes, Esq 5 0 
 
 John Bury, Esq 2 2 
 
 E. G. Harcourt, Esq 5 0 
 
 Rev. T. Blencoue, Ban- 
 bury 1 10 
 
 W. Birch 5 0 
 
 L. Birch 1 0 
 
 Rev. J. A. Barnes, Geling, 
 
 Yorkshire 2 0 
 
 Hon. Charles Howard . . 3 0 
 
 Rev. H. Moore, Eccleshall 2 2 
 
 Sir J. P. Boileau, Bart. . . 5 0 
 
 Rev. T. L. Claughton. ... 5 0 
 
 W. Sills, Esq. Hirckley . . 5 0 
 
 Lady Munro. Eaton Place 10 0 
 Campbell Munro, Grena- 
 dier Guards 5 0 
 
 J. Hatton Turner, Esq.. . 1 1 
 
 J. E. Woodhouse, Esq. .. 10 
 
 T. Clilford, Esq 1 0 
 
 J. Munde, Esq. 2 2 
 
 R. Oglander, Esq 10 0 
 
 John Bate Cardale, Esq. . 2 2 
 
 Rev. J F.Ogle 5 0 
 
 W. Ogle, Esq. Cath. Hall, 
 
 Cambridge 2 10 
 
 Rev. E. Boiston, Eton 
 
 College 5 0 
 
 J. F. Ellis, Esq 5 0 
 
 R. Banks, Esq 2 2 
 
 R. W. Banks, Esq 2 2 
 
 A. Robertson, Esq. M.D. 
 
 P.R.L 5 0 
 
 S. P. Lacy, Esq 1 1 
 
 A. Bradley, Esq 1 0 
 
 R. Torrens, Esq 1 0 
 
 T. Ainsworth, Esq 5 0 
 
 Rev. G. T. Otiey 1 1 
 
 James Stephen, Esq 2 2 
 
 Mr. W. Crooke 0 10 
 
 T. C. Lacy, Esq 1 1 
 
 G. Shirley, Esq 2 2 
 
 Rev. J. T. Parker 5 0 
 
 Miss Pilkington 1 0 
 
 Rev. A. C. Lawrence 3 3 
 
 H. Hallen, Esq 1 0 
 
 Sir W. B. Ffolkes, Bart. . 5 0 
 
 George Cornell, Esq 5 0 
 
 J. R. Lovett, Esq 5 0 
 
 G- H. Thompson, Esq. 
 
 Liverpool 5 0 
 
 Lady and Miss Chambers 4 4 
 
 C. H. Chambers, Esq 1 1 
 
 Thomas White, Esq 3 3 
 
 Rev. H. Pearson 1 0 
 
 I). W. Turner, Esq 1 1 
 
 R. L. Allgood, Esq I 1 
 
 W. Hill, Esq 1 0 
 
 II. AMung, Esq 3 0 
 
 W. Gregson, Esq 5 0 
 
SAVE YOUR WCOME TAX BY DOUDWEY AMD SOSA’S iVEW TARIFF 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS ADVERTISEMENTS. 56 
 
 H ARVEY’S FISFI SAUCE. ~E. LAZENBY and SON, having 
 
 numerous complaints from Families who are imposed upon by spurious imitations 
 ot their Harvey’s Ftsh Sauce, request purchasers to observe that each bottle of the 
 genuine article bears the name of “ William Lazenby” on the back, in addition to the 
 front lable used so many years, and signed “ Elizabeth Lazenby.” 
 
 E. LAZENBA" and SON’S ESSENCE of ANCHOVIES continues to be prepared 
 with that peculiar care which has ren 'ered it so justly admired as Sauce for Salmon, 
 Turbot, Cod, Soles, Eels, &c. ; and is manufactured only at their old-established Fish 
 Sauce Warehouse, 6, Edwards Street, Portman Square, London. 
 
 
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JOHN BULL NEWSPAPER. 
 
 EXTENSIVE AND PERMANENT ENLARGEMENT. 
 
 T O meet the multiplied and increasing demands of the time, this firmly 
 established and undeviating Advocate of the Constitution in Church and State, will, 
 at the commencement of the New Year, be extended from its present size of TWELVE, 
 to SIXIEEN PAGES. This large additional space will afford room for the variety of 
 matter now looked for by the Subscribers to a Weekly Journal, and will make the JOHN 
 BULL a complete FAMILY and DOMESTIC as well as POLITICAL NEWSPAPER. 
 
 This change will produce no alteration in the long known, distinctive, and approved 
 features of the Paper. Its Miscellaneous contents will be enlarged ; but all its leading 
 characteristics will be retained. It has been objected that JOHN BULL is rather a 
 Political Pamphlet than a Newspaper. The design of increasing its columns is to obviate 
 this objection. There will be an addition of General News ; in every other respect it will 
 remain the same — the same in its unflinching principles, its opposition to unnecessary in- 
 novation, its devotion to the Altar and the Throne — the same in its means of ascertaining 
 the feelings which prevail in the highest circles — the same in its opportunities of obtain- 
 ing the most accurate political information — in short, the same in all those qualities which 
 have won for it the most distinguished support from the hour it was commenced to the 
 present time — a period of nearly a quarter of a century. 
 
 These remaining the same, neither expense nor exertion will be spared to make the 
 Paper, in every respect, a faithful mirror of all passing events at home and abroad. In 
 its new form the JOHN BULL will be one of the very largest Conservative Papers in the 
 Kingdom ; and as its columns will contain ample room for every variety of intelligence. 
 Ecclesiastical, Political, Agricultural, Commercial, Literary, Theatrical, Artistic, and 
 Fashionable, arrangements have been completed to make each department full, accurate, 
 and perfect. 
 
 The first number of the Paper in its increased size appeared on Saturday last, January 7th, 
 1843. An early Edition will, as usual, be published in time for Saturday’s post ; and the 
 Monday’s Edition (containing the London and Provincial Corn and Cattle Markets, 
 Commercial and Agricultural Reports, &c. &c.), will continue to be published in the 
 afternoon of that day. 
 
 The price will continue as heretofore, 6d. — Orders received at the office, 40, Fleet- 
 street, London ; and the Paper may be procured by order through any Bookseller or 
 Newsvender. 
 
 
 I MPORTANT to AUTHORS, 
 PUBLISHERS, and ARTISTS.— 
 Edward Palmer’s Patent Glyphography, 
 or Engraved Drawing, by which books 
 may now be illustrated in a very superior 
 manner, securing to artists a faithful copy 
 of their designs to the minutest touch, and 
 at a very great saving of expense, the 
 drawings being transferred to surface print- 
 ing blocks, which are printed like wood- 
 cuts with the type. The most elaborate 
 drawings can by these means in a few days 
 be made ready for the press. A great va- 
 riety of specimens may be seen, and every 
 information afforded to authors, publishers, 
 and artists, on personal application to the 
 Patentee at 103, Newgate Street, London, 
 between nine and ten o’clock a.m. 
 
 N.B. A little work descriptive of the 
 process, and containing full directions for 
 artists, with illustrations, is in the press, 
 and will shortly be published, price Is. 6d. 
 by E. Palmer, 103, Newgate Street, 
 London. 
 
 T he attention of pub- 
 lishers of SCHOOL, CLASSI- 
 CAL, and GENERAL EDUCATIONAL 
 WORKS, is respectfully called to the 
 Academic and Collegiate General 
 Advertising Circular, as the most di- 
 rect medium for advertising all works con- 
 nected with Education and the Classics. 
 It is forwarded on the day of publication to 
 3500 of the best schools, ladies’ and gen- 
 tlemen’s, throughout the United Kingdom, 
 as well as to the colleges and grammar 
 school. 
 
 The Circular will be published on the 
 25th of January. Advertisements are re- 
 quested to be forwarded to the office of the 
 publisher, Fred. Lover, Aldine Chambers, 
 Paternoster Row, not later than the 20th 
 inst. 
 
 *,j<* Teachers in want of situations, or 
 principals of schools desirous of giving 
 publicity to, or disposing of, their estab- 
 lishments, will find this a most desirable 
 medium. 
 
CANDLE 
 
 LAMPS. 
 
 PALMER AND CO. MANUFACTURERS, LONDON. 
 
 N otwithstanding the various attempted improvements ill Lamps 
 lately introduced, Palmer and Co.’s Candle Lamps still maintain their high pre- 
 eminence in simplicity, convenience, and the saving of trouble. As, however, a great 
 number of imitations have gone abroad of an erroneous and indifferent manufacture, the 
 invention has, in some quarters, been subjected to undeserved blame. Palmer and Co. 
 are devoting themselves to the rendering the Candles and Lamps as perfect as possible ; 
 but they cannot be expected to be answerable for the burning of their Landless, unless 
 used in Lamps of their own manufacture. Palmer and Co.’s name is on the neck of 
 aU such Lamps. 
 
 Attention is requested to the Short Magnums, to hum 3-wick Candles (fig. A shows 
 one of them), for while they are not too expensive for common use as reading lamps, 
 they give light enough for any moderate-sized room. The sorts of Lamps are briefly 
 described as follows, all of which require no snuffing nor attendance. 
 
 IPateiit MagiMon Candle l^amiis. Fig. E shows one of these most per- 
 fect of all portable lights ; they burn candles with 4 wicks (or 3 wicks), and give the 
 light of the best Argand Lamp, without shadow, at a cost of little more than a penny an 
 hour ; one candle lasts 7g hours. Lamps, 40s. and upwards. 
 
 ^Saort Magnum, ©r Medium Caaadle l^amias, (fig. A) for the 3-wick 
 candles; they will last 7g hours, at a cost of 5d. Lamps, 32s. and upwards. 
 
 €^tieen’s Candle Stamps, for the smaller candle, six to the lb.; they have 
 shades similar to fig. A, but smaller, and give the light of two ordinary moulds. The 
 patterns are new and various. 12s. fid. and upwards. 
 
 i®OBlie Sliade Stamps, (shewm at D,) are the same in pattern as the Queen’s 
 Lamps; but from the form of the shade, and the chimney, they casta stronger light on 
 the table. They are equally defended from a current of air, and are consequently suited 
 for moving from place to place. Ifis. fid. and upwards. 
 
 Patent; Sieiis Stamps have also Dome Shades and fittings to receive lenses, 
 for throwing an intense light on small print, needle-work, &c. 24s. and upwards. 
 
 ©tiice Candle Stamps, Fig. B shows one of the new patterns. Price in 
 bronze or lacquer, 8s. fid. and upwards. In black japan, without shade, 2s. 8d. 
 
 House Candle Stamps, (Fig. C) are for carrying about the house ; they burn 
 a shorter candle, eight to the lb,, with 1 wdck, and last 7^ hours ; 2-wick candles are also 
 made for these Ijamps. The appearance of these Lamps is much in their favour, but they 
 are most desirable on account of their economy and cleanliness : the cost is lOd. for fiO 
 hours. Plain Lamp and Glass, 5s. fid. ; as fig. C, with extinguisher, 7s. fid. and upwards. 
 
 Candle Stamps, (much improved,) maybe set to extinguish themselves 
 at any time required. Cost lOd. for 84 hours. Lamps in bronze or lacquer, 11s. In 
 japan, 8s. fid. 
 
 Igilip E-amps, whirh preserve the perpendicular while the vessel rolls. 
 
 bracket Candle Ijamps & Claaiideliea-s, of various kinds, at 4s. 
 and upwards for one branch ; and at equally low prices for two or more branches. Draw- 
 ings and Prices may be seen at the Shops. 
 
 DIRECTIONS. 
 
 Warm the nozzle and top of the Lamp before the fire, and wipe them 
 till after it is inserted. Never put the Lamp into hot water, and 
 
 clean. Do not light the Candle 
 never take out the spring. 
 
 Price of the Candles in London, lOd.; Magnums, lid. ; a cheaper 3-wick Magnum, 
 lOd. ; Stearine, is. ; Composition Wax, Is. fid. 
 
 Sold at the Shops in all parts of the Country j and by Palmer & Co. Sutton Street, 
 
 Clerkenwell. ’ 
 
LA PH AM PARK ACADEMY.— In this highly salubrious, o]3en, de- 
 j lightful, and select locality, not surpassed by any in the environs of London, Mr. 
 Long has the advantage of premises recently erected for him, in the most excellent 
 manner, on his own plan, and consequently possessing accommodations of no ordinary 
 character, and conducive alike to good order, health, and cheerfulness. 
 
 In this establishment, a Liberal Education, conducted with equal care and efficiency, 
 in AI L its branches, is combined with an ever watchful moral influence and oversight, 
 careful religious culture, orderly arrangement, and maternal treatment; while the in- 
 tellect, the dispositions, and the habits of the pupils, are equally objects of unceasing 
 attention, guided by the results of a thoughtful experience of many years. 
 
 In confirmation of the above recommendations, Mr. Long is happy in the assurance of 
 the grateful and affectionate recollections of numerous pupils, and his reference will be 
 cheerfully responded to by any of the following gentlemen, and by others of high 
 respectability; — The Rev. Dr. Morison, Chelsea; Rev. Dr. Reel, Hackney; Rev. 
 
 Dr. Bennett, Islington ; Rev. Dr. Allcott, Nottingham ; Rev. H. Rogers, Spring 
 Hill College ; Rev. T. Smith, Classical Tutor, Rotheram College; Rev. G. Browne, 
 Secretary to the British and Foreign Bible Society; Rev. J. Cobbin Camberwell; Rev. 
 
 J. Arundel, London Mission House ; Rev. R. Moffat, ditto; Isaac Taylor, Esq., Stan- 
 ford Rivers ; Marshall Hall, M.D. F.R.S., Manchester Square, London; J. Moil y, 
 Esq., Hackney; R. Winter, Esq., Bedford Row, London; John Clapham, Esq., and 
 J. Wilkinson, Esq,, Leeds; James Bowden, Esq., Hull; and T. B. Winter, Esq., 
 Brighton. Mr. Long will be happy to furnish Terms, wdth further references, and a 
 fuller statement of the principles and conduct of his establishment. 
 
 P L A 1 L. — A. li. ttAVvJltl & ManufacUiring ISiiversmiths, 
 
 No. 14, Cornhill, London, op])osite the Bank of England. The best wi'ough' 
 Silver Spoons and Forks, Fiddle Pattern, 7«- 2d. per ounce; the King’s Pattern, /s. 4d 
 per ounce. The following are the 3veiglits recommended, but the articles may be hai' 
 lighter or heavier at the same price per ounce. 
 
 Fiddle Pattern. £ s. d. 
 
 12 Table Spoons lH'f at 7s. 2d. .10 15 0 
 
 12 Dessert ,Sj)oons 20 // 7 2 ... 7 3 4 
 
 12 1'ahle Forks 30 // 7 2... 10 l-> 0 
 
 12 Dessert Forks '20 // 7 2... 7 3 4 
 
 2 Gravy Spoons 10 // 7 2. .. 3 11 8 
 
 Fiddle Pattern. p, 
 
 1 Soup Ladle 10 at 7s. 2d.. 3 11 t 
 
 4 Sait Spoons (gilt strong) I 0 C 
 
 I Fisli Slice 2 !0 t 
 
 12 lea Spoons 10at7s.8<l.. 3 lo t 
 
 1 pair Sugar Tongs 0 i) ( 
 
 COTTAGE PATTERN TEA SERVICE. 
 
 I»^OTE. A variety of fifty different patterns are submitted for selection in the Sliow Rooms of 
 
 this EstHl)!isiin;eiit ; and a Price Current, stamped as a newspaper, iliuslrated by drawings, am! 
 containing every iidbrmation relative to the purchase of Silver or Siieliield Plate, may be .bad on 
 aoplication , or will be sent into the connlry, tree of postage, in answer to a paid letter. 
 
IJNITED 
 
 KINGDOM LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, 
 
 8, Waterloo Place, Pall Mali, London. 
 
 DIVISION OF PROFITS AMONG THE ASSURED. 
 
 Earl of Errol. 
 
 Earl of Courtown. 
 
 Earl of Leven and Melville. 
 
 HONORARY PRESIDENTS. 
 Earl of Norbury 
 Earl of Stair. 
 
 Earl of Somers. 
 
 DIRECTORS. 
 
 Lord Viscount Falkland. 
 Lord Eipbinstone. 
 
 Lord Belhaven and Stenton. 
 
 James Stuart, Esq. Chairman. 
 
 H. D. Castro, Esq. Deputy Chairman. 
 
 Samuel Anderson, Esq. 
 Hamilton Blair Avarne, Esq. 
 Edward Boyd, Esq. Resident. 
 
 E. Lennox Boyd, Esq. 
 
 Assistant Resident. 
 Charles Dovrnes, Esq. 
 Chas. Graham, Esq. 
 
 F. Charles Maitland, Esq. 
 John Ritchie, Esq. 
 AVilliam Railtcn, Esq. 
 
 F. H. Thomson, Esq. 
 
 Surgeon — F. Hale Thomson, Esq. 48, Berners Street. 
 
 Secretary — Patrick Macintyre, Esq. 
 
 This Joint-Stock Company, established by Act of Parliament, without limited responsibility, 
 affords the most perfect security in an ample paid-up Capital, and in the great success which has 
 attended it, since its commencement in 1834, and the large accumulation of premiums which 
 has taken place. 
 
 On the 1st of July, 1841, the Company, at their General Meeting, declared an addition of one- 
 half of the Sums paid by the Stockholders, and appropriated to those holding Assurances at the 
 participating rate ^62 per cent, per annum, from the dates of their policies, so that the addition 
 to a policy for .^AOOO, in force for the previous five years, has been .^lOO, making it in all 1,100. 
 1'he Premiums payable to the Company are nevertheless very moderate, and only one-half of 
 them, when an Insurance is for life, need be paid for the first five years after the date of the 
 policy ; the other half, subject to the payment of interest at 5 per cent, annually, to be deducted 
 at death, or paid oft' at convenience. By this arrangement, it becomes easy for a* person of mode- 
 rate income to secure a provision for his family ; and the Policy may be relinquished on the 
 acquisition of a fortune, within tlie five years, the Assured having paid only^ one-half of the 
 Premiums, instead of the whole, according to the usual practice. 
 
 Thus a person of 25 years old may, by an annual payment of .^28. 16s. 3d., for the first five years 
 and afterwards of the full premium 12s. 6d., secure to his widow and children at his death 
 payment of no less than ^£’3,000, subject only to the deduction of .=£T44. 13s. 6d., being the amount 
 of premium unpaid. A person requiring a temporary advance of money may also, in terms of 
 this arrangement, should he within five years relinquish the Policy of Assurance by means of which 
 he has obtained the advauice, give it up on payment merely of one-half of the Premiums instead 
 of the whole, according to the usage of most other Offices. 
 
 The great facilities afforded by the Company, in these and other respects, are such that it really 
 appears to be a moral duty in every parent who is not possessed of a fortune, but of an income, 
 however moderate, to insure his life for a sum which may yield a comfortable provision for the 
 family. 
 
 RATES OF PREMIUM. 
 
 25 Without Profits 
 
 18 
 
 5 With Profits 
 
 ^2 
 
 2 
 
 30 . . . . 2 
 
 3 
 
 10 .. 
 
 2 
 
 S 
 
 40 . . . . 2 
 
 19 
 
 1 .. 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 50 . . . . 4 
 
 6 
 
 0 .. 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 60 . . . . 6 
 
 15 
 
 3 .. 
 
 6 
 
 17 
 
 11 per cent. 
 2 * 
 
 4 . ! 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 *,(.* Evei'y information will be afforded on application to the Resident Directors, Edward 
 Boyd, Esq. and E. Lennox Boyd, Esq. No. 8, Waterloo Place, Pall Mail, London. 
 
 EDUCATION. — FORMATION OF 
 CHARACTER. 
 
 A GENTLEMAN, moving, with 
 
 his family, in superior society, who 
 has, in some degree, aided the recent 
 efforts to advance the cause of that Educa- 
 tion which embraces the Formation of 
 Character, along with real as well as verbal 
 Intellectual Instruction, is desirous of de- 
 voting his attention to its application to 
 Pupils at that early age which alone pro- 
 mises a successful result. He can, with 
 that view, receive and bring up, as mem- 
 bers of his family, not exceeding Four 
 Children, of either sex, and of the same or 
 different families, for whom enlightened 
 Parents or Guardians, appreciating Educa- 
 tion according to the advanced views of 
 the present day, may wish a careful and 
 Systematic Course of Training, Physical, 
 Moral, and Intellectual, wdiich may lead 
 to a right direction of their talents and dis- 
 
 positions through life. The young people 
 will receive careful and affectionate Female 
 Superintendence, and the strictest attention 
 to Health, Comfort, Morals, Manners, and 
 Habits. 
 
 The Messrs. Chambers, of Edinburgh, 
 have kindly undertaken to be the medium 
 of information and applications. 
 
 n O V E R N E S S E S AND 
 \j' TEACHERS.— Mons. DE POR- 
 QUET respeetfally informs the Nobility, 
 Gently, and Principals of Schools, that he 
 is prepared to supply English and Foreign 
 Governesses and Teachers, with excellent 
 References, and duly cpialitied for every 
 branch of Education. 
 
 School Property transferred. 
 
 Apply at 11, Tavistock Street, Covent 
 Garden, between 11 and 4. 
 
60 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS ADVERTISEMENTS. 
 
 ALLIAi^CE 
 
 BRITISH AND FOREIGN 
 
 LIFE AND FIRE ASSURANCE COMPANY, 
 
 I, Bartholomew Lane, London. 
 
 ESTABLISHED BY ACT OF ARLIAMENT. 
 
 CAPITAL— <£5,000,000 Sterling. 
 
 Presidents. 
 
 Samuel Gurney, Esq. 
 
 Sir Moses Moiitelio.e, F.R.S. 
 
 John Irving, Esq. M.P. 
 Directors. 
 
 James Alexander, Esq. 
 
 Sir Thomas F. Buxton, Bart. 
 Benjamin Cohen, Esq. 
 
 William Crawford, Esq. 
 
 Right Hon. George R. Dawson. 
 Charles Gibbes, Esq. 
 
 William Howard, Esq. 
 
 John Irving, Jun. Esq. 
 
 William Jardine, Esq. 
 
 Louis Lucas, Esq. 
 
 Thomas Masterman, Esq. 
 Thomas Richardson, Esq. 
 Anthony de Rothschild, Esq. 
 Oswald Smith, Esq. 
 
 Henry M. Thornton, Esq. 
 Melvil Wilson, Esq. 
 
 Auditors. — Sir George Carroll. — Samuel Gurney, Jun. Esq. — Andrew Johnston, Esq. 
 Bankers. — Messrs. Barnett, Hoares, and Co. 
 
 Actuary. — Benjamin Gompertz, Esq. F.R.S. 
 
 Secretary. — Andrew Hamilton, Esq. 
 
 Physician. — John R. Hume, M.D. Curzon Street. 
 
 Solicitor. — John M. Pearce, Esq. 
 
 Surveyor. — Thomas Allason, Esq. 
 
 The Premiums of the Company for the greater duration of life are lower than those 
 charged by most respectable offices. 
 
 Assurances are undertaken abroad as well as at home. 
 
 The assured participate in the profits, which are divided at the expiration of 
 every successive period of five years. The next division will be declared in 
 April 1844. 
 
 The assured may proceed to any part of Europe without previously communi- 
 cating with the Directors, or the payment of an additional Premium. No entrance 
 money or other fee is charged. 
 
 The large capital, and nearly one thousand shareholders composing the Company, 
 render the security it offers to the public undoubted. 
 
 Fire Assurances are accepted at home at the usual rates. The Company prosecute 
 both Fire and Life Assurances abroad on reasonable terms. 
 
 A. HAMILTON, Secretary. 
 
 LIFE ASSURANCE. 
 
 FIRE ASSURANCE. 
 
MISCELLANEOUS ADVERTISEMENTS. 
 
 61 
 
 THE 
 
 l3i£(sSfntfr:S’ anti General 
 
 LIFE & FIRE ASSURANCE COMPANY. 
 
 Empowered hy Special Act of Parliament^ 3 Vic. cap. 20. 
 
 62. KING WILLIAM STREET, LONDON BRIDGE, LONDON. 
 
 21, ST. DAVID STREET, EDINBURGH ; 
 
 AND 6, KING STREET, QUEEN SQUARE, BRISTOL. 
 
 CAPITAL— ONE MILLION. 
 
 Trustees, (with a seat at the Board,) 
 
 Thomas Chat.lis, Esq. Thomas Pipeii, Esq. Thomas Wilson 
 Directors. 
 
 George Bousfield, Esq. 
 
 Sir John Easthope, Bart. M.P. 
 
 Peter Ellis, Esq. 
 
 Joseph Fletcher, Esq. 
 
 Richard Hollier, Esq. 
 
 Auditors. 
 
 Esq, 
 
 Charles Hiodley, Esq., M.P. 
 I'homas B. Simpson, Esq. 
 lion. Charles P. Villiers, M.P. 
 John Wilks, Esq. 
 
 Edward Wilson, Esq. 
 
 Jacob George Cope, Esq. Joseph Dawson, Esq. Edward Smith, Esq. 
 Bankers . — The Bank of England ; and Messrs. Hankey. 
 
 Physician. — Thomas Bull, Esq., M.D. Surgeon. — C. Aston Key, Esq. 
 
 Surveyors. — John Davies, Esq. James Harrison, Esq. 
 
 Secretary. — Dr. Thomas Price. 
 
 Solicitor . — Stephen Walters, Esq. 
 
 The following are among the distinctivefeatures of the Company : j 
 
 1. One-tenth ©f the entire Profits is appropriated by the Deed of Settlement, to reduc- I 
 
 ing the premiums payable for insuring the lives of Dissenting and Methodist Ministers, | 
 or in other ways similarly beneficial to their families. I 
 
 2. Certificates of Age and Character, and of the amount of Loss in case of Fire, not { 
 required from Clergymen and Churchwardens. 
 
 3. A Table of Premiums for Policies payable at the age of 60, or of annuities to com- j 
 
 mence at that period, suitable to the case of Superannuated Ministers, and of other Pro- | 
 fessional Men. ! 
 
 4. The lowest rates of Premiums, consistent with security, and the payment of Policies j 
 guaranteed by a Capital of One Mili.ion. 
 
 5. Two Tables of Premiums, the one giving an interest in the Profits of the Company, 
 the other not. 
 
 6. Parties assured on the former Table entitled to participate immediately in the profits 
 of the Company. 
 
 7. Every facility given on moderate terms to persons going beyond the prescribed 
 limits of their Policy. 
 
 8. Premiums may be paid either Annually, Half-yearly, or Quarterly, in a limited 
 number of Payments, or in one sum. 
 
 9. Loans advanced on Policies of the value of £50. 
 
 10. All claims payable three Months after satisfactory proof of Death : or earlier, on 
 deduction of discount. 
 
 11. No entrance fee required. 
 
 Prospectuses, with every variety of Tables, may be had by application at the Office, 
 or at any of the Branches which are established in most of the principal d owns of the 
 United Kingdom. 
 
 FIRE POLICIES ISSUED AT THE REDUCED RATES. 
 
 No charge for Policies of £300 and upwards, or on the transfer of Policies from other offees. 
 
ATOEWICH UNION LIFE INSUEANCE SOCIETY. 
 
 1 Instituted 1808. — Capital invested, ^■'1,700,000. — Chief Office for London, 
 No. 6, CRESCENT, NEW BRIDGE STREET, BLACKFRIARS. 
 
 Directors. 
 
 E. T. Booth, Esq. Dr. Evans. 
 
 Isaac Jermy, Esq. Recorder of Norwich Timothy Steward, Esq. 
 
 Major-General Sir K. J. Harvey, C.B. &c. &c. 
 
 Secretary.— Samuel Bignold, Esq. Actuary.— Richard Morg-an, Esq. 
 
 This Society has been established upwards of 34 years ; all just demands upon its 
 funds have been promptly and liberally settled ; nearly two millions and a half have been 
 thus paid away on expired policies, and to meet the existing engagements of the Institu- 
 tion it possesses funds amounting to upwards of a million and three-quarters almost 
 wholly invested on real and government securities. 
 
 The Rates of Premium are below those of most other offices, and, under the age of 45, 
 not less so than 10 per cent, — a benefit in itself equivalent to an annual bonus ; whilst 
 periodical additions are also made to the sums assured upon all policies for the whole 
 duration of life in proportion to the amount of premium paid : the full advantage of Life 
 Assurance is thus enjoyed by the members of this Institution. 
 
 The subjoined list of some of the existing Policies of the Society exhibits the aggregate 
 amount of Bonus assigned to each of those Policies, including that declared at the 
 General Meeting held on the 9th of September, 1842. 
 
 Bonus. 
 
 No. 
 
 Sum Assured. 
 
 Bonus. 
 
 No. 
 
 Sum Assured. 
 
 477 . 
 
 1000 
 
 . . .^776 4 10 
 
 1450 
 
 2000 . . . 
 
 951 . 
 
 499 
 
 , . 431 10 5 
 
 1444 
 
 1000 . . . 
 
 170 . 
 
 1000 
 
 . . 445 15 6 
 
 1459 
 
 300 ... 
 
 751 . 
 
 1000 
 
 . . 458 7 4 
 
 1745 
 
 2000 . . . 
 
 1235 . 
 
 20G0 
 
 . . 852 5 1 
 
 1850 
 
 1500 ... 
 
 1276 . 
 
 1500 
 
 . . 619 3 4 
 
 2570 . 
 
 1000 . . . 
 
 519 10 7 
 155 14 4 
 1117 1 11 
 149 10 5 
 531 6 10 
 
 Tables of Rates, &c. may be had at the Society’s Offices in Norv/ich, London, 
 Edinburgh, and Dublin, and of the Agents in all parts of the United Kingdom. 
 
 Copies of the Directors’ Report at the last General Meeting may be had on application 
 to any of the Society’s Agents. 
 
 ROBERT JOHN BUNYON, G, New Bridge Street, Blackfriars. 
 
 T EGAL AND GENEEAL LIFE ASSUEANCE SOCIETY, 
 
 i i 10, FLEET STREET, LONDON, NEAR TEMPLE BAR. 
 
 SUBSCRIBED CAPITAL, OiNE MILLION. 
 
 ^ Triistees. 
 
 The Right Hon. the Lord Chancellor. I Sir Herbert Jenner Fust. 
 
 The Earl of Devon. William Wingfield, Esq. 
 
 The Vice Chancellor of England. I P. B. Brodie, Esq. 
 
 Benjamin Currey, Esq. 
 
 Directors. 
 
 Mr. Serjeant Adams. Fhn Iggulden, Esq. 
 
 Thomas Addington, Esq. 
 
 G. Leeke Baker, Esq, 
 
 E. Smith Bigg, Esq. 
 
 Rt. Hon. Sir J. L. Knight Bruce, Vice-Ch. 
 
 J. H. R. Chichester, Esq. 
 
 Chaiies Clarke, Esq. 
 
 James Currie, Esq. 
 
 Sir William Domville, Bart. 
 Mr. Serjeant Goulburn. 
 
 Sir William Horne. 
 
 Charles Jenings, Esq. 
 
 W. C. L. Keene, Esq. 
 
 James W. Lyon, Esq. 
 
 Kenyon S. Parker, Esq. Q.C. 
 Edward Leigh Pemberton, Esq. 
 Thomas J. Platt, Esq. Q.C. 
 Hon. Sir George Rose. 
 
 J. A. F. Simpkinson, Esq. Q.C. 
 C. T. Swanston, Esq. Q.C. 
 
 Mr. Serjeant Talfourd. 
 
 Meaburn Tatham, Esq. 
 
 Thomas Wing, Esq. 
 
 Charles Austin, Esq. Q.C. 
 Michael Clayton, Esq. 
 
 Auditors. 
 
 I James Leman, Esq. 
 
 I Frederic Robinson, Esq. 
 
 Solicitors. — Messrs. Kinderley, Denton, and Kinderley, 6, Lincoln’s Inn. 
 Bankers. — Messrs. Goslings and Sharpe. 
 
 Physician. — H. S. Roots, M.D. 2, Russell Square. 
 
 Surgeon. — F. Tyrrell, Esq. 26, New Bridge Street, Blackfriars. 
 
 This Society grants Assurances upon the lives of persons in every rank and station of 
 life, wheresoever i-esident. 
 
 Four-fifths of the entire profits of the Society are divided among the assured. 
 
 The Profits respectively allotted may be received in present money, in reversionary 
 sums, or by way of annuity, at the option of the parties assured. 
 
 Assurances may be effected upon the lives of persons residing at a distance from 
 London by their appearing before any respectable Solicitor. 
 
 T. R. EDMONDS, Actuary. 
 
EDIIMBIJRCH 
 
 LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, 
 
 Established in 1823, and Constituted by Act of Parliament 
 
 CAP8TAL — £500,000. 
 
 24, GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH, 
 
 AND 
 
 n, KING WILLIAM STREET (CITY), LONDON 
 
 Fresidexit— The Ri^ht Hon. LORD VISCOUNT MELVILLE. 
 Vice-President— ALEXANDER PRINGLE, Esq. of Whytbank, M.P. 
 
 LONDON BOARD. 
 
 RIGHT HON. LORD REAY. 
 
 HON. ROBERT DCNDAS. 
 
 JOHN ABEL SMITH. Esq. M.P. 
 GEORGE MACKINTOSH, Esq. 
 FRANCIS WHITMARSH, Esq. Q.C. 
 HENRY BARKLY, Esq. 
 
 W. A. EADE, Esq. 
 
 JOHN RICHARDSON, Esq. 
 JAMES BONAR, Esq. 
 
 EVAN BAILLIE, Esq. 
 
 HUGH JOHNSTON, Esq. 
 ARTHUR J. BLACKWOOD, Esq. 
 
 CHAS. STANIFORTK, Esq. Resident Direcfor. 
 Secretary-THOMAS MARSHALL, Esq. 
 
 Medical CiScer— ROBERT DICKSON, M.D. 5, Curzon Street. 
 Eankers-Messrs. SMITH, PAYNE, AND SMITHS. 
 Solicitor-DAVID ROWLAND, Esq. Cornhill. 
 
 This Company combines, in the most beneficial way for the assured, all the advantages 
 of the different systems on which Life Offices have generally been formed. 
 
 The signal success attending the Company’s proceedings for a period of upwards of 
 nineteen years is mainly to be attributed to this mode of its constitution, joined 
 
 To the very moderate rates of premium (in themselves a present bonus), and the strict 
 adherence to the utmost economy, consistent with the efficient conduct of the business. 
 
 Prospectus, containing all the various modes by which Insurances can be effected, and 
 every information, may be obtained, at the Head Office, or the various Agencies of the 
 Company. 
 
 Specimen of Rates for Assuring £100 on a Single Life. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 For Whole Life. 
 
 For One Year, 
 
 
 For 
 
 
 Without 
 
 
 With 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Seven Years. 
 
 Participation. 
 
 
 Participation. 
 
 Age. 
 
 Single 
 
 Annual 
 
 Age. 
 
 Annual 
 
 Annual 
 
 Premium. 
 
 Premium. 
 
 Premium. 
 
 Premium. 
 
 15 
 
 £0 
 
 13 
 
 5 
 
 £0 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 £l 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 £l 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 1 20 
 
 0 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 19 
 
 11 
 
 20 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 4 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 25 
 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 i 30 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 30 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 35 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 35 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 40 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 40 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 45 
 
 1 1 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 45 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 50 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 50 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 55 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 11 
 
 55 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 60 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 11 
 
 60 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 Four-fifths of the profits are septennially divided among the assured. 
 No entry-money or other charges beyond the policy stamps. 
 
ARCUS LIFE-ASSURANCE COMPANY, 
 
 No. 39 , Throgmorton Street, Bank, London; 
 
 Edinburgh, Dublin, Glasgow, Bristol, Liverpool, and Manchester. 
 Empowered by Act of Parliament oth and &th Will. IV. c. 76. 
 
 Directors. 
 
 THOMAS FARNCOMB, Esq. Alderman, Chairman^ 
 WILLIAM LEAF, Esq. Deputy Chairman. 
 
 William Banbury, Esq. 
 Edward Bates, Esq. 
 Thomas Camplin, Esq. 
 James Clift, Esq. 
 
 Right Hon. J. Humphery,M.P. 
 
 Lord Mayor of London 
 Rupert Ingleby, Esq. 
 
 Thomas Kelly, Esq. Aid. 
 
 Jeremiah Pilcher, Esq. Sheriff 
 of London and Middlesex. 
 Lewis Pocock, Esq. 
 
 Consulting Actuary.— Professor Hall, M.A. King’s College, London. 
 
 Physician, — Henry Jealfreson, M.D. 
 Surgeon, — William Coulson, Esq. 
 
 Solicitor,— W. Fisher, Esq. 
 Counsel. — J. Romilly, Esq. 
 
 Bankers,— Messrs. Sapte, Banbury, Muspratt, and Co., 77, Lombard Street. 
 
 Advantages of the Argus Life Assurance Company. 
 
 In addition to the subscribed capital of ^6 300,000 the assured have the security of the Company’s 
 income of nearly j 6"60,000 per annum, yearly increasing, and an accumulating assurance 
 fund invested in Government and other available securities, of considerably larger amount than 
 the estimated liabilities of the Company. 
 
 Annual Premium to Assure .^100. 
 
 Age. 
 
 For One Year. 
 
 For Five Years. 
 
 For Seven Years. 
 
 Term of Life. 
 
 25 
 
 ^10 0 
 
 0 8 
 
 £\ 1 0 
 
 £\ 15 10 
 
 30 
 
 1 1 8 
 
 1 2 3 
 
 1 2 7 
 
 2 0 7 
 
 35 
 
 1 3 3 
 
 1 3 10 
 
 14 2 
 
 2 6 8 
 
 40 
 
 1 5 0 
 
 1 6 1 
 
 16 9 
 
 2 14 10 
 
 The varied and comprehensive Tables of the Argus Company are so framed as to suit the conve- 
 nience and circumstances of all persons assuring, whether as a provision for their families, or as 
 a collateral security in pecuniary transactions ; and, by comparison with those of other offices, 
 they will be found to be particularly favourable to the assured. 
 
 Example from Table I. equal Rates of Premium. 
 
 Annual Premium to Assure ^1000. 
 
 Advantages by Assuring in the Argus Office. 
 
 Age. 
 
 Argus Office. 
 
 Offices dividing 
 Profits. 
 
 Annual Saving. 
 
 Equivalent to a 
 Bonus of 
 
 Or a Policy for 
 
 21 
 
 ^e’16 5 10 
 
 5 0 
 
 19 2 
 
 ^367 
 
 ^1367 
 
 26 
 
 18 6 8 
 
 24 10 0 
 
 6 3 4 
 
 337 
 
 1337 
 
 31 
 
 20 16 8 
 
 27 5 0 
 
 6 8 4 
 
 309 
 
 1309 
 
 36 
 
 24 1 8 
 
 30 13 4 
 
 6 11 8 
 
 375 
 
 1275 
 
 41 
 
 28 8 4 
 
 34 18 4 
 
 6 10 0 
 
 229 
 
 1229 
 
 By the above Table it will be seen, that a person 21 years of age may assure the sum of ^"1367 in 
 this office for the same amount of premium that he would have to pay for insuring ^qOOO in most 
 of the bonus offices, being an immediate saving of nearly 40 per cent. 
 
 Extract from Table II. increasing Rates of Premium. 
 
 Annual Premium for Assuring the Sum of ^100. 
 
 Age. 
 
 First Seven Years. 
 
 Second Seven Years. 
 
 Remainder of Life. 
 
 20 
 
 ^6>1 0 8 
 
 £\ 1 1 
 
 ^£’2 1 4 
 
 30 
 
 1 7 1 
 
 1 16 1 
 
 2 14 1 
 
 40 
 
 1 17 9 
 
 2 10 4 
 
 3 15 6 
 
 50 
 
 2 18 5 
 
 4 7 8 
 
 6 6 8 
 
 This Table gives to the assured all the advantages of a policy for a short term, with the power of 
 continuing it for life at the least possible outlay. 
 
 Premiums payable yearly, half-yearly, or quarterly, on Life Policies. 
 
 Assurances granted upon lives up to the age of 80. 
 
 When a Policy effected at the equal rate of Premium for the whole term of Life has been a 
 sufficient nninber of years in force to have acquired a value of .^50 or upwards, the Company will 
 make an advance to the extent of such value, by way o f Loan ; or, should the party wish to dis- 
 continue such Assurance, the Company will purchase the Policy. 
 
 Claims payable immediately after proof of death, on allowance of three months’ discount. 
 
 Policies assigned as bond fide security not void by death from suicide, duelling, or the hands of 
 iustice. In case of death by the above causes, the value of policies not assigned allowed. 
 
 The Medical Officers attend daily, at a (luarter before 2 o’clock. 
 
 ±S± Prosnectuses, and every other information, may be had at the Office, or by Letter addressed to 
 
 IS. BATES, Resident Director. 
 
 ^ A LIBERAL COiViiVlISSlON TO SOLICITORS AND AGENTS. 
 
CONTENTS OF NO. CLIV. 
 
 Page 
 
 RT. I.— -1. History and Practice of Photogenic Drawing, or the 
 true Principles of the Daguerreotype. By the Inventor, 
 
 L. J. M. Daguerre, translated by J. S. Memes, LL.D. 
 
 2. Some Account of the Art of Photogenic Drawing, or 
 the Process by which Natural Objects may be made to 
 Delineate themselves without the aid of the Artist’s 
 Pencil. By Henry Fox Talbot, Esq., F.R.S. 
 
 3. Die Calotypische Portraitirkunst. Von Dr F. A. W. 
 Netto. 
 
 4. Ueber der Process des Sehens und die Wirkung des 
 Lichts auf Alle Korper. Von Ludwig Moser, Pogg'en- 
 dorif Annalen der Physik und Chemie, Band LVI., 309 
 
 II. — Speeches of Lord Campbell, at the Bar, and in the House 
 of Comm.ons; with an Address to the Irish Bar as Lord 
 Chancellor of Ireland, .... 345 
 
 HI. — Introductory Lectures on Modern History. By Thomas 
 Arnold, D.D., Regius Professor of Modern History in 
 the University of Oxford, and Head Master of Rugby 
 School, ...... 357 
 
 IV. — 1. Memoire en Favour de la Liberte des Cultes. Par 
 Alexandre Vinet. 
 
 2. The Articles treated on in Tract Ninety reconsidered, 
 and their Interpretation vindicated ; in a Letter to the 
 Rev. R. W. Jelf, D.D., Canon of Christ Church. By 
 the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., , . . 382 
 
11 
 
 CNOTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Art. V; — -The Sanative Influence of Climate: with an Account of 
 the Best Places of resort for Invalids. By Sir James 
 Clark, Bart., M.D., F. II. S-, Physician in Ordinary to 
 the Queen, ..... 420 
 
 VI. - — Lives of Eminent Foreign Statesmen. By J. P.Tl. James, 
 
 Esq. (Forming part of the Cabinet Cyclopaedia,) 443 
 
 VII. — Christian Morals. By the Rev. W. Sewell, M.A., Fel- 
 
 low and Tutor of Exeter College, and Professor of 
 Moral Philosophy in the University of Oxford, 464 
 
 VIII. — -American Notes for General Circulation. By Charles 
 
 Dickens, ..... 501 
 
 IX. — Diary and Letters of Madame D’Arblay, . . 523 
 
 Note to the Article on tbe New Biographical Dictionary, . 570 
 
 List of New Publications, « . . .571 
 
 Indexj 
 
 598 
 
THE 
 
 EDINBURGH REVIEW 
 
 OR 
 
 CRITICAL JOURNAL: 
 
 FOR 
 
 OCTOBER, 1842 ... . JANUARY, 1843. 
 
 TO BE CONTINUED QUARTERLY. 
 
 JUDEX DA3INATUR CUM NOCENS ABSOLVITUR. 
 
 PUBLIUS SYRUS. 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. 
 
 EDINBURGH : 
 
 PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE AND HUGHES, 
 
 FOR LONGMAN, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, & LONGMANS, LONDON 
 AND ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK, EDINBURGH. 
 
 1843. 
 
THE 
 
 EDINBURGH REVIEW, 
 
 JANUARY, 1843. 
 
 J¥«- 
 
 Art. I 1. History and Practice of Photogenic Hraming^ or the 
 
 true Princijdes of the Daguerreotype. By the Inventor, L. J. M. 
 Daguerre, translated by J. S. Memes, LL.D. 8vo. Loncl. 
 1839. 
 
 2. Some Account of the Art of Photogenic Drawing^ or the Process 
 hy which Natural Objects may he made to Delineate themselves 
 without the aid of the Artist's Peiicil. By Henry Fox Tal- 
 bot, Esq., F.R.S. 8vo. Bond. 1839, 
 
 3. Die Calotypische Portraitirhunst. Von Dr F. A. W. Netto" 
 Quedling’burg und Leipzig, 1842. 
 
 4. Ueber der Process des Sehens tnid die Wirkimg des Lichts auf 
 Alle Korper. Von Ludwig Moser, Poggendorif Annalen der 
 Physik und Chemie, Band LVI. 1842. No. G. 
 
 T N following the steps of social improvement, and tracing the 
 rise of those great inventions which add to the happiness of 
 our species, we can scarcely fail to recognise the law of progres- 
 sive development under which the efforts of individual minds are 
 regulated and combined, and by which reason is destined to attain 
 its maximum of power, and knowledge to reach its limits of ex- 
 tension. Under the influence of a similar law, our moral and 
 religious condition is gradually ascending to its climax ; and when. 
 VOL, LXXVI. NO, CLIV. X 
 
310 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 these grand purposes have been fulfiiled — when the high com- 
 mission of the Saint and the Sage has been executed — man, thus 
 elevated to the perfection of his nature, will enter upon a new 
 scene of activity and enjoyment. 
 
 The supreme authority which has ordained this grand move- 
 ment in the living world — this double current of our moral and in- 
 tellectual sympathies — has prepared the material universe as the 
 arena of its development; and all our civil and religious institu- 
 tions have been organized as instruments by which that develop- 
 ment is to be effected. The confusion of tongues — the physical 
 disunion of empires — the rivalries of industrious nations— are 
 among the auxiliaries by which this triumph is to be consum- 
 mated. The outbursts of the moral and the physical world form 
 a powerful alliance in the same cause ; and in the vigorous re- 
 actions which they invoke, the highest qualities of our moral and 
 intellectual being are called into play. The war v^hich desolates, 
 and the fire and flood which destroy, undermine the strongholds 
 of prejudice and corruption, and sweep away the bulwarks in 
 which vice and error have been intrenched. Amid convulsions 
 like these, indeed, civilization often seems to pause, or to recede ; 
 but her pauses are only breathing stations, at which she draws 
 a fuller inspiration, and her retrograde steps are but surer footings, 
 from which she is to receive a fresh and onward impulse. 
 
 The powers and positions of individuals, too, are all nicely 
 adjusted to the functions they have to discharge. Corporeal 
 frames of every variety of strength — moral courage of every shade 
 of intensity — and intellects of every degree of vigour — are among 
 the cardinal elements which are to be set in action. The Sove- 
 reign who wields the sceptre, and the Serf who crouches under it, 
 differ only in the place which they occupy in the mysterious me- 
 chanism. While one class of agents is stationed amid the heats 
 of friction and pressure, others occupy the quiet points of stable 
 equilibrium ; and a larger class forms the inertial mass, or acts 
 as a drag against the stupendous momentum which has been 
 generated. But while busy man is thus labouring at the wheel, 
 the impelling, the maintaining, and the regulating power, is not 
 in him : by an agency unseen are all the heterogeneous ele- 
 ments of force harmonized, and the whole moral and intellectual 
 dynamics of our species brought to bear upon that single point 
 of resistance, where vice and ignorance are to be crushed for 
 ever. 
 
 From these general views it is a corollary not to be questioned, 
 that when great inventions and discoveries in the arts and sci- 
 ences either abridge or supersede labour — when they create new 
 products, or interfere with old ones— they are not on these accounts 
 
1843. 
 
 Dr awing by the Agency of Light, 
 
 311 
 
 to be abandoned. The advance which is thus made involves not 
 only a grand and irrevocable fact in the progress of truth, but it is 
 a step in the social march which can never be retraced. The w’ants, 
 or the cupidity of a minister, for his ignorance it cannot be, may 
 tax inventions and knowledge — the fanaticism of a priesthood may 
 jrroscribe education, and even the Scriptures of truth — and the 
 blind fury of a mob may stop or destroy machinery — but cupi- 
 dity, fanaticism, and rage, have counter checks within themselves 
 which re-act on the springs of truth and justice, and finally crush 
 the conspiracy which they had themselves hatched. If, in the 
 conflict of rival principles, the species gains, and the individual 
 loses, redress can only be looked for in those compensatory ad- 
 justments which so often and so strangely reconcile general and 
 individual interests. The same law which closes one channel of 
 labour, necessarily opens up another, and that often through a 
 richer domain, and wuth a wider outlet; and in every substitution 
 of mechanical for muscular action, man rises into a higher sphere 
 of exertion, in which the ingenuity of his mind is combined with 
 the exercise of his body. He is no longer on a professional level 
 with the brutes that perish, when he ceases to exercise functions 
 wdiich are measured only by so many horse power, and which 
 can be better extracted from so many pounds of coal, and so 
 many ounces of water. 
 
 Nor is it a less questionable corollary that when one of the 
 arts is left behind in the race of improvement, and has been linger- 
 ing amid the sloth and avarice of its cultivators, it can have no 
 claim on the sympathy and protection of the community.^ Were it 
 the art of building ships, of forging anchors, or of welding cables, 
 to form the defensive bulwarks of the nation, or w ere it the most 
 trivial manipulation ^vhicli administers to the personal vanity of 
 the most frivolous, the principle would have the same foundation 
 in truth and justice. But wdien it is the art of manufacturing 
 food — when the poor and the rich are the antagonists in the 
 combat — and wTen it involves the life and death of starving mul- 
 titudes, the crime of protection will, in future ages, be ranked in 
 the same category with that of burning for heresy, or drowning 
 for witchcraft. 
 
 Although these observations apply in an especial manner to 
 those great mechanical inventions which have in this country 
 altered the very form and pressure of society, yet they are not 
 less applicable to those remarkable improvements in the Fine 
 
 We would refer tl)e reader to an admirable letter on this subject by 
 Professor Johnston of Durham to the Marquis of Northampton. 
 
312 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Arts whlcli the progress of science has so rapidly developed. The 
 arts of painting, sculpture, and architecture, exhibit in their pro- 
 gress a series of anomalies which occur in the history of almost 
 no other pursuit. Without any very adequate cause, they have 
 alternately advanced and receded ; and we can discover no lead- 
 ing epoch — no cardinal principle — no striking invention immor- 
 talizing the name of any of their cultivators. It would be hazar- 
 dous to assert that Apelles and Zeuxis were surpassed by Rey- 
 nolds and Lawrence, and still more so that Praxiteles and Phi- 
 dias must have yielded the palm, to Canova and Chantrey. In our 
 own day, however, very extraordinary inventions and discoveries 
 have already given an impulse, and will soon give a new form to 
 the imitative arts. 
 
 The art of multiplying statues by machinery, which we owe to 
 the celebrated James Watt, and which has since been brought to 
 greater perfection, might have been regarded as a vast step in 
 the fine arts ; had it not been eclipsed by the splendid process 
 of copying all sorts of sculpture, by the voltaic deposition of 
 metals from their solutions.* But even this has been surpassed 
 by the art of Photography, by w- hich we obtain perfect represen- 
 tations of all objects, whether animate or inanimate, through the 
 agency of the light which they emit or reflect. From being at 
 first a simple, and not very interesting process of taking profiles 
 of the human face, it has called to its aid the highest resources 
 of chemistry and physics ; and while it cannot fail to give a 
 vigorous impulse to the fine arts, it has already become a power- 
 ful auxiliary in the prosecution of physical science ; and holds out 
 no slight hope of extending our knowledge of the philosophy of 
 the senses. The art of Photography ^ or Photogeny as it has been 
 called, is indeed as great a step in the fine arts, as the steam- 
 engine was in the mechanical arts; and we have no doubt that 
 when its materials have become more sensitive, and its processes 
 more certain, it will take the highest rank among the inventions 
 of the present age.t 
 
 ^ The Electrotypey or Galvano- plastic art, which was discovered by 
 Mr Spencer and M. Jacobi, and wliicli is daily finding new applications 
 to the useful arts. 
 
 'f We have not here referred to the new and beautiful art of Anaglyp- 
 togvaphy, ]>y which all works in relief, and even statues, may be copied 
 on a plane surface (and even engraved) by means of parallel lines, which 
 deviate from their parallelism in proportion as different points, in all 
 parallel sections of the original, rise above the general plane. This art 
 was, we believe, first invented by an American, then tried in France, 
 hut finally brought to perfection by Mr R. I3ate, the son of the well- 
 known optician, Mr B. Bate of London. 
 
1843 . 
 
 313 
 
 Drawing hy the Agency of Light, 
 
 But before we proceed to exhibit its powers, and discuss its 
 merits, we must put our readers in possession of its history and 
 methods. The action of light and heat upon coloured bodies 
 has been long known, and the changes they produce have been 
 recorded in various countries. The commonest observer, indeed, 
 had long ago noticed that the solar rays not only weakened, but 
 almost destroyed the colours of curtains and other articles of fur- 
 niture ; but it was reserved for the chemist and the natural phi- 
 losopher to determine, what rays were tho efficacious ones, and 
 what were the substances most sensitive to this action of light. 
 Scheele had long ago discovered that muriate of silver was speed- 
 ily blackened by the blue rays of the solar spectrum, while the red 
 rays produced an effect scarcely appreciable; and Sennebier found 
 that the violet rays darkened the muriate of silver in fifteen 
 seconds, while the red rays required twenty minutes, and the other 
 colours intermediate times.* The celebrated Ritter, in repeating 
 these experiments, found that the muriate of silver was most 
 powerfully blackened by invisible rays beyond the violet ; and 
 13r Wollaston afterwards proved that the rays at the tvro extre- 
 mities of the spectrum, produced opposite effects upon Gum Gui- 
 acum, the violet rays giving it a deep green colour, and the red 
 rays reconverting the green into the original yellow colour of 
 the gum. 
 
 Idiese interesting facts, though well known throughout Eu- 
 rope, had never been applied to the arts till 1802, f when a me- 
 thod of copying paintings upon glass, and of making profiles by 
 the agency of light upon nitrate of silver, was first given to the 
 world. This method was the unquestionable invention of our 
 celebrated countryman Mr Thomas Wedgewood, who published 
 it in the Journals of the Iloyal Institution, :|: where it was accom- 
 panied with a few observations in a note by Sir H. Davy. 
 
 ^ Sur La L iimiere, Tom. iii. p. 199. 
 
 t M. Arago informs us that M, Charles had in the first year of the 
 19fh century used prepared paper to produce black protiles by the action 
 of light ; but he never described the preparation ; and he did not claim 
 any priority, although be lived for a long- time after the publication of 
 Mr VV'edgev/ood’s process. 
 
 f Vol i. p. 170, June 1802. See also Nicholson’s Journal, 8vo 
 series, vol. iii. p. Id?, Nov, 1802. An Account of a Method of Copi - 
 ing- Paintings upon Glass, and of Making Profiles by the Agency of 
 Light upon Nitrate of Silver, invented by T. Wedgewood, l>q., with 
 Observations by H. Davy. Journals of the Koval Institution, vol. i. 
 p. 170. 1802. 
 
314 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Having found that white paper or white leather, moistened 
 with a solution of nitrate of silver, passes through different shades 
 of grey and brown, and at length becomes nearly black by ex- 
 posure to daylight, Mr Wedgewood exposed papers thus mois- 
 tened to light of different intensities and colours. In the direct 
 beams of the sun, the full effect upon the paper was produced in 
 two or three minutes. In the shade, several hours were required. 
 The most flecided and powerful effects were produced by hlue 
 and violet glasses, very little action took place when 
 
 the sun’s rays passed through red glasses. Hence, says Mr 
 Wedgewood, ‘ when a white surface, covered with a solution 
 ‘ of nitrate of silver, (one part of the nitrate to ten of water,) is 
 ‘ placed behind a painting' on glass exposed to the solar light, 
 
 ‘ the rays transmitted through the differently painted surfaces 
 ^ produce distinct tints of brown and black, sensibly differing 
 ® in intensity according to the shades of the picture; and where 
 ® the light is unaltered, the colour of the light becomes deepest. 
 
 ‘ For copying paintings on glass the solution should be applied 
 ‘ on leather^ and in this case, it is more readily acted upon than 
 ‘ when paper is used.’ 
 
 Mr Wedgewood made various attempts to Jix these copies, that 
 is, to prevent the iincoloured parts of the copy from being acted 
 upon by light. He tried repeated washings, and thin coatings of 
 fine varnish ; but all his trials were unsuccessful ; and hence he 
 was obliged to preserve bis copies in an obscure place — to take 
 a glimpse of them only in the shade, or to view them by candle 
 light. He applied this method to take profiles or shadows of 
 figures by throwing the shadows on the nitrated surface, the 
 part concealed by the shadows remaining white^ and the other 
 parts speedily becoming black. He applied it also to make de- 
 lineations of the woody fibres of leaves, and the wings of insects, 
 and likewise to the copying of prints ; but in this last case the 
 results were very unsatisfactory. But the primary object of all 
 Mr Wedgewood’s experiments was to copy the images formed by 
 means of a camera ohscura, ‘ His numerous experiments, how- 
 ‘ ever, proved unsuccessful,’ and the images were ‘ found to be 
 ‘ too faint to produce, in any moderate time, an effect upon the 
 ‘ nitrate of silver.’ ‘ In following these processes,’ he adds, 
 ' I have found tliat the images of small objects, produced by 
 ‘ meaus of the solar microscope, may be copied without difficulty 
 ‘ on prepared paper;’ but in this case, ‘ it is necessary that the 
 ‘ paper be placed at but a small distance from the lens.’ 
 
 Mr Wedgewood proved that the muriate of silver was much 
 more sensitive tlian the nitrate, and that the sensitiveness of both 
 
1843. 
 
 315 
 
 Draiving hy the Agency of Light. 
 
 was increased when the paper was moist. In order to obtain 
 the muriate, he immerses the paper moistened with the nitrate 
 solution in v^ery dilute muriatic acich He promised to publish any 
 additional results which he might obtain, and concluded his paper 
 thus, — ‘ Nothino' but a method of preventing the unshaded parts 
 ‘ of the delineation from being coloured by exposure to the day, 
 
 ^ is wanting to render the process as useful as it is elegant. 
 
 So long ago as 1803, a Notice of Mr Wedgewood’s interesting 
 process was published in an Edinburgh Journal, but the subject 
 does not seem to have excited any attention either in Britain or 
 on the continent. A friend of Mr Talbot’s, indeed, v/ho had 
 entertained the idea of fixing the images of the camera ohscura, 
 was discouraged from the attempt by the recorded failure of 
 Mr Wedgewood. Mr Talbot himself, however, without any 
 knowledge of Mr Wedgewood’s previous invention, had," some 
 time previous to 1834, been led to the same process, of taking 
 pictures by the agency of light upon nitrate of silver; and, in 
 the spring of that year, he had actually applied it to several 
 useful purposes, and had even overcome the difficulty of fixing 
 the images of the camera ohscura, before he knew that that 
 difficulty had stopped the progress of Mr Wedgewood and his 
 own friend. Mr Talbot continued to improve his nev/ art, to 
 which he gave the name of Calotype^ for it had now become en- 
 tirely his ; and, by the aid of his intimate knowledge of chemistry 
 and physics, he has succeeded in bringing it to a very high de- 
 gree of perfection. 
 
 But before we proceed to give an account of his labours, we 
 must return to a period prior to their commencement, when a 
 similar art — the splendid art of the Daguerreotype — took its rise 
 in France. So early as 1814, M. Niepce, a private gentleman, 
 who resided on his estate near Chalons, on the Saone, had turn- 
 ed his attention to the subject of Photography. His object was 
 to fix the images of the camera, but more especially to perfect 
 his methods of copying engravings when laid upon substances 
 sensible to the action of light. In 18*24, M. Daguerre had 
 begun a series of experiments for the purpose of fixing the images 
 in the camera. He had made some progress in 1826 ; and in 
 that year a Parisian optician had indiscreetly disclosed to M. 
 Niepce some of the results at which Daguerre had arrived. In 
 1827, M. Niepce made a journey to England, and, in De- 
 cember of that year, he communicated an account of his pho- 
 tographic experiments to the Royal Society of London, accom- 
 panying his memoirs with several sketches on metal, in the state 
 of advanced etchings, which proved that he had a method of 
 
316 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 making- the shadows correspond to shadows, and of preventing- 
 his copies from being injured by the light of the sun. The 
 Royal Society appears to have attached no value to the discovery 
 of Niepce, though they had ocular demonstration of its reality. 
 His Paper does not even seem to have been read, and the plates 
 which accompanied it appear to have passed into the repositories 
 of some of its members. One would have expected that a pic- 
 ture, painted or copied by the agency of light, would have fixed 
 the attention of any body of men to which it was submitted ; and 
 we should have experienced some difficulty in giving credit to 
 the statement, did we not know that the same body has refused 
 to publish the photographic discoveries of Mr Talbot I 
 
 Having become acquainted with each other’s labours, MM. 
 Niepce and Daguerre entered into a copartnery in 1829 ; the 
 object of which was to pursue for their mutual benefit the photo- 
 graphic researches which they had respectively begun. The 
 process of Niepce differed entirely from that of Daguerre. The 
 principle on which it rests is, that light renders some substances 
 more or less insoluble, in proportion to the duration or intensity 
 of its action. The substance in which he found this property, 
 was a solution of asphaltum in essential oil of lavender. A thin 
 film of this substance spread over the clean surface of a plate of 
 silvered copper was exposed, so as to receive the image of a land- 
 scape in the camera obscura : The parts on which no light fell 
 were thus made more soluble than the rest ; and when a solvent, 
 consisting of one part of essential oil of lavender, and ten parts of 
 oil of white petroleum, was made to cover the plate, the image 
 gradually unfolded itself; and, after being washed with water, 
 the picture was completely developed. The plate was then 
 dried, and kept from humidity and the action of light. 
 
 Into this process, which was doubtless both troublesome in its 
 details, and uncertain in its results, M. Daguerre introduced 
 essential improvements ; but in the course of his researches, he 
 was led into an entirely new field of discovery, and soon aban- 
 doned the process of liis colleague. M. Niepce died in July 
 1833, and a new agreement was entered into between Daguerre 
 and his son, M. Isidore Niepce ; in which it was admitted that the 
 former had discovered an entirely new process, and it was at the 
 same time provided, that it should bear the name of Daguerre as 
 its sole inventor. 
 
 The following is a general description of the art of the Da- 
 guerreotype^ as practised by its distinguished inventor : A plate 
 of silvered copper, after having been well cleaned, and freed 
 from any greasy sul)stance, by polishing it with dilute nitric 
 
1843. 
 
 Drmving hy the Agency of Light 
 
 317 
 
 acid, fine Tripoli, or colcothar of vitriol, is placed in a box 
 containing- iodine, till its surface is covered with a golden 
 yellow film of that evaporable substance. The plate being 
 carefully kept from light, is placed in the camera obscura, so as 
 to receive upon its surface a distinct image of the landscape, 
 or of the single figure, or group of figures, to be painted. After 
 remaining a number of minutes, depending on the intensit}^ of the 
 light, tiie plate is taken out of the camera, and placed in what is 
 called a mercury box. There it is exposed to the vapour of 
 mercury, raised by a spirit lamp ; and, after a certain time, the 
 operator, looking through a little wdndow in front of the box, 
 observes the landscape, or figures, gradually developing them- 
 selves on the surface of the plate, by the adhesion of the white 
 mercurial vapour to those parts of the picture which had been 
 acted upon by the light. When the development appears complete, 
 the plate is placed in a vessel containing either a saturated solu- 
 tion of common salt, or a weak solution of the hypo-sulphite of 
 pure soda. By the action of either of these fluids, the coat of 
 iodine is dissolved, and the picture is permanently fixed. It is 
 then simply washed in distilled water, dried, and placed in a 
 square of strong pasteboard, covered with glass. If we now 
 carefully examine the picture thus produced, we shall find that its 
 shadows are nothing more than the original polished surface of 
 the silver, reflecting a dark ground, and that the lights are the parts 
 of the silvered surface, which have been more or less whitened by 
 the vapour of mercury. If the plate is made to reflect a luminous 
 surface, such as a white dress, or the sky, the shadows will appear 
 luminous and white, and the lights dark, so as to give what 
 may be called a negative picture. In this remarkable representa- 
 tion of nature, there is depicted, with the minutest accuracy, all 
 her finest forms ; but her gay colours are wanting ; and the blue 
 sky and the green tuif are exhibited in the same monotony of 
 light and shadow, as when we view a highly-coloured landscape, 
 in water-colours or in oil, by the light of a monochromatic lamp. 
 
 But notwithstanding tliis defect, which, sanguiiie as we are, we 
 can scarcely hope will ever be supplied, there is a power and truth 
 in the delineation which almost compensates its want of colour. 
 Self-painted by the rectilineal pencils of light, every fixed object 
 transfers its mimic image to the silver tablet ; and the only devia- 
 tion from absolute truth which can intervene, is the imperfection of 
 the lenses by which the image is formed. By an ordinary observer 
 tins defect, if it can be called one, is so inappreciable, that the 
 perfection of the picture exceeds as it were the accuracy of the eye 
 as its judge ; and by means of a magnifying glass we can make 
 discoveries of minute features, in the same manner as we can do 
 
318 
 
 Photogenic Draiving^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 in the real landscape by the application of a telescope.* Bat it is 
 not merely the minuteness of its delineations that surprise us in 
 the Daguerreotype. Every object is seen in true geometrical per- 
 spective ; and even the aerial perspective is displayed in the dimi- 
 nution of sharpness which marks the outlines of all objects that 
 recede from the eye. The combination of these two effects, the 
 last of which is often beyond the reach of art, givms a depth^ — 
 a third dimension— to the picture, which it is scarcely possilale to 
 conceive without actually seeing it. In the representation, for 
 example, of a Grecian portico wdtli two or three columns deep, 
 the actual depth of the recess is more distinctly seen with a mag- 
 nifying glass than by the naked eye. 
 
 If any object in the picture either moves or changes its place, 
 that object, of course, must be imperfectly delineated in the 
 Daguerreotype. The agitated foliage, the running stream, the 
 flying clouds, and the motions of living animals, all destroy the 
 picture in which they occur. This great imperfection is capable 
 of only one remedy. We must increase the sensitiveness of the 
 ground upon which the lights act, so as to diminish the time that 
 the plate remains in the camera. M. Daguerre saw very early 
 the consequences of this defect in his process ; and in the course 
 of a series of experiments on the subject, he made the important 
 discovery, that by electrifying the plate, the action of light upon 
 the film of iodine wms so instantaneous, that the part of the 
 plate first exposed was overdone before the action had begun on 
 the other part of the plate.J 
 
 Two other methods have been invented for accelerating the 
 action of light upon the plate. The first of these is founded on 
 a beautiful optical discovery by M. Edmund Becqiierel. If we 
 conceive the solar spectrum to be divided into two halves, the Jirst 
 half containing the violet and blue rays, and the second the green, 
 yellow, and red, M. Becquerel found that the first half, containing the 
 violet and the blue rays, were those v/hich formed the picture on the 
 plate ; and hence he called them the exciting rays, {rayons excita- 
 teursi) while the other half, the green, yellow, and red rays, had no 
 power of excitation, but continiied the excitement when passed 
 
 Every picture formed by a camera obsciira, in which the focal lengths 
 of tlie lens exceeds the distance at which we see objects distinctly, is 
 magnified, and on this account objects are recognized in the perfect 
 image which the eye cannot see in the original landscape. 
 
 j' The particulars of this process have not been published ; but we 
 have no doubt that M. Daguerre, with his usual success, will find some 
 way of reducing the speed of this new method. 
 
1843 . 
 
 Draiving by the Agency of Light 
 
 319 
 
 over tlie surface of the plate after it was taken out of the camera, 
 and when the exciting rays no longer acted upon it. Hence he 
 called them the continuing rays, {rayons continuateurs.) The 
 power of exciting was a maximum at the violet extremity of the 
 spectrum, and gradually diminished tov/ards the middle or green 
 space ; while the power of continuing the action was a maximum 
 at the red extremity, and gradually diminished towards the green 
 snace, where a sort of neutral state existed. Hence, as the solar 
 spectrum consists of three equal spectra, viz. violet, yellow, and 
 red superposed, with their maximum illumination at different 
 points, we may conceive the exciting power to be diffused along 
 with the violet throughout the whole spectrum ; the continu- 
 ing rays to be diffused throughout the same along with the red ; 
 wmile the neutral yellow possess only the powers of heat and 
 illumination. In this way only we can account for the diminu- 
 tion of the exciting and continuing powers towards the middle 
 of the spectrum ; and the entire disappearance of both these actions 
 will take place, at the point where the ordinates of excitation and 
 continuation are equal. 
 
 In applying this principle to the Daguerreotype, the plate 
 is exposed only a short time to the action of the lights in the 
 original picture — so short a time, indeed, that the vapour of mer- 
 cury would not form a picture upon the plate. Tlie plate being 
 taken out of the camera, the sun’s rays, passing through a red 
 glass, are made to shine upon it for a few minutes. The action 
 already excited is thus continued ; and the plate, when exposed 
 to the mercurial vapour, yields a picture as perfect as it would 
 have done had it remained the proper time in the camera. 
 
 Beautiful, however, as this process is in its scientific relations, 
 it is obviously one which is not fitted for the professional artist : 
 for if the sun does not shine, the picture cannot be formed, and 
 may be lost before the luminary reappears. This defect, how- 
 ever, we need not regret; for a practical and simple process of 
 hastening the production of the picture has been discovered by 
 M. Claudet, the ingenious artist who superintends the photogra- 
 phical department in the Adelaide Gallery. He discovered that 
 the sensitiveness of the iodine film was singularly increased by 
 passing it over the mouth of a bottle, containing the chloride of 
 iodine or of bromine. As soon as the vapour of either of these 
 bodies has spread itself over the film of iodine, the plate is 
 placed in the camera, and in a very few seconds the action of 
 light is completed. 
 
 In consequence of these improvements, the Photographic art 
 has assumed a new character. When the patient (for so the sitter 
 must be described) sat for five or ten minutes in a constrained 
 
320 
 
 Photogenic Drawing, or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 attitude, with his face exposed to a strong light, the portrait thus 
 taken could neither be correct nor agreeable. A look of distress 
 pervaded almost every feature ; the eye, exposed to the strongest 
 light, was half closed ; the cheek was drawn up, and wrinkles, 
 never seen in society, planted themselves upon the smooth and 
 expanded forehead of youth and beauty. These evils are now 
 entirely removed from the Daguerreotype. Even the momentary 
 expression of passion or feeling may be seized, and the graceful 
 form, which never fails to accompany it, simultaneously arrested. 
 Motion of course it is impossible to represent; but the expres- 
 sions of the face, and the positions of the muscles and limbs, which 
 precede and follow motion, and therefore necessarily indicate it, 
 are given as they existed at the moment when the exposure of the 
 plate took place. 
 
 Such is the invention, in its improved state, which, after 
 fifteen years of laborious research, M. Daguerre has given to the 
 vrorld — an invention wdth which his name will be indissolubly 
 associated. It is, more than any other art we know, peculiarly 
 his own ; for the previous labours of Wedgewood and Niepce 
 have with it nothing in common. It belongs, therefore, to 
 France alone ; and the liberality with which she has purchased 
 it for the benefit of universal science, will secure to her the gra« 
 titude of all nations. This wise and generous step was, we 
 believe, the suggestion of her most eminent philosopher, M. 
 Arago, to whom M. Daguerre had unhesitatingly confided the 
 secrets of his art. Struck with the splendour of the discovery, 
 and foreseeing the advantages which science and art would 
 receive from its application, he induced the government to offer 
 M. Daguerre an annual pension of 6000 francs, and M. Niepce 
 a pension of 4000 francs,^' for surrendering to the public the use 
 of their inventions; and, on the 3d July 1839, he presented to 
 the Chamber of Deputies the report of a Commission, of which 
 he was the chief, explaining the nature and estimating the value 
 of the invention. Baron Gay Lussac submitted a similar report 
 to the Chamber of Peers, breathing the same sentiments, and 
 recommending the same national reward. The following pas- 
 sages from these reports, which were unanimously adopted by 
 the Chambers, may be usefully perused in Esigland, and show 
 the entire unanimity of feeling wdiich animated all parties in 
 completing this interesting transaction : — 
 
 ‘ The members of this Chamber, (M. Arago,) to whom the Ministry 
 gave full powers, never bargained with M. Daguerre. Their communi- 
 cations had no other object than to determine whether the recompense, 
 
 * One-half of each is settled in reversion on their widows. 
 
1843 . 
 
 321 
 
 Drawing hij ike Agency of L ight, 
 
 so justly due to the accomplished artist, should be a pension or a sum of 
 money. From the first M. Dag-uerre perceived, that the payment of a 
 stipulated sum might gave to the transaction the base character of a sale. 
 The case was different with a pension. By a pension you recompense 
 the warrior who has been wounded in the field, and the magistrate who 
 has grown grey on the bench. It is thus that you honour the families 
 of Cuvier — of Jussieu, and of Champollion. Reflections like these 
 could not fail to present themselves to a man of his exalted character, 
 and M. Daguerre decided on a pension. He fixed the amount at 8000 
 francs, to be divided equally between himself and his partner, M. Niepce, 
 junior. The proportion payable to M. Daguerre has been since raised 
 to 6000 francs, making 10,000 in all ; both on account of the condition 
 specially imposed upon that artist of publishing the secret of painting 
 and iliummating the diovamic vieics, and making known all future im- 
 provements with which he may enrich his photographic methods.’ 
 
 ‘ From these considerations,’ says Baron Gay Lussac, ‘ it was thought 
 desirable that this process should become public property. From a dif- 
 ferent motive it merited the attention of government, and ought to pro- 
 cure for its author a conspicuous reward. To those who are not insen- 
 sible to national glory — who know that a people shine with greater splen- 
 dour among the nations of the earth, only as they have realized a higher 
 advancement in civilization — to those, we say, the process of M. Daguerre 
 is a noble discovery. It is the origin of a new art in the middle of an 
 old civilization ; — an art which will constitute an era, and be preserved 
 as a title of glory. And shall it descend to posterity companioned with 
 ingratitude? Let it rather stand forth a splendid evidence of the protec- 
 tion which the Chambers — the Government of July — the whole country 
 — offered to great inventions. 
 
 ‘ It is, in reality, an act of national munificence which consecrates the 
 bill in favour of M. Daguerre. We have given it our unanimous assent, 
 yet not without marking how elevated and honourable is a reward voted 
 by the country. And this we have done on purpose to remind the nation 
 — not without some sad remembrances — that France has not always 
 shown herself so grateful ; and that too many useful labours — too many 
 works of genius — have often procured for their authors only a barren 
 glory. These are not accusations which we urge — they are errors vvhich 
 we deplore, in older now to avoid a new one.’ 
 
 From the homage which we have cheerfully paid to the libe- 
 rality of French philosophers and legislators, we could have 
 desired to make no deduction ; but there has been an omission 
 in the transaction with M. Daguerre, which affects all nations, 
 and which we would almost venture to request M. Arago still to 
 supply. It is evident, from the whole tenor of the two Reports 
 to the Chambers, that France purchased Daguerre’s invention 
 for the benefit of all nations^ and not exclusively for the French 
 people. It would be an insult to the two distinguished Reporters, 
 and, indeed, to all parties concerned, to suppose that they had 
 any other object in view. M. Arago empiiaticaliy says, ‘ This 
 
322 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ‘ (iiscov^ery France has adopted ; from the first moment she has 
 ^ cherished a pride in liberally bestowing it — a gift to the 
 • WHOLE WORLD !’ And M, Duchatel, the Minister of the In- 
 terior, on presenting the bill to the Chambers, distinctly de- 
 clares, as an arguoierit for a public reward, ‘ that Daguerre's 
 ^ invention does not admit of heing secured hy patent. So soon as 
 ^ it becomes known, every one may avail himself of its advantages. 
 ^ llie most unskilful will produce designs with the same exactness 
 ^ as the most accomplished artist. Of necessity, then, this pro- 
 ‘ cess must belong to all, or remain unknown.’ 
 
 The Daguerriari Bill had scarcely passed the legislature, when 
 ^ on or about the I 5tli July 1839, a certain foreigner residing 
 ^ in France^ instructed Mr Miles Berry, patent ageiit in London, 
 immediately to petition her Majesty to grant her Royal Letters 
 ‘ Patent for the exclusive use of the same wdthin these kingdoms;” ’ 
 and ill consequence of these instructions, Mr Miles Berry ‘ did 
 ‘ apply for such letters patent; and her Majesty’s solicitor-general, 
 ‘ (Sir Thomas Wilde,) after hearing all parties who opposed the 
 ‘ same^ was pleased on or about the 2d of August, now last past, 
 ^ to issue his report to the Crown in favour of the patent being 
 ‘ granted ; and it consequently passed the great seal in the usual 
 ^ course, being sealed on the day above named, which is some 
 ‘ DAYS PRIOR to the date of the exposition of the said invention or 
 ‘ discovery to the French Government at Paris, by MM. Da- 
 ‘ guerre and Niepce, according to the terms of their agreement.’ 
 This remarkable statement, the object of which is very palpa- 
 ble, is thrust into the specification of the patent, after the usual 
 preamble to all such deeds ; and the patentee states with great 
 naivete, that he believes it to be the invention or discovery of 
 Messrs Louis Jacques Maude Daguerre, and Joseph Isidore 
 Niepce, junior, both of the kingdom of France ; from whom the 
 Frencli Government have purchased the invention, for the 
 
 BENEFIT OF THAT COUNTRY ! 
 
 The purpose of the preceding statement is obviously to create 
 a belief, that M. Daguerre was not the foreigner who instructed 
 the patent agent to petition her Mlajesty, and that he had trans- 
 ferred the benefit of his invention only to his own country. It is 
 not our desire to investigate tliis part of the transaction any fur- 
 ther : but we are bounrl to say, that the Solicitor-General of 
 England would have done better, to advise her Majesty not to 
 withhold from her subjects, that very invention which the King 
 of the French had purchased for the benefit, not only oi his oivn 
 people, but of all nations. The patent cannot stand a moment’s 
 examination, and we would exhort the interested parties to apply 
 for a writ of scire facias, for its immediate repeal. ■ 
 
1843. 
 
 Drawing hy the Agency of Light. 
 
 323 
 
 It is a singular fact, though not y*^ithout its parallel in the 
 history of science, that when Daguerre in France was engaged 
 in his beautiful experiments, another philosopher in England 
 should have been occupied in analogous researches. Mr Henry 
 Fox Talbot, of Lacock Abbey, a Fellow of the Royal Society, 
 and well known as a mathematician and natural philosopher, had, 
 as we have seen, previous to 1834, been attempting to fix the 
 images of the camera obscura, and to cop^/ objects and pictures 
 by the action of light upon nitrate of silver. The first account 
 which he gave of his labours, was in a Paper entitled Some Account 
 of the art cf Photogenic Drawing, or the process hy id Inch natural 
 objects may be made to delineate themselves ivithout the aid of the 
 artisfs pencil. This Paper was read to the Royal Society, on 
 the 3lst January 1839, several months before the disclosure of 
 Daguerre’s invention and methods.* We mention this fact, not 
 for the purpose of claiming for our countryman any priority in 
 reference to Daguerre ; but merely to show that his labours, 
 whatever analogy there may be between them, were wholly inde- 
 pendent of those of the French philosophers. In this Paper, Mr 
 Talbot did not give any account of his processes ; but in a sub- 
 sequent letter addressed to the Secretary of the Royal Society, 
 and read to that body on the 21st February i839,| he described 
 his method of preparing the paper, and the process by which he 
 fixed the design. 
 
 A sheet of superfine paper, after being dipped in a weak solution 
 of common salt, is wiped dry ; a solution of nitrate of silver, not 
 saturated, but six or eight times diluted wdth rvater, is then 
 spread on one surface only, and rvhen dry the paper is fit for use. 
 Leaves of flowers, and lace, laid upon the nitrated surface of 
 this paper will be seif-delineated by exposure to the sun, the 
 lights and shades being reversed. In fixing these images, Mr 
 Talbot at first tried ammonia and other re-agents with very im- 
 perfect success. His first good result wms obtained by using a 
 weak aqueous solution of iodide of potassium. He afterwards ob- 
 tained better fixation by immersing the picture in a strong solu- 
 tion of common salt, and then wiping off the s\iperfluous mois- 
 ture and drying it. In order to make the prepared paper suffi- 
 ciently sensitive to receive the images of the camera obscura, 
 he washed it several times, alteiTiately, wffth the solutions of salt, 
 and nitrate of silver. 
 
 It was printed in the Land, and Edin, Phil. Mag. for March 
 1839. Vol. xiv. p. 196. 
 f Id. Id. vol. xiv. p. 209. 
 
324 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jail. 
 
 Beautiful as some of the photographic drawings were, which 
 Mr Talbot thus produced and exhibited to the Royal Society, he 
 felt that the art had not yet attained great perfection ; and he set 
 himself diligently to improve his processes, but particularly to 
 obtain a paper which should be in a high degree sensitive to 
 light. Without such a paper, landscapes might be taken, and 
 pictures of fixed natural objects copied with great accuracy ; 
 but portraits of living persons, who could not keep the same 
 position for more than two or three minutes, at this time defied the 
 photographic art, as practised both by Daguerre and Talbot. 
 
 In this new field of enquiry Mr Talbot met with perfect success. 
 He discovered a method of making the paper so sensitive, that 
 with a camera, whose lens is one inch in diameter, and focal 
 length fifteen inches, a picture eight or nine inches square may 
 be taken in general in ten seconds. In the darkest day of winter, 
 a sheet of this paper becomes entirely dark in a small fraction of 
 a second. In five or six seconds, it vrill darken when held close 
 to a wax candle ; and it is even so distinctly acted upon by the 
 light reflected from the moon, that Mr Talbot has taken impres- 
 sions of leaves on it by moonlight! 
 
 To this invention, Mr Talbot, as already mentioned, has given 
 the name of Calotype^ and has secured the exclusive privilege of 
 it for England, by a patent sealed on the 8th February 1841.*' 
 We shall now endeavour to give our readers a popular account 
 of the beautiful methods contained in the specification. 
 
 In order to obtain a negative picture, (the first and by far the 
 most important part of the process,) or one in which the lights are 
 dark and the shades light, take paper with a smooth surface and 
 close texture ; mark one side of it with a pencil cross, and by a 
 camehs hair brush wash the marked side with a solution of 100 
 grains of nitrate of silver in six ounces of distilled water. After 
 having been cautiously dried, it is immersed for a few minutes in 
 a solution of iodide of potassium^ consisting of 500 grains in one 
 pint of distilled water. The paper when taken out is dipped in 
 water, and dried by blotting-paper and heat gently applied, or 
 it may be dried spontaneously alter it comes from the blotting- 
 paper. This operation is carried on in candle light, and the 
 paper thus prepared is called iodized paper. It is insensible to 
 light, and vail keep for any length of time without spoiling. 
 
 When this paper is required for use, a sheet is washed with a 
 camel’s hair brush on the one side, wdth the following solution : 
 
 See Newton’s Lo)idon Journal and Repertory of Patent Inventions, 
 Vol. xix. |). 189. 
 
1843, Drawing hy the Agency of Light, 325 
 
 To a solution of 100 grains of nitrate of silver^ in two ounces of 
 distilled water, add one third of its volume of strong acetic acid ; 
 then dissolve a small quantity of crystallized gallic acid in distilled 
 water, and mix the two solutions together in equal proportions; 
 but in no greater quantity than is required for immediate use, 
 for it will not keep long. This mixture is called gallo-nitrate of 
 silver^ and is to be applied with the light of a candle ; and after 
 allowing the paper to remain half a minute to absorb the gallo- 
 nitrate of silver, it should be dipped in distilled water and dried 
 lightly; first with blotting-paper, and then by means of a fire — 
 holding the paper at a considerable distance from it. The paper 
 is fit for use when thus dried, and should be used within a few 
 hours. 
 
 Mr Talbot calls this paper calotype paper, and it is now placed 
 in the camera obscura, to receive upon its surface a distinct 
 image of the landscape or person to be drawn ; no light being 
 allowed to fall upon the paper till its surface is exposed to the 
 image which it is to receive. The time of impressing the paper 
 with an invisible varies from ten seconds lo several minutes, 
 
 according to the intensity of the light. In the light of a summer 
 sun from ten to fifty seconds will be sufficient ; but when the 
 sun is not strong, two ov three minutes in summer is neces- 
 sary. 
 
 VVhen the paper is removed from the camera, in candle light 
 of course, there is generally nothing visible upon its surface ; but 
 by washing it all over by a camel’s-hair brush, with the gallo- 
 nitrate of silver^ and holding it before a gentle fire, the picture 
 will soon begin to appear, and the most luminous parts of the 
 real object will, in its picture, be brown or black, while the other 
 parts remain white. When the picture is sufficiently distinct, 
 it must then be fixed^ so that it will not be further acted upon 
 by the strongest light. For this purpose it must be first dipped 
 in water, then partly dried by blotting-paper, and afterwards 
 washed with a solution of bromide of potassium^ consisting of 100 
 grains of this salt, dissolved in eight or ten ounces of water ; 
 or in place of this it may be dipped in a strong solution of common 
 salt. The picture is now fixed, and must be finally washed with 
 water, and dried as before by blotting-paper. 
 
 When a negative picture has been thus obtained, many posi- 
 tive ones may be taken from it in the following manner: Take 
 a sheet of good paper, and having dipped it for a minute or so in 
 a solution of common salt, consisting of one part of a saturated 
 solution to eight parts of water, dry it first in blotting- 
 paper, and then spontaneously. Wash one of its sides (having 
 previously marked that side) with a solution of nitrate of silver^ 
 
 VOL. LXXVI, NO. CLIV. Y 
 
326 Photogenic Drawing^ or Jan. 
 
 consisting of eighty grains of that salt dissolved in one ounce of 
 distilled water. Allow this to dry, and then place the paper with 
 its marked side upwards upon a flat surface. Above it, place the 
 negative picture, and having put a plate of glass above, then 
 press them together by screws or otherwise, and expose them to 
 the light of the sun. In ten or fifteen minutes of bright sunshine, 
 or in several hours of common daylight, positive and beautiful 
 picture will be found on the paper beneath the negative picture, 
 in which the lights and shadows are now corrected. This pic- 
 ture, after being washed in water and then dried, is fixed by 
 brushing it over with the solution of bromide of potassium^ above 
 mentioned, or by dipping it in a strong solution of common 
 salt, 
 
 Mr Talbot next proceeds to describe an entirely new^ method 
 of obtaining, directly, positive pictures by a single process."^' As 
 this process is one less certain, we believe, or rather one which 
 requires more delicate and careful manipulation than the other, we 
 shall describe it in Mr Talbot’s own words : — 
 
 ‘ A sheet of sensitive calotype paper is exposed to the daylight for a 
 few seconds, or until a visible discoloration or browning of its surface 
 takes place ; then it is to be dipped into a solution of iodide of potassium, 
 consisting of 500 grains to one pint of water. The visible discolora- 
 tion is apparently removed by this immersion ; such, however, is not 
 really the case, for if the paper were dipped into a solution of gallo- 
 nitrate of silver it would speedily blacken all over. Vv^hen the paper is re- 
 moved fromtheiodide of potassium, it is washed with water, and then dried 
 with blotting-paper. It is then placed in the camera obscura, and after 
 five or ten minutes it is removed therefrom, and washed with gallo- 
 nitrate of silver, and warmed as before directed. An image of a positive 
 kind is thereby produced, and represents the lights of objects by lights, 
 and the shades by shades, as required.’ 
 
 Positive photographic pictures were first obtained by a single pro- 
 cess by Dr Andrew Fyfe of Edinburgh, and M. Lassaigne of Paris, 
 nearly about the same time ; but we have not heard that their methods 
 have given satisfactory results. By the double process great advantages 
 are obtained — the realization of the reverted pictures, and the power of 
 multiplying copies. Mr Talbot, Sir John Herschel, and Mr Hunt, seem 
 to have independently discovered the property of hydriodate of potash to 
 whiten paper darkened by exposure to light. See a ‘ Pojiular Trea- 
 ‘ tise on the Art of Photography, including Daguerreotype, and all the 
 ‘ new Methods of producing Ifictures by the Chemical Agency of Light. 
 « By Robert Hunt, Secretary to the Royal Cornwall Polytechnic So- 
 < ciety. Glasgow, 1841 forming Griffin's Seientifc Miscellany ^ No. 
 VII. A work which we warmly recommend to the attention of photo- 
 graphers. 
 
1843. 
 
 Drawing hy the Agency of Light 
 
 327 
 
 We have had an opportunity of seeing one of the pictures 
 taken in this way, which is very good ; but the only advantage 
 of this direct process, is, that it necessarily gives a picture with 
 sharper lines — lines as much sharper as those in the ordinary ne- 
 gative are sharper than those in the ordinary positive^ which must 
 always be copied through a certain thickness of paper. This 
 process, however, is quite inferior to the other in two essential 
 points. It requires such a length of time that portraits could 
 not be taken by it, and, when we do obtain good pictures, we 
 cannot multiply them as we do in the other process. The land- 
 scape must be appealed to for every picture of it, and the sitter 
 must sit for every portrait.'’^' 
 
 The patent right, and the important discovery which it secures, 
 have now been brought into actual operation and use as a branch of 
 the fine arts. Mr Henry Collen, a distinguished miniature- 
 painter, has quitted his own beautiful art, and devoted his whole 
 time to the calotype process. The portraits which he has produ- 
 ced, one of which is now before us, are infinitely superior to the 
 finest miniatures that have ever been painted. Devoting his 
 chief attention to the correct and agreeable delineation of the face 
 by the action of light alone, he corrects any imperfection in the 
 drapery, or supplies any defects in the figure, by his professional 
 skill ; so that his works have an entirely different aspect from 
 those of the amateur, who must, generally speaking, be content 
 with the result which the process gives him. In making this com- 
 parison we do not intend to convey the idea, pei feet pictures, 
 
 both landscapes and portraits, cannot be produced without addi- 
 tional touches from the pencil of an artist. Without referring to the 
 fine calotype delineations by Mr Talbot himself, wdio could not 
 be otherwise than master of his own art, we have now before us 
 a collection of admirable photographs executed at St Andrew’s, 
 by Dr and Mr Robert Adamson,| Major Playfair, and Captain 
 Brewster. Several of these have all the force and beauty of the 
 sketches of Rembrandt, and some of them have been pro- 
 
 * Mr Talbot’s patent includes also methods of obtaining photographic 
 images upon copper — and of obtaining coloured or otherwise diversified 
 photogenic images upon metallic surfaces covered with a thin layer of 
 silver, and that by means of coloured films produced from a solution of 
 acetate of lead by a galvanic current. 
 
 j All these calotypes were taken by means of excellent camera* 
 obscuras constructed by Mr Thomas Davidson, optician, Edinburgh. 
 
 Mr Robert Adamson, whose skill and experience in photography is 
 very great, is about to practise the art professionally in our northern 
 metropolis. 
 
328 Photogenic Drawing^ or Jail. 
 
 nounced by Mr Talbot himself to be among the best he has 
 seen. 
 
 Although the calotype art has attained, by Mr Talbot’s labours 
 alone, a singular degree of perfection in its ordinary results, there 
 is yet a good deal to be done in simplifying its processes ; * in 
 obtaining a more perfect material than common writing-paper for 
 the negative pictures; in giving it additional sensitiveness to 
 enable it to succeed with the light of gas ; and in rendering the 
 result of the whole process more certain than it now’ is. The 
 extension of the art, which is at this moment exciting great atten- 
 tion throughout the continent of Europe and also in America, 
 will, doubtless, add to its methods and its resources; and bring 
 it to a degree of perfection which Mr Talbot himself had never 
 contemplated. In the mean time, it gives us great pleasure to 
 learn, that though none of his photographical discoveries adorn 
 the transactions of the Royal Society, yet the president and 
 council have adjudged to him the Rumford Medals for the last 
 biennial period. 
 
 Having thus given our readers a pretty ample account of the 
 history of the Daguerreotype and Calotype, we shall now attempt 
 to point out the advantages which these two arts, considered as 
 the science of Photography, have conferred upon society ; and 
 shall afterwards endeavour to form an estimate of their respective 
 merits and applications. 
 
 It would be an idle task to eulogize the arts of painting and 
 sculpture, whether we view their productions as works of fancy, 
 or as correct representations of what is beautiful and grand in 
 nature. The splendid galleries of art throughout Europe, 
 private as well as public, form their most appropriate eulogy. 
 Any art, therefore, which should supersede that of the painter, 
 and deprive of employment any of its distinguished cultivators, 
 would scarcely be hailed as a boon conferred upon society. An 
 invention which supersedes animal, or even professional labour, 
 must be viewed in a very different light from an invention which 
 supersedes the efforts of genius. That the art of painting will 
 derive incalculable advantages from Photography it is impossible 
 to doubt. M. Delaroche, a distinguished French painter, quoted 
 by M. Arago, considers it as ‘ carrying to such perfection cer- 
 
 ^ Mr William F. Channing' of Boston gives a simpler process than 
 Mr Talbot’s ; but it is only by omitting some of the steps of it. The 
 calotype paper is therefore less sensitive. We have tried this simplified 
 process, but without any desire to repeat it; for a good negative picture 
 is worth all the trouble of Mr Talbot’s process.— *- See the American 
 Journal of Science and the Arts^ July 1812, vol. xliii. p. 73, 
 
1843. 
 
 Drawing by the Agency of Light, 
 
 329 
 
 ‘ tain of the essential principles of art, that they must become 
 ‘ subjects of study and observation even to the most accomplished 
 ‘ artist. * ^ * The finish of inconceivable minuteness disturbs in 
 ‘ no respect the repose of the masses, nor impairs in any manner 
 ‘ the general effect/ ‘ The correctness of the lines,’ he continues, 
 ‘ the precision of the forms in the designs of M. Daguerre, are as 
 ‘ perfect as it is possible they can be, and yet at the same time 
 ‘ we discover in them a broad and energetic manner, and a whole 
 ‘ equally rich in tone as in effect. The painter will obtain, by 
 ‘ this process, a quick method of making collections of studies 
 ‘ which he could not otherwise procure without much time and 
 ‘ labour, and in a style very far inferior, whatever might be his 
 ‘ talents in other respects/ * The same remarks are equally ap- 
 plicable to the arts of sculpture and architecture. 
 
 But if the artist is thus favoured by the photographer, what must 
 be the benefit which he confers on the public — the addition which 
 he makes to our knowledge — the direct enjoyment which he affords 
 to our senses. How limited is our present knowledge of the 
 architectural ornaments of other nations — of the ruined gran- 
 deur of former ages — of the gigantic ranges of the Himalaya and 
 the Andes — and of the enchanting scenery of lakes, and rivers, 
 and valleys, and cataracts, and volcanoes, which occur throughouc 
 the world ! Excepting by the labours of some travelling artists, 
 we know them only through the sketches of hurried visitors, 
 tricked up with false and ridiculous illustrations, which are equal 
 mockeries of nature and of art. But when the photographer 
 has prepared his truthful tablet, and ‘ held his mirror up to na- 
 ‘ ture,’ she is taken captive in all her sublimity and beauty ; 
 and faithful images of her grandest, her loveliest, and her minutest 
 features, are transferred to her most distant worshippers, and be- 
 come the objects of a new and pleasing idolatry. The hallowed 
 remains which faith has consecrated in the land of Palestine, the 
 scene of our Saviour’s pilgrimage and miracles — the endeared 
 spots where he drew his iirstandhis latest breath — the hills and 
 temples of the Holy City — the giant flanks of Horeb, and the awe- 
 inspiring summits of Mount Sinai, will be displayed to the Chris- 
 tian’s eye in the deep lines of truth, and appeal to his heart with all 
 the powerful associations of an immortal interest. With feelings 
 more subdued, will the antiquary and the architect study the 
 fragments of Egyptian, Grecian, and Roman grandeur — the 
 pyramids, the temples, the obelisks of other ages. Every in- 
 scription, every stone, will exhibit to them its outline; the gray 
 moss will lift its hoary frond, and the fading inscription unveil 
 
 * History and Practice of Photogenic Drawing, pp. 16, 17. 
 
3S0 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or Jan. 
 
 its mysterious hieroglyphics. The fields of ancient and modern 
 warfare will unfold themselves to the soldier’s eye in faithful 
 perspective and unerring outline ; and reanimated squadrons will 
 again form on the plains of Marathon, and occupy the gorge of 
 Thermopylae. 
 
 But it is not only the rigid forms of art and of external nature 
 — the mere outlines and subdivisions of space — that are thus fixed 
 and recorded. The self-delineated landscape is seized at one 
 epoch of time, and is embalmed amid all the co-existing events 
 of the social and physical world. If the sun shines, his rays 
 throw their gilding upon the picture. If rain falls, the earth and 
 the trees glisten with its reflections. If the wind blows, we see 
 in the partially obliterated foliage the extent of its ‘agitation. 
 The objects of still life, too, give animation to the scene. The 
 streets display their stationary chariots, the esplanade its military 
 array, and the market- place its colloquial groups ; — while the fields 
 are studded with the various forms and attitudes of animal life. 
 Thus are the incidents of time, and the forms of space simul- 
 taneously recorded ; and every picture becomes an authentic 
 chapter in the history of the world. 
 
 In considering the relations of Photography to the art of por- 
 trait painting, we are disposed to give it a still higher rank. 
 Could we now see in photogenic light and shadow Demosthenes 
 launching his thunder against Macedon — or Brutus at Pompey’s 
 statue bending over the bleeding Csesar — or Paul preaching at 
 Athens — or Him whom we must not name, in godlike attitude 
 and celestial beauty, proclaiming good-will to man, with what 
 rapture would we gaze upon impersonations so exciting and divine! 
 The heroes and sages of ancient times, mortal though they be, 
 would thus have been embalmed with more than Egyptian skill ; 
 and the forms of life and beauty, and the lineaments of noble 
 affections and intellectual power, the real incarnations of living 
 man, would have replaced the hideous fragments of princely mor- 
 tality scarcely saved from corruption. 
 
 But even in the narrower, though not less hallowed, sphere of 
 the affections, where the magic names of kindred and home are 
 inscribed, what a deep interest do the realities of photography ex- 
 cite I In the transition forms of his offspring, which link infancy 
 with manhood, the parent will discover the traces of his own 
 mortality ; and in the successive phases which mark the sunset 
 of life, the child, in its turn, will read the lesson that his pilgri- 
 mage too has a period which must close. 
 
 Nor are these delineations interesting only for their minute 
 accuracy as works of art, or for their moral influence as incentive 
 to virtue. They are instinct with^ associations equally vivid and 
 
1843. 
 
 Draioing hy the Agency of Light* 
 
 331 
 
 endearing. The picture is connected with its prototype by sen- 
 sibilities peculiarly touching. It was the very light which radi- 
 ated from his brov/ — the identical gleam which lighted up his 
 eye — the pallid hue which hung upon his cheek — that penciled 
 the cherished image, and fixed themselves for ever there. 
 
 But the useful arts, too, and even the sciences themselves, 
 have become the willing eulogists of the photographer. As the 
 picture in the Daguerreotype is delineated by vapours of mer- 
 cury, which are effaced by a touch of the finger, it became desir- 
 able to fix them upon the silvered copper by a more permanent 
 tracery. Dr Berres of Vienna is said to have discovered a 
 method of doing this, in such an effective manner, that copies 
 can be taken from the plate as from ordinary copperplates ; 
 and it has been asserted by Dr Donne, that the Daguer- 
 reotype plates may be directly etched by very dilute nitric 
 acid, which acts most powerfully upon the parts of the picture 
 that have the least quantity of mercurial vapour. As we have not 
 seen any of these results, and are not able to adduce the testimony 
 of others who have seen them, we cannot form an idea of the 
 accuracy with which they may represent the original Daugerreo- 
 type picture. We have now, however, before us four engrav- 
 ings, obtained from Daguerreotype plates by the process of Mr 
 Boscawen Ibbetson. One of these is from a Daguerreotype 
 portrait, in which the original picture on the silvered plate is 
 stippled by an engraver, and an impression thrown off in the 
 usual way; and three of them represent objects of natural history 
 obtained in the following manner. The exact outline of all the 
 parts of the picture was traced by the engraver in the Daguer- 
 reotype plate by stippling; a print was next taken from the plate 
 and transferred to stone ; and the lithographer then filled in the 
 necessary shading. One of these specimens is a thin section of 
 a madrepore, taken by the oxy-hydrogen microscope, and magni- 
 fied 12i times. The other specimens represent a silicified Penta- 
 gonaster, and a Scaphite, accompanied with other fossils ; and we 
 venture to say, that these specimens possess every requisite that 
 the naturalist could desire. Had the drawings been taken by 
 the Calotype, that is, upon paper, they could have been trans- 
 posed at once to stone with all their minute details, and with- 
 out the intermediate step of an imperfect etching, depending on 
 the engraver for its accuracy. 
 
 But there is still a simpler process by which the fine arts are 
 aided by the Daguerreotype, and the results of this process are 
 now before the world. Foreseeing the advantages of photo- 
 graphic pictures of the most interesting scenery in Europe, M. 
 
332 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Lerebours, well known as one of tbe most distinguished opticians 
 in Paris, has collected more than twelve hundred Daguerreotype 
 views of the most beautiful scenery and antiquities in the world. 
 The remarkable views from the East were taken by MM. Horace 
 Vernet and Goupil. M.-Las Cases has furnished the interesting 
 scenery of St Helena ; and M. Jomard has been occupied with 
 Spanish scenery and the beauties of the Alhambra. These 
 Daguerreotype pictures, of which it is impossible to speak too 
 highly, are engraved in aqua tinta^ upon steel, by the first artists ; 
 and they actually give us the real representation of the different 
 scenes and monuments at a particular instant of time, and under 
 the existing lights of the sun and the atmosphere. The artists 
 who took them, sketched separately the groups of persons, &c., 
 that stood in the street, as the Daguerreotype process was not 
 then sufficiently sensitive to do this of itself ; but in all the 
 landscapes, which shall now be reproduced by this singular art, 
 we shall possess accurate portraits of every living and moving 
 object within the field of the picture.^ 
 
 It would be almost an insult to our readers to dwell with any 
 detail on the utility of the new art, in promoting and extending 
 science. We have already seen its advantages in giving the 
 most faithful representation of objects of natural history ; and it 
 cannot fail to be equally useful in all the sciences of observation, 
 where visible forms are to be represented. The civil engineer 
 and the architect have claimed it as an art incalculably useful 
 in their profession ; and the meteorologist has seized upon it as 
 a means of registering successive observations of the barometer, 
 thermometer, hygrometer, and magnetometer, in the observer’s 
 absence ; and thus exhibiting to his eye, at the end of every day, 
 accurate measures of all the atmospheric changes which have 
 taken place. t We shall not say any thing at present of the great 
 discoveries to which it has already conducted us in physical 
 
 * M. Lerebours’ work is entitled Excursions Daguerriennesy collec- 
 tion de 50 planches, representant les Vues et les Monuinens les plus 
 remarquahle du Globe. The views are from Paris, Milan, Venice, 
 Florence, Rome, Naples, Switzerland, Germany, London, Malta, Egypt, 
 Damascus, St Jean D’Acre, Constantinople, Athens, &c. 
 
 f This application will be understood by supposing a sheet of sensitive 
 paper to be placed behind the mercurial column of the barometer, and a 
 light before the same column : the shadow of the top of the mercury will 
 leave a white image on the paper blackened by the light, and the paper 
 itself being moved behind the mercury by a clock, we shall thus observe 
 the various heights of the mercury depicted at every instant of time. 
 
1843. Drawing hg the Agency of Light, 333 
 
 optics, as we must devote a separate part of this article to their 
 discussion. 
 
 Ill thus stating the peculiar advantages of Photography, we 
 have supposed the Daguerreotype and Calotype to be the same 
 art. Our readers have already seen in what the difference really 
 consists ; but it is still necessary that we should attempt to draw 
 a comparison between them, as sister arts, with advantages pecu- 
 liar to each. 
 
 In doing this, our friends in Paris must not suppose that we 
 have any intention of making the least deduction from the merits 
 of M. Daguerre, or the beauty of his invention ; which cannot be 
 affected by the subsequent discovery of the Calotype by Mr Talbot. 
 While a Daguerreotype picture is much more sharp and accurate 
 in its details than a Calotype, the latter possesses the advantage of 
 giving a greater breadth and massiveness to its landscapes and 
 portraits. In the one, we can detect hidden details by the appli- 
 cation of the microscope; in the other, every attempt to mag- 
 nify its details is injurious to the general effect. In point of ex- 
 pense, a Daguerreotype pffcture vastly exceeds a Calotype one of 
 the same size. With its silver plate and glass covering, a quarto 
 plate must cost five or six shillings, while a Calotype one will 
 not cost as many pence. In point of portability, permanence, 
 and facility of examination, the Calotype picture possesses a 
 peculiar advantage. It has been stated, but we know not the 
 authority, that Daguerreotype pictures have been effaced before 
 they reached the East Indies ; but if this be true, we have no 
 doubt that a remedy will soon be found for the defect. I'he great 
 and unquestionable superiority of the Calotype pictures, how-ever, 
 is their power of multiplication. One Daguerreotype cannot be 
 copied from another and the person whose portrait is desired, 
 must sit for every copy that he wishes. When a pleasing picture 
 is obtained, another of the same character cannot be produced. 
 In the Calotype, on the contrary, we can take any number of pic- 
 tures, within reasonable limits, from a negative; and a wdiole circle 
 of friends can procure, for a mere trifle, a copy of a successful and 
 pleasing portrait. In the Daguerreotype the landscapes are 
 all reverted, whereas in the Calotype the drawing is exactly 
 conformable to nature. This objection can of course be removed, 
 either by admitting the rays into the camera after reflection from 
 a mirror, or by total reflection from a prism ; but in both these 
 cases, the additional reflections and relractions are accompanied 
 with a loss of light, and also with a diminution, to a certain ex- 
 tent, of distinctness in the image. The Daguerreotype may 
 be considered as having nearly attained perfection, both in the 
 
334 
 
 Photogenic Drawing ^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 quickness of its operations and in the minute perfection of its pic- 
 tures ; whereas the Calotype is yet in its infancy—ready to make 
 a new advance when a proper paper, or other ground, has been 
 discovered, and when such a change has been made in its che- 
 mical processes as shall yield a better colour, and a softer distri- 
 bution of the colouring material. 
 
 In the preceding pages we have treated of the histor}^ the pro- 
 cesses, the advantages, and the relative merits of the Daguerreo- 
 type and the Calotype, considered as two existing arts which we 
 owe to M. Daguerre and Mr Talbot; and, under this restriction, we 
 have not felt ourselves called upon to give any particular account 
 of the experiments and improvements of Dr Fyfe, M. Claudet, 
 Mr Hunt, Mr Ponton, M. Lassaigne, M. Netto, and many 
 other writers. The necessary restriction of our limits, indeed, 
 renders it impossible to enter into those minute details and dis- 
 cussions, which, though they might be less acceptable to a gene- 
 ral reader, could not fail to be extremely interesting to those who 
 may be engaged in the practice of these fascinating arts. The 
 same cause has prevented us from describing the construction and 
 use of the different camera-obscuras, with lenses and mirrors, 
 which have been, or which may be, successfully employed in 
 Photography. 
 
 Extensive, however, as the subject is, and restricted as we 
 are, there are three philosophers, Sir John Herschel, Dr Draper 
 of New York, and Professor Moser of Konigsberg, who have 
 applied the photographic processes with such distinguished 
 success to the advancement of optical science, that it would be 
 unpardonable to witlibold from our scientific readers an account 
 of their discoveries ; even had they been less important and of a 
 less popular character than they are. 
 
 The researches of Sir John Plerschel were both practical and 
 theoretical.'^ In the first portion of the paper winch contains 
 them, he treats of the various parts of the photographic pro- 
 cesses ; and in the second, he treats of the chemical and calorific 
 action of the solar rays. In the very important process of fixing 
 photographs, whether negative or positive. Sir John gives the 
 preference to the hyposulphite of soda A The photograph is first 
 
 * ‘ On the Chemical Action of the Rays of the Solar Spectrum on 
 ‘ Preparations of Silver and other Substances, both Metallic and Non- 
 < Metallic, and on some" Photographic Processes. By Sir John F. W. 
 ‘ Herschel, Bart., K.H. V.P.R.S.,’ Phil, Trans, 1840; pp. 1-60. 
 
 I The use of ammonia for^fixing positive photographs was tried, but 
 
1843.1 
 
 'Draioing hy the Agency of Light. 
 
 335 
 
 well washed by soaking in water. When thoroughly dried, it is 
 then brushed over very quickly with a flat camel-hair brush, 
 dipped in a saturated solution of the hyposulphite, first on the 
 face, then on the back. When the picture has been thus com- 
 pletely penetrated by the fluid, it must be washed repeatedly and 
 copiously with water, until the water comes off without the 
 slightest sweetness. Sir John recommends the repetition of this 
 process, especially if the paper be thick. The use of common 
 salt he has never found satisfactory; and though he regards the hy- 
 driodate of potash as good for fixation, if the right strength be hit, 
 yet in the case of negative photographs its use v»^ould be injurious, 
 from the yellow tint which it gives to the ground of the picture. 
 In using a weak solution" of corrosive sublimate, Sir John/lis- 
 covered a very singular effect of it. When the picture was 
 washed over with this solution, and then laid for a few minutes 
 in water, the picture was completely ohllterated. But though 
 invisible, it was only dormant^ for it could easily be revived, 
 in all its force, by merely brushing it over with a solution of 
 a neutral hyposulphite. In this way it may be successively obli- 
 terated and revived as often as we please. 
 
 The ‘ numberless combinations ’ of chemical substances 
 which were tried by Sir John Herschel, with the view of in- 
 creasing the sensitiveness and facility of preparation of photo- 
 graphic paper, did not lead him to any very satisfactory results ; 
 and with the candour wdiich distinguishes him, he ‘ most 
 ‘ readily admits that the specimens (of photographic paper) recent- 
 ‘ ly placed in his hands by Mr Talbot, far surpass, in point of sen- 
 ^ sitiveness, any that he had yet produced of a manageable kind.’ 
 Following Mr Talbot’s principle of successive alternate wmshes 
 with salt and nitrate of silver. Sir John adopted the following 
 series of washes, viz. : — 
 
 1. Nitrate of silver. Spec. grav. 1.096, (say 1.1). 
 
 2. Muriate of soda. 1 salt, 19 water. 
 
 3. Nitrate of silver. Spec. grav. 1.132, (say 1.15). 
 saturating the muriatic solution with chloride of silver, and occa- 
 sionally dividing the last, or third, application into two conse- 
 
 abandoned by Mr Talbot. Mr Constable of Jesus College, Cambrido-e, 
 afterwards found it to be efficacious ; and we have ourselves found it to 
 be preferable to any other fixing liquid. When applied copiously and re- 
 peatedly, the photographs will resist the direct and continued light of 
 the sun. As the ammonia always weakens the picture, the positive pho- 
 tographs should be strongly brought out by the sun. When they are weak, 
 the bromide of potassium is preferable as the fixing material. 
 
335 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 cutive washes of nitrate of silver, of equal strength, by dilution. 
 As an ordinary working paper easily prepared, Sir John considers 
 it as having sensibility enough for most purposes. It gives, he 
 sa}^s, good camera pictures, and when smooth demy paper is used, 
 it retains its whiteness even in the dark. As all other papers 
 suffered discoloration under the preceding process, and as the 
 smooth demy might not always be obtained of the same quality, 
 Sir John was induced to adopt, for camera pictures, a process 
 which proved both convenient and effectual ; and which he found 
 to apply equally well to both descriptions of paper — that is, the 
 blue wove jjost and smooth demy. He simply ‘ delays the last or 
 ‘ efficient wash of nitrate of silver, on which the sensitive quality 
 ‘ depends, till the moment of using it ; and, in fact, using the 
 ‘ paper actually wet with the nitrate, and applied with its sensi- 
 ‘ tive face against a glass plate, whose hinder surface is in the 
 ‘ focus of the camera. This affords other collateral advantages : 
 ‘ 1st, That all crumpling or undulation of the paper is avoided; 
 ‘ 2d, That being rendered in some degree transparent, the light 
 ‘ is enabled to act deeper within its substance.’ 
 
 In the practice of Photography, the artist is often disturbed 
 with imperfections in his paper, even when it has been prepared 
 with the utmost attention. Both Mr Talbot and Sir John Her- 
 schel have paid particular attention to this imperfection ; and 
 have, we have no doubt, ascertained the general cause of these 
 spots, as well as a probable means of preventing them. 
 
 ‘ I will now add/ says Mr Talbot, ‘a few remarks concerning the very 
 singular circumstance which I have before briefly mentioned — viz , that 
 the paper sometimes, although intended to be prepared of the most sen- 
 sitive quality, turns out on trial to be wholly insensible to light, and 
 incapal)!e of change. The most singular part of this is the very small 
 difference in the mode of preparation, which causes so wide a discrepancy 
 in the result. For instance, a sheet of paper is all prepared at the same time, 
 and with the intention of giving it as much uniformity as possible; and 
 yet, when exposed to sunshine, this paper will exhibit large white'spots 
 of very definite outline, where the preparing process has failed ; the rest 
 of the paper, where it has succeeded, turning black as rapidly as possible. 
 Sometimes the spots are of a pale tint of cerulean blue, and are sur- 
 rounded by exceedingly definite outlines of perfect whiteness, contrasting 
 very much with the blackness of the part immediately succeeding. With 
 regard to the theory of this, I am only prepared to state as my opinion 
 at present, tliat it is a case of what is called unstable equilibrium.” 
 The process followed is such as to produce one of two definite chemical 
 compounds; and when we happen to come near the limit which separates 
 the two cases, it depends upon exceedingly small and often imperceptible 
 circumstances, which of the two compounds shall be formed. That they 
 
1843 . 
 
 DraiiHuy by the Agency of Light* 
 
 337 
 
 are both definite compounds, is of course at present merely ray conjecture ; 
 that they are signally different, is evident from their dissimilar properties.’ * 
 
 Both Sir John Herschel and Mr Hunt concur in the theory 
 given of these spots by Mr Talbot ; and the former has suggested 
 the following method of preventing their occurrence. 
 
 ‘ It frecjuently happens that, hovvever carefully the successive washes 
 are applied, so as apparently to drench completely every part of the pa- 
 per, irregular patches in the resulting sheet will be of a comparatively 
 much lower degree of sensibility ; which degree is nevertheless uniform 
 over their whole area. These patches are always sharply defined and 
 terminated by rounded outlines, indicating, as their proximate cawse, the 
 spreading of the wash last applied within the pores of the paper. They 
 have been noticed and well described by Mr Talbot, and ascribed by him, 
 I think justly, to the assumption of definite and different chemical states 
 of the silver within and without their area, which it would be highly in- 
 teresting to follow out. They are very troublesome in practice, but may 
 be materially diminished in frequency, if not avoided altogether, by satu- 
 rating the saline washes used, previous to their aj>plication, with chloride 
 of silver. By attending to this precaution, and by dividing the last wash 
 of the nitrate into two of half the strength, applied one after the other, 
 drying the paper between them, their occurrence may be almost entirely 
 obviated. 
 
 The occurrence of these white spots on the paper used for 
 positive photographs, is particularly distressing. When a favour- 
 able sun and a fine negative drawing should have produced a 
 powerful picture, the figures often appear without heads or hands, 
 or with such numbers of white spots as to destroy the picture. 
 In order to be secure against this disappointment, Sir David 
 Brewster exposes the nitrated paper to such a degree of light as 
 to produce a sort of neutral brownish tint over the whole.! The 
 uniformity of this tint indicates the absence of white spots ; and 
 when the white spots do appear, we may either reject the paper 
 or place the negative upon that part of it which is uniformly 
 tinged. This tinge has another advantage. It prevents that 
 disagreeable change of colour, which, in the course of time, comes 
 over all photographs that have been fixed with the bromide of 
 potassium ; and it greatly adds to the effect of a picture with very 
 deep shadows produced by an excess of light, and which has been 
 fixed by ammonia. 
 
 Within our present limits, we cannot stop to give our reader 
 
 ‘ Some account of the Art of Photogenic Drawing, 8cc.’ p. ],3. 
 t Instead of using for positives the strong nitrate of 80 grains to 1 
 oz. of water, he uses the aceto-nitrate, with only 50 grains to 1^ oz. of 
 fluid, that is, of water and acetic acid. The acetic acid may be replaced 
 by common vinegar in taking positives^ 
 
338 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jaa 
 
 an adequate idea of the discoveries made by Sir John Herschel 
 during his photographic researches. We must, therefore, content 
 ourselves with little more than an enumeration of them. 
 
 1. By concentrating the prismatic spectrum with a large lens 
 of crown glass, and receiving it on paper prepared, as already 
 described, the paper was tinged with colours ‘ imitating those of 
 ‘ the spectrum itself.’ The red rays give no tint ; the orange a 
 faint brick red ; the orange yellow^ a pretty strong brick red ; the 
 yellow give a red jmssing into green ; the yellow green give a didl 
 bottle green ; the green a dull bottle green^ passing into bluish ; 
 the blue green give a sombre blue^ almost black ; the blue give a 
 black, which, by long exposure, becomes a metallic yellow, like im- 
 perfect gilding ; the violet produced a black, passing into the same 
 yellow, by long exposure in the less refrangible portions of the 
 violet ray ; the part beyond the violet gave a violet black or imr- 
 plish black. 
 
 2. The rays beyond the violet were found by concentration 
 to have a decided colour, to which Sir John has given the 
 name of lavender grey. 
 
 3. When hydriodate of potash, of moderate strength, is applied 
 to darkened Photographic papers, they become susceptible of 
 being whitened or oxidized by further exposure to light : The 
 whitening begins in the violet rays, but when we come to the 
 red rays a blackenmg or deoxidizing effect takes place, which ex- 
 tends distinctly beyond the red extremity. 
 
 4. When the sun’s rays pass through dilferent transparent 
 bodies before they fall upon nitrated paper, these bodies have the 
 property some of exalting, and others of depressing the effect of 
 the direct light of the sun. Colourless plates of Saxo?i topaz, 
 sulphate of lime, Iceland spar, llochelle salt, and quartz, ex- 
 alted the solar action in dilferent degrees when the paper w^as 
 in contact with them. Capricious results, however, were obtained 
 with different kinds of glass, and different kinds of paper, diffe- 
 rently prepared. 
 
 5. By a very interesting preparation of paper (thin post) 
 blackened on one side with Indian ink, and washed on the other 
 with rectified spirit of wine, and having this last side exposed to 
 the spectrum. Sir John displayed, by means of the drying or 
 whitening of the paper, the length and structure of the calorific 
 spectrum. The chief heating power lay on that side of the yel- 
 low ray, D of Fraunhofer, and extended as far on that side as the 
 whole length of the ordinary luminous spectrum. He observed 
 five nearly equidistant centres or maxima of action ; the first 
 corresponding with the extreme red ray ; and the fifth, which was 
 very faint, as far beyond the visible red extremity as the line D 
 is from the extreme violet ray* 
 
184B. 
 
 Drawing by the Agency of Light, 
 
 339 
 
 In pursuing these researches, this distinguished philosopher has 
 been led to other highly interesting results. The action of light 
 on vegetable colours, he finds to be positive that is, it either de- 
 stroys the colour totally, or leaves a residual tint on which light 
 has no further action.'^' This action is coiidned to the region of the 
 spectrum occupied by the luminous rays ; and the rays which are 
 effective in destroying any given tint, are in a great many cases 
 ‘ those whose union produces a colour complementary to the tint 
 ‘ destroyed.' A still more interesting result of this enquiry has 
 been the discovery of two new Photographic processes ; to the lat- 
 ter of which its author has given the name of Chrysotype, from its 
 being chiefly produced by a solution of gold. When paper has 
 been first washed over with a solution of ammonio-citrate of iron,, 
 then dried, and afterwards washed over with a solution of ferro^ 
 ses(iui~cyanuret of potassium, it becomes capable of receiving with 
 great rapidity a positive photographic impression. When a 
 negative picture has been impressed upon paper washed with the 
 former of these solutions, but which is originally faint and some- 
 times scarcely perceptible, it is immediately called forth upon 
 being washed over with a neutral solution of gold. The picture 
 does not at once acquire its full intensity, but rapidly blackens 
 up to a certain point ; when the photograph acquires a sharpness 
 and perfection of detail which nothing can surpass. A solution 
 of silver produces a similar effect with greater intensity, but much 
 more slowly. | 
 
 To Professor Draper of New York, we owe many interesting 
 facts and views connected with the photographical art. He 
 was the first, we believe, who, under the brilliant summer sun of 
 New AYrk, took portraits with the Daguerreotype. This 
 branch of Photography seems not to have been regarded as a 
 possible application of Daguerre’s invention ; and no notice is 
 taken of it in the reports made to the legislative bodies of 
 France. We have been told that Daguerre had not at that period 
 taken any portraits ; and when we consider the period of time, 
 twenty or twenty-five minutes, which was then deemed necessary 
 to get a Daguerreotype landscape, we do not wonder at the ob- 
 servation of a French author, who describes the taking of por- 
 traits as toujours un terrain un pen fabideux pour le Daguerreotype, 
 Daguerre, however, and his countryman, AI. Claudet, have 
 
 * This effect is perfectly analogous to that of the action of heat upon 
 the colour of mirie*’als. In Brazil topaz the residual tint is always a light 
 pink. See Vliil. Trans, vol. xix. p. 25. 
 
 t Hence Sir J. Herschel considers the name Siderotype, taken from 
 the iron employed in one of the solutions, as preferable to Chrysotype, 
 
340 Photogenic Drawing^ of Jart. 
 
 nobly earned the reputation of having perfected this branch of 
 the art. 
 
 It had been long known, that if we write upon a piece of 
 glass with a pencil of Soapstone or Agalmatoiite, the written let- 
 ters, though wholly invisible, may be read by simply breathing 
 upon the glass ; and this even though the surface has been well 
 cleaned after the letters had been written. Dr Draper observ- 
 ed, that if a piece of metal, a shilling for example, or even a wafer, 
 is laid upon a cool surface of glass or polished metal, and the 
 glass or metal breathed upon, then, if the shilling is tossed from 
 the surface, and the vapour dried up spontaneously, a spectral 
 image of the shilling will be seen by breathing again upon the 
 surface ; the vapour depositing itself in a different manner upon 
 the part previously protected by the shilling.'*' More recently, 
 Professor Draper has shown, that this spectral image could be 
 revived during a period of several months of the cold weather in 
 the winter of 1840-1 ; but he has stated that he cannot find the 
 reason of this result, though he regards it as analogous to the 
 deposition of mercurial vapour in the Daguerreotype. | We have 
 often repeated this interesting experiment, by keeping the protect- 
 ing body, the shilling or wafer, at a distance from the glass or 
 metallic surface, or by putting it under a watch-glass ; and we 
 found that the result was always the same, (even after cleaning 
 the surface with soft leather,) so that change of temperature, or 
 any pressure upon the glass surface, were excluded as causes of 
 the phenomenon. 
 
 Professor Draper was led also to the interesting conclusion, 
 
 ‘ that the chemical action produced by the rays of light, depends 
 ‘ upon the rays being rendered latent or absorbed by sensitive bo- 
 ‘ dies that ‘ by some unknown process, photographic effects on 
 ‘ sensitive surfaces gradually disappear, and that it depends on 
 ‘ the chemical nature of the sensitive material, which rays shall 
 ‘ be rendered latent or absorbed.’ J 
 
 During a long journey, undertaken during the last summer 
 for the purpose of trying the photographical power of the sun’s 
 rays in lower latitudes, Professor Draper has been conducted to 
 a very remarkable discovery. No similar result could be obtained 
 at New York, and therefore we can have no expectation of wit- 
 nessing it in England. From photographic impressions of the 
 solar spectrum, obtained in the South of Virginia, when the ther- 
 mometer was 96‘^ of Fahrenheit in the shade. Professor Draper 
 found, tdiat ‘ under a brilliant sun, there is a class of rays com- 
 
 ^ Land, and Edin. Phil. Magazine, vol. xviii. p. Sept. 1840-41. 
 t Id. Id, V. xix. 198. | Id. Id. 195-6. 
 
1843. Drawing hy the Agency of Light, 341 
 
 ‘ mencing precisely at the termination of the hlue^ and extending 
 ‘ beyond the extreme red^ which totally and perfectly arrest the 
 ‘ light of the sky. The negative rays seemed almost as effective 
 ‘ in 'protecting^ as the blue rays are in decomposing iodide of 
 ‘ silver.’ 
 
 ‘ The most remarkable part of the phenomenon,’ says Professor Draper, 
 
 ‘ is, that the same class of rays makes its appearance again beyond the 
 extreme lavender rays. Sir J. Herschel has already stated, in the case 
 of bromide of silver, that these negative rays exist low down in the spec- 
 trum. This specimen, however, proves that they exist at both ends, 
 and do not at all depend on the refrangibility. It was obtained with yel- 
 low iodide of silver, Daguerre’s preparation, the time of exposure to the 
 sun fifteen minutes. 
 
 ‘ In this impression, six different kinds of action may be distinctly 
 traced, by the dilferent effects produced on the mercurial amalgam. Those, 
 commencing with the most refrangible rays, may be enumerated as fol- 
 lows : — 1st, protecting rays ; 2d, rays that whiten ; 3d, rays that blacken ; 
 4th, rays that whiten intensely ; 5th, rays that whiten very feebly ; 6th, 
 protecting rays. 
 
 ‘ It is obvious we could obtain negative photographs by the Daguer- 
 reotype process, by absorbing all the rays coming from natural objects, ex- 
 cept the red, orange, yellow, and green, allowing at the same time dif- 
 fused daylight to act on the plate. 
 
 ‘ This constitutes a great improvement in the art of Photography, 
 because it permits its application in a negative way to landscapes. In 
 the original French plan, the most luminous rays are those that have 
 least effect, whilst the sombre blue and violet rays produce all the ac- 
 tion. Pictures produced in that way never can imitate the order of 
 light and shadow in a coloured landscape.” 
 
 From these observations. Professor Draper considers that 
 ‘ there are strong reasons for believing that the sun’s light, in 
 ‘ tropical seasons, differs intrinsically from ours.’ With a French 
 achromatic lens, which performed admirably in a camera at New 
 York, the Chevalier Fredrichstal, who travelled in Central Ame- 
 rica for the Prussian government, found very long exposures in 
 the camera necessary, to produce impressions of the ruined mo- 
 numents of the deserted cities. Professor Draper says that 
 these Daguerreotypes ‘ are of a very remarkable aspect ; and he 
 ‘ assures us that other competent travellers experienced similar 
 ‘ difficulties, and even failed to get any impressions 'whatever* 
 These difficulties must certainly be due, as Professor Draper 
 conjectures, to the antagonist action of the negative and posi- 
 tive rays. 
 
 We shall now give our readers a very condensed account of 
 the extraordinary discoveries recently made by M. Ludwig Moser, 
 
 * Lond. and Edin. Phil, Magazmey vok xxi. p. 349. 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. Z 
 
342 
 
 Photogenic Drawing^ or 
 
 Jan. 
 
 of the University of Kooigsberg ; and we are fortunately able to 
 do this with accuracy, from a detailed abstract of them commu- 
 nicated in manuscript by Professor Moser himself to Sir David 
 Brewster. According to his views, light produces the same general 
 effect upon all substances, and this effect consists in its modifying 
 their surfaces, so as to make them condense vapours differently. 
 The quantity of vapours thus condensed, depends on the intensity 
 of the light and the duration of its action ; and also on the elasti- 
 city of the vapour and the duration of its action. The iodide of 
 silver is at first blackened by the action of light ; and this effect 
 is produced most rapidly by the blue and violet rays, and more 
 slowly by the other rays in the ratio of their lesser refrangibility. 
 But when the action of light upon the iodide is prolonged, the 
 blackened iodide is brought back to a coloured iodide; and this 
 restoration is produced most rapidly by the red and yellow rays, 
 and less rapidly by the blue and violet^ in the ratio of their greater 
 refrangibility. 
 
 All bodies, according to Professor Moser, emit light even in 
 absolute darkness, and this light differs entirely from that which 
 is emitted by phosphorescent bodies. It is called by Professor 
 Moser the prope/* light of bodies. It acts upon all substances in 
 the same manner as ordinary light — that is, it modifies their sur- 
 faces, so as to enable them to condense vapours differently. The 
 leading experiment from wTich this doctrine is deduced, consists 
 in placing a polished surface of silver within the twentieth of an 
 inch of a cameo of horn or agate, wdth white figures upon a 
 dark ground. After remaining at that distance ten minutes, the 
 figures engraved on the cameo have impressed themselves on 
 the silver surface, and may be rendered visible by throwing upon 
 that surface the vapours of mercury, water, oil, &c. If the image 
 in a camera obscura is received upon a surface of silver, glass, 
 wood, leather, &c., the image may, in like manner, be rendered 
 visible. The proper light of bodies, which has a great refrangi- 
 bility, is the most suitable for commencing the action upon 
 bodies. From these results. Professor Moser has drawn the im- 
 portant conclusion, that there exists latent light, analogous to 
 latent heat ; and that a portion of light becomes latent when any 
 liquid evaporates, and is again disengaged when the same vapour 
 is condensed. The condensation of vapours, therefore, acts like 
 light upon the condensing bodies ; particular vapours acting like 
 particular coloured rays of the spectrum. The latent light of mer- 
 curial vapours is yelloiv, and their condensation produces all the 
 effects of yellow light. The latent light of the vapours of iodine 
 is blue or violet. The latent light of chlorine, bromine, and their 
 combinations, differs a little in refrangibility from those of iodine. 
 The latent light of the vapour of water is neither green, yellow, 
 
1843. 
 
 Drawing by the Agency of lAght. 
 
 343 
 
 orange^ nor red. The latent light of the hydro-fluoric vapours, 
 surpasses in refrangibility that of the visible rays. Hence Pro- 
 fessor Moser concludes, that the iodide of silver derives its great 
 sensibility to ordinary light, from the circumstance that the latent 
 light of the vapour of iodine is disengaged, and acts on the sub- 
 stance of the metal ; and that the iodide of silver has not a greater 
 sensibility to the invisible rays than pure silver.'^ 
 
 These general results are deduced from various experiments 
 detailed in three memoirs ; only one of which is yet published in 
 Poggendorff’s Annalen der Physik, This frst memoir is On 
 Vision, and the Action of Light upon all Bodies ; the second, On 
 the Latent State of Light ; and the third. On Invisible Rays. 
 The published Memoir indicated at the head of this article, 
 contains many interesting experiments connected with the Da- 
 guerreotype ; but the most important part of it is that in which 
 its author assimilates the phenomena of vision to those of Pho- 
 tography. In developing his particular views on this subject, he 
 founds them on the following experiment made by Sir David 
 Brewster, which he regards as a complete proof of his theory : — 
 
 ‘ If, when two candles are placed at the distance of eight or ten feet 
 from the eje, and about a foot from each other, we view the one directly, 
 and the other indirectly ; the indirect image will swell, as we have al- 
 ready mentioned, and will be succeeded with a bright ring of yellow light, 
 while the bright light within the ring' will have a pale-blue colour. If 
 the candles are viewed through a prism, the red and green light of the 
 indirect image will vanish ; and there will be left only a large mass of 
 yellow, terminated with a portion of blue light. In making this experi- 
 ment, and looking steadily and directly at one of the prismatic images of 
 the candles, I was surprised to find that the red and green rings began to 
 disappear, leaving only yellow and a small portion of blue ; and when the 
 eye was kept immovably fixed on the same point of the image, the yeU 
 loiv light became almost pure white; so that the prismatic image was 
 converted into an elongated image of white light' — {^Treatise on Optics, 
 p. 296, 297.) 
 
 Professor Moser regards this experiment as inexplicable by the 
 ordinary theory of accidental colours ; and ascribes the phenomena 
 to a peculiar vital action not yet understood. 
 
 * We have found that many of the phenomena ascribed to latent light, 
 or to heat, are owing to the absorption of matter in the state of vapour 
 or minute particles, passing from the object to the surface of the glass or 
 metal upon which the image of that object is impressed ; and by this 
 means we have obtained very fine pictures upon glass, which are positive 
 when seen by reflection, and negative when seen by transmitted light. 
 These pictures are rendered visible by the vapour of water, &c. 
 
344 
 
 Photogenic Drawing. 
 
 Jan, 
 
 In the middle of this physiological difficulty, our exhausted 
 limits compel us to stop. But we cannot allow ourselves to con- 
 clude this article without some reflections, which the preceding de- 
 tails must have excited in the minds of our readers, as well as in ours. 
 Two great inventions, the produce of two of the greatest and most 
 intellectual nations in the world, have illustrated the age in which 
 we live. With a generous heart and open hand, France has pur- 
 chased the secret of the Daguerreotype; and while she has liberally 
 rewarded the genius which created it, she has freely offered it as 
 a gift to all nations — a boon to universal science — a donation to 
 the arts — a source of amusement and instruction to every class 
 of society. All the nations of Europe — save one — and the whole 
 hemisphere of the New World, have welcomed the generous gift. 
 They have received the free use of it for all their subjects ; they 
 have improved its processes ; they have applied it to the arts ; 
 they have sent forth travellers to distant climes to employ it in 
 delineating their beauties and their wonders. In England alone, 
 the land of free-trade — the enemy of monopoly — has the gift of 
 her neighbour been received with contumely and dishonour. It 
 has been treated as contraband — not at the Custom-house, but at 
 the Patent-office. Much as we admire the principle of our Patent 
 laws, as the only reward of mechanical genius under governments 
 without feeling and without wisdom, we would rather see them 
 utterly abrogated, than made, as they have in this case been made, 
 an instrument of injustice. While every nation in the world has a 
 staff of pilgrim philosophers, gathering on foreign shores the 
 fragments of science and practical knowledge for the benefit of 
 their country, England marshals only a coast-guard of patent 
 agents, not to levy duties, but to extinguish lights ; not to seize 
 smugglers, but to search philosophers ; not to transmit their cap- 
 tures to the national treasury, but to retain them as fees and 
 profits to interested individuals. 
 
 Nor does the fate of the Calotype redeem the treatment of her 
 sister art. The Royal Society — the philosophical organ of th'e 
 nation— has refused to publish its processes in their Transac- 
 tions. No Arago — -no Gay Lussac, drew to it the notice of the 
 Premier or his Government. No representatives of the People 
 or the Peers unanimously recommended a national reward. No 
 enterprizing artists started for our colonies to portray their scenery, 
 or repaired to our insular rocks and glens to delineate their beauty 
 and their grandeur. The inventor was left to find the reward of 
 his labours in the doubtful privileges of a patent ; — and thus 
 have these two beautiful and prolific arts been arrested on Eng- 
 lish ground, and doomed to fourteen years’ imprisonment in the 
 labyrinths of Chancery Lane ] 
 
1843. 
 
 Lord CampbelFs Speeches. 
 
 345 
 
 Art. II . — Speeches of Lord Campbell, at the Bar^ and in the 
 House of Commons ; with an Address to the Irish Bar as Lord 
 Chancellor of Ireland. 8vo. Edinburgh: 1842. 
 
 E regard the publication of this volume with interest, not 
 ’ ^ derived merely from the intrinsic merit of some of the 
 speeches which it contains, and the importance of the events 
 with which they are associated ; but from the memorials it pre- 
 sents of a career which it is pleasant to contemplate, and wise to 
 hold out as an encouraging example. The professional life of 
 its author is not illustrated by those sparkling qualities which 
 sometimes attain a sudden triumph, and which few can emulate ; 
 nor diversified by those happy accidents which occasionally decide 
 the fate of a bold aspirant, when trembling between obscurity and 
 greatness ; but consists of an uninterrupted course of strenuous 
 labours, sustained with unflinching courage and unwearied 
 patience, and, by constant and regular progress, achieving high 
 and merited honours. From the political party to which he 
 attached himself in youth, notwithstanding its attainment of 
 power then beyond all expectation, he has derived no other 
 pecuniary benefits than the office of Attorney- General conferred 
 — the painful and ill-paid duties of which he discharged for a 
 longer period than any of his predecessors, and with industry 
 and care which none of his successors can ever surpass ; so 
 that of the numerous lawyers who have attained high rank, and 
 founded noble families, he has, as much as any one within our 
 recollection, directly worked for and earned his fortune, by that 
 persevering toil which inferior minds may imitate with propor- 
 tionate success, and which none can imitate in vain. His course 
 has also the merit and the beauty — too often wanting, or im- 
 perfect in the history of eminent lawyers — of entire political 
 consistency. Early in life he chose his party for better and 
 for worse ; clove to it with constancy ; and now advocates in 
 the House of Lords those principles which he embraced when 
 their success seemed a distant hope, and which, notwithstanding 
 the present exclusion from office of those by whom they have 
 been supported, are, and will continue triumphant. And without 
 imputing dishonourable motives to those successful lawyers whose 
 career has wanted, or seemed to want, this grace — believing that 
 the changes imputed to them have rarely been attended hy feel- 
 ings consciously base — we may be permitted to regard it as a 
 ground of congratulation, when a long public career wears all 
 the outward symbols of the integrity which has influenced its 
 
346 Lord Campbell’s Speeches. Jan. 
 
 secret springs of action ; when the objects of youthful and enthu- 
 siastic affection are the same with those of matured attachment ; 
 and when the whole course of active and contemplative existence 
 is in keeping and harmony. 
 
 We should have liked this volume better if it had comprised a 
 greater variety of speeches at the Bar, illustrating the stages of 
 its author’s progress — many of which, if we recollect rightly, 
 were inspired by occasions of great forensic interest, and which, 
 eminently successful with courts and juries, would have been of 
 much value to the student of common law ; and for these we 
 could have spared the ponderous argument on the question of 
 Parliamentary Privilege, though it is a remarkable instance of 
 industry in searching for all possible materials, and of perfect 
 mastery obtained over them. But perhaps the means of reviving 
 those efforts, which were attended with the most signal success, 
 did not remain ; or the difficulty of rendering them intelligible, 
 without a full detail of all the surrounding incidents^ may have 
 presented insuperable obstacles in the way of such a selection. 
 This last difficulty considerably detracts from the effect of the 
 first speech of this volume — the defence of the action of ^ Nor- 
 ‘ ton V. Lord Melbourne’ — which, heard in connexion with the 
 evidence which it dissects and exposes, produced entire convic- 
 tion of the utter baselessness of the case which the plaintiff had 
 been induced — we believe against his own better judgment — to 
 bring into court, and well entitled the advocate to the cheers 
 with which he was greeted on entering the House of Commons, 
 after the verdict was given. Other objections have been urged 
 to the publication of this speech, which we do not think equally 
 valid. If, indeed, it were possible to obliterate all remembrance 
 of an attempt — made not %, but through the ostensible plaintiff — 
 to crush the First Minister of the Crown, by sacrificing the repu- 
 tation and the peace of a beautiful and richly-gifqed woman — we 
 grant that such oblivion of the endeavour would be wisely pur- 
 chased by the suppression of the effort which destroyed it. But 
 this is surely impossible — not only because the position held by 
 the defendant in the councils of his sovereign, from which an 
 adverse verdict must have driven him, renders the attack part of 
 the history of the times, but because the celebrity of the lady, 
 exposed to double envy by the dangerous gifts of genius and 
 beauty, imparts to her sorrows that undying interest which al- 
 ways attends suffering when associated with high endowments. 
 If the splendour of hereditary association, and her own just 
 claims to fame, deny to her the refuges of mediocrity, and pre- 
 serve the memory of her trials, it is surely better that the record 
 of the exposure of the attempt in which her character was in- 
 
1843 , 
 
 Lord Campbell’s Speeches. 
 
 347 
 
 voLed sliould attend the recollection of the wrong-, than that 
 posterity should be left to guess at the materials of the charge, 
 and the force of the answer. If regarded apart from the fortunes 
 of the distinguished persons which it involved, this cause alfords 
 an egregious instance of that peculiar action which, to the dis- 
 grace of the English Law, it not only permits, but absolutely 
 requires, before a husband, however wronged, can obtain the 
 severance of the violated marriage-tie. It is assuredly a reproach 
 to civilization itself that such a remedy should be allotted to such 
 a wrong; — that a man should be compelled to seek ‘ compensa- 
 ^ iion in damages' for the loss of a life of affection, and the blight- 
 ing of hopes which extend through human life and overstep the 
 grave, by pouring on the greedy ears of ‘ his friends and the 
 ^ public,’ all the shameful details of his wife’s crime and his own 
 dishonour. In vain does his advocate represent his loss and his 
 misery as beyond the power of money to compensate — it is still 
 money that he asks ; and those in whose presence that degrading 
 appeal is made, ought to feel, not that money is inadequate in 
 degree to the purpose for which it is sought, but wholly inappli- 
 cable in kind — that to require a jury to determine on their oaths 
 how much in pounds, shillings, and pence the adulterer ought to 
 pay to the friend whose wife he has seduced, is as absurd as to 
 propound to them the child’s question. How many miles is it to 
 Chr istmas-day ? Among the many varieties of injustice which 
 the prosecution of such a complaint involves, perhaps the wmrst 
 is that which denies to the party wdiose interests are most fear- 
 fully affected by its conduct and its issue — the lady whose im- 
 puted frailty is directly in question — any representative or pro- 
 tector ; for, if she is innocent, he who should defend her is her 
 accuser, and she has no claim on the defendant, whose relation 
 to her is erroneously charged. In this case the injustice wmuld 
 have been bitterly felt, if the tissue of misapprehension and false- 
 hood which constituted the evidence for the plaintiff had been 
 more artfully woven ; for the duty of the Counsel for the defen- 
 dant to their client might still have compelled them to abstain 
 from assailing it by proof ; and thus, although successful in the 
 result, might have left the vindication of the lady imperfect. The 
 practice of nisi prius, which enables a plaintiff’s advisers to select 
 fragments of the truth, and to arrange them, so as to compel or 
 provoke their opponents to supply the deficiencies in the picture, 
 at the peril of all those casualties which often occur in the course 
 of evidence, and which a defendant can neither anticipate nor 
 explain, produced on this occasion appearances essentially decep- 
 tive ; which, though inadequate at the worst to influence the 
 verdict, might have been sufficient to leave a taint on the repu- 
 
348 
 
 Lord Campbell’s Speeches^ 
 
 Jan. 
 
 tation of the lady, if happy accident, wisely employed by Sir 
 John Campbell, bad not dispelled them. As the case for the 
 plaintiff appeared in proof almost until its close, it must have 
 been inferred that, on some discovery, a separation took place 
 between the husband and wife, of which the action was the direct 
 consequence ; and such would have remained the conviction of 
 the judge, jury, and spectators, if the accidental appearance in 
 the witness-box of a female servant, to prove the handwriting 
 of the lady to a few most innocent letters to her husband, had 
 not enabled the counsel to elicit the important and hitherto un- 
 suspected fact, that the unhappy difference between them arose 
 on matter wholly unconnected with a suspicion of her honour — 
 that they had, in truth, separated because he would not permit 
 their children to accompany her on a visit to her brother, which 
 he was not invited to share ; and that weeks had elapsed before 
 he thought of regarding the intimacy, of which he had been na- 
 turally and honourably proud, as tainted with the guilt subse- 
 quently imputed by the action. Another instance of false ap- 
 pearance, produced by a partial disclosure of truths, passed, in 
 this cause, without detection. The servants of the exemplary 
 daughter of a gallant officer were examined, to prove that they 
 had, on two or three occasions, attended the carriage of their 
 mistress when it conveyed Mrs Norton to the house of the de- 
 fendant ; that mistress sat in a room adjoining the court, expect- 
 ing to be herself called to explain the objects of those visits 
 to be perfectly innocent, and approved by the plaintiff ; but 
 she waited in vain ; — the plantiff left the explanation to be 
 given by the defendant ; the defendant’s counsel thought the 
 weakness of the case on other points rendered it unnecessary to 
 answer it on this ; and thus, although the witnesses on this 
 point spoke only truth, the result of their evidence was false- 
 hood. No one will impute to the eminent advocate who con- 
 ducted the plantiff’s case, any desire to suppress or distort 
 truth ; probably the entire facts were not known to him, or 
 some urgent reason existed for declining to present particular 
 witnesses as his own witnesses^ of which a stranger cannot judge: 
 both the circumstances suggest a defect in our judicial system, 
 which deserves serious consideration. Surely when we expose 
 — as we had recently occasion to expose* — the meretricious 
 license of French advocacy, by which much maybe asserted and 
 insinuated which cannot be proved, we ought to allow that 
 there is an opposite imperfection in our own practice ; which, 
 
 See the Article in Vol. 151, on the ‘ Trial of Madame Lafarge.’ 
 
1843. 
 
 349 
 
 Lord Campbell’s Speeches* 
 
 confining the enquiry within narrower limits and stricter rules, 
 and leaving to either party the option of disclosing just so many 
 of the facts as he may think prudent, often leaves a cause to be 
 decided while much important truth remains untold. At all 
 events, it must be admitted that, however fair this game of nisi 
 prius may be to the contending parties, its operation is most 
 unjust when its highest stake is really the character of a woman, 
 who has no share in its management — no power to make her 
 own conduct clear — no organ even to express a wish on her be- 
 half as to the production of evidence — on which her rights as a 
 wife and a mother, and her social existence may depend. Fortu- 
 nately, in this case, the truths were sufficiently developed to 
 render a belief in the charge impossible ; and the unhesitating 
 verdict of the jury — pronounced without the production of the 
 proofs which might have shattered the case, if it *had not fallen 
 to pieces in its progress, and been trampled into dust by the 
 speech for the defence — left the lady whose peace it involved, to 
 receive all the consolation which public sympathy can minister to 
 such trials and such sorrows. 
 
 The merits of this speech, consisting, for the most part, in 
 masterly analysis of the evidence, and indignant exposure of the 
 falsehood of some portions of it, and of the inferences drawn 
 from others — does not admit of exem.plification by extract; nor, 
 indeed, does the general style of Lord Campbell’s pleading, which 
 consists in the exact adaptation of subtle reasoning to the aim 
 which it rarely fails to reach, afford frequent opportunities for 
 the exhibition of passages which look remarkable even when 
 torn asunder from the framework of the argument they illus- 
 trate. Yet the next speech — the defence of Mr Medhurst — 
 delivered on an occasion of deep individual interest, and appli- 
 cable to a very simple state of facts, contains passages of pure 
 diction and manly pathos, which a short statement of the circum- 
 stances attendant on its delivery will enable every reader to 
 appreciate. The client of Sir John Campbell, a young gentle- 
 man of nineteen years of age, had the misfortune to kill a fellow- 
 pupil of about the same age named Alsop, who, with himself, 
 had been pursuing his studies in the interval unwisely interposed 
 between school and the university, under the direction of a cler- 
 gyman with whom they both boarded. Some alienation had 
 occurred between the youths, which gave a fiercer character 
 to a casual encounter, in the course of which Medhurst, under 
 the influence of rage, and perhaps of apprehension, inflicted 
 a wound on his adversary with a knife which he unfortunately 
 had on his person, which shortly after terminated in death. A 
 coroner’s jury — always the worst selected, and sometimes the 
 worst directed of all English tribunals — returned a verdict 
 
350 
 
 Lord Campbell’s Speeches* 
 
 Jan. 
 
 of wilful murder against the poor lad, who was abundantly- 
 punished by the wretchedness which the issue of his sudden 
 act entailed on him, and he was committed to take his trial 
 for that crime. V/hen the indictment was preferred, however, 
 the grand jury returned a true hill for manslaughter; for which 
 offence Sir John Campbell was retained to defend him at the 
 Central Criminal Court; but the presiding Judges thought them- 
 selves bound to direct the trial to proceed on the inquisition, 
 and the young prisoner stood on Ids deliverance for life or 
 death — an issue which strong prejudices rendered doubtful. 
 After describing the melancholy contest according to the truth, 
 as forcibly elicited from the witnesses, Sir John Campbell thus 
 alluded to the subsequent conduct of the sufferers - 
 
 ‘ If a desire of vengeance and not self-defence bad been the motive of 
 the prisoner, what then would have been his demeanour? His passion 
 would have been gratified. He v/ould have enjoyed at least that momen- 
 tary satisfaction, though to be followed by remorse, which is felt in ac- 
 complishing any object, however wicked. But he was instantly horror- 
 struck — O God ! ” he exclaimed — no other utterance could he find for 
 grief and anguish. From that moment he could not have shown more 
 sympathy and tenderness for his recovery? had he been a beloved brother, 
 who, by some mischance, had met a similar fate from the hand of a stran- 
 ger. Nor was this from any sordid regard to his own safety. I believe, 
 though unconscious of ever having entertained any bad feeling towards 
 Alsop, and certain that the offence with which he now stands charged 
 never could be truly imputed to him, he would willingly have sacrificed 
 his own existence to rescue his friend from the consequence of the wound 
 of which he was the unfortunate cause. Need I remind you how kindly 
 he conducted him to his chamber, how affectionately he hung over him 
 in bed, trying to assuage his pain, and the earnestness he displayed that 
 the sufferer might he surrounded by his relations ? If my client had felt 
 any consciousness of guilt, or alarm for his own safety, he might at any 
 time have fled to await the event. But he continued by the sick-bed to 
 the last ; he still remained in the house when the scene had closed — and 
 being informed of the finding of the coroner’s jury accusing him of mur- 
 der, lie voluntarily went to a magistrate, and surrendered himself that 
 he might be tried by God and his country. 
 
 ‘ Is this the conduct of a murderer ? — of one who thirsted for blood ? — 
 who planned assassination ? — who had such a wicked and depraved 
 heart, that, without provocation or excuse, he would take the life of 
 him who, with the exception of a boyish dispute which might have been 
 easily appeased, had never done any thing to offend him, and whom he 
 had always loved and cherished ? 
 
 ‘ But, gentlemen, there is a witness whose evidence you must believe, 
 and whose evidence conclusively proves the innocence of my client. 
 That witness is the unfortunate Alsop — whose voice is heard by you 
 from the grave. I am afraid, gentlemen, to approach the touching 
 scenes of the reconciliation and mutual forgiveness of these two young- 
 men — whose fate, though different, is perhaps equally to be deplored — ■ 
 
1843 . 
 
 Lord Campbell’s Speeches. 
 
 351 
 
 lest I should be overpowered by ray feelings, and entirely disqualified 
 for the further discharge of my duty before you. When it was an- 
 nounced to Alsop that his recovery was hopeless, he pressed the hand 
 of Medhurst — embraced him— exclaimed, “We were both to blame, and 
 I forgive you” — asked and received forgiveness. The last words he 
 ever spoke amounted to a verdict of Not Guilty in favour of my client. 
 When his eye was becoming dim, his hand cold, and his voice tremu- 
 lous, and it was evident to himself and those around him that his earth- 
 ly career was rapidly drawing to a close, the surgeon asked him if Med- 
 hurst had been actuated by malice. He answered, “ Certainly not !” — 
 and expired. That declaration of innocence was not accompanied by the 
 form of a judicial oath to speak the truth. But is it entitled to less 
 credit ? He knew that he had nothing to hope or to fear on this side 
 the grave ; that he was speedily to appear in the immediate presence of 
 his Maker, and that his eternal doom was to be sealed, according to the 
 purity of his heart, and the sincerity of his parting words. Are you to 
 suppose then, that from a false generosity, from a spurious chivalry, he 
 wished to screen guilt from punishment ; and that with this view he 
 perverted the truth, and went out of the world pronouncing a falsehood ? 
 As a true Christian, he knew that forgiveness is the condition on which 
 we hope to be forgiven; and, imitating the example of the Divine Foun- 
 der of our religion, he would have been ready, in his last moments, to 
 pray for mercy from above upon his murderer, if he had come to his end 
 by the blow of premeditation and malice. But he knew that he spoke 
 before the Searcher of all hearts — that he was forthwith to render an ac- 
 count of his words and of his actions to the God of truth — and that, 
 when the commandment of God against murder has been violated, the 
 safety of God’s creatures requires that the penalty affixed to this crime 
 should be enforced by human laws. 
 
 < Fie now calls upon you to acquit the prisoner. Perhaps w^e may, 
 without irreverence, suppose that he is conscious of this solemn pro- 
 ceeding ; and his gentle spirit, if it can by any mysterious means infiu- 
 ence your minds, must inspire you with the conviction that the accused 
 was free from malice, and that his act was unaccompanied by that cri- 
 minal intention which alone constitutes guilts 
 
 ‘ His surviving relatives — although the prosecutors-— must rejoice in 
 his acquittal. They have done their duty to his memory, by instituting 
 the prosecution, and laying the case fairly before you. The candour 
 and humanity of my learned friend truly represent the spirit by which 
 they are actuated, and show that none would more deeply regret that, 
 from any excess of good feeling in the jury — from any preconceived opi- 
 nion — from any unfounded rumour— from any desire to discountenance 
 the practice of carrying secret weapons, my client should be in undue 
 peril. It is impossible not to sympathize with them for the heavy loss 
 they have sustained in the untimely death of a young man of such pro- 
 mise — so likely to be a credit and a blessing to his family. It must be 
 some consolation to them to reflect that he did not die unprepared ; that 
 repentance, there is every reason to hope, atoned for any youthful errors 
 he might have committed ; and that, for his own sake, the change is not 
 to be deplored — as he is taken from the evil to come — withdrawn to 
 
352 
 
 Lord Campbell’s Speeches, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 peace and happiness — from a world beset by temptation — where the 
 most prosperous meet with many privations, disappointments, and 
 sorrows. 
 
 ‘ But what must be the feelings of the relations of Medhurst — his 
 widowed mother — his little brothers and sisters — old enough to know 
 the nature of the charge brought against him, and its awful consequences ? 
 He, gentlemen, as you may perceive, behaves with firmness and resolu- 
 tion, in the consciousness of innocence — ready, with God’s assistance, to 
 meet his fate, whatever it may be. What a group would they now pre- 
 sent to you I Till they suddenly heard the astounding intelligence that 
 he was committed to prison on a charge of murder, they had ever found 
 him quiet, mild, gentle, dutiful, and affectionate. They looked forward 
 to an early visit from him — when, as usual, he would fly into his mo- 
 ther’s arms — and his brothers and sisters clinging round him to kiss him, 
 he would remark how they had increased in stature aud beauty since the 
 family was last assembled. These innocents are unacquainted with legal 
 distinctions— they are incapable of appreciating the degree of danger to 
 which, by law, he may be exposed ; in an agony of tears they await your 
 verdict. But, gentlemen, their suspense and their suffering will be 
 recompensed by the joy of that moment when you restore him to their 
 embrace — all danger over, and his character unsullied.’ — (Pp* 4T-4L) 
 
 We cannot afford space to follow the advocate over the deli- 
 cate ground on which he next touches — the possibility that the 
 jury might entirely exonerate his client from guilt, by finding 
 the wounding to have been the immediate result of mere acci- 
 dent ; but it is glanced over with consummate skill. To have 
 dwelt on ground so untenable might possibly have offended the 
 jury, and would certainly have called down expressions of strong 
 dissent from the presiding Judge ; to have passed it entirely by, 
 would have been not only to throw away a slender chance of 
 acquittal, but to deprive the prisoner of the benefit of that sort of 
 compromise which so often prevails in the jury-box between 
 extremes ; it was therefore suggested, and left ‘ with as much 
 ‘ modesty as cunning.’ The result was just — a conviction of man- 
 slaughter, with a sentence of three years’ imprisonment — leaving 
 the fate of the two unfortunate fellow-students to answer the 
 description given of a similar calamity by a Scottish tragedian 
 
 ‘ And happy, in my mind, was he that died ; 
 
 For many deaths hath the survivor suffer’d.” 
 
 The speeches in Parliament are, we think, of less interest than 
 those at the Bar ; and, though distinguished for moderation and 
 practical sense, afford little occasion for commentary. We must 
 pass them over ; and also the speeches for the ^ Times,’ on the 
 trial of the criminal information obtained by Sir John Conway 
 against the publisher of that Journal — though the suggestions of 
 the injustice and absurdity of our libel law which the defence con- 
 tains, are particularly edifying from the lips of an Attorney- Gene- 
 
1843. Lord Campbell’s Speeches* 353 
 
 ral — to notice the opening speech on the prosecution of Frost 
 for high-treason, before the Special Commission at Monmouth. 
 This address was in happy accordance with the tone and spirit 
 and forms of that august proceeding — which in all but forms pre- 
 sented a signal contrast to certain trials for treason and sedi- 
 tion still within the recollection of some of us — and which tended 
 to make the administration of justice loved, even more than it 
 caused it to be feared. The charge of the Lord Chief-Justice 
 Tindal, whose gentle wisdom presided over the Commission, had 
 been delivered some time before the assembling of the parties 
 necessary to the trial ; and the effect of this grave and mild ex- 
 position of the law was felt in the profound tranquillity which 
 reigned through the scene of the enquiry, and the confidence 
 which the most violent partisans of the accused expressed in the 
 impartiality of the tribunal — and never was confidence better 
 justified and repaid! Alchough the little town of Monmouth 
 lies only at the distance of about twenty miles from the wild 
 country which had, a few weeks before, bristled with armed 
 thousands in sanguinary revolt ; and although knots of those 
 deluded men, who rallied under the name of Charter^ without 
 any more knowledge of its fwe points than of those of Calvin, 
 were sometimes seen in its streets; no tumult, no noises, not 
 a shout or a hiss, broke the silence which prevailed during the 
 three weeks’ sitting of the court. The few Lancers who, from 
 proper but needless precaution, had been quartered in the 
 town, only relieved the monotony of its winter aspect by the 
 intermixture of their dark-green uniforms with the coarse dresses 
 of the peasantry, who silently clustered in the market-place ; and 
 when a few of them were seen following the prison Van, as it 
 carried the leader of the insurrection between the Court and the 
 Jail on the successive days of his trial, a spectator — who saw the 
 little procession gleaming along the terraced road, which corre- 
 sponds in beautiful curvature with the softly-swelling hills which 
 closed and surrounded the picture — might have regarded it as 
 some holiday pageant ; instead of the guard of an alleged traitor 
 on trial, in the midst of the multitudes whom he recently led to 
 bloody strife. Within the court all was as calm and still as if 
 an action for a builder’s bill had been languishing after vain at- 
 tempts to refer it; and yet the proceedings did not want the ex- 
 citement which the most ingenious defence could create ; for 
 never were the noblest qualities of the English bar more per- 
 fectly developed than in the conduct of the prisoner’s counsel. 
 Mr Frost, the avowed leader of the Monmouthshire Chartists, 
 with a wise reliance on these qualities, entrusted his defence to 
 two of the most eminent Conservatives in the profession — Sir 
 Frederick Pollock, the present Attorney-General of Sir Robert 
 
354 
 
 Lord Campbell’s Speeches, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Peel, and Mr Fitzroy Kelly; and nothing more strenuous or 
 more fervent than their management of his cause, from first to 
 last, can be imagined. At the earliest possible moment they took 
 their stand, and displayed the character of their defence, by a 
 bold and nervous opposition to the peremptory challenges of the 
 Crown y — in the face of solemn decisions, acted on without con- 
 troversy, they sustained an argument which, but for these prece- 
 dents, would perhaps have succeeded, but which, against such 
 precedents, was hopeless — in urging which they probably neither 
 expected nor cared for direct success — but by which they manifest- 
 ed their resolution to cast themselves unreservedly into the struggle, 
 and their power to dare, and persevere, in every legitimate means, 
 however unusual, of rescuing the life committed to their protec- 
 tion. In arguing the subsequent objection to the list of witnesses, 
 which they wisely reserved until the period when, if established, 
 it could not have been obviated, they displayed even greater 
 power — the power of investing a mere technical complaint of an 
 informality, caused by an indulgent concession to the wish of the 
 prisoner’s attorney, with the solemnity belonging to the charge 
 and the issue ; and their splendid addresses to the Jury, at the 
 close of the evidence for the Crown — urging that the object of the 
 insurgents was less than traitorous — would have been triumphant 
 but for one defect, which no ingenuity could supply, and no elo- 
 quence conceal, — the absence of any olier to explain what else 
 that object was. The defences were also illustrated by a speech 
 of great vigour from Mr G. H. Rickards, a young Barrister, who 
 was suddenly associated in the defence of Zephaniah Williams; 
 and whose efforts were the more remarkable, as the topics had 
 been apparently exhausted in the preceding trial ; and the more 
 pleasant, as it incidentally afforded an example of the blessings 
 of those institutions which had been assailed, in which such 
 ability can find its scope and its reward. 
 
 But we have been led, by the recollection of these impressive 
 scenes, from our immediate subject — the speech of the then Attor- 
 ney-General in opening the case for the prosecution of Frost. It 
 seems to us a model for all such speeches — lucid, unimpassioned, 
 and candid ; singularly abstinent in statement when any doubt 
 existed as to admissibility in the import of evidence ; distinct 
 yet cautious in the annunciation of the law of treason ; and no 
 further indicating the inference to be drawn from the alleged 
 facts than was necessary to enable the jury to apply the proofs 
 to the charge, and the prisoner’s counsel to understand the man- 
 ner in which the accusation was to be sustained. Its only posi- 
 tive merits as a composition — all that the mild performance of his 
 duty admitted — are the clearness of its narrative, and some 
 touches of picturesque power, seemingly thrown in without con- 
 
1843. Lord CampbelFs Speeches, 355 
 
 sciousness, in inapping out before tbe jury the wild hill country 
 of Monmouthshire, in which the insurrection was planned ; and 
 along the ravines of which the insurgents marched to the central 
 point near Newport. Its details were fully sustained by the 
 proofs, which showed that the three principal prisoners, Frost, 
 Williams, and Jones, had assembled sturdy artisans, to the num- 
 ber of many thousands, in the dead of the night, many of whom 
 were armed with formidable weapons, and conducted them along 
 the deep valleys to the plain near Newport, in such force that, 
 if their junction had not been prevented by rain and tempest, 
 and the division which did arrive had not been dispersed by the 
 troops, aided by the courage and wisdom of Sir Thomas Phillips, 
 (who fortunately filled the office of mayor,) must have caused ex- 
 tensive bloodshed and confusion. Many of the details were sin- 
 gularly instructive — manifesting the utter ignorance of the insur- 
 gents of the provisions of ‘ The Charter,’ which they seemed to 
 fancy was 'something to do good to the poor in w’orkhouses — 
 showing how a mere love of change and adventure could be 
 v/rought on, so as to induce thousands of men, earning excellent 
 wages, to embrace a desperate enterprise, without knowing or 
 caring' for its purpose; how ev^en heroic qualities, as in the case 
 of poor George Snell, might be enlisted and urged to the death 
 — for nothing; and all this effected by men, two of whom were 
 stupidly ignorant, and the third, Frost, though a man of intelli- 
 gence and education, wofully deficient in constancy and every 
 attribute of a leader! The summing up of the Lord Chief- Jus- 
 tice Tindal, in the case of Frost, was so studiously mild, it pre- 
 sented every point in favour of the prisoner with such clear- 
 ness and force, that an acquittal was anticipated by many; and 
 when the heavy tread of the Jurymen, descending the stairs from 
 the grand jury-room, to which they had retired to deliberate, told 
 as distinctly as words the decision of the prisoner’s fate, a strange 
 thrill for the first time became audible among the crowd of 
 expectant spectators. The dispassionate conduct of these pro- 
 secutions by Sir John Campbell, and the solemn and gentle 
 manner in which the Judges discharged their high functions, has 
 probably tended more to destroy the influence of turbulent spirits 
 among the workmen of Monmotithshire, than the terror of many 
 executions. 
 
 One of the latest duties performed by Sir John Campbell while 
 Attorney- General, was his address on behalf of the Bar to Mr 
 Justice Littledale, on the 8th of February 1841, when that learn- 
 ed and excellent Judge sat in the Court of Queen’s Bench for the 
 last time ; it gave universal satisfaction to the body in whose 
 name it was delivered ; and they will be glad to see it preserved 
 
356 
 
 Lord Campbell’s Speeches* 
 
 Jan* 
 
 in this volume, from which we will transfer it to our pages. It 
 consists of unexaggerated truth gracefully expressed. 
 
 ‘ Mr Justice Littledale — It having been intimated to the Bar that we 
 are not to have the satisfaction of again seeing you on the Bench, I am 
 deputed by their unanimous voice to express to yoar Lordship the deep 
 sorrow they feel at this separation. Notwithstanding their entire con- 
 fidence in the residue of the Court, they most sincerely regret that they 
 should be deprived of a judge of such profound learning, distinguished 
 acuteness, and spotless integrity, — who during the many years he has 
 occupied the judgment seat in this Court and the Circuits, — while he 
 has ever displayed the utmost impartiality and independence, — yet, from 
 the kindness of his nature, has never given ofi'ence to a human being. 
 Though still in the full enjoyment of the high faculties which it has 
 pleased God to bestow upon you, they are sensible that from your emi- 
 nent services to your country, you are well entitled to that dignified 
 leisure to which you now gracefully retire. In that retirement we 
 earnestly hope that you will long enjoy health and happiness. We re- 
 joice to think that you will find occupation and delight in the renewed 
 pursuit of those abstruse as well as elegant studies in which you early 
 gained distinction, and which have been interrupted by your devo- 
 tion to your professional and judicial duties. We beg leave to assure 
 your Lordship that you carry along with you the gratitude and good 
 wishes of every member of the profession of which you have so long 
 been a distinguished ornament, and that we shall ever think and speak 
 of you with feelings of respect and affection.’ 
 
 Mr Justice Littledale did not long enjoy that dignified repose 
 wliich the gratitude and affection of the Bar desired for him ; 
 lie has gone to his rest, full of years and honours ; leaving be- 
 hind him the memory of childlike simplicity of character, which 
 has rarely indeed been preserved to old age amidst the anxieties 
 and the labours of the profession which he adorned. 
 
 We now take leave of Lord Campbell — renewing our congra- 
 tulations on the prosperity and honours which his industry has 
 won, and our expression of regret that he has not, by the intro- 
 duction of earlier speeches, enabled us to trace him through the 
 first stages of his progress. Although his most perfect efforts — 
 those arguments on abstruse questions of law, which for exactness 
 of reasoning and fertility of analogical illustration have never 
 been excelled — are too technical for general appreciation, there 
 have been many of his speeches to Juries which, if not, in the 
 ordinary sense of the term, eloquent, exhibit ingenuity, tact, and 
 sense in so high a degree, as to deserve other records than the 
 verdicts they obtained. One recollection alone is sufficient to 
 enrich his retirement — his share in the abolition of imprisonment 
 for debt on mesne process — with all the wretchedness which it 
 inflicted, and all the iniquity which it fostered. If he had achieved 
 nothing but this, he would not have lived or laboured in vain. 
 
1843o 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 357 
 
 Art. Ill — Introductory Lectures on Modern History, By Tho- 
 mas Arnold, D.D., Regius Professor of Modern History in 
 the University of Oxford, and Head Master of Rugby School. 
 8vo. Oxford: 1842. 
 
 T MPERFECTLY as this volume of lectures, interrupted by the 
 death of its lamented author, answers the promise, to the 
 fulfilment of which we looked so eagerly, little more than a year 
 ago, when he was appointed to the Chair of Modern History at 
 Oxford, we should feel ourselves guilty of no common degree of 
 neglect if we omitted to notice it ; for we may perhaps hud no 
 other occasion for paying our tribute of respect to one of the noblest 
 minds and highest characters of these days, prematurely taken 
 from us in the middle of a career of usefulness, which we believe 
 we are guilty of no exaggeration in terming unparalleled in that 
 line of life which Dr Arnold had adopted. 
 
 As far as they throw light on the literary and intellectual 
 attainments of their author, these lectures are undoubtedly in- 
 complete enough ; and, regarded in that point of view, they pos- 
 sess the positive fault of attempting too many things at once. 
 They are impressed with the peculiarly eager temperament, the 
 perfervidum ingenium^ the active, but somewhat desultory range 
 of thought which display themselves, more or less, in every 
 production of the writer. Who that has read much, and felt 
 strongly, on any subject, and who has not yet acquired that last 
 and somewhat melancholy gift of experience, the art of arranging 
 and chastening the thoughts as they arise, when favoured with 
 some opportunity of giving vent to his accumulated ideas, has 
 not experienced the mixture of pleasurable excitement and em- 
 barrassment produced by the throng of multitudinous topics 
 pressing forward for utterance ? This argument to be confuted, 
 that to be urged, this long-cherished theory to be advanced, 
 that well-remembered illustration to be furbished up for use — 
 and all to be compressed within the narrow compass prescribed 
 by overruling circumstances ! Just so we can conceive of Dr 
 Arnold — from his youth an insatiable reader of history, and at 
 the same time an active controversialist, in whose head every 
 series of phenomena naturally crystallized into a theory— when 
 he suddenly found himself invested with the office of an histo- 
 rical teacher. We perceive at once, in the odd mixture of mat- 
 ters huddled together in these few pages, the variety of sub- 
 jects which filled his mind, and the necessity under which he lay 
 ol disburdening himself of his feelings on each, as if the retention 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. 2 A 
 
358 
 
 The late Dr Arnold. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 of any part of his stores oppressed him. The province of history 
 — the provinces of church and state — the characteristics of histo- 
 rical style — military ethics- — military geography — national pre- 
 judices — religious and political parties in England — these are 
 only some of the prominent topics rather glanced at than dis- 
 cussed in the pages before us ; and put forward apparently as if 
 for more extended consideration at some future time — topics on 
 which he longed to speak his mind to the world, and could not 
 abstain from a partial disclosure of it — topics, many of them, on 
 which we shall have long to wait for an instructor as rich at once 
 in zeal and knowled^^e. 
 
 But if this volume is to a certain extent disappointing, rather 
 from the over-richness than meagieness of its contents, it will, if 
 possible, add to the veneration with which its author’s character 
 is already regarded as a moral philosopher, and an instructor of 
 the youth of England. It adds one more claim to those which 
 the late head master of Rugby already possessed on public gra- 
 titude and veneration. 
 
 Every one accustomed to English society has observed the 
 strength of that generous tie which, in after life, connects the 
 pupil, especially when bred in our great public schools, with his 
 former master. Even in ordinary cases, we by no means admit 
 the truth of the ill-natured sayiiig, that there is little of this 
 affectionate remembrance, except where the scholar feels himself 
 superior to his teacher. We believe it, on the contrary, to be 
 the general rule, and that the exceptions arise only from causes 
 discreditable either to the one party or the other. But, common 
 as this feeling is, and derived as it is from many sources — from 
 the instinctive attachment to old places and times — from sensi- 
 bility to kindness shown and interest manifested — from real gra- 
 titude for substantial services — we are bound to add that, as far 
 as our own observation has gone, it rarely, very rarely, has the 
 higher tincture of reverence. The quondam schoolboy may 
 have a host of pleasant recollections associated with the memory 
 of his old tutor : he may regard him as the friend who directed 
 his unformed taste — who introduced his youthful spirit into the 
 magnificent domain of earthly knowledge — to whose counsels he 
 may possibly be indebted for a few valuable hints in the conduct 
 of life — more than this, who has imbued him with much of the 
 spirit of a gentleman, and a love of fairness and honourable deal- 
 ing ; but in very few instances, indeed, does he remember him 
 as his guide towards the accomplishment of the real ends of his 
 being. We do not pause to examine into the cause of this defi- 
 ciency : much may be owing to old peculiarities in the manage- 
 ment of great schools, something to the character of many of our 
 
1843. 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 359 
 
 most successful men in this line of life ; but we think the fact 
 will hardly be disputed. By far the most distinguished excep- 
 tion to the rule, with whom we are acquainted, was Dr Arnold. 
 He possessed the art, which is perhaps not very uncommon, of 
 winning in a peculiar manner the affections of boys, and direct- 
 ing their energies to whatever object he might himself hold out ; 
 but, what is much more rare, he made it the one great business 
 of his life to give those affections and energies a religious direc- 
 tion. Distinguished as a schoolmaster in many respects, it was 
 in this one that he was unrivalled. The mainspring of his suc- 
 cess was his ov/n deep affection for those placed under his care, 
 which makes itself evident in every page of his sermons, chiefly 
 addressed to the young. His was no entraining or engrossing 
 religious eloquence, addressed as it were to minds in the mass, 
 and carrying them away by movements of enthusiasm ; but a 
 gentle, watchful influence, directed steadily to individual tem- 
 peraments ; and above all, (which was partly the consequence ot 
 the thorough reality of his own religious impressions,) not leav- 
 ing religion to stand alone, as something to be learnt and stu- 
 died apart from all things else, but connecting it with all that is 
 most naturally attractive to the honest heart of youth ; — with un- 
 compromising love of truth, with manliness and independence, 
 with love and with gratitude. 
 
 We dare not venture further on considerations of such deep 
 and sacred importance. It is more to our purpose, and more 
 connected with the subject of these lectures, to trace the steps 
 by which he was wont to lead the mind from feeling to think- 
 ing; from the formation of a religious character, his first and 
 main object, to the formation of opinion on religious as well as 
 other subjects. The first rule with him was, to follovv the truth 
 at all hazards— -regardless in what apparent difficulties it may 
 involve us — regardless into what bad company it may lead us. 
 The absolute right and duty of the mind to judge for itself the 
 total negation of any human authority binding in matters of 
 faith — -these are points on which he insisted, in season and out of 
 season, if we may so express ourselves, with an ardour which not 
 only rendered him very unpopular, as well it might, with per- 
 sons of different opinions, but frequently exposed him to charges 
 of imprudence and rashness from those who in the main agreed 
 with him. This ardour proceeded^ no doubt, in part from natu- 
 ral impetuosity of disposition ; but it also arose from a deep con- 
 viction, that the one great thing wanted, and in these times espe- 
 cially, is, to infuse into the mind the power and the will to rest 
 self-balanced ; — to incite it to implant in itself the seeds of prin- 
 ciples, which neither the recklessness of business nor pleasure, nor 
 
360 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 the thousand influences of party, might afterwards eradicate. 
 The lines of Goethe— 
 
 ‘ Denn der Mensch, der su schwankenden Zeiten auch Schwankend 
 gesinnt ist, 
 
 Der vermehret das Uebel, und breitet es weiter und welter ; 
 
 Aber wer fest auf dem Sinne beharrt, der bildet die Welt sich,’ — 
 
 might almost he inscribed as the motto to the whole collection 
 of his ethical and historical works. And his great endeavour — 
 no one could set the example better than himself— -was so to dis- 
 cipline the mind, as to reconcile freedom of belief with real 
 humility of spirit; to reconcile the unqualified rejection of au- 
 thority, when imposed as binding, with docility and submissive- 
 ness towards it when propounded as an object of respect ; — a 
 reconcilement by no means difficult in itself, and possibly more 
 common in practice than is generally imagined. Clear of his 
 own way between the conflicting claims of authority and indivi- 
 dual responsibility, he regarded with utter contempt the charges 
 of presumption, so indiscriminately brought against all those who 
 venture to differ from received opinions. Will-worship, as he 
 well knew, is quite as fatally manifested in wilful and passionate 
 adherence to such opinions, as in wilful and passionate rejection 
 of them. The rule of humility does not mark out the line to be 
 taken by the man of conscience, when authority and argument 
 are in opposition ; but the manner and spirit in which his choice 
 must be made. Nor is it difficult to apply, as he would have 
 bidden us, to the controversies of the present day, the lesson in- 
 tended to be conveyed in the following noble vindication of the 
 Puritan character : — 
 
 ‘ To say that the Puritans were wanting in humility, because they did 
 not acquiesce in the state of things which they found around them, is a 
 mere extravagance, arising out of a total misapprehension of the nature 
 of humility, and of the merits of the feeling of veneration. All earnest- 
 ness and depth of character is incompatible with such a notion of humi- 
 lity. A man deeply penetrated with some great truth, and compelled, 
 as it were, to obey it, cannot listen to every one who may he indifferent 
 to it, or opposed to it. There is a voice to which he already owes obe- 
 dience — which he serves with the humblest devotion, which he worships 
 with the most intense veneration. It is not that such feelings are dead 
 in him, hut that he has bestowed them on one object and they are claim- 
 ed for another. To which they are most due is a question of justice: he 
 may he wrong in his decision, and his worship may be idolatrous ; but 
 80 also may he the worship which his opponents call upon him to render. 
 If, indeed, it can he shown, that a man admires and reverences nothing, 
 he may justly he taxed with want of humility ; hut this is at variance 
 with the very notion of an earnest character, for its earnestness consists 
 in its devotion to some one object, as opposed to a proud or contemptu- 
 ous indifterence. But if it be meant that reverence in itself is good, so 
 
1843. 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 361 
 
 that tiie more objects of veneration we have the better is our character, 
 this is to confound the essential difference between veneration and love. 
 The excellence of love is its universality; we are told that even the Higli- 
 est Object of all cannot be loved if inferior objects are hated. And with 
 some exaggeration in the expression, we may admit the truth of Cole- 
 ridge’s lines — 
 
 He prayeth well who loveth well 
 
 Both man, and bird, and beast : ” 
 
 Insomuch that, if we were to hear of a man sacrificing even his life to 
 save that of an animal, we could not help admiring him. But the excel- 
 leiice of veneration consists purely in its being fixed upon a worthy object; 
 when felt indiscriminately, it is idolatry or insanity. To tax any one, 
 therefore, with want of reverence, because he pays no respect to what 
 we venerate, is either irrelevant or is a mere confusion. The fact, so far 
 as it is true, is no reproach, but an honour; because to reverence all per- 
 sons and all things is absolutely wrong: reverence shown to that which 
 does not deserve it, is no virtue — no, nor even an amiable weakness, but 
 a plain folly and sin. But if it be meant that he is wanting in proper 
 leverence, not respecting what is to be really respected, that is assuming 
 the whole question at issue, because what we call divine he calls an idol; 
 and as, supposing that we are in the right, we are bound to fall down 
 and worship ; so, supposing him to be in the right, he is no less bound to 
 pull it to the ground and destroy it.’ — (P. 268 .) 
 
 Those who have thus learnt the real characteristics of venera- 
 tion and humility, will understand the lesson wdiich the history 
 of the world so abundantly teaches — that self-will and pride play 
 their vagaries quite as wantonly under the banner of authority as 
 under that of private judgment; — a lesson renewed to us by the 
 experience of every day, to the great astonishment of that part 
 of the world which is taken in by fine professions. 
 
 It will be readily perceived, from this as well as a hundred 
 other passages in his works, that Dr Arnold made it a great part 
 of his business to carry on war against prejudices ; and certainly 
 a more determined, we might almost say a more indiscriminating 
 warfare, was never waged. Those among our prejudices to which 
 we are apt to give the tenderest names, and treat as peculiarly 
 creditable to ourselves, met from him with no more quarter than 
 the rest. Perhaps it may be thought, even by those who most 
 admire the singleness of his devotion to truth, that in some 
 instances his zeal was so unscrupulous that he ran the risk of 
 rooting out good feelings along with mere w^eaknesses ; but such 
 was the character of the man. Take, for instance, the following 
 attack on the virtue of patriotism, as vulgarly understood : — 
 
 ‘ But here that feeling of pride and selfishness interposes, which, under 
 the name of patriotism, has so long tried to pass itself off for a virtue. 
 
362 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 As men, in proportion to their moral advancement, learn to enlarge the 
 circle of their regards ; as an exclusive affection for our relations, our 
 clan, or our country, is a sure mark of an unimproved mind ; so is that 
 narrow and unchristian feeling to be condemned, which regards with jea- 
 lousy the progress of foreign nations, and cares for no portion of the 
 human race but that to which itself belongs. The detestable encourage- 
 ment so long given to national enmities — the low gratification felt by 
 every people in extolling themselves above their neighbours — should not 
 be forgotten amongst the causes which have mainly obstructed the im- 
 provement of mankind. 
 
 ‘ Exclusive patriotism should be cast off, together with the exclusive 
 ascendency of birth, as belonging to the follies and selfishness of our 
 uncultivated nature. Yet, strange to say, the former at least is upheld 
 by men who not only call themselves Christians, but are apt to use the 
 charge of irreligion as the readiest weapon against those who differ from 
 them. So little have they learned of the spirit of that revelation, which 
 taught emphatically the abolition of an exclusively national religion and 
 a local worship, that so men, being all born of the same blood, might 
 make their sympathies co-extensive with their bond of universal brother- 
 hood .’ — (^Appendix to Thucydides^ Vol. i.) 
 
 This scrupulousness of conscience is carried by him into the 
 minutest details : and we have been rather amused to observe 
 how he labours to disabuse his class, in these lectures, of the de- 
 lusive notion that one Englishman can beat three Frenchmen ; 
 assuring us that we were quite as satisfactorily beaten by them, 
 under William the Third and the Duke of Cumberland, as they 
 by us under Marlborough and Wellington. 
 
 It is in a similar spirit that he warns readers of history against 
 the ordinary seduction of favourite party names and watchwords, 
 outliving the immediate occasion which gave birth to them. 
 
 ‘ This inattention to altered circumstances, which would make us be 
 Guelfs in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, because the Guelf 
 cause had been right in the eleventh or twelfth, is a fault of most uni- 
 versal application in all political questions, and is often most seriously 
 mischievous. It is deeply seated in human nature, being in fact no other 
 than an exemplification of the force of habit. It is like the case of a 
 settler landing in a country overrun with wood and undrained, and 
 visited, therefore, by excessive falls of rain. The evil of wet, and damp, 
 and closeness, is besetting him on every side ; he clears away the woods 
 and drains his land, and by doing so mends both his climate and his own 
 condition. Encouraged by his success, he perseveres in his system ; — 
 clearing a country is with him synonymous with making it fertile and 
 habitable ; and he levels, or rather sets fire to, his forests without mercy. 
 Meanwhile the tide has turned without his observing it ; be has already 
 cleared enough, and every additional clearance is a mischief ; damp and 
 wet are no longer the evils most to be dreaded, but excessive drought. 
 The rains do not fall in sufficient quantity, the springs become low, the 
 
1843. 
 
 The late Dr Arnold. 
 
 363 
 
 rivers become less and less fitted for iiavig-ation.*' Yet habit blinds him 
 for a long- while to the real state of the case, and he continues to encoU- 
 rag-e a coming mischief in his dread of one that has become obsolete. 
 We have long been making progress oil our present tack; yet if we do 
 not go about now, we shall run ashore. Consider the popular feeling at 
 this moment against capital punishments; what is it but continuing to 
 burn the woods when the country actually wants shade and moisture? 
 Year after year men talked of the severity of the penal code, and 
 struggled against it in vain. The feeling became stronger and stronger, 
 and at last eftected all, and more than all, which it had at first vainly 
 demanded ; yet still from mere habit it pursues its course, no longer to 
 the restraining of legal cruelty, but to the injury of inilocence and the 
 encouragement of crime, and encouraging that worse evil, a sympathy 
 with wickedness justly punished, rather thait with the law, whether of 
 God or man, unjustly violated. So men have continued to cry out 
 against the power of the Crown, after the Crown had been shackled hand 
 and foot ; and to express the greatest dread of popular violence, long 
 after that violence was exhausted, and the anti-popular party was not only 
 rallied, but had turned the tide of battle, and was victoriously pressing 
 upon its enemy.’ — (P. 252.) 
 
 It is very unnecessary to add, after such comments as these, 
 that Dr Arnold belonged to no party in Church or State. Under 
 no circumstances could he have belonged to any : his indepen- 
 dence of spirit, his almost over-refimed delicacy of conscience, 
 perhaps a certain restiveness of disposition when forced to travel 
 in company, would alike have forbidden it. But as it was, he 
 detested the spirit of party with a perfect abhorrence ; he de- 
 tested it as the great rival in the minds of men with the love of 
 his idol. Truth. He never fails, on any occasion, to impress this 
 aversion, in the strongest language, on all whom he addresses. 
 It is a matter on which he admits of no compromise whatever; 
 none of that specious rhetoric by which we perstiade ourselves 
 that party is an indifferent means of arriving at a good end — that 
 only through becoming party men can we hope to be useful, and 
 so forth. His plain language is, that all such pleas, and all such 
 hopes, must be abandoned by the honest man — much more by 
 
 * Perhaps we may remark on this geographical illustration as sug- 
 gesting some other of its author’s peculiarities ; — his remarkable power 
 of turning such illustrations to his purpose ; and the readiness of his ima- 
 gination to welcome the curious and marvellous in matters of fact. 
 Many naturalists have thought this theory of the effect of the removal 
 of forests on the amount of rain, carried much too far ; and it would be 
 difficult to point cut an instance of a river which has become unnavigable 
 in consequence of it. We might also refer to his strange views respecting 
 animal magnetism and cognate matters. 
 
364 
 
 Tli& late Dr Arnold. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 the Christian. He had himself counted the cost, and made the 
 sacrifice. He had fully reconciled himself to the apparent use- 
 lessness of a life unconnected with party in a country like this. 
 At one period of his career, he was the subject of great unpopu- 
 larity : his views w^ere misrepresented, his character maligned, his 
 professional success menaced ; he only recovered himself, after a 
 long probation, by the great amiableness of his character, and 
 through the fame acquired by his peculiar talent for instruction ; 
 for he was of no party, and consequently had no band of brothers 
 to back him. Eminent in piety as in learning, he never attained 
 a step in the Church ; for he was of no party, and had, therefore, 
 no claim on any patron. Yet there is nothing in his writings of 
 the stoicism expressed in the stern 
 
 ‘ Taci, e lascia dir le genti/ 
 
 of Dante ; nothing of that querulousness we have often remarked 
 in excellent men who have had the honesty to renounce party 
 and its advantages for themselves, but are unreasonable enough 
 to be disappointed that parties do not seek after and follow them. 
 Vehement in self-defence — ardent in attack — fond by nature of 
 controversial skirmishing — he is always in the field against some 
 class of thinkers or other ; and always seems very unaffectedly 
 surprised that the opposite ranks which he alternately attacks 
 remain alike unbroken by his artillery ; and therefore it is no 
 wonder, that while some were abusing him as a latitudinarian, 
 others maintained that he was halfway on the road to modern 
 ‘ Catholicism.’ But the principles of his practical philosophy lay 
 deep, and his equanimity was, therefore, not to be moved by the 
 inevitable results of his own choice ; — a choice to which he else- 
 where solemnly exhorts his young audience, in a passage which 
 seems to breathe the very essence at once of his religious sin- 
 cerity, and his manly integrity of soul. 
 
 ^ Be of one party to the death, and that is Christ’s ; but abhor every 
 other ; abhor it, that is, as a thing to which to join yourselves ; — -for every 
 party is mixed up of good and evil, of truth and falsehood ; and in join- 
 ing it, therefore, you join with the one as well as the other. If circum- 
 stances should occur which oblige you practically to act W'ith any one 
 party, as the least of two evils, then watch yourselves the more, lest the 
 least of two evils should, by any means, commend itself at last to your 
 mind as a positive good. Join it with a sad and reluctant heart, protest- 
 ing against its evil, dreading its victory, far more pleased to serve it by 
 suffering than by acting ; for it is in Christ’s cause only that we can act 
 with heart and soul, as well as patiently and triumphantly suffer. Do 
 this amidst reproach, and suspicion, and cold friendship, and zealous en- 
 mity ; for this is the portion of those who seek to follow their Master, 
 and him only. Do it, although your foes be they of your own house- 
 
1843. 
 
 21ie late Dr Arnold. 
 
 365 
 
 bold : those whom nature, or habit, or choice, had once bound to you 
 most closely. And then you will understand how, even now, there is a 
 daily cross to be taken up by those who seek not to please men, but God ; 
 yet you will learn no less, how that cross, meekly and tirmly borne, whe- 
 ther it be the cross of men’s ill opinion from without, or of our own evil 
 nature struggled against within, is now, as ever, peace, and wisdom, and 
 sanctification, and redemption, through Him wholirst bore it.’ — (^Sermons, 
 vol. iii. 263.) 
 
 But Dr Arnold was a ‘ crotckety ’ man : such appears to have 
 been the general estimate of his character. It is an epithet of 
 many meanings ; but it seems to us to be commonly and sig- 
 nificantly applied to those who endeavour to ascertain the truth 
 on every separate .subject of enquiry, instead of following the 
 ordinary process of taking up whole bundles of opinions as they 
 are commonly found connected together. Whoever does this, is 
 very certain to agree in some points with one party, and in some 
 with another ; and equally certain to be called crotchety by both. 
 But we must say in justice, that the epithet does to a certain 
 extent describe his character, in some of its minute peculiarities. 
 There was a rapidity of judgment about him — -a haste in arriving 
 at conclusions, which is apt to lead to the sudden formation of 
 opinions — possibly to a little fickleness, on minor points, in ad- 
 herence to them. His judgment seems to have been influenced 
 at once by an abhorrence of dogmatism, commonly so called, and 
 an impatience of scepticism. We do not mean in a religious 
 sense only, but in historical and every other research. He could 
 not, like Montaigne, se rei^oser tranquillement sur Voreiller dit 
 doute. He had a mind averse from suspense, dissatisfied and 
 uneasy under the pressure of doubt ; and, therefore, disposed to 
 generalize at once, where slow^er and more cold-blooded men 
 w'ould consider the process of induction hardly begun. To this 
 was joined a strong moral perception, and a disposition particu- 
 larly inclined towards ethical speculation — towards predicating 
 moral right and wrong of every phenomenon wdiich human his- 
 tory and human nature exhibit : a peculiarity which he seems to 
 us to have caught in great measure from association with his 
 early friend Archbishop Whately, just as he caught his style of 
 historical research from Niebuhr ; — and a deep interest in the 
 controversies of the day, with an eagerness to liberate his own 
 mind by expressing his sentiments upon each of them. It is no 
 disparagement of Dr Arnold to say, that this very eagerness 
 sometimes appears to us to betray a secret uneasiness — a mis- 
 giving as to the results of his own conscientious enquiries. There 
 are few, indeed, who, having deliberately rejected the idolatries 
 of parties and systems, can rest undisturbedly on the ground they 
 
366 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 have chosen for themselves ; for such thinkers have nothing of 
 the ready support on which others so confidently lean. They 
 would be more than men, if there Vv^ere not moments when the 
 very foundations seem to give way under them, and their own 
 hearts to sink also — moments when they are tempted even to 
 look with envy on those who march forward sternly or cheerfully, 
 looking neither to the right nor the left, through regions in whicli 
 they stumble and grope for light ; yet their victory is not the 
 less complete, although the enjoyment of its fruits, like all hu- 
 man enjoyment, is interrupted by obstinate questionings of its 
 own reality. 
 
 It is a curious result of these tendencies, that Dr Arnold should 
 have gone so far out of his wmy as to subjoin to his Inaugural 
 Lecture a special appendix on a subject certainly very remotely 
 connected with the matters developed in it — namely, the refuta- 
 tion, by name, of the Archbishop of Dublin’s views as to the 
 separation of the duties of Church and State : and with him 
 he has done us the honour to join ourselves, (alluding to an 
 article in a late number of this Journal.) He endeavours to 
 unite ^ one half of the Archbishop of Dublin’s theory with one 
 ‘ half of Mr Gladstone’s : agreeing cordially with Mr Glad- 
 ‘ stone in the moral theory of the State, and agreeing as cor- 
 ‘ dially with the Archbishop in the Christian theory of the 
 ‘ Church ; and deducing from the two the conclusion, that the 
 ‘ perfect State and the perfect Church are identical.’ It seems 
 to us that there are at least four theories afloat on this much de- 
 bated subject. One is, that the authorities which we commonly 
 term ‘ the Church’ ought to decide circa sacra; and that the 
 authorities we call ^ the State’ have nothing to do but to enforce 
 those decisions by civil penalties : this was the anciently received 
 doctrine, so beautifully exemplified in the practice on the writ de 
 iKEretico comhurendo. The next ascribes, if we may term it so, a 
 sort of pre-existent harmony to Church and State; allotting to the 
 State a power circa sacra, on a kind of assumption that it will 
 proceed in harmony with the ecclesiastical authorities. The 
 third is what, in the dictionary of theological hate, is called 
 Erastian ; namely, that the State has absolute authority circa 
 sacra, to be enforced by civil penalties, irrespectively of the deci- 
 sions of ecclesiastical authorities ; and this is Dr Arnold’s. The 
 fourth is, that the civil governor has no such authority whatever, 
 either in his legislative or executive character, although he may 
 occasionally lend his aid, with benefit, for the attainment of 
 purely religious objects ; and this appears to be the Archbishop 
 of Dublin’s. We are far from wishing to revive the controversy 
 on our own account ; least of all, in commenting on the language 
 
1843, 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 367 
 
 of an antagonist, whose pure and lofty charity of soul deprived 
 his tenets, if erroneous they be, of all the danger which com- 
 luonly attends such error ; and yet it is well to recollect that 
 even Dr Arnold, with a spirit to which all religious despotism 
 was abhorrent, was driven, by the force of his theory, to refuse to 
 all avowed ‘ unbelievers in Christ,’ a share in the legislature of 
 a Christian country. Our object is much more to notice the 
 peculiarities of the man, the eager, although tolerant, spirit with 
 which he rushed into this as into other controversies; and the 
 'tendency of his mind to rapid generalization. 
 
 Now, one fruitful parent of theories is, the use of words (to 
 employ a trite comparison) not as current coin, but as counters, 
 to which the reasoner may affix his own imaginary value. The 
 word ‘ Church,’ is a very favourite counter with theorists ; the 
 wmrd ‘ State,’ is another, of which the meaning is quite as arbi- 
 trary. Before we can ascertain the truth of the ‘ moral theory^ 
 of the State, we must understand what the State is. Now, Dr 
 Arnold’s argument seems to rest entirely on the assumption, that 
 Government, State, and Nation may be used as synonymous terms. 
 Grant him this, and undoubtedly one great difficulty in the way 
 of his theory is removed, ‘ When I speak of the Government,’ 
 he says, ‘ I am speaking of it as expressing the mind and will of 
 ^ the nation ; and though a government may not impose its own 
 ‘ law, human or divine, upon an adverse people^ yet a nation, act- 
 ‘ ing through its government, may certainly choose for itself 
 ‘ such a law as it deems most for its good.’ — ‘ In a corrupt State, 
 
 ‘ the government and people are wholly at variance ; in a per- 
 ‘ feet State, they would be wholly one ; in ordinary States, they 
 ‘ are one more or less imperfectly.’ — ‘ For the right of a nation 
 ‘ over its own territory must be at least as absolute as that of 
 ‘ any individual over his own house and land ; and it surely is 
 ‘ not an absurdity to suppose that the voice of government can 
 ‘ ever be the voice of the nation ; although they unhappily too 
 ‘ often differ, yet surely they may conceivably, and very often do 
 ‘ in practice, completely agree.’ — (P. 55.) Here the right of a 
 government to legislate circa sacra is rested, where all men of 
 reasonable views must rest it, on its ‘ expressing the will of the 
 ‘ nation.’ Suppose the objector to take the ground, that the 
 government, in point of fact, never does express the will of the 
 nation except by accident; for that nine-tenths of mankind are 
 governed by rulers who rest their authority on the principle, that 
 they are not placed there to express, but to control, the will of the 
 nation ; while in those countries which are most democratically 
 governed, the government can represent, at best, only the nume- 
 rical majority of the nation ; — a majority which may, or may not, 
 
368 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 comprehend the religious or the intelligent portion of It ; how is he 
 to be answered on these premises ? If the idea of a State could be 
 realized with any reasonable probability, we can easily understand 
 the value of a theory founded upon it — although actual States 
 might be but imperfect agents to carry it out; but if the idea is 
 one which history and common sense alike show us can never be 
 realized at all, we do not understand how the theory can stand 
 alone. In fact. Dr Arnold seems elsewhere to admit that his 
 principle goes no further than this — that ‘ the favourite objec- 
 ‘ tions against the State’s concerning itself with religion, apply no 
 
 ‘ less to the theory of a Church The moral theory of a 
 
 ‘ State is not open to the objection commonly brought against 
 ‘ our actual constitution, namely, that Parliament is not a fit 
 ‘ body to legislate on matters of religion ; for the council of a 
 ‘ really Christian State would consist of Christians at once good 
 ‘ and sensible, quite as much as the council of a really Christian 
 ‘ Church.’ — (P. 63.) Now, since we may very safely assume, that 
 since Christendom began there has never been any thing ap- 
 proaching to a ‘ really Christian State’ — since we may safely 
 foretell that there never will be, until the kingdoms of this world 
 are become the kingdoms of the Lord — this comparison seems to 
 reduce the whole to a question of expediency ; whether, upon the 
 whole, it is best that the spiritual government of mankind should 
 be left to those authorities whom we commonly term the Church, 
 unarmed with coercive power, or to the temporal government 
 which possesses it. Dr Arnold preferred the latter ; and he had 
 a perfect right to do so ; but not to erect his own preference into 
 an axiom. He considered the Church ‘ a society far worse go- 
 ‘ verned than most States.’ It may be so ; but other political 
 philosophers may think that most States are, upon the whole, 
 worse governed than the Church ; and who is to decide between 
 them ? 
 
 And some may be disposed to think, that it was the weakness 
 of the position which he had undertaken to maintain, which drove 
 him to put forward such paradoxes as that excommunication is a 
 temporal punishment, (p. 57 ;) or, still more unworthy of himself, 
 such vulgar arguments as that of the ‘ almost unanimous consent 
 ‘ of all writers on government, whether heathen or Christian, 
 
 ‘ down to the 18th century.’ Dr Arnold, of all men, ought to 
 have been best aware, that on the great questions which concern 
 the government of mankind, so long as the consent of all writers 
 is nearly unanimous, it is worthless. Consent is worthless, until 
 people begin to think ; and thought is only provoked by oppo- 
 sition. Cliiot homines tot sententice, as he elsewhere says, ‘ holds 
 ‘ good only where there is any thinking at all : otherwise there 
 
1843. 
 
 The late Dr Arnold. 
 
 369 
 
 ‘ may be an hundred millions of men, and only una seyitentia^ if 
 ^ the minds of the 99,999,999 are wholly quiescent.’ He mi^ht 
 also have remembered, that if ‘ nearly unanimous consent’ is 
 conclusive for his views of a State, it is quite as conclusive against 
 his views of a Church. We willingly quit so barren a subject ; 
 and could only wish that all who maintain similar views, whether 
 on Dr Arnold’s or any other premises, would represent to them- 
 selves and their readers their main position in its literal sense ; 
 namely, that it is the chief duty of the existing governor of 
 every existing State, whether King or Majority, to take care of 
 the spiritual welfare of every citizen. We by no means assert 
 that they would change their opinions, but merely that they 
 would see the subject in a very diiierent light, if it were once 
 freed from the endless fallacies of general words. When it w^as 
 represented to the Emperor Ferdinand II., that the course which 
 he was pursuing towards the Protestants of Bohemia, would ren- 
 der that kingdom a desert, his answer was, ‘ mahimus regnmn vas- 
 ‘ tatum qudm damnatum.' All we contend is, that on Dr Arnold’s 
 principles it is impossible to prove that the Emperor was wrong'. 
 
 As a more interesting specimen of his style of writing and 
 turn of thought, we would select his view^s on certain points of 
 military morality, in which he runs as boldly into opposition to 
 a host of commonly received and current notions, as he does, at 
 other times, in questions of more ordinary controversy. Nothing 
 is more customary than to speak in tones of praise of the conduct 
 of citizens in assuming arms as volunteers, and rising en masse; 
 or enrolling in guerilla-parties, to repel foreign invasion. And 
 it seems to be rather a prevalent idea, that in proportion as 
 nations approach more nearly to the idea of free civil govern- 
 ment, they acquire an organization for the purpose of self-de- 
 fence, which will eventually render military strength of no avail, 
 and abolish standing armies. Not a few visionaries of our time 
 have foretold the euthanasia of the modern military system, in 
 this general arming of all classes; — the advent of the day, in the 
 language of the clever dreamer De Vigny, when uniforms will be 
 ridiculous, and regular war obsolete. And, whether they consi- 
 der such anticipations fanciful or not, most politicians seem to 
 assume that their realization would be a step in the social progress 
 of the world. Dr Arnold’s view^s were widely different. And, as 
 his manner was, his imagination being strongly impressed with 
 certain evils inherent in the system of irregular warfare, he could 
 not stop short of wholesale and absolute condemnation of it. 
 
 < The truth is, that if war, carried on by regular armies under the 
 strictest discipline, is yet a great evil, an irregular partizan warfare is an 
 evil ten times more intolerable ; it is in fact no other than to give a 
 
370 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 license to a whole population to commit all sorts of treachery, rapine, 
 and cruelty, without any restraint ; letting- loose a multitude of armed 
 men, with none of the obedience and none of the honourable feelings of 
 a soldier ; cowardly because they are undisciplined, and cruel because 
 they are cowardly* It seems, then, the bounden duty of every govern- 
 ment, not only not to encourage such irregular warfare on the part of 
 its population, but carefully to repress it; and to oppose its enemy only 
 with its regular troops, or with men regularly organized, and acting 
 under authorized officers, who shall observe the ordinary humanities of 
 civilized war. And what are called patriotic insurrections, or irregular 
 risings of the whole population to annoy an invading army by ail means, 
 ought impartially to be condemned, by whomsoever and against whom- 
 soever practised, as a resource of small and doubtful efficacy, but full 
 of certain atrocity, and a most terrible aggravation of the evils of war. 
 Of course, if an invading army sets the example of such irregular war- 
 fare ; if they proceed, after the manner of the ancients, to lay waste the 
 country in mere w'antonness — to burn houses, and to be guilty of personal 
 outrages on the inhabitants, then they themselves invite retaliation, and 
 a guerilla warfare against such an invader becomes justifiable. But our 
 censure in all cases should have reference, not to the justice of the ori- 
 ginal war, which is a point infinitely disputable, but to the simple ques- 
 tion — which side first set the example of departing from the laws of civil- 
 ized warfare, and of beginning a system of treachery and atrocity ? 
 
 ‘ As this is a matter of some importance, I may be allowed to dwell a 
 little longer upon a vague notion, not uncommonly, as 1 believe, enter- 
 tained, that a people whose country is attacked, by v/hich is meant, whose 
 territory is the seat of war, are sustaining some intolerable wrong which 
 they are justified in repelling by any and every means. But in the na- 
 tural course of things, war must be carried on in the territory of one 
 belligerent or of the other ; it is an accident merely, if their fighting 
 ground liappen to be the country of some third party. Now, it can- 
 not be said that the party which acts on the offensive, war having been 
 once declared, becomes in the wrong by doing so, or that the object 
 of all invasion is conquest ; you invade your enemy in order to 
 compel him to do you justice — that is, to force him to make peace on 
 reasonable terms. This is your theory of the case, and it is one w-hich 
 must be allowed to be maintainable, just as much as that of your 
 enemy ; for all laws of war vraive, and must waive, the question as to 
 the original justice of the quarrel — they assume that both parties 
 are equally in the right. But suppose invasion for the sake of con- 
 «piest, I do not say of the whole of your enemy’s country, but of that 
 portion of it which you are invading; as we have many times invaded 
 Frencli colonies with a view to their incorporation permanently with the 
 British dominions. Conquests of such a sort are no violatio’ns necces- 
 sarily of the legitimate oi'ject of war ; they may he considered as a secu- 
 rity taken for the time to come. Yet, undoubtedly, the shock to the 
 inhabitants of the particular countries so invaded is very great ; it was 
 not a light thing for the CaJiadian, or the inhabitant of Trinidad, or of 
 tbe Cape of Good Hope, to be severed from the people of his own blood 
 
1843. 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 371 
 
 and lang'aag’e, from bis own mother state, and to be subjected to the do- 
 minion of toreigners — men with a strange language, strange manners, a 
 different church, and a different law. That the inhabitants of such 
 countries should enlist very zealously in the militia, and should place the 
 resources of defence very readily in the hands of the government, is quite 
 just and quite their duty. 1 am only deprecating the notion that they 
 should rise in irregular warfare, each man or each village for itself, and 
 assail the invaders as their personal enemies, killing them whenever and 
 wherever they can find them. Or, again, suppose that the invasion is 
 undertaken for the'piirpose of overthrowing the existing government of 
 a country, as the attempted French descents to co-operate with the Jaco- 
 bites, or the invasion of France by the coalescing powers in 1792 and 
 1793, and again in 1814 and 1815. When the English army advanced 
 into France in 1814, respecting persons and property, and paying for 
 every article of food which they took from the country, would it have 
 been for the inhabitants to barricade every village, to have lurked in 
 every thicket, and behind every wall, to shoot stragglers and sentinels, 
 and keep up, night and day, a w^ar of extermination ? If, indeed, tlie 
 avowed object of the invader be the destruction, not of any particular 
 government, but of the national existence altogether ; if he thus disclaims 
 the usual object of legitimate w^ar-= — a fair and lasting peace — and declares 
 that he makes it a war of extermination, he doubtless cannot complain if 
 the usual law^s of war are departed from against him, when he himself 
 sets the example. But, even then, when w'e consider what unspeakable 
 atrocities a partizan w'arfare gives birth to, and that no nation attacked 
 by an overwhelming force of disciplined armies was ever saved by such 
 means, it may be doubted, even then, whether it be justifiable, unless the 
 invader drives the inhabitants to it, by treating them from the beginning 
 as enemies, and outraging their persons and property. If this judgment 
 seem extreme to any one, I would only ask him to consider well, first, the 
 cowardly, treacherous, and atrocious character of all guerilla warfare ; and 
 in the next place the certain misery which it entails on the country which 
 practises it, and its inefficacy, as a general rule to conquer or expel an 
 enemy, however much it may annoy him.’ — (P. 204.) 
 
 This is only one instance, among many, of the tendency of 
 which we have spoken, to deduce general lessons from every class 
 of facts which the writer is engaged in investigating. And it 
 appears to form, according to his view, an essential part of the 
 duties of an historian, that he should be ready at all moments to 
 adapt his inferences from ancient experience to the particular 
 questions which agitate his own age — to make the present and 
 the past mutually illustrate each other. Such, at least, is the 
 meaning we ascribe to the following remarkable passage, in which 
 he lays down broadly the difference between the antiquary and 
 the historian. 
 
 * What is it that the mere antiquarian wants, and which the mere 
 
372 
 
 The late T>r Arnold* 
 
 * Jan. 
 
 scholar wants also ; so that satire, sagacious enough in detecting the weak 
 points of every character, has often held them both up to ridicule? They 
 have wanted what is the essential accompaniment to all our knowledge 
 of the past, a lively and extensive knowledge of the present; they wanted 
 the habit of continually viewing the two in combination with each other ; 
 they wanted that master-power which enables us to take a point from 
 which to contemplate both at a distance, and so to judge of each and of 
 both, as if we belonged to neither. For it is from the views so obtained — 
 from the conclusions so acquired — that the wisdom is formed which may 
 really assist in shaping and preparing the course of the future. 
 
 ‘ Antiquarianism, then, is the knowledge of the past enjoyed by one 
 who has no lively knowledge of the present. Thence it is, when concerned 
 with great matters, a dull knowledge. It may be lively in little things ; 
 it may conceive vividly the shape and colour of a dress, or the style of a 
 building, because no man can be so ignorant as not to have a distinct 
 notion of these in his own times ; he must have a full conception of the 
 coat he wears and the house be lives in. But the past is reflected to us 
 by the present; so far as we see and understand the present, so far we 
 can see and understand the past ; so far, but no farther. And this is the 
 reason why scholars and antiquarians, nay, and men calling themselves 
 historians also, have written so uninstructively of the ancient world ; they 
 could do no otherwise, for they did not understand the world around them. 
 How can he comprehend the parties of other days who has no clear no- 
 tion of those of his own ? What sense can he Jiave of the progress of 
 the great contest of human affairs in its earlier stages, w'hen it rages 
 around him at this actual moment unnoticed, or felt to be no more than 
 a mere indistinct hubbub of sounds and confusion of weapons ? What 
 cause is at issue in the combat, he knows not. Whereas, on the other 
 hand, he who feels his own times keenly, to whom they are a positive 
 reality, with a good and evil distinctly perceived in them, such a man 
 will write a lively and impressive account of past times, even though his 
 knowledge be insuflicient and his prejudices strong. This, I think, is the 
 merit of Mitford, and it is a great one. His very anti-Jacobin partialities, 
 much as they have interfered with the fairness of his history, have yet 
 completely saved it from being dull. He took an interest in the parties 
 of Greece, because he was alive to the parties of his own time ; he de- 
 scribed the popular party iji Athens just as he would have described the 
 Whigs of England ; he was unjust to Demosthenes because he would 
 have been unjust to Mr Fox, His knowledge of the Greek language 
 was limited, and so was his learning altogether; but because he was an 
 English gentleman who felt and understood the state of things around 
 him, and entered warmly into its parties, therefore he was able to write 
 a history of Greece, which has the great charm of reality ; and which, if 
 I may judge by my own experience, is read at first with interest, and 
 retains its hold firmly on the memory/ — (P. 108 .) 
 
 If the meaning of this passage only were, that the historian is 
 better qualified for his task whose mind is rich in the knowledge 
 of the world he lives in, (which seems to have been a part at 
 
1843 . 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 373 
 
 least of Dr Arnold’s conception, from the instance he afterwards 
 gives of Sir Walter Raleigh,) no one could hesitate to admit its 
 truth. But if it is meant that a good historian must also be 
 interested in modern controversies, and make his history subser- 
 vient to the object of influencing the convictions of his readers 
 respecting them, it may, perhaps, be questioned whether he is not 
 rather describing what has been called the philosophy of history, 
 than history itself. And it would assuredly require a very severe 
 and vigorous judgment — indeed, a greater degree of impartiality 
 and inaccessibility to passion and prejudice than we can fairly 
 expect from man — for a historian, who has the present full in 
 sight, and strongly exciting his imagination, to be calm and just 
 in his review of the past. Mitford’s History of Greece may, 
 for ought we know, be an attractive work, and so may Cob- 
 ^ History of the Reformation; but, after all, the interest they 
 excite is much the same with that of a clever political pamphlet. 
 But it could not be said of Gibbon, Hume, or Robertson, or 
 Ranke, or even Dr Arnold’s great master Niebuhr, that they 
 display the habit of continually viewing the past in combination 
 with the present ; and yet, who will venture to call them mere 
 antiquarians ? Histories such as theirs have all the excellence 
 which belongs to the ablest order of conversation ; — where the 
 speaker, while he condenses the information which he has to im- 
 part, leaves, at the same time, gracefully but incidentally, the im- 
 pression of the fulness of his knowledge on other subjects. His- 
 tory, such as Dr Arnold would prefer it — and his own historical 
 works alford examples of the kind — would rather resemble the 
 brilliant talk of very clever speakers, who cannot tell us what we 
 want to know without adorning the narration with inferences and 
 illustrations drawn from a hundred distant sources. 
 
 We prefer, to this attempt to fix the true historical character, 
 the following pointed sketch of the characteristics of style in 
 dilferent historians; and its importance as an indication of the 
 degree of value to be reposed in them as authorities. Any reader 
 who is conversant with this branch of literature, will readily find 
 names to fit the following characters :■ — 
 
 ‘ Tlie main thing to look to is, of course, his work itself. Here the 
 very style gives us an impression by no means to be dismissed. If it is 
 very heavy and cumbrous, it indicates either a dull man or a pompous 
 man, or at least a slow and awkward man ; if it be tawdry, and full of 
 commonplaces enunciated with great solemnity, the writer is most likely 
 a silly man ; if it be highly antithetical, and full of unusual expressions, 
 or artificial ways of slating a plain thing, the writer is clearly an affected 
 man. If it be plain and simple — always clear, but never eloquent — the 
 writer may be a very sensible man, but is too hard and dry to be a very 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. ~ 2 B 
 
374 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 JaTi'. 
 
 great man. If. on the other hand, it is always eloquent, rich in illustra- 
 tions, full of animation, but too uniformly so, ami without the relief of 
 sifnple and quiet passages, we must admire tlie writer’s genius in a very 
 liigii degree; but we may fear that he is too continually excited to have 
 attained to the highest wisdom, for that is necessarily calm. In this 
 manner the mere language of an liistorian will furnish us with something 
 of a key to his mind ; and will tell us, or at least give us cause to pre- 
 ume, in what his main strength lies, and in wdiat he is dehcient.’— 
 ^P. 384.) 
 
 We cannot place the distinction between the antiquary and 
 historian exactly where Dr Arnold places it ; but without en- 
 deavouring at present to establish another, it is enough to say that 
 the attempt to draw it is very characteristic of the writer. The 
 faults of his manner (for such we would call them, if faults they 
 are, rather than faults of style, which in all his writings is 
 good) arise from over-eagerness in illustration and compari- 
 son. If blemishes in historical composition, they are peculiar 
 merits in the work of education. They are among the talents by 
 which he w^as so eminently successful in exciting the enthusiasm 
 of the young, in the studies to which he directed them. What we 
 may term the youthfulness of his manner — his luxuriant discur- 
 siveness, when a passage in Livy invites him to a discussion of 
 the physical geography of the Roman Campagna, or a chapter 
 of Thucydides to speculations on the politics of modern repub- 
 lics ; — this constituted its great charm to the temper of younger 
 men. 
 
 And, therefore, those very qualities which possibly detracted 
 from his excellence in the sober character of a historian, were 
 such as to render him the most effective and useful of teachers 
 in a lecture-room. This is one of the many respects in which 
 his loss must be felt, and felt as at present irreparable, in that 
 university to which he had been, for so brief a space, attached as 
 a Professor. Not Oxford only, but England, has need of minds 
 such as his, in respect of all those higher qualities which we have 
 endeavoured faintly to delineate. Men who can follow truth with 
 a devotion so exclusive as to leave room for no other idol — men 
 who can enter eagerly into all the great controversies of their 
 day, and yet allow no exclusive sect or faction the honour of 
 counting them as adherents — men who do not shun the entangle- 
 ments of party spirit from cowardice or from apathy, but who 
 resist it as a temptation, and despise it as a weakness — men 
 whose whole life and conversation bear testimony to the deep 
 importance they attach to religious truth, and yet free from 
 every taint of controversial unfairness and theological rancour; — 
 such men are scarce and precious in all times, and the absorb- 
 
1843 , 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 375 
 
 ifig nature of our party interests seems to render tliem scarcer 
 every day. But at present, we are only regarding the promise 
 which he was giving of a scarcely inferior kind of usefulness, in 
 helping to turn, if possible, the very mischievous direction which 
 has been given to youthful thought and enterprise of late years, 
 and especially in his university. 
 
 Almost every one has taken an interest in the recent theolo- 
 gical controversies which have had their birth in Oxford ; few 
 have looked to the elfect which the controversial spirit has pro- 
 duced on the tone and character of that university cis regards its 
 primary object — education. When first the theological ‘ move- 
 ment’ began — that is to say, about ten years ago — there was 
 excited at the same time in both universities, but especially in 
 Oxford, a strong feeling of dissatisfaction with the existing studies 
 and occupations of the place. It was the common language of all 
 those who deemed that the frame and temper of society needed 
 an extensive renovation, that this renovation must begin with 
 the young. The presumptuous turn of mind, the reliance on 
 intellectual ability, supposed to result from instruction address- 
 ing itself to the intellect alone, w^ere to be corrected by a 
 strong diversion in favour of a more subjective course of study. 
 The student was to be imbued with principles and tastes, rather 
 than positive acquirements. The main object of the instruc- 
 tor was to be the formation of moral character by habit, not 
 the imparting what is commonly called learning. Nay, much 
 was to be unlearnt — much rubbish taken down before men could 
 begin afresh on the old foundations— much of the sciolism of re- 
 cent centuries removed ; — natural science and literary acquirement 
 to be brought down from that undue exaltation to which they 
 had been raised in modern times, by generations wanting in the 
 habits of reverence and earnestness of feeling. Catholic theo- 
 logy, and Moral Philosophy in accordance with Catholic doctrine, 
 were to be the main foundations of the improved education of 
 these newer days; science and literature were not, indeed, to be 
 neglected, but to be cultivated as in subordination only to these 
 great ^ architectonic’ sciences, and discarded wTerever they could 
 not be forced into such subjection. And thus a new generation 
 was to be trained, in which inferiority in respect of mere objective 
 knowledge, if such should really ensue, was to be far more than 
 compensated by the higher cultivation of the immortal part — the 
 nobler discipline of piety and obedience. Such aspirations may 
 be traced in most of the many writings on the university system 
 which the crisis of those days brought out; while those who are 
 acquainted with the practical details of the subject, know full 
 well how deep a tincture has been introduced into the actual stu- 
 
376 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, ' 
 
 Jan. 
 
 dies and habits of both places, but especially of Oxford, by the 
 prevalence of views such as these, expressed by energetic men, 
 in language at once startling and attractive. 
 
 Nor do we imagine that 'those views are altered now. We 
 have no reason to suppose that their authors would agree with 
 us as to the consequences which we cannot but believe to have 
 proceeded from the practical realization of their wishes. Yet that 
 the facts themselves, of which we complain, exist, they would 
 hardly deny. Their endeavour was undoubtedly a lofty one ; and 
 how far it may prove a vain one, must as yet be in great measure 
 matter of conjecture. It remains to be proved, whether or not 
 they have not proceeded on a forgetfulness of the real import- 
 ance and value of mere positive knowledge in the moral educa- 
 tion of man. Because the connexion between intellectual and 
 moral cultivation is not obvious and direct, it is easily passed 
 over. Nor do we suppose that it can ever be fully appreciated, 
 except by those wdio are prepared, with ourselves, to recognize 
 the great principles ; — that all learning is discipline — all discipline 
 self-denial — all self-denial has the nature of virtue : and that, 
 by consequence, however wide or strange the corollary may 
 seem, he who knows the first propositions of Euclid is, in so 
 far, better than he who does not ; ay, though both may have 
 been equally untaught to pray, and may have formed of their 
 Creator no more than the confused terrific image entertained by 
 the wildest of savage minds. But, even without going thus far, 
 few can have failed to observe the importance of the acquisition 
 of positive knowledge, in withdrawing the mind from over con- 
 templation of self and its attributes. It gives the faculties another 
 world to work in, besides that microcosm within which the in- 
 fluences of hopes and fears, pride, ambition, vain-glory, are 
 continually working to retain them. It corrects the passions, 
 by substituting an excitement of a different order; it encou- 
 rages generous sentiment, because it has no immediate object 
 but truth, irrespective of advantage; it encourages candid and 
 honest habits of mind, because the truth which it holds out is 
 one which party feeling and prejudice have comparatively little 
 interest in perverting. It has, of course, like every human pur- 
 suit, its own temptations to vanity and presumption ; but how 
 infinitely less engrossing and dangerous than those which attend 
 on studies which directly interest the heart, and provoke its 
 stronger feelings ! 
 
 To substitute, therefore, as the main instruments of education, 
 for the studies of science, history, and literature, those which have 
 for their immediate object the awakening and strengthening of 
 the moral perceptions, is to abandon that discipline which has an 
 
1843 . 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 377 
 
 indirect, but not the less powerful, influence in enlarging- and 
 strengthening the moral faculty ; — for that which has indeed for its 
 direct object moral improvement, but is apt, by a strong and neces- 
 sary under-current of action, to narrow and distort that very por- 
 tion of man’s nature it is intended to improve. The study of Ethi- 
 cal philosophy may be admirably adapted to harmonize the general 
 education of the mind ; to recall it to itself — its own duties and con- 
 stitution — from too wide a wandering over the far more attractive 
 fields of external truth. But to have this effect, it must be admi- 
 nistered as a corrective only. To make it practically the lead- 
 ing discipline, and render others dependent on it, is mental ruin. 
 It is in itself a study fraught with danger ; it throws the mind 
 back on itself, fills it with an engrossing, and perhaps morbid, 
 habit of self-analysis; and eventually, and not very indirectly, of 
 self-worship. But independently of this, teach it as you will, it 
 must be taught on a system. That system must rest on arbi- 
 trary axioms — axioms which can neither be proved nor are self- 
 evident — axioms in the defence of which the feelings must in the 
 first place be enlisted. But he whose heart and faculties are 
 wrapt up in attachment to a system — be that system truth itself — 
 inevitably comes to love it and defend it, not because it is truth, 
 but because it is his system. This is the danger which besets 
 even the learner of abstract knowledge ; how infinitely more him 
 who pursues studies in which the conclusions are practical, and in 
 which to err is to incur moral danger ! And how much the peril 
 is increased, when philosophy is carefully enrolled in support 
 of a theological scheme — involved, as it were, in the quarrels of 
 dogmatic theology — in the strife which swells every heart, and 
 lends bitterness to every tongue, in the little world which sur- 
 rounds the pupil ; — when, in the language of an able Oxford 
 writer, the Church is made to ‘ fix the true point of view from 
 ‘ which all other truths may be seen in their real forms and pro- 
 ‘ portions !’ But from the moment that truth, as such, and irre- 
 spectively of particular ends, ceases to be the main object pro- 
 posed to the mind in tuition, farewell to honesty, openness, and 
 independence of character. For truly, though severely, was it said, 
 by one, too, who has had no slight share in fashioning the popu- 
 lar philosophy of the present day, that he who loves Christianity 
 better than truth, will soon love his own sect better than Chris- 
 tianity, and end by loving himself better than either. 
 
 Again, in teaching reverence for the distant past, those whose 
 views we are at present considering have thought themselves jus- 
 tified in using a tone of great bitterness — great scorn — we must 
 add of great self-exaltation, in speaking of the present and the 
 immediate past. They have thought it their duty to hold up the 
 
378 The late Dr Arnold. Jan? 
 
 opinions and sentiments of the ages immediately preceding our 
 own, and of by far the greater part of the world at the present day, 
 to utter contempt; to show the futility of the objects most valued, 
 the worthlessness of the knowledge most esteemed. This they 
 scarcely could do, without affording infinite encouragement to 
 that worst kind of vanity, the thinking ourselves wise above those 
 around us ; — a far greater temptation, as Dr Arnold himself has 
 acutely remarked, than that of undervaluing those who have lived 
 before us. ^ Our personal superiority seems much more ad» 
 
 ^ vanced by decrying our contemporaries, than by decrying our 
 ‘fathers. The dead are not our real rivals; nor is pride very 
 ‘ much gratified by asserting a superiority over those who cannot 
 ‘ deny it. It is far more tempting to personal vanity to think 
 ‘ ourselves the only wise amongst a generation of fools, than to 
 ‘ glory in belonging to a wise generation, where our personal 
 ‘ wisdom, be it what it may, cannot at least have the distinction 
 ‘ of singularity.’ The influence of the prejudices thus excited on 
 the moral character is bad enough ; but on intellectual pro- 
 gress it is destruction. The fruits of the recent fashion of decry- 
 ing mere scientific pursuits, or mere literary studies, as unworthy, 
 frivolous, or dangerous, are terribly apparent in the present con- 
 dition of Oxford, Here, at least, we shall scarcely meet with a 
 contradiction. The gradual desertion of the lecture rooms, in 
 which knowledge not absolutely connected with University dis- 
 cipline is imparted, is notorious. The utter absence of all spirit 
 for investigation of every sort, except in polemic theology and 
 one or two inferior pursuits of taste, is the subject, even there, of 
 general lamentation. Natural Philosoph}^ indeed, while disre- 
 garded by all, is absolutely discountenanced by many, from simi- 
 lar reasons to that which the late King of Najjles was wont to 
 give for refusing grants of money to unroll the Hereulanean manu^ 
 scripts ; — namely, that something might be discovered therein 
 which would overturn the Christian religion, and then his Majesty 
 would never get absolution. Historical study seems altogether at 
 an end, except in the single province of ecclesiastical antiquities : 
 indeed, as we have seen it ingeniously remarked by a writer of 
 the Oxford school, all history is dangerous, and ought to be re- 
 written on Church principles. Nay, the very special studies of 
 under-graduates are no longer pui'sued with the spirit and zeal of 
 former times ; classical scholarship is declining. We saw it 
 stated the other day, in a Journal favourable to the present 
 ‘ movement,’ that the art of prose Latin composition is absolutely 
 lost at Oxford. To borrow again the forcible language of Dr 
 Arnold : — ‘ The two great parties of the Christian world have 
 ‘ each their own standard of truth by which they try all things — 
 
1843. 
 
 The late Dr Arnold. 
 
 379 
 
 ^ Scripture on the one hand ; the voice of the Church on the other. 
 ^ To both, therefore, the pure intellectual movement is not only 
 ^ unwelcome, but they dislike it. It will question what they will 
 ^ not allow to be questioned : it may arrive at conclusions which 
 ^ they would regard as impious. And therefore in an age’ (or 
 seat) ‘ of religious movement particularly, the spirit of intellec- 
 ^ tual movement soon finds itself proscribed rather than counte- 
 ^ nanced.’ 
 
 Thus much, at least, is matter of general observation, — that 
 while the loss is certain, the gain in higher respects is worse than 
 questionable ; that much has been lost, along with knowledge 
 itself, of the habits of mind which attend an ardent pursuit of 
 knowledge — of manly candour, of extended sympathies, of that 
 generous, frank enthusiasm so giaceful in the young; that a cap- 
 tious, close, exclusive spirit, is apt to grow on the mind, under the 
 discipline and associations now’ prevailing — producing in vigo- 
 rous natures a concentrated heat, instead of an expansive warmth : 
 this is complained of, we know not how justly, but seems to 
 follow as a not unnatural consequence. For this, and much 
 more, Oxford has to thank the peculiar exertions of the ablest 
 and most active among her present teachers, and the success 
 which has attended them. 
 
 It is true that they are awake now. Of course it is not to be 
 supposed that men of really superior minds, such as many of 
 those of whom we speak, can be content in observing the decay 
 of knowledge around them ; or the loss of interest in those 
 pursuits to which the youthful disposition should seem adapted. 
 It appears to be the very earnest endeavour of many of them, 
 to keep the minds of those under actual pupilage as far as pos- 
 sible unpolluted by that black and bitter St 3 ’x of controversy 
 which envelopes the region. But this is utterly impossible, 
 unless they could influence also— which in this direction they 
 cannot — the minds and studies of that body of which the con- 
 dition forms by far the best test of the state of education at 
 our universities. We mean those who have passed their short 
 academical course, but are still detained by various duties or cir- 
 cumstances ; young themselves, although, for the most part, in- 
 structors of those still younger^ — for they form the class which 
 gives the tone to the studious part of those under discipline. 
 8o long as theological controvers}'' forms the great excitement 
 and interest of their lives, so long it will exercise its miserable 
 influence on the education in which they assist. However 
 honestly disposed, the tutor whose head is in a whirl with 
 the religious battles of Convocation, cannot get up among his 
 pupils much enthusiasm about the Punic or Peloponnesian war. 
 
380 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Where his mind mechanically leads, theirs will follow. Nor 
 will the tone of society, out of academical hours, assist in sup- 
 plying the stimulus of better and more vigorous speculation ; for 
 society at Oxford — that is, the society of the intelligent and 
 active part of its denizens — is become dead and spiritless — para- 
 lyzed from the dread which prevails of giving mutual offence. 
 Men stand carefully aloof from free intercourse with each other 
 on questions which excite them, and the place supplies no topics 
 of neutral and harmless interest. Add to this, the thousand 
 temptations to take sides, to enlist in parties—the sad want of 
 importance of those, old or young, who in agitated societies keep 
 aloof from agitation. Talent, enthusiasm, self-importance, ec- 
 centricity, all take one and the same direction ; — the able are 
 easily drawn in by the desire to shine ; and fools, because they 
 have an instinctive consciousness that in no other way can a fool 
 become a man of consequence. 
 
 It is needless to dwell on the influence which this combination 
 of deteriorating causes may have on the prospects of the rising 
 generation. Vce diehus nostris, exclaimed the old chronicler, who 
 in his barbarous age saw and felt the moral darkness extend- 
 ing itself, along with the decline of that culture, of which, in 
 these enlightened times, some men seem to fancy that we have 
 a surfeit — vce diehus nostris, quia periit studium litterarum a 
 nobis! We know full well the elements of greatness which exist 
 at Oxford. They need no other proof than the extraordinary 
 influence which has proceeded from thence for the last ten years 
 for good or for evil. We know, too, that with all the degrading 
 effects of its present condition on its usefulness as a place of in- 
 struction, the very violence of its controversies has not been 
 without direct intellectual influence, in awakening and pointing 
 the energies of dispositions of a peculiar order. But what the 
 general class of minds which its present system produces need 
 above all things, is a stimulus to a more natural and more inde- 
 pendent action. 
 
 This is precisely what talents like those of Dr Arnold were 
 fitted to give ; and it is in this respect that his loss is nothing 
 less than a national calamity. Both his virtues, lofty as they 
 were, and his talents were of an eminently practical order ; nor 
 were his very peculiarities without their usefulness. If he had 
 been a severer analyst than he was — a man of judgment more 
 free from the impulses of the affections — a man less solicitous 
 about the polemics of his day — more patient in investigation, 
 and less ready to grasp at obvious solutions of difficulties — in 
 one word, less of a theorist ; he might have been greater as a 
 literary man ; but he could scarcely have possessed, along with 
 
1843. 
 
 The late Dr Arnold, 
 
 381 
 
 these faculties, his own distinctive excellence. His mode of 
 action, in his university sphere, as his lectures prove, would 
 have been, not to endeavour forcibly to tear away his audience 
 from their accustomed associations, and make at once of youn^ 
 theologians and moralists a new race of impartial enquirers ; but 
 to bring them to the study of the past, as it were, through the pre- 
 sent ; to appeal to their acquired sympathies, to argue with their 
 prejudices; to lead them thus gradually, and by the very means 
 of the tendencies and propensities he found in them, into purer 
 and freer fields of enquiry than those in which they were accus- 
 tomed to expatiate. We are far from estimating his prospects of 
 ultimate success by the popularity which attended his first ap- 
 pearance in his professional character. The extraordinary con- 
 course of hearers which greeted him, was partly a homage to his 
 high character ; partly attracted by a certain fashion which his 
 name had acquired from various incidental circumstances. Such 
 popularity he neither coveted nor invited ; for no one could be 
 more entirely free from affectation and vanity — qualities belong- 
 ing to minds of a very inferior order to his. But it alforded 
 him an advantage at the outset, which his singular powers of 
 illustration and discursive eloquence — his art of rendering attrac- 
 tive every subject he touched — would have amply qualified him 
 to sustain. Short, indeed, was the period allotted to him, and 
 barely sufficient even thus to indicate the road which he would 
 have pursued. We have a high respect for the character and 
 abilities of the gentleman who has succeeded him ; and rejoice 
 to find that Sir Robert Peel, in this instance as in some others, 
 has exhibited predilections in accordance wdth those of the 
 liberal body of his countrymen ; but all the distinguished ranks 
 out of which the Minister had to make his selection, could not 
 have afforded the equal of him who is departed, for the present 
 emergency. 
 
382 
 
 Tiight of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Art. IV. — 1. Memoire en Faveur de la Liherte des Cultes. Par 
 Alexandre Vinet. 8vo. a Paris : 1828. 
 
 2. The Articles treated on in Tract 90 reconsidered,, and their 
 Interpretation vindicated; in a Letter to the Rev. R. W. Jelf 
 Z).Z)., Canon of Christ Church. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, 
 D.D. 8vo. Oxford: 1841. 
 
 ^J^HE metempsychosis of error is a curious phenomenon. 
 
 Though not immortal, it transmigrates through many 
 forms of being before it is finally destroyed. Apparently dead, 
 buried, rotten — consigned to dust and darkness so long ago, that 
 the very volumes in which it lies entombed are worm-eaten, and 
 the controversies in which it seemingly perished no longer read, 
 it often breathes and lives again after the lapse of centuries, and 
 takes its place amongst ‘ the things that are;’ — not usually, it 
 is true, in the very form in which it disappeared — in that it 
 would not be lightly tolerated again — but in a shape adapted to 
 new times and circumstances, with an organization, so to speak,* 
 which qualifies it to exist in a different element of thought and 
 feeling. The chrysalis becomes a gaudy butterfly, misleading 
 into a foolish chase thousands of those overgrown boys of the 
 human family, who perchance would have despised it in its ori- 
 ginal deformity. 
 
 At this we are not to wonder ; for if error passes through many 
 changes, it is because human nature is still the same. In every 
 successive age are reproduced minds with all the tendencies 
 which have characterized those of the past; with the same affi- 
 nities for special classes of error, or the same disposition to exag- 
 gerate and distort truth itself into substantial falsehood. Such 
 minds may be, and usually are, modified by the age in which they 
 live, the education to which they have been subjected, the cir- 
 cumstances under which they have been developed ; but they 
 exist, and with an idiosyncrasy so marked, that even if they have 
 never been stimulated by a knowledge of the theories of those 
 who have erred, and been confuted before them, they often ex- 
 hibit an invincible tendency to similar extravagances. What 
 I'hucydides has said of the parallelisms which we may per- 
 petually expect in political history, is almost as applicable to . 
 the history of opinions : — Jiyvuixiva fzv an' scSofreva f.ojg civ auryj 
 
 ;pv(rig avC^oj-jrojv fi^ [jjdWov %ai ^(fuy^aire^a, %ai ro7g hhicSi hi7\k‘kayfzva, . . 
 Yet have we reason to hope well of the ultimate destinies of our 
 race ; and to believe that the progress towards the final triumph 
 of Truth and Right is steady and certain, in spite of the alter- 
 nate flux and reflux of the tide. 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 383 
 
 The remarks just made on the resuscitation of ancient error at 
 distant intervals, and in new forms, have been signally illustrated 
 in that great controversy, or rather complication of controversies, 
 to which the discussion of what are called ‘ High Church Prin- 
 ciples,’ has recently given rise; and to none of the antique 
 novelties (if we may use such an expression) commended to 
 us by the advocates of those principles, are they more applicable, 
 than to the doctrines recently propounded by one and another of 
 them on the subject of the ‘ Right of Private Judgment.’ Of 
 all the peculiarities of this modern-antique School, none, in our 
 opinion, is of graver import or of darker omen, than its hatred, 
 more or less disguised, of this great principle. 
 
 Few, in the present day, would seek the restoration of the 
 brutal, or rather diabolical laws of ancient persecution, any more 
 than they would, even if the choice were given them, breathe life 
 into the bones of a Gardiner or a Bonner. To take those laws ex- 
 pressly under protection, in defiance both of reason and experience ; 
 in defiance of the arguments of such men as Taylor, Chillingworth, 
 Bayle, Locke, and others scarcely less illustrious ; above all, in 
 defiance of the terrible condemnation supplied in the records of 
 persecution itself, were the sheerest insanity. Whatever some 
 may secretly wish, not only are hanging and burning for religious 
 opinions abolished ; but even the more ^ moderate forms’ of per- 
 secution, as our ancestors facetiously called them, and which its 
 stiudier advocates despised as poor peddling arts — the thumb- 
 screw, branding, the pillory, incarceration, banishment — are quite 
 out of date. Under these circumstances, we might be sure that 
 any attempts to revive ancient error in relation to the ‘ Right of 
 Private Judgment’ would be very cautious; and such, with some 
 exceptions which have equally moved our abhorrence and indig- 
 nation, we have found them to be. Not only would expediency 
 dictate moderation, if the public is to be induced to listen at all ; 
 but we trust that, in the vast majority of instances, even amongst 
 men who cherish ‘ High Church Principles,’ honour and con- 
 science would alike recoil from the employment of the an- 
 cient methods under any modifications. Flow far, indeed, such 
 men may sympathize with the views on which we shall presently 
 animadvert — whether, though they do not at present avow it, they 
 may not, as in other cases, have their esoteric doctrine to which the 
 public is not yet to be admitted- — whether that ‘ reserve’ which 
 they advocate ‘ in the communication of religious truth ’ be not 
 operating here also — we have no means of judging. Our hope is, 
 that the greater part of those who question , in one way or another, 
 the ^ Right of Private Judgment,’ would not actually resort to 
 any of the exploded forms of persecution. At all events, we 
 
384 Right of Private Judgment, Jan. 
 
 shall not believe they would, except where they expressly teH us 
 so. We flatter ourselves they would not find it so easy to throw 
 off the spirit of their own age, as to apologize for the excesses of 
 the past; or to repress the best feelings of their hearts, as to 
 quench the light of their understandings. We shall, accordingly, 
 bring no indefinite charges against any body of men. The par- 
 ticular modifications of opinion to which we object shall be re- 
 ferred to their proper authors ; and chapter and verse duly 
 cited for the representations we may make of them. But whe- 
 ther they be many or few who sympathize with the more reck- 
 less of the modern Propagandists of the doctrine of persecution, 
 we do not anticipate that they will be actually successful. They 
 never can be, until they can convert the present into the past, or 
 make the wheels of time roll backward. It does not follow, 
 however, that their attempts can be safely neglected ; or that 
 their opinions are not sufficiently dangerous to justify severe 
 animadversion. Their intrinsic falsity, absurdity, and inconsis- 
 tency, would be ample warrant for that. But when we reflect, 
 further, on the tendency of such opinions to confound and per- 
 plex the unthinking — to foster malignity of temper — to perpe- 
 tuate the remnant of intolerance which still dwells amongst us — 
 to endear to some spiteful minds the petty forms of persecu- 
 tion which are "still within their reach — to make them hanker 
 after the forbidden indulgences of an obsolete cruelty— -it be- 
 comes a duty to denounce them. Nor is it less incumbent to 
 expose those more plausible, and perhaps, on that account, more 
 dangerous, invasions of the Right of Private Judgment, which 
 would delude multitudes into the belief that, on the authority of 
 fallible mortals like themselves, they may repress the voice of 
 conscience, receive as true things which they do not believe to 
 be so, and practise as innocent rites which they deem forbidden. 
 
 One would think it very superfluous at this time of day to 
 define what is meant by the ‘ Right of Private Judgment,’ or to 
 guard these terms against misapprehension. One would imagine 
 that any mistakes about the phrase, or the mode in which it is 
 usually understood, could not be otherwise than wilful ; and, in 
 truth, we honestly confess, it is out of our power to regard them 
 in any other light. A recent writer, however, has attempted to 
 show, that in the greater number of cases in which the ‘ Right of 
 Private Judgment’ would be usually said to be exercised, it is not 
 in fact exercised at all. Why ? Because there is no protracted, 
 deliberate examination as to which is the true religion, and 
 a decision logically formed accordingly — education, feeling, 
 prejudice, accident, having much to do with the judgment ulti- 
 mately expressed ! Can any thing be more absurd ? Does this 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Trivate Judgment, 
 
 385 
 
 writer imagine, that those who contend for the ‘ Right of Pri- 
 vate Judgment’ mean that none can actually exercise it but 
 those who have first of all certified themselves, by actual in- 
 spection of the proofs adduced in favour of every religion that 
 has subsisted, or still subsists, in the w'orld, that their own is 
 the only true one ? That a man cannot be a Christian, con- 
 sistently with the exercise of his ‘ Right of Private Judgment,’ 
 unless he has examined and decided whether Hindooism or 
 Mahometanism may not have equal claims ? Or (confining our- 
 selves to Christianity alone) that he cannot be a Christian, in 
 virtue of the exercise of the ‘ Right of Private Judgment,’ if he 
 has not profoundly examined the wide question of the Christian 
 evidences ; or a Calvinist or Arminian, unless he has duly pon- 
 dered the quinquarticular controversy ? Could this author be so 
 ignorant as to suppose that the advocates of the right meant this? 
 It is notorious that writers by this phrase mean the right of indi- 
 vidually judging — no matter what the grounds of that judgment — 
 what is religious truth, and what not ; not merely the abstract 
 right of every man (though, it is true, each has it) deliberately 
 to examine, if he has leisure and is so inclined, any or all sys- 
 tems of religion, and to make selection of that which he deems the 
 true accordingly ; but the right — in whatever way he may have 
 arrived at his actual convictions of what is religious truth — to 
 maintain and express that conviction, to the exclusion of all 
 means beyond those of argument and persuasion, to make him 
 think, or rather (for that is impossible by any except such means) 
 to make him say otherwise. In a word, whether the phrase be 
 abstractedly the best that could have been employed or not, it is 
 chiefly designed to disallow the right of forcing us to believe, or 
 profess to believe, as others bid us. This, in fact, is what is 
 really contended for ; and it implies not merely the right to judge 
 for ourselves, but, so far as coercion is concerned^ the right, if we 
 please, not to judge at all ; for though no man has a moral right 
 to be in the wrong, it does not follow that another man has the 
 right to employ force to reclaim him from his error. Much 
 needless discussion has been wasted on this point by the adver- 
 saries of this doctrine, both ancient and modern ; and yet nothing 
 is more certain, or more a matter of daily experience, even 
 where religion is not directly in question. A man has no moral 
 right to get drunk at his own table; and yet he has a right to 
 deal very unceremoniously with any one who would by force 
 prevent him. And so in a thousand other cases. 
 
 We feel almost ashamed of having been compelled, in the middle 
 of the nineteenth century, to say any thing in explanation of the 
 meaning so generally and notoriously attached to the phrase, 
 
386 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ‘ Right of Private Judgment/ Such being its meaning, however, 
 we feel still more ashamed that there are to be found any who will 
 deny the right itself. Yet such is the case with the writer to whom 
 we have just referred, and who has incurred the additional odium 
 of questioning that right, even as limited — and, one would have 
 thought, put beyond controversy — by his own absurd interpreta- 
 tion of it. To one who was disposed to question the right, it 
 might be imagined more reasonable, or rather less unreasonable, 
 to deny it, on the supposition that it was designed to protect all 
 consciences, whether the judgment formed was the result of deli- 
 berate examination or not ; than on the supposition that the right 
 was contended for only where such deliberate examination had 
 been made. Yet even this limited exercise of the right, this 
 author does not think it proper to concede to us. He thinks it 
 reasonable to say that, if any one judges it proper to exercise this 
 right, it is quite competent to the civil magistrate to inflict penal- 
 ties on him for so doing. That any one would have been insane 
 enough to contend for such a proposition in the present day, we 
 could not have believed had we not read the statement with our 
 own eyes. In order to protect ourselves from any charge of 
 misrepresentation, and to prevent others from participating in the 
 incredulity into which, apart from such evidence, we should un- 
 doubtedly have fallen, we shall cite the following passage : — 
 
 ‘ Now the first remark which occurs is an obvious one, which, 
 
 ‘ we suppose, will be suffered to pass without opposition — that 
 ‘ whatever be the intrinsic merits of private judgment, yet, if it 
 ‘ at all exerts itself in the direction of proselytism and conver- 
 ‘ sion, a certain onus prohandi is upon it, and it must show causcj 
 ‘ before it is tolerated, why it should not be convicted forthwith 
 ‘ as a breach of the peace, and silenced instanter as a mere dis- 
 ‘ turber of the existing constitution of things. Of course it may 
 ‘ be safely exercised in defending what is established ; and w^e 
 ‘ are far indeed from saying that it is never to advance in the 
 ‘ direction of change or revolution, else the Gospel itself could 
 ‘ never have been introduced ; but we consider that such mate- 
 ‘ rial changes have ‘o. primd facie case against them — they have 
 ‘ something to get over — and have to prove their admissibility, 
 
 ‘ before it can reasonably be granted ; and their agents may be 
 ‘ called upon to suffer, in order to prove their earnestness, and to 
 ‘ pay the penalty of the trouble they are causing. Considering 
 ‘ the special countenance given in Scripture to quiet unanimity 
 ‘ and contentedness, and the w^arnings directed against disorder, 
 
 ‘ irregularity, a wavering temper, discord, and division ; consi- 
 ‘ dering the emphatic words of the Apostle, laid dowm as a gene- 
 ‘ ral principle, and illustrated in detail, “ Let every man abide 
 
i843. 
 
 Rigid of Private Judgment. 
 
 387 
 
 * in the same calling' wherein he was called;” considering, in a 
 ‘ word, that change is really the characteristic of error, and un- 
 ‘ alterableness the attribute of truth, of holiness, of Almighty 
 ‘ God himself, we consider that when private judgment moves in 
 ‘ the direction of innovation, it may well be regarded with suspi- 
 ‘ cion, and treated with severity. N'ay, we confess even a satis- 
 ‘ faction, when a penalty is attached to the expression of new 
 ‘ doctrines, or to a change of communion. We repeat it, if per- 
 ^ sons have strong feelings, they should pay for them ; if they 
 ‘ think it a duty to unsettle things established, they should show 
 ‘ their earnestness by being willing to suffer. We shall be the 
 ‘ last to complain of this kind of persecution, even though di- 
 ‘ rected against what we consider the cause of truth. Such dis- 
 ‘ advantages do no harm to that cause in the event, but they 
 ‘ bring home to a man’s mind his own responsibility ; they are a 
 ‘ memento to him of a great moral lavv ; and warn him that his 
 ‘ private judgment, if not a duty, is a sin.’ ^ 
 
 This is, in some respects, a remarkable passage. One would 
 almost suspect that it must be a plagiarism from some ancient 
 writer, were it not that people do not generally steal infected 
 garments, nor, like old Elwes, appropriate as precious, things they 
 have picked up out of the kennel. We almost involuntarily look 
 for marks of quotation, or some archaisms of expression which 
 would fix the date of the paragraph some two centuries ago. 
 For ourselves, we peruse these arguments, thus recalled from the 
 dead, with feelings much akin to those with which we should 
 witness the exhumation of a mummy from the depths of the 
 Pyramids, or the exhibition of some uncouth-looking weapons 
 dug out of an ancient tumulus; — wondering the while at the 
 strange chance by which things so long buried in darkness thus 
 ‘ revisit the glimpses of the moon.’ We seem to be present at 
 the awakening of some Rip Van Winkle, who had been sleeping, 
 not, like him of the Sketch Book, for twenty, but two hundred 
 years. Why, these arguments are but a feeble repetition of 
 those which Locke so utterly demolished in those matchless 
 specimens of cogent and almost scornful logic — the second and 
 third letters on ‘ Toleration;’ and which Bayle had refuted before 
 him, in his amusing commentary on the words ‘ compel them to 
 
 * British Critic^ July 1841 — It is not our wont to make lengthened 
 references to contemporary Journals. If we have departed from the 
 nsnal course on the present occasion, it is assuredly, not because the 
 Journal in question is intrinsically entitled to much notice, but because 
 it is generally considered to be the chief organ and representative of the 
 party wdio advocate the principles of the Oxford Tracts. 
 
388 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 come in.’ We can hardly bring ourselves to believe that the 
 greater part of those who in general agree with the Journal from 
 which the above passage is extracted, can sympathize with the 
 views of this writer. If they do, the people of England would do 
 well to watch with double jealousy and suspicion the progress of 
 ‘ high church principles.’ If men such as he should achieve that 
 triumph of their principles for which they are professedly striving, 
 the dearest privileges of Englishmen would no longer be safe. 
 
 There is nothing whatever to distinguish the doctrines of this 
 writer from those which characterize the most barefaced, naked 
 system of ancient persecution ; — nothing which might not have 
 fallen from the lips of a Gardiner or a Bonner — nay, from those 
 of a Nero or a Dioclesian. For there is absolutely nothing to 
 limit t\\Q principles laid down; and those principles, thus unlimited 
 in themselves, and pushed to their legitimate extent, are sufficient 
 to authorize any atrocities. That which is established, no matter 
 wffiat, has on that account presumption in its favour of being 
 right and true; and therefore, wherever ‘ private judgment at all 
 ‘ exerts itself in the direction of proselytism and conversion,’ it 
 must ‘ show cause,’ before it is tolerated, why it should not be 
 ‘ convicted forthwith as a breach of the peace, and silenced m- 
 ‘ stanter as a mere disturber of the existing constitution of things.’ 
 It must show cause. To whom ? Why, to the very parties, to be 
 sure, who are interested in suppressing it — who believe that it has 
 ‘ no cause to show;’ and until they are satisfied — for the innovators 
 are surely satisfied — that it has warrant for wffiat it says, it may 
 be suppressed instanter^ and convicted of a breach of the peace! 
 A man must not preach Christianity at Rome, till he shows 
 cause to the satisfaction of a Nero or a Dioclesian that there 
 is a sufficiency of reason on his side ; and, till then, he may be 
 suppressed instanter. That our author did not mean even to 
 exclude this, the strongest case, is evident by his own allu- 
 sion to ‘ the introduction of the Gospel:’ he has plainly left 
 ns to infer from his principles, that though it was right of 
 the Apostles to preach, it was equally right in the heathen to 
 persecute them for so doing ; they not having ‘ shown cause’ — as 
 how could they to Pagans ? — that ‘ their case was admissible,’ 
 and ‘ that there was nothing in it which might not be got over.’ 
 The same principles would of course justify the Papists in per- 
 secuting the Protestants, and Protestants in persecuting the 
 Papists ; and every form, either of truth or error, that happens to 
 be established, in persecuting every exercise of private judgment 
 that happens to be at variance with it. It must be confessed that 
 these are comprehensive principles of persecution, but we acknow- 
 ledge that we do not like them the worse for that ; they are at all 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 389 
 
 events consistent, however indescribably absurd. The accident of 
 previous possession determines, it seems, the right to suppress, and 
 whether it be truth or error, it is all the same : only, as truth is 
 one, while error is multiform, error will have the advantage of 
 this ruthless consistency in a hundred cases to one. And as truth 
 and error are armed with equal right to employ this concise me- 
 thod of ‘ suppressing so, as in the older systems of per- 
 
 secution, there is here nothing whatever to limit the degree of 
 severity or violence which it may be deemed necessary to employ 
 for that purpose. The duty is to ‘ suppress instantei\' unless 
 sufficient cause be shown to those who are disinclined to see 
 it ; and we presume, that as, when they do not see it, they are 
 bound to suppress instanter^ they are at liberty to take any steps 
 for that purpose which may be effectual ; for to limit them to the 
 use only of means which may be ineffectual, and which sturdy 
 recusants may set at defiance, would be altogether nugatory. A 
 right of suppressing error, provided it can be suppressed by the 
 stocks or the pillory, conjoined with a liberty to let it run ram- 
 pant if hanging or burning is necessary, would be a curious limi- 
 tation ; and, as it would be unreasonable to set any such limits, 
 so it would be impossible. What is excess of severity in the code 
 of one set of persecutors, is childish lenience in that of another. 
 One man mii^ht be satisfied with the pillory, while another 
 might be satisfied with nothing less than the rack. Our modern 
 apologist for ancient cruelty has wisely attempted no such limi- 
 tation ; but, under the general expression of ‘satisfaction’ at the 
 ‘infliction of penalties,’ has left every variety of persecutors to 
 select their own. ‘ Help yourselves, gentlemen,’ is virtually, 
 though we hope not designedly, his language, ‘ according to 
 ‘ your diversified tastes and appetites. The table is bountifully 
 ‘ spread — the pillory — the rack — the scourge — the boot — the gib- 
 ‘ bet — the axe — the stake — confiscation — mutilation — expatria- 
 ‘ tion — are all very much at your service, whenever those who 
 ‘ broach novel opinions do not “ show cause,” to your satisfac- 
 ^ tion, that you would be wrong if you attempted to repress 
 ‘ them.’* 
 
 ♦ The reasoning by which this writer attempts to establish these con- 
 clusions, is as curious as are the conclusions themselves. He actually 
 thinks that the fact of being established, is a presumption of truth in a 
 world where there are a thousand different systems of religious opinion 
 established ; and yet it is not possible that more than one of these can be 
 the absolute truth I He actually thinks that fixedness, is presumption 
 of truth in a world where the most steadfast and ancient systems of re- 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. 2 C 
 
390 
 
 Right of Private J udgynent, J an , 
 
 We slioulfl consider it as a melancholy waste of time to attempt 
 a formal proof of the wickedness and foHv of persecution. Yet, 
 as it appears that in the year of grace 1841, it was possible for 
 one who could at least write and spell — whatever other attributes 
 of a rational nature he might have or want — to apologize for it, 
 or rather to panegyrize it ; it may not be uninstruciive to exhibit, 
 in one or two paragraphs, the crushing arguments by which the 
 principles of religious freedom were first established ; and the 
 various modifications of the theory of persecution which its advo- 
 cates were contented to frame, before they would w^holly forego 
 it. And most impressive it is to see how tenacious of life the 
 monster was; — how many and oft repeated the exorcisms by 
 which the demon was at length expelled. 
 
 We shall merely state the principal arguments ; to state them is 
 now enough. It was argued then — That it is not within a ruler’s 
 
 ligious opinion have been, and are, notoriously, those of the worst super- 
 stition ! — ‘ Unalterableness,’ a mark of truth in a world where the 
 great innovation that is at length to remedy its miseries was reserved 
 till four thousand years after its creation ! — ‘ Change,’ a characteristic of 
 error in a world the great law of which is incessant change ! It is true 
 that ‘ unalterableness’ is an attribute of truth, inasmuch as truth is al- 
 ways one and the same ; but he would have us infer that what has been 
 long ‘ unaltered ’ is ‘ true ;’ if this were so, as already shown, there would 
 be a thousand different and conflicting systems of truth in the world. 
 With equal logic, this writer actually imagines that the injunction, ‘ Let 
 every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called,’ has some- 
 thing to do with the determination of the present question ; — that an in- 
 junction not capriciously to change our secular profession can be any 
 warrant for inflicting penalties on those who innovate on established opi- 
 nions in religion, because it is a probable case that they are actuated 
 thereto by caprice and fickleness ; or that it can justify acquiescence in 
 opinions or practices which the conscience disapproves ! Truly, this text 
 of ‘ abiding in that calling wherein we are called,’ is a short method of 
 effectually settling the scruples of a restless conscience, and of insuring, to 
 the world’s end, that there shall be no further conversions from one sys- 
 tem of opinions to another. The various castes are fixed, and let not any 
 go out of them. He that is a Brahmin, let him be a Brahmin still ; he 
 that is a Mahometan, let him be a Mahometan still; he that is a Chris- 
 tian — Calvinist or Arminian, Episcopalian or Presbyterian — let him be 
 such still ; for, ‘ let every man abide in that calling wherein he is called.’ 
 One cannot wonder, after this, that Thomas Aquinas should have been able 
 to prove that it is the duty of inferiors in the Church to submit to 
 their superiors, from the words, ‘ The oxen were ploughing, and the 
 asses were feeding beside them;’ nor at the astuteness of that Papist 
 who affirmed the propriety of worshipping the saints, because it is writ- 
 ten ‘ God is wonderful in all his works.’ 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Pfhmte Judgment, 
 
 S91 
 
 province to determine the religion of his subjects — he having no 
 commission to attempt it ; not from Scripture, for Peter and l^aul 
 preached Christianity in defiance of the magistrate; not from 
 compact on the part of the people, for few would, and none could 
 if they would, surrender to another the care of their salvation :• 
 That religion, except as intelligent and voluntary, is nothing 
 worth : That in the very nature of things, the employment of 
 Jo7'ce to make men believe, is a palpable absurdity : That, for 
 example, the thumbscrew can never make a man believe the doc- 
 trine of the Trinity ; and that, if it make him say he believes it 
 when he does not, all that the thumbscrew does is to make the 
 man a liar and hypocrite, in addition to being a heretic: That 
 the unprincipled will escape by conforming, and only the consci- 
 entious be punished ; so that the sole result is perjury on the one 
 hand, and gratuitous sufi'ering on the other: '^I'hat the alleged 
 power is as inexpedient as it is unjust ; tor rulers are no more 
 likely to know the truth than private persons, nor so likely as 
 many, as is proved by the diversity of opinions among rulers them- 
 selves : That if the rulers’ religion be a false one, all the above 
 evils are aggravated, for error has then all the advantage ; those 
 who are really converted being converted to error; those who 
 only say they are converted, embracing error with a lie in their 
 right hand ; while the suflering falls solely on those W'ho are in 
 possession of the truth : That, supposing the right to compel 
 resides in the magistrate, it must reside in every magistrate ; 
 and as truth is but one and error multiform, there will, on the 
 whole, be a hundred-fold as much force employed against the 
 truth as for it : That if it be said, as was often most vainly said, 
 
 ‘ it is the duty of the magistrate to compel only to the true 
 ‘ religion,’ the question returns, ^ who is to be the judge of 
 ‘ truth ?’ while, as each ruler will judge his own religion to be 
 true, this is but going a roundabout way to the same point: 
 That the system, if justifiable at all, will authorize and necessi- 
 tate the utmost severities ; for if it be the duty of the magis- 
 trate to compel all to adopt his religion, the methods which 
 will most surely and speedily effect this, will be the best ; that 
 therefore, burning, hanging, torture, being the most thorough 
 and most likely to be successful, are to be preferred : lastly, That 
 after the most remorseless and protracted application of the sys- 
 tem, history affords the most striking proofs that it can never be 
 successful ; that the uniformity sought can never be obtained ; that 
 the conscientious are only the more fully convinced of the truth 
 of their system, whether it be truth or error ; that fortitude will 
 be prepared to endure all that cruelty is prepared to inflict; and 
 that not only in the history of Christianity, but in that of all re- 
 
392 
 
 ' night of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ligions, has it been seen that ‘ the blood of the Martyrs has 
 ‘ been the seed of the Church.’ 
 
 These arguments, and such as these, were, and will ever be felt 
 to be resistless against the ancient and only consistent scheme of 
 persecution. No wonder, then, that men who could not gainsay, 
 and yet would not adopt them, should seek some mitigated system 
 which might leave them still the luxury of persecution, or secure 
 their darling idol of uniformity with less expense to humanity and 
 logic. It is curious to see the efforts which from time to time 
 have been made to discover this iertium quid — a sort of purgatory 
 between the heaven of perfect freedom and the hell of perfect 
 despotism. But there is in truth no medium. The two extremes 
 are alone consistent—and, so far as that goes, both are equally so. 
 All intermediate systems are absurd and inconsistent ; they are 
 examples, every one of them, of unstable equilibrium — the slight- 
 est breath of wind suffices to throw them down. The old system 
 is at least a strong-looking symmetrical fabric, cemented though 
 it be with blood from the foundation-stone to the topmost pin- 
 nacle. The system which says, ‘ You shall be of my religion, or 
 ‘ at all events pretend you are, whether you be or not ; therefore 
 ‘ bethink you betimes whether you love truth better than the rack, 
 ‘or if need be, better than burning fagots or molten lead,’ is at 
 least perfectly intelligible and consistent, however hideous. This 
 is an iron-hearted, brazenfaced Devil enough, and one has some 
 involuntary, shuddering awe of him. How far the petty imps who 
 aspire to share his guilt, but dare not emulate such sublimity of 
 wickedness, are entitled to respect of any kind, we shall presently 
 see. 
 
 Some of the most obvious modifications by which the unqua- 
 lified system of persecution might be stripped of its most revolt- 
 ing features, suggested themselves to the anonymous writer* who 
 undertook the perilous task of answering Locke’s first letter on 
 Toleration, and were indeed anticipated by Bayle in that part of 
 his Philosophical Commentary where he examines, with deliberate 
 and minute attention, the ‘ objections’ to his principles. First, 
 Locke’s adversary declared that it was far from his purpose to 
 undertake the defence of the horrid cruelties by which history 
 is disfigured. No — it was only ‘ moderate penalties’ and ‘con- 
 venient punishments’ for which he pleaded ! And here — not to in- 
 sist that almost all the arguments above stated against the most 
 unqualified system, apply with unabated force to this and every 
 
 * We learn from Wood’s Athence OxonienseSj that the author was 
 Jonas Proast, of Queen’s College, Oxford, 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judg7nent» 
 
 393 
 
 modification of it — we come at once to the first of those symp- 
 toms of instability, which, as we have said, characterizes the whole. 
 What are ‘moderate penalties’ and ‘gentle punishments?’ 
 Hanging is moderate compared with burning, and branding gentle 
 compared with the rack. To some men of squeamish sensibility, 
 even the cropping of the ears, the free use of the scourge, a 
 few years’ imprisonment or banishment, might foolishly be consi- 
 dered excessive. Nay, we know not whether there might not 
 be found some who would object to ruin men even by regular 
 process of law, by quirks and quibbles — perhaps, even to the pil- 
 lory, fines, confiscation ; while there might be others, (as there 
 undoubtedly have been many,) who would say of all heretics, that 
 ‘hanging is too good for them and who would not only show their 
 charity by sending them, if obstinate, to perdition, but that, too, 
 by methods which should convince them that they did not lose 
 much by exchanging earth for hell. 
 
 As we have already remarked, our modern champion of perse- 
 cution, who ‘confesses a satisfaction’ (we admire the felicity no 
 less than the honesty of the phrase) ‘ in the infliction of penalties ’ 
 for change of opinion, has left this matter equally in the dark. 
 For this he is not to be blamed ; it was impossible for him to 
 assign limits, and he has therefore wisely refrained from attempt- 
 ing it. Whether a fine of a hundred pounds be thought equivalent 
 to the luxury of a new opinion— whether such a bonne hoiiche ought 
 to go still higher — whether it be dear at imprisonment, confis- 
 cation, banishment — w hether his clemency would be ‘ satisfied’ 
 with the stocks, or the pillory, or branding — or whether he would 
 ‘ confess a satisfaction’ (in very obstinate cases) at hanging or 
 burning, is all unhappily matter of conjecture. 
 
 Locke’s adversary further modified the system, by declaring that 
 the ‘moderate penalties’ and the ‘convenient punishments’ for 
 w hich he contended, were not designed to compel those on whom 
 they were inflicted, to adopt a particular form of religion at the 
 option of the magistrate ; but to induce them to ‘ examine,’ to 
 ‘consider,’ calmly and deliberately, that they might not, as too 
 often happens, be led by passion or caprice, or any other motive 
 which ought to have no influence in the determination of the 
 question ! Whereupon he was asked whether he considered 
 the fear of torture or banishment, and the hope of recompense 
 or impunity, amongst the passions ? Whether he seriously 
 thought that the rack or the thumbscrew wmuld favour that 
 calm and equal consideration which he was so charitably desirous 
 of promoting ? Whether a man under the pangs of torture, or 
 the dread of confiscation or banishment, is in a better condition 
 for the exercise of his logic? Whether the mind, under such 
 
394 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 discipline, would not be as effectually under a sinister bias 
 as if left to the dominion of any other passions whatsoever? 
 Whether the author would have this charitable expression of 
 concern for the souls of men fairly applied to all who, it might 
 be deemed, had not given the subject of religion ‘ an equal and 
 conscientious examination and, amongst the rest, to the multi- 
 tudes of ‘ inconsiderate professors’ of the national religion, who, 
 as they are often more liable to take their religion on trust and 
 in haste, than those who must suffer something for it, stand in 
 more urgent need of such a provocative to deliberation ? Whe- 
 ther, if he replied in the negative, ‘ his remedy would not re- 
 ‘ semble the helleboraster that grew in the woman’s garden for 
 ‘ the cure of worms in her neighbours’ children, for that it wrought 
 ‘ too roughly to give it to any of her own ?’ * Whether it could be 
 thought that the magistrate who had established a given religion, 
 or the clergy who preached it, would tolerate such an impartial ap- 
 plication of the system of ‘ moderate and convenient penalties’ to 
 those of their ov n communion, however little they may have 
 ‘examined?’ Whether the plan had ever been acted upon, 
 or was ever likely to be ? Whether it would not be a most 
 curious and unprecedented act of legislation, to inflict penalties 
 with the vague object of making people ‘ examine’ whether they 
 are in the right or not; or, rather, with the still more vague 
 object of making them ‘seek truth’ till they find it, in the ab- 
 sence of a judge to determine what that truth is? Whether it 
 would not be very much like ‘ whipping a scholar to make him 
 ‘ find out the square root of a number you do not know ?’ Whe- 
 ther he who declares he has examined, and is still of the same 
 mirid, and that not the mind of a conformist, is to be released 
 from all further punishment ; or whether public officials are to 
 be appointed to ‘ examine’ whether he has ‘examined’ enough ? 
 Whether these are to be satisfied that he has examined enough, 
 or are likely to be so, till he has ‘examined ’ himself into the state 
 of mind which will induce him to conform ? and wdiether, if 
 they are not to be satisfied till then, this system of ‘ moderate 
 pejialties’ does not, after all, resolve itself into the system of 
 compelling men to conform to the religion of the magistrate? — 
 There are some things in the extract from that writer on whom 
 we have been animadverting, which remind one of this sys- 
 tem : — ‘ Penalties bring home to a man his owm responsibility’ 
 < — they are a memento to him of a great moral law, and 
 ‘ warn him that his private judgment, if not a duty, is a sin.’ 
 
 * Locke’s Second Letter. Works, vol. v. p. 99. 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 395 
 
 — ‘ If persons have strong feelings, they should pay for them ; if 
 ‘ they think it a duty to unsettle thinijs established, they should 
 ‘show their earnestness by being willing to suffer.’ Here one 
 would think that the charitable object, like that of Locke’s anta- 
 gonist, was to secure conscientiousness and deliberation on the 
 part of the sufferers for supposed truth, or to sublime their virtues 
 into heroism. But we have already shown, and the former part 
 of the paragraph indeed avows it, that it is for the sake of peace 
 and quietness — on behalf of the ‘ established opinions ’ — that he 
 chiefly desires these penalties to be inflicted. 
 
 Locke's adversary subsequently shuffled out of his original 
 position, and affirmed that magistrates were at liberty to perse- 
 cute only for the true religion ; and that it was at their peril if 
 they indulged in any eccentricities of the kind in favour of any 
 false religion. Locke, of course, unmercifully exposes this child- 
 ish fallacy. For who is to be the judge of truth but the magis- 
 trate himself; and, if it be his duty to enforce obedience to some 
 religion, he must of course enforce obedience to that which he 
 deems true. 
 
 Even after the general principles of toleration were established, 
 it was long before the spirit of persecution was quite subdued; 
 indeed, as we all know, it was only within the last few years that 
 our statutes were purged from the last traces of it. Men found 
 out, it seems, after the more violent forms of persecution were 
 abandoned, that it was still very proper to visit those who did 
 not conform to the religion of the magistrate, with the privation 
 of some of their civil rights ! d'h's w^as no punishment^ forsooth, 
 it was simply a negation. To be kept witliout a thing is some- 
 thing very different from having something taken awav from us, 
 and what a man never had, of course he can never much miss ; 
 and thus, by this subtle distinction of ‘ negations,’ men managed 
 at the same time to gratify their bigotry and to cloak their absur- 
 dity. Happily we have got beyond this also. 
 
 The writer who has detained us so long, is, in as far as 
 w’e know, the only living avovver of his preference of the an- 
 cient system of persecution — the ‘ suf>pression ’ of the ‘ Right 
 of Private Judgment’ by pains and penalties. But there are 
 not a few W’ho would attempt to limit its exercise by an appeal 
 to human authority ; though they would not advocate the employ- 
 ment of violence for that purpose. We confess we think this 
 system better than that of force, just upon the principle, that he 
 who simply steals is less guiby than he who commits both theft 
 and murder. But the system itself is far less compact and con- 
 sistent. If man be rightfully accountable to his fellows for the 
 formation or expression of his religious opinions — if he ought to 
 
396 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 adopt those which he is told to adopt—one would imagine that 
 it is but reasonable to arm authority with some means of en- 
 forcing its mandates. The duty of submission to any human 
 authority, would seem to imply the correlative right of visiting 
 disobedience with some sort of penalties. If not, it is authority 
 only in name. What should we say to a legislator, who, enact- 
 ing certain laws, should set forth in the preamble, that they were 
 binding only on those who choose to be bound by them, and 
 that those who did not might throw them into the fire ? It re- 
 minds us of the humorous case cited by Pelisson in his contro- 
 versy with Leibnitz.^' An ‘ inconstant lover ^ and his ^ volatile 
 mistress ' gravely lay down the laws which are to regulate their 
 courtship, and the last of them is, that both should break any of 
 them they thought proper. South, consistently arguing on 
 his principles, that ecclesiastical authority ought to be backed by 
 ^ temporal power,’ anticipated and rebuked the inconsistency of 
 all half-hearted apologists for the suppression of conscience. 
 He ridiculed the idea of authority without coercion- — of laws 
 without penalties — of obligation to obey conjoined with liberty 
 to rebel. He consistently preferred persecution to the sanction 
 of so singular a freedom. He exposes the fallacy in his own ludi- 
 crous manner : ‘ Some,’ he says, ‘ will by no means allow the 
 ^ Church any further power than only to exhort and advise ; and 
 ‘ this but with a proviso too, that it extends not to such as think 
 ^ themselves too wise and too great to be advised ; according to 
 ‘ the hypothesis of which persons, the authority of the Church, 
 ^ and the obliging force of all Church-sanctions, can bespeak men 
 ^ only thus : These and these things it is your duty to do, and if 
 ^ you will not do them, you may as well let them alone/ f 
 
 But whether it be that the enemies of religious freedom de- 
 spair of reviving the ancient opinions, or think that there is little 
 present chance of success, or are really w’eary of them, it is cer- 
 tain that, while there is nodack of theories by which the ‘ Right 
 of Private Judgment’ is virtually denied, or curiously circum- 
 scribed, few, like the author on whose fanatical extravagances 
 
 * ‘ Je n’ose faire une coraparaison trop peu serieuse, et prise de ces 
 lectures frivoles, qui out amuse mon enfance ; mais je ne S 9 aurois pour- 
 tant m’empecher d’y penser. Dans une de nos Fables Fran 9 oises, (I’inge- 
 nieux roman de Monsieur U Urfe, que tous le monde connoit,) i’amant 
 inconstant et la maitresse volage font avec grand soin les loix de leur 
 amitie ; mais la derniere de toutes est qu’on n’en observera pas une, si 
 I’on ne veut.’ — Leibnitzii Opera^ tom. i. p. 689 
 •f South’s SermonS) vol. i. p. 132, 
 
1843 . 
 
 Right of Private Judgment* 
 
 397 
 
 we have been commenting, would choose to ‘ confess a satisfac- 
 ‘ tion, when a penalty is attached to the expression of new doc- 
 ‘ trines or to a change of communion.’ Nay, as we shall shortly 
 see, even he, in despair, we suppose, of getting mankind to adopt 
 his antiquated opinions, provides, in condescension to their infir- 
 mities and ignorance, a mode of exercising the right which, as 
 he flatters himself, will still get rid of all its principal inconve- 
 niences. This, and some other theories, we shall now briefly ex- 
 amine, and shall show of them all that they are absolutely nuga- 
 tory, inasmuch as they still leave for the decision of ‘ private 
 judgment,’ questions as difficult and perplexing as those which, 
 according to the common theory, are submitted to it ; or, what is 
 worse, that they enjoin, in obedience to an authority neither 
 claiming nor admitted to be infallible, a deliberate violation of the 
 law of conscience, where the actual convictions of the individual 
 are at variance with that authority ; or, lastly, that they are 
 chargeable on both these counts. 
 
 Nothing, indeed, short of the Popish doctrine of the Church’s 
 infallibility, will suffice to annul or limit the ‘ Right of Private 
 Judgment.’ That, and that alone, will. For though we Pro- 
 testants, who deny that doctrine, know very well that the ‘ varia- 
 tions of Romanism ’ have been nearly, if not quite, as numerous 
 as those which Bossuet charged upon Protestantism, and many 
 of them on points quite as important as those which the Church 
 professes to have definitively settled ; — though we know that 
 Popes have been opposed to Popes, and Councils to Councils ; 
 that Popes have contradicted Councils, and Councils contradicted 
 Popes ; — thout^h there have been infinite disputes as to where the 
 inlallibility resides ; what are the doctrines it has definitively pro- 
 nounced true, and who, to the individual, is the infallible ex- 
 pounder of what is thus infallibly pronounced infallible ; — yet he 
 who receives this doctrine in its integrity, has nothing more to 
 do than to eject his reason, sublime his faith into credulity, and 
 reduce his creed to these two comprehensive articles : ‘ I believe 
 ‘ whatsoever the Church believes ;’ — ‘ I believe that the Church 
 ‘ believes whatsoever my father-confessor believes that she be- 
 ‘ lieves.’ For thus he reasons : Nothing is more certain than 
 that whatsoever God says is infallibly true ; it is infallibly true 
 that the Church says just what God says ; it is infallibly true 
 that what the Church says is known ; and it is also infallibly 
 true that my father-confessor, or the parson of the next parish, 
 is an infallible expositor, of what is thus infallibly known to be 
 the Church’s infallible belief, of what God has declared to be 
 infallibly true. If any one of the links, even the last, in this 
 strange sorites, be supposed unsound — if it be not true that the 
 
398 
 
 liight of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 priest is an infallible expounder, to tbe individual, of the Church’s 
 infallibility — if his judi^ment be only his ‘ private judgment’ — we 
 come back at once to the perplexities of the common theory of 
 private judgment; and the question then submitted to the indi- 
 vidual Romanist’s ‘ private judgment’ is — whether it be reason- 
 able in him, in a matter of which he knows nothing, but which is 
 yet of infinite moment, to surrender his private judgment to that 
 of another man ? And truly, to decide a question without having 
 any data for deciding it, appears to us quite as difficult a problem 
 as any of’ those which are ordinarily submitted to ‘ private judg- 
 ment.’ The system, therefore, must be received in its integrity, 
 and if so, the rule of conduct is very simple. If the priest tells us 
 that bread is flesh, and wine is blood — that the sun revolves 
 round the earth — that Gulliver’s Travels, if they had not been 
 written by a heretic, would have been as true as the gospel — 
 all we have to do is to believe it, and, if need be, to believe it 
 even for Tertullian’s paradoxical reason, ‘ because it is impos- 
 sible.’ 
 
 Of every other mode of nullifying or circumscribing the right 
 of judgment, and of this too, except where the claim of infalli^ 
 bility is not merely made but admitted^ it may be shown, as al- 
 ready said, that it is eiiher nugatory, or flagitious, or both. 
 
 Conscious of this, there is a small party of hybrid Protestants 
 amongst us, who virtually claim for some Church unknown — 
 neither the Church of Rome nor the Church of England, and 
 yet both, but certainly not the Church of Scotland — some ‘ Visi- 
 ble Church,’ which is not to be seen ; some ‘ Catholic Church,’ 
 which excludes all Christians except Episcopalians; some ‘ Un- 
 divided Church,’ which embraces the communions of the re- 
 ciprocally excommunicated; some ‘ Primitive Church’ of uncer- 
 tain date — nothing less than the infallibility, and consequent 
 authority of the Church of Rome. But they are born out of 
 due time;’ their infallibility comes too late to enable them by 
 its means to limit the ‘ Right of Private Judgment,’ or relieve 
 us of our perplexities. For unhappily the Church of Rome has 
 got the start of them ; there are, therefore, rival claims to infal- 
 libility; and, consequently, if more could be said to reconcile the 
 manifold contradictions of the theory of these infatuated men, and 
 to authenticate their claims to be its expositors, than ever can be 
 said, ‘ private judgment’ would still be pressed with the most 
 transcendently incomj)rehensible question ever submitted to the 
 arbitration of ignorance — ‘ Of two claimants to infallibility, 
 
 ‘ which is the more likely to be infallible?’ — But to resume 
 the modern theories. 
 
 The writer, on whose appetite for persecution we have been 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 399 
 
 constrained to aninnadvert, is not, it appears, disposed, after all, 
 to deny the ,/rec exercise of ‘ private judgment,’ but merely to 
 limit the range of its enquiries; — that is, the bird m‘dy freely 
 range in its cage ; nevertheless, we shall show that even there it 
 has room to lose itself. He has discovered, it seems, that the 
 question which ‘ private judgment ’ is called to decide, is, ‘ Who 
 ‘ is the teacher we are to follow ? not what are the doctrines we 
 ‘ are to believe ? ’ The ‘precedents’ in Scripture, he affirms, 
 
 ‘ sanction not an enquiry about Gospel doctrine, but about the 
 ‘ Gospel teacher ; not what has God revealed, but whom has he 
 ‘commissioned?’ He maintains ‘ that the private student of 
 ‘ Scripture would not ordinarily gain a knowledge of the Gospel 
 ‘ from it V Once more, he says ; ‘ The New Testament equally 
 ‘ with the Old, as far as it speaks of examination into doctrines 
 ‘ professedly from heaven, makes their teachers the subject of 
 ‘ that enquiry, and not their matter.’. Let it be observed how 
 ‘ exactly this view' of the province of private judgment, ivhere it 
 ‘ is allowable^ as being the discovery not of doctrine, but of the 
 ‘ teachers of doctrine, coincides both with the nature of religion 
 ‘ and the state of human society as we find it.’ We have already 
 had a notable specimen of the exegetical talents of this writer, 
 and need not, therefore, be surprised at his professing to find 
 Scripture proof of this doctrine also. It must be confessed, 
 however, that his method is somewhat novel, and w’ould be gene- 
 rally imagined equally opposed to criticism and to logic. He 
 seems to think he has made out his point, if he but proves that 
 teachers are promised in Scripture, and that it is within the 
 province of private judgment to decide on their credentials. 
 We deny neither. ‘ In remarkable coincidence,’ says he, ‘ with 
 ‘ this view, we find in both Testaments that teachers are pro- 
 ‘ mised under the dispensation of the Gospel !’ Might we not 
 just as logically say, that, ‘ in remarkable coincidence with our 
 ‘ views,’ we find it written that ‘ there was a man in the land of 
 ‘ Uz, whose name was Job ? ’ What is all this to the purpose ? 
 Who denies that religious teachers are promised ? As little do 
 we deny that it is the right of individuals Vo judge of their preten- 
 sions and credentials. But does the right terminate there? that 
 is the question. One would imagine that the commendation 
 bestowed on the Bereans, for searching the Scriptures to see 
 ‘ whether the things told them by Paul were so,’ would be alone 
 sufficient to decide this point. But no — our author expressly 
 says, though he attempts not to prove it, that this^ too, is 
 ‘ amongst the precedents which sanction not an enquiry about 
 ‘ Gospel doctrine, but about the Gospel teacher !’ 
 
 Let it be ruled so, then. And now to consider the system 
 
400 night of Private Judgment » ' Jan. 
 
 itself. We maintain that the question thus submitted to ‘ pri- 
 vate judgment/ is as difficult as any which are ordinarily sub- 
 mitted to it. If a man be incompetent for the latter, he is equally 
 incompetent for the former. The reasoning is about as good as 
 would be that of a father who should say to his child, ‘ Though 
 ‘ it is true you are not competent to say what it is fit for you to 
 ‘ learn, and, therefore, cannot select for yourself a school^ yet you 
 ‘ are perfectly welcome to choose your schoolmaster,^ We repeat, 
 that if this exercise of judgment is to be a bond fide exercise of 
 judgment at all, it will not be a whit less difficult to decide upon 
 the ‘ teacher,’ than upon the ‘ general doctrines to be taught/ 
 ‘ It is much more easy,’ says our author, ‘ to judge of persons 
 ^ than of opinions.’ True — so far as regards their moral quali- 
 ties ; whether they be, in effect, virtuous or dissolute, benevo- 
 lent or selfish, humane or cruel. But then, unhappily, if this be 
 the criterion, it is just none at all ; for men characterized by both 
 classes of qualities are to be found in all communions. Indeed, 
 as it is most evident from this fact that their personal qualities 
 would be no sufficient guide, so it is by no means the criterion 
 which our author contemplates : he would be very sorry to have 
 it impartially applied. They are quite other qualities which are to 
 decide the point ; and the enquiry into these, we contend, is either 
 not separable from an enquiry into the truth of the very doctrines 
 taught, but presupposes that enquiry to have been both instituted 
 and decided; or it is an enquiry into matters still more difficult and 
 perplexing ; — lor example, whether or not the clergy of a given 
 Church possess the inestimable advantages of ‘ apostolical succes- 
 sion ?’ In the present divided state of Christendom, which is the 
 more hopeful enquiry for a private individual, ‘ What saith the 
 ‘ Scripture?’ or, ‘ Which of all the religious teachers who claim 
 ‘ my attention makes the most rightful pretensions to instruct 
 ‘ me in the truth — I, at the same time, neither enquiring, nor 
 ‘ being permitted to enquire, what that truth is ?’ For it must 
 be remembered that an Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Independent, 
 Calvinist, or Arrninian, is not a trustworthy teacher, because he 
 tells us he is ; the awful privilege of ‘ apostolical succession ’ is 
 not inscribed on the bishop’s forehead ; no voice from heaven cer- 
 tifies to us that those whom he ordains are exclusively commis-. 
 sioned to preach the gospel. We repeat, therefore, that this 
 liberty of ‘ private judgment,’ if really acted upon, implies a 
 task quite as difficult as those for which it is proposed to substi- 
 tute it : in a word, either the very same — that of examining the 
 pretensions of the teacher by a reference to his doctrines; or that 
 of deciding on the historic grounds of his authority, without any 
 investigation of his doctrine at all. This method, therefore. 
 
J843. Right of Private Judgment, 401 
 
 would not serve the purpose for which it has been invented ; it 
 would not correct the eccentricities or diminish the varieties of 
 ‘ private judgment.’ Nay, we have already facts in abundance 
 to prove this. We see that there are multitudes of all communions 
 (Who select their teacher on no wiser principle than that here 
 advocated ; without any enquiry into the truth of the doctrines 
 taught, or the teacher’s claim to the authority he assumes. It 
 were well both for them and for truth, if they would exercise 
 also the other and better part of the ‘ Right of Private Judg- 
 ment,’ and diligently enquire — whether the system of doctrines 
 taught them is in general accordance with truth, and the claims to 
 authority, on the teacher’s part, well founded. It does not appear, 
 then, that this limitation of the ‘ Right of Private Judgment’ 
 would diminish the diversities of sect and party, or secure a 
 nearer approximation to uniformity.^ 
 
 * It is true that this writer points out some concise methods of limit- 
 ing- the candidates for the enquirer’s suffrage. ‘ You may reject,’ sajs 
 die, * all who do not even profess to come with authority.’ To this it 
 may be replied, first, that there are none who come to teach without 
 professing authority to do so, and that in general the more extravagant 
 their doctrine, the more arrogant their pretensions ; and secondly, that 
 the absence of those exclusive pretensions to which he refers — pre- 
 tensions to the Apostolical Succession — would be to thousands a reason 
 rather for admitting than rejecting the claims of a teacher who came to 
 them with such unwonted humility. But, even according to this writer, 
 there are at least three Churches, which, however divided on points 
 which multitudes deem essential, possess, it seems, all that authority 
 which is necessary to give validity to the claims of their teachers. 
 These Churches — risum ieneatis ? — are the English, Romish, and Greek! 
 But how is the perplexed enquirer to decide on their claims? Very 
 easily, if we fairly follow out this writer’s principles ; for, partly by w-hat 
 he has said, and partly by what he has left us to infer, it does not much 
 matter to which a man belongs ; and as each is possessed of those mys- 
 terious ‘ gilts,’ depending on the ‘ Succession,’ which will serve to coun- 
 tervail any corruptions, it is difficult to say whether there are any reasons 
 sufficient to justify a man in leaving any one of them for another. It is 
 true, indeed, that our author disclaims all intention of discussing the ques- 
 tion, as to whether there are reasons which can justify the Catholic in 
 leaving his own communion ; but it is plain, from what he has said, how 
 he would decide it, and how, if consistent with his principles, he must 
 decide it. Indeed, his very making it a question is a sufficient indication 
 of his sentiments ; for did ever Protestant before doubt whether it was 
 la ' fill for a Catholic to leave the Church of Rome ? None, assuredly, 
 ca-.i doubt it, except those strange Protestants who deplore Protestantism 
 itself, and who use their utmost efforts to show how much the Churches 
 of Rome and England resemble one another ! That the difference be- 
 
402 
 
 Ilight of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 But one of the most singular oversights is, that our author for- 
 mally concedes the right in its full extent, for the purpose of 
 ascertaining whether or not it is to be so conceded. ‘ We have 
 ‘ arrived,’ he says, with great solemnity and gravity, ‘ at the fol- 
 ‘ lowing conclusion, that it is our duty to betake ourselves to 
 ‘ Scripture, and to observe how far the private search of a reli- 
 ‘ gion is there sanctioned, and under what circumstances !’ We 
 are, it appears, in the first instance, to make the most extensive 
 use of our ‘ Right of Private Judgment’ on the Scriptures; in 
 order to ascertain whether or not we are at liberty to use our 
 ‘ private judgment’ in interpreting its doctrines ; in other words, 
 we are to exercise our ‘ private judgment’ to ascertain whether 
 or not it ought to be exercised ! 
 
 Another modification of the theory of ‘ private judgment’ is 
 that of Mr Gladstone. He says — ‘ And, lastly, persons are in 
 ‘ great alarm for their liberty of private judgment. 1 he true 
 ‘ doctrine of private judgment is, as has been shown by many 
 ‘ writers, most important and most sacred ; it has the direct sanc- 
 
 tween them is not, in his estimation, very great, we may infer from such 
 language as this: ‘ We may believe that our own Church has certain 
 ‘imperfections ; the Church of Rome certain corruptions; such a belief 
 ‘ has no tendency to lead us to any view as to w hich, on the whole, is the 
 ‘ better, or to induce or warrant us to leave the one communion for the 
 ‘ other.* Again — ‘ Is it not certain, even at first sight, that each of these 
 ‘ branches (Romish, Greek, and English) has many high giftsand much 
 ‘ grace in her communion ?’ Now, whether this representation be correct 
 or not, let theologians decide ; but so far from ‘ its being evident at first 
 sight,’ it is certain that nine-tenths in each »>f these communions would, 
 in the exercise of that ‘ Right of Private Judgment* which even he con- 
 cedes, come to a different conclusion, as to who are ‘ divinely appointed 
 teachers,’ from himself. Such is the very first application of this new 
 theory of ‘ private judgment,* designed to limit the diversities of opinion; 
 its very inventor manages to stumble on a ‘ judgment,’ in which not ten 
 out of a hundred will agree with him! On the manifold inconsistencies 
 into which he is plunged by his attempt to show how nearly these 
 Cnurches approximate, and yet to find such still subsisting differences as 
 may justify a state of separation — conceding that Rome does not practise 
 idolatry, and yet discovering that there is a note of idolatry upon her, 
 which may justify him who is already a Protestant in not joining her — 
 maintaining that his own Church is not schismatic, and yet acknowledg- 
 ing that it is chargeable with something very lihe schism, and leaving us 
 to infer that the Reformers ought never to have separated from the Church 
 of Rome — of all this we shall say nothing, because it has nothing to do 
 with our present subject. But as a specimen of what may be called see^ 
 saw argumentation, it is well worth reading. 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 403 
 
 ‘ tion of Scripture. It teaches the duty, and, as correlativ^e to 
 ‘ the duty, the right of a man to assent freely and rationally to 
 ‘ the truth. It is commonly called a right to enquire ; but it is 
 ‘ to enquire for the purpose of assenting ; for he has no right 
 ‘ (that IS, none as before God) to reject the truth after his en- 
 ‘ quiiy. It is a right to assent to truth — to enquire into alleged 
 ‘ truth. Now, all that the true idea of the Church proposes to 
 ‘ him is a probable and authorized guide. This is wholly dis- 
 ‘ tinct from the Romi^ll infallibility. The Church of England 
 ‘ holds individual freedom in things spiritual to be an essential 
 ‘ attribute of man’s true nature, and an essential condition of the 
 ‘ right reception of the Gospel ; and testifies to that sentiment in 
 ^ the most em[)hatic mode, by encouraj^ing the fullest communi- 
 ‘ cation of Scripture to the people. Yet is it perfectly possible 
 ‘ that the best use of such a freedom may often be thus exempli- 
 ‘ lied ; when a man having prayed for light from God, and ha- 
 ‘ ving striven to live in the spirit of his prayer, and yet finding 
 ‘ his own opinion upon a point of doctrine opposite to that of the 
 ‘ universal undivided Church, recognizes the answer to his prayer 
 ‘ and the guide to his mind in the declarations of the creeds, 
 ‘ rather than in his own single, and perhaps recent, impressions 
 ‘upon the subject; not thus surrendering his own liberty of 
 ‘judgment, but using it in order to weigh and compare the pro- 
 ‘ babilities of his or the Churcli’s correctness respectively, and 
 ‘ acting faithfully on the result.’ 
 
 Here, first, we have the old fallacy. ‘ Private judgment’ is, 
 indeed, a right; but it is a right of assenting to the truth. 
 But, then, who is to be the judge of truth? Is the individual 
 conscience to assent to that which it honestly deems truth, or is 
 it not? If the former, we are just in the same predicament as 
 before. If not, what is the authority which is to justify it in 
 setting its convictions at defiance ? ‘ Why,’ replies Mr Glad- 
 
 stone, ‘the voice of the undivided Church’ must decide the 
 matter, d'o this we might content ourselves with replying — 
 This ‘ undivided Church,’ amidst the ten thousand parties into 
 which Christendom is divided, we cannot find at all ; and the 
 search is at least as difficult as that of the truth which we are 
 to find by its means. It is like telling us that we are to learn 
 which of five hundred opinions is the true, by enquiring of 
 some inhabitant of Eutopia. But the concluding sentence of 
 this paragraph deserves more serious rebuke. Our author pro- 
 poses an expedient for tranquillizing a scrupulous conscience 
 — a conscience which finds its decisions at hopeless variance 
 with those of the ‘ undivided Church’ — which is, in our judgment, 
 an outrage on morality. It is really one of the most extraordi- 
 
404 
 
 Right of Private Judgment. 
 
 JanI 
 
 nary pieces of casuistry we have ever met with, either in ancient 
 or modern times, and directly justifies the suppression of the 
 voice of conscience. We are to suppose for argument’s sake, 
 that the enquirer has found that nonentity — the ‘ undivided 
 Church.’ Be it so; but he finds, at the same time, that this 
 ‘ undivided Church’ teaches a doctrine as true which he is per- 
 suaded is false ; and enjoins rites as a duty, the performance of 
 which he believes to be sin. What is he to do ? Is he at liberty 
 to profess his acquiescence in that doctrine though he believes 
 it false, or to perform those rites though he believes them 
 wrong ? ‘ Pray over the matter, and enquire,’ says Mr Glad- 
 stone. ‘ I have done both,’ replies the unhappy man. ‘ And 
 ‘ you are still of the same mind ?’ — ‘ Altogether.’ — ‘ But do you 
 ‘ not think the whole undivided Church more likely to be in the 
 ‘ right than you?’ — ‘ 1 am not so destitute of modesty as to 
 ‘ affirm the contrary,’ — Then you may, without further scruple, 
 
 ‘ proclaim your belief in the supposed error, and practise the for- 
 ‘ bidden rite !’ So thus, it appears, the man may assent to one 
 proposition which he deems false^ because he can assent to an- 
 other, altogether different, which he believes true ; — namely, 
 that he thinks the ‘ undivided Church’ more likely to be in the 
 right than he. How different the decision of Mr Gladstone 
 from that of Saint Paul, who declares that a man who should 
 eat meat offered to idols, with a conscience doubting its pro- 
 priety, would sin ; though he at the same time declares by 
 inspiration, that the act, in itself, is absolutely indifferent. Such 
 a casuist as Mr Gladstone would soon have administered relief. 
 
 ‘ Do you not think,’ he would say, ‘ that an inspired apostle is 
 ‘ more likely to be in the right than you ? ’ — ‘ Who can doubt 
 ‘ it?’ would have been the reply. ‘ Then eat as soon and as 
 ‘ much as yon please,’ Mr Gladstone would have said ; unless he 
 believed the decision of an inspired apostle less likely to be the 
 true one than that of his ‘ undivided Church.’ 
 
 We are astonished at this doctrine we confess, and doubt 
 whether, considering the difference of the age and circumstances, 
 any thing much more flagitious is to be found even among those 
 Jesuitical casuists, whose extravagances Pascal so inimitably 
 ridiculed. Mr Gladstone’s doctrine of ‘ probable opinions’ would 
 almost match that of the school of Loyola ; and we are half in- 
 clined to say of him, what Pascal’s Jesuit Father says of Escobar: 
 
 ‘ Truly this Escobar, said I, is a fine man. — Oh ! rejoined the 
 ‘ Father, every body admires him; he puts such questions! ’ * 
 
 * ‘ Vraincient, lui Jis-je, il me semble qne je reye, quand j’entends des 
 
1843. 
 
 Hiyld of Private Judyment, 
 
 405 
 
 But what Mr Gladstone, w^ith congenial love of obscurity, has 
 left in utter darkness, others have endeavoured to clear up. They 
 have proceeded to furnish us with criteria of the undivided Church, 
 to interpret what it has delivered, and to invest its decisions with 
 a species of infallibility. But let it not be for one moment ima- 
 gined that we are at all likely to have the exercise of the ‘ Right 
 of Private Judgment’ diminished by all this; on the contrary, 
 it is enlarged a thousand fold. The theory is, that Scripture is 
 incomplete ; that some things are divinely revealed which are not 
 revealed there ; that it is to be supplemented by tradition ; and 
 that whatever we find unanimously and constantly asserted by 
 such tradition, is invested with authority co-ordinate with that 
 of Scripture. Whereupon arise an infinity of questions, any one 
 of which is as difficult as any that Private Judgment was ever 
 called upon to decide ; and which he who is no scholar has 
 little chance of deciding except by lot, for the authorities are 
 very numerous and diametrically contradictory on all sides. 
 ‘ Nothing is more easy,’ exclaims the Anglican ; ‘ all you have 
 to do is to adhere to the rule of Vincentius Lirinensis — Quod 
 semper, quod uhique, quod ab omnibus traditum est — but, alas ! 
 on investigation, it is found that ‘ nobody ’ knows what ‘ every 
 body’ has said; that what has been affirmed ‘every where’ 
 is remembered ‘ no where;’ and that the only thing to which 
 all time has testified, is tempora nmtantur, et nos mutamur in 
 nils. Whether a man be learned or ignorant — permitted to 
 exercise his judgment in discovering these obscured verities 
 of tradition for himself, or forbidden so to do — ample in either 
 case is the scope for his private judgment. If learned, and 
 permitted to enquire, the luckless student finds that instead of 
 one small book he is sent to five hundred ; instead of having to 
 deal with nothing but what is truth, truth itself is presented to 
 him in minute fragments, amidst mountain-loads of absurdity, 
 ignorance, and heresy. Then there are, besides, most difficult 
 and subtle questions of criticism to be decided, before the very 
 materials of judgment can be laid before the mind; interpolations, 
 erasures, forgeries to be detected — what is authentic separated 
 from what is not — qucestiones vexatce without end, in a word, to 
 be adjusted. Again ; at what point is the investigation to stop?— 
 
 Religieux parler cle cette sorte. Et quoi, mon pere, dites moi en con- 
 science, etes vous dans ce sentiment-la? Non vraiment, me dit le p^re. 
 Vous parlez done, continuai-je, contre votre conscience ? Point de tout, 
 dit-il. Je ne parlois pas en cela selon ma conscience, mais selon celle 
 de Ponce et du P. Bauny; et vous pourriez les suivre en surete, car ce 
 sont d’habiles gens.’ — Let, Provinciates, let. v. 
 
 VOL. LXXVl. NO. CLIV. 2 D 
 
406 
 
 B/ight of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Is it at the end of the second, or third, or fourth, or fifth centuries? 
 ‘ Stand by the first six General Councils,’ exclaim Hammond 
 and Stillingfleet ; ‘ Stop at the end of the fifth century,’ says 
 Archbishop Bramhall ; ‘ You must not draw bridle till the dis- 
 ‘ union of the East and West,’ cries Bishop Ken ; ‘ You are 
 ‘ wrong,’ says Archbishop Usher ; ‘ four or five hundred years 
 ‘ are sufficient ; ‘ Rather three or four,* say Waterland and 
 
 Beveridge ; ‘ The precise limit is no where^ says Mr Newman ; 
 ‘ it is a question of degree and place ; ’ ‘ It is every where,’ 
 shouts the more consistent Romanist.’ No wonder that, oppress- 
 ed with the thought of such an exercise of the right of pri- 
 vate judgment, the enquirer declares he knows not how to 
 perform it. ‘ My friend,’ is the reply, ‘ you have only to read 
 ‘ through about a hundred and fifty folios of ecclesiastical 
 ‘ records, and you will find the matter is just as I tell you.’ 
 He feels that this is but meagre consolation, and, if intelligent, 
 will declare, that rather than undergo such labour for the 
 small residuum of doubtful truth which he is assured he will 
 extract from it, he would make a voyage to the Indies to 
 bring home a cargo of one peppercorn and two grains of rice ! 
 The right of private judgment, in such a case, he feels to be 
 about as valuable a possession as a right to read through the sta- 
 tutes at large. The Puseyites may very safely grant it, for they 
 may be assured no one will avail himself of it. If the man be 
 ignorant, or forbidden to enquire — the other case supposed — he 
 has only to believe. But let it not be imagined that he is not 
 still subjected to the necessity of performing an impracticable act 
 of private judgment. Pie may be told that infallible truth has 
 been discovered, and that the priest is the infallible expounder 
 of it. But, then, on what ground shall he believe this? ‘ I am 
 ‘ commissioned,’ says the priest. ‘ But,’ (will be the reply,) ‘ I 
 ‘ see that there are multitudes of your oun Church, and whom 
 ‘ you acknowledge equally commissioned with yourself, wffio 
 ‘ tell me that you are under an absolute delusion — that neither 
 ‘ you nor they are commissioned to assume any such authority — 
 ‘ that tradition is no authoritative guide, and that, if it w^ere, 
 ‘ what it authorizes cannot be authentically discovered. I more- 
 ‘ over see that many of those who adopt the same general prin- 
 ‘ ciples with yourself, differ as to what is primitive and catholic 
 ‘ truth. I can, therefore, regard your judgment only as your 
 ‘ “ private judgment and the knotty question which I have to 
 ‘ decide is, whether I am to surrender my “ private judgment,” 
 ‘ because your “ private judgment” tells me to do so, when the 
 ‘ private judgment” of others equally learned, equally sincere, 
 ‘ and equally commissioned^ tells me that I ought not ? and, as I 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgment 
 
 407 
 
 ‘ have no data whereon to decide this question, truly I think a 
 ‘ harder question for my private judgment, even the Scriptures 
 ‘ of truth could scarcely have submitted to it. If I decide as you 
 ‘ would have me, I decide absolutely without any reason what- 
 ‘ ever.’ ‘ And is not this,’ would be the honest reply, ‘ is not 
 ‘ this the happy state of mind to which we have been endeavour- 
 ‘ ing to reduce you? Have we not for years been urging you 
 ‘ to enquire whether enquiry be not dangerous ? — have we not 
 ‘ been reasoning you (in our way) into the belief that reasoning 
 ‘ on such subjects is unreasonable ? And have w^e not endea- 
 ‘ voured to illustrate precept by example, and as completely 
 ‘ divested ourselves of all the attributes of a rational nature, as 
 ‘ the ancient caricature of Plato’s man ? Have we not shown 
 ‘ you how much may be believed, and how little it is necessary 
 ‘ to reason ?’* 
 
 * As these remarks may appear severe, we shall justify ourselves by 
 citing the following paragraphs from one of the most elaborate and dan- 
 gerous of the Oxford Tracts. If the reader find it impossible to read the 
 first without a smile, we predict that he will not be able to read the 
 second without a sigh ; — to think that a reasonable being can talk such 
 nonsense. — ‘ 1 am not here to enter into the question of the grounds on 
 wliich the duty and blessedness of believing rests ; but I would observe, 
 that nature certainly does give sentence against scepticism, against doubt, 
 nay, against a habit (I say a habit) of enquiry — against a critical, cold, 
 investigating temper — the temper of what are called shrewd, clear- 
 headed, hard-headed men ; in that, by the confession of all, happiness is 
 attached not to their temper, but rather to confiding, unreasoning^ faith. 
 I do not say that enquiry may not, under circumstances, be a duty, as 
 going into the cold and rain maybe a duty instead of stopping at home; 
 as serving in war may be a duty; but it does seem to me preposterous 
 to confess, that free enquiry leads to scepticism, and scepticism makes 
 one less happy than faith, and yet that such free enquiry is right. What 
 is right and what is happy, cannot, in the long run and on a large scale, 
 be disjoined. To follow truth can never be a subject of regret ; free 
 enquiry does lead a man to regret the days of his child-like faith ; — 
 THEREFORE it is iiot following truth Those who measure every thing 
 by utility, should, on their own principles, embrace the obedience of faith 
 for its very expedience ; and they should cease this kind of seeking, that 
 they may find. 
 
 ‘ I say, then, that never to have been troubled with a doubt about the 
 truth of what has been taught us, is the happiest state of mind ; and if 
 any one says that to maintain this, is to admit that heretics ought to re- 
 main heretics, and Pagans Pagans, I deny it. For 1 have not said that 
 it is a happy thing never to add to what you have learned, but not hap- 
 pier to take away. Now, true religion is the summit and perfection of 
 false religions; it combines in one whatever there is of good and true 
 
408 
 
 Right of Private Judgment. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 That we are to receive with cringing* acquiescence, whatever 
 these men are pleased to say they are commissioned to teach us, 
 will be more than doubted ; till they not only lay claim to virtual in- 
 fallibility, but persuade us to admit their claim. The latter they 
 will do, when they have perfected us in the grand art of abjuring 
 our reason ; in the former, they seem ready to accommodate us at 
 
 separately remaining in each/ ... ‘ So that, in matter of fact, if a 
 
 religious mind were educated in, and sincerely attached to, some form of 
 heathenism or heresy, and then were brought under the light of truth, it 
 would be drawn off from error into the truth, not hy losing what it had, 
 but by gaining what it had not — not by being unclothed, but by being 
 ‘‘clothed upon,” “that mortality may be swallowed up of life.” That same 
 principle of faith which attaches it to its original wrong doctrine, would 
 attach it to the truth ; and that portion of its original doctrine which was 
 to he cast off as absolutely false, would not be directly rejected, but in- 
 directly rejected in the reception of the truth wliich is its opposite/ 
 
 The writer of this seriously believes that unthinking acquiescence in 
 whatever we are told, is the most desirable state of mind ; and that the 
 restlessness produced by enquiry affords a presumption, that what is 
 offered to us is error. The Hottentot, who is contented with his brutal 
 theology, had better, it seems, view with suspicion the uneasiness of mind 
 produced by the teachers of Christianity, for they only disturb his faith 
 and tranquillity — an ominous sign that he is ‘ not following the truth T 
 ‘ Where ignorance is bliss, ’tis folly to be wise/ ‘ Not so/ says this pro- 
 found doctor, ‘ for I have not said that he is not to add to his belief, only 
 he must be careful not to take away ; he must become a Christian, not 
 by losing what he had, but by gaining what he had not!' Was ever 
 fatuity like this ? The Hottentot, when he embraces Christianity, it ap- 
 pears, only adds to his faith, but does not take any away I Are we to 
 believe that if these new evangelists were to attempt the conversion of the 
 heathen, they would act on the above maxims, and facilitate the work, as 
 did the Romish missionaries among the Japanese, by teaching their con- 
 verts to transfer their whole idolatrous stock-in-trade to Christianity — to 
 make over to the saints the homage they once paid to idols, and baptize 
 their wooden gods by evangelical names? What must be the desperation 
 of a cause which stands in need of such arguments ? Arguments ! did we 
 say — they do not even reach the respectability of sophistry. Are we not 
 justified, then, in saying that these new teachers enjoin a servile and unrea- 
 soning belief — the utter prostration of the intellect ? And does not such 
 a paragraph as the above, prove that what they teach they are full 
 willing to practise ? — The reader wdll find the same lesson perpetually 
 inculcated, with various degrees of effrontery, throughout the Oxford 
 Tracts, According to these men, one would think that it was so much a 
 duty to distrust our reason, that mysteryis an antecedent ground of proba- 
 bility, and that, if a doctrine be absolutely incomprehensible, it is almost 
 certain to be true ! 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 409 
 
 any time. But, unhappily for their pretensions, though happily for 
 truth, their virtual claim to infallibility and unquestioning obe- 
 dience is not, like that of Rome, unanimously and vigorously 
 supported by the whole communion to which they belong. Even 
 if it were, such unity would not (as already shown) relieve 
 the difficulties of the enquirer; for as another Church makes the 
 same pretensions, the knotty query would still return — ‘ of two 
 ‘ Churches, both professing infallibility, which is the more likely 
 ‘ to be infallible ? ^ 
 
 But such unanimity of pretensions, whether it be of any 
 avail or not, is not to be found. Q^uis custodiet ipsos custodesP 
 The disease of ‘ Private Judgment’ has infected the shepherds 
 as well as the flock ; all the difficulties which, as we have shown, 
 so closely beset the private student in the attempt to collect Ca- 
 tholic truth from the voluminous records of antiquity, have been 
 felt by our authorized guides themselves ; and have led to all those 
 varieties of opinion which might have been expected. In this 
 point of view, the recent attempt at producing unity of opinion, 
 and abridging the diversities of ‘ private judgment,’ is even ludi- 
 crous. Never, since the Reformation, has there been such a din 
 of controversy ; — such a hubbub of tumultuous and discordant 
 voices. Ill-fated project of universal concord, which terminates in 
 the indefinite multiplication of controversies ! It really reminds one 
 of the ambitious attempt, described in the Sketch Book^ at a new 
 and elaborate harmony on the part of Master Simon and his vil- 
 lage choristers. ‘ The usual services of the choir,’ says the au- 
 thor, ‘ were managed pretty well . . . but the great trial was an 
 ‘ anthem that had been prepared and arranged by Master Simon, 
 ‘ andonwhichhehad founded greatexpectations. "Unluckily, there 
 ‘ was a blunder at the very outset ; the musicians became flurried; 
 ‘ Master Simon was in a fever; every thing went on lamely and 
 ‘ irregularly, until they came to a chorus beginning, “ Now let us 
 ‘ sing with one accord,” which seemed to be a signal for parting* 
 ‘ company, and all became discord and confusion.’ Even thus is 
 it on the present occasion ; our very ears ache with the elaborate 
 dissonance of this novel attempt at harmony. 
 
 There is one point, and but one, in which the circumstances 
 attending this alleged attempt to restore ‘primitive truth,’ re- 
 semble those attending its first establishment; and in that we 
 must confess the analogy to be perfect. These new teachers 
 have come, ‘ not to bring peace on the earth, but a sword.’ 
 
 Manifold are the arguments in favour of the Right of Private 
 Judgment on which we have not insisted, and on which, at this pe- 
 riod of the world’s history, it would be most superfluous to dwell. 
 
410 Higlit of Private Judgment, Jan. 
 
 Those, of course, which have been mentioned as demonstrating* 
 the wickedness and folly of persecution, are in favour of it — for 
 whatever tends to prove the one wrong, tends to prove the other 
 right. To these, many more might be added ; some deduced 
 from the intellectual and moral nature of man, others from the 
 relations in which he stands to God: some from the declarations of 
 Scripture, others from the examples it holds out to our imitation : 
 some from abstract justice, and others from an enlarged expediency. 
 The arguments on which we have principally insisted are, that the 
 right must in fact be conceded, whether we like it or not ; that 
 the evils with which it is supposed to be connected, be they 
 greater or less, are not likely to be remedied till we find what we 
 shall be long in seeking — an infallible interpreter of infallible 
 truth ; and that any theory short of that, involves a flagitious 
 tampering with the rights of conscience. 
 
 On this last argument, which we have already noticed, w^e 
 should wish to add a remark or two ; for this alone would be 
 sufficient to prove the folly of attempting to circumscribe the 
 Right in question. If it be man’s duty to embrace the truth ; 
 and if it be also his duty, which necessarily follows, to .em- 
 brace that which he honestly deems the truth, he must follow 
 his convictions whithersoever they lead him, in spite of any 
 authority whatsoever not admitted by him to be infallible ; in 
 that case, of course, doubt or denial would imply a contradiction 
 of his own convictions. It is not at the option of a conscientious 
 man, we repeat — no matter how he came by his conscience — 
 to debate whether he shall act upon its convictions. He cannot 
 do otherwise. Take the case of a man who believes in his con- 
 science that such and such doctrines are false, such and such 
 rites sinful. Right or wrong, this is his state of mind. What is 
 he to do? Can any authorize him to profess that these doctrines 
 are true, or to practise those rites ? If any one will answer in 
 the affirmative, he will say more than any casuists, ancient or 
 modern, out of the school of the Jesuits, will expressly affirm. He 
 is bound, then, to yield obedience to the dictates of his con- 
 science, whether his opinions be true or false : if true, even our 
 opponer^ts will not say that he can be authorized to profess the 
 contrary. Nor is it otherwise, supposing them erroneous; for by 
 the express authority of Saint Paul, who declares that ‘ to him who 
 * thinketh any thing eviP it is so, and that even a perfectly indif- 
 ferent act assumes moral malignity if performed with a reluctant 
 or accusing conscience ; as well as by the decision of all the best 
 moralists and casuists, an erroneous conscience obliges as much 
 as a w'ell-informed one ; and by none is this more strenuously 
 
411 
 
 1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgment » 
 
 maintained than by the great Divines of the Church of Eng- 
 land.^ 
 
 The usual evasion is, ‘ Let him further enquire;’ and wise 
 counsel this may be, in the first instance. But suppose a per- 
 son says he has enquired ; or that he enquires again, an i comes 
 back in the same mind. What is he to do ? He will say that he 
 cannot be enquiring for ever — that religion is a practical thing, and 
 must not be matter of investigation all his days — that he may as 
 well embrace error as live in a state of continual pyrrhonism — 
 and that he has no reason to expect that he will ever have a 
 greater moral certainty than he has. Once more ; what is he to 
 do ? Right or wrong he must follow the convictions of his con- 
 science — to him the supreme law. 
 
 It is true that, after all, the individual may be much to blame ; 
 but not for thus acting in obedience to the dictates of his con- 
 science in the last resort. There may have been haste in the 
 enquiry — or no enquiry at all when urged to make it — or unwor- 
 thy passions and prepossessions in favour of such and such con- 
 clusions. In these respects there may be much to blame, but 
 not in the act of obedience to conscience itself. On the other 
 hand — if, rare case ! there has been nothing wanting in the 
 process of enquiry which honesty and diligence could supply — 
 no negligence, no want of candour or patience, the man is guilt- 
 
 ^ It is asserted by Jeremy Taylor in \\\% Puclov Puhilantium ; by 
 Barrow in his Latin poem, entitled Conscientia erronea ohligat ; and 
 by Archbishop Sharp, cited by Locke. Stillingfieet says, ‘ The plea of an 
 erroneous conscience takes not olf the obligation to follow the dictates 
 of it ; for as a man is bound to lay it down supposing it erroneous, so he 
 is bound not to go against it while it is not laid down... So that let 
 men turn and shift about which way they will, by the very same argu- 
 ments that any will prove separation from the Church of Rome lawful — ■ 
 because she requires unlawful things as conditions of her communion — • 
 it will be proved lawful not to conform to any suspected or unlawful 
 practice required by any Church governors upon the same terms; — if 
 the thing so required be, after serious and sober enquiry, judged unwar- 
 rantable by a man’s own conscience.’ 
 
 ‘If,’ says Chillingworth, in his strong manner, ‘ they suffer themselves 
 neither to bee betraid into their errors, nor kept in them by any sin of 
 their will ; if they doe their best endeavour to free themselves from all 
 errors, and yet fade of it through humaine frailty ; so well am I per- 
 swaded of the goodnesse of God, that if in me alone should meet a con- 
 fluence of all such errors of all the Protestants in the world that were 
 thus qualified, I should not be so much afraid of them all as 1 should 
 be to ask pardon for them.’ 
 
412 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 less, even supposing the opinion erroneous, unless we suppose 
 God to punish error absolutely and wholly involuntary. If, then, 
 a man can truly say, ‘ 1 believe in my conscience such and such 
 ‘ religious doctrines are God’s truth, and such and such religious 
 ‘ usages most pleasing to Him,’ it is no longer at his option whe- 
 ther he shall profess the one or practise the other ; and in like 
 manner, if he can truly say, ‘ I believe in my conscience such 
 ‘ and such doctrines are false, and such and such usages displea- 
 ‘ sing to God,’ it is not in his power even to appear to sanction 
 either. He must obey that which is his law — his conscience ; 
 in other words, if his private judgment be at variance with any 
 authority whatever^ not admitted to be infallible, he must obey the 
 first and not the second. To this there is no exception. 
 
 It is not easy to find men who will avowedly dispute the 
 maxim we have laid down. The opponent generally contents 
 himself with daring those who maintain it to apply it to cer- ^ 
 tain extreme cases. We should not shrink from the challenge. 
 We believe that the general principle is universally applicable; 
 and that the instances which seem opposed are either imaginary 
 or irrelevant. Let us take the strongest conceivable cases, which 
 some have been modest and reasonable enough to adduce — 
 that, for example, of a man who is conscientiously prompted to 
 commit murder or robbery. ‘ Is the man,’ they triumphantly 
 ask, ‘ to be justified, and treated as innocent?’ To this, the 
 arguments in reply are many and obvious : First, If we are 
 to suppose that such conscientious persons are impelled by con- 
 science to commit murder or robbery as such — that is, under the 
 persuasion of their being crimes — then, 1. The notion is simply 
 a contradiction. 2. Such a case, so far as we are aware, has 
 never been alleged, and might safely be left to be considered 
 when it occurs. 3. Supposing such a case to be alleged, all 
 mankind would feel constrained, on ordinary calculations of pro- 
 bability, to believe either that the parties were mad, and there- 
 fore truly excused on that ground ; or that they pretended to hold 
 such opinions for an evil purpose. They would, therefore, be 
 either confined as lunatics, or punished as knaves, according to 
 the evidence of their being the one or the other. 4. Whether 
 they be conscientious or not, society mu^t protect every one 
 against any infraction of his civil rights ; and for this reason, 
 the conscientious persons who manifest their piety by infringing 
 them, may be very properly knocked on the head. ‘ The ma- 
 ‘ gistrate,’ says Bayle, with a gravity which is almost amusing, 
 
 ‘ having received a power from God and man, of putting mur- 
 ‘ derers to death, may justly punish him who kills a man from 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgment. 
 
 413 
 
 ‘ the instincts of conscience ; for it is not his business to stand 
 ‘ winnowing those rare and singular cases, in which conscience 
 ‘ may happen to fall into illusions in this matter.’ But, secondly, 
 if by those who commit murder or robbery for conscience’ sake, 
 be meant those who commit acts, which, under ordinary circum- 
 stances, they themselves would consider crimes; but which, in their 
 judgment, cease to be so when performed at the prompting of 
 conscience — for the repression, for example, of other peopld s con- 
 sciences, or for the propagation of ‘ the true faith’ — we might con- 
 tent ourselves with replying, 1. Thatw^e never heard of such cases 
 among those who contend that conscience is the supreme law, and 
 that every one must obey its dictates. All who believe this ne- 
 cessarily learn to respect other people’s rights, as well as to assert 
 their own ; it is only amongst those who deny this maxim that we 
 find such instances as the above ; and we might safely leave these 
 men, therefore, to their own dark books of casuistry, in which the 
 precise modes and degrees in which they may ‘ do evil that good 
 may come,’ are duly set forth. Assuredly, it is rather hard to ad- 
 duce, against the operation of any principle, instances which, if 
 that principle were in operation, could not even exist. Never- 
 theless, we are ready to affirm, 2. That if the said persecutors be 
 truly and conscientiously convinced that it is their duty, as in the 
 sight of God, to persecute, they are justified in so doing ichile 
 in that state of mind ; though, in accordance with what has been 
 laid down, they may have contracted a great amount of guilt in 
 the process by which they have arrived at it. 3. That if they have 
 arrived at it after having honestly investigated the subject, and 
 without any voluntary error or self-deception — though we have 
 our doubts whether there ever was such a case — they are wholly 
 innocent ; but, 4. that, as they are infringing other people’s civil 
 rights, though they do not think so, it is perfectly competent to 
 those upon whom they are exercising their freaks of eccentric 
 piety, to deal with them as with the aforesaid conscientious crimi- 
 nals ; and punish them, (if they have the power,) not for torment- 
 ing men from the best possible motives, but for tormenting them 
 — those who are de facto ^ tormented,’ not being capable of under- 
 standino^ such refined distinctions. 
 
 Thus the principle we advocate is liable to no abuse, nor does 
 society lose any one of its present safeguards by its universal 
 adoption. But even were it otherwise, whether would it be pre- 
 ferable — that one man in a century should go unpunished, be- 
 cause, under a peculiar species of hallucination, he professed 
 himself conscientiously impelled to perpetrate moral wrong ; or 
 that we should recognize a principle which would justify the 
 
414 Wght of Private Judgment, Jan. 
 
 perpetual and universal oppression of conscience for speculative 
 opinions? 
 
 In fact, however, nothing can be more ridiculous than to pro- 
 fess any alarm lest mankind should plead conscience in favour of 
 the violation of any of the great laws of morals. In these, there 
 has ever been, and ever will be, a remarkable unanimity. As 
 Bayle has well said — ‘ We are all agreed about the doctrines which 
 ‘ teach men to live soberly and righteously, to love God, to ab- 
 ‘ stain from revenge, to forgive our enemies, to render good for 
 ‘ evil, to be charitable. We are divided about points which tend 
 ‘ not to make the yoke of Christian morality either heavier or 
 ‘ lighter. The Papists believe transubstantiation ; the Reformed 
 ‘ believe it not. This makes not for vice one way or other.* 
 To the same purport, a very different writer, Robert Hail, has 
 observed — ‘ The doctrines of our holy religion may be wofully 
 ‘ curtailed and corrupted, and its profession sink into formality ; 
 ‘ but its moral precepts are so plain and striking, and guarded by 
 ‘ such clear and awful sanctions, as to render it impossible it can 
 ‘ ever be converted into an active instrument of vice. Let the 
 ‘ appeal be made to facts. Look through all the different sects 
 ‘ and parties into which professed Christians are unhappily di- 
 ‘ vided. Where is there one to be found who has innovated in 
 ‘ the rule of life, by substituting vice in the place of virtue?’ 
 We may safely restrict ourselves, therefore, to the case of specu- 
 lative opinions ; and we will take the strongest. It may be said, 
 ‘ Is a man conscientiously convinced that the Bible is false, no 
 ‘ longer bound to believe it?’ We answer, he has di prior duty 
 to perform. To believe the Bible true, in that very state of 
 mind in which he believes it false, is a simple impossibility, 
 and therefore not directly his duty. But it is his duty to en- 
 quire; and we put sufficient faith in the variety and conclusive- 
 iiess of the evidences of its truth, to believe that, if he enquire 
 honestly, he will believe it true. If there be a case of one who 
 has thus honestly enquired, and still conscientiously believes it 
 false — if he can truly allege that he has left no means of 
 investigation unemployed, and suffered no prejudice to inter- 
 fere with his judgment — we shall rather choose to believe that 
 he labours under some invincible obliquity of intellect, which 
 in the eye of the Omniscient renders his error innocent, than 
 admit the monstrous dogma, that he incurs guilt for error abso- 
 lutely involuntary. But whether there be such a case is quite 
 another question. 
 
 We maintain, then, the principle asserted by the illustrious 
 writers wx have cited — and we apply it consistently and uni- 
 versally. 
 
1843. 
 
 R ight of Private Judgment. 
 
 415 
 
 By the assertion of this principle, we are far from justifying 
 separation from any religious communion ; merely because there 
 are some things we disapprove, or would abstractedly wash 
 otherwise. If this were acted upon, there would be as many 
 sects as individuals : we merely contend, that, when such objec- 
 tions have assumed the form of conscientious scruples, so that he 
 who feels them can honestly say, ‘ In my opinion I cannot pro- 
 ‘ fess such a doctrine, or practise such a rite, or appear to sanc- 
 ‘ tion either the one or the other, without offending God, or fear- 
 ‘ ing lest I should do so’ — his separation is not only justified, 
 but necessitated. Be it about the most insignificant matter that 
 ever disturbed a ‘ weak brother,’ it matters not ; for while in 
 that state it is not insignificant to him. If actually in the wrong, 
 still it appears to him that he is in the light ; and w’hile in that 
 state he must act in harmony with his convictions. 
 
 People have not been slow to acknowledge this doctrine in 
 words; but they need to be reminded of it, since they will not 
 fairly act upon it. They will still charge the Separatist — even 
 the conscientious Separatist, with ‘ sin’ — forgetting that, in 
 doing so, they not only assume that they infallibly know his opi- 
 nions to be erroneous, which (if their modesty be no obstacle, and 
 it seldom is) they have a perfect right to do; but that, whether 
 right or wrong, there has been negligence, want of candour, or 
 some sinister bias in the process by which he has arrived at them, 
 and this no man has a right to assume unless he has the prerogative 
 ‘ of discerning spirits.’ We were particularly amused with an ex- 
 ample of this sort of inconsistency in one of the Oxjord Iractsf 
 in which, while it is admitted that the conscientious Dissenter is 
 not necessarily a ‘ sinner,’ still it remains true that his dissent is a 
 ‘ sin.’ We can imagine the perplexity of one who, meditating 
 the crime of nonconformity, comes to a clergyman professing 
 these delightfully puzzling doctrines for solution of his doubts 
 and difficulties. ‘ Can I,’ he might say, ‘ separate from the 
 ‘ Church of England without “ sin seeing that I cannot 
 ‘ affirm what she affirms, nor practise wffiat she enjoins, with- 
 ‘ out, in my opinion, committing a sin?’— ‘ If that be the 
 ‘ state of your conscience,’ would be the reply, ‘ you cannot 
 ‘ belong to the Church of England ; but remember, that 
 ‘ neither can you secede from her without sin.’ ‘ Why, then, I 
 ‘ am in a hopeful case,’ rejoins the miserable recusant: ‘ I am 
 ‘ ruined either way; for whether I remain in the Church, or go 
 
 * No. 51. 
 
416 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ‘ out of it — and one of them I must do — I commit a sin.’ Then 
 how glad will his spiritual adviser be to administer that consola- 
 tion, which his revered teachers of Oxford have, for this very 
 case, made and provided. He will say — ‘ You must distinguish 
 ‘ here: Though you cannot secede from us without sin, yet it 
 ‘ does not hence follow that you are a sinner.’ On this his coun- 
 tenance brightens up, and he is most eager to learn that supra- 
 mundane doctrine, by which it appears that a man may commit 
 a sin and yet be no sinner. Whereupon his oracle cites the 
 ipsisshna verha of the ‘ Tracts,’ and responds : — ‘ To say that a 
 ‘ particular thing is a sin, is a very different thing from saying 
 ‘ that every one who does it is a sinner. . . . To kill a fellow- 
 
 * creature is undoubtedly a crime ; but you would not say that 
 ‘ the person who killed another by accident, or in defence of his 
 ‘ country or of his own life, or by command of lawful authorities, 
 ‘ is a criminal No, would be the easy reply; neither should 
 
 we say, in that case, that killing was a crime. By parity of 
 reasoning, if the conscientious Dissenter be no sinner for dissent, 
 it can only be because dissent, in that case, is no sin. You ought 
 upon your principle to say, that the executioner, in hanging a 
 man, commits a crime, though it is true he is no criminal! This 
 distinction, therefore, will not much help him ; and he is still left 
 to decide the miserable alternative — of sinning by remaining in 
 the Church, or sinning by going out of it. 
 
 But we must conclude ; and we shall do so with a few reflec- 
 tions of a general nature on the advantages of the ‘ Right of 
 Private Judgment;’ amongst which, with some .risk of being 
 charged with paradox, we shall venture to enumerate many of 
 its reputed ‘ evils.’ 
 
 Whatever the evils incidental to the Right — and we by no 
 means deny that there are evils — they are trivial compared with 
 the advantages it secures. It frees us at once from every form 
 and degree of persecution ; it leaves inviolate the supremacy 
 over conscience to Him who alone is its fitting and rightful 
 Sovereign ; it permits the conscience itself to move freely in 
 obedience to its essential laws ; it secures for the propagation of 
 truth the only weapons which she can successfully employ — argu- 
 ment and persuasion ; and it robs error of the only weapons she 
 can successfully employ — penalties and violence : in a word, it 
 prevents truth from resorting to that in which alone she is weak, 
 and error from resorting to that in which alone she is strong. 
 
 * 
 
 Oxford TractSf No. 51, p. 3. 
 
1843 . 
 
 BigTit of Private Judgment. 
 
 417 
 
 But further, to a philosophic mind, which calmly and soberly 
 considers the subject, there will always be reason to doubt whe- 
 ther even what we call the evils incidental to the exercise of 
 ‘ private judgment’ are so in reality; and whether they are not 
 connected directly, or indirectly, with more than a counterbalan- 
 cing amount of good. 
 
 To confine ourselves to the common argument against the 
 exercise of the ‘ Right’ derived from the various interpretations 
 of the Scriptures, — we are by no means convinced that absolute 
 unity of opinion would be a benefit at all. If, as we devoutly 
 believe, an honest investigation of their contents will in general 
 secure even to the humblest a knowledge of all that is essential 
 to salvation, the exercise of the right is vindicated ; unless it be 
 pretended that it is a dreadful evil that men should differ on 
 points which are not essential to their salvation. Now, that there 
 has ever been a remarkable concurrence of opinion with regard 
 to the most important doctrines, is undeniable. The only ques- 
 tion therefore is, whether the remaining dilferences may not be 
 connected with advantages greater than would accrue from ab- 
 solute uniformity of opinion ? This we do not think it difficult 
 to prove. 
 
 That the Scriptures should be attended with difficulties, was 
 fit in itself ; that they should lead to varieties of opinion, was an 
 incidental result of the prevailing reasons which induced the Di- 
 vine Author to leave them on its pages. Such reasons we may 
 readily discover. 
 
 With an overbalance of evidence in behalf of the authority of 
 the Bible generally, and of its more important revelations, it was 
 still not desirable that that evidence should be of such a nature 
 as to necessitate conviction ; and render the exercise of docility, 
 candour, and faith impracticable — still less to make all diligence in 
 its study unnecessary : it was fit that the Scriptures should con- 
 tain some obscurities on minor points, to exercise patience, stimu- 
 late enquiry, teach humility, rebuke pride, exercise faith. Nor 
 is this all. The differences of opinion thence resulting, afford 
 the various communities of Christians, if they would but use it, 
 the most obvious and easy method of testing and exercising the 
 practical power of those principles of charity which they all pro- 
 fess. Charity towards those who think just with ourselves, is but 
 an enlarged selfishness : we are pleased to look at the reflection of 
 our own fair orthodoxy in the mirror of their minds. But to feel 
 that charity, and to manifest it in defiance of the points on which 
 we differ, requires and implies a higher principle. Charity to our 
 own party is often but another name for party spirit : give us 
 
418 
 
 Right of Private Judgment, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 the charity which constrains ^ Judah not to vex Ephraim, and 
 ' Ephraim not to envy Judah’ — the charity which induced the 
 Samaritan to perform offices of kindness to the perishing Jew. 
 Painful as are the disputes and controversies on non-essential 
 points, we believe the time will come when the sublime spectacle 
 of essential unity amidst minor differences will be fully realized ; 
 and when it will be seen how superior, after all, is such ‘ unity of 
 the spirit’ to any ‘ uniformity of the letter.’ 
 
 We may add, that to demand that there should be perfect uni- 
 formity in religious opinions, is to demand a mere impossibility, 
 so long as minds are differently constituted. This is contirmed 
 by the general analogies observable in the constitution and de- 
 velopment of human nature. God has so constructed us, that 
 while there is remarkable uniformity, both in the physical and 
 moral peculiarities on which the very existence and social well- 
 being of the race depend, there are endless diversities on all 
 points which do not involve them. It is much the same with 
 Christianity. The learned and the unlearned, if sincere, gene- 
 rally form a very similar notion of its fundamental doctrines. All 
 beyond (and even the theory of these) is the source of interminable 
 diversities of sentiment. 
 
 Let men say what they will, they will find it hard to discover 
 any volume which, in all its great outlines, is plainer than the 
 Book of God. It has its obscurities and its mysteries, it is true — 
 wisely left there, as already attempted to be shown ; but they 
 trouble not the humble and docile — myriads of whom, without 
 any teacher but itself, have learned from it enough to teach them 
 how to live w^ell, and how to die happy. Its light has illumined 
 the whole pathway of their present pilgrimage, and penetrated 
 the depths of the sepulchre with the radiance of that ‘ hope which 
 ‘ is full of immortality.’ So far from its being true, that the in- 
 discriminate exercise of the Right of private judgment amongst 
 the humbler classes leads to interminable diversities of interpre- 
 tation and of doctrine, it is notorious that most of the profitless 
 controversies which have obscured the Bible and cursed the 
 world, have originated with those who have assumed to be the 
 religious instructors of mankind. They have not sprung up 
 amongst the poor, nor by them have they been cherished. It is, 
 therefore, with a feeling of just indignation, that we hear pro- 
 fessed Christians and professed Protestants — at all events those 
 who are not professed Romanists — giving utterance to the senti- 
 ment, ‘ that the private student of Scripture would not ordinarily 
 ‘ gain a knowledge of the gospel from it.’ Such a doctrine is not 
 merely an insult to common sense — it is a libel on the Divine 
 
1843. 
 
 Right of Private Judgments 
 
 419 
 
 Author of the Bible. Are we to believe that, ‘ knowing perfectly 
 what was in man,’ he has yet so constructed the volume of re- 
 velation, that even its fundamental doctrines remain an inscruta- 
 ble mystery ? Or did the great Teacher he sent, teach in so pe- 
 culiar a manner, that even the more important truths he taught 
 remained unintelligible ? If so, we must receive in a new and 
 monstrous sense the assurance, that ‘ he spake as never man 
 spake that he spake not so much to reveal, as to disguise ! 
 But this record remains — that while learned ignorance cavilled 
 and derided, ‘ the common people heard him gladly.’ 
 
 Far different from the judgment of these spurious Protestants 
 was that of Bishop Horsley, with whose weighty w^ords w'e shall 
 now conclude. ‘ I will not scruple to assert, that the most illi- 
 ‘ terate Christian, if he can but read his English Bible, and will 
 ‘ take the pains to read it in this manner, (comparing parallel 
 ‘ passages,) will not only attain all that practical knowledge 
 ‘ which is necessary to his salvation ; but, by God’s blessing, he 
 ‘ will become learned in every thing relating to his religion in 
 ‘ such a degree, that he will not be liable to be misled, either 
 ‘ by the refined arguments or by the false assertions of those who 
 ‘ endeavour to ingraft their own opinion upon the oracles of God. 
 ‘ He may safely be ignorant of all philosophy except what is to 
 ‘ be learned from the sacred books ; which, indeed, contain the 
 ‘ highest philosophy adapted to the lowest apprehensions. He 
 ‘ may safely remain ignorant of all history, except so much of the 
 ‘ history of the first ages of the Jewish and of the Christian 
 ‘ Church, as is to be gathered from the canonical books of the 
 ‘ Old and New Testament. Let him study these in the manner 
 ‘ I recommend, and let him never cease to pray for the illumina- 
 ‘ tion of that spirit by which these books were dictated ; and the 
 ‘ whole compass of abstruse philosophy and recondite history, 
 ‘ shall furnish no argument with which the perverse will of man 
 ‘ shall be able to shake this learned Christian’s faith. The Bible, 
 ‘ thus studied, will indeed prove to be what we Protestants esteem 
 ‘ it — a certain and sufficient rule of faith and practice.’ 
 
420 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Art. V> — The Sanative Influence of Climate : with an Account of 
 the Best Places of Resort for Invalids, By Sir James Clark, 
 Bart., M.D., F.R.S. Physician in Ordinary to the Queen. 
 8vo. Third Edition. London: 1842. 
 
 branch of Medical Philosophy v/hich contemplates man 
 as influenced in his bodily or physical condition by the 
 medium in which he lives, and by the things with which he 
 is perpetually in connexion, is now commonly termed Hygeiene 
 or Hygiene^ from the Greek word signifying health — since it 
 necessarily involves the consideration of every thing concerned in 
 the preservation of this invaluable blessing. This term, how- 
 ever, although now pretty generally employed by our more 
 recent medical writers from the absolute want of some word of 
 the kind, has failed to naturalize itself in England ; possibly 
 because the subject which it is intended to characterize has been 
 singularly neglected in this country. We should not quarrel 
 about a name, however, if we had the satisfaction of being able 
 to state, that the thing itself was more studied and better under- 
 stood. 
 
 But we regret to say, that extremely little has been hitherto 
 done towards the formation of even an outline of a general sys- 
 tem of Hygiene applicable to the inhabitants of this country ; or 
 even towards the investigation of the more common causes of dis- 
 ease, as these prevail in particular towns or districts. Of the 
 vast importance of such an enquiry, in a national point of view, 
 no doubt can exist ; since it must be admitted, in the first place, 
 that the prevention is an object of greater consequence to the 
 community than even the cure of disease ; and secondly, that 
 the only rational system of prevention must be founded on an 
 accurate knowledge of the causes of our maladies. But these 
 causes can be ascertained only by a close investigation of the cir- 
 cumstances under which disease occurs, in a great variety of situ- 
 ations ; in other words, by a comprehensive system of Medical 
 Topography. 
 
 The subject of Climate cannot be strictly classed among those 
 belonging either to Medical Topography or Hygiene, Both 
 these contemplate the object in reference to healthy individuals 
 • — the former being devoted to the investigation of the causes of 
 disease ; the latter teaching us the art of escaping, as much 
 as possible, from the operation of these causes. But the labours 
 of those who follow the track of the author of the work be- 
 fore us, are of a higher kind, and of much greater difficulty. 
 They have to study the objects of Medical Topography, and 
 
1843. 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate » 
 
 421 
 
 to apply the doctrines of Hygiene^ not to the s-tate of health 
 — that is, to a comparatively tixed state ; but to that of disease — 
 a state extremely various, and constantly varying. This appli- 
 cation requires a degree of knowledge and experience which 
 can fall to the lot of only few individuals. It does not by any 
 means follow, for example, that because a certain climate or 
 locality is innoxious in the case of a person in health, it will 
 therefore be so in the case of one afflicted \yith disease ; much 
 less that it will prove beneficial to such a person. We find many 
 instances of this important fact in the work before us. 
 
 With all his noble faculties and high aspirations, man in 
 his present state is still of the earth, earthy, and controlled and 
 modified throughout his whole fabric, mental as well as corpo- 
 real, by the influence of the things around him. If, by the 
 superiority of his reasoning faculties, and the greater plasticity 
 of his physical organization, he is, unlike other animals, enabled 
 to pass from one end of the world to the other, and to live and 
 multiply his kind in every climate ; he is still, like the inferior 
 creation, subject to the influence of the objects amidst which he 
 lives, on whatever spot he may stay his foot. Every part of the 
 surface of our globe that has been visited by man, is, no doubt, 
 capable of sustaining human life, and is even compatible with 
 health ; but each region will present the physical and moral con- 
 dition of the inhabitants under a different aspect, according to 
 the character of the climate, and other circumstances amid which 
 they are placed. 
 
 The difference, indeed, may be so slight, or of such a kind, 
 as frequently to escape observation ; but it is no less real on this 
 account. And whenever there exists a considerable difference 
 in the external circumstances, the difference in the condition of 
 the animal will be manifest. The modification, however, even 
 when considerable, may still be within the limits of health ; this 
 being only a relative term. What may be a state of health to 
 one individual might be felt as disease to another. So it may be 
 with whole classes of individuals. That condition of the physi- 
 cal organization which imparts to the Hottentot’s mind the 
 highest sense of healthful enjoyment, might be actual disease, 
 or, at least, unhealthy discomfort, to the Esquimaux or Samoiede. 
 
 It is an object of the very highest interest to the medical 
 philosopher to investigate the nature of the local circumstances 
 which produce these important changes ; and it will require cen- 
 turies of patient induction to detect and expose the whole of them. 
 At present we are probaijly only acquainted with a few of the more 
 striking and obvious ; but the potency of such as are known is suf- 
 ficiently manifest. Without entering upon the great question 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. 2 E 
 
422 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 how far the present varieties of the human species are attributable 
 to the elfects of climate, we need only refer to changes which 
 have taken place almost in our own times — at least within the 
 limits of recent history — in order to establish the vast influ- 
 ence of climate in modifying the physical characters of man. If 
 we compare, for example, the present inhabitants of our West 
 India Islands, the lineal descendants (without any admixture 
 of foreign blood) of those *who settled in them two centuries 
 back, with the actual race of men in Great Britain, we shall 
 find nearly as great differences in the physical and moral charac- 
 ters of the two classes, as between nations which are usually 
 considered as of distinct races. 
 
 The beneficial effects frequently produced by slight changes o 
 situation, must have occasionally attracted the notice of even the 
 least observant, in all ages and countries ; just as it must have 
 been observed that a removal to certain localities gave rise to 
 certain formal diseases in the persons so removed. For instance, 
 an individual migrating from an elevated and dry region to a 
 low and marshy one, would become affected with ague ; or his di- 
 sease would terminate upon a second migration to the former 
 place, or to another possessing like qualities : or a cough which 
 had lasted for months in one place, would cease during a journey, 
 or on the patient being removed only a few miles from his former 
 residence ; or a long series of sleepless nights would be broken 
 and ended by a visit to a friend’s house at some distance. Such 
 results from accidental changes of residence, must have soon sug- 
 gested similar changes with a direct view to procure like effects, 
 — even if they v/ere not naturally suggested, independently of 
 observation, by the instinctive principle of self-preservation, com- 
 mon to man with the lower animals. ‘ We are ill here — may we 
 ‘ not be better elsewhere?’ is a most natural thought to pass 
 through the mind of a sufferer; and if to this brief chain of reason- 
 ing could be added the link of even partial experience, — ‘ We were 
 ‘ well there — may we not be w^'cll if we return thither?’ — the mere 
 suggestion w’ould rise in the untutored mind with the force of con- 
 viction, and lead to correspondent action. It need not be doubted, 
 therefore, that an animal so fond of enjoyment, and so (laudably) 
 averse from drugs, as man, must soon have availed himself of 
 the highly agreeable remedy thus suggested ; and that changing 
 the air was a common and favourite prescription with the 
 hoary elders and wise women of our race, long before ‘ physi- 
 ‘ cians (by debauch) were made.’ Accordingly, we find this 
 measure strongly recommended by the very earliest medical 
 writers, who, of course, did little more than record the popular 
 practices most in repute, in their age and country; and it is 
 
1843. 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate. 
 
 423 
 
 noticed by almost every systematic writer on practical medicine, 
 from Hippocrates downwards, as a valuable remedy in certain 
 diseases. It may, with truth, be said to have been long received 
 into the materia medica of every practitioner, as a last resource, 
 after the failure of every treatment of a more strictly medical kind. 
 
 But notwithstanding all this, we were, until the publication of 
 the first edition of the work before us, ten years ago, without any 
 very accurate ideas of the precise objects to be attained by changing 
 the air, or climate, in diseases ; and physicians were rather in- 
 fluenced by traditionary and empirical routine, than by any ra- 
 tional principles founded on a philosophical investigation of the 
 subject ; or by any accurate knowledge of the qualities of different 
 climates, and of their effects in disease. Indeed, with the single 
 exception of Dr Gregory’s elegant Essay, De morhis cceli muta- 
 tione medendis* and which can only be considered as an Acade- 
 mical Thesis, w^e are not aware of the existence, even now^, of a 
 work formally dedicated to the consideration of the influence *of 
 climate in curing diseases. 
 
 We possess, it is true, in our own language, many good vrorks 
 on the effects of particular climates on healthy strangers ; and 
 also some valuable memoirs on the influence of the climate of 
 certain districts on the health of the inhabitants ; but a general 
 treatise on the effects of different climates on persons labouring- 
 under disease — in other words, a treatise on the application of 
 climate as a general remedy in disease — was, till the period 
 mentioned, a desideratum in physic. 
 
 We cannot say that the present wmrk, how^ever valuable, com- 
 pletely supplied this deficiency ; as it is limited to the consi- 
 deration of the effect of only one kind of climate. The avowed 
 object of the treatise is, the consideration of the influence of 
 a mild climate, in certain chronic diseases, on the inhabitants 
 of colder countries. Scarcely any notice is taken in it of the 
 effects of a removal from a temperate to a very cold or very 
 hot climate ; or the reverse. It must be admitted, however, 
 that the branch of the subject here treated of, comprehends the 
 majority of the diseases that are benefited by a change of cli- 
 mate ; or, at least, the majority of the diseases of the inhabitants 
 of the temperate and colder regions of the earth. In one chap- 
 ter, the author has certainly taken notice of the beneficial 
 effects of a mild climate upon the diseased constitutions of those 
 who have long resided in tropical countries ; but the great im- 
 portance of this subject, in reference to the vast numbers that 
 
424 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 annually return to Europe from the colonies, entitles it to a 
 much fuller consideration than it has here received from him ; 
 and as we are convinced that much attainable benefit is lost, and 
 great evils incurred, by a want of proper knowledge on the part 
 of this class of invalids, we would recommend him, in a future 
 edition, so far to enlarge his plan as to include this subject at 
 least. 
 
 Many causes heretofore combined to reserve the subject of 
 the influence of climate on disease, for the special investigation 
 of our own times; but the principal of these are, unquestion- 
 ably, the greatly increased desire for foreign travel, and the 
 augmented facilities for gratifying this desire in' the present age. 
 It is indeed only since the battle of Waterloo made the path of 
 the traveller free and safe, in every country in Europe, that the 
 means for the composition of a work like that now before us, 
 were accessible to any English physician. 
 
 On almost any other medical subject a book might be written 
 by a competent person, without ever stirring beyond the bounds 
 of his study ; — certainly without ever passing over the circle that 
 encloses the field of his professional practice. But he who 
 seeks to instruct his brethren respecting the influence of different 
 climates on disease, must be one — ■ 
 
 ‘ qui multoriim providus urbes 
 Et mores hominum inspexit:’ 
 
 neither will it be suflicient for him, as is too often the case with 
 the common traveller, to pay a brief and hurried visit to the 
 places of which he writes. He must remain long enough at 
 each to enable him personally to observe the influence of the 
 climate in a sufficient number of cases ; he must make himself 
 acquainted with the nature and character of the diseases most 
 prevalent ; and he must be both willing and able to obtain and 
 weigh the opinions of the native and resident practitioners ; to 
 test these opinions by the results of his own observation and 
 experience ; and to winnow from them all the rubbish that par- 
 tiality, prejudice, and self-interest may have mixed with them. 
 
 To say. that the author of the work before us, is in every 
 way qualified up to the very standard of excellence in all 
 these particulars, might possibly be too high praise ; but to 
 admit that he comes much nearer this standard than any pre- 
 ceding writer, seems to us only what is due to him, and to truth. 
 Unlike one class of medical travellers, he seems not to have 
 attempted to investigate the nature of foreign climates, and 
 their effects on health and disease, or to judge of the merit of 
 foreign opinions and practice, until after he had mastered the 
 knowledge of the Schools in his own country; and had put this 
 
1843. 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate. 
 
 425 
 
 knowledge to the test of actual practice. Unlike another class, 
 which may be subdivided into two orders, he seems neither to 
 have viewed every thing among our continental neighbours as 
 greatly above or greatly below what exists at home ; but to 
 have brought to the contemplation of what was presented to 
 him, an intellect at once sufficiently cultivated to be able to 
 appreciate the good and the bad ; and a temper sufficiently can- 
 did to permit him to adopt the former, and reject the latter, 
 without much regard to the pride or prejudices of school or country. 
 Unlike the most numerous class of all, he appears to have had 
 ample time to enable him to confirm — if need were, to correct — 
 the judgments formed on first views and impressions, or derived 
 from inadequate authority. 
 
 The climates almost exclusively considered in his work, are 
 those which are commonly termed the milder climates ; and on the 
 present occasion we shall, with him, limit our observations to the 
 milder parts of Europe, and the islands in the neighbouring 
 seas. These climates may be arranged into four groups: 
 Firstly, the climate of the south of England ; Secondly, the 
 climate of the south of France : Thirdly, the climate of Italy and 
 the islands of the Mediterranean; and Fourthly, the climate of 
 the islands in the Atlantic. 
 
 The following is a catalogue of all the places of which a par- 
 ticular account is given in the volume : — I. Great Britain 
 
 London, Hastings, St Leonards, Brighton, Underclilf, Salcombe, 
 Torquay, Dawlish, Exmouth, Salterton, Sidmouth, Penzance, 
 Falmouth, Flushing, Clifton, Bristol Hotwells, Island of Bute, 
 Cove of Cork, Jersey. II. France, — Pau, Montpelier, Mar- 
 
 seilles, Hyeres. III. The Sardinian Territory, — Nice, 
 Villa Franca, San Remo. IV. Italy, — Genoa, Florence, Pisa, 
 Rome, Naples, Capo di Monte, Sorento, Castelamare, Cava, 
 Sienna, Lucca. V. Mediterranean and Atlantic Islands , — 
 Malta, Madeira, Canaries, Azores, Bermudas, Bahamas, West 
 Indies. Of each of these places we have an account of the 
 climate, its general influence on health, and its special effects on 
 different diseases. 
 
 In our attempts to characterise the climates of these places 
 respectively, as well as in reference to climate generally, viewed 
 as a remedial agent, we must consider the temperature of the 
 atmosphere breathed by the inhabitants as the principal feature. 
 We are well aware that many other qualities, and constituents of 
 the atmosphere, exert a powerful influence on the phenomena of 
 animal life ; but we must, in the present state of our knowledge 
 at least, consider temperature as the most important element in 
 climate. It is truly observed by Humboldt, that ‘ when we 
 
426 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate* 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ‘ study the organic life of plants and animals, we must examine 
 ‘ all the stimuli or external agents which modify their vital 
 ‘ actions. The ratios of the mean temperatures of the months, 
 
 ‘ are not sufficient to characterise the climate. Its influence 
 ‘ combines the simultaneous action of all physical causes ; and 
 ‘ it depends on heat, humidity, light, the electrical tension of 
 ‘ vapours, and the variable pressure of the atmosphere. In 
 ‘ making known (he adds) the empirical laws of the distribu- 
 ‘ tion of heat over the globe, as deducible from the thermome- 
 ‘ tricai variations of the air, we are far from considering these 
 ^ laws as the only ones necessary to resolve all the problems of 
 ^ climate.’^ 
 
 Next to temperature, the quantity of humidity is perhaps 
 of most consequence — considered as an element of climate. And 
 in comparing the more southern climates with our own, with a 
 view to their influence on the system of invalids, we may per- 
 haps state their superiority to consist principally in the following 
 particulars : — their higher temperature ; the greater equability 
 of that temperature ; the greater dryness of the air; the superior 
 serenity of the skies ; and their greater freedom from rain, fogs, 
 and high winds. When we come to examine the individual cli- 
 mates, we find particular places in each group varying very con- 
 siderably from the others ; but still we are justified by their 
 general character in classing them as above. 
 
 A few remarks, of a popular kind, on the nature of diseases ge- 
 nerally, and on the mode in which they are cured, will enable us to 
 understand the operation of climate as a remedy. When a disease 
 attacks a person suddenly, or with only slight warning of its ap- 
 proach, and comes rapidly to its acme or height, it is called by 
 physicians acute* If cured, it generally leaves the system in its 
 pristine soundness, although for a time debilitated. This debility 
 is soon removed by the ordinary processes of nature ; and the 
 hues of health soon return to the countenance, and the wonted 
 vigour reanimates the frame. As the enemy who conquers rather 
 by surprise and rapidity of movement than by actual superiority, 
 and who is speedily driven from the land by the simultaneous 
 rising of the inhabitants, leaves the institutions and the habits of 
 the people nearly as before the invasion ; so in the body natural, the 
 brief endurance of an acute disease seems unable to impress upon 
 the constituiion any permanent changes inconsistent with health. 
 When the weight is removed from the machine, its springs 
 recover their wonted vigour and activity. 
 
 On Isothermal Lines, 
 
1843. 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 427 
 
 Sometimes, however, in place of this perfect restoration, an 
 acute disease, although apparently subdued or expelled, leaves 
 behind it something which, secretly preying upon the frame, 
 not only prevents the return of perfect strength, but eventually, 
 perhaps after a series of months or years, brings the system into 
 greater peril than was threatened by the open violence of the 
 primary attack. Slow diseases of this kind are called chronic^ 
 from the Greek word signifying time. As just stated, they are 
 often the consequence of an acute affection, but they still more 
 frequently arise without any such evident or violent cause ; and 
 being slow in coming to their height, and in their progress after- 
 wards, and often unattended by pain, they frequently exist for a 
 long time before they are much noticed even by the patient. 
 Diseases of this kind are extremely dangerous ; partly because 
 they are overlooked in their most curable stage, and partly 
 because of their peculiar character. However local in their 
 origin, such affections in their progress eventually involve almost 
 every part and function of the body ; and although the disorder 
 of the individual parts may be slight, yet its universality and 
 its duration render it of consequence. In physical, as w ell as in 
 moral indispositions, it is commonly found more difficult to cure 
 a slight affection of long standing, than a violent one of recent 
 origin. If we compared the attack of an acute disease to the 
 sudden inroad of an enemy, suddenly repelled, and leaving 
 behind no permanent effects ; w^e may liken that of the chronic 
 disease to an invasion by a treacherous neighbour, wdth a view 
 to permanent conquest. Here the strongholds of the land are 
 gained by stratagem — the opposition of the inhabitants is lulled 
 by false pretences — and the country is subdued almost be- 
 fore the danger is perceived. If, after the lapse of years, such 
 a country seeks to regain its freedom, it is soon found that ^ the 
 ‘ taint of the victors is over all’ — in the government and institu- 
 tions of the state — in the habits and language— yea, in the very 
 hearts of the people. 
 
 It will hardly be supposed that the same means that are cal- 
 culated to expel an acute disease from an otherwise healthy 
 body, will succeed in restoring to its pristine vigour a system 
 that is radically diseased ; nor yet that the means cakulated to 
 remedy such a disorder as the last, will be able to do so in a 
 space of time as brief as suffices for the removal of the former. 
 And yet w^e fear that this very absurd expectation is entertained, 
 not merely by patients, but often also by their medical coun- 
 sellors. 
 
 In such cases it is, to be sure, not very difficult on many 
 occasions to give great and often immediate relief to some trou- 
 
428 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 Jan, 
 
 blesome or distressing symptoms, by tbe judicious exhibition of 
 drugs; and it is, perhaps, natural enough for a patient, so re- 
 lieved, to expect that the whole of his disease is equally under 
 the control of medicines, if only the same skill or the same good 
 fortune might preside over their selection and administration. 
 But nothing less than ignorance or quackery — self-deception, or 
 the wush to deceive — can justify such an expectation on the part 
 of the practitioner. He ought to know that a disease of the 
 kind now under consideration — that has been silently gaining 
 ground upon the constitution for months or years, involving 
 in its progress one function, and structure, and organ, after an- 
 other, until at last there is scarcely one solid or fluid in the body 
 free from its contamination — is absolutely beyond the control 
 of any one medicine, or set of medicines; and that it is only by 
 a well-arranged and combined system of management, com- 
 mensurate with the extent of the affection, and continued for 
 a long time, that any considerable or permanent relief can be 
 obtained. To attempt to cure so universal a disorder as this by 
 a drug that can only act upon a part, perhaps a small and insig- 
 nificant part, is only to be expected of ignorance or imposture. 
 
 It is, to be sure, the general opinion of the vulgar, that the 
 whole art of physic consists in two things — the first, to ascertain 
 the exact nature, or, perhaps, rather the name of the disease ; 
 and the second, to know and apply the particular remedy that 
 has the power to cure it. That such a remedy exists for every 
 particular disease, is not at all doubted; and the physician^s skill 
 is judged of precisely according to his success in applying the 
 supposed specific remedy. If he is unable either to apply the 
 true name to the malady, or the true remedy to the name, he is 
 a bungler in his trade ; and if, after what is considered a fair 
 trial, the expected adaptation of the one to the other does not 
 appear to have taken place, an artist of more knowledge or skill 
 must be sought ; or, if he is not sought, the continued attendance 
 of the former practitioner is owing to other causes than confidence 
 in his powers. A like process of reasoning, and a like practice, 
 prevail among many who in no respect belong to the vulgar 
 class — unless the circumstance of being uninitiated in the 
 mysteries of medical science entitles them to be so ranked ; and 
 a consideration of this fact will, we believe, help to explain at 
 once the fickleness of patients and the multiplicity of doctors. 
 
 The real fact however is, that there are hardly any specific 
 remedies ; that is to say, remedies possessing the power of cer- 
 tainly curing particular diseases. Medicine, it is true, can 
 boast of some half dozen drugs (not more) which very fre- 
 quently cure particular diseases, with a sort of specific and 
 
1843. 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate. 
 
 429 
 
 exclusive virtue ; and with somewhat of that speedy yet in- 
 visible influence, supposed to be inherent in tbe obsolete race 
 of charms. But with these few exceptions — truly insignificant 
 when compared with the vast number of diseases and of reme- 
 (^ies — the professors of the healing art are constrained to adopt, 
 in their practice, a mode of cure of much humbler pretensions. 
 Being destitute of powers to crush the invader at a single blow, 
 they are reduced to the necessity of defeating him by indirect 
 attacks — by cutting off his resources — by wearying him out 
 by vigilant skirmishing — by fortifying the parts he has threat- 
 ened, or is likely to attack— by repairing in detail the mis- 
 chief he has done — in a word, by calling up all the natural 
 powers of the system to exert themselves against the common 
 enemy. We possess many means by which we can influence 
 the functions of the living body, so as to increase, or diminish, or 
 derange, or even to destroy them at pleasure ; and it is by so 
 acting on these functions that we are able, in many cases, to 
 cure diseases, and that we attempt to do so in all cases, with the 
 few exceptions already alluded to, in which specific remedies are 
 admissible. 
 
 To instance the state of local inflammation — a state which ac- 
 companies, in one stage or other, a great majority of our dis- 
 eases. We have no specific remedy for inflammation — no agent 
 which possesses a direct and immediate power to remove it. We 
 are not, however, on this account, destitute of the means of 
 curing inflammation. We can, for example, (by blood-letting,) di- 
 minish the general mass of blood, and thus lessen it proportion- 
 ably in the affected part ; we can weaken the power of the heart 
 and of the system generally, by the same means ; we can in other 
 ways diminish the quantity of fluids in the system, and determine 
 them in a course remote from that of the affected part ; we can 
 (by abstinence from food) prevent any accession of strength to 
 the system, and lessen that already existing ; we can remove 
 by local means a portion of the blood that distends the dis- 
 eased part ; and, finally, we can assist more or fewer of these in- 
 tentions by the administration of certain remedies internally, 
 which, acting on various parts and functions, co-operate in the 
 great object of destroying the diseased action — in other words, 
 curing the inflammation. This, it is obvious, is a very different 
 thing from curing a disease by specific remedies. This mode of 
 practice is one of very inferior powers to the other, but its ad- 
 ministration requires much greater skill. 
 
 Chronic diseases are of infinitely greater importance, in a prac- 
 tical point of view, than acute. It is to them that by far the greater 
 part of human mortality is attributable ; it is by them that much 
 
430 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 of the misery attendant on sickness is inflicted. The attack of 
 an acute disease is rapid and brief ; it may be hard to bear, and it 
 may be hardly borne ; but its pains are soon forgotten amid the 
 enjoyment of health. It is very different with chronic diseases. 
 They may torture through the great part of a long life, and, 
 after all, may be only removed by death. It is in this class of 
 cases that the physician is called upon to exert all his powers. 
 It is here that the common Or routine practitioner is sure to fail. 
 He is constantly forgetting that, in chronic diseases, our object 
 is almost always rather to put nature in the way of acting 
 right, than to supersede her agency ; and that our progress 
 must, therefore, be in general guarded and slow, and the more 
 so because we have only debilitated powers to call to our aid. It 
 is in cases of this kind, then, that a remedy like change of climate 
 is particularly indicated. This, besides acting, in many cases, 
 directly on the principal local disease, affects the whole system 
 at the same time, and affects it, at once slowly and mildly, and 
 for a long period. It is to this class of diseases, accordingly, that 
 we find the recommendation of this remedy for the most part 
 restricted by Sir James Clark. 
 
 In certain cases, a change of climate almost immediately cures 
 a disease, by removing the cause of it — as when we remove from 
 an unwholesome to a wholesome locality ; for example, from a 
 low malarious district to an elevated and dry region : suhlatd 
 causa toUitur effectus. But although the propriety of change of 
 climate, or perhaps we should rather here say, change of air or 
 situation, is not, of course, overlooked by Sir James where it is so 
 self-evident, yet it is not to cases of this kind that his observations 
 principally apply ; nor is it as a remedy possessing such summary 
 and direct powers that climate is contemplated in his work. In 
 such instances as those just referred to, and in many other affec- 
 tions both acute and chronic, we certainly find, by experience, 
 that a change of air and climate frequently effects a great and 
 immediate alleviation of symptoms, or a complete cure ; even 
 when the place of residence of the patient is a very healthy one 
 to other persons ; and when we are unable to explain, in any w^ay, 
 the manner in which the change of abode acts in bringing about 
 so desirable a result. Instances of this kind must have come 
 under the observation of most persons, and their frequency fully 
 justifies, in many cases, the recommendation of change of air, or 
 of climate, purely on empirical principles. But while admitting 
 that there is much in the influence of change of climate, con- 
 sidered as a remedy, which we cannot at present explain, the 
 author of the work before us wishes rather to consider this 
 complex agent on rational principles. He rejectSj wherever 
 
1843 . 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 431 
 
 it is practicable, the idea of specific influence,, and wishes 
 climate to be considered, in its known qualities, as one of 
 the agents that variously affect the body in health and dis- 
 ease. He submits it to the same examination, and the same 
 tests, by which we judge of other remedies — trying it partly 
 by studying its known qualities in reference to the known capa- 
 cities of the living body ; and partly by observing the results of 
 experience simply.* In prescribing it, he, for the most part, 
 considers it only as one of the many means that must co-operate 
 towards the restoration of a constitution deranged and enfeebled 
 by the long prevalence of a chronic disease ; — in many cases he 
 looks upon it merely as permitting the efficient curative means 
 to be more completely or more conveniently applied. 
 
 < The air, or climate, (he says,) is often regarded by patients as pos- 
 sessing some specific quality, by virtue of which it directly cures the 
 disease. This erroneous view of the matter, not unfrequently proves 
 the bane of the invalid, by leading him, in the fulness of his confidence 
 in climate, to neglect other circumstances, an attention to which may be 
 more essential to his recovery than that in which all his hopes are cen- 
 tred If he would reap the full measure of good wdiich his 
 
 new position places within his reach, he must trust more to himself and 
 to his own conduct than to the simple influence of any climate, however 
 genial; he must adhere strictly to such a mode of living as his case 
 requires ; he must avail himself of all the advantages which the climate 
 possesses, and eschew those disadvantages from which no climate or 
 situation is exempt; moreover, he must exercise both resolution and 
 
 patience in prosecuting all this to a successful issue Here, 
 
 as in every other department of the healing art, we must be guided by 
 experience, and must rest satisfied with the amount of power w hich the 
 remedy concedes to us. The charlatan may boast of a specific for any 
 or for all diseases ; the man of science knows that there exists scarcely 
 a single remedy for any disease which can warrant such a boast ; and that 
 it is only by acting on and through the numerous and complicated 
 functions of the living body, in various ways and by various means, and 
 by carefully adapting our agents to the circumstances of each individual 
 case, that we can check or remove the disorders of the animal system, 
 more especially those which have long existed. Let it not then be 
 imagined that change of climate, how^ever powerful as a remedy, can be 
 considered as at all peculiar in its mode of action ; or as justifying, on the 
 part either of the physician or patient, the neglect of those precautions 
 which are requisite to insure the proper action of the other remedies.’ 
 
 Leaving, then, on one side, the consideration of climate ge- 
 nerally as a specific agent, let us see in what way a removal to 
 a warmer region either obviously acts, or may rationally be pre- 
 sumed to act, in relieving or curing diseases. 
 
 In the first place, a warm climate is like a perpetual summer 
 to a person accustomed to a cold one. The higher temperature 
 
432 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 of the air, and the finer weather generally, besides acting direct- 
 ly on the sensations, and through them on the mind — on the 
 circulation of the blood, both general and capillary — and on the 
 secretions — enable the invalid to do many things beneficial to his 
 health, which he could not do in his own country. It will en- 
 able him, for instance, to be much more in the open air, and, 
 consequently, to take much more exercise than he could do in 
 England. Those persons, and there are many such, who lan- 
 guish in their chambers through the whole of the winter in this 
 country, and only feel the pleasure of existence during the sum- 
 mer, will need no argument to convince them how beneficially 
 a warm climate often acts on the enfeebled and disordered frame. 
 An invalid of this class seems to change his very being with his 
 climate — 
 
 * The common sun, the air, the skies, 
 
 To him are opening paradise.’ 
 
 Secondly, a removal to a mild, that is, to the natives of the 
 north a distant, climate, effects a complete change of the air, 
 soil, water, and other physical circumstances of a strictly local 
 kind ; one or more of which may, unknown to us, be exerting a 
 baneful influence upon the individual, in his own place of resi- 
 dence. A most striking example of the effect of local circum- 
 stances upon the general health, in a place not naturally 
 unhealthy in the common acceptation of that term, and of the 
 influence of change of situation in removing the disorders 
 thereby produced, is afforded us every day by the mass of 
 human life squeezed into our large cities. This striking circum- 
 stance has not escaped the notice of Sir James Clark. 
 
 ‘ On the Continent,’ he says, ‘ the beneficial effects of change of air 
 are duly estimated ; and the inhabitants of this country, and more espe- 
 cially of this metropolis, are now becoming fully sensible of its value. 
 The vast increase in the size of our watering-places of late years, and the 
 deserted state of a great part of London during several months, are suffi- 
 cient proofs, not to mention others, of the increasing conviction that, for 
 the preservation of health, it is necessary to change from time to time 
 the relaxing, I may say, deteriorating air of a large city, for the more 
 pure and invigorating air of the country. This, indeed, is the best, if 
 not the only cure, for that destructive malady, which may be justly 
 termed Cachexia Londonensis ; which preys upon the vitals, and stamps 
 its hues upon the countenance of almost every permanent residenter in 
 this great city. When the extent of benefit which may be derived from 
 occasional change of air, both to the physical and moral constitution, is 
 duly estimated, no person whose circumstances permit will neglect to 
 avail themselves of it.’ 
 
 Thirdly, a change to a new climate, in almost every case 
 involves a great change in all the habits of life — in diet, sleep, 
 
1843 . 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate. 
 
 433 
 
 clothing, exercise, occupations. And if all or any of these ha- 
 bits happens to be injurious to health, every medical man knows 
 how difficult — often, how impossible — it is to break through them 
 at home. But the chain of evil habits is frequently at once snapt 
 asunder by a journey; and its links in many cases are prevented, 
 by the usages of strange places, from being re-knit for go long a 
 time that they never afterwards coalesce. The disease, which if 
 not produced was at least aggravated by more or fewer of these 
 habits, either entirely and spontaneously disappears, or now yields 
 to remedies which were previously found altogether ineffectual. 
 Like the giant of old, it loses its power as soon as it loses hold 
 of its native soil. 
 
 And this observation applies still better, perhaps, to moral than 
 to physical habits ; or, we should rather say to habits, whether 
 physical or moral, which affect the mind more particularly. Not 
 only is the merchant torn from his desk, and the student from 
 his books, by a journey or a residence abroad, but in very many 
 cases the wretched are torn from their cares. Most of our writers 
 on intellectual philosophy, have shown too little regard to 
 the influence exerted over the mind by the physical condi- 
 tion of the body; and it is only the physician who knows fully 
 the immense share among the causes of unhappiness — we may 
 say of wickedness — that bodily disorder may justly claim. In 
 curing our corporeal disorders, the physician, in many cases, 
 literally does ‘ minister to a mind diseased and as the disorders 
 which most affect the mind (disorders of the digestive organs) 
 are, of all others perhaps, most benefited by a change of climate, 
 this remedy of course becomes entitled to a distinguished place 
 in the medicina mentis. 
 
 But cares and miseries of a different kind, which have no dis- 
 coverable connexion with bodily disease, are no less benefited 
 by a change of climate. It is, indeed, surprising how local many 
 of our miseries are ; but that such is the case, any one may 
 convince himself by looking round among his friends, or by re- 
 tracing his social experience. One man is happy in town, but 
 miserable in the country ; another suffers equally, but reversely ; 
 a third is only wretched in his own house, and a fourth is never 
 happy in his neighbour’s. Now,' it is obvious that to this very 
 numerous class, a journey to a distant country must be of great 
 service ; inasmuch as it must necessarily alter, at least for a time, 
 a great number of the relations in which such persons stand to the 
 objects, whether animate or inanimate, with which they are usu- 
 ally surrounded ; and, therefore, we venture to assert, in despite 
 of the satirists of all ages, that in many cases the traveller truly 
 does leave his miseries behind him ; se quoque fugit. He leaves 
 
Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 434 
 
 Jan, 
 
 that other gloomy self in the analogous atmosphere of the north, 
 and assumes a new form under a more brilliant sky. 
 
 There is yet another way in which we believe change of cli- 
 mate often proves beneficial, and in a very considerable degree ; 
 and here, in place of a Physician, we shall quote a Poet, (Crabbe) 
 — taking leave, however, to make a small alteration upon his 
 lines 
 
 < For change of air there’s much to say, 
 
 As nature then has room to work her way - 
 And doing nothing often has prevail’d 
 When ten physicians have prescribed and fail’d.’ 
 
 We are not surprised that the fact should be as here stated. 
 Few are the Doctors, we verily believe, who can venture to put 
 in practice all that they consider to be best in regard to the admi- 
 nistration of medicines. Some patients will have draughts, whether 
 the Doctor will or no; and some Doctors, perhaps, will prescribe 
 them whether the patient will or no. Besides, it is not more 
 strange that the professors of medicine should be fond of their in- 
 struments, than that the professors of other arts should be fond of 
 theirs. And, may there not be something in the English charac- 
 ter that prompts to what has been truly called the ‘ energetic 
 empiricism " at present so much in fashion in this country ? 
 
 A very important agent in the cure of chronic diseases, by 
 change of climate, still remains to be mentioned ; although it is 
 rather incidental to this measure than necessarily connected with 
 it — we mean the mere act of travelling . This is a remedy, to be 
 sure, which may be as effectually enjoyed in our own country as 
 abroad. It is nevertheless often highly proper for the physician 
 to order his patient to a distant climate, even when all the benefit 
 to be expected lies in the journey thither. People when sick 
 must sometimes be cheated into health ; and woe be to the Doctor 
 who always speaks the whole truth to his patient ! Every one 
 has heard of the cure of a chronic disease in a gentleman whom 
 Sydenham directed to ride on horseback from London to Inver- 
 ness, with the object of consulting some imaginary Doctor in that 
 region — no longer remote in our days of steam and mail coaches. 
 And the same pious fraud may be often pardoned in the modern 
 physician, who sends his patient to Genoa, to Rome, or to Naples : 
 the influence of climate may be the ostensible cause of the jour- 
 ney, but the journey itself may be the true source of benefit. 
 
 ‘ The mere act of travelling, (says Sir James Clark,) over a consider- 
 able extent of country is itself a remedy of great value, and, when judi- 
 ciously conducted, will materially assist the beneficial action of climate. 
 A journey may indeed be regarded as a continuous change of climate as well 
 as of scene ; and constitutes a remedy of unequalled power in some of those 
 
1843 . 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 435 
 
 morbid states of the system, in which the mind suffers as well as the body. 
 In chronic irritation, and passive congestion of the mucous surfaces of the 
 pulmonary and digestive organs, especially when complicated with a 
 morbidly sensitive state of the nervous system, travelling will often 
 effect more than any other remedy with which we are acquainted.’ 
 
 In former times, indeed, if expatriation had been proposed as 
 a common remedy for a whole host of diseases, the prescriber 
 would assuredly have been considered as standing most in need 
 of his own prescriptions ; and naviget Anticyram would have 
 occupied a prominent place in his carte du voyage. But in those 
 days, steam-engines and patent axles were not ; neither had that 
 organ of the Phrenologists, which gives us the inclination to 
 change our residence, been stimulated into full activity, by uni- 
 versal peace abroad, and universal travelling at home. At pre- 
 sent, we are hardly more startled at Sir James Clark’s prescrip- 
 tion of Nice, Naples, or Rome, for the cure of a cough, an 
 attack of indigestion, or of gout, than our fathers would have 
 been by the household words of horehound^ coltsfoot,, elecam- 
 pnne, or dandelion. At all events, such a prescription is a 
 very agreeable one ; and, if their ailment is not very terrible, 
 one might almost envy those patients w^ho are obliged to use the 
 remedy. It has been said that there is no royal road to health, 
 any more than to learning ; but we suspect that our author has 
 actually discovered this royal road ; and, if his patients have only 
 the means of macadamizing it, it is well. For our own parts, 
 we had been led by experience, before we saw Sir James Clark’s 
 book, to think so favourably of the Peripatetic School of medi- 
 cine, that we should be willing to submit to« its severest pre- 
 scriptions in the proper case, even if we were, with the heroic 
 patients of old, to incur the risk of all the imputations and 
 penalties attached to such a measure — 
 
 * I, demens, et ssevas curre per Alpes, 
 
 Ut pueris placeas et declamatio fias.’ 
 
 The diseases in which a change from a cold to a milder cli- 
 mate proves beneficial, are numerous. Those more particularly 
 noticed in the work before us, are the following : — Disorders of 
 the digestive organs, in all their various forms; consumption; 
 chronic affections of the air-passages ; asthma ; gout ; rheuma- 
 tism ; diseases of the skin ; scrofula ; infantile disorders ; dis- 
 eases of hot climates ; the climacteric disease ; and broken con- 
 stitutions generally. What we have already said of the nature 
 of chronic diseases in general, and of the principles of cure in 
 such cases, must content our readers in respect to the majority 
 of these affections. But there are two diseases, or rather two 
 classes of diseases, which, from their surpassing importance, 
 
436 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate* 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ought to claim from us, as they have obtained from the author, 
 more particular notice. These are disorders of the Digestive 
 organs, and Consumption. In the first part of the present 
 work we are presented with two admirable outline sketches of 
 these affections, to which we must refer the reader ; as our busi- 
 ness in this article is not to describe diseases, or to detail their 
 general mode of treatment, but to point out the influence of 
 climate upon them. We must, however, take leave to say, that 
 it has but seldom been our fortune to meet with any piece of 
 medical writing so characteristic of the best school of physic 
 — the school of Hippocrates and Sydenham — as these sketches 
 present. In the chronic state, and secondary stages of dyspep- 
 sia or indigestion, and its multiform progeny, change to a mild 
 climate is recommended by Sir James Clark as a powerful 
 means of relief and cure. Indeed, it is in this tribe of di- 
 seases that the beneficial influence of the measure is most con- 
 spicuous. The mode of its operation is explicitly detailed in 
 his work ; and the adaptation of particular climates to the differ- 
 ent varieties and stages of the affection, is there stated with great 
 precision and minuteness. This seems very necessary, as the 
 choice of a residence for this class of invalids is far from a mat- 
 ter of indifference. The place that is useful in one case is detri- 
 mental in another. 
 
 * The different forms of the disease require different climates. The 
 patient with gastritic dyspepsia should not, for example, go to Nice, nor 
 the south-east of France. In cases of this kind, the south-west of France 
 or Devonshire are preferable, and Rome and Pisa are the best places 
 in Italy. On the other hand, in atonic dyspepsia, in which languor and 
 sluggishness of the system, as well as of the digestive organs, prevail, 
 with lowness of spirits and hypochondriasis, Nice is to be preferred to 
 all the other places mentioned ; and Naples will generally agree better 
 than Rome or Pisa ; while the south-west of France and Devonshire, 
 and all similar climates, would be injurious. In the nervous form of 
 dyspepsia, a climate of a medium character is the best, and the choice 
 should be regulated according as there is a disposition to the gastritic or 
 the atonic form. In the more complicated and protracted cases, still 
 more discrimination is required in selecting the best climate and resi- 
 dence ; as we must take into consideration not merely the character of 
 the primary disorder, and the state of mind with which it is associated, 
 hut the nature of the secondary affection which may already exist, or to 
 which the patient may be predisposed.’ 
 
 But the most important of all the subjects treated of in this 
 volume is the influence of climate in Consumption. And 
 although, as we have already said, the beneficial effects of a 
 mild climate is much more conspicuous in the class of disorders 
 last noticed than in Consumption, yet the association of the 
 
1843. 
 
 Sir James Clark 07 i Climate 
 
 437 
 
 latter disorder with this measure is so strongly fixed in the pub- 
 lic mind, and such erroneous opinions prevail on the subject, 
 that we feel it incumbent on us to notice it particularly. To 
 establish the vast importance of the question, it suffices to state 
 that, according to the 'latest and best authority, (the Registrar- 
 General’s Report,) a fifth part at least of all the deaths that oc- 
 cur in this country is owing to Consumption ! And there is too 
 just reason for apprehending that even this tremendous mortality 
 is on the increase. 
 
 Is a removal to a mild climate really beneficial in the cure, or 
 even in the prevention of Consumption ? If beneficial, in what 
 way, and in what degree is it so ? And what climate is the most 
 beneficial ? The work before us contains much more infor- 
 mation relating to these important points than is to be found 
 any where else ; but we fear we must say that the information is 
 satisfactory chiefly because it is extensive and accurate. It con- 
 veys to us much less hope, and opens less prospect of benefit 
 from the change, than we could desire. But it will, no doubt, 
 be highly valuable to the medical profession, and to the public 
 generally ; — by setting the case in a true light, and by showing 
 what climate can do, and what it cannot do. If the effect of Sir 
 James Clark’s delineation of the true features of Consumption, 
 and his exposition of the way in which climate influences its 
 development and progress, were limited to the abolition or even 
 discouragement of that insane system, so generally followed at 
 present, and too generally countenanced by the medical profes- 
 sion, of sending patients abroad in a state of confirmed consump- 
 tion — that is, in a hopeless state — his book would be of inestimable 
 value. It would at least afford some comfort to the hearts of 
 the hundreds of parents who are now every year compelled by 
 this fatal custom, to see their children die under all the aggrava- 
 tions of evil necessarily attendant on a residence in a foreign 
 land. But the book, we confidently predict, will do much more 
 than this ; it will be the means of saving many lives, by pointing 
 out the way in which a mild climate can truly be made efficient 
 in lessening the appalling fatality of this disease. 
 
 Sir James Clark coincides in opinion with all the great patho- 
 logists of the day, that consumption, when fully formed, is almost 
 universally fatal The essential character of this disease con- 
 sists, as is well known, in the formation of numerous small masses 
 (called tubercles) in the substance of the lungs, which, in their 
 growth and proo^ressive changes, destroy the natural structure of 
 the organ>i, and fatally derange many of the functions essential to 
 life. When once developed in the lungs, it is extremely doubW 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. 2 F 
 
438 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ful if these bodies can ever be removed by nature or art; — when 
 they have gone beyond their very first stage, and exist in con- 
 siderable quantity, it seems nearly certain that they are utterly 
 beyond the resources of either.^ We, no doubt, every now and 
 then, hear of this or that person cured of consumption, by a re- 
 gular member of the faculty; and in the course of every half 
 score years or so, there springs into temporary notoriety some 
 bold pretender of the irregular , order, whose confident promises 
 (sometimes, perhaps, sincere) and loud boastings, impose upon 
 many the belief that this hitherto intractable malady has at 
 length been brought under the dominion of art. But the total 
 ignorance of this class of persons respecting the real nature of 
 the disease, and the great difficulties often experienced by the 
 most learned in discriminating it, in its early stages, from some 
 other diseases, sufficiently explain these occurrences. And the 
 great teacher. Time, soon justifies the scepticism of the man of 
 science, by covering with oblivion what, if true, could never be 
 forgotten, nor permitted to yield its place to any novelty, how- 
 ever great, or any claimant, however loud. It is, therefore, 
 wiih much satisfaction that we find the present author devoting 
 all his powers to the elucidation of the remoter causes of con- 
 sumption ; and of the nature and character of that morbid con- 
 dition of the system to which it is found commonly to supervene. 
 If we cannot cure consumption itself, we may possibly be en- 
 abled to obviate the circumstances that lay the first foundation 
 of it ; or we may even be enabled to remove the first changes 
 impressed by these circumstances upon the organization. 
 
 The remote and predisposing causes of the disease are well 
 known, and have been generally noticed by preceding writers; 
 but Sir James Clark is the first, who, to our knowledge, has 
 formally described the precursory disorder , or attempted (to use 
 his own words) ‘ to fill up the blank which has been left in the 
 ‘ natural history of consumption, between a state of health and 
 ‘ of established and sensible disease of the lungs.’ The precur- 
 sory affection of the system is termed by him Tubercular Ca-- 
 
 * We are well aware of the very peculiar and extremely rare yet well 
 authenticated case, of a cure being effected after the discharge of a 
 tubercle or tuberculous abscess by expectoration ; but this case can only 
 be considered as a rare exception to the general rule, and ought not to be 
 at all calculated upon iri practice. See, for information on this point, the 
 classical works of Laennec, Andral, and Louis, and especially the present 
 author’s treatise on Consumption, 
 
1843. 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 439 
 
 chexy ; and he looks upon it as the nidus or matrix of the subse- 
 quent disease of the lun^s.* 
 
 It is as a powerful adjuvant of the medical means best calcu- 
 lated to remove this disorder — for, unlike its progeny, it is often 
 curable— that removal to a mild climate is strongly recommend- 
 ed. The same measure is likewise advised, though with much 
 less confidence, when there are strong reasons for believing that 
 tubercles are actually formed in the lungs. But it is denoun- 
 ced, as w^e have already stated, in the strongest terms, not only 
 as useless but cruel in the extreme, except in a few particular 
 cases, when the disease is confirmed. We will here allow Sir 
 James Clark to speak for himself; only observing that we entirely 
 accord wdth every sentiment expressed by him in the following 
 extract : — 
 
 ‘ Unfortunately it too often happens, that the period of constitutional 
 disorder, which we have just been considering, is permitted to pass ; 
 and it is not until symptoms of irritation or impeded function in the 
 lungs, such as cough, difficult breathing, or spitting of blood, appear, 
 that the patient or relations are alarmed, and that fears are expressed 
 that the chest is ‘threatened.” Such symptoms are but too sure indi- 
 cations that tuberculous disease has already commenced in the lungs. 
 It may, indeed, be difficult, in some cases, to ascertain the positive 
 existence of this, although, by a careful examination of the chest, and 
 an attentive consideration of all the circumstances of the case, we shall 
 seldom err in our diagnosis; and it need not, at any rate, affect our prac- 
 tice, as a strong suspicion of the presence of tubercles should lead us to 
 adopt the same precautions as the certainty of their existence. 
 
 * When tuberculous matter is deposited in the lungs, the circum- 
 stances of the patient are materially changed. We have the same func- 
 tional disorders which existed in the former state : and we have also 
 pulmonary disease, predisposing to a new series of morbid actions — to 
 bronchial affections, haemoptysis, inflammation of the pleura and lungs, 
 &c — which calls for important modificati<ms in the plan of treatment. 
 Removal to a mild climate, especially if effected by means of a sea 
 voyage, under favourable circumstances, may still be useful as in the 
 former case — namely, as a means of improving the general health, of 
 preventing inflammatory action of the lungs, and even, perhaps, arrest- 
 ing the progress of the disease. 
 
 ‘When consumption is fully established — that is, when there is ex- 
 tensive tuberculous disease in the lungs, little benefit is to be expected 
 from change of climate ; and a long journey will almost certainly in- 
 crease the sufferings of the patient, and hurry on the fatal termination. 
 Under such circumstances, therefore, the patient will act more judi- 
 ciously by contenting himself with the most favourable residence which 
 
 * See also his treatise on Consumption and Scrofulous Diseases* 
 London : 1835, 
 
440 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 kis own country affords ; or even by remaining amid the comforts of 
 home, and the watchful care of friends. And this will be the more 
 advisable when a disposition to sympathetic fever, to indammation of 
 the lungs, or to haemoptysis, has been stiongly manifested. 
 
 ‘ It is natural for relations to cling to that which seems to afford even 
 a ray of hope ; but did they know the discomforts, the fatigue, the ex- 
 posure, and irritation, necessarily attendant on a long journey in the 
 advanced period of consumption, they would shrink from such a mea- 
 sure. The medical adviser, also, when he reflects upon the accidents 
 to which such a patient is liable, should surely hesitate ere he condemns 
 him to the additional evil of expatriation ; and his motives for hesitation 
 will be increased when he considers how often the unfortunate patient 
 sinks under the disease before the place of destination is reached, or, at 
 best, arrives there in a worse condition than when he left his own 
 country, and doomed shortly to add another name to the long and 
 melancholy list of his countrymen who have sought, with pain and 
 suffering, a distant country, only to find in it a grave. When the patient 
 is a female, the objections to a journey apply with increased force.' 
 
 It is not, therefore, in the hope of his patients finding some- 
 thing specific — some mysterious and occult virtue — in the air 
 of a milder climate, capable of curing consumption, that our 
 author sends them to Italy or Madeira; but it is because 
 the climate of these countries permits the application of the 
 means best calculated for preventing or removing those mor- 
 bid actions which too often terminate in consumption. The 
 fatal error of this country is — to wait until the lungs are 
 obviously affected, and then to hurry the unfortunate patient 
 at once to a mild climate; without considering, in the first 
 place, whether the case is of such a nature as really to afford 
 any reasonable hope of benefit from any climate ; and, secondly^ 
 if a prospect of benefit really exists, which of the milder cli- 
 mates is best suited to the particular case. The plan recom- 
 mended by the author is to watch the development of that train 
 of symptoms, which, if left unchecked, too generally terminates 
 in consumption; to institute then a comprehensive and com- 
 bined system of treatment calculated to restore the disordered 
 functions ; and, as enabling some parts of this system to be car- 
 ried much more effectually into operation, then to remove the in- 
 valid to the mild climate which is best suited to the peculiarities 
 of the case. Such a climate, among other advantages, tends to 
 produce a greater equality in the circulation, by determining the 
 fluids to the surface and extremities ; removes considerably the 
 risk of catarrhal affections, which, in predisposed subjects, often 
 act as exciting causes of tubercles ; and — the greatest advantage 
 'of all — enables the invalid to be much more in the open air, and, 
 consequently, to take much more exercise than he could possibly 
 do in England, during the winter. With such advantages as 
 
1843 . 
 
 Sir James Clark on Climate, 
 
 441 . 
 
 these, the plan of treatment calculated to restore the general 
 health, and thereby to avert the threatened disease of the lungs, 
 has obviously a much fairer chance of success in such a climate 
 as Madeira, where there may be said to be a peipetual summer, 
 than in so cold, moist, and variable a climate as that of England. 
 We say the plan of treatment has a fairer chance of success in 
 such a climate — not that the climate is to be considered as the 
 sole or even principal agent in averting the impending malady \ 
 much less in curing it when it has already made good its footing. 
 The fact is, that although a change to a mild climate may be 
 sufficient, in some cases, to enable the natural powers of the sys- 
 tem to restore the disordered functions without the aid of art, 
 these powers will fail in a great majority of cases ; and yet, not 
 so much, perhaps, from their deficiency, as because they are 
 impeded and thwarted by an injurious system of regimen or me- 
 dical treatment. In the severer or more strongly marked cases, 
 (even before the development of tubercles,) it will be of little avail 
 that the invalid changes our cold and gloomy atmosphere for the 
 soft breezes and brilliant skies of the south ; unless he changes, 
 at the same time, the habits which have induced, or aggravated, 
 or accelerated his present disorder ; and unless he, moreover, 
 adopts measures calculated to aid the sanative powers of nature. 
 Nay, we will assert, however great may be the advantages of a 
 mild climate in such cases, (and we consider them as very great,) 
 it will be much better for an invalid to remain in Euijland under 
 good management, than to go abroad to the best climate, under 
 no management at all, or under bad management. Cceteris paribus^ 
 a mild climate is, in this case, greatly preferable to a cold one ; 
 but a good system of discipline is indispensable in both. 
 
 And here, before we conclude, and lest we should be thought 
 desirous of having it supposed that we ourselves, or the author 
 of this work, possess some new and potent system of medica- 
 tion — calculated to avert the poisoned arrows of ‘ the pest,* 
 or to stay its giant strides — we deem it necessary to state, in a 
 very few words, the general complexion of the plan of treatment 
 which he rettommends, and in which alone we have any faith, in 
 the case under consideration. In the first place, we utterly 
 disclaim the possession or prescription of any specific remedy 
 in such cases ; and, in the second place, we profess to be most 
 sparing in the use of medicines of any kind. Indeed, we are of 
 opinion that medical science has now arrived at that stage when, 
 in practice, it may frequently content itself by looking rather to 
 the pathological condition of the subject, than to the efficacy of 
 any remedial measures. At all events, we think it will gene- 
 rally be found, that the most scientific and skilful physicians are 
 
442 Sir James Clark on Climate. Jan. 
 
 the most sparing in the use of drugs. The plan we advocate in 
 the present case, consists essentially in taking a close and com- 
 prehensive view of the whole disorder under which the system 
 labours ; and in adapting our remedies (often extremely simple) 
 to every part that is affected. What we consider as most faulty 
 in the prevailing systems of medicine in this country is, the too 
 great simplicity of the views of disease taken by practitioners, 
 and the consequent too partial and exclusive system of thera- 
 peutics founded on them. We wish practitioners, in their study 
 of chronic diseases, to endeavour, like the author of the work 
 before us, to combine the Hippocratic system of close and com- 
 prehensive observation with the more rational views of disease 
 brought to light by modern Pathology ; and in their practice 
 to endeavour to restore, at the same time, all the parts that are 
 disordered ; and to restore them by such mild and simple means 
 as are calculated rather to solicit than to force their natural 
 actions. In the case now more immediately under considera- 
 tion — the morbid state entitled by Sir James Clark Tubercular 
 Cachexy — we find almost every part of the system disordered, 
 although some are much more so than others. There is an 
 irregular distribution of the circulating fluids, of the nervous 
 power, and of the animal temperature ; the circulating fluids are 
 themselves in an unhealthy state, and most of the secretions are 
 depraved ; the organs of digestion are particularly disordered ; 
 the skin and all the mucous surfaces are affected ; and there exist 
 local congestions, or irritations, or inflammations of the mucous 
 surfaces, viscera, and internal blood-vessels. Now, is it to be 
 supposed for a moment, that medicines, or any system of treat- 
 ment that regards only one or two links of the chain, can stand 
 any chance of removing a disorder at once so general and so 
 deeply rooted ? The experience of all the best physicians of the 
 present day, and the results of our author’s observations, record- 
 ed in the present work, and in his Treatise on Consumption, 
 strengthen and confirm our own convictions, founded on long 
 attention to the subject, in replying in the negative. 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and De Witt. 
 
 443 
 
 Art. VI . — hives of Eminent Foreign Statesmen. By G. P. R. 
 
 James, Esq. (Forming part of the Cabinet Cyclopaedia.) 
 
 5 vols. 12rno. London: 1838-40. 
 
 R James, one of the most voluminous and rapid inventors of 
 fictitious narratives, and tales of fancy, that any country or 
 age has produced, is also known to the world, and not without 
 some credit, as a devious labourer in the sober paths of historical 
 enquiry — in which he has ranged over periods and reigns so 
 widely separated, and so diverse, as those of Charlemagne and 
 our William the Third — has, in the above work, produced a 
 biographical collection in the loftiest walk of that department, 
 and of such extent that years of laborious research and patient 
 reflection might have been well employed in its composition. 
 Yet, though neither possessing any new information, nor express- 
 ing any original or striking views regarding any of the illustrious 
 names which it embraces, it may still be allowed to form a not 
 unacceptable manual of the political biography of the Continent, 
 for those who are satisfied with a tolerably agreeable and instruc- 
 tive account of personages frequently named, but whose lives and 
 characters are but little known, except by the learned. 
 
 To go over so multifarious a collection, with any particularity 
 of remark, would be altogether incompatible with our limits. 
 Among the best of its sketches are those devoted to Barneveldt 
 and De Witt ; two statesmen who greatly adorn the annals of a 
 country not over rich in such characters, and not so generally 
 knowm as they deserve. We shall, therefore, content ourselves 
 with a few notices and reflections regarding them — taking the 
 latter first, as giving more effect to the observations we mean to 
 introduce. 
 
 John De Witt, Grand Pensionary of Holland, is one of the 
 very lew unsuccessful statesmen — for such, on the whole, he must 
 be considered — to whom merit of the highest order has been 
 adjudged. But the wisdom of his views was so evident, and 
 they were so ably elucidated and defended by himself, that poste- 
 rity has done justice both to his abilities and his virtues, though 
 the singular difficulties of his life prevented him from accomplish- 
 ing the more important of his ends. His great anxiety was to pre- 
 serve a peace which should enable Holland to rise to prosperity 
 through the uninterrupted pursuit of commerce. Yet the whole of 
 his official career was >pent either in actual warfare, or in prepa- 
 ration for It. He laboured with zealou> per-everance to secure 
 the republican institutions of his country, by abolishing the ano- 
 malous office of Stadtholder ; and by educating the young Prince 
 
444 James’s Eminent Foreign Statesmen — Jan. 
 
 of Orange to the moderate views and limited ambition befitting a 
 citizen of a free state. Yet, before his death, that Prince was 
 elected to the Stadtholderate, and his own brother was compelled 
 to sign the ordinance for his appointment; and, sixteen years 
 afterwards, the same Prince became the sovereign of Holland’s 
 chief commercial rival, and only maritime superior. 
 
 His life extended over the most eventful portion of the seven- 
 teenth century. His birth was contemporaneous with the death 
 of James I.; his death, with the commencement of that great re- 
 action against royalty which drove James II. from his throne. 
 He entered into public life soon after the accession of Louis XIV.; 
 and resigned his official station shortly after that monarch had 
 taken the reins of government into his own hands, and had begun 
 to manifest that insatiable and desolating ambition, which made 
 him, for half a century, the scourge of Europe. He lived through 
 the most dangerous crisis of English liberty ; and he died at the 
 most flourishing period of the prosperity of France. 
 
 De Witt’s father, one of the Deputies of the States of Holland, 
 intended his son for the profession of the law ; and the future 
 statesman took his degree at the age of twenty-three. Mathe- 
 matics was, however, his favourite pursuit ; and, in this branch 
 of study, he attained an eminence surpassed by few in that age. 
 He is said to have been the author of a valuable treatise on 
 the elements of Curve Lines, On his return from his travels, in 
 the year 1650, his reputation as a student, combined with his 
 father’s influence, procured his nomination to the post of Pen- 
 sionary of Dort ; from which, three years after, when only in his 
 twenty-eighth year, he was promoted to the more important 
 station of Grand Pensionary of Holland. It is not easy to 
 ascertain the precise nature of this office, nor the powers which 
 it conferred. It seems not improbable that its authority and 
 importance depended, in a great measure, upon the abilities and 
 the ambition of the individual who held it ; — that he might be 
 little more than the Secretary and official Adviser of the States; — 
 or that he might be the soul and guide of all their deliberations. 
 He might be the head, or he might be merely the hand. De 
 Witt, and before him Barneveldt, seem to have had all the powers 
 and authority of a Prime Minister. Sir William Temple thus 
 speaks of the office in his Account of the United Provinces : — 
 ^ The Pensioner of Holland is seated with the nobles, delivers 
 ‘ their voice for them, and assists at all their deliberations before 
 ‘ they come to the assembly. He is properly but the minister or 
 ‘ servant of the province, and so his place or rank is behind all 
 ‘ their deputies ; but he has always great credit, because he is 
 ^ perpetual, or seldom discharged ; though of right he ought to 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and De Witt. 
 
 445 
 
 ‘ be chosen or renewed every fifth year. He has a seat in all the 
 ‘ several assemblies of the province ; and, in the States, pro- 
 ‘ pounds all matters, gathers the opinions, and forms or digests 
 ‘ the resolutions; claiming, likewise, a power not to conclude any 
 ‘ very important aflfair by plurality of voices, when he judges of 
 ‘ his conscience he ought not to do it, and that it will be of ill 
 ‘ consequence to the States.” 
 
 At the time of De Witt's first accession to oflBce, Holland was, 
 to all appearance, both powerful and secure. Spain was governed 
 by a w’eak sovereign, and had considerably impaired her strength, 
 and wasted her resources, by a long war with France. England 
 was just beginning to recover from the distractions of the Civil 
 War. France was torn in pieces by the struggles of the Fronde. 
 The energies of Holland had been greatly augmented by the 
 long and successful contest she had waged for her independence. 
 Her maritime strength had been much increased by the steady 
 prosecutioji of commercial enterprize and, from the same cause, 
 her finances were, upon the whole, in a prosperous condition. 
 The power of the House of Orange — the perpetual internal peril 
 of the Republic — was centred in an infant of three years old, 
 and thus all fear from that quarter was, for the present, at an 
 end. The Dutch thought this a favourable moment for rebel- 
 ling against those acknowledgments of her maritime superiority 
 which England had so long and so rigorously exacted. They 
 conceived their rival to be too much weakened by internal dis- 
 sensions to offer any effectual resistance ; both the pride and the 
 cupidity of the country were aroused ; the partisans of the House 
 of Orange spared no pains to fan the flame ; and, in a short time, 
 the passion for w’ar w ith England became as general and as vehe- 
 ment in Holland, as the clamour for a war with Spain was, in 
 our own country, in the time of Walpole. De Witt met the 
 cri^is with the wisdom and firmness which became a statesman. 
 He was placed in a situation ot singular difficulty, and of much 
 temptation. He was young in office. He had yet a reputation 
 to make. His countrymen had, in a great measure, taken him 
 on trust. It required no common sobriety to escape all conta- 
 gion from the popular excitement, and no common fortitude to 
 withstand the popular clamour. De Witt manfully opposed it. 
 He felt that he w as the servant of the interests, not of the pas- 
 sions, of his country. He urged all the considerations he could 
 think of to turn it from its purpose. He dreaded a war fo 
 Holland on many grounds. He dreaded defeat ; for he knew 
 that England w ould prove a more powerful foe than his country- 
 men anticipated. He dreaded victory ; for he knew that few^ 
 circumstances have such a fatal operation in undermining re- 
 
446 James’s Eminent Foreign Statesmen — Jan. 
 
 publican institutions as a protracted, and especially a successful 
 war. He grieved to see his countrymen bent upon wasting, in 
 fruitless quarrels, the wealth they had acquired by a long course 
 of enterprize and labour. And he thought it a singular instance 
 of infatuation, for the only two powerful republics then existing, 
 to play the game of the ambitious monarchs who surrounded 
 them, by mutually weakening each other. He pointed out all 
 this, plainly and forcibly ; and urged at the same time the signal 
 advantages which would accrue, both to commerce and free- 
 dom, from such an alliance with the Commonwealth of Eng- 
 land as Cromwell was then anxious to form. But his rea- 
 sonings, though remembered afterwards, w'ere unlistened to at 
 the time. The hatred felt towards England was manifested 
 in a variety of aggressions, which necessarily led to reprisals ; 
 and in 1652, before any declaration of war, the hostile fleets en- 
 countered in the Channel, and the Dutch were worsted in the 
 engagement which ensued. 
 
 The councils of England were now directed, and her power 
 wielded, by a man of very difi’erent mould from those monarchs 
 who, for the last half century, had frittered away her energies 
 and lowered her character. At first, success seemed pretty equal- 
 ly divided ; but the fortunes of the war gradually inclined in favour 
 of England ; and a signal defeat sustained by their fleet, in which 
 their admiral, Van Tromp, was slain, determined the Dutch to sue 
 for peace. The advice and the predictions of De Witt were 
 now remembered ; and to him the negotiations were unreservedly 
 confided. Ail that firmness and diplomi tic skill could do, he effect- 
 ed ; but the terms of peace were, as the fortune of the war had 
 been, unfavourable to Holland; and the publication of them raised 
 a storm of indignation against the Pensionary, which it required 
 all his firmness to withstand. The wisdom of his views, how- 
 ever, the clearness of his arguments, and the strength of his 
 character, had their due weight; and he persuaded the States- 
 General to ratify the treaty. But discontent and calumny were 
 busy with his fame ; his popularity suffered a severe check ; and 
 he early experienced how difficult it is for a man to serve his 
 country, at once faithfully and with impunity. The article 
 of this treaty which was made the foundation of the fiercest 
 outcry, was one suggested by Cromwell, and readily acceded 
 to by De Witt, by which the Princes of the House of Orange 
 were for ever excluded from the Stadtholderate. This agree- 
 ment, as well as the Perpetual Edict, (a decree framed by him, 
 and enacted in the year 1667, for abolishing for ever the office 
 of Stadtholder,) were attributed to personal enmity; and have, 
 therefore, been regarded as blemishes upon his purity. We 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and De Witt, 
 
 447 
 
 confess we can see no ground for this reproach. In the first 
 place, Ihe office of Stadtholder was an anomaly in a Republic. 
 He was a species of Dictator elected for life. He had a poten- 
 tial voice in the assemblies of the States ; the power of pardon- 
 ing convicted criminals ; the entire command of all the forces 
 of the confederacy by sea and land ; and the virtual appoint- 
 ment of all naval and military officers, and of the magistrates 
 in the principal towns. An office combining such varied and 
 extensive powers, De Witt might justly consider to be fraught 
 with peril to a republic in government; especially when substan- 
 tially a hereditary office, and held by a noble of immense posses- 
 sions, and in whose single family centred all the ari>tocratic 
 power of Zealand. Moreover, De Witt’s distrust of that able 
 and ambitious house was fully borne out by the experience of the 
 past. The life and death of his predecessor Barneveldt, were fresh 
 in his remembrance. The daring encroachments of Prince Mau- 
 rice cn the chartered liberties of the United Provinces were mat- 
 ters of recent history. The very year of De Witt’s fir>t nomination 
 to office, had been marked by an outrage on freedom by William II. 
 "J'he privileges of the States had been violated in the person of his 
 own father; whom, with five other deputies, that Prince had arrest- 
 ed and imprisoned, for venturing to protest against his unconstitu- 
 tional aggressions. All these matters De Wirt treasured in his 
 memory; and his domestic policy was, from that time forwmrd 
 directed to secure the State against any future recurrence of s uc 
 perils. He was ardently attached to republican institutions, in 
 spite of the fullest experience of their evils — or perhaps w’e should 
 rather say their drawbacks ; and he guarded, with a watchfulness 
 almost amounting to jealousy, against the first approach of any 
 danger which threatened either to undermine or overthrow them. 
 Hence we are inclined to consider his pertinacious hostility to 
 the power of the House of Orange, not only as unstained by any 
 motives of personal ambition, but as entirely grounded in patriot- 
 ism. A republic may, or may not, be a wise and beneficial form 
 of government ; but a republic, in which the post of military chief 
 is held for life, and often hereditarily, by a powerful and ambi- 
 tious noble, must be in hourly danger of destruction ; and can 
 only maintain its liberties by the most unwearied vigilance, and 
 at the risk of perpetual discord. 
 
 The war with Sweden — a measure of very doubtful wisdom, 
 but of eminent success — restored De Witt to the popularity he 
 had lost by the peace with England ; and the year 1660, which 
 saw the restoration of Charles II. to the throne of his ancestors, 
 the termination of hostilities between France and Spain, and the 
 conclusion of a peace between Sw^eden, Holland, and Denmark, 
 
448 James’s Eminent Foreign Statesmen— ,Jan. 
 
 found De Witt in the zenith of his reputation; and his country- 
 respected abroad and prosperous at home». 
 
 iJnhappily we have here to record an act which, though it 
 does not appear to have called forth much disapprobation at 
 the time, has undeniably clouded the otherwise bright fame of 
 De Witt — an act dictated, we doubt not, by patriotic views, but 
 which we must think an unw^orthy postponement of jus- 
 tice to convenience — a sacrifice of honourable principle to pre- 
 sent gain. Charles II., shortly after his restoration, brought 
 to trial all the surviving republicans who had been concerned 
 in the execution of his father; and inflicted the last punish- 
 ment of the law on those he could seize. Three of these unhappy 
 men had fled to Holland, to escape the fate of their comrades. 
 Charles demanded that they should be given up. De Witt 
 complied. They were arrested, transmitted to England, and 
 executed. 
 
 This is the single blot upon an otherwise stainless career. 
 Holland was at that time prospering during a peace which De 
 Witt was most anxious to preserve. He was then negotiating, 
 with the aid of England, an advantageous commercial treaty 
 with Portugal. Placed in a critical position between England 
 and France, he was desirous, at almost any cost, to keep well 
 with both. The advantages which might accrue to Holland 
 from the friendship of Charles were numerous and palpable. If 
 De Witt had risked a war with England by refusing the demand 
 of Charles, thousands would have blamed his temerity — few 
 would have appreciated his motives, or applauded his resolution. 
 Yet, notwithstanding, we think that posterity has justly condemn- 
 ed his facility, as criminal and unwise ; though we entirely acquit 
 him of having been influenced by any considerations but a too 
 exclusive regard to the material interests of his country. But 
 we must bear in mind that patriotism is not by itself an excel- 
 lence. It is an actuating motive, not a guiding principle. Like 
 love, it is an afifection, not a virtue. Like love, it may lead to 
 base compliances, to a denial of justice, to a compromise of hon- 
 our. Like love, it may manifest itself, as it did in ancient times, 
 in a species of selfishness wnicb, though less grovelling than that 
 narrower affection which generally bears the name, is yet worthy 
 of condemnation. A truly great statesman will never, though 
 his life should be the cost, sacrifice principle to patriotic consi- 
 derations. It was said of Andrew Fletcher, ‘ He would have 
 ‘ died to serve his country ; but he would not do a base thing to 
 save it.’ 
 
 Moreover, these exiles, however in some respects reprehen- 
 sible, were not accused of any crime which the laws of all na- 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and De Witt. 
 
 449 
 
 tions agreed in condemning. They had assisted in punishing, as 
 they thought, a peifidious ruler. Assuredly, it was not for re- 
 publicans, at any rate, to blame, or to desert them. De Witt 
 must have looked upon the deed which they had committed only 
 with approval. Had he been an Englishman, there can be little 
 doubt that he would have sat with them at Whitehall on the day 
 of retribution. The government which they had established, 
 Holland had acknowledged. His desertion of these unhappy 
 men we therefore think incapable of justification. History re- 
 cords many parallel transactions ; but we know of none which 
 has not met with reprobation. 
 
 The friendship which De Witt had stained his own and his 
 country’s reputation to preserve, proved but shortlived ; and 
 it must have been a bitter mortification to him to discover 
 that the monarch, for whom he had sacrificed so much, was one 
 whom no promises could bind, no principles govern, no services 
 excite to gratitude. Between two commercial nations, like 
 England and Holland, many points of rivalship continually sub- 
 sisted ; and there were not wanting individuals in either country 
 anxious to push them to a bloody arbitrement. In spite of all 
 De Witt’s efforts, a series of reciprocal aggressions produced 
 mutual exasperation, and in 1664 led to a declaration of war. 
 4'he first great naval engagement was most disastrous to the 
 Dutch ; their fleet was almost annihilated, and their Admiral, 
 Van Opdam, slain. The States lost no time in repairing their 
 misfortune. De Witt was ordered to proceed to the Texel to 
 superintend and hasten the equipment of a new fleet ; and there 
 he appears in a new character. Science has but seldom achieved 
 so signal a triumph in public life. We will give the animating 
 narrative in Mr James’s words : — 
 
 ‘ He proceeded immediately to the Texel ; and by immense exertions 
 succeeded in preparing the fleet for departure, in a space of time which 
 to others had seemed inadequate to accomplish one half of the task, and 
 then, himself going on board, he pressed the admirals to put to sea at once. 
 
 ‘ A new difficulty, how^ever, now presented itself. De Witt was met 
 by the reply, that the wind was unfavourable, and that there was no pos- 
 sibility of passing the difficult mouth of the Texel, unless a complete 
 change took place. In this opinion all the Dutch seamen concurred ; 
 and showing De Witt the three passages which exist at the mouth of 
 the Texel, called the Land’s Diep, the Slenk, and the Spaniard’s Gut, 
 they informed him that it was only by the two former that vessels of any 
 size could get to sea. Even these passages, they assured him, were only 
 ])!'acticahle when the wind blew steadily from one of ten points of the 
 compass, while the other twenty-two points, they alleged, rendered the 
 passage impossible. De Witt had nothing but theories to oppose to the 
 jjractical knowledge of the seamen ; but his mathematical skill enabled 
 
450 James’s Eminent Foreign Statesmen — Jan. 
 
 him to demonstrate, that if their charts laid down the passages correctly, 
 any one of twenty-eight points of the compass would serve to carry 
 the vessels out. Not satisfied with this discovery, he instantly con- 
 ceived a doubt of the representations made regarding the three passages, 
 and determined to ascertain whether the Spaniard’s Gut were not as 
 practicable as the others. He proceeded thither in the long-boat of his 
 vessel at the time of low water, and took the soundings along the whole 
 of the passage with his own hand. The result fully justitied his sus- 
 picions : he found that throughout its W’hole course the depth was at 
 least double that which had been represented ; that the banks and shal- 
 lows, which the pilots had talked of, were entirely chimerical ; and that 
 it was, in fact, as safe and practicable as any of the three. The wind, 
 according to his view, was perfectly favourable, especially for this pas- 
 sage ; and on returning to the fleet, he announced to the officers his 
 intention of instantly putting to sea through the very channel which 
 they considered impassable. 
 
 ‘ Of course he was not suffered to execute this resolution without 
 strenuous opposition, and vehement remonstrances. All the elder sea- 
 men adhered to their opinion, and solemnly declared that the passage of 
 the Spaniard’s Gut was impracticable for large vessels ; and that, even if 
 it were not, the wind was unfavourable, and would not carry them out. 
 De Witt took the responsibility upon himself; and, to silence all further 
 opposition, declared his purpose of leading the way in the largest vessel 
 of the fleet. He accordingly weighed anchor on the 16th of August 
 1665, and, with the wind at S.S.W., sailed without difficulty throtigh 
 the dreaded passage, followed in safety by the whole Dutch fleet. 
 Though surprise might be mingled with some degree of mortification, 
 the Dutch officers could not but respect the man they had unsuccessfully 
 opposed ; and from that day forward the passage, which he had been the 
 first to open for the Dutch commerce, received the name of De Witt’s Diep.’ 
 
 After this fleet put to sea, there was a variety of indecisive 
 expeditions and skirmishes ; but it was not till June 1666 that 
 any important engagement took place. On the first of that 
 month the hostile fleets encountered, and a battle, which lasted 
 four days without intermission, terminated in favour of Holland. 
 The following month, however, this temporary superiority was 
 reversed ; nearly the whole Dutch fleet being destroyed, and 
 three Admirals slain. Negotiations for peace were immediately 
 opened ; and while they were proceeding, De Witt, taking advan- 
 tage of the careless security into which the English had been 
 lulled by their success, sent his brother and De Ruyter up the 
 Thames; where they took Sheerness, burned many ships of the 
 lirie, and spread such consternation through both court and 
 country, that the Pensionary was enabled to conclude a peace on 
 terms tar more advantageous than could have been looked for, 
 after such an unsuccessful war. 
 
 Up to this period De Witt, though anxious to preserve peace 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and De Witt, 
 
 451 
 
 with all his nei^jjhbours, had clung rather to the French than to 
 the English alliance. England was a commercial and maritime 
 rival ; h>ance was not. Moreover, the grasping and dangerous 
 ambition of Louis XIV. had not yet fully developed itself; and 
 the interposition of the Spanish Netherlands between Holland 
 and France, De Witt always considered as a sufficient barrier 
 against any attack from the latter power. But now his views 
 were suddenly changed. With no previous notice, and in defiance 
 of all previous engagements, Louis advanced a peremptory claim 
 to the Spanish Netherlands ; and prepared promptly to enforce it. 
 De Witt was thunderstruck. He saw at once that, if Louis suc- 
 ceeded in his attempt, the independence of Holland would be 
 placed in the most imminent and continual jeopardy. Single- 
 handed, he had no power to prevent him; his only hopes lay in an 
 alliance with England ; and he succeeded in persuading that 
 country that her interests, at this conjuncture, were identical 
 with those of Holland. Many obstacles w^ere interposed ; but 
 his frankness, earnestness, and skill removed them all ; and, in a 
 space of time almost incredibly brief, the celebrated Tiiple 
 Alliance was formed between England, Holland, and Sweden. 
 By it, the contracting powers bound themselves to mediate 
 between France and Spain, and to compel Louis to relinquish 
 his designs upon Flanders, on consideration of obtaining some 
 more distant and less dangerous equivalent. 
 
 The real nature and merits ot this celebrated treaty have 
 been recently so fully discussed in this Journal, that we will not, 
 at present, resume the question. It is certain that, at the time, 
 the treaty was considered, on the part both of Temple and De 
 Witt, as a masterpiece of policy. The armies of France were 
 arrested, and the threatened danger averted for a season. Louis 
 never forgave De Witt his share in the transaction. 
 
 It is impossible to read the details of the negotiation without 
 entertaining the highest respect both for the sound sense and the 
 noble character of De Witt. The effect which these qualities pro- 
 duced upon his fellow-diplomatist. Sir William Temple, is perhaps 
 the stiongest testimony to his merit. Not only did he speak of him 
 at the time in terms of the sincerest esteem, but their intercourse 
 laid the foundation of a friendship which continued till the close 
 of De Witt’s career, with as much warmth as it was in Temple’s 
 nature to feel. It is, however, by no means certain that the 
 Triple Alliance was not more serviceable to the fame of De 
 Witt than to the ultimate interests of his country.* We say this 
 
 * ‘ It is probable,’ says Sir James Mackintosh, * that the Triple Alii- 
 
452 James’s Eminent Foreign Statesmen — Jan. 
 
 without any wish to detract from the merits of this ^reat states- 
 man. We judge after the event. At the time when he had 
 to make a choice, every path was fraught with danger. But the 
 course he took resulted (though by no fault of his) in the greatest 
 peril that Holland had ever encountered. He had to make 
 his election between two powerful neighbours, of whose charac- 
 ters, ambition and faithlessness then formed, respectively, the pro- 
 minent features. His decision was prompt. He chose to quar- 
 rel with an ally — a dangerous and ambitious one, it is true — 
 but one whose friendship, though never zealous, had hither- 
 to been tolerably steady ; and he threw himself almost unre- 
 servedly into the arms of one, of whose selfishness, levity, and 
 perfidy, he had recent and ample experience. He confided 
 too readily in British honour and British promises. Faith- 
 ful, honest, and straightforward himself, in his dealings with 
 others he was watchful, but not suspicious. With all his expe- 
 rience of men and monarchs, there were depths of baseness and 
 dishonour in the character of Charles which he had not fathomed, 
 and could not be expected to fathom. The ink was scarcely dry 
 in which the perpetual alliance between England and Holland 
 had been signed, when a series of intrigues commenced — ^ 
 — unexampled for meanness and profligacy — which ended in 
 Charles accepting subsidies from France, which he wasted on 
 his pleasures, and which he purchased by a secret agreement 
 with Louis for a simultaneous attack on Holland. This 
 De Witt had not expected. He was entitled to conceive that the 
 Triple Alliance would insure at least a somewhat longer period 
 of security and repose ; and, though he had paid great attention 
 to the condition of the navy, he does not appear to have acted 
 so watchfully or energetically in the reorganization of the army, 
 as he would have done, had he feared so speedy a renewal of the 
 French designs upon Flanders. The storm burst upon him 
 with a suddenness and violence for which he was not prepared. 
 The English, not content with violating their solemn engage- 
 ments, trampled upon all the principles of international law, by 
 attacking the Dutch fleet before hostilities had been declared. 
 Louis at the same moment issued his Manifesto, and began his 
 march. The Hollanders were terror-stricken ; and, as in the 
 case of other panics, rage mingled with fear, and they began to 
 look about them for a victim, whose sacrifice might allay the 
 
 * ance was the result of a fraudulent project, suggested originally by 
 ‘ Gourville to ruin De Witt, by embroiling him with France beyond the 
 ‘ probability of reconciliation .’^ — History of the Revolution 0/J688. 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and De H itt. 
 
 453 
 
 storm. They complained vehemently of the Pensionary, whom 
 they accused of having first endangered the country by his mea- 
 sures, and then net/lected its defence. In spite of his oppo- 
 sition, they raised William III., Prince of Orange, to the rank 
 of Captain-General. This was in February 1672. In July, they 
 abolished the Perpetual Edict, and elected him to the Stadthold- 
 erate. The popular clamour, both against John de Witt and 
 the Admiral his brother, now became loud and general. They 
 were assailed with the most cruel calumnies. The Pensionary 
 was attacked at night, and severely wounded. The Admiral 
 was arrested on the accusation of a man whose infamy was 
 notorious; and, though suffering at the time under severe illness, 
 was put to the torture. His innocence was clearly manifested 
 on his trial ; but a corrupt Judicature, swayed by personal enmity 
 and the public outcry, condemned him to banishment in the same 
 sentence which acquitted him of crime. The Pensionary, indignant 
 at the unworthy treatment his brother had mot with, went in state 
 to the prison to receive him, on his leaving it to go into exile. It 
 was rumoured that he went to rescue him; and an infuriated crowd 
 collected round the prison doors, calling for the two brothers to 
 be delivered up to them. The civil and military authorities were 
 informed of the tumult, but did nothing to allay it. J he mob 
 broke into the prison, and massacred, with every circumstance 
 of savage barbarity, the two brothers, who, more than any men 
 then living, had deserved well of their country. 
 
 The Prince of Orange has been sometimes charged with hav- 
 ing been, in some measure, privy to this horrible occurrence. But 
 stronger evidence than has ever yet been adduced, would be ne- 
 cessary to fix so black an accusation on so great a man. Certain 
 it is, however, that many circumstances of his conduct in relation 
 to the De Witts, show him forth in a most uriamiable light — to 
 use no harsher term. De Witt had, it is true, done all in his 
 power to exclude him from the Stadtliolderate. But William 
 was, notwithstanding, under very weighty obligations to him. 
 He had superintended his political education. He had laid the 
 foundation of much of his future eminence as a statesman. They 
 had long lived on terms of the strictest amity together. Yet 
 when De Witt was assailed by two midnight assassins, one only 
 was punished. The other was not only allowed to escape, but 
 was suffered to retain his employments; and was even fiivoured by 
 the government of which the Prince of Orange was the chief, 
 and the right arm. When De Witt applied to the Prince to lend 
 the weight of his voice to the contradiction of calumnies of whose 
 falsehood no one could be more fully sensible, William coldly re- 
 plied, that the Pensionary must learn to bear slander, as he him- 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. 2 G 
 
454 James’s Eminent Foreign Statesmen — Jan. 
 
 self had done. He suffered Cornelius de Witt to be imprisoned 
 and tortured, on an accusation which he must have disbelieved ; 
 and to be banished for a crime of which he knew him to be inno- 
 cent ; when a word of disapproval would have prevented the 
 perpetration of either injustice. And, without going so far as to 
 say, (for which we assuredly should have no sufficient grounds,) 
 that he rejoiced in the death of these virtuous citizens; it is 
 certain that he neither exerted himself to prevent the murder, 
 nor to punish the murderers, as he must have done, had he been 
 under the influence, at the time, of any strong feelings either of 
 humanity or justice. 
 
 Reflections of various kinds may be supposed to arise on 
 the contemplation of such an occurrence. ‘ The catastrophe 
 ‘ of De Witt,’ says Mr Fox, ‘ the wisest, the best, the most 
 ‘ truly patriotic minister that ever appeared upon the pub- 
 ‘ lie stage — as it was an act of the most crying injustice and 
 ‘ ingratitude, so likewise is it the most completely discoura- 
 ‘ ging example that history affords to the lovers of liberty. If 
 ‘ Aristides was banished, he was also recalled. If Dion was 
 ‘ repaid for his services to the Syracusans by ingratitude, that 
 ‘ ingratitude was more than once repented of. If Sydney and 
 ‘ Russell died upon the scaffold, they had not the cruel mor- 
 ‘ tification of falling by the hands of the people. Ample jus- 
 ‘ tice was done to their memory; and the very sound of their 
 ‘ names is stdl animating to every Englishman attached to their 
 ‘ glorious cause. But with De Witt fell alike his cause and 
 ‘ his party ; and, although a name respected by all who revere 
 ‘ wisdom and virtue when employed in their noblest sphere, the 
 ‘ political service of the people, yet I do not know that even to 
 ‘ this day any public honours have been paid by them to his me- 
 ‘ mory.’ This, however, with deference be it said, is scarcely the 
 proper light in which such facts ought to be viewed. They have 
 a moral meaning of a loftier kind. If we deduce from the lament- 
 able catastrophe of De Witt’s career only the pusillanimous 
 wisdom of retiring from a field where peril is to be encountered, as 
 W’ell as honour to be reaped, and of devoting to the enjoyment and 
 embellishment of private life powers which, otherwise employed, 
 might have influenced for good the destinies of thousands — as- 
 suredly we do not read aright that most instructive passage. 
 The true lesson to be deduced from his useful life, and its melan- 
 choly close, is the almost certain disa[)pointment of all who, in 
 serving their country, look for their only rew'ard in their coun- 
 try’s gratitude. The statesman who, in treading the slippery path 
 of politics, is sustained and guided alone by the hope of fame, or 
 the desire of a lofty reputation, will not only find himself beset 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and De Witt. 
 
 455 
 
 with incessant temptations to turn asirie from the line of strict 
 integrity; but the disappointment he is sure to meet with will 
 probably drive him to misanthropy — perhaps even irritate him 
 to tarnish, by vindictive treachery, a virtue founded upon no 
 solid or enduring principle. But the statesman who looks, in 
 the simple performance of his duty, for consolation and support 
 amid all the toils and sufferings which that duty m.ay call him to 
 encounter — wdio aims not at popularity, because he is conscious 
 that continued popularity rarely accompanies systematic and un- 
 yielding integrity — who, as he is urged to no questionable mea- 
 sures by the hope of fame, so is deterred from none that are just 
 by the fear of censure — such a man may steer a steady course 
 through the shoals and breakers of the stormiest sea ; and whether 
 he meet with the hatred or the gratitude of his countrymen, is 
 to him a consideration of minor moment, for his reward is other- 
 wise sure. He has laboured with constancy for great objects. 
 He has conferred signal benefits upon his fellow-men. iSiobler 
 occupation man cannot aspire to; sublimer power no ambition 
 need desire ; greater reward it would be very difficult to obtain. 
 
 It is impossible not to be struck with the many points of simi- 
 larity between this wise and virtuous man, and another who pre- 
 ceded him in the same office, pursued a nearly similar career, 
 and whose course \vas terminated by an equally deplorable ca- 
 tastrophe. 
 
 John Van Olden Barneveldt achieved for his country that 
 independence which John De Witt consolidated and preserved. 
 Both held the office of Grand Pensionary for a long series 
 of years. Both \vere occupied during a considerable portion of 
 their lives in resisting the actual or expected encroachments of 
 the House of Orange. Though bred to a peaceful profession, 
 both were compelled by the necessities of their country to take 
 an active part in the wars which it had perpetually to wage, in 
 defence of its infant liberties. x\nd, after a career of laborious and 
 patriotic services, both suffered a violent death at the hands of those 
 who were most indebted to their labours : — the one was massa- 
 cred by the people he had saved from servitude ; the other was 
 executed on the scaffold by the sect which he had rescued from 
 persecution — perhaps from extinction — by the oppressive bigotry 
 of Spain. 
 
 Barneveldt was one of those fortunate individuals who may 
 be said to have appeared at the right time. He was by character 
 and talent peculiarly suited to the period, and to the stage, on 
 which he was called to act a part. That period was one of those 
 that rarely fails to call into activity powers which, in more tranquil 
 
456 James’s Eminent Foreign Statesmen — Jan. 
 
 times, would have remained undeveloped or latent. His early 
 education, his clear sense, his practical and sober turn of thought, 
 his resolute will, his stern and energetic perseverance — all con- 
 tributed to rank him with that class of men whom nature has 
 formed for the government of free countries. And he fell 
 upon the century of all others in modern times, (save one,) the 
 most prolific of deep emotions, and the most fertile in great 
 events ; — when the first eifectual shock was given to the old sys- 
 tem of opinions ; when religious dissension became the nurse of 
 civil liberty; and when statesmen were summoned to the delicate 
 and most difficult task of constructing new formulas of faith, and 
 new modes of government, out of the shattered relics of those 
 which the great convulsion had destroyed. Barneveldt was early 
 destined for the law, and he studied successively at the schools 
 of the Hague, Louvain, and Heidelberg. In the year 1570, he 
 began to practise as an advocate at the Hague, where his talents 
 and connexions soon procured him an ample share of profes- 
 sional employment. But the times were not such as to allow men 
 of his stamp to pursue their profession in peace. The long and 
 protracted contest between the Low Countries and Philip II. of 
 Spain, had begun about five years before. Charles V. had always 
 treated this portion of his dominions with peculiar favour and 
 regard. He had respected their privileges and encouraged their 
 commerce. Philip regarded them with very different feelings, 
 and pursued towards them a directly opposite course. His pre- 
 dominant passions were, a superstitious bigotry and an in- 
 satiable thirst of power. The Low Countries offended both 
 these ruling sentiments. The rapid spread of the Reformed 
 doctrines in those marts of commerce and intelligence, inflamed 
 his gloomy zeal and irritated his persecuting temper. And the 
 constitutional rights of the Netherlands, which had been so- 
 lemnly guaranteed to them by innumerable treaties, by opposing 
 constant limitations to the exercise of his prerogative, goad- 
 ed to fury his despotic disposition. He soon decided what 
 course he should pursue. He was not of a character to shrink 
 from any undertaking, or to scruple at any means. Disregard- 
 ing alike the murmurs of the people, and the remonstrances of 
 the nobles, he proceeded to establish the Inquisition in the 
 Netherlands; and commenced a persecution which, both for 
 its severity arid its important consequences, is without a 
 parallel in history Many were imprisoned — many were tor- 
 tured — numbers fled into exile — thousands were delivered over 
 to the executioner. Still, the Duchess of Parma, to whom 
 Philip had committed the government of the Low Countries, 
 did not, as he conceived, execute his edicts with sufficient rigour. 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and De Witt, 
 
 457 
 
 She was, therefore, superseded by the notorious Duke of Alva. 
 He brought with him a considerable reinforcement, uncontrolled 
 authority, and a character and temper cast in the mould of 
 his master. He commenced his career of bloodshed and op- 
 pression without an hour’s delay. A hundred thousand emi^rrants 
 carried their skdl and enterprise to foreign lands. The Prince 
 of Orange retired into Germany. Counts Egmont and Horn 
 were imprisoned and executed. All who were even suspected 
 of having listened to the new opinions were seized, tortured, 
 and burned — often without even the form of a trial. To 
 have been once seen at a Conventicle was sufficient to insure 
 condemnation. Philip rejoiced to hear of these proceedintrs. 
 He had at length found a Deputy after his own heart. The 
 man who had murdered his own son, could not be expected to 
 feel compassion for the sufferings of distant heretics. He -wrote 
 to approve and encourage Alva. Then were committed oppres- 
 sions too grievous to be endured — barbarities which the decorum 
 of history refuses to describe — atrocities which the execrations 
 of ages have left inadequately censured. Not a city throughout 
 the Low Countries but witnessed the infliction of tortures, com- 
 pared with which those of the Roman amphitheatre were merciful 
 and gentle. The Prince of Orange and others of the exiled nobi- 
 lity now thought it high time to appeal to arms; and, after collect- 
 ing all the forces they could draw together, invaded the Nether- 
 lands, and were for a short period signally successful. But they 
 were ably opposed, and feebly supported ; and, after a short cam- 
 paign, were obliged to retire and disband their forces till a more 
 favourable conjuncture should arise. They had not to wait 
 long. Alva was in want of money, and, in an evil hour for his 
 master’s interests, resolved to tax the people without the consent 
 of the States. The inhabitants of the Low Countries, who 
 had borne every thing else with comparative submission, stoutly 
 resisted the attack upon their purses. They flew to arms, seized 
 several of the principal towns, chose the Prince of Orange for 
 their leader ; and after a war which lasted with various fortune 
 nearly forty year«, succeeded in establishing the independence of 
 the Northern l^rovinces, and the supremacy in them of the Pro- 
 testant Religion. 
 
 In this great struggle it was of course impossible, and it would 
 have been pusillanimous, for anyone to remain neutral; and 
 Barneveldt and his brethren of the Bar were called upon to make 
 their election between unqualified submission to the iron yoke 
 of Philip, and the chance of whatever amount of freedom a 
 vigorous resistance might procure. They were nearly unanimous, 
 
458 James’s Eminent foreign Statesmen — Jan. 
 
 to the lasting discredit of their profession be it recorded, in coun- 
 selling submission to Spain. Three Advocates only, of whom Bar- 
 neveldt was one, adhered to the Prince of Orange. So able and 
 resolute a patriot was not likely to remain long unemployed. 
 As a Commissary, he superintended the arming of the citizens in 
 the revolted provinces, the levying of contributions, and the 
 providing supplies for the troops. At the early age of twenty- 
 nine, he was chosen Pensionary of Rotterdam ; and from this 
 time forward his services were in constant requisition, wherever 
 activity, perseverance, and diplomatic skill were required. In the 
 vear 1586 he was promoted to the highest civil office in the 
 United Provinces, that of Grand Pensionary — an appointment 
 which he continued to hold till his death, a period of thirty- 
 three years. 
 
 Barneveldt has been charged with inconsistency, by those 
 whose only notion of consistency lies in maintaining through 
 life the same relative position — not with regard to the object of 
 their efforts, but with regard to the individuals with whom they 
 have been accustomed to act. The object to which the whole 
 of his public life was devoted, was the freedom of his country. 
 He desired to liberate her from the yoke of Prince Maurice, as 
 well as from the yoke of Philip. For this, up to the year 1607, 
 he was incessantly engaged in urging his countrymen to a vigorous 
 prosecution of the war. For this, he spared no pains to negotiate 
 a peace, as soon as it became probable that the recognition of his 
 country’s independence might be one of the articles of the treaty. 
 For this, he persuaded the States to confer on Maurice ail the 
 authority of a military chief, as the leader most likely to offer a 
 successful resistance to the arms of Spain. For this, he became 
 the resolute opponent of that Prince, as soon as he discovered 
 that he aimed at a continuance of the war as the surest means of 
 obtaining the objects of his personal ambition ; and for this he 
 incurred that virulent and untiring hatred, which finally brought 
 him to the scaffold. In whatever quarter might gather the 
 dangers which successively menaced his country, he turned un- 
 dismayed to meet them. When the whole power of Spain was 
 exerted to cru-h the rising liberties of Holland, Barneveldt 
 was the presiding spirit that guided and invigorated her councils. 
 In equipping her troops, in advising her measures, in directing 
 her campaigns, in forming her alliances, he was indefatigable. 
 When her rights were invaded by the Earl of Leicester, whom 
 Elizabeth had sent over to command her auxiliary forces, Barne- 
 vehlt withstood him, with a spirit as haughty and firmer than his 
 own. When the ambition of Maurice, Prince of Orange, was the 
 
1843. 
 
 Bameveldt and De Witt, 
 
 459 
 
 especial peril of the hour, the Grand Pensionary bent all his en- 
 ergies to defeat his schemes. And when, towards the close of his 
 career, the Gomarites strove to establish the supremacy of the 
 Ecclesiastical over the Civil authority, they found the aged states- 
 man at his post, as resolute, alert, and inflexible as ever, to op- 
 pose a pretension so fatal to good government and free institu- 
 tions. 
 
 After thirty-three years of indefatigable exertion, Barneveldt 
 had the satisfaction of concluding a tvvelve years’ truce with 
 Spain; by w^hich the independence of the United Provinces was 
 virtually, though not formally acknowledged. During the whole 
 of this period his labours had been arduous and unremitting’. 
 He had not only to contend against foreign enemies, and to con- 
 trol domestic ambition, but to negotiate various alliances, and 
 conduct an extensive and complicated correspondence; and, 
 what was perhaps more diflicult and harassing than all the rest, 
 to reconcile the dissensions which w’ere continually breaking 
 out betw^een the various States and Cities of the Union, and to 
 persuade each to bear wnth cheerfulness its fair share of the bur- 
 dens of the w’ar. It is with respect to the latter, that the peculiar 
 difficulties of the leaders in a revolution consist. They are des- 
 titute of all the usual expedients of an established government. 
 They cannot rely upon the ordinary means of established autho- 
 rity. They rule over free citizens, not over subjects.- They 
 command volunteers, not regular troops. They have no power 
 to enforce the decrees which they enact. They must temporize, 
 cajole, persuade. They must stimulate the sluggi>h — rouse 
 the ambitious — persuade the selfish — work upon the fears of the 
 timid — excite the cupidity of the avaricious — soothe the suscep- 
 tibilities of the jealous. These were the chief difficulties of Wash- 
 ington, as they were of Barneveldt ; and neither the Dutch nor 
 the American patriot had characters peculiarly adapted to the 
 task. Both were somewhat unbending and austere ; and Bar- 
 neveldt, in particular, was impetuous and somewffiat overbearing. 
 iSJeither possessed those insinuating manners w’hich enable men 
 easily to gain the confidence, and to obtain influence over the 
 purposes of others. But both possessed, in an eminent degree, 
 the pow’er to discern light through the darkest clouds, and to 
 hope when all around despair. This is that habitude of mind 
 to which the Roman senators paid such politic respect, when 
 they greeted Varro, after the defeat of Cannse, with eulogy 
 instead of censure ; and thanked him, because even in that hour 
 of consternation, ‘ he had not despaired of the Republic.’ 
 
 It might be imagined that Barneveldt, having now’ attained 
 the great object of his public exertions, and having so served his 
 
460 James’s Eminent Foreign Statesmen — Jan. 
 
 country as to entitle himself to her lasting- gratitude, would have 
 been suffered to repose upon his laurels, and to pass the remainder 
 of his days in tranquillity — enjoying that best reward of a vir- 
 tuous and enlightened statesman, the contemplation of the hap- 
 piness and prosperity he has been instrumental in creating. At 
 this period Geneva was the most celebrated theological school 
 of the Reformers. During the revolutionary period, while Hol- 
 land was struggling at once for her liberty and her religion, 
 numbers of the Dutch clergy had fled to Geneva, partly as a 
 place of refuge, partly as a school of learning. When peace was 
 restored, and the Reformed faith established in their native 
 country, these men returned, filled with a spirit the most domi- 
 neering and intolerant- The peace of the country was grievous- 
 ly disturbed by the feuds which they created ; and the States- 
 General were at length compelled to interfere. They acted, on 
 the whole, with the moderation and good sense of statesmen, 
 though certainly with little knowledge of the temper of theolo- 
 gical disputants. By the advice of Barneveldt, they recom- 
 mended a National Synod, for the purpose of devising a Confes- 
 sion and a Ritual that might satisfy all parties. The Church 
 indignantly repudiated the suggestion, and the controversy was 
 continued with as much bitterness as ever. The disputants again 
 appealed to the States, who, being then intent upon the negotia- 
 tions for independence, put them aside, and peremptorily ordered 
 them ‘ to be quiet, and tolerate each other.’ The Calvitiists 
 insisted on the establishment of a rigid creed, and the ejectment 
 of all who refused to receive it. At length, wearied out with 
 their importunity, the States called the two leaders of the chief 
 opposing sects, Gomar and Arminius, before them, and desired 
 to have an explanation of their differences. The case was argued 
 with great vehemence, and at considerable length ; and, after 
 both parties had been fully heard, Barneveldt rose, in the name 
 of the States- General, and addressing the contending disputants 
 in a tone of grave sarcasm, ‘ thanked God that there was no 
 ‘ material difference between them;’ and earnestly recommended 
 them to seek after peace and mutual brotherhood. Both parties 
 were somewhat disconcerted at this solemn depreciation of their 
 grounds of quarrel ; and, as divines, but were little disposed to 
 receive the lessons of Christian charity from the lips of a civilian. 
 They retired, as was to be expected, as little satisfied as ever. 
 
 Barneveldt, it may well be imagined, was a man but little dis- 
 posed to join either party in their profitless disputes. He would 
 have been inclined, of course, to have observed a cautious neu- 
 trality between the disputants ; had he not early discovered 
 among the Calvinistic clergy an encroaching spirit, and a dis- 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and Be Witt. 
 
 45 i 
 
 position to raise the Ecclesiastical to a supremacy over the Civil 
 authority in the state. The philosophic statesman could smile 
 at the quarrels of schoolmen regarding the solution of problems 
 too intricate for human reason, and involving no practical re- 
 sults ; but the doctrine of Ecclesiastical Supremacy was one, he 
 well knew, which, in the hands of such men as then filled the 
 pulpits of the United Provinces, wmuld lead to consequences 
 to which no lover of his country could look with composure. 
 He therefore threw the whole weight of his influence into the 
 opposing scale; and besought the Stadtholder, Prince Maurice, 
 to aid him in suppressing the existing dissensions. That 
 Barneveldt favoured one party was, however, a sufficient mo- 
 tive with that wily and vindictive Prince to throw himself 
 into the arms of its antagonists. He at once perceived the 
 support he might secure to his own designs by espousing the 
 Calvinistic cause ; atid, from this time forward, he laboured 
 with unwearied perseverance to undermine the influence, and 
 effect the ruin of the aged Pensionary — now the only serious 
 obstacle between himself and the supreme power, at which he 
 aimed. He was abetted in all his schemes by the zeal and acti- 
 vity of the Calvinistic clergy. 
 
 As too often happens, the greatest service which Barneveldt 
 had ever rendered to his country, proved also the most fatal 
 blow to his own popularity ; for his conclusion of the long truce 
 wdth Spain was the point from which we may date the decline of 
 his influence in Holland. It would be to little purpose to trace 
 the various steps by which Maurice gradually undermined the 
 reputation, and weakened the authority of his hated opponent. 
 The army and the populace were already devoted to him; and 
 he at length succeeded, by dint of unwearied intrigue, in ejecting 
 the Arminian magistrates in almost every city and province in 
 the Union, and replacing them by ardent Gomarites; and, in spite 
 of all the Pensionary’s opposition, he procured a decree for disarm- 
 ing the Burgher Guards. The States of Flolland were now the 
 only support on which Barneveldt could rely, and they firmly 
 upheld their venerable and tried servant. But Maurice con- 
 trived to procure a new election, and deputies of a very differ- 
 ent stamp were returned — creatures of the Prince, and ready to 
 go all lengths in pandering to his ambition. It now became 
 evident, even to himself, that his career w^as fast drawing to a 
 close. On the 29th of August 1618, he was arrested by order of 
 the Prince, and after an illegal delay of five months — spent in 
 collecting charges and procuring evidence against him — he was 
 brought to trial. The Judges were named by his great poli- 
 tical opponent. His falsest accuser, his bitterest personal foe. 
 
462 James’s Eminent Foreign Statesmen — Jan. 
 
 sat amongst them. The trial was conducted with such secrecy, 
 that we are left to guess at the articles of accusation. The verdict 
 of the Judges was pronounced while the aged prisoner was engaged 
 in preparing his defence. The result was notified to him on the 
 evening of the l*2th of May; and by a refinement of cruelty 
 and insult, a Gomarite clergyman — a zealous enemy — was sent 
 to embitter his last hour. He came, he said, by order of the 
 States, to prepare and console the prisoner. Barneveldt calmly 
 replied, that at his age he was prepared to die, and was able to 
 console himself. Early the following morning, he was called 
 before his Judges to hear his sentence pronounced — a sentence 
 containing a number of charges, all vague, and all either frivo- 
 lous or absurd — to which he listened with scornful but dignified 
 composure; and was then led straight from the judgment-hall to 
 the scaffold. His last words were — ‘ Good people, do not believe 
 I am a traitor ! ’ 
 
 Thus fell, in the seventy-third year of his age, and the forty- 
 fourth of his public services, Olden Barneveldt; not certainly a 
 yjerfect man, but one who approached as near to perfection as 
 the hard conditions of our nature will allow. He had no failings 
 but such as naturally rose out of his excellences, or were essen- 
 tially connected with them. His unwearied energy and inten- 
 sity of purpose, made him somewhat impetuous, and intolerant 
 of vexatious or interested opposition. His inflexible resolution in 
 the pursuit of greatobjects, was connected wii h a temper unyielding 
 even in matters of minor importance. And if he was too strongly 
 convinced of the wisdom and integrity of his own views, to meet 
 intrigue with patience, or to bear calumny with calmness, much 
 must be forgiven to one endowed with no common powers — in- 
 tent upon no common aims — conscious of no common rectitude. 
 ‘ If,’ says he, in his Apology, ‘ when arguments were urged irra- 
 ‘ tionally, or with open and indecent falsehood, I found myself 
 ‘ unable to digest them, and answered such impertinence too bit- 
 ‘ terly, I beg that this may be pardoned to my great age, and to 
 ‘ human infirmity.’ 
 
 To which of the two great men, whose characters we have been 
 considering, the crown of merit ought to be adjudged, it would be 
 as difficult as invidious to endeavour to determine. Both were 
 gifted with talents and virtues of no ordinary cast. Their repu- 
 tation was founded, not upon one or two brilliant deeds, which 
 might be but the happy inspirations of a moment, but upon the 
 untiring exertions of a devoted and laborious life. On one 
 account, however, we are disposed to estimate more highly the 
 heroic integrity of the earlier and elder statesman. De Witt 
 was unencumbered by any family ties. Barneveldt had a wife 
 
1843. 
 
 Barneveldt and De Witt, 
 
 463 
 
 and children. Therefore, though not perhaps a happier man, he 
 may reasonably be supposed to have held his life more dearly; 
 for life is commonly valued, not in proportion to its enjoyments, 
 but in proportion to its interests, its cares, its anxieties. More- 
 over, a domestic circle naturally breeds in the character a love of 
 comfort; and the more we become accustomed to the enjoyments 
 of life, the less disposed we are to risk them. The habitual in- 
 dulgence, the constant calling forth of the gentler affections, 
 have an irresistible tendency to relax that tone of stern and lofty, 
 but steady and subdued enthusiasm, which alone can enable the 
 statesman to steer his course aright in dangerous and troubled 
 times. And when we consider how many occasions must occur, 
 where a slight deviation from lofty principle might be the means 
 of avoiding danger, of disarming enmity, of preserving a life dear 
 and valuable to others, we shall look with a ready sympathy and 
 a generous indulgence upon those who, in such trials, have been 
 found wanting; and shall regard those who, like Barneveldt, have 
 passed through the ordeal unfaltering and triumphant, with a 
 proportionate veneration.* With De Witt the case was different, 
 and the task, in consequence, incalculably easier. He had a 
 father whom he loved, and a brother who ran the same patriotic 
 career wdth himself. But there were no helpless and confiding 
 beings depending upon him alone for support. His line of duty, 
 though arduous, was clear and single. There w'ere no side 
 influences to draw him away from that line. He had but one 
 object of affection or desire — one faith, one aim; and to these he 
 was faithful to the end. 
 
 ^ Of the wife of Barneveldt only one anecdote is preserved to ns; hut 
 that one indicates a character worthy of the name she bore. Some time 
 after Barneveldt’s death, his two sons were executed for a conspiracy 
 against Prince Maurice. Their mother threw herself at the feet of 
 Maurice to petition for their pardon. ‘ How is it,’ asked that unfeeling 
 enemv, ‘ that you will beg that mercy for your sons which you refused 
 to solicit for your husband?’ ‘ Because,’ replied the widow, ‘my hus- 
 band was innocent, and ray sons are guilty I’ 
 
464 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals — Jan. 
 
 Art. VII . — Christian Morals.' By the Rev. W. Sewell, M. A., 
 
 Fellow and Tutor of Exeter College, and Professor of Moral 
 
 Philosophy in the University of Oxford. 8vo. London : 
 
 1840. 
 
 ^^His is a book which, if we had fallen in with it at an old book 
 stall, we might have picked up as a strange instance of the 
 lengths to which the ravings and hallucinations of an individual 
 may go. But considering it as the appointed teachings of a Uni- 
 ver>''ity Professor; and, not only that, but as part of a collection 
 which clergymen of the Church of England are engaged in cir- 
 culating under the much-abused name of ‘ The Englishman’s 
 ‘ Library,’ it has filled us with amazement. We had hoped that 
 the University itself, or some of its members, would iiave put 
 forth a disclaimer. But as this is not the case, and as the book 
 remains before the world, with all the authority which ought to 
 belong to the Chair of Moral Philosophy at Oxford, it is fitting 
 that the non-academic public should be informed what sort of 
 moral teaching an English University provides. We believe the 
 instruction in Latin and Greek — the mere scholarshipof Oxford — 
 to be very good ; but the genius of the place appears to be in 
 irreconcilable hostility with most of the elements of modern 
 civilization. It looks as if a fatality hung over its walls, with 
 regard to every thing relating to real life. What Oxford loyalty 
 would have made of the British Constitution, if it had had its 
 way, is matter of history. The real friends of the Reformation 
 are pretty well aware, by this time, what would have been the 
 use of a Reformation at all, if nothing else had been to begot by it 
 but the odds and ends which Oxford divinity would leave us now. 
 An honest man out of Bedlam will learn, from the writings of 
 Mr Sewell, Tutor of Exeter College, and late Professor of Moral 
 Philosophy to the University, the nature, means, and object of 
 Oxford morals. 
 
 There never was a writer less entitled to notice on his own 
 account, except as a curiosity, than Mr Sewell. But his con- 
 nexion with Oxford — the fact that the University has indorsed 
 his bills and guaranteed his credit — makes him a person of im- 
 portance on this occasion. We cannot omit the opportunity of 
 protesting against the unprincipled way in which that learned 
 body has compromised its reputation, and violated the trust re- 
 posed in it by so doing. The scandals of patronage, it is true, 
 have nowhere ranged with wilder license than over every depart- 
 ment of public education. The Church, which ought to be the 
 great public teacher, has been jobbed, until the existence of the 
 
1843 . 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford . 
 
 465 
 
 Church of Scotland is put in peril by the evil and the re- 
 medy ; and until the Churches of England and of Ireland 
 can, in many quarters, no longer show the noblest tiile by 
 which Christ announced that his religion"*^' vvas to be known 
 — ‘ the poor have the gospel preached unto them.’ Weil 
 might Paley complain, ‘ that the converting the best share 
 ‘ of the revenues of the church (the proper fund for maintaining 
 ‘ those who are occupied in cultivating or communicating religi- 
 ^ ous knowledge) into annuities for the gay and illiterate youth 
 ‘ of great families, threatens to stifle the little clerical merit that 
 ‘ is left among us.’ But if lay patrons are bad, ecclesiastical pa- 
 trons are, if any thing, worse. The misconduct of the Universi- 
 ties in this respect is so flagrant, that no man in his senses, 
 founding a Professorship, would place it at their disposal. Pri- 
 vate motives, good, bad, and indiiferent, uniformly get the bet- 
 ter of all public considerations. Merit is the last thing thought 
 of. At Cambridge, for instance, a member of St John’s College, 
 competent or incompetent, may make sure of any University of- 
 fice which the votes of his college can command. At Oxford, 
 not long ago, the newspapers were full, for weeks together, of 
 the election of a Professor of Poetry. Not a word of the pro- 
 per qualifications of the candidates. The election was turned 
 
 * The Bishop of London has lately published three ‘ Sermons on the 
 Church.’ Oxford divinity disposes us to be very thankful to him for 
 his comparative moderation. But we must remonstrate on the part of 
 Scotch Episcopalians, as well as of English Protestant Dissenters, against 
 the narrowness of the test by which the Bishop tries the guilt of schism. 
 ‘No man (he says) can justify his voluntary separation from the National 
 ‘ Church, but upon the ground that she requires of him the profession of 
 ‘ some article of faith at variance with the fundamental truths of the Gos- 
 ‘ pel, or the performance of some act of worship, forbidden, either ex- 
 ‘ pressly or implicitly, by the Word of God !’ There is to our minds an- 
 other justification, less applicable, to be sure, on account of the class to 
 which they respectively belong — to Episcopalian secedersfrom the Church 
 of Scotland — than to the great majority of Protestant seceders from the 
 Church of England ; — we mean that they do not find the ministrations 
 of the National Church so spiritually profitable as those of their own 
 chapels. If Dr Johnson could admit, with tears in his eyes, the justice 
 of Hannah More’s defence of her dissenter-reading, the mechanic and 
 the servant-maid, it is to be hoped, may be excused tor going on a Sun- 
 day where they feel that they receive most good. The truth is, that 
 the intellectual as well as social habits of most Jinglish clergymen have 
 made them in many ways above their v/ork. As to educating the poor, 
 Dr Arnold has said, ‘ I never knew any poor man who could properly 
 be said to be educated.’ 
 
466 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals- 
 
 Jan. 
 
 into a trial of party strength, and nothing else, between the two 
 religious parties which divide the University at present.. Perso- 
 nal or party motives of this description must have the discredit 
 of having made Mr Sewell Professor of Morals ; a science, above 
 all others, requiring calmness and caution, a clear comprehensive 
 understanding, and a loving heart. Neither is arrogance the 
 temper, nor a kind of Irish eloquence the talent, wanted. Any 
 page of the book at which its readers may have the luck to open, 
 will satisfy them, not only that the writer of it has a mind intel- 
 lectually incapable of distinguishing truth from falsehood, but 
 that he could never have had five minutes conversation with any 
 body upon any serious subject, without this most striking dis- 
 qualification coming out. 
 
 When we give Mr Sew-ell five minutes to expose himself in, 
 we are sure that vve give him time enough. For this purpose, it 
 will be all the same whether he shall have been expounding to 
 his friends the theories on Christian art and Christian politics, 
 with which he encourages mankind to hope that he may live to 
 complete his theory of Christian morals ; or whether he shall 
 have been dilating on the only way in which, as he conceives. 
 Natural Philosophy can be cultivated with any reasonable pro- 
 spect of success. His contempt for modern science, and for the 
 drudges digging in its mines for facts, will have prevented him 
 from communicating with the British Association concerning the 
 methods by which alone discoveries are to be made. But this 
 is clear. His chapter upon the subject (ch. 22) is either greater 
 nonsense than Swdft or Munchausen durst have attributed to the 
 academy of Laputa ; or the ^ovum Oryanum is nothing to it. 
 Our readers must say which. 
 
 It is declared, that Theology is the root and mother of all 
 knowledge ; and ‘ that the sciences which relate to matter ought 
 ‘ to be studied upon Christian principles and methods, just as 
 ‘ much as the sciences which relate to mind.’ This being as- 
 
 • t . ^ 
 
 sumed, the chapter consists of two propositions : — First, the 
 human mind, unless it be supported by a theological creed, is in- 
 capable of making a successful effort upon any subject. Next, 
 from their inseparable connexion with the facts with which all 
 science has to deal, the Scriptures, duly studied and applied, are 
 the appropriate guide to every species of scientific truth. If the 
 first of these propositions is true, no man can trust to his under- 
 standing for any purpose — and especially no man of science can 
 expect his understanding to stand him in any stead in scientific 
 enquiries — urdess he has first settled his religious creed to the 
 satisfaction of Mr Sewell. If the second proposition is true, 
 Sir David Brewster and Dr Whewell may save themselves the 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford, 
 
 467 
 
 trouble of discussing, whether discoverers in science can be assist- 
 ed in their noble labours by any rules. They have only to read 
 their Bibles properly, and they will find the key to the secrets of 
 nature there. Now for the proofs of such astounding communi- 
 cations. 
 
 That a religious creed is necessary to preserve a man in the 
 use of his faculties, is demonstrated as follows. Without a reli- 
 gious creed there can be no active moral principle; and without 
 an active mo^al principle, ‘ the very highest productions of the 
 ‘ human intellect are just as much the result of circumstan- 
 ‘ ces, and the work of chance, {as what?) as a piece of cotton 
 ‘ wTich comes out of a mill.’ Again, ‘ the whole earth, every 
 ‘ night about twelve o’clock, becomes a vast lunatic asylum.’ 
 And, it is supposed, that man in his lucid intervals — that is, in 
 his waking hours — -would be precisely in the same state but for 
 the control of the moral principle; in other words, (for they are 
 spoken of as synonymous,) but for the influence of a religious 
 creed. Our experience is appealed to for the truth of this 
 statement. ‘ Scarcely any thing has been done in the present 
 ‘ day for the real advancement of science by speculative men.’ 
 A religious paralysis, it is assumed, has struck their under- 
 standings. ‘ Whatever discoveries have been made in that ma- 
 ‘ chinery which is our chief boast, have been made by common 
 ‘ workmen by accident. It is a notorious fact.’ Let the \A'attses 
 and Babbages attend. The world has been giving them credit 
 on false pretences. Their calculations are an aflair of chance. 
 The limits, within which Mr Sewell’s disciples are allowed to 
 look for their religious creed, are small indeed. But stretch 
 these limits from the east unto the west ; and was there 
 ever before printed, in any age or country, such a prodigy of 
 falsehood — as — not merely that men without religion were for 
 the ordinary business of life no more to be depended upon than 
 lunatics or somnambulists — but that the probability of a suc- 
 cessful exercise of our intellectual powers, on whatever sub- 
 ject they are applied, rise or fall wnih the nature of our reli- 
 gious opinions. A moment’s consideration * of the diflerence 
 betw^een speculative and practical reason, and of the subjects on 
 ■which they are respectively exercised ; and how the wall, and the 
 infirmities thereto belonging, only attach to subjects of practi- 
 cal as distinguished from subjects of speculative reason, would 
 
 * Mr Sewell likes the parade of obsolete learning. He will nowhere 
 see this difference better put, than in the Friina Secundae of Thomas 
 Aquinas. — Qnsest. xciv. 
 
468 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan. 
 
 with most people have prevented all this folly. That this would 
 not have been the case with Mr Sewell, is but too true. Since, 
 he says, what are termed the speculative doctrines of the Church, 
 are falsely termed so : and that in one instance, morals. Bishop 
 Butler has shown ‘ the Athanasian Creed to be as much the 
 « basis of Christian morality, so far as morality is a part of re- 
 ‘ ligion, and religion a part of morality, as the Ten Command- 
 ‘ ments/ 
 
 The use to be made, in physical investigations, of the nature, 
 attributes, and moral government of God, is illustrated more in 
 detail. 
 
 Before we give our readers a specimen of these details, we 
 must observe, as Pitt observed to Wilberforce on returning him 
 Bishop Butler’s celebrated treatise, that there is nothing which 
 Analogy may not prove, if it is admitted as a mode of posi- 
 tive proof. Its proper sphere is to remove out of the way 
 objections, whether founded on d priori or other reasoning, 
 or on supposed evidence of improbability, ill applied. If this 
 be so, what alone can be the consequence, even in the most 
 prudent hands, of searching for similitudes between things, 
 which have nothing in common except their common author? 
 More especially does the folly of quoting Scriptural analogies, 
 on the ground of the supposed connexion of Scripture facts 
 ‘ with every other branch of facts in every other science,’ be- 
 come quite incredible, when every body allows that much of the 
 precise and positive language of Scripture concerning physics, 
 as w^ell as many of its precedents in moral and social life, are 
 in direct contradiction with those physical truths and moral du- 
 ties upon which all mankind are now agreed. The Scriptures 
 are not the less true for their own great purpose, whatever we 
 may think of the Astronomy and Geology which are contained in 
 them ; and whether we adopt or not Paley’s explanation of the 
 wars of Canaan, or Milton’s panegyric on the polygamous mar- 
 riage bed, ‘as Saints and Patriarchs used.’ 
 
 A study of the facts with which a particular science has to 
 deal, will be constantly suggesting to inventive minds different’^ 
 hypotheses or leading ideas, among which the law of their rela- 
 tion is likely to be found. It is part of the divination of genius, 
 to ascertain with the least possible cost of time and labour, which 
 of these seeds will grow. In hammering aw'ay at nature, there 
 will be greatly too many chips in the case even of the best work- 
 men. But the best workman will have the fewest. Mr Sewell, 
 we fear, is all chips. His dogmas are — first, that there can be 
 no physical science without religion ; next, that whether any 
 kind of science can emerge under a religiori, partly true and 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford, 
 
 469 
 
 partly false, will depend on the nature of the errors ; and lastly, 
 that the leading ideas which will take philosophers by the 
 shortest and most infallible cut to all truths, physical or meta- 
 physical, are latent in the Scriptures, if philosophers have but 
 religion enough to find them out. ‘ All the great discoveries of 
 ‘ speculative men have been made by first taking some theory of 
 ‘ a very high and general nature, closely connected with the na- 
 ‘ ture of Almighty God.’ This being the case, as it has fared 
 with speculative men in time past, we must expect that it will 
 fare with them in time to come. If there ever was philosopher, 
 whose course was likely to have coincided with the above asser- 
 tion, it was Kepler. But we shall see, notwithstanding, that he 
 has declared that any religious theory would have led him, not 
 to, but from, his discovery of the Elliptical Orbits. His great 
 contemporary, Galileo, was the head of an opposite school. He 
 is generally understood to have been a speculative man, and to 
 have made some discoveries ; and he has recorded his opinion not 
 merely against religious theories, but against all suppositions of 
 preconceived relations. ‘ Men ignorant of geometry might per- 
 ‘ haps lament that the circumference of a circle does not happen 
 ‘ to be three times the diameter, or in some other assignable pro- 
 ‘ portion to it, rather than such that we have not yet been able to 
 ‘ explain what the ratio between them is.’ We are at a loss 
 which to admire most, Mr Sewell’s recklessness in stating prin- 
 ciples, or in stating facts. 
 
 The question, so put, resembles a question of cause and 
 effect, more than an ordinary case of analogy. To take first the 
 persons of no religion. From what has been said above, it would 
 not appear to signify much, on what subject they employed 
 themselves. Being by the supposition no more rational than 
 somnambulists, they must employ themselves equally in vain on 
 all. In another place, however, it is suggested, that ‘ a sepa- 
 ‘ ration between the Athanasian creed and the discoveries of our 
 ‘ human philosophy’ must operate much more injuriously in our 
 researches into the mind of man, than into the world of matter. 
 If any inconsistency in such a writer could surprise us, it would 
 be surprising to be told, immediately after this, that the ‘ effect 
 ‘ of a want of knowledge of some infinite good being' was (not 
 the stultifying of Aristotle and Plato, or the confining their con- 
 templations to the material world, but) that of ‘ compelling the 
 ‘ highest Greek philosophy to throw all its energies into purely 
 ‘ metaphysical speculations.’ 
 
 The Hindoos seem to have been worse off with their religion 
 than they would have been with a religion which is treated in the 
 last paragraph as equivalent to none at all. As Mr Sewell’s 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. 2 H 
 
470 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan. 
 
 style of ph’losopliizing- mi^ht lead us to expect, learned Bramins 
 would have as much difficulty in recog-nizing their mythology 
 and Avatars in the following description, as in subscribing to 
 the sof>posed effects: — ‘ The doctrine of the unity of the Di- 
 ‘ vine Being, exclusive of all plurality, and of the purely spi- 
 ‘ ritual nature of God, unconnected with the doctrine of the In- 
 ‘ carnation, crushed in the East all science whatever.’ The 
 reproach of the East in this place agrees but ill with the pane- 
 gyric on it in another, where its learning is said to have stood 
 like a gigantic temple on the solid foundations of antiquity — in 
 which Plato acquired the best part of his knowledge, and in 
 which the light of God’s primitive revelations was kept alive. 
 
 But, at other times, and with other people, marvellous effects 
 are attributed unconditionally to the simple doctrine of the unity 
 of the Divine Being. For instance, it is said to have led to the 
 truest ancient astronomy — and to have suggested, that the hea- 
 venly bodies were globular, and moved in circular orbits ! Kep- 
 ler, on the contrary, submitted his own marvellous imagination 
 so far to facts, as to see in this supposed suggestion, the origin 
 not of truth but error. ‘ If planets were carried round by angels, 
 ‘ (he says) their orbits would be perfectly circular; but theellip- 
 ‘ tic form, in which we find them, smacks rather of the lever and 
 ‘ material necessity.’ Mr Sewell adds, that if the framers of 
 this system had but believed in an author of evil, and in his 
 final subjugation, as well as in an author of good, they might 
 not have left it to modern astronomers to discover, that the 
 mechanism of the heavens was full of disturbing forces, and 
 nevertheless its regularity was faithfully maintained ! In the 
 same manner, Newton’s discoveries are stated to have been ow- 
 ing to his belief in the unity of the Divine Being. ‘ The 
 ‘ same line of thought would suggest the undulating theory 
 ‘ of light; the w’hole theory of vegetable bodies as analogical to 
 ‘ those of animals; the identity of electricity and lightning; the 
 ‘ afiplication of steam to navigation ; the discovery of the New 
 ‘ World.’ It is easy to assert, that the unity of the Divine 
 Being would suggest all these wonders. To make out the seve- 
 ral steps, by which the supposed suggestion would work out its 
 way, is not merely difficult, but impossible. If all that is meant by 
 a belief in the unity of the Divine Being, is a belief in the uni- 
 formity of the laws of matter, at''eists miu ht make experiments, and 
 might reason (und were just as likely to do so) on that belief. But 
 Mr Sewell's argument requires more than a mere possibility of 
 suggestion. It should have been shown that the doctrine ol the 
 unity of the Divine Being, or some equivalent theological tenet, 
 •did in fact suggest these different discoveries. If it did not, we 
 
1843. 
 
 471 
 
 2 he Ethical Philosophy of Oxford. 
 
 must suppose tliem to have been made by accident ; seeing- Mr 
 Sew.dl I las before informed us that all discoveries must be made 
 by ic(ddeut, or by the means of a religious creed. 
 
 The discoveries of modern chemistry are mentioned as being 
 among those lucky accidents, which modern science insists on 
 calling discoveries by experiment. Mr Sewell takes as an in- 
 stance ot this perverseness, the principle of ‘ definite proportions.’ 
 This, he says, is, in other words, only the Pythagorean theory, 
 that the w’Oild was formed by Numbers. Supposing the disco- 
 very to have been made by one of these experimental accidents, 
 Mr Sewell is of opinion that the more natural and simple w'ay 
 would have been to have had recourse to one of his theories ‘ of 
 ‘ a high and general nature connected with the nature of Al- 
 ‘ mighty God.’ Mr Dalton should have gone at once either 
 with Pythagoras ‘ to the ancient traditions of a revelation which 
 ‘ invested numbers with a mysterious character, and which traced 
 ‘ up their various combinations to one primitive root — the num- 
 ‘ her three ; and that to a still prior root of unity, which never- 
 ‘ theless could not be conceived to exist without the other;’ or 
 he should have taken example from ‘ the ancient fathers who 
 ‘ made use of the same mystery as enunciated in Scripture, for 
 ‘ their interpretation of the innumerable passages in Scripture, 
 
 ‘ where numbers are introduced.’ Men of science, we appre- 
 hend, have shown more wisdom in taking a w^'arning, in the oppo- 
 site direction, from the seventeen years which K^rpler wasted in 
 these bewildering mazes. Mr Sewell nevertheless expects (and 
 his book abounds in passages, which prove how strongly the asso- 
 ciation is bound up with all his philosophical hopes,) that the 
 mysterious numbers of the Trinity in Unity, and Unity in 
 Trinity, are incorporate with all knowledge. ‘ Perhaps the 
 ‘ book of nature may be like the book of the gospel, and con- 
 ‘ tain a whole world of enigmas only to be opened by this 
 ‘ key.’ With this view, Mr Sewell notices the defcieneies 
 of Logic and of modern Physics, as scienees of classification. 
 He observes, that it ‘ the recent theory of what is called circular 
 ‘ arrangement — classes entering into classes, one within the other, 
 
 ‘ vegetable, animal, and mineral — should, as is probable, change 
 ‘ the face of natural history, it must modify the process of syllo- 
 ‘ gism also.’ Now, on what is founded the probability that the 
 new theory of circular arrangement will turn out true? On the 
 fact, that the ‘former theory did not correspond with the form 
 ‘ of the Divme Nature as laid down by the church:’ and, on 
 the fact, that the ‘ name of circulation’ was the name given to ' 
 ‘ the true Catholic doctrine of the Holy Trinity, when it became 
 ‘ necessary to state it formally, in order to contradict the very 
 
472 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ‘ same principle of classification and subordination, which a 
 ‘ logical Arianism endeavoured to introduce.’ 
 
 Many very religious men have been materialists. They would 
 be astounded at hearing, that the miracle of the Incarnation 
 
 Perfect God and Perfect Man, of a reasonable soul and human 
 ‘ flesh subsisting,’) was considered to be a conclusive argument 
 against them ; whereas, they might to the full as reasonably 
 aver, that the distinction implied in the above passage between 
 the Man- God and ordinary man, was a conclusive argument in 
 favour of their opinion. 
 
 The assumption, that all creation is a shadow and revelation 
 of God himself, is connected with the inference that, in that case, 
 even brute matter may bear on it an inscription recording the 
 mysteries of his nature. Dr Buckland, accordingly, must begin 
 the world anew. ‘ I believe, then, that a geologist, deeply 
 ‘ impressed with the mystery of baptism — that mystery by 
 ‘ which a ‘ new creature’ is formed by means of ‘ water and 
 ‘fire’ — {how fire in baptism?') ‘would never have fallen into 
 ‘ the absurdities of accounting for the formation of the globe 
 ‘ solely by water, or solely by fire. He would not have main- 
 ‘ tained either a Vulcanian or a Neptunian theory. He would 
 ‘ have suspected, as most men now suspect, that the truth lay 
 ‘ in the union of both. And in conceiving a typical connexion 
 ‘ between the material earth and the spiritual church, he would 
 ‘ have been justified by the whole tenor of Scripture.’ Can 
 any thing be madder than this ? — except what follows. For, 
 in like manner, geologists, zoologists, and mathematicians, must 
 take up the Cross with them in their studies. ‘ I believe that a 
 ‘ spiritualized eye, seeing all the human race shut up in the per- 
 ‘ son of our Lord, having before it always the figure in which it 
 ‘ pleased Almighty God to place him before us on the Cross, might 
 ‘ expect to find a similar figure — the figure of the Cross — placed 
 ‘ here and there all over the work of creation ; as a religious spirit 
 ‘ in better days than the present erected that Cross on high, where- 
 ‘ ever a human foot might be arrested by it ; and as the ancient 
 ‘ fathers detected it in the most hidden allusions of Scripture : — 
 
 ‘ Moses stretching out his hands to the Amalekites — his rod — 
 
 ‘ the branch which he threw into the bitter w^aters — the wood of 
 ‘ the Ark — the tree of life. In every animal and material nature 
 ‘ he would expect to discern the figure of a cross ; and he would 
 * not be surprized to find that all mathematical figures were redu- 
 ‘ cible to this element ; or, as modern anatomists have suggsted, 
 
 ‘ that the whole animal world is framed upon this type — a cen- 
 ‘ tral column with lateral processes. It is one of the grand spe- 
 ‘ culations of zoological science.’ 
 
1843 . 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford. 
 
 473 
 
 So, Oxford philologists are tutored to look on language (not 
 merely on Greek, which, we are told, was formed for Christi- 
 anity, and Latin, which was maintained by Popery, but on all 
 language, from Sanscrit to Cherokee,) with the deepest reve- 
 rence. They are not to permit themselves to dream of its being 
 an invention of man, ‘ weighing carefully the mysterious title of 
 ‘ the Word given to our Lord.’ 
 
 The application of this kind of reasoning to the affairs of civil 
 life is as easy as putting on a glove. While* we are disputing 
 what proportion of the property of the country may be necessary 
 to maintain the poor, the clergy, and the temples of God, ‘ we 
 ‘ have forgotten the doctrine of revelation upon this subject. 
 ‘ Would it be fancitul to suppose that a tenth might probably be 
 ‘ the amount ?’ Goes Mr Sevvell mean that he would recommend 
 the adoption of the Jewish law of tythe throughout? Does he 
 know what it really was? And, if the law of tythe, we should 
 like to know, what one point our return to the Mosaic dispensa- 
 tion is to stop at, rather than another. The mistake of the French 
 Revolutionists in setting apart the tenth day for rest, in place of 
 the seventh^ was set right it seems by the nature of things, as well 
 as by the fourth commandment. ‘They were compelled to re- 
 ‘ turn to a seventh : because (?) human nature it was found could. 
 ‘ not labour for a longer term together.’ 
 
 Among our scientific desiderata, it is supposed that we are in 
 want of a model by which we may explain the organization of the 
 human body, and the theory of vegetation. Such a model, it is 
 assumed, is to be found ‘ in a perfect ecclesiastical polity modelled 
 ‘ after the pattern seen on the Mount.’ In explanation of this, 
 we are gravely asked, if ‘ we have not near us a body and a tree 
 ‘ full formed with all its organs more perfectly developed, written 
 ‘ in larger letters, and of which we know that man’s body and the 
 ‘ tree are but the types and symbols ?’ If the church be really any 
 such tree and body, it is no wonder that Mr Sewell and his friends 
 attach immeasurable importance to questions of church govern- 
 ment. In Mr Sewell’s unparalleled jargon, ‘the problem of recon- 
 ciling plurality with unity’ is constantly recurring in all questions, 
 ecclesiastical and temporal. It is solved in the following manner ; 
 ‘ Let each insulated fact be made the type and representation of 
 ‘ one common principle, and at once they fall into unity, however 
 ‘ diversified in their accidental circumstances. Thus in the Scrip- 
 ‘ tures, as was said before, the Cross of Christ is seen in the tree 
 ‘ of life, in the wood of the sacrifice laid on the shoulders of Isaac, 
 ‘ in the rod of Moses, in the pole on which the serpent hung, 
 ‘ in the staff of David, in the wood of the ark, in the bough 
 ‘ thrown into the bitter waters. So the mystery of Baptism is 
 
474 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ‘ read in the deep which covered the earth, in the waters of the 
 ‘ de!a^-e, in tlie Red Sea, in Jordan, in the waters of the Nile 
 ‘ turned into blood, in the pitcher of water changed into wine for 
 ‘ the marriage of Cana, in the water borne by the man who pre- 
 ^ pared the room for our Lord’s passover ; and so of the other 
 ‘ mysteries of Christianity. And thus also in civil society,' &fc, 
 God help this man’s pupils! And this is the light set up by Ox- 
 ford to enlighten a darkened age I 
 We have seen Mr Sewell’s way of treating a considerable variety 
 of subjects. Having done so, we think that we may safely re- 
 peat the opinion, that it would have been difficult to find 
 a subject, five minutes’ conversation upon which with him 
 w’ould not have been suffirdent to satisfy any rational being, 
 that, whatever talents Mr Sewell might possess, it was impos- 
 sible that there should be found among them the talent of disco- 
 vering, or of communicating truth. 
 
 The subject of Christian Morals is certainly no exception. 
 For, as much of the book, with this mendacious title, as has 
 any bearing on them, is of a piece with the wild and insolent 
 raving which Mr Sewell pours out upon other matters. From 
 first to last, there is not a single observation upon Morals, by 
 which any body can possibly be made either better, wiser, or 
 happier; while, under the name of Christian, the subject has 
 been undertaken with the avow^ed object of confounding Chris- 
 tianity with church government, of putting the body of the people 
 into abject subjection to the priesthood, and of excluding almost 
 the whole of Christendom from the benefit, of the Gospel. This 
 is done with the dashing and showy air of a most presumptuous 
 infallibility ; and with an imposing manner of familiarly appealing 
 to one or tw’o persons — such as Bishop Butler — whose names, 
 we are sure, if they had but been alive, he would never have 
 dared to utter. The atmosphere of contempt which pervades 
 the book for all extant things and persons, except the author’s 
 own spiritual coterie^ must be painful to good-natured readers. 
 But the marvel of the book is, its utter indifi’erence to credibility 
 in the assumptions it makes, and in the consequences it draws. 
 If we consider the Gospel as a system of Christian morals, 
 delivered by Christ himself, and then turn to the declamation of 
 Mr Sewell, it reads as though it were written under a different 
 dispensation. Faith, hope, and charity have almost disappeared. 
 — To make room for what, and whom ? 
 
 The moral character of the supposed revelations of the Divine 
 will, which have jrrevailed atdifi’erent times in different countries, 
 has been frequently analyzed and compared. J'here w’^as ample 
 choice, both metaphysical and historical, of the ways by w'hich 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford, 
 
 475 
 
 the relation in which Christianity stands to morals, mi^ht be 
 expounded. But it is a scandalous misnomer to give the name 
 to such a book as this. We will not pretend to say, that 
 ‘ Church of England morals’ would have been better. For 
 we are satisfied that nine-tenths of the meinbers of the Church 
 of Etigland would protest as vehemently as the rest of Chris- 
 tendom, against being compromised by Mr Sewell. Amor»g 
 a cloud of Vague and desultory words, it is often almost impos- 
 sible to lay hold of the meaning of any particular page or chap- 
 ter. We come out of the fog as wise as we went in. But the 
 object of the work, as a work, is, we repeat, clear enough. Mr 
 Sewell describes it as being the restoration of the connexion so 
 long dissevered, between the Science of Ethics, and the Catholic 
 Chr istianity of the. Church. We, on the other hand, should de- 
 scribe it as an outrage upon all Christian freedom; and as being, 
 to say the least of it, as flogmatical a substitution of the authority 
 of what they call the Church, for the authority of the Bible, as 
 w^as ever ventured upon by Priest or Presbyter before. If there 
 is a word of truth in the book, the clergy ought to be looked up 
 to as a Braminicalcaste, not simply entitled, butsolemnly brand, to 
 exercise a paramount influence in the state. The ao’grandizement 
 of his order may not have been among the proofs’*^ by which the 
 author of this sjrider’s web wmsguidedin his researches; but itis cer- 
 tainly a consideration which the public will notoverlook, in estimat- 
 ing the value of the result arrived at. The ‘Chri>tian Morals’ of Mr 
 Sewell make the Laity absolutely and necessarily dependent upon 
 the Clergy, for all the means they can ever hope for of grace or 
 knowledge. Upon the important point, who are the clergy, in 
 whose keeping the benefits of Christianity are locked up, nothing 
 positive is said, one w^ay or another ; but the reader is left with 
 the impression, that it will not be safe for him to trust to any 
 
 * Bishop Philpotts, who knows man — at least controversial and sacer- 
 dotal man — as well as any body, stirs up his clergy with argumenUim 
 adhominem upon this very point, in a recent charge. ‘ Until the people 
 ‘ shall think thus of these mysteries, (the sacraments.) they will not think 
 ‘ of us, (sic. in orig.) as it is far more for their benelit, than for ours, that 
 ‘ they should always think.’ The real presence in the sacraments is al- 
 lowed to be a difhculty ; but the sacramental presence in Dr Philpotts 
 is a much greater one. The state of mind in which his Clergy must 
 have been, when they could request their Diocesan to publish to the 
 world at large the above singular intimation, assists us to the meaning of 
 another })assage, in which the Clergy, while restrained from meeting in 
 Convocation, are compared to ‘ a maniac in a strait 'waistcoat.’ Sir 
 Robert Peel is a very ditferent man from v/hat we take him to be, if he 
 lets them loose . — (Charge of the Bishop of Exeter y 1842.) 
 
476 
 
 SewelPs Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan- 
 
 clergyman but a clergyman of the Church of England. We 
 shall soon see how little the Church of England, in fact, can 
 profit by all his good intentions. 
 
 Mr Sewell shall speak for himself. His object being to re- 
 store the connexion between the Church and Morals — the first 
 point is, to determine what Christian communities are compre- 
 hended by him under the imposing generality of the Church. This 
 is soon done. According to him, Adam and the Jews had imper- 
 fect churches. But his Catholic Church, with its appropriate 
 powers and doctrines, is another and a greater thing. It is Di- 
 vine in its origin, and Episcopal in its form. It has come down 
 from the Apostles in direct succession ; and can admit of no 
 sects or schools. It is ^essentially independent of any human 
 power. Its rulers are individual bishops, assisted by councils of 
 clergy in each diocese. Its supreme authority lies in a council 
 of these bishops — (Pp. 29, 50.) 
 
 These being the conditions of the Catholic Church, let us see 
 what particular church can make good its title to be a branch of 
 it. Is the Church of Rome successful? It can comply with 
 some of the conditions ; unfortunately not with all. The Ro- 
 manist has indeed received powers; but he confesses (?) to have 
 altered the doctrines in the course of their transmission. The 
 Pope it was who broke up the beautiful system of a federal 
 union of independent bishops by his personal usurpations ; who 
 blotted out the catholic character of the Church and its written 
 word ; and who left us no assurance for God’s commands but the 
 declaration of a self-chosen teacher, our choice of whom will be 
 as erroneous as our moral character is defective. — ( P. 380.) Since 
 the Catholic Church is defined to be a church admitting neither 
 sect nor school, the Roman Church, after this description, evi- 
 dently does not belong to it. To show this must be supposed, 
 indeed, to have been the very object with which the above 
 description of the Roman Church was inserted here. Can 
 the Protestant Dissenter make out a better title ? On the con- 
 trary, he has no case at all from the very beginning. The 
 tyranny and usurpations of Popery are contrasted with the 
 still more fatal tyranny, and still more unauthorized usurpa- 
 tion of Dissent. It does not pretend to have received either the 
 ‘powers or the doctrines ’(?) — (P. 32;) and has fallen into still 
 worse errors even than Popery, blotting out the testimony of the 
 Church altogether. Dissent is a vague word. Dissent from 
 what ? It would have been more in order to have stated what 
 it was, in doctrine or discipline or institution, a dissent from 
 which is an exclusion from the Catholic Church. It is plain, 
 however, that the Church of England is the Church which was 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford. 
 
 477 
 
 present to the mind of ]Mr Sewell, while inditing these dam- 
 natory clauses against dissent ; as aUo, in a later passage, 
 wdiere dissenters are charitably informed what is the way in 
 which ‘ an erroneous theoloi^ical dotrma becomes a moral 
 ‘ crime.’ But did ever monk, writing for his convent, set 
 about his work more blindly than a self-satisfied enquirer 
 after the Church of Christ, who, in distributing his subject, 
 does not notice, even by name, a single national protestant 
 communion, except the one of which be is himself a mem- 
 ber? To be sure, the result would have been much the 
 same; since there is not one of them — Lutheran or Calvinist, 
 Scotch or Swiss, Dutch or German — to which any of his 
 characteristics of the Catholic Church, whether regarding origin, 
 government, or supreme authority, could possibly apply. It 
 comes therefore to this. The Church of England is not only 
 (in Oxford language) the Anglo-Catholic Church, but it is the 
 only Catholic Church among the Western Churches. There 
 is no tertiura quid. Did the greatest enemies to Christianity 
 ever say so much against it ? In all the license of their irony, 
 and satire, and malicious learning, did they ever devise so 
 exaggerated a picture of its corruptions, of its schisms, and of 
 the completeness of its failure ? There has not been, since the 
 days of Laud and the Nonjurors, so suicidal an attempt at 
 cutting off the Church of England from the rest of Christen- 
 dom. We do not presume to guess what is the force under 
 W’hich the Bishop of Exeter has been drawn into the orbit, 
 alongst which, like an ill-omened comet, he scorched and per- 
 plexed his Diocese in his Charge of September last. He is 
 shrewd enough to have known, that he could not burn his 
 neighbour’s house to roast his eggs by, without running a 
 considerable risk of setting his own on fire. Whatever may be 
 the pleasure of saying mysterious and bitter things on the pre- 
 ference of unity to union ; of insinuating the superiority of the 
 corporate character cf a Christian over his personal : and of tell- 
 ing all, who are not good churchmen, that the promises of the 
 Gospel are not for them — the price to be paid for so great a 
 pleasure may, after all, be more than it is worth. What 
 a spectacle for reasonable men, the excommunicating the greater 
 part of Christendom, on points which it is not easy to make 
 persons, in possession of their senses, understand 1 If the con- 
 troversies of Christians among themselves have done more to 
 stop the progress of Christianity at home and abroad,* than 
 
 * Hey, Xorrisian Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, was a man of 
 a very different stamp from Mr Sew’elh ‘ It seems likely,’ he says. 
 
478 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan. 
 
 all other causes put together, there is nothing that we should 
 deprecate so much, as the possibility of Mr Sev\eli making out 
 his case. Divines of common charity and common sense have 
 been quite aware of this, from Jeremy Taylor to the Bishop 
 of London downwards. It was for a short time, a sufficient 
 security against any sane member of a Reformed Church — 
 setting up extravagant pretensions in behalf of the Church in 
 general — that it could not be done without necessarily playing 
 into the hands of the Church of Rome. But, more than this. 
 Every thinking Christian could not but feel that, as far he was 
 successful in exposing particular Churches, he was to a great 
 degree weakening the foundations and the evidence of Chris- 
 tianity itself. Intelligent members of the Church of England 
 had this further consciousness : whatever were the scandals of 
 schism, heresy, idolatry, and what not, which they might object 
 to the Church of Rome, they must stop short, in prudence, of 
 denying her to be a Church — seeing that it was out of the bosom 
 of the Church of Rome that the Church of England, as it wms 
 constructed and christened at the Reformation, had been itself 
 derived. 
 
 Modern zeal or superstition was never w’orse employed, than 
 in attempting to re-adapt to the curiosity or the passions of our 
 times, high-flown theories about the Church. As every man is 
 said to be born a Plaioni^t, or an Aristotelian, so, w^e apprtffiend, 
 any person with a mind capaide of being misled by Mr Sewell and 
 the like, wdl have but little chance of being kept right, or of being 
 brought back again by such books as ‘the Kingdom of Christ* 
 of Archbishop Wiiateley, and the Sermons of Dr Arnold. | The 
 Bishop of London, however, is sufficient for us on this occasion. 
 He will be found a great deal too iatitudinarian for Mr Sewell. 
 If the Caiholic Church be a corporate community, apostolically 
 descended, we can connect ourselves with it, whatever it may be, 
 only by means of some particular Church. Now, the Bishop of 
 
 ‘ that the Christian religion would have been successfully taught in 
 ‘ China, had not the different sects of Christians there got into contro- 
 ‘ versy with one another, and carried it on in such a manner as to 
 ‘ disgust the Emperor.’ We once more have an opening for Christianity 
 among those three hundred millions, who, as iiey observes, are not 
 unimproved in that which is chiefly wanting for its reception — morals. 
 Are our divines more reiisonahle now? Wliat chance, to say the least, 
 would he left for Christianity, with Oxford Missionaries, who must 
 treat as Heathens the Missionaries of every Church, except their ov^ n ? 
 
 t Passim . — But especially the first Aj)|>endix to the third volume, and 
 the Introduction to his Christian Life, 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Philosojjhy of Oxford. 
 
 479 
 
 London, we feel certain, knows as well as we do, that the Church 
 of England cannot so connect it-elf, on the terms required by 
 Mr Sewell. 
 
 Before entering on the question of pedigree, it is right to 
 notice that the Catholic Church of Mr Sewell has no seers or 
 schools. Is that the case with the Church of England? Ever 
 since the Reformation, it has compiised, under its articles of 
 peace, a greater variety of opinions, than would be necessary to 
 set up a greater number of schools than heathen philosophy ever 
 knew. We question whether there are not, at the present moment 
 even, as many sects within, as without, its pale. 
 
 But to come to the question of pedigree : the Catholic Church 
 of Mr Sewell has come dovvn from the Apostles in direct succes- 
 sion. In this case, the Church of England must connect it-eif 
 with the Church of the Apostles, by means of the Church of 
 Rome. For a question of succession is a question of pedigree, 
 and nothing else. Now, what says Mr Sewell of the Church of 
 Rome? He denies that, with its present constitution and doc- 
 trine, it can belong to the Catholic Church. But its constitution 
 and doctrines at the time of the Reformation, were the same as 
 at present. To raise a question about the Anglo-Saxon Church 
 is beside the purpose. The only Church known in England in 
 the reign of Henry VMIL, and for many ages previous, was a 
 local Church — a branch Church of the general Church of Rome 
 — the same in Elngland as the Galilean Church in Fiance. If 
 the Church of Rome is no part of the Catholic Church now, 
 the Idnglish branch of it, at the time of the Reformation, could 
 be no part of the Catholic Church then. Consequently, on th.e 
 doctrine of Apostolical succession, it was incapable of transferring 
 to itself, under the name of the Protestant Church of England, 
 a title by descent — which title, on Mr Sewell’s supposition, it had 
 lost already. It is one of the mi>fortunes of cases of pedigree, 
 that a break in the pedigree, though but for a moment, or in a 
 single instance, can never afterwards be repaired. 
 
 So much for the case of pedigree and descent on the part of 
 the Church of England. There is a wor?«e flaw, however, than 
 this, in its title to be the Catholic Church of Mr Sewell. For, 
 granting the absurdity, that the Church of Rome could pass 
 on to the Church of England a better title than it had itself, — 
 the Church of England, from the very flrst, repudiated the 
 notion of any transfer of the kind. It set up its own form of 
 Church government, upon its own grounds, not only in inde- 
 pendence of these suppositions, but in complete contradiction 
 to them. The Church of Ehigland, so far from claiming any 
 Divine origin^ was, at its birth, emphatically designated ‘ the 
 
480 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals— 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Church as hy law established* However independent of the 
 civil magistrate may be the truths which it professes, and the 
 character in which it delivers them, nevertheless, in its form 
 and legislature^ it is a merely human institution. The legis- 
 lative charter, under which this modern spiritual corporation was 
 reformed, and reconstituted, passed at a period when the English 
 nation was more submissive to its monarchs than at any other, 
 before or since. It owed its existence, as a church, to the humour 
 of Henry VIII., the interests of the guardians of Edward VI., 
 and the political necessities of Elizabeth. Parliament made it, 
 and Parliament can unmake it. The difference between the 
 Church of England, as it is bylaw, and the Church of England, 
 which churchmen of Mr Sewell’s cast see in visions, and dream 
 of in their dreams, cannot be better set forth than in the words 
 of Speaker Onslow. The passage is longer than we well have 
 room for ; but it is so complete an exposure of the ignorance by 
 which the Church of England is represented as being, by any 
 possibility, Mr Sewell’s church, that we could not put our answer 
 into better form. ‘ By the constitution of the Church of Eng- 
 ‘ land it is, that the supreme legislative power of the church is in 
 ‘ King, Lords, and Commons in Parliament. And it is the same 
 « with regard to the King’s supremacy, whose ecclesiastical juris- 
 ‘ diction and authority is an essential part of our church constitu- 
 ‘ tion, renewed arid confirmed by Parliament, as the supreme 
 ‘ legislature of the church, which has the same extent of true 
 ‘ power in the Church of England as any church legislature ever 
 ‘had; and may therefore censure, excommunicate, deprive, de- 
 ‘ grade, &c., or may give authoritative directions to the officers 
 ‘ of the church to perform any of them; and may also make laws 
 ‘ and canons to bind the whole church, as they shall judge pro- 
 ‘ per, not repugnant to the laws of God or nature. I^ay, the 
 ‘ laity in England cannot otherwise be bound but by Parliament, 
 
 ‘ who have a right (when they think proper) to the advice and 
 ‘ assistance of the convocations, or the true parliamentary meet- 
 ‘ ings of the clergy, by the prcemunientes clause in the parlia- 
 ‘ mentary writs to the bishops, if the one or the other, or both, 
 
 ‘ should be then assembled.* The legislature of the primitive 
 ‘ church was in the whole body, and afterwards had many varia- 
 ‘ tions in its constituents, and may still vary with the consent of 
 ‘ the several communities. If this distinction of legislature in » 
 ‘ the Parliament be true, (and I am not the first who has men- 
 
 * See the Journals of the House of Commons of the 13th, and l6th 
 of April 1689; 1st of March, 1710, 1712, 1713. 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford. 
 
 481 
 
 ‘ tioned it,) the Church of England is freed from the imputation 
 ‘ of being a creature ordy of the state, which by some sects of 
 ‘ Christians has been often and much objected to, and makes it 
 ‘ to be agreeable to Mr Locke’s notion, indeed demonstration, 
 
 ‘ “ that matters of mere religion are absolutely independent of 
 ‘ the civil magistrate, as such.” Where ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
 ‘ tions have cognizance of temporal matters, they are thus far 
 ‘ civil courts ; and so vice versa. The King is said in our law to 
 ‘ be mixta persona^ as regards his supremacy in the execution of 
 ‘all civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and so is the Parliament 
 ‘ a mixed legislature. As to which or what is the best church 
 ‘ constitution, I say nothing here. But this may be said, that no 
 ‘ church power, whatsoever or wheresoever placed, legislative or 
 ‘ otherwise, can have any right to the sanction of civil punish- 
 ‘ ments — nor ought they to be — or any temporal disadvantages. 
 ‘ All religions ought to have their free course, where they inter- 
 ‘ fere not with the peace and rights of human society; of such 
 ^ the civil power is to endow one^ and to protect all . — (See Mr 
 ‘ Locke’s “ Treaties of Government and Toleration.”) The 
 ‘ convocation can by their canons bind only their own body. 
 ‘ They are in the nature of by-laws ; and that is now fully 
 ‘ settled by a solemn determination in the King’s Bench, made 
 ‘ in my Lord Hardwick’s times there.’ * 
 
 The rulers of the Catholic Church of Mr Sewell, it must be 
 remembered, are bishops, assisted by their clergy, and its silpreme 
 authority is in a Council of Bishops. It follows, therefore, from 
 Speaker Onslow’s statement, that the Church of England is not 
 the Catholic Church which Mr Sewell is in quest of. Whatever 
 rule English bishops can legally exercise, is exercised without 
 the assistance of their clergy. The supreme authority of the 
 Church of England is in no Council of Bishops, but in Parliament. 
 Ages before the Reformation this was equally the case. ITe 
 canons of Popes and Councils (though they have been lately 
 called, by way of compliment, the common law of Christendom,) 
 were admitted only partially into England; and then as imperiuoi 
 sub imperio — lex sub graviore lege. They did not become law as 
 far as the Anglican Church was concerned, until they had received 
 the assent of Parliament, express or implied. Witness, out of 
 a hundred instances, the Articuli Cleri. and the famous answer, 
 Kolumus leges Anglice mutari. The King was even then (10, 
 Hen. VII.) described persona mixta ^ exercising ecclesiastical 
 
 * Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. iv. p. 17. (Note to the 
 last edition.) 
 
482 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan. 
 
 as well as temporal authority ; — an idea which was afterwards 
 adopted and enlarged upon, in the statutes declaring the 
 King’s supremacy. (24th and 26th Henry VIII., and I Eliz.) 
 So complete is the royal supremacy, that the clergy cannot 
 even pass bye-laws in their convocation, to bind merely them- 
 selves, ufdess these bye-laws are confirmed afterwards by the 
 King. Since the Reformation, the fact, that the supreme autho- 
 rity in legislating for the Church is Parliament, has been brought 
 out much more clearly, as was to be expected. This is exceed- 
 ingly well shown by Dr Arnold, {Sermons^ 3d vol. app. 431.) A 
 single paragraph from the judgment by Lord Hardwicke, refer- 
 red to by Speaker Onslow, wdl be sufficient for our purpose. It 
 wms given more than a century ago, and has never been ques- 
 tioned. ‘ The constant uniform practice ever since the Refor- 
 ‘ mation (for there is no occasion to go further back) has been, 
 ‘ that when any material ordinances or regulations have been 
 ‘ made to bind the laity as well as clergy, in matters merely ec- 
 ‘ clesiastical, they have been either enacted or confirmed by Par- 
 ‘ liament. Of this proposition the several acts of uniformity are 
 ‘ so many proofs, for by those the whole doctrine and worship, 
 
 ‘ the very rites and ceremonies, and the literal form of public 
 ‘ prayers, are prescribed and established ; and it is plain from the 
 ‘ several preambles of these acts, that though the matters w^ere 
 ‘ first considered and approved in convocation, yet the convoca- 
 ‘ tion was only looked upon as an assembly of learned men, able 
 ‘ and proper to prepare and propound them, but not to enact and 
 ‘ give them their force.’ — (2 Atkyns, 650.) 
 
 Lord Hardwicke gives it as his opinion, in the preceding page, 
 that no notion of divine authority w^as attached to the legisla- 
 tive power under which the ancient canons were made, after the 
 Roman Emperors became Christian. ‘ The binding force of 
 ‘ these ancient canons over laymen was not derived from any 
 ‘ particular prerogative or supremacy of the Emperor, as head of 
 ‘ the church ; but from the supreme legislative power being lodged 
 ‘ in his person.’ In the same manner, on the principles of 
 the English constitution, the right to bind the laity, even in 
 matters ecclesiastical, is in no apostolically descended body. 
 Lord Hardwicke declares it cannot be any where but in Par- 
 liament. And why? For a common-sense English reason. 
 In Parliament only are the laity represented. In the matter of 
 ecclesiastical judicature and legislation, it is by no means neces- 
 sary that the judge or legislator should be an ecclesiastic. We 
 could add pages of proofs and illustrations ; but the constitution 
 of the Privy Council, and the case of lay-baptism before it, only 
 the other day, (Martin v, Escott) being the most authoritative, 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford, 
 
 483 
 
 solely as beinor- last instance, are decisive. Surely the con- 
 curring authority of Coke, Hale, Holt, and Hardwicke, upoji the 
 relation in which the Church of England stands to the State — 
 and what is the supreme legislature therein — might satisfy even 
 Mr Sewell, that his general propositions are larger than they are 
 discreet. As far as the Church of Euijland is concerned, he is 
 evidently falling into the tolly which has become a proverb, that 
 of reckoning without his host. 
 
 Mr Sewell is already out of court. He is contending for a 
 magnificent inheritance in the gifts and privileges of the church. 
 But like an awkward advocate, in the very opening of his case 
 he has laid dowm rules of law and evidence concerning title, 
 which are fatal to his client. On his ovvn showing, it is highly 
 probable that there is no ecclesiastical heir at all. At all events 
 the inheritance does not belong to that reverend body for which 
 Mr Sewell is appearing. The inheritance, as described, is cer- 
 tainly well worth looking after. But a prior question is also 
 worth considering. Is there really any such inheritance, except 
 in the legendary romance of our spiritual Quixote ? There is no 
 mistaking the nature of the gifts and privileges which are sup- 
 posed to be inherent in the church. They are laid down in broad 
 and peremptory propositions. Let us hear what those are with 
 which at present we are most concerned. Whatever moral 
 advantages individuals are to get from Christianity, must be got 
 through the means of membership with this unknown, or at least 
 this unagreed upon and debated about church. These advan- 
 tages consist — first, in the metaphysical change effected in our 
 natures by the sacraments of Baptism and the Lord’s Supper; 
 next, in the help of the ecclesiastical guides, from childhood 
 to the grave, provided for us by the Church in the persons of the 
 clergy. Such is literally the whole of Mr Sewell’s moral com- 
 mentary on the Christian Bible ; — the sura total of all that he can 
 find there, worth the teaching. These are his ‘ grateful but mean 
 ‘ acknowledgments’ to the university of Oxford, for all that he 
 ow^es to her wise teaching, and her blessed institutions — ‘ a light 
 ‘ in a darkened age.’ 
 
 Many men have method in their madness. An instance of this 
 is Mr Sewell’s earnestness in turning every thing into revelation. 
 Now, positive revelation is the subject of proof. Once proved, 
 the necessity of it is of course adrniited by all believing in it, to 
 the extent to which the revelation is believed to have been 
 made. But with some people this is not enough. "1 hey insist 
 further on imaginary revelations, conjectural divine commissions, 
 and arbitrary spiritual aids. What is the reason of this ? Why do 
 persons w'ho, after all, pretty much agree on the amount of know- 
 
484 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ledge and of virtue which men acquire, make the theory of the 
 means by which it is supposed to be acquired, of such importance? 
 One should have thought at first, that to persons living under 
 positive revelation, it would be, in the way of speculation at 
 least, a matter of indifference, whether God had given man 
 from his birth a nature capable of acquiring knowledge and 
 virtue, by what we may call in distinction merely human means ; 
 or, whether, in the first instance, he had made man’s general 
 nature more imperfect, but had afterwards supplied the defi- 
 ciency partially, and from time to time, by the means of parti- 
 cular revelations, and the aids provided under them. Man is 
 equally indebted to God, his Creator and Preserver, either way. 
 But Mr Sewell and his school are looking to an object widely 
 different from this. They are preparing the ground for Church 
 Authority. By degrading man — by describing him, such as he 
 has come out of the hands of his Maker ever since the days 
 of Adam, as a being incapable, in his own nature, of know- 
 ledge and virtue — by representing the learning of the heathen 
 world, as only the fragments of ‘ a forgotten revelation ’ — 
 a foundation is in some sort of manner laid for the building up of 
 a mighty spiritual structure, and the overshadowing of human 
 life. In this manner it appears to follow, as a natural inference, 
 that these latter days have probably also nothing else to look to 
 for knowledge and virtue than to a revelation ; and that they have 
 no sense given them (for in that case there would be no use for 
 it) but just as much as may enable them to see the testimony 
 by which that revelation is established ; which testimony, in Mr 
 Sewell’s language, is, and only can be, the witness of the Church. 
 So the whole argument is conveniently concluded, as a matter of 
 course, by the testimony of Mr Sewell’s Church in its own 
 favour. In his Cosmogony, the Church is the Elephant which 
 supports the World. 
 
 This testimony is backed up by potent maxims. Such, for 
 instance, as that you are to ask for no evidence — to take the 
 Creed as it is presented to you upon trust — and, having once 
 taken it, to make a solemn vow never to doubt its truth. I'he 
 candour of the first of these maxims is exemplified by a beautiful 
 distinction. Mr Sewell’s disciple is told : ‘ You must ask, not 
 ‘ the clergyman, but all the others who come to you, to produce 
 ‘ their credentials. 1 sny^ not the clergyman' But you must be 
 sure and ‘ ask the dissenter — who claims to be a minister from 
 ‘ God, with a right to assist you in your study, and in your prac- 
 ‘ ticeof Christian ethics,’ — by whom he is appointed? The extent 
 to which Mr Sewell’s Christians are to take their religion upon 
 trust, is exemplified by the fact, that the first condition of enter- 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Fhilosophy of Oxford, 
 
 485 
 
 ing into relation with the Church is, that the Christian learn a 
 creed. He can believe without understanrling-. 4'he trans- 
 lnis^ion of a creed is indeed matter ot historical evidence. But 
 evidence will not make a Christian. It is God who ^ives faith. 
 Metaphysical abstractions are, in all things, the first conveyed 
 to the child, and must be. — (Bp- ‘^87, 300.) Tfie philosophy-, out 
 of which these assertions are derived, is not satisfied with the rea- 
 sonable doctrine, that in religion as in other subjects, there are 
 many things which a child must receive on credit, in the hope 
 that he may comprehend them afterwards; but it goes on to 
 declare, even with regard to grown-up men, that ‘ the highest 
 ‘ exercise (f the reason or intelkct, is the embracing as truth with- 
 ‘ out evidence something that you do not understand.’ Baptism 
 is elsewhere stated to endow equally all the cliildren of the Church 
 with the spirit of truth and wisdom ; so as to qualify all equally 
 for appreciating the higher truths of religion, as well as its mere 
 facts. But upon this theory of belief, where is the use of wisdom, 
 when all appreciation is disclaimed ? Suppose that a Christian has 
 been in this manner carried blindfold within the fold, the door is 
 locked upon him by requiring of him a vow that he will not doubt. 
 Certain circumstances are menrioned, as showi ng ‘ tlie wisdom of 
 ‘ insisting on a pledge, vow, or promise, that he will hold fast 
 ‘ what he has been taught. It is in his power to exclude doubt 
 ‘ as much as to exclude any evil thought. It is his moral duty 
 ‘ to do so.’ What a pleasant way Mr Sewell has of conciliating 
 such minds, as are looking out boldly but faithfully for the truth, 
 and of representing the service of religion to be a reasonable ser- 
 vice ! 
 
 After this. Dissenters will not wonder that the University 
 moralist leaves them out, and passes on upon the other side. 
 
 ‘ Does your parent take you to the church ? Does he tell 
 ‘ you that the clergyman of the parish is to be your religious 
 instructor? If this is not the case, I have little intention of 
 ‘ addressing myself to you.’ Yet at what peril are they 
 omitted ! For, listen to the language which he puts into the 
 mouth of his parish cler’gyman : — " Look round you otr this 
 ‘ side and that, and in every part of the country you will see 
 ‘ others like myself, each in his own district representing the 
 ‘ same body, and mirristerirrg, like me, in an aircierrt holy 
 building, especially called the Church. Flow came we here ^ 
 
 ‘ Should 1 be permitted to preach irr this pulpit as of my own 
 ‘ will ? No. We receive a special and most solemir commis- 
 ‘ sion from the heads and rulers of this body or society, of 
 ‘ which I need not tell you that the name is the Church. 
 
 ‘ They delegated to us the poiver to which, if you would ever 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLTV. 2 I 
 
486 SewelPs Christian Morals — Jan. 
 
 ‘ become good^ you must have recourse at our hands' — (26.) We 
 do not know whether we may test the truth of the last 
 part of this paragraph by that of the former part. But Mr 
 Sewell is woefully mistaken, if he thinks his parish clergyman 
 has any title to the parish Church and parish Pulpit from bishops 
 and councils, or otherwise than by Act of Parliament. 
 
 The University moralist proceeds in the Same tone : — ‘ Any 
 ‘ discussion of ethics which does not include the fact of a 
 ‘ Catholic Apostolical Church must be as faulty as a theory of 
 ‘ astronomy which left out the sun.’ ... ‘If you cannot 
 ‘ commence any science, much less the science of morals, with- 
 ‘ out learning its fundamental principles from the testimony of 
 ‘ others, the very first thing to be done, is to show you which 
 ‘ testimony is to be followed.’ . . . . ‘ All inquiry into 
 ‘ ethical science is virtually a treatise on education ; so every 
 ‘ act of education throws us back upon a search for some corn- 
 ‘ munication from God. Without this, education is a dream.’ 
 
 . . . . ‘ And to obtain this we must recur to Revelation ; 
 
 ‘ for Revelation we must go to the Apostles ; for communica- 
 ‘ tion with the Apostles w^e must go to the Catholic Church.’ 
 . . . . ‘ I have said what many will think strange, that 
 
 ‘ man by himself is unable to educate man. I add now what 
 ‘ many will think stranger — that without the Church he has no 
 ‘ right to educate him. Education without the Church is an 
 ‘ absurdity. Therefore a system of ethics, which is not based 
 ‘ upon the Church, must be an absurdity likewise. Both 
 ‘ parental and civil authority require the support and witness of 
 ‘ the Church, or they fall to the ground. But when they thus 
 ‘ recognize the existence of the Church as a commissioned 
 ‘ ambassador from God, they must also recognize its full powers. 
 
 ‘ Thus, if either parent or state attempt to educate man without 
 ‘ the co-operation of the Church, without giving to it its due 
 ‘ prominence and presidency, without allowing, nay, requiring 
 ‘ the exercise of all the powers committed to it, they are flying 
 ‘ in the face of their Lord and Master, and they must take the 
 ‘ consequences.’ — (40 et passim i) 
 
 There is a preliminary operation to be performed by the 
 Church, the object of which is a metaphysical change in our 
 nature, to prepare the soil for the clergyman’s moral husbandry. 
 This operation is Baptism. In consequence of the change 
 produced by it, the Church is said to begin its education 
 where heathen education ended. ‘ A system of professedly 
 ‘ Christian education, which does not constantly bear in mind 
 ‘ this distinction, and frame itself upon the privileges of 
 ‘ Baptism, as on its fundamental fact, can only end in con- 
 
1843. 
 
 TiiC Ethical Philosophy of Oxford, 
 
 487 
 
 ‘ fusion and mischief.’ ‘ Let us back about 
 
 ‘ fifteen hundred centuries, and imagine ourselv^es standing 
 ‘ by the side of the cradle of an infant vvith a Father of the 
 ‘ Church, and a heathen philosopher standing wdth us, and con- 
 ‘ templating the condition and prospects of that little child. 
 ‘ Before any thing can be done or hoped, a ceremony must be 
 ‘ performed over the child. What is it ? We are living in an 
 
 ‘ age which despises forms, and to this contempt we owe no 
 
 ‘ little part of our moral evils. Without rightly appreciating 
 ‘ them and comprehending their use, we shall not understand the 
 ‘ most essential laws of Christian ethics. . . . The Church 
 
 ‘ commences her work of education with an outward form. If 
 ® you know any thing of the Christianity which you profess, you 
 
 ‘ will know that. . . . The Church educates mainly and 
 
 ‘ chiefly by communicating to you certain gifts of immeasurable 
 ‘ value. These it professes to communicate through the means 
 ® of certain outward acts and symbols. Its great instruments of 
 ‘ good are the sacraments. These sacraments 1500 years ago 
 ‘ wmre administered with many more syiubolic forms than they 
 ‘ are at present: especially the sacrament of Baptism, which is 
 ‘ the beginning of your Christian education : the act in wluch are 
 ‘ condensed all the great truths of Christian ethics’ 
 
 One of the great truths to which these symbolic forms pointed, 
 is the fact, that Christian education must commence by literally 
 driving out the Devil, who ‘ possesses’ us at our births. It is 
 represented as being a matter of the utmost consequence, that 
 ‘ we hold, and realize, and act upon the unfigurative literal per- 
 ‘ sonality of a spirit of evil, going about daily, seeking wdiom he 
 ‘ may devour. On this main fact must rest the foundation of 
 ‘ all Christian ethics. . . . The ancient church first took 
 
 ‘ the child and solemnly exorcised it. The origin of evil is a 
 ‘ fundamental problem in human nature; and exorcism contains 
 ‘ the answer to it, which was given by the Catholic Church de- 
 ‘ livering that answer from the lips of Almighty God.’ By 
 answ’er to the problem, Mr Sewell, if he means any thing, must 
 mean discharge from the consequences; since, as to the origin of 
 evil, exorcism leaves the problem where it found it. 
 
 What we are practically most concerned with is, with these 
 consequences: that is, with the effect of exorcism; whether ex- 
 press as formerly, or implied as at present. In what state then 
 does baptism place us by casting out the Devil ? Greek sculpture 
 had tw o statues : one, of man in an offensive, the other, in a defen- 
 sive attitude. These statues, it is said, will serve to represent the 
 fundamental dilference between Christian and Heathen ethics. 
 
 ‘ The perception of it is necessary to understand the ethical cha- 
 
488 Sewell’s Christian Morals— Jan. 
 
 ‘ racter of Christian doctrine ; by confusing it this doctrine was 
 ‘ corrupted ; and it brings out into the fullest light the wonders, 
 
 ‘ and privileges, and responsibilities of the Church. 
 
 The very things which a heathen moralist would most desire, 
 
 ‘ — all these are described in the Bible as effected by baptism al- 
 ‘ ready. It is something past and done. And the subsequent 
 ‘ struggle, for struggle there must be, is to defend what we have 
 ‘ received, to secure ourselves from falling from the high estate 
 ‘ in which we have been placed. I repeat the distinction again 
 ‘ and again, because it is of vital importance. It is the grand 
 ‘ separation between Christian and heathen ethics. It is because 
 ‘ all modern systems of ethics, wTether treated as a science, or 
 ‘ practically applied in education, have neglected this difference, 
 
 ‘ that the science has fallen into its present degraded state, and 
 ‘ education itself has become a farce.’ But in the ancient church 
 even greater things, than the destruction of the evil power, and 
 the removal of natural pollution, were symbolized by baptism. 
 A want of unity is at the bottom of all human weakness; and, 
 by the miracle of baptismal regeneration we are made mem- 
 bers of Christ, and united with God, through the inspiration of 
 his Holy Spirit. The union with Christianity so begun is to be 
 continued by means of the Lord’s Supper. ‘ Until once more 
 ‘ the Catholic Church in this country shall restore this awful 
 ‘ mystery to its due prominence ; until it makes prayer and 
 ^ praise, and even right action, subservient to the reception of 
 ‘ the Holy Communion, Christian ethics will still remain a 
 ‘ vague, inconsistent, fluctuating chaos of contradictory prin- 
 ‘ ciples and empty feelings. Men do not choose goodness, be- 
 ‘ fore it is given to them in baptism ; they cannot afterwards pro- 
 ‘ cure it for themselves, without the ministration of the Church. 
 ‘ The nearer you approach to the Apostolic age, the more strik- 
 ‘ ing is the light in which the mystery of the sacraments is placed, 
 ‘ as if they were the great treasure committed to the keeping of 
 ‘ the church, not merely a metaphysical creed relating to the 
 ‘ nature of God, but a code of laws tending to the government 
 ‘ of man.’ 
 
 Mr Sewell has here again damaged his case by overstating it. 
 He is aware of the vastness of the power which he is claiming 
 for the Church — ‘a power which places it almost on a level with 
 ‘ God himself.’ So strongly is he aware of this, that the extra- 
 vagance of the claim is made an argument in favour of it. He 
 asks, with some simplicity, ‘ if any human being could dare to as- 
 ‘ sume it without authority from God.’ — ( 27 .) Really it is impos- 
 sible to say what any Church, heathen, or Christian may not dare. 
 It will be more to the purpose to ask, whether the members of a 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxfords 
 
 489 
 
 church, really in possession of any such supernatural powers, would 
 not be at once disting-uishable from all other people by their moral 
 excellence; and, whether a church, thus miraculously endoweH, 
 could have ever so far lost its hold upon mankind, that not only its 
 distinguishing characteristic, but its very identity and existence 
 should be matter of dispute. Certain miraculous powers — as the 
 missionary gift of tongues — may be in suspense for ages. Others 
 may be in daily exercise, but may lie beyond the reach of human 
 discernment — as Roman Catholics believe to be the case with 
 transuhstantiation in the mass ; and as all sober-minded Chris- 
 tians believe to be the case with the influences of divine grace. 
 But the miraculous transformation of man’s nature, attributed to 
 the sacraments, especially to that of baptism, is a change which 
 takes place, if at all, in every baptised person ; while, from the 
 nature of the change described, the difiPerence produced by it 
 between the baptised and the unbaptised, ought to be not merely 
 distinctly visible, but startling. If this is not the case under the 
 baf)tism of any known Christian church, (and can any body pre- 
 tend it is so ?) — there is only one alternative — either the theory is 
 false, or not one of our Christian churches is the church of God. 
 Mr Sewell has anticipated our doubt, and allows that though 
 any person raising it would once have been highly criminal, yet 
 in the present age, such a person is more properly the object of 
 compassion than anger. He answers, that the work of perfect- 
 ing man’s nature is not performed in baptism fully, finally, and 
 unconditionally, to those who survive it long. But this is a very 
 insufficient answer to our doubt. We complain not that the work 
 of perfecting is not completed, but that it has not made any visible 
 ])rogress at all in baptism. Mr Sewell, however, tenders us a sign 
 of the presence of the gift, where it continues after baptism. 
 ‘ There is but one infallible sign of the presence of the gift, strug- 
 ‘ gles and resistance.’ Was there ever such a criterion imagined ? 
 It would have been much better to have honestly spoken out with 
 Saint Augustin, and have called the virtues of the heathens splen- 
 did sins. The behaviour of most pious Christians, after baptism, 
 only helps to embarrass Mr Sewell. It is admitted that they 
 ‘ yet speak of their eflforts to do right, as if they were endea- 
 ‘ vouring to obtain the gift of the Holy Spirit for the first time, 
 
 ‘ instead of clinging to it as a treasure already within them. . . . 
 ‘ They propose to secure to themselves the love of God and the fa- 
 ‘ vour of Christ, as if it had not been imparted to them while they 
 ‘ were lyinginthecradle.’ Poorpeo()le! Theydo so fronian entire 
 unconsciousness that baptism has dispensed with these efforts and 
 resolutions. Must they deny their own natures to make evidence 
 
490 
 
 SewelPs Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan. 
 
 for Mr Sewell ? He declares, that the moral struggles of a 
 Christian life ought to take an entirely different character under 
 his theory, from that which he allows they take in fact. Now, on 
 this, we have only to observe, that man appears to have been 
 before the Fall to a great degree the same imperfect creature as 
 he has been since ; or how came he to fall? In the same manner, 
 whatever degree of original sin baptism may remove, it leaves 
 enough behind, to make such representations as Mr Sewelks, of 
 the change wrought in our natures by it, evidently contrary to 
 the fact. This appears two ways ; first, positively, by the amount 
 of evil remaining in us all; next, comparatively, by comparing 
 the natures of the baptised and unbaptised ; and for this purpose 
 it is the same whether we look at unbaptised Pagans or misbap- 
 tised Presbyterians. In ihe true spirit of that philosophy which 
 disposes of facts with a contemptuous sneer — so much the worse 
 for facts — Mr Sewell only notices the ignorance of baptized 
 Christians by saying, ‘ it is evident that such a mistake must 
 ‘ introduce into ail our moral acts the most startling confusion 
 ‘ and contradictions. And such has been the case.’ If morals 
 are out of joint, Mr Sewell has mistaken his vocation in believing 
 that he is born to set them right. His exaggerated views of bap- 
 tismal regeneration will introduce ten times more confusion than 
 the supernatural philosophy, as he considers it, of the seventeenth 
 article of the Church of England will remove. 
 
 In his late Charge, the Bishop of London has shown but 
 little judgment in reviving the insoluble question of regenera- 
 tion. But here again he stops short a thousand miles of Mr 
 Sewell. ‘ The plain doctrine of our church is, that baptism is 
 ‘ instrumentally connected with justification.’ . . . But our 
 
 article says, ‘ not that we are made righteous, but that we are 
 ‘ counted righteous before God. If, indeed, we are made righteous, 
 ‘ we must of course be accounted righteous ; but it does not follow 
 ‘ conversely, that if we are act ounted righteous, we must be made 
 ‘ so. The notion that God accounts us righteous by reason, and 
 ‘ for the sake of any actual righteousness wrought in us by infused 
 ‘ and inherent grace, seems irreconcileable with our article.* From 
 Mr Holloway’s ‘ Reply’ to this Charge, it is abundantly clear 
 that the Bishop has gone further on this point than the known 
 differences of opinion in regard to it, in the Church, authorise 
 him to go. But the remission of sins, promised by the Bishop, 
 is one thing, the change of nature, promised by Mr Sew^ell, is an- 
 other. The learned Selden, however, in Protestant practice, could 
 scarcely perceive even the first. ‘ In England, of late years, I 
 ‘ ever thought the parson baptized his own fingers rather than 
 
1843. The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford. 491 
 
 ‘ the child/ Oxford has Selden’s books. Would to God they 
 had the motto which he inscribed in them, and the spirit that 
 inspired it ! 
 
 Mr Sewell talks of mistakes. The only mistake which the 
 world will see, is in Mr Sewell himself, and in his intrepid pre- 
 ference, whether the subject be morals or physics, of hypothesis 
 to facts. Mr Sewell casts a longing, lingering look upon the 
 age when the rites of the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, and 
 of Confirmation, were the ordinary accompaniments of the 
 baptismal service. The practice of administering the holy 
 Eucharist to infiints is recommended to us by the following con- 
 siderations : — ‘ Our animal life is like our spiritual life ; the 
 ‘ nourishment of both is a sacrament. There is in each an out- 
 ‘ ward sign and an inward power.’ A sucking child clinging to 
 the breast of its wet nurse is compared to the condition of a young 
 Christian with the Church for his nursing mother. The sucking 
 child takes ‘ from the hand of those whom God has set to guard 
 ‘ him, the mysterious symbols and vehicles in which the vital 
 ‘ sustenance is embodied. He incorporates these with him in 
 ‘ faith, for the support and developement of the microcosm 
 ‘ of the universe of his material frame, the church of his body.’ 
 Upon this we are asked, w^ho, duly reflecting on this analogy, 
 ‘ will dare to say that there is any thing strange or incongruous 
 ‘ in that theory of our spiritual life wdiich the Church pronoun- 
 ^ ced, when, immediately the germ of life had been imparted, she 
 ‘ administered new sustenance and food to it through the out- 
 ‘ ward emblems of bread and wine? — that theory, which the 
 ‘ Catholic Church at this day retains, though with a dimmer 
 ‘ apprehension and fainter belief, but wdiich a modern igno- 
 ‘ ranee has rejectedw And what has it substituted instead ? A 
 ‘ speculation of spiritual vitality, wdthout any fresh support 
 ‘ analogous to the reception of food.’ The view of Confirmation 
 is equally new. It belongs to the branch of the subject which Mr 
 Sewell calls Christian Politics. Much of its significancy, it is said, 
 depends on its close connexion with baptism. ‘ It appears to con- 
 ‘ tain in it the type and germ of the social principle of the Church. 
 ‘ Baptism brings us as individuals into union with Christ; but 
 ‘ something else is wanted to express that union wdth Christ can 
 ‘ only be obtained by union with his body, the Church. * ^ The 
 ‘ forms of this ceremony imply that, besides Almighty God, the 
 ‘ source of all wisdom and power, there is upon earth a delegated 
 ‘ powder in the person of His Church ; that to this delegated min- 
 ‘ ister we owe, under God, not only the beginning of the moral 
 ‘ and spiritual blessings of Christianity, but their continuance and 
 ‘ confirmation. * * ^ The rite is administered by the bishop, 
 
492 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan.’ 
 
 ‘ and the bishop only ; that, as the Christian in confirmation re- 
 ‘ cognizes his allegiance to the Church, he may recognize also its 
 ‘true monarchical constitution.’ So much for the more than 
 renewal of the old cry — No Bishop, no King. 
 
 The heathens, it is said, knew little of prayer. But its impor- 
 tance in a system of ethics is conveyed in the announcement, 
 that ‘ all the precepts and principles of ethics are summed up in 
 ‘this one practice.’ We will only add — Good news for monks 
 and hermits. ‘ As the creed was given to the baptized person 
 ‘ before he was baptized, so the first words to be uttered afterwards 
 ‘ were also taught him in the Lord’s Prayer. * ^ If all our 
 ‘moral duties and moral relations, as well as our physical exist- 
 ‘ ence, depend on the one relation between man and God, prayer 
 ‘ — perpetual and universal prayer — is the only form (?) in which 
 ‘ such a relation can be acknowledged.’ 
 
 After this exposition of the special powers and privileges of the 
 Church in connexion with Morals, nobody can be surprised to 
 learn that virtue, by its very definition, is necessarily traced up to 
 the same source. ‘ Virtue is obedience to external law. ^ * 
 
 ‘ Every thought is bad which is erroneous, and every thought is 
 ‘ erroneous which is not conformable to some external law or form, 
 ‘ which you did not invent yourself, but found placed over you by 
 ‘a superior authority ; and that authority emanating from God. 
 ‘ Every positive institution is ihus traced up to God ; and 
 ‘ those men only are to be taken as our guide, who are ap- 
 ‘ pointed by God, profess to deliver God’s law, and fourid 
 ‘ their whole authority on His commission. ^ * When 
 
 ‘ obedience to man, as to the appointed minister of God, is made 
 ‘ identical with obedience to God himself, as it is in all right 
 ‘ statements of parental, and civil, and ecclesiastical authority, 
 ‘ the whole of man’s moral duties are brought round to this one 
 ‘ simple relation. Virtue is made intelligible to the poorest 
 ‘ capacity.’ The witnesses to this external law are Parent, 
 King, and Church ; but parent and king are only witnesses and 
 representatives of God, as long as they act in subordination to 
 the Church ! 
 
 Peculiar rites and peculiar knowledge are thus presented to 
 our acceptance. Both are supposed to be indispensable alike to 
 our goodness and our salvation. For the performance of the 
 one, and for the attainment of the other, we are further suppos- 
 ed to be entirely dependent on the clergy ; and our state of de- 
 pendence is enforced upon us in a somewhat alarming tone. ‘ If 
 ‘ God has been pleased to appoint that man shall be his instru- 
 ‘ ment and agent in conveying his blessings to mankind, and we 
 ‘ choose to slight and despise man, and insist on communicating 
 
1843. 
 
 The Ethical Philosophy of Oxford. 
 
 493 
 
 ‘ with God, the sovereign of the universe, without the interven- 
 ‘ tion of his ministers — to hope for blessings from other channels 
 ‘ invented by ourselves — to intrude on Him without introduction 
 ‘ or permission — may it not be that our very worship may be- 
 ‘ come a profanation, and our prayers be turned into a curse ?’ 
 
 Whatever the reader may think of the spiritual powers of the 
 Church — how far they are proved or not — and in whatever de- 
 gree he may or may not shrink from the thought of taking upon 
 himself his own responsibilities, one thing is clear, that an 
 Englishman must be mad indeed, not to be upon his guard 
 against Mr Sewell and his friends. We have notice served 
 upon us in time of the forbearance which w^e are to expect. 
 ‘ When the Church, as it once did, stood before men in its 
 ‘ full stature, bearing upon it all the features and insignia of a 
 ‘ divinely constituted power and ambassador of God, and acknow- 
 ‘ ledged as such by all that was wise and great among men, to 
 ‘ dispute her word was the mark of a presuming and rel>ellious 
 ‘ spirit, and deserved little more than chastisern^mt. But in these 
 ‘ present days, her power hund)led, her body mutilated, her voice 
 ‘ struck dumb, her history ludvnown, her noblest facidties torpid 
 ‘ with disease, her name a byword among the nations, we may 
 ‘ well pardon the man who asks for some proof of her asseitions. 
 ‘ Doubt is no longer a self-evident offence against humility and 
 ‘ trustfulness. It is to be pitied more than punished. And un- 
 ‘ til the Church has once more put forth her strength, arrayed 
 ‘ herself in her real attributes of power, and made her claims 
 ‘ known and felt throughout the world, she has no right whatever 
 ‘ to complain of those who look upon her suspiciously, or even 
 ‘ with alarm.’ What should we say if we heard such language 
 from Salamanca, or Maynooth ? 
 
 We have given more space to Mr Sewell’s presumptuous hal- 
 lucinations than we at first intended. But we found that, if we 
 were to notice the book at all, this would be necessary. For tlie 
 mind exhibited in it appears so marvellou'.ly strange, that we 
 were satisfied, as we went on, that we should not be believed to 
 be representing fairly Christian morals, as taught at Oxford, if 
 we did not 'give a number of passages in the author’s words. 
 It would take up fully as much more space were we to extract 
 an equal proportion of the hundred incidental absurdities with 
 which the volume swarms. We will only give a specimen or 
 two. 
 
 ‘ The property which gives unity to plurality is the real ex- 
 ‘ ternal quality in an act to which we apply the term good. . . 
 
 ‘ It is this quality, in fine, which produces in us the internal sen- 
 ‘ sation of heat.’ ‘ Every individual Christian, (perhaps it may 
 
494 
 
 Sewell’s Christian Morals — 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ‘ be said that every man in the workings of his intellect,) rea- 
 ‘ lizes in his own mind the fact of a Trinity in Unity, and an 
 ‘ Unity in Trinity.’ . . ‘ It seems impossible that a bad 
 
 ^ man should ever act wilfully. . . , Unless man acts as the 
 ‘ representative and delegate of God, as doing God’s will, he 
 ‘ must act wrongly. Perhaps we may say rather, he cannot act 
 ‘ at all ; but ought rather to be considered as the unconscious 
 ‘ minister of some other power, probably a power of evil. . . 
 
 ‘ Men who are absorbed in physical or metaphysical science, or 
 ‘ in mathematics, such men are in the sight of Scripture the 
 ‘ most immoral. . . Are we quite aware of the real difficulty and 
 ‘ mystery contained in the fact of a covenant between God and 
 ‘ man ? . . . A covenant implies two independent agents. It 
 ‘ implies also another fact more wonderful. These two indepen- 
 ‘ dent agents in it must also be mutually dependent. ... It 
 ‘ may be that all the hierarchy of heaven are so formed that they 
 ‘ move as a mighty m.achine. But the relation of man to God, 
 ‘ even in man’s corruptible and fallen state, is far higher. It is 
 ‘ the relation of two mighty potentates, capable of making a 
 ^ treaty, and binding each other by mutual conditions. The 
 ‘ language is very awful; but it does not go beyond the truth. 
 ‘ If I have the power of thwarting the designs of God, of mar- 
 ‘ ring his creation, of disobeying his laws, I am, so far, an inde- 
 ‘ pendent sovereign, and a sovereign of vast power, for it is a 
 ‘ power reaching to the will of God himself.’ Well may this 
 misguided man say, that his language is sometimes ‘ very awful.’ 
 Mr Sewell’s account of the sympathy of the Church is very 
 different from the parable of the good Samaritan. ‘ None, strictly 
 ‘ speaking, possess that spontaneity which entitles them to be 
 ‘ considered as persons, except such as are acting under the 
 ‘ inspiration of God, and as members of the body of Christ. 
 ‘ All others we must regard as machines, which it is our duty to 
 ‘ raise into personality, by communicating to them the spirit 
 ‘ of God ; and which are worthless and punishable if they 
 ‘ reject the communication, but which, simply as machines, can 
 ‘ neither excite nor claim any moral affection or duty. Apart 
 ‘ from the command of God, however signified, neither king, 
 
 ‘ parent, friend, or fellow-creature, has a well-founded title to our 
 ‘ res[)ect or love.’ From the passage last cited, it will readily be 
 believed, that Mr Sewell has little scruple in breaking the vials 
 of his wrath over the heads of all who differ from him. We 
 need hardly say, that Ins list includes some of the most respect- 
 able names in English history, ‘ during the unhappy period 
 ‘ of the last two centuries.’ It is perhaps equally needless 
 to mention, that his scorn begins with Queen Elizabeth 
 
1843. 
 
 405 
 
 TJte Ethical Philosophy of Oxford, 
 
 and the Reformation, and swells and darkens, until language 
 seems almost to refuse to do his bidding, and to choke him in the 
 utterance of it, when he has to speak of the generation among 
 whom he has the misfortune to be living. We will not quote 
 any of these passages. Why need laymen know the bitterness 
 which divines can put into Christian morals ? and what harm can 
 come to Doddridge, Locke, and Milton, from a whole univer&ity 
 of Sewells ? Zeal without humanity, talents without sense, 
 thoughts connected by tricks of the imagination, instead of by 
 the steps of reason, have never yet done much for the service of 
 mankind. 
 
 While reviewing this book, we have more than once thrown it 
 aside, from a feeling of humiliation in the employment. The 
 author, in the statement of his case, had made it so absurd and 
 offensive, that there was little left for criticism to do. But a 
 production of this kind, proceeding from the Professor of Moral 
 Philosophy at Oxford, is a circumstance not to be passed lightly 
 over. Our readers will bear in mind, what is the place in Edu- 
 cation, in the Church, and in general Politics, which Oxford af- 
 fects to hold. When Locke (whom Mr Sewell never mentions 
 but to abuse him) was pressed to follow up his Essay on the 
 Human Understanding with an Essay on Morals^ he replied : 
 
 ‘ Did the wmrld want a rule, there would be no w’ork so neces- 
 ‘ sary nor so commendable. But the Gospel contains so perfect 
 ‘ a body of ethics, that Reason may be excused from that en- 
 ‘ quiry, since she may find man’s duty clearer and easier in Re- 
 ‘ velation than in herseUV Light and darkness certainly cannot 
 be more opposite than the book which would have been w ritten 
 by Locke, and that which has been written by Mr Sew^ell. What 
 is, indeed, the element which in his life and teaching Christ has 
 added unto Morals? What is it that the best of us aspire to 
 learn from the ennobling precepts of Christianity, from its great 
 encouragements, from its touching voice of patience and of 
 charity, from its paths of pleasantness and peace? Yet, 
 what are the elements which not only predominate, but are in 
 truth the exclusive elements, elaborated out of it in the crucible of 
 Mr Sewell? The Gospel, the book of glad tidings, is turned 
 into a book of Spiritual Magic, and of ecclesiastical domination. 
 The days, hovvever, of the black art are over, in any form of it. 
 Selden has quaintly said : — ‘ There never w^as a merry wmrld 
 ‘ since the Fairies left dancing, and the Parson left conjuring. The 
 ‘ opinion of the latter kept thieves in awe, and did as much good 
 ‘ in a country as a justice of peace.’ But the man must be more 
 of a conjurer than Mr Sewell, who is to persuade the Eiiglish 
 nation that Christianity and Church Government are one and the 
 
496 Sewell’s Christian Morals— Jan* 
 
 same thing’. O’Connell begins bis letter to the Earl of Shrews- 
 bury with an old saying— ‘ the greatest enemy to religion is a 
 ‘ pious fool.’ We have no means of knowing any thing for or 
 against the piety of Mr Sewell ; and he is certainly no fool, in 
 the sense in which that uncourteous monosyllable is usually un- 
 derstood. But there cannot easily be a greater wrong and vio- 
 lence done to Religion, than to tell us, that, to be really Chris- 
 tians, w’e must hold our moral and intellectual natures, our hearts 
 and consciences and understandings, upon no better title than the 
 existence of a Church of Apostolical succession, the votes of a 
 Council or a Convocation, and the spiritual guidance which we 
 may happen to receive from the ministrations or the teaching of 
 our Parish Priest. Men have been often told before that St 
 Peter kept the doors of Heaven, and that without the good 
 word of the Clergy nobody would ever get there. Terms of Com- 
 munion, and terms of Salvation, we have got accustomed to see 
 put together; and we must bear it as best vve can. Accordingly, 
 if this had been one of the ordinary impertinencies of theologians, 
 we should have neither made nor meddled in it. But morals are 
 another matter ; and we are not as yet disposed to bear so meekly, 
 on the mere authority of the Chair at Oxford, the imposition of a 
 Moral Law, more oppressive than the Jewish ceremonies, and little 
 less incredible than the Pagan superstitions, from which it is our 
 blessing that Christiariity relieved us. Mr Sewell has fortunately 
 defined his Church in such a manner that it is utterly impossible 
 he ever should be able to identify its existence. But were it 
 otherwise, and could he make out, as an historical fact, the ex- 
 istetice of such a Church, he would be as far as ever from the 
 possibility of proving any of the consequences, wTich. under the 
 fumes of a heated fancy, some ill-digested learning, and a con- 
 tagious neighbourhood, he has incorporated with his imaginary 
 fact. The Right of Private Judgment was the great prize fought 
 for at the Retormation. It w^as won at the cost of many evils, 
 but was fairly worth them all. And, at all events, Mr Sewell 
 may make sure of this : If Protestants are called upon to surren- 
 der it to Church authority, the bosom of the Church in which 
 they will lie down for a false unity, and false repose, will be 
 neither the Church of England nor that of Mr Sewell. 
 
1843. 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 407 
 
 Art. VIII . — American Notes for General Circulation. By 
 CHARLES Dickens. 2 vols. 8vo. London: 1842. 
 
 '' i Travellers should be well-instructed and conscientious men, 
 for the reputation of nations is in their hands. Lav/yers, 
 Physicians, and Clergymen, must pass their examinations, and 
 receive their credentials, before they can give opinions which the 
 public are authorized to confide in ; but for a man who has been 
 where no man else has been, it is enough if he can write — spelling, 
 punctuation, and syntax, will be furnished by his publisher; and 
 there is no Continent so large but he can pronounce upon the cha- 
 racter of its laws, government, and manners, with an authority 
 which few Professors enjoy . Ifiherebeany Englishman living who 
 has smuggled himself through the interior of China, ascertained 
 the colour of the Emperor’s eyes and beard, eluded the officers of 
 justice, and escaped from bowstring and bastinado dovvn the 
 river Yang-tse-Kiang, now is his time for a book on China and 
 the Chinese. For three months to come, he will be an absolute 
 authority on all the internal affairs of ‘ a third of the human 
 ‘ race/ Every body will read his book, and every body will 
 believe all he says. But he must not lose his tide ; if he let any 
 body get the start of him, his authority will go for little more 
 than it is worth — unless he be able, not only to write, but to 
 wuite the more readable book ; for it may be generally observed, 
 that where w^e have coiiflicting accounts^ of a foreign country, 
 the opinion which carries the day is not that of the person who 
 has taken most pains, or had the best opportunities, or is best 
 qualified, by education and natural ability, for terming a judg- 
 ment, but that of the most agreeable writer. 
 
 We say this only of the ‘ reading public ’ in general. Very 
 many, no doubt, there are amongst us of whom it is not true. 
 Very many there are, who are more particular about the forma- 
 tion of their opinions on such matters — who hold it to be not 
 foolish only, but wrong, to let false impressions settle in the 
 mind ; and who, remembering that a few weeks’ residence among 
 strangers will not qualify a man to judge of the character of 
 Nations and Governments, whose opinion nobody would ask on 
 the working of the Poor Law or the Corporation Act in his 
 owm parish, require some better assurance of the worth of a 
 traveller’s judgment before they will take the character of a 
 Continent from his representation. With such fastidious read- 
 ers, in entering upon a book of travels, to learn something 
 of the character and capacity of the writer is a primary 
 object. Unfortunately, printed books having no physiognomy, 
 
498 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 but being all alike plausible, it is an object scarcely attainable ; 
 except where the writer has the rare art of impressing- his charac- 
 ter upon his composition, or where be has already written on 
 matters which others understand. It is on this account that 
 we have looked forward with considerable interest to a work 
 on America by Mr Dickens;— not as a man whose views on such 
 a subject were likely to have any conclusive value, but as one 
 with whom ' the public is personally acquainted through his 
 former works. We all know ^ Boz,’ though we may not have 
 seen his face. We know what he thinks about aflfairs at home, 
 with which we are all conversant — about poor-laws and rich- 
 laws, elections, sci.'OoIs, courts of justice, magistrates, police- 
 men, cab-drivers, and housebreakers — matters which lie round 
 about us, and which we flatter ourselves we understand as well 
 as he. We know, therefore, what to infer from his pictures of 
 society abroad ; what weight to attribute to his representations ; 
 with what caution and allow^ance to entertain tliem. If his book 
 abound in broad pictures of social absurdities and vulgarities, 
 we know that his tendency in that direction is so strong, that, 
 though possessing sources of far finer and deeper humour, he 
 can hardly refrain from indulging it to excess. If he draw 
 bitter pictures of harsh jailers and languishing prisoners, we 
 know that his sympathy for human suffering sometimes betrays 
 him into an unjust antipathy to those whose duty it is to carry 
 into effect the severities of justice. We know, in short, where 
 w-e may trust his judggient, where w^e must take it with caution, 
 and where we may neglect it. 
 
 Mr Dickens has many qualities which mmke his testimony, as 
 a passing observer in a strange country, unusually valuable. A 
 truly genial nature; an unweariable spirit of observation, quick- 
 ened by continual exercise; an intimate acquaintance with the 
 many varieties of life and character which are to be met with in 
 large cities; a clear e}^e to see through the surface and false 
 disguises of things; a desire to see things truly; a respect for 
 the human soul, and the genuine face and voice of nature, under 
 whatever disadvantages of person, situation, or repute in the 
 world ; a mind which, if it be too much to call it original in the 
 highest sense of the word, yet uses alwmys its own eyes, and 
 a})plies itself to see the object before it takes the impression — to 
 understand the case before it passes judgment; a wide range of 
 sympathy, moreover — with swmetness, and a certain steady self- 
 respect, which keeps the spirit clear from perturbations, and free 
 to receive an untroubled image ; — a mind^ in short, which moves 
 with freedom and jdeasure in a wdder world than has been 
 thrown open to the generality of men. This happy combina- 
 
1843. 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 499 
 
 tion of rare qualities, which Mr Dickens’s previous works show 
 that he possesses, would seem to qualify him, in some respects, be- 
 yond any English traveller that has yet written about the United 
 States, — if not to discuss the political prospects of that country, 
 or to draw comparisons between monarchical and republican insti- 
 tutions, yet to receive and reproduce, for the information of the 
 British public, a just image of its existing social condition. To 
 balance these, however, it must be. confessed that he labours 
 under some considerable disadvantages. His education must 
 have been desultory, and not of a kind likely to train him to 
 habits of grave and solid speculation. A young man, a satirist 
 both by profession and by humour, whose studies have lain al- 
 most exclusivelv among the odd characters in the odd corners of 
 London, who does not appear to have attempted the systematic 
 cultiv'-ation of his powers, or indeed to have been aware of them, 
 until they were revealed to him by a sudden blaze of popularity 
 which would have turned a weaker head — who has since been 
 constantly occupied in his own peculiar held of fiction and hu- 
 mour — how can he have acquired the knowledge and the specu- 
 lative powers necessary for estimating the character of a great 
 people, placed in circumstances not only strange to him, but 
 new in the history of mankind ; or the working of institutions 
 which are yet in their infancy, their hour of trial not yet come — 
 in their present state resembling nothing by the analogy of which 
 their tendency and final scope may be guessed at ? Should he 
 wander into prophecies or philosophic speculations, it is clear that 
 such a guide must be followed with considerable distrust. How, 
 indeed, can his opinions be taken without abatement and allow- 
 ance, even in that which belongs more especially to his own pro- 
 vince — the aspect and character of society as it exists ? As a 
 comic satirist, with a strong tendency to caricature, it has been 
 his business to observe society in its irregularities and incongrui- 
 ties, not in the sum and total result of its operation ; a habit 
 wTich, even in scenes with which we are most familiar, can hardly 
 be indulged without disturbing the judgment; and which, among 
 strange men and manners, may easily mislead the fancy beyond 
 the power of the most vigilant understanding to set it right. It is 
 the nature of an Englishman to think every thing ridiculous which 
 contrasts with what he has been used to; and it costs some effort 
 of his reflective and imaginative powers to make him feel that 
 the absurdity is in himself, and not in the thing he sees. In a 
 strange country, where the conventional manners and regula- 
 tions of society are not the same as in England, every room 
 and every street must teem wdth provocations to this kind of 
 amusement, which will keep a good-humoured English tra- 
 
500 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 veller, of average reflective powers, in continual laughter. 
 And though Mr Dickens knows better, it is too much to 
 expect of him that he should have always acted upon his 
 better knowledge ; especially when we consider that he bad 
 his character as an amusing writer to keep up. The obligation 
 which he undoubtedly lies under to keep his readers w^ell enter- 
 tained, (tailing which, any book by ‘ Boz ’ would be universally 
 denounced as a catchpenny,) must have involved him in many 
 temptations quite foreign to his business as an impartial observer; 
 for any man who would resolutely abstain from seeing things in 
 false lights, must make up his mind to forego half his triumphs 
 as a wit, and vice mn^d. Even his habits as a wTiter of fiction 
 must have been against him ; for such a man will always be 
 tempted to study society, with a view to gather suggestions and 
 materials for his creative faculty to work upon, rather than simply 
 to consider and understand it. The author of ‘ Pickwick ’ will 
 study the present as our historical novelists study the past — to 
 find not what it is, but what he can make of it. 
 
 It is further to be borne in mind, in estimating Mr Dickens’s 
 claims to attention, that the study of America does not appear to 
 have been his primary object in going, nor his main business while 
 there. He went out, if we are rightly informed, as a kind of mis- 
 sionary in the cause of International Copyright ; with the design 
 of persuading the American public (for it was the public to which 
 he seems to have addressed himself) to abandon their present 
 privilege, of enjoying the produce of all the literary industry of 
 Great Britain without paying for it an excellent recommen- 
 dation, the adoption of which would, no doubt, in the end prove 
 a vast national benefit. In the mean time, however, as it cannot 
 be carried into effect, except by taxing the very many who read 
 for the benefit of the very few wTo wTite, and the present for the 
 benefit of the future — to attempt to get it adopted by a legisla- 
 ture over which the will of the many has any paramount influence, 
 would seem to be a very arduous, if not an altogether hopeless 
 enterprize. In this arduous, if not hopeless enterprize, Mr 
 Dickens, having once engaged himself, must be presumed, during 
 the short period of his visit, to have chiefly occupied his thoughts; 
 therefore the gathering of materials for a book about America 
 must be regarded as a subordinate and incidental task — the pro- 
 duce of such hours as he could spare from his main employment. 
 Kor must it he forgotten that in this, the primary object of his 
 visit, he decidedly failed ; a circumstance (not unimportant when 
 We are considering his position and opportunities as an observer 
 of manners in a strange country) to which we draw attention, 
 the rather because Mr Dickens makes no allusion to it himself. 
 
1843. 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 501 
 
 A man may read the volumes through without knowing that the 
 question of International Copyright has ever been raised on either 
 side of the Atlantic. 
 
 Our catalogue of cautions and drawbacks grows long ; but 
 there is yet another point to which, as it does not appear on the 
 face of the book itself, we must advert. Though Mr Dickens 
 does not tell us of it, it is a notorious fact, that throughout his 
 stay in the United States he was besieger! by the whole host 
 of lion-hunters, whose name in that land of liberty and equality 
 is legion. In England, we preserve our lions : to be admitted 
 to the sight of one, except on public occasions, is a privilege 
 granted only to the select. Persons of a certain distinction in 
 the fashionable world are alone licensed to exhibit him ; and the 
 exhibition is open to those only whom such distinguished persons 
 may choose to honour by admission. In America, (always ex- 
 cepting a skin of the right colour,) the pursuit of this kind of 
 game requires no qualification wdiatever ; for though society 
 seems to form itself there, just as it does with us, into a series of 
 circles, self-distinguished and excluded one from the other, yet 
 there does not appear to be any generally acknowledged scale 
 of social dignity. Each circle may assert its own pretensions, 
 and act upon them ; but they are not binding upon the rest. 
 One ciiizen may not choose to dine with another, just as one 
 party may refuse to act with aiiother in politics; but they are 
 not the less equal in the eye of the law. In the eye of the law 
 and of the universe, a citizen is a citizen, and, as such, has a 
 right to do the honours of his country to a stranger ; and though 
 there are, doubtless, many circles in which the stranger is pitied 
 for having to receive such promiscuous attentions, there is none 
 w'hich seeuiS to consider itself excluded from the privilege of 
 odering them. Of the evils which necessarily beset a man whom 
 every bociy is eager to see, this is a very serious aggravation. 
 In London, his condition is bad enough ; for the attentions 
 wdrich are prompted, not by respect, but by this prurient curio- 
 sity, must always be troublesome and thankless. But, in Ame- 
 rica, the whole population turns out, and the hunted animal has 
 no escape. The popularity of Mr Dickens’s works is said to be 
 even greater there than it is at home. Copies are circulated 
 through all corners of the land at a tenth of the native cost ; 
 readers, therefore, are ten times as numerous. The curiosity to 
 see him, hear him, and touch him, was accordingly universal ; 
 and (if we may trust current report) his time must have been 
 passed in one continual levee. It was not merely the profusion 
 of hospitable offers — the crowd of callers that besieged his lodg- 
 ings — the criticisms upon his person — and the regular announce- 
 VOL. LXXVr. NO. CMV. 2 K 
 
502 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ment of his movements in the newspapers, that indicated this in- 
 tense feeling. But if he walked in the street, he was followed ; 
 if he went to the play, he had to pass through a lane formed by 
 rows of uncovered citizens ; if he took his seat in the railway 
 car a few minutes before the time of starting, the idlers in 
 the neighbourhood came about him, and fell 'to discussing 
 his personal appearance ; if he sat in his room, boys from 
 the street came in to look at him, and from the window 
 beckoned their companions to follow, (Vol. i. p. 277 ;) if 
 he took the wings of the evening, and fled to the farthest 
 limits of geography, even there his notoriety pursued him. As 
 he lay reading in a steam-boat, between Sandusky and Buffalo, 
 he was startled by a whisper in his ear — (which came, however, 
 from the adjoining cabin, and was not addressed to him) — ‘ Boz 
 is on board still, my dear.’ Again, after a pause, (complain- 
 ingly,) ‘ Boz keeps liimself very close.’ And once more, after 
 a long interval of silence, ‘ I suppose that Boz will be writing 
 a book by and by, and putting ail our names in it.’ This is 
 the very misery of Kings, who can enjoy no privacy, nor ever 
 see the natural face of the world they live in, but see only their 
 own importance reflected in the faces of the gaping crowd that 
 surrounds them. We set down the circumstance among Mr 
 Dickens’s most serious disadvantages — not because we suppose 
 his judgment to have been biassed by it, for he has too much 
 sense to be gratified by this kind of homage, and too much 
 good-nature to take it unkindly ; but because it must have pre- 
 vented him from seeing society in its natural condition : it must 
 have presented the New World to his eyes under circumstances 
 of disturbance, which brought an undue proportion of the sedi- 
 ment to the surface, and thereby made his position as an obser- 
 ver very unfavourable. In the New" World as in the Old, and 
 in all classes, from the highest to the lowest, the curiosity 
 which follows the steps of every much-talked-of man is essentially 
 vulgar ; and, in such a case as this, can hardly fail to leave upon 
 the mind of the sufferer an undue impression of disgust. 
 
 Such being our opinion of Mr Dickens’s faculties and oppor~ 
 tunities for observation, we expected from him a book, not with- 
 out large defects both positive and negative, but containing 
 some substantial and valuable addition to our stock of informa- 
 tion with regard to this most interesting country — interesting 
 not only for the indissoluble connexion of its interests with our 
 own, but likewise as the quarter from which we must look for 
 
 light on the great question of these times What is to become 
 
 of Democracy-, and how is it to be dealt with ? We cannot say 
 that our expectations are justified by the result. But though 
 
1843 . 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 503 
 
 the book is said to have given great offence on the other side of 
 the Atlantic, we cannot see any sufficient reason for it. 
 
 To us it appears that Mr Dickens deserves great praise for 
 the care with which he has avoided all offensive topics, and 
 abstained from amusing his readers at the expense of his enter- 
 tainers; and if we had an account of the temptations in this kind 
 which he has resisted, we do not doubt that the reserve and self- 
 control which he has exercised, would appear scarcely less than 
 heroical. But, on the other hand, we cannot say that his book 
 throws any new light on his subject. He has done little more 
 than confide to the public, what should have been a series of 
 Letters for the entertainment of his private friends. Very 
 agreeable and amusing Letters they would have been ; and as 
 such, had they been posthumously published, would have been read 
 with interest and pleasure. As it is, in the middle of our amuse- 
 ment at the graphic sketches of life and manners, the ludicrous in- 
 cidents, the wayside conversations about nothing, so happily told, 
 and the lively remarks with which these ‘ Notes’ abound — in the 
 middle of our respect for the tone of good sense and good hu- 
 mour which runs through them — and in spite of a high apprecia- 
 tion of the gentlemanly feeling which has induced him to refrain 
 from all personal allusions and criticisms ; and for the modesty 
 which has kept him silent on so many subjects, concerning which 
 most persons in the same situation (not being reminded of the 
 worthlessness of their opinions by the general inattention of man- 
 kind to what they say) are betrayed into the delivery of oracles, 
 — in the middle of all this, we cannot help feeling that we 
 should have respected Mr Dickens more if he had kept his 
 book to himself; if he had been so far dissatisfied with these 
 ‘American Notes’ as to shrink from the ‘general circulation* 
 of them ; if he had felt unwilling to stand by and see them 
 trumpeted to all corners of the earth —quoted and criticized in 
 every newspaper — passing through edition after edition in 
 England — and settling in clouds of sixpenny copies all over the 
 United States. That he had nothing better to say is no reproach 
 to him. He had much to say about International Copyright, 
 and that, we doubt not, was well worth having ; we only wish 
 it had been heard with more favour. But, having nothing better 
 to say, why say any thing? To us it seems to imply a want of 
 respect either for himself or for his subject, that he should be 
 thus prompt to gratify the prominent public appetite for no- 
 velty, by bringing the fruits of his mind into the market unripe. 
 This, however, is a matter of taste. In reputation, so easy and 
 abundant a writer will suffer little from an occasional mistake. 
 Though this book should only live till New-Year’s day, it will 
 
504 
 
 Dickenses American Notes, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 have lived longf enough for his fame: for on that day we observe 
 that he is himself to come forth again in a series of Monthly 
 Numbers — so that none but himself will be his extinguisher. In 
 the mean time, as a candidate for ‘general circulation,’ it stands 
 before us for judgment, and must be dealt with according to its 
 deserts. 
 
 Concerning America in her graver aspects, we have already 
 said that it does not add much to our existing stock of in- 
 formation. In comprehensiveness, completeness, and solidity, 
 the fruits of a judicial temper, patient and persevering obser- 
 vation, and a mind accustomed to questions of politics and govern- 
 ment, it is not to be compared to the work entitled ‘ Men and 
 Manners in America,’ by the author of Cyril Thornton.^ Any 
 one who is curious about the state of things in that country, 
 and wishes to form some idea of its real condition, should ra- 
 ther look there for it, than here. There he will find the mat- 
 ter discussed and illustrated; here he will find little more than 
 a loose record of the travelling impressions of Mr Dickens. 
 Still, even this is not without its value. To know the im- 
 pression made by the first aspect of a country upon a mind 
 like his, is to know something of the country itself. The good 
 things he has been able to say, and the good stories he has met 
 with in his travels, are things of less real interest, though a good 
 deal more entertaining. Good stories grow wild in all societies; 
 no man who can tell one when found, had ever any difficulty in 
 finding one to tell. Sketches of odd characters, specimens of 
 the slang of coachmen and porters, ludicrous incidents, pictu- 
 resque groups, whimsical phrases, or such as sound whimsical to 
 strange ears — these things (though it is of such that the better 
 part of these volumes consists) tell us nothing about a country. 
 We want to know the total aspect, complexion, and constitution 
 of society ; these are only its flying humours. Leaving these, 
 therefore, to the newspapers, (which have rarely come in for 
 such a windfall during the recess,) we shall apply ourselves to 
 discover from such hints as these volumes supply, what kind of 
 people these transatlantic brethren of ours really are, and what 
 kind of life they live. We shall not, indeed, enquire at what 
 hour they dine; whether they wear their hair long or short; how 
 they pronounce certain words ; how they take their tobacco ; and 
 
 We are sorry to learn that the able and accomplished author of 
 these works, (Captain Hamilton,) has very lately, while in the prime of 
 life, been called to pay the great debt of nature. He died, we believe, 
 in Italy. 
 
1843 . 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 505 
 
 whether, when they wish -to sofren the absoluteness of their posi- 
 tives or negatives, they say, ‘ I guess,’ or ‘ I su[)pose,’ ‘ I ea:pect,* 
 or ‘ I tW^pect.’ In these and the like matters, the natives have our 
 good leave to please themselves. We watit to know how they 
 act and feel in the sul)stantial relations and emergencies of life, 
 in their marryings and givings in marriage — in their parental, 
 conjugal, filial duties — in the neighbourly charities — in the offices 
 of friendship. The fire-side, the market-place, the sick-room, 
 the place of worship and the court of justice, the school, the 
 library — it is in the management of these that the life and being 
 of a people must be looked for, not in their dress, or dialect, or 
 rules of etiquette. 
 
 We must confess, indeed, that to gather any sound knowledge, 
 and form any just opinions on these points, is a matter of extreme 
 difficulty; and when we say that Mr Dickens has not given us 
 much information about them, we are far from meaning it as a 
 reproach. ‘ He that hath knowledge spareth his words’ — and 
 the stranger who thinks to understand a people in a fortnight, is 
 not wise. In all his observations on a strange society, a man 
 must have a reference, more or less direct, to that with which he 
 is familiar at home. Without reference to some such standard 
 he cannot explain his feeling to himself — much less to another. 
 Yet to compare a familiar world with a strange one, — what is it 
 but comparing the ore as it comes out of the smelting-house, with 
 the ore as it comes out of the mine? In remembering his own 
 country, a man takes no account of the dross; in observing an- 
 other, he values the gross lump — dross and gold together. At 
 home he has made himself comfortable — that is, he has gradually 
 settled into the ways he likes, gathered about him the people he 
 likes : of the things he did not like, he has got rid of when he 
 could, reconciled himself to what he must, and forgotten all 
 about the rest. Out of a hundred persons whose acquaintance 
 he might have cultivated, he has cultivated ten. Out of a 
 dozen places of resort that are open to him, he resorts to one. 
 He has tried three or four servants, and at last found one that 
 suits him. They gave him damp sheets and a bad breakfast at 
 the Crown Inn : instead of making a note of the fact for gene- 
 ral circulation, he went to the Bell, where they serve him better, 
 and forgot it. And thus, out of the jarring elements of the 
 world into which he was born, he has shaped out a small peculiar 
 world expressly for himself, which fits him ; and this private 
 world it is that he boasts of to others, grumbles at to himself, 
 and carries about in his thoughts as a standard to measure fo- 
 reign pretensions by. In the foreign w^orld, meanwhile, he can 
 make neither selections nor distinctions; he looks at every thing 
 
506 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 alike, and every tiling he looks at he sets down as alike charac- 
 teristic. Some delusion from so unequal a comparison it is im- 
 possible to avoid. But it may be partly corrected — some esti- 
 mate at least may be formed of the extent of correction required 
 — by taking any given surface of ground at home, the inhabi- 
 tants of which have been drawn together, not by any common 
 interest or pursuit, but each by his several occasion ; supposing 
 5 ^ourself suddenly set down among them without any previous 
 knov/ledge of their characters ; and endeavouring to imagine the 
 impression you would take of the place and people during the 
 first exchange of visits; how they would figure in your Journal 
 in that period of probation, before you had learned to treat them 
 according to their qualities — to cultivate the esteemabie, to avoid 
 the disagreeable, and to think nothing about the greater number. 
 
 Fully aware, no doubt, of all this — desiring to be just and libe- 
 ral in his observations — -intending to wTite a book, but remem- 
 bering withal, that ‘ in the multitude of words there wanteth 
 ‘ not sin,’ and firmly resolved to violate neither the confidence of 
 social intercourse by revealing private conversations, nor the 
 decency of manners by publishing criticisms upon the character 
 and appearance of the ladies and gentlemen at whose houses he 
 might be received — (a modern practice which, considering the 
 activity of the press, the rapidity and regularity of communica- 
 tion between the two countries, and the scandalous appetite for 
 personal sketches which afflicts both, is little better than to talk 
 of people before their faces ; and can be compared to nothing so 
 aptly as to the conduct of the street boys in Baltimore, who came 
 to inspect ‘ Boz’ as he sat in the railway car*) — he landed at 
 Boston on the 22d of January 1842. Having remained there 
 about a fortnight, he proceeded towards New York, where he 
 arrived on the 13th of February. How long he stayed we 
 cannot learn ; but in the middle of March we find him at Rich- 
 
 * ^ Being- rather early, those men and boys who happened to have 
 nothing particular to do, and were curious in foreigners^ came (accord- 
 ing to custom) round the carriage in which I sat ; let down all the win- 
 dows ; thrust in their heads and shoulders; hooked themselves on con- 
 veniently l)y their elbows ; and fell to comparing notes on the subject 
 of my personal appearance, ivith as much indifference as if I were a 
 stuffed figure. 1 never gained so much uncompromising information 
 with reference to my own nose and eyes, the various impressions wrought 
 by my mouth and chin on differe72t ininds, and how my head looks from 
 behind, as on these occasions.' — (Vol. I. p. 277.) The street boys we can 
 excuse ; but our literary ladies and gentlemen should know better. 
 
1843 , 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 507 
 
 mond in Virginia, having already seen all he meant to see of 
 Philadelphia, Washington, and Baltimore, and now turning his 
 lace towards the great West. The next six or seven weeks must 
 have been spent almost entirely in coaches and steam-boats; for 
 we find him passing from Richmond back to Baltimore; thence 
 up the valley of the Susquehanna to Harrisburg; across the 
 Alleghany mountains to Pittsburg ; down the whole length of 
 the Ohio river to its junction with the Mississippi ; up the Mis- 
 sissippi to St Louis ; back again as far as Cincinnati ; thence 
 across the state of Ohio, two or three hundred miles northward, 
 as far as Sandusky; from Sandusky traversing the whole length 
 of Lake Erie; and so proceeding by way of Buffalo to the Falls 
 of Niagara, which he reached about the end of April, and re- 
 mained there for ten days, in a confusion of sublime emotions, 
 upon which he has enlarged in a passage which our respect for 
 his genius will not permit us to extract. The next three weeks 
 were devoted to Canada ; after which he had only time for a rapid 
 journey to New York by way of Lake Champlain, and one spare 
 day, which he devoted to the * Shakers ’ at Lebanon. 
 
 If to these dates (which wx have gathered with some diffi- 
 culty) we could add an account of the distances between place 
 and place, (distances of which we, who are confined within our 
 four seas, can form no practical conception,) it would be suffi- 
 ciently apparent that, during the last half of Mr Dickens’s sojourn 
 in the United States, he did not stay long enough in any one 
 place to become even tolerably well acquainted with its society; 
 and that his impressions of social character throughout the vast 
 regions lying to the west of Washington, must have been drawn 
 entirely from the company he travelled with — a class of persons 
 wffiose manners must, in all countries, be far below the average. 
 Any general judgments he may hazard must therefore be taken 
 with the requisite allowance. A fortnight well spent in Boston, 
 and a month between New York, Philadelphia, and Washing- 
 ton, may enable a wise man to say something about the people. 
 The rest of Mr Dickens’s experience qualified him admirably 
 well to tell us what to expect in coaches, canal boats, railway 
 carriages, and hotels ; and in these matters, if allowance be 
 made for his habitual exaggeration — (a fault, by the way, which, 
 we fear, increases upon him) — we dare say his authority is as 
 good as any man’s. But, as we should be sorry to have the 
 character of England inferred from the manners of the road ; or 
 indeed to have any conclusions drawn as to our own personal 
 proficiency in the courtesies of life, from our demeanour in the 
 traveller’s room ; we shall leave his westward observations un- 
 noticed, and endeavour to make out what kind of people he 
 
508 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 found in the drawing-rooms at Boston, Philadelphia, and Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 Every country — especially a new one — has a right to he 
 judged by the best of its natural growths; for the best is that 
 towards which the rest aspire. Of the manners and character 
 of the best class in America, Mr Dickens (in common, we be- 
 lieve, with every gentleman who has had an opportunity of judg- 
 ing) gives a very favourable impression. On quitting New York, 
 after not more than a fortnight’s stay there, he says : — ‘ I never 
 ‘ thought that going back to England, returning to all who are 
 ‘ dear to me, and to pursuits that have insensibly grown to be 
 ‘ a part of my nature, I could have felt so much sorrow as I 
 ‘ endured, when I parted at last on board this ship with the 
 ‘ friends that accompanied me from this city. I never thought 
 ‘ the name of any place so far away, and so lately known, could 
 ‘ ever associate itself in my mind with the crowd of affectionate 
 ‘ remembrances that now cluster about it.’ And then follows 
 one of Mr Dickens’s fine passages, v»^hich we wish to be under- 
 stood as quoting, not because we admire it, but because it shows 
 that the last sentence was not strong enough to satisfy his 
 feelings: — ‘ There are those in this city who would brighten, 
 
 ‘ to me, the darkest winter day that ever glimmered and 
 ‘ went out in Lapland ; and before whose presence even home 
 ‘ grew dim, when they and I exchanged that painful word 
 ‘ which mingles with our every thought and deed ; which 
 ‘ haunts our cradle-heads in infancy, and closes up the vista 
 ‘ of our lives in age.’ — (Vol. i. p. 230.) And in his conclud- 
 ing remarks, he deliberately repeats the same sentiment as 
 applicable, not to New York only, but to the nation gene- 
 rally : — ‘ They are by nature frank, brave, cordial, hospitable, 
 
 ‘ and affectionate. Cultivation and refinement seem but to enhance 
 ‘ their warmth of heart and ardent enthusiasm ; and it is the pos- 
 ‘ session of these latter qualities in a most remarkable degree, 
 ‘ which renders an educated American one of the most endearing 
 ‘ and most generous of friends. I never was so won upon as by 
 ‘ this class ; never yielded up my full confidence and esteem so 
 ‘ readily and pleasantly as to them ; never can make again, in half 
 ‘ a year, so many friends for whom I seem to entertain the regard 
 ‘ of half a life.’ — (Vol. ii. p. 288.) Acknowledgments, scarcely 
 less strong than these, of the merits of the best class of American 
 gentry, are scattered through Captain Hamilton’s book ; and even 
 Captain Basil Hall, in spite of his prejudices and conventional 
 feelings — his horror at words wrong pronounced, and meats un- 
 gracefully swallowed, and his complacent persuasion that what- 
 ever is the fashion in England is right in the eye of universal 
 
1843. 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 509 
 
 reason — tells us, in his gossiping’, good-humoured waV} the very 
 same thing of the manners and distinguishing qualities of the 
 class to which the individuals belong who called forth the above 
 expressions of admiration. We regret that little or nothing 
 more of the kind can be collected from these volumes. The tone 
 of society in Boston is only described as being ‘ one of perfect 
 ‘ politeness, courtesy, and good breeding.’ The ladies, we learn, 
 are beautiful ; and ‘ their education much as with us.’ Their 
 parties take place at more rational hours, and the conversation 
 ‘ may possibly be a little louder and more cheerful’ than with 
 us. In other respects, a party in Boston appeared to Mr 
 Dickens just like a party in London. In New York, we are 
 only told that ‘ the tone of the best society is like that of Boston : 
 
 ‘ here and there, it may be, with a greater iniusion of the mer- 
 ‘ cantile spirit, but generally polished and refined, and always 
 ‘ most hospitable. The houses and tables are elegant ; the hours 
 ‘ later, and more rakish ; and there is perhaps a greater spirit of 
 ‘ contention in reference to appearances, and the display of 
 ‘ wealth and costly living:’ the ladies are again described as 
 ‘ singularly beautiful.’ Of the society in Philadelphia, we only 
 ‘ learn that ‘ what he saw of it he greatly liked’ — but that it was 
 more ‘provincial’ than at Boston or New York; and apparent- 
 ly rather too blue for his taste. But his stay was very short. 
 At Washington he confines himself to legislators ; and of them 
 he speaks only as he finds them in the arena where they exhi- 
 bit. Plis remarks on them we shall pass over — for, being in 
 quest of the best manners in the country, we must of course 
 avoid all places consecrated to public debate. To learn the true 
 character and manners of the English bar, you must look 
 at lawyers — any where but in court ; and before we pro- 
 nounce upon the breeding of a member of Congress, we must 
 see him in a private drawing-room. The only persons whom 
 he speaks of as being personally known, are those whom he 
 specially excepts from his general censures. Of these — ‘ the 
 ‘ foremost among those politicians who are known in Europe’ — 
 he says — ‘ to the mo>t favourable accounts that have been writ- 
 ‘ ten of them, I. more than fully and most heartily subscribe: and 
 ‘ personal intercourse and free communication have bred within 
 ‘ me, not the result predicted in the very doubtful proverb, but 
 ‘ increased admiration and respect. They are striking men to 
 ‘ look at, hard to deceive, prompt to act, lions in energy, Crich- 
 ‘ tons in varied accomplishment, Indians in fire of eye and ges- 
 ‘ ture, Americans in strong and generous impulse ; and they as 
 ‘ well represent the honour and wisdom of their country at home, 
 ‘ as the distinguished gentleman who is now its minister at the 
 
510 Dickens’s American Notes. Jan, 
 
 ‘ Britisk court sustains its highest character abroad/ (Vol. i. p. 
 292.) This is another of those ambitious sentences, from which 
 we can gather no distinct idea except that these gentlemen have 
 inspired Mr Dickens with a strong desire to pay them a splendid 
 compliment. We cannot doubt that his admiration of them is 
 sincere ; and we may take his known character and ability as a 
 guarantee that it is well founded. 
 
 We do not suppose that his conversation has lain much among 
 Professors, or that his thoughts on Universities are entitled to 
 much authority ; but we must not omit to mention, in this place, 
 his notice of the University of Cambridge, and its influence upon 
 the society around. ‘ The resident professors at that University 
 ‘ are gentlemen of learning and varied attainments ; and are, 
 ‘ without one exception that I can call to mind, men who would 
 ‘ shed a grace upon, and do honour to any society in the civi- 
 ‘ lized world. Many of the resident gentry, in Boston and in 
 ‘ its neighbourhood, and I think I am not mistaken in adding, a 
 ‘ large majority of those who are attached to the liberal profes- 
 ‘ sions there, have been educated at this same school. 
 
 ‘ It was a source of inexpressible pleasure to me to observe the 
 ‘ almost imperceptible, but not less certain, effect wrought by 
 ® this institution among the small community at Boston; and to 
 ‘ note, at every turn, the humanizing tastes and desires it has 
 ‘ engendered — the affectionate friendships to which it has given 
 ‘ rise — the amount of vanity and prejudice it has dispelled.’ 
 
 As we are not writing an essay upon the social condition of 
 America, but trying to collect Mr Dickens’s impressions of it, we 
 must be content with these somewhat meagre notices of the man- 
 ners and character of its best society. For further evidence as to 
 its qualities, we must look to its fruits. And the fruits of the social 
 character, as distinguished from the political regulations of a coun- 
 try, are to be looked for in those matters in which the baser appe- 
 tites and worse dispositions of men having no temptation to inter- 
 fere, sense, character, knowledge, and virtue have their natural 
 influence — not, therefore, in the Legislature; for the composition 
 of that depends upon the law of election and the amount of quali- 
 fication ; nor in the Press, for the character of that depends upon 
 the cost of printing and paper, and the amount of taxes, direct 
 and indirect, upon what, by courtesy, is called knowledge. The 
 Press and the Legislature react upon the social character, but are 
 not to be taken as representing it. The composition of the 
 House of Representatives is not so much an index to the feel- 
 ings and opinions of the American gentry, as to the number 
 of Irish labourers who have votes. And the character of the 
 daily and w’eekly Press is a measure rather of the number of un- 
 
1843. 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 511 
 
 educated persons who can read, than of the taste of the educated. 
 But there are some departments in the social establishment, 
 which the worse half of society silently leaves to the care and 
 taste of the better. Among these, the most conspicuous are 
 charities of all kinds, public and private ; arrangements for the 
 education of the people ; asylums for persons labouring under 
 natural defects ; provision for the relief of sick persons and young 
 children ; for the treatment of prisoners, and the like. Institu- 
 tions of this kind are probably the fairest expression that can be 
 had of the feeling and character of a people, properly considered ; 
 reckoning, that is, not by numbers but by weight — counting 
 every man as two whose opinion carries another along with it. 
 Now, in these matters, Mr Dickens’s testimony is not only very 
 favourable and very strongly expressed ; but is really of great 
 value. Prisons and madhouses have always had strong attrac- 
 tions for him ; he went out with the advantage of a very exten- 
 sive acquaintance with establishments of this kind in England ; 
 and, w'herever he heard of one in America, he appears to have 
 stayed and seen it. Elis report leads irresistibly to the conclusion, 
 that in this department New England has, as a people, taken the 
 lead of the civilized world ; and that Old England, though be- 
 ginning to follow, is still a good way behind. And the superi- 
 ority lies not merely in the practical recognition of the principle, 
 that the care of these things belongs properly to the state ; and 
 should not be left, as with us, to the charity and judgment of 
 individuals, how^ever securely that charity may be relied on ; but 
 in the excellence of the institutions themselves in respect of ar- 
 rangement and management. Our limits wdll not allow us to 
 follow him through his observations and remarks on this subject; 
 which are, however, upon the whole, the most valuable and 
 interesting part of the book. Ele carefully inspected not less (we 
 think) than ten institutions of this class; and of these he has 
 given minute descriptions. Those at Boston, he believes to be 
 ‘ as perfect as the most considerate wdsdom, benevolence, and 
 
 ‘ humanity can make them.’ ‘ In all of them, the unfor- 
 
 ^ tunate or degenerate citizens of the State are carefully instruct- 
 ‘ ed in their duties both to God and man ; are surrounded by all 
 ‘ reasonable means of comfort and happiness that their condition 
 ‘ will well admit of ; are appealed to as members of the great 
 ‘ human family, however afflicted, indigent, or fallen ; are ruled 
 ‘ by the strong heart, and not by the strong (though immeasu- 
 ‘ rably weaker) hand.’ And the rest, (with the exception of a 
 lunatic asylum in Long Island, and a prison nicknamed ‘ The 
 ‘ Tombs’ at New York,) appear to deserve, so far at least as 
 the design and the management go, the same praise. Upon 
 
512 
 
 Diekens’s American Notes, Jan. 
 
 one doubtful and difficult question, which has of late excited 
 a good deal of controversy in England, Mr Dickens’s obser- 
 vations will be read with great interest — we allude to the effects 
 of the solitary as contrasted with the silent system., Against 
 the solitary system Mr Dickens gives hh most emphatic tes- 
 timony ; which will, no doubt, have due weight with the de- 
 partment on which the consideration of ^this question, with refer- 
 ence to our own prison system, devolves. For our own part, we 
 must confess that, highly as we esteem his opinion in such a 
 matter, and free as we are from any prejudice in favour of the 
 system which he condemns, we are not altogether satisfied. His 
 manner of handling the question does not assure us that he is 
 master of it. His facts, as stated by himself, do not appear to 
 us to fit his theory. If not inconsistent with it, they are certainly 
 not conclusive in favour of it. We sometimes cannot help doubt- 
 ing whether his judging faculty is strongly developed, and w he- 
 ther he does not sometimes mistake pictures in his mind for facts 
 in nature. He is evidently proud of his powers of intuition — of his 
 faculty of inferring a whole history from a passing expression. 
 Show him any man’s face, and he will immediately tell you his 
 life and adventures. A very pretty and probable story he will 
 make of it ; and, provided we do not forget that it is ‘dW fiction^ a 
 very instructive one. But, in discussing disputed points in 
 nature or policy, we cannot admit these works of his imagination 
 as legitimate evidence. The case before us supplies a striking 
 illustration of Mr Dickens’s power in this way ; and likewise, we 
 suspect, of his tendency to be misled by it. We shall take the 
 opportunity of quoting a long passage, which will serve the 
 threefold purpose of exhibiting a favourable specimen of Mr 
 Dickens’s style, of justifying the doubts we have expressed as to 
 his judging faculty, and of presenting the case against the solitary 
 in a strong light* 
 
 He commences his remarks on the subject by declaring his 
 belief ‘ that very few men are capable of estimating the immense 
 ‘amount of torture and agony which this dreadful punishment, 
 ‘prolonged for years, inflicts upon the sufferers,’ and that, ‘in 
 ‘ guessing at it himself, and in reasoning from what he has seen 
 ‘ written upon their faces, and what to his certain knowledge they 
 ^ feel within, he is only the more convinced that there is a depth 
 ‘ of terrible endurance in it, which none but the sufferers them- 
 ‘ selves can fathom, and which no man has aright to inflict upon 
 ‘his fellow-creature.’ — (Vol. i. p. 239.) He then proceeds to 
 describe the regulations of the prison, and the condition and 
 appearance of several of the prisoners. The sight, and the feel- 
 ings of awe and pity which the sight aw^akens, set his ‘ shaping 
 spirit of imagination’ at work, and he thus goes on : — 
 
1843. 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 513 
 
 ‘ As 1 walked among these solitary cells, and looked at the faces of the 
 men within them, 1 tried to picture to myself the thoughts and feelings 
 natural to their condition ; I imagined the hood just taken off, and the 
 scene of their captivity disclosed to them in all its dismal monotony. 
 
 ‘ At first, the man is stunned. His confinement is a hideous vision ; 
 and his old life a reality. He throws himself upon his bed, and lies there 
 abandoned to despair. By degrees the insupportable solitude and barren- 
 ness of the place rouses him from this stupor, and when the trap in his 
 grated door is opened, he humbly begs and prays for work. “ Give me 
 some work to do, or I shall go raving mad I ” 
 
 ‘ He has it ; and by fits and starts applies himself to labour ; but every 
 now and then there comes upon him a burning sense of the years that 
 must be wasted in that stone coffin, and an agony so piercing in the recol- 
 lection of those who are hidden from his view and knowledge, that he 
 starts from his seat, and striding up and down the narrow room, with both 
 hands clasped on his uplifted head, hears spirits tempting him to beat 
 his brains out on the wall. 
 
 ‘ Again he falls upon his bed, and lies there, moaning. Suddenly he 
 starts up, wondering whether any other man is near; whether there is 
 another cell like that on either side of him ; and listens keenly. 
 
 ‘ There is no sound : but other prisoners may be near for all that. 
 He remembers to have heard once — when he little thought of coming 
 there himself — that the cells were so constructed that the prisoners 
 could not hear each other, though the officers could hear them. Where 
 is the nearest man — upon the right, or on the left ? or is there one in 
 both directions? Where is he sitting now — with his face to the light? 
 or is he walking to and fro ? How is he dressed ? Has he been there 
 long? Is he much worn away? Is he very white and spectre-like? 
 Does he think of his neighbour too ? 
 
 ‘ Scarcely venturing to breathe, and listening while he thinks, he con- 
 jures up a figure with its back towards him, and imagines it moving 
 about in this next cell. He has no idea of the face; but he is certain 
 of the dark form of a stooping man. In the cell upon the other side, 
 he puts another figure, wliose face is hidden from him also. Day after 
 day. and often when he wakes up in the middle of the night, he thinks 
 of these tw'o men until he is almost distracted. He never changes 
 them. There they are always as he first imagined them — an old man 
 on the right; a younger man on the left — whose hidden features torture 
 him to death, and have a mystery that makes him tremble. 
 
 ‘ The weary days pass on with solemn pace, like mourners at a 
 funeral ; and slowdy he begins to feel that the white walls of his cell 
 have something dreadful in them: that their colour is horrible ; that 
 their smooth surface chills his blood : that there is one hateful corner 
 which torments him. Every morning when he wakes, he hides his 
 head beneath the coverlet, and shudders to see the ghastly ceiling look- 
 ing down upon him. The blessed light of day itself peeps in — an ugly 
 phantom face — through the unchangeable crevice which is his prison 
 window. 
 
 ‘ By slow^ but sure degrees, the terrors of that hateful coiner swell 
 
514 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 until they beset him at all times ; invade his rest, make his dreams 
 hideous, and his nights dreadful. At first, he took a strange dislike to 
 It ; feeling as though it gave birth in his brain to something of corres- 
 ponding shape, which ought not to be there, and racked his head with 
 pains. Then he began to fear it, then to dream of it ; and of men whis- 
 pering its name and pointing to it. Then he could not bear to look at 
 it, nor yet to turn his back upon it. Now, it is every night the lurking 
 place of a ghost — a shadow — a silent something, horrible to see ; but 
 whether bird or beast, or muffled human shape, he cannot tell. 
 
 ‘ When he is in his cell by day, he fears the little yard without. 
 When he is in the yard, he dreads to re-enter the cell. When night 
 comes, there stands the phantom in the corner. If he have the courage 
 to stand in its place and drive it out, (he had once, being desperate,) it 
 broods upon his bed. In the twilight, and always at the same hour, a 
 voice calls to him by name ; as the darkness thickens, his loom begins 
 to live; and even that, his comfort, is a hideous figure, watching him 
 till daybreak. 
 
 ‘ Again, by slow degrees, these horrible fancies depart from him one 
 by one ; returning sometimes unexpectedly, but at longer intervals, and 
 in less alarming shapes. He has talked upon religious matters with the 
 gentleman who visits him ; and has read his Bible, and has written a 
 prayer upon his slate, and has hung it up as a kind of protection, and 
 an assui’ance of heavenly companionship. He dreams now sometimes of 
 his children or his wife, but is sure that they are dead or have deserted 
 him. He is easily moved to tears ; is gentle, submissive, and broken-spi- 
 rited. Occasionally the old agony comes back; a very little thing will 
 revive it; even a familiar sound, or the scent of summer flowers in the 
 air; but it does not last long now; for the world without has come to be 
 the vision, and this solitary life the sad reality. 
 
 ‘If his term of imprisonment be short — I mean comparatively, for 
 short it cannot be — the last half-year is almost wmrse than all; for then 
 he thinks the prison will take tire and he be burned in the ruins, or that 
 he is doomed to die within the walls, or that he will be detained on some 
 false charge and sentenced for another term: or that something, no mat- 
 ter what, must happen to prevent his going at large. And this is natural, 
 and impossible to be reasoned against ; because, after his long separation 
 from human life, and his great suffering, any event will appear to him 
 more probable in the contempjlation than the being restored to liberty and 
 his fellow-creatures. 
 
 ‘ If his period of confinement have been very long, the prospect of 
 release bewilders and confuses him. His broken heart may flutter for a 
 moment when he thinks of the world outside, and what it might have 
 been to him in all those lonely years ; but that is all. The cell door has 
 been closed too long on all his hopes and cares. Better to have hanged 
 him in the beginning than bring him to this pass, and send him forth 
 among his kind, who are his kind no more.^ 
 
 Now this is a most powerful sketch of possible case. Had it 
 occurred in a professed work of fiction, as a description of the actual 
 condition of one of the characters, we should have thought it re- 
 
1843. 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 515 
 
 markable not only for force but for truth. It is terrible, but not 
 monstrous; we can imagine a man feeling and doing all that is 
 described. But when we are enquiring into the actual and ordi- 
 nary effects of’ solitary confinement upon the mind of a prisoner, 
 we are constrained to ask Mr Dickens what authority he has for 
 his many facts ? How does he know that prisoners are affected 
 in this manner? And, above all, how does he know that it is the 
 general case? He will say that he saw it in their faces; they 
 had all the same expression ; and that expression told him the 
 whole story. But he should at least show that his interpretation 
 of the countenance was corroborated by other indications of less 
 doubtful character. Let us refer to the individual sufferers whom 
 he saw and conversed with in several stages of punishment, and 
 see whether their demeanour (as he himself describes it) accords 
 with his supposition. There are but nine cases of which he gives 
 any detailed report: we will take them all, placing them, how- 
 ever in our own order. First, a German who had been brought in 
 the day before — he was imploring for work. Second, an English 
 thief, who had been in only a few days; still savage. These two 
 cases may be set aside: the effects of the system not having had 
 time to show itself. Third, A man convicted as a receiver of stolen 
 goods ; but who denied his guilt. He had been in for six years, 
 and was to remain three more. ‘ He stopped his work when we 
 ‘ went in, took off his spectacles, and answered freely to every 
 ‘ thing that was said to him. ^ ^ * Jle wore a paper hat of 
 
 ‘ his own making, and was pleased to have it noticed and com- 
 ‘ mended. He had very ingeniously manufactured a sort of 
 ‘ Dutch clock from some disregarded odds and ends; and his vine- 
 ‘ gar bottle served for the pendulum. Seeing me interested in 
 ‘ this contrivance, he looked up at it with a great deal of pride, 
 
 ‘ and said that he had been thinking of improving it, and that he 
 ‘ hoped the hammer and a little piece of broken glass beside it 
 ‘ would play music before long. He had extracted some colours 
 ‘ from the yarn with which he worked, and painted a few poor 
 ‘ figures on the wall.’ Surely this is not the demeanour, nor 
 these the ways, of a man whose spirit is crushed and faculties de- 
 stroyed — who suffers day and night from horrible fancies. Fourth, 
 a German imprisoned for larceny ; has been in for two years, 
 and has three to come. ‘ With colours prepared in the same 
 ‘ manner, he had painted every inch of the walls and ceiling quite 
 ‘ beautifully. He had laid out the few feet «f ground behind 
 ‘ with exquiNite neatness, and had made a little bed in the centre, 
 
 ‘ which looked, by the by, like a grave. The taste and ingenuity 
 ‘ he had displayed in every thing were most extraordinary.’ 
 Here again is very strange evidence of the destructive effects of 
 
516 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 solitude upon the faculties, Mr Dickens goes on, it is true, to 
 assure us that ‘ he never saw such a picture of forlorn affliction 
 ‘ and distress of mind that ‘ his heart bled for him,’ &c. And 
 very unhappy he may well have been ; people are not sent to 
 prison to be made happy ; but the question is, whether he was 
 the worse or the better for it. Fifth, a negro burglar, notorious 
 for his boldness and hardihood, and for the number of previous 
 convictions — his time nearly out. He was at work making screws. 
 
 ‘ He entertained us with a long account of his achievements, 
 
 ‘ which he narrated with such infinite relish that he actually 
 ‘ seemed to lick his lips as he told us racy anecdotes of stolen 
 ‘ plate,’ &c. Here, at any rate, we have a man who has not been 
 made too miserable. Sixth, a man, of whom we are told no more 
 than that he was allowed to keep rabbits as an indulgence ; that he 
 came out of his cell with one in his breast, and that Mr Dickens 
 thought it hard to say which was the nobler animal of the two. 
 Seventh, ‘ a poet, who, after doing two days work in every Jour- 
 ‘ and-twenty hours^ one for himself and one for the prison, wrote 
 ‘ verses about ships, (he was by trade a mariner,) and “ themad- 
 ‘ dening wine-cup,” and his friends at home.’ Here, again, Mr 
 Dickens must have selected his examples very oddly — or one would 
 think that solitary confinement called out a man’s resources instead 
 of paralyzing them. Eighth, at last we come to a case (probably 
 the case) in point : a sailor who had been confined for eleven years, 
 and w’ould be free in a few months. Mr D. does indeed here 
 draw the picture of a man stupified by suffering ; and we can well 
 believe that the picture is just. But the most strenuous advocates 
 of the solitary system will hardly maintain that there may not 
 be too much of it. Try a man who has been in two years, and 
 is going to be released next day, and see whether his case is hope- 
 less. And here we have him — No. Nine, ‘ 1 have the face of 
 ‘ this man before me now. It is almost more memorable in its hap- 
 ‘ pinessthen the other faces in their misery. How easy and how 
 ‘ natural was it for him to say that the system was a good one ; 
 ‘ and that the time went ‘‘ pretty quick considering and that, 
 ‘ when a man once felt he had offended the law and must satisfy 
 ‘ it, “ he got along somehovv and so forth!’ Upon women 
 Mr Dickens acknowledges that the effect of this punishment is 
 different. He thinks it quite as wrong and cruel in their case ; 
 but admits that their faces are humanized and refined by it, and 
 thinks it may be*‘ because of their h^Uernature, which is elicited 
 ‘ in soUtudeJ 
 
 Upon the question at issue, we offer no opinion; but with 
 these discrepancies betw^een Mr Dickens’s facts and fancies, we 
 can hardly be rash in saying that his authority, great as it is, 
 
1843 . 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 517 
 
 skould not be taken as decisive. Commending the matter, there- 
 fore, to the further consideration of the inspectors of prisons, we 
 shall return to our own proper subject; which is the character 
 of the American people as expressed in their civil institutions. 
 In the case of this Philadelphia prison, Mr Dickens’s objections 
 are confined to the principle. To the intentions, motives, and 
 characters of those who are concerned in the management of it, 
 as well as to the efficacy of the arrangements, he gives unqualified 
 praise. 
 
 Another thing on which the true character of a people in its 
 substantial qualities must be expected to impress itself, is the ad- 
 ministration of Justice ; and we wish that Mr Dickens had fre- 
 quented the Courts a little more. Except on extraordinary oc- 
 casions, politics and party find no business there ; and where that 
 is the case, the ablest man will naturally have the best place 
 yielded to him, and the true interests (as distinguished from the 
 fleeting inclinations) of the public will be consulted in all forms 
 and proceedings ; and in this, after all, consists the true health 
 of the body politic. Let person and property be secured from 
 violence, and let affairs be equitably adjusted between man and 
 man, and what reasonable person would grudge his legislators 
 their long speeches, their personal altercations, or even their 
 spittoons ? From the scanty notices on this head scattered 
 through these volumes, we should infer that America has no 
 reason to shrink from this test. The high character of the Su- 
 preme Court is notorious through Europe. And Mr Dickens 
 tells us that in every place he visited, the Judges were men of 
 high character and attainments ; which is saying much, consi- 
 dering that in some of the States they are, we believe, annually 
 elected by the people. Of their modes of proceeding he tells us 
 nothing beyond the general picturesque effect ; and we are left 
 to infer from his silence, that the want of wigs and gowns, and of 
 raised platforms for witnesses and prisoners, does not obstruct the 
 course of justice. 
 
 The condition of the Church in America is another thing 
 which should throw great light on the character of the people; 
 for in this also politics do not interfere : each party can do as it 
 pleases, and therefore no two need quarrel. Unfortunately there 
 is a great want of sound information on this subject in England ; 
 the popular notion of the style of religious worship in America 
 being built, we believe, upon Mrs Trollope’s account of a Revival, 
 Mr Dickens does not tell us much : from what he does say w^e 
 should imagine, that the prevailing character of the Church 
 in New England, has more of old Puritanism in it than of mo- 
 dern Methodism. And we have heard it maintained by gentle- 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. 2 L 
 
518 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 men who have resided in America for months together, and 
 visited different places of worship, that they have rarely met with 
 any symptoms of fanaticism or sycophancy in the preacher, or of 
 enthusiasm in the congregation ; but that the service, whatever 
 the persuasion, was generally characterized by decency and 
 dulness. 
 
 Of the system of Education in the United States, and the pro- 
 vision for it, (which should stand perhaps next in order as an 
 illustration of the social character,) Mr Dickens says but little. 
 We hear occasionally of a College or a School; and we gather 
 generally, that sufficient provision is made by each State to enable 
 every citizen to receive some degree of education. The propor- 
 tion of adults who cannot read and write is consequently ex- 
 tremely small ; and among these we believe there are scarcely 
 any native Americans. Beyond this fact, which is of great im- 
 portance, w^e can learn nothing that is much to our purpose. We 
 could have wished to know, first, the amount of knowledge, and 
 the kind of intellectual cultivation which a man must have, in 
 order to take rank in general opinion as a well-educated man; 
 and, next, the style and amount of accomplishments which are 
 requisite to distinguish him in that rank. This would show in 
 what direction the great body of the intellect of the country is 
 working. It would also be very interesting to know something 
 about the composition of American Libraries, especially private 
 ones. What kind of books do you find permanently established 
 on the shelves in a gentleman’s study; and of these which appear 
 to have been most used. We say permanently ; because it is of 
 much less consequence to know which, among the publications 
 of the day, are the most popular. These are read, as newspapers 
 are, not because they are congenial to the taste, but because 
 reading is fashionable, and they are of the newest fashion. Their 
 universal popularity indicates little in the national character 
 beyond a general appetite for light stimulants ; and produces 
 little alteration in it except perhaps some general debilitation 
 from swallowing such a deluge of slops. But for the most 
 part, we believe this kind of literature passes through the 
 mind with as little effect upon it for good or for evil, as 
 the conversation of a morning-caller. It is the favourite, not 
 the fashionable, book that betrays the character of the man ; 
 and it is the book which works itself into public favour against 
 the fashion that indicates the character of the people. That the 
 miscellaneous writings of Mr Carlyle had been collected and 
 printed in America, before his name was generally known in 
 England, is a fact which tells much more about the intellectual 
 ^ and spiritual capacities of the people, than we can infer from 
 
184,3. 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 519 
 
 knowing that the whole brood of New-Burlin^ton Street are 
 circulated as fast as they come out, for an annual subscription of 
 a few dollars. The character of the native periodical literature of 
 the costlier class, and therefore of more limited circulation, 
 would throw further li^ht on the matter; for it would show not 
 only what the more select class of readers will pay for, but what 
 the better class of writers can produce. The North American, 
 and the New York Reviews, for instance, will ^ive a juster, as 
 well as a higher idea of the tendencies and prospects of American 
 literature, than the most ambitious and elaborate pamphlets, 
 speeches, and state papers — all of which are addressed to a wider, 
 but a lower, circle. 
 
 Whether Mr Dickens has much considered the subject of 
 American literature in its true bearings, we are not informed. 
 From these volumes, wq can only gather that he is deeply read in 
 their Newspapers; the character of which he denounces in his bitter- 
 est, and by no means his best style. Of the justice of his censures, 
 not having ourselves gone through the nauseous course of reading 
 by which he has qualified himself to speak, we can form no opi- 
 nion. We shall only say, that, looking at the condition of our own 
 Daily Press, and imagining what it w^ould be were it turned loose 
 in a land of cheap printing and no stamp duties — where everybody 
 could rt ad, and every body took a part in politics ; and without 
 any capital city in which public opinion might gather to a head 
 and express itself with authority — we can readily believe it to be 
 true in the full extent. Thanks to London, which concentrates 
 and represents the feelings of the British people, the leading 
 London Journals (and from them the provincial press throughout 
 the country takes its tone) are held under some restraint. Gross 
 violations of manners are not countenanced; and wanton slander 
 of private persons would not be tolerated. Moreover, the enor- 
 mous amount of information which is demanded of an English 
 Nev/spaper, cannot be supplied at first hand without a costly esta- 
 blishment and machinery; and this, requiring large capital to 
 start with, excludes the worst class of adventurers from compe- 
 tition ; and insures in the proprietor that kind and amount of 
 respectability which in England always accompanies substance. 
 A man with something to lose will not offend the feelings of the 
 mass of his customers ; a man with nothing, cannot get up a 
 Paper which has any chance of general circulation. We fear, 
 however, that it is imposible to answer for more than this. Pri- 
 vate houses, we trust, are (from the stamped press at least) 
 secure. But what conspicuous public man can be insured 
 against the most malignant slander from one party, and the 
 grossest adulation from the other — both equally unprin- 
 
520 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 cipled? What measure of what party was ever discussed by 
 the Daily Press, on either side, upon its real merits, or with a 
 desire to represent it truly? What misrepresentation is too 
 gross for our most respectable Newspapers to take up ? What 
 rumour too injurious and too ill-founded for them to spread? 
 What sophism so palpable, that if it can be used with effect to 
 damage the character of a political opponent, they will not em- 
 ploy it? And the worst is, that in the guilt of this, the respect- 
 ability of England is directly implicated. It cannot be said 
 that the disease is incident to liberty, and must be borne with; 
 for, strange to say, this kind of licentious writing, (known as 
 it is, and thoroughly understood to be licentious,) is what the 
 great mass of news readers like. The writer has no interest in 
 his malice; he may be a very good-humoured man, with no 
 wish to injure any body. But the readers must have what they 
 call vigour. Their party spirit must be at once roused and gra- 
 tified by powerful attacks, and powerful vindications. A lead- 
 ing article, written in a spirit of candour and justice, (unless it be 
 kiiown to proceed from some responsible quarter, in which case 
 it has a separate and superior interest,) is felt to be insipid, 
 it is true, that the influence of these compositions is not so great 
 as might appear at fir^t, because they impose on nobody; every 
 body knows that they are full of faffehoods. Convict a news- 
 paper of the grossest misrepresentation, and which of its ‘ con- 
 stant readers’ will be shocked ? — even though the writer should 
 not acknowledge his fault. Their influence is, however, consider- 
 able, and, so far as it goes, most pernicious. We cannot but re- 
 gard the condition of our own Daily Press, as a morning and 
 evening witness against the moral character of the people ; for 
 if this kind of scurrility were as distasteful to the public, as the 
 grosser kinds of licentiousness are, it would at once disappear. 
 That its condition is still worse in America, we can, for the rea- 
 sons above indicated, easily believe; but we doubt whether it 
 be fair to draw the same inference from the fact, as to the moral 
 tastes and feeltugs of the people ; for the respectability of Ame- 
 rica, not having the same means of expressing its will that the 
 respectaldlity of England has, cannot be held in the same de- 
 gree answerable. In the mean time, we hope that Mr Dickens 
 is mistaken as to the degree in which the Press in the United 
 IStates impresses and influences the general feeling. We cannot 
 but think that, if his description of it be just, the strength of the 
 poison must act as an antidote. Does any well-educated man in 
 America, read these papers with respect 9 
 
 Among other circumstances, from which something as to the 
 social characteristics of the people may be safely inferred, cer- 
 
1843. 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes, 
 
 521 
 
 tain definite, and g-enerally established reputations of society may 
 be mentioned; — such, for instance, as the courtesy which every . 
 body is expected, as a matter of course, to pay to women 
 and to strangers. And we should be inclined to draw very 
 favourable inferences from the fact, that in all public places, 
 including public conveyances, a woman is entitled to the 
 best place, occupied or unoccupied^ for possession on the part 
 of the man goes for nothing ; and also from the courtesies of 
 the Custom-House, which, we believe, all foreigners will bear 
 witness to. Captain Hamilton, indeed, was so possessed with 
 the notion that this business could not be transacted with- 
 out intolerable annoyance, that he kept awa}^ But Captain 
 Basil Hall gives a pleasant anecdote, to show in how gentle- 
 manly a manner the thing may be done. And JMr Dickens 
 commends to our special consideration and imitation the ‘ atten- 
 ‘ tion, politeness, and good-humour, with which the custom- 
 ‘ house officers at Boston discharged their duty.’ 
 
 We have now nearly exhausted these volumes of the informa- 
 tion which they supply, available for the purpose with which we 
 set out. Of the manners of the mass of tlie people, JMr Dickens 
 gives many amusing illustrations; most of which have been al- 
 ready quoted in various publications, and have made us all very 
 merry. It is but justice to him, however, to say, that he saw 
 all these things in their true light; and that, while indulging his 
 sense of the ludicrous by a hearty English laugh, he was not 
 betrayed by them into any foolish conclusions, or illiberal (we 
 wish we could add un-English) contempt. The following sen- 
 sible remarks are worth extracting, not because they tell us any 
 thing which is not obvious to any man who thinks ; but because 
 so few people trouble themselves with thinking about the matter. 
 The scene is Sandusky, at the south-western extremity of Lake 
 Erie. 
 
 ‘ We put up at a comfortable little hotel Our host, who was 
 
 very attentive, and anxious to make us comfortable, was a handsome 
 middle-aged man, who had come to this town from New England, in 
 which part of the country he was “ raised.” When I say that he con- 
 stantly walked in and out of the room with his hat on, and stopped to 
 converse in the same free-and-easy state, and lay down on our sofa, and 
 pulled his newspaper out of bis pocket and read it at his ease — I merely 
 mention these traits as characteristic of the country ; not at all as being 
 matter of complaint, or as having been disagreeable to me. I should 
 undoubtedly be oft’ended by such proceedings at home, because there 
 they are not the custom, and where they are not, they would be imper- 
 tinences. But in America the only desire of a good-natured fellow of 
 this kind is to treat his guests hospitably and well ; and I had no more right, 
 and I can truly say no more disposition, to measure his conduct by our 
 
522 
 
 Dickens’s American Notes. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Eng-lish rule and standard, than I had to quarrel with him for not being 
 . of the exact stature which w^ould qualify him for admission into the 
 Queen’s Grenadier Guards. As little inclination had I to find fault with 
 a funny old lady, who was an upper domestic in this estaldishment, and 
 who, when she came to wait upon us at any meal, sat herself dovrn com- 
 forta!)ly in the most convenient chair, and, producing a large pin to pick 
 her teeth with, remained performing that ceremony, and steadfastly 
 regarding us meanwhile wdth much gravity and composure, (now and 
 then pressing us to eat a little more,) until it was time to clear away. 
 It was enough for us, tliat whatever we wished done was done wdth 
 great civility and readiness, and a desire to oblige, not only here but 
 every where else; and that all our wants were in general zealously 
 anticipated.’ — Vol. ii. p. 170. 
 
 Further on in the volume, a good story about an American 
 bootmaker, which has been quoted every where, is introduced by 
 the following general remark, which has not yet, we believe, 
 been any where quoted. 
 
 ‘ The republican institutions of America undoubtedly lead the people 
 to assert their self-respect and their equality ; hut a traveller is bound to 
 bear those institutions in his mind, and not hastily to resent the near 
 approach of a class of strangers, who at home would keep aloof. I’his 
 characteristic, when it is tinctured by no foolish pride, and stops short of 
 no honest service, never offended me ; and I very seldom, if ever, expe- 
 rienced its rude or unbecoming display.’ — Vol. ii. p. 300. 
 
 The political condition of the United States has been discussed, 
 on various occasions, in this Journal. Mr Dickens’s Notes do 
 not throw any new light upon it; and, as no peculiar interest 
 attaches to his opinions on such subjects, we do not feel called 
 upon to criticize them. We hav^e treated the work gravely, out 
 of respect for its author, and the gravity of the subject ; and 
 partly because the superior attractiveness and general quotation 
 of the lighter parts is likely, we fear, to give a false impression 
 of the tone and spirit of the whole. In thus endeavouring to col- 
 lect the substance of his more serious observations, we have no 
 doubt, in a great measure, lost sight of the prevailing character 
 and spirit of his book. But of this it is enough to say, that it 
 leaves our opinion of Mr Dickens’s powers just as before. 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame U Arblay. 
 
 523 
 
 Art. IX . — Diary and Letters of Madame D' Arblay. Five vols. 
 
 8vo. London : 1842. 
 
 ^"^HOUGH the world saw and heard little of Madame D’Arblay 
 during the last forty years of her life, and though that 
 little did not add to her fame, there were thousands, we believe, 
 who felt a singular emotion when they learned that she was no 
 longer among us. The news of her death carried the minds of 
 men back at one leap, clear over two generations, to the time 
 when her first literary triumphs were won. All those whom we 
 had been accustomed to revere as intellectual patriarchs, seemed 
 children when compared with her ; for Burke had sate up all 
 night to read her writings, and Johnson had pronounced her 
 superior to Fielding, when Rogers was still a schoolboy, and 
 Southey still in petticoats. Yet more strange did it seem that 
 we should just have lost one whose name had been widely cele- 
 brated before any body had heard of some illustrious men who, 
 twentjr, thirty, or forty years ago, were, after a long and splendid 
 career, borne with honour to the grave. Yet so it was. Frances 
 Burney was at the height of fame and popularity before Cowper 
 had published his first volume, before Person had gone up to col- 
 lege, before Pitt had taken his seat in the House of Commons, 
 before the voice of Erskine had been once heard in Westminster 
 Hall. Since the appearance of her first work, sixty-two years 
 had passed ; and this interval had been crowded, not only with 
 political, but also with intellectual revolutions, d housaiids of 
 reputations had, during that period, sprung up, bloomed, wither- 
 ed, and disappeared. IS’ew kinds of composition had come into 
 fashion, had gone out of fashion, had been derided, had been 
 forgotten. The fooleries of Della Crusca, and the fooleries of 
 Kotzebue, had for a time bewitched the multitude, but had left 
 no trace behind them; nor had misdirected genius been able to 
 save Irom decay the once flourishing schools of Godwin, of Dar- 
 win, and of Radcliffe. Many books, wrirten for temporary effect, 
 had run through six or seven editions, and had then been 
 gathered to the novels of Afra Behn, ar>d the epic poems of Sir 
 Richard Blackmore. Yet the early works of Madame D’Arblay, 
 in spite of the lapse of years, in spite of the change of manners, 
 in spite of the popularity deservedly obtained by some of her 
 rivals, continued to hold a high place in the public esteem. She 
 lived to be a classic. Time set on her fame, before she went 
 lienee, that seal which is seldom set except on the fame of the 
 departed. Like Sir Condy Rackrent in the tale, she sur- 
 vived her own wake, and overheard the judgment of posterity. 
 
524 
 
 Madame D'Arblay, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Having always felt a warm and sincere, though not a blind 
 admiration for her talents, we rejoiced to learn that her Diary 
 was about to be made public. Our hopes, it is true, were 
 not unmixed with Dars. We could not forget the fate of the 
 Memoirs of Dr Burney, which were published ten years ago. 
 That unfortunate book contained much that was curious and in- 
 teresting. Yet it was received with a cry of disgust, and was 
 speedily consigned to oblivion. The truth is, that it deserved 
 its doom. It was M^hten in Madame D’Arblay’s later style — the 
 worst style that has ever been known among men. No genius, 
 no information, could save from proscription a book so written. 
 We, therefore, opened the Diary with no small anxiety, trem- 
 bling lest we should light upon some of that peculiar rhetoric 
 which deforms almost every page of the Memoirs, and which 
 it is impossible to read without a sensation made up of mirth, 
 shame, and loathing. We soon, however, discovered to our 
 great delight that this Diary was kept before Madame D’Arblay 
 became eloquent. It is, for the most parr, written in her earliest 
 and best manner; in true woman’s English, clear, natural, 
 and lively. The two works are lying side by side before us, 
 and we never turn from the Memoirs to the Diary without a 
 sense of relief. The difference is as great as the difference be- 
 tween the atmosphere of a perfumer’s shop, fetid with lavender 
 water and jasmine soap, and the air of a heath on a fine morning 
 in May. Both works ought to be consulted by every person 
 who wishes to be well acquainted with the history of our litera- 
 ture and our manners. But to read the Diary is a pleasure; 
 to read the Memoirs will always be a task. 
 
 We may, perhaps, afford some harmless amusement to our 
 readers if we attempt, with the help of these two books, to give 
 them an account of the most important years of Madame D*Ar- 
 blay’s life. 
 
 She was descended from a family which bore the name of 
 Macburney, and which, though probably of Irish origin, had 
 been long settled in Shropshire, and was possessed of consider- 
 able estates in that county. Unhappily, many years before her 
 birth, the Macburneys began, as if of set purpose and in a spirit 
 of determined rivalry, to expose and ruin themselves. The heir- 
 apparent, Mr James Macburney, offended his father by making 
 a runaway match with an actress from Goodman’s Fields. The 
 old gentleman could devise no more judicious mode of wreaking 
 vengeance on his undutiful boy, than by marrying the cook. The 
 cook gave birth to a son named Joseph, who succeeded to all the 
 lands of the family, while James was cut off with a shilling. The 
 favourite son, however, was so extravagant, that he soon became 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame D^Arhlay, 
 
 525 
 
 as poor as his disinherited brother. Both were forced to earn 
 their bread by their labour. Joseph turned dancing-master, and 
 settled in Norfolk. James struck olf the Mac from the beainnin^ 
 of his name, and set up as a portrait-painter at Chester. Heie he 
 had a son named Charles, well known as the author of the His- 
 tory of Music, and as the father of two remarkable children, 
 of a son distinguished by learnings and of a daughter still more 
 honourably distinguished by genius. 
 
 Charles early showed a taste for that art, of which, at a later 
 period, he became the historian. He was apprenticed to a 
 celebrated musician in London, and applied himself to study 
 with vigour and success. He early found a kind and munificent 
 patron in Fulk Greville, a high-born and high-bred man, \\ho 
 seems to have had in large measure all the accomplishments aiid 
 all the follies, all the virtues and all the vices which, a hundred 
 years ago, were considered as making up the character of a fiiie 
 gentleman. LLider such protection, the young artist had every 
 prospect of a brilliant career in the capital. But his health failed. 
 It became necessary for him to retreat from the smoke and river 
 fog of London, to the pure air of the coast. He accepted the 
 place of organist at Lynn, and settled at that town with a young 
 lady who had recently become his wife. 
 
 At Lynn, in June 1752, Frances Burney was born. Nothing 
 in her childhood indicated that she would, while still a young 
 woman, have secured for herself an honourable and permanent 
 place among English writers. She was shy and silent. Her 
 brothers and sisters called her a dunce, and not altogether with- 
 out some show of reason ; for at eight years old she did not know 
 her letters. 
 
 In 1760, Mr Burney quitted Lynn for London, and took a 
 house in Poland Street; a situation which had been fashionable 
 in the reign of Queen Anne, but which, since that time, had been 
 deserted by most of its wealthy and noble inhabitants. He after- 
 wards resided in St Martin’s Street, on the south side of Leices- 
 ter Square. His house there is still w^ell knowm, and will con- 
 tinue to be well known as long as our island retains any trace of 
 civilisation ; for it was the dwelling of Newton, and the square 
 turret which distinguishes it from all the surrounding buildings 
 was New^ton’s observatory. 
 
 Mr Burney at once obtained as many pupils of the most re- 
 spectable description as he had time to attend, and w^as thus 
 enabled to support his family, modestly indeed, and frugally, 
 but in comfort and independence. His professional merit obtained 
 for him the degree of Doctor of Music from the University of 
 Oxford; and his wmrks on subjects connected with his art gained 
 
Jan* 
 
 52G Madame A rblay. 
 
 for him a place, respectable, though certainly not eminent, among 
 men of letters. 
 
 1 he progress of the mind of Frances Burney, from her ninth 
 to her twenty-fifth year, well deserves to be recorded. When her 
 education had proceeded no further than the horn-book, she lost 
 her mother, and thenceforward she educated herself. Her father 
 appears to have been as bad a father as a very honest, affection- 
 ate, and sweet-tempered man can well be. He loved his daughter 
 dearly ; but it never seems to have occurred to him that a parent 
 has other duties to perform to children than that of fondling 
 them. It would indeed have been impossible for him to superin- 
 tend their education himself. His professional engagements 
 occupied him all day. At seven in the morning he began to 
 attend his pupils, and, when London was full, was sometimes 
 employed in 'teaching till eleven at night. He was often forced 
 to carry in his pocket a tin box of sandwiches, and a bottle of 
 wine and water, on which he dined in a hackney-coach while 
 hurrying from one scholar to another. Two of his daughters he 
 sent to a seminary at Paris; but he imagined that Frances would 
 run some risk of being perverted from the Protestant faith if she 
 were educated in a Catholic country, and he therefore kept her 
 at home. bJo governess, no teacher of any art or of any lan- 
 guage, W'as provided for her. But one of her sisters showed her 
 how to write ; and, before she was fourteen, she began to find 
 pleasure in reading. 
 
 It was not, however, by reading that her intellect was formed. 
 Indeed, when her best novels were produced, her knowledge of 
 books was very small. When at the height of her fame, she was 
 unacquainted with the most celebrated works of Voltaire and 
 Moliere ; and, what seems still more extraordinary, had never 
 heard or seen a line of Churchill, who, when she was a girl, 
 was the most popular of living poets. It is particularly deserv- 
 ing of observation, that she appears to have been by no means a 
 novel-reader. Her father’s library was large ; and he had admitted 
 into it so many books which rigid moralists generally exclude, 
 that he felt uneasy, as he afterw^ards owned, when Johnson began 
 to examine the shelves. But in the whole collection there was 
 only a single novel, Fielding’s Amelia. 
 
 An education, however, which to most girls would have been 
 useless, but which suited Fanny’s mind better than elaborate cul- 
 ture, was in constant progress during her passage from childhood to 
 womanhood. The great book of human nature was turned over 
 before her. Her father’s social position was very peculiar. He 
 belonged in fortune and station to the middle class. His daugh- 
 ters seem to have been suffered to mix freely with those whom 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame W Arhlay. 
 
 527 
 
 butlers and waiting-maids call vulgar. We are told that they 
 were in the habit of playing with the children of a wig-maker 
 who lived in the adjoining house. Yet few nobles could assem- 
 ble in the most stately mjjnsions of Grosvenor Square or St 
 James’s Square, a society so various and so brilliant as was some- 
 times to be found in Dr Burney’s cabin. His mind, though not 
 very powerful or capacious, was restlessly active ; and, in the 
 intervals of his professional pursuits, he had contrived to lay up 
 much miscellaneous information. His attainments, the suavity 
 of his temper, and the gentle simplicity of his manners, had ob- 
 tained for him ready admission to the first literary circles. While 
 he w^as still at Lynn, he had won Johnson’s heart by sounding 
 with honest zeal the praises of the English Dictionary. In Lon- 
 don the two friends metfrequently, and agreed most harmoniously. 
 One tie, indeed, w^as wanting to their mutual attachment. Bur- 
 ney loved his own art passionately ; and Johnson just knew the 
 bell of 8t Clement’s church from the organ. They had, however, 
 many topics in common ; and on wdnter nights their conversations 
 w'ere sometimes prolonged till the fire had gone out, and the 
 candles had burned away to the wdcks. Burney’s admiration of 
 the powers which had produced Rasselas and The Rambler, 
 bordered on idolatry. He gave a singular proof of this at his 
 first visit to Johnson’s ill-furnished garret. The master of the 
 apartment was not at home. The enthusiastic visiter looked 
 about for some relique which he might carry away ; but he could 
 see nothing lighter than the chairs and the fire-irons. At last 
 he discovered an old broom, tore some bristles from the stump, 
 wrapped them in silver paper, and departed as happy as Louis 
 IX. when the holy nail of St Denis W'as found. Johnson, on 
 the other hand, condescended to growl out that Burney was an 
 honest fellowq a man whom it v»^as impossible not to like. 
 
 Garrick, too, was a frequent visiter in Poland Street and St 
 Martin’s Lane. That wonderful actor loved the society of chil- 
 dren, partly from good-nature, and partly from vanity. The 
 ecstasies of mirth and terror which his gestures and play of coun- 
 tenance never failed to produce in a nursery, flattered him quite 
 as much as the applause of mature critics. He often exhibited 
 all his powers of mimicry for the amusement of the little Bur- 
 neys, awed them by shuddering and crouching as if he saw a 
 ghost, scared them by raving like a maniac in St Luke’s, and 
 then at once became an auctioneer, a chimney-sweeper, or an 
 old woman, and made them laugh till the tears ran down their 
 cheeks. 
 
 But it would be tedious to recount the names of all the men 
 of letters and artists whom Frances Burney had an opportunity 
 
528 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Madame U Arhlay, 
 
 of seeing and hearing. Colman, Twining, Harris, Baretti, 
 Hawkesworln, Reynolds, Barry, were among those wdio occa- 
 sionally surrounded the tea-table and supper-tray at her father’s 
 modest dwelling. This was not all. d he distinction which Dr 
 Burney had acquired as a musician, and as the historian of music, 
 attracted to his house the most eminent musical performers of 
 that age. The greatest Italian singers who visited England 
 regarded him as the dispenser of fame in their art, and exerted 
 themselves to obtain his suffrage. Pachierotti became his inti- 
 mate friend. The rapacious Agujari, who sang for nobody else 
 under fifty pounds an air, sang her best for Dr Burney without 
 a fee ; and in the company of Dr Burney even the haughty and 
 eccentric Gabrielli constrained herself to behave with civility. 
 It w'as thus in his power to give, with scarcely any expense, 
 concerts equal to those of the aristocracy. On such occasions 
 the quiet street in which he lived was blocked up by coioneted 
 chariots, and his little drawing-room was crowded with peers, 
 peeresses, ministers, and ambassadors. On one evening, of 
 which we happen to have a full account, there w'ere present 
 Lord Mulgrave, Lord Bruce, Lord and Lady Edgecumbe, 
 Lord Barrington from the War- Office, Lord Sandwich from the 
 Admiralty, Lord Ashburnham, with his gold key dangling from 
 his pocket, and the French Ambassador, M. De Guignes, re- 
 nowned for his fine person and for his success in gallantry. 
 But the great show of the night was the Russian Ambassador, 
 Count Orloff, wdiose gigantic figure was all in a blaze wdth 
 jewels, and in whose demeanour the untamed ferocity of the 
 Scythian might be discerned through a thin varnish of French 
 politeness. As he stalked about the small parlour, brushing the 
 ceiling with his toupee, the girls whispered to each other, with 
 mingled admiration and horror, that he was the favoured lover 
 of Ids' august mistress ; that he had borne the chief part in the 
 revolution to which she owed her throne ; and that his huge 
 hands, now glittering with diamond rings, had given the last 
 squeeze to the windpipe of her unfortunate husband. 
 
 With such illustrious guests as these were mingled all the 
 most remarkable specimens of the race of lions — a kind of game 
 which is hunted in London every spring with more than Mel- 
 tonian ardour and perseverance. Bruce, who had washed down 
 steaks cut from living oxen with water from the fountains ot the 
 File, came to sw^agger and talk about his travels. Omai lisped 
 broken English, and made all the assembled musicians hold their 
 ears by howling (Jtaheitean love-songs, such as those with which 
 Oberea charmed her Opano. 
 
 With the literary and fashionable society which occasionally 
 
1843 . 
 
 Madame D'Arblay. 
 
 529 
 
 met under Dr Burney’s roof, Frances can scarcely be said to 
 have mingled. She was not a musician, and could therefore 
 bear no part in the concerts. She was shy almost to awkward- 
 ness, and scarcely ever joined, in the conversation. 71ie slig-lit- 
 est remark from a stranger disconcerted her ; and even the old 
 friends of her father wlio tried to draw her out could seldom ex- 
 tract more than a Yes or a No. Her figure was small, her face 
 not distinguished by beauty. She was therefore suffered to 
 virhdraw quietly to the background, and, unobserved herself, to 
 observe all that passed. Her nearest relations were aware that 
 she had good sense, but seem not to have suspected, that under 
 her demure and bashful deportment were concealed a fertile in- 
 vention and a keen sense of the ridiculous. She had not, it is 
 true, an eye for the fine shades of character. But every marked 
 peculiarity instantly caught her notice and remained engraven 
 on her imagination. Thus, while still a girl, she had laid up 
 such a store of materials for fiction as few of those who mix 
 much in the world are able to accumulate during a long life. 
 She had watched and listened to people of every class, from 
 princes and great officers of state down to artists living in gar- 
 rets, and poets familiar with subterranean cook-shops. Fiundreds 
 of remarkable persons had passed in review before her, English, 
 French, German, Italian, lords and fiddlers, deans of cathedrals 
 and managers of theatres, travellers leading about newly caught 
 savages, and singing women escorted by deputy-husbands. 
 
 So strong was the impression made on the mind of Frances 
 by the society which she was in the habit of seeing and hearing, 
 that she began to write little fictitious narratives as soon as she 
 could use her pen with ease, which, as we liave said, was not 
 very early. Her sisters were amused by her stories. But Dr 
 Burney knew nothing of their existence ; and in another quarter 
 h *r literary propensities met with serious discouragement. When 
 she was fifteen, her father took a second wife. The new Mrs 
 Burney soon found out that her daughter-in-law was fond of 
 scribbling, and delivered several good-natured lectures on the 
 subject. The advice no doubt w’as well-meant, and might have 
 been given by the most judicious friend; for at that time, from 
 c mses to which wm ma)^ hereafter advert, nothing could be more 
 disadvantageous to a young lady than to be known as a novel- 
 writer. Frances yielded, relinquished her favourite pursuit, and 
 made a bonfire of all her manuscripts.'^ 
 
 * There is some difficulty here as to the chronology. ‘ This sacrifice,’ 
 says the editor of the Diary, ‘ was made in the young authoress’s fifteenth 
 
530 
 
 Madame D* Arhlay, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 She now hemmed and stitched from breakfast to dinner with 
 scrupulous regularity. But the dinners of that time were early; 
 and the afternoon was her own. Though she had given up 
 novel- writing, she was still fond of using her pen. She began to 
 keep a diary, and she corresponded largely with a person who 
 seems to have had the chief share in the formation of her mind. 
 This was Samuel Crisp, an old friend of her father. His name, 
 well known, near a century ago, in the most splendid circles of 
 London, has long been forgotten. His history is, however, so 
 interesting and instructive, that it tempts us to venture on a 
 digression. 
 
 Long before Frances Burney was born, Mr Crisp had made 
 his entrance into the world, with every advantage. He w’as well 
 connected and well educated. His face and figure were conspicu- 
 ously handsome; his manners were polished; his fortune was easy; 
 his character was without stain ; he lived in the best society ; 
 he had read much ; he talked well ; his taste in literature, music, 
 painting, architecture, sculpture, was held in high esteem. No- 
 thing that the world can give seemed to be wanting to his hap- 
 piness and respectability, except that he should understand the 
 limits of his powers, and should not throw away distinctions which 
 were wirhin his reach in the pursuit of distinctions which were 
 unattainable. 
 
 ‘ it is an uncontrolled truth,’ says Swift, ‘that no man ever 
 ‘ made an ill figure who understood his own talents, nor a good 
 ‘ one who mistook them.’ Every day brings with it fresh illus- 
 trations of this weighty saying ; but the best commentary that 
 we remember is the history of Samuel -Crisp. Men like him 
 have their proper place, and it is a most important one, in the 
 Commonwealth of Letters. It is by the judgment of such men 
 that the rank of authors is finally determined. It is neither to 
 the multitude, nor to the few who are gifted with great creative 
 geniuSj that we are to look for sound critical decisions. The 
 mulfitude, unacquainted with the best models, are captivated by 
 whatever stuns and dazzles them. They deserted Mrs Siddons 
 to run after Master Betty; and they now prefer, we have no 
 doubt. Jack Sheppard to Von Artevelde. A man of great ori- 
 ginal genius, on the other hand, a man who has attained to mas- 
 tery in some high walk of art, is by no means to be implicitly 
 
 year.’ This could not be ; for the sacrifice was the effect, according to 
 the editor’s own showing, of the remonstrances of the second Mrs Bur- 
 ney; and Frances was in her sixteenth year when her father’s second 
 marriage took place. 
 
1843 . 
 
 Madamt A rhlay. 
 
 531 
 
 trusted as a judge of the performances of others. The erroneous 
 decisions pronounced by such men are without number. It is 
 commonly supposed that jealousy makes them unjust. But a 
 more creditable explanation may easily be found. The very ex- 
 cellence of a work shows that some of the faculties of the author 
 have been developed at the expense of the rest; for it is not 
 given to the human intellect to expand itself widely in all direc- 
 tions at once, and to be at the same time gigantic and well-pro- 
 portioned. Whoever becomes pre-eminent in any art, nay, in 
 any style of art, generally does so by devoting himself with 
 intense and exclusive enthusiasm to the pursuit of one kind of 
 excellence. His perception of other kinds of excellence is 
 therefore too often impaired. Out of his own department 
 he praises and blames at random, and is far less to be trusted 
 than the mere connoisseur, who produces nothing, and whose 
 business is only to judge and enjo}^ One painter is dis- 
 tinguished by his exquisite finishing. He toils day after day 
 to bring the veins of a cabbage-leaf, the folds of a lace veil, 
 the wrinkles of an old woman’s face, nearer and nearer to 
 perfection. In the time which he employs on a square foot 
 of canvass, a master of a different order covers the walls of a 
 palace with gods burying giants under mountains, or makes the 
 cupola of a church alive with seraphim and martyrs. \ he more 
 fervent the passion of each of these artists for his art, the higher 
 the merit of each in his own line, the more unlikely it is that 
 they will justly appreciate each other. Many persons who never 
 handled a pencil, probably do far more justice to Michael Angelo 
 than would have been done by Gerhard Douw, and far more jus- 
 tice to Gerhard Douw than would have been done by Michael 
 Angf^lo. 
 
 It is the same with literature. Thousands who have no spark 
 of the genius of Dryden or Wordsworth, do to Diyden the jus- 
 tice wdiich has never been done by Wordsworth, and to Words- 
 worth the justice which, we suspect, would never have been done 
 by Dryden. Gray, Johnson, Richardson, Fielding, are all highly 
 esteemed by the great body of intelligent and well-informed men. 
 But Gray could see no merit in llasselas ; and Johnson could see 
 no merit in the Bard. Fielding thought Richardson a solemn 
 prig; and Richardson perpetually expiessed contempt and dis- 
 gust for Fielding’s lowness. 
 
 Mr Crisp seems, as far as we can judge, to have been a man 
 eminently qualified for the useful office of a connoisseur. His 
 talents and knowledge fitted him to appreciate justly almost every 
 species of intellectual superiority. As an adviser he was inesti- 
 
532 
 
 Madame U Arhlay, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 mable. Nay, be might probably have held a respectable rank as a 
 writer, if he would have confined himself to some department of 
 literature in which nothing more than sense, taste, and reading 
 was required. Unhappily he set his heart on being a great poet, 
 wrote a tragedy in five acts on the death of Virginia, and offered 
 it to Garrick, who was his personal friend. Garrick read, shook 
 his head, and expressed a doubt whether it would be wise in Mr 
 Crisp to stake a reputation which stood high on the success of 
 such a piece. But the author, blinded by self-love, set in motion 
 a machinery such as none could long resist. His intercessors 
 were the most eloquent man and the most lovely woman of that 
 generation. Pitt w^as induced to read Virginia, and to pro- 
 nounce it excellent. Lady Coventry, with fingers which might 
 have furnished a model to sculptors, forced the manuscript into 
 the reluctant hand of the manager; and, in the year 1754, the 
 play was brought forward. 
 
 Nothing that skill or friendship could do was omitted. Gar- 
 rick wrote both prologue and epilogue. The zealous friends 
 of the author filled every box ; and, by their strenuous exer- 
 tions, the life of the play was prolonged during ten nights. 
 But, though there was no clamorous reprobation, it was univer- 
 sally felt that the attempt had failed. When Virgitiia was 
 printed, the public disappointment was even greater than at 
 the representation. 'J'he critics, the Monthly Reviewers in 
 particular, fell on plot, characters, and diction without mercy, 
 but, we fear, not without justice. We have never met wuth 
 a copy of the play; but, if w'e may judge'from the lines wdiich 
 are extracted in the Gentleman’s Magazine, and wdiich do not 
 appear to have been malevolently selected, we should say that 
 nothing but the acting of Garrick, and the partiality of the 
 audience, could have saved so feeble and unnatural a drama from 
 instant damnation. 
 
 The ambition of the poet was still unsubdued. When the 
 London season closed, he apjilied himself vigorously to the work 
 of removing blemishes. He does not seem to have suspected, 
 what we are strongly inclined to suspect, that the whole piece 
 was one blemish, and that the passages which were meant to be 
 fine, were, in truth, bursts of that tame extravagance into which 
 writers fall, when they set themselves to be sublime and pa- 
 thetic in spite of nature. He omitted, added, retouched, and flat- 
 tered himself with hopes of a complete success in the following 
 year ; but, in the followdng year, Garrick showed no disposition 
 to bring the amended tragedy on the stage. Solicitation and 
 remonstrance were tried in vain. Lady Coventry, drooping 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame ly Arhlay^ 
 
 533 
 
 under that malady wliich seems ever to select wliat is loveliest 
 for its prey, could render no assistance. The manager’s lan- 
 guage was civilly evasive ; bat his resolution was inflexible. 
 
 Crisp had committed a great error ; but he had escaped with 
 a very slight penance. His play had not been hooted from the 
 boards. It had, on the contrary, been better received than many 
 very estimable performances have been — than Johnson’s Irene, for 
 example, and Goldsmith’s Good-Natured Man. Had Crisp 
 been wise, he would have thought himself happy in having pur- 
 chased self-knowledge so cheap. He would have relinquished 
 without vain repinings the hope of poetical distinction, and would 
 have turned to the many sources of happiness which he still pos- 
 sessed. Had he been, on the other hand, an unfeeling and un- 
 blushing dunce, he would have gone on w riting scores of bad tra- 
 gedies in defiance of censure and derision. But he had too much 
 sense to risk a second defeat, yet too little to bear his first defeat 
 like a man. The fatal delusion that he was a great dramatist, 
 had taken firm possession of his mind. His failure he attributed 
 to every cause except the true one. He complained of the ill- 
 will of Garrick, who appears to have done every thing that abi- 
 lity and zeal could do; and who, from selfish motives, would, of 
 course, have been w^ell pleased if Virginia had been as success- 
 ful as the Beggar’s Opera. Nay, Crisp complained of the lan- 
 guor of the friends whose partiality had given him three benefit- 
 nights to which he had no claim. He complained of the injus- 
 tice of the spectators, when, in truth, he ought to have been 
 grateful for their unexampled patience. He lost his temper and 
 spirits, and became a cynic and a hater of mankind. From Lon- 
 don he retired to Hampton; and from Hampton to a solitary and 
 long-deserted mansion, built on a common in one of the wildest 
 tracts of Surrey. No road, not even a sheep-walk, connected 
 his lonely dwelling with the abodes of men. The place of his 
 retreat was strictly concealed from his old associates. In the 
 spring he sometimes emerged, and w^as seen at exhibitions and 
 concerts in London. But he soon disappeared, and hid himself, 
 with no society but his books, in his dreary hermitage. He sur- 
 vived his failure about thirty years. A new generation sprang up 
 around him. No memory of his bad verses remained among men. 
 How completely the world had lost sight of him, will appear from 
 a single circumstance. We looked for his name in a copious Dic- 
 tionary of Dramatic Authors published while he was still alive, 
 and we found only that Mr Samuel Crisp, of the Custom-house, 
 had written a play called Virginia, acted in 1754. To the last, 
 however, the unhappy man continued to brood over the injustice 
 of the manager and the pit, and tried to convince himself and 
 
 VOL, LXXVI. NO, CLIV. 2 M 
 
534 
 
 Madame Tf Arblay. 
 
 ■ Jan. 
 
 others that he had missed the highest literary honours, only 
 because he had omitted some fine passages in compliance with 
 Garrick’s judgment. Alas, for human nature ! that the wounds 
 of vanity should smart and bleed so much longer than the 
 wounds of affection ! Few people, we believe, whose nearest 
 friends and relations died in 1754, had any acute feeling of the 
 loss in 1782. Dear sisters and favourite daughters, and brides 
 snatched away before the honeymoon was passed, had been for- 
 gotten, or were remembered only with a tranquil regret. But 
 Samuel Crisp was still mourning for his tragedy, like Rachel 
 w^eeping for her children, and would not be comforted. ‘ Never,’ 
 such w^as his language twenty-eight years after his disaster, 
 ‘ never give up or aiter a tittle unless it perfectly coincides with 
 ‘ your own inward feelings. I can say this to my sorrow and 
 ‘ my cost. But, mum !’ Soon after these words were written, his 
 life — a life which might have been eminently useful and happy — 
 ended in the same gloom in which, during more than a quarter 
 of a century, it had been passed. We have thought it worth 
 while to rescue from oblivion this curious fragment of literary 
 history. It seems to us at once ludicrous, melancholy, and full 
 of instruction. 
 
 Crisp was an old and very intimate friend of the Burneys. To 
 them alone was confided the name of the desolate old hall in 
 which he hid himself like a wild beast in a den. For them v;ere 
 reserved such remains of his humanity as had survived the failure 
 of liis play. Frances Burney he regarded as his daughter. He 
 called her his b’annikin, and she in return called him her dear 
 Daddy. In truth, he seems to have done much more than her 
 real father for the development of her intellect ; for though he 
 v/as a bad poet, he was a scholar, a thinker, and an excellent 
 counsellor. He was particularly fond of Dr Burney’s concerts. 
 They had, indeed, been commenced at his suggestion, and when 
 he visited London he constantly attended them. But when he 
 grew old, and when gout, brought on partly by mental irritation, 
 confined him to his retreat, he was desirous of having a glimpse 
 of that gay and brilliant wmrld from which he was exiled, and 
 he pressed Fannikin to send him full accounts of her father’s 
 evening parties. A few of her letters to him have been pub- 
 lished ; and it is impossible to read them without discerning in 
 them all the powers which afterwards produced Evelina and Ce- 
 cilia, the quickness in catching every odd peculiarity of cha- 
 racter and manner, the skill in grouping, the humour, often 
 richly comic, sometimes even farcical. 
 
 Fanny’s propensity to novel-writing had for a time been kept 
 down. It now rose up stronger than ever. Theberoes and heroines 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame D'Arhlay, 
 
 535 
 
 of the tales which had perished in the flames, were still present to 
 the eye of her mind. One favourite story, in particular, haunted 
 her imagination. It was about a certain Caroline Evelyn, abeautiful 
 damsel who made an unfortunate love match, and died, leaving an 
 infant daughter. Frances began to image to herself the various 
 scenes, tragic and comic, through which the poor motherless girl, 
 highly connected on one side, meanly connected on the other, might 
 have to pass. A crowd of unreal beings, good and bad, grave 
 and ludicrous, surrounded the pretty, timid, young orphan ; a 
 coarse sea-captain ; an ugly insolent fop, blazing in a superb 
 court-dress ; another fop, as ugly and as insolent, but lodged on 
 Snow-Hill, and tricked out in second-hand finery for the Hampstead 
 ball ; an old woman, all wrinkles and rouge, flirting her fan with 
 the air of a Miss of seventeen, and screaming in a dialect made 
 up of vulgar French and vulgar English ; a poet lean and ragged, 
 with abroad Scotch accent. By degrees these shadow’s acquired 
 stronger and stronger consistence : the impulse which urged 
 Frances to wudte became irresistible ; and the result was the 
 history of Evelina. 
 
 Then came, naturally enough, a wdsh, mingled w’ith. many 
 fears, to appear before the public ; for, timid as Frances was, and 
 bashful, and altogether unaccustomed to hear her owm praises, 
 it is clear that she wmnted neither a strong passion for distinction, 
 nor a just confidence in her own powers. Her scheme was to be- 
 come, if possible, a candidate for fame without running any risk 
 of disgrace. She bad not money to bear the expense of printing. 
 It w’as therefore necessary that some bookseller should be induced 
 to take the risk ; and such a bookseller wms not readily found. 
 Dodsley refused even to look at the manuscript unless he were 
 trusted with the name of the author. A publisher in Fleet Street, 
 named Lowm.des, w^as more complaisant. Some correspondence 
 took place between this person and Miss Burney, who took the 
 name of Grafton, and desired that the letters addressed to her might 
 be left at the Orange Coffee-House. But, before the bargain w’as 
 finally struck, Fanny thought it her duty to obtain her father's 
 consent. She told him that she had wuitten a book, that she 
 wished to have his permission to publish it anonymously, but 
 that she hoped that he wmuld not insist upon seeing it. What 
 follov/ed may serve to illustrate what w^e meant wFen v/e said 
 that Dr Burney was as bad a father as so good-hearted a man 
 could possibly be. It never seems to have crossed his mind 
 that Fanny was about to take a step on which the whole happi- 
 ness of her life might depend, a step which might raise her to an 
 honourable eminence, or cover her wdth ridicule and contempt. 
 
536 
 
 Madame M^Arhlay, 
 
 Jan, 
 
 Several people had already been trusted, and strict concealment 
 was therefore not to be expected. On so grave an occasion, it 
 was surely his duty to give his best counsel to his daughter, to 
 win her conlidence, to prevent her from exposing herself if her 
 book were a bad one, and, if it were a good one, to see that the 
 terms which she made with the publisher were likely to be bene* 
 licial to her. Instead of this, he only stared, burst out a laugh- 
 ing, kissed her, gave her leave to do as she liked, and never even 
 asked the name of her work. The contract with Lowndes was 
 speedily concluded. Twenty pounds were given for the copy- 
 right, and were accepted by Fanny with delight. Her father’s 
 inexcusable neglect of his duty, happily caused her no worse evil 
 than the loss of twelve or fifteen hundred pounds. 
 
 After many delays Evelina appeared in January 1778. Poor 
 Fanny was sick with terror, and durst hardly stir out of doors. 
 Some days passed before any thing was heard of the book. It 
 had, indeed, nothing but its own merits to push it into public fa- 
 vour. Its author was unknown. The house by which it was 
 published, was not, we believe, held in high estimation. No 
 body of partisans had been engaged to applaud. The better 
 class of readers expected little from a novel about a young lady’s 
 entrance into the world. There was, indeed, at that time a dis- 
 position among the most respectable people to condemn novels 
 generally ; nor was this disposition by any means without excuse; 
 for works of that sort were then almost always silly, and very 
 frequently wicked. 
 
 Soon, however, the first faint accents of praise began to be 
 heard. The keepers of the circulating libraries reported that 
 every body was asking for Evelina, and that some person had 
 guessed Anstey to be the author. Then came a favourable no- 
 tice in the London Review ; then another still more favourable 
 in the Monthly. And now the book found its way to tables 
 which had seldom been polluted by marble-covered volumes. 
 Scholars and statesmen who contemptuously abandoned the crowd 
 of romances to Miss Lydia Languish and Miss Sukey Saunter, 
 were not ashamed to own that they could not tear themselves 
 away from Evelina. Fine carriages and rich liveries, not often 
 seen east of Temple Bar, were attracted to the publisher’s shop 
 in Fleet Street. Lowndes was daily questioned about the au- 
 thor ; but was himself as much in the dark as any of the ques- 
 tioners. The mystery, however, could not remain a mystery 
 long. It was known to brothers and sisters, aunts and cousins: 
 and they were far too proud and too happy to be discreet. Dr 
 Burney wept over the book in rapture. Daddy Crisp shook his 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame DMrhlay. 
 
 537 
 
 fist at his Fannikin in affectionate anger at not having been 
 mitted to her confidence. The truth was whispered to Mrs 
 Thrale ; and then it began to spread fast. 
 
 The book had been admired while it was ascribed to men of 
 letters long conversant with the world, and accustomed to com- 
 position. But when it was known that a reserved, silent young 
 woman had produced the best work of fiction that had appeared 
 since the death of Smollett, the acclamations were redoubled. 
 What she had done was, indeed, extraordinary. But, as usual, 
 various reports improved the story till it became miraculous. 
 Evtdina, it was said, was the work of a girl of seventeen. In- 
 credible as this tale was, it continued to be repeated down to our 
 own time. Frances was too honest to confirm it. Probably she 
 was too much a wmman to contradict it ; and it was long before 
 any of her detractors thought of this mode of annoyance. Yet 
 there was no want of low minds and bad hearts in the generation 
 which witnessed her first appearance. There was the envious 
 Kenrick and the savage Wolcot, the asp George Steevens and 
 the polecat John Williams. It did not, however, occur to them 
 to search the parish-register of Lynn, in order that they might 
 be able to twit a lady with having concealed her age. That truly 
 chivalrous exploit was reserved for a bad writer of our own time, 
 whose spite she had provoked by not furnishing him with mate- 
 rials for a worthless edition of Boswell’s Life of Johnson, some 
 sheets of which our readers have doubtless seen round parcels of 
 better books. 
 
 But we must return to our story. The triumph wais complete. 
 The timid and obscure girl found herself on the highest pinnacle 
 of fame. Great men, on whom she had gazed at a distance with 
 humble reverence, addressed her with admiration, tempered by 
 the tenderness due to her sex and age. Burke, Windham, Gib- 
 Iron, Reynolds, Sheridan, were among her most ardent eulogists. 
 Cumberland acknowledged her merit, after his fashion, by biting 
 his lips and wriggling in his chair whenever her name was men- 
 tioned. But it was at Streatham that she tasted, in the highest 
 perfection, the sweets of flattery, mingled with the sweets of 
 friendship. Mrs Thrale, then at the height of prosperity and po- 
 pularity — with gay spirits, quick wit, showy though superficial 
 acquirements, pleasing though not refined manners, a singularly 
 amiable temper, and a loving heart — felt towards Fanny as towards 
 a younger sister. Y/ith the Thrales Johnson was domesticated. 
 He was an old friend of Dr Burney ; but he had probably taken 
 little notice of Dr Burney’s daughters, and Fanny, we imagine, 
 had never in her life dared to speak to him, unless to ask whether 
 
538 
 
 Madame D'Arblay, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 he wanted a nineteenth or a twentieth cup of tea. He was 
 charmed by her tale, and preferred it to the novels of Fielding-, 
 to whom, indeed, he had always been grossly unjust. He did 
 not, indeed, carry his partiality so far as to place Evelina by the 
 side of Clarissa and Sir Charles Grandison ; yet he said that 
 his little favourite had done enough to have made even Richard- 
 son feel uneasy. With Johnson’s cordial approbation of the book 
 was mingled a fondness, half gallant half paternal, for the writer ; 
 and this fondness his agce and character entitled him to show 
 without restraint. He began by putting her hand to his lips. 
 But soon he clasped her in his huge arms, and implored her to 
 be a good girl. She was his pet, his dear love, his dear little 
 Burney, his little character-monger. At one time, he broke forth 
 in praise of the good taste of her caps. At another time, he 
 insisted on teaching her Latin. That, with all his coarseness 
 and irritability, he was a man of sterling benevolence, has long 
 been acknowledged. But how gentle and endearing his deport- 
 ment could be, was not known till the' Recollections of Madame 
 D’Arblay were published. 
 
 We have mentioned a few of the most eminent of those who 
 paid their homage to the author of Evelina. The crowd of 
 inferior admirers would require a catalogue as long as that in the 
 second book of the Iliad. In that catalogue would be Mrs 
 Cholmondeley, the sayer of odd things, and Seward, much given 
 to yawning, and Baretti, Vv^ho slew the man in the Haymarket, 
 and Paoli, talking broken English, and Langton, taller by the 
 head than any other member of the club, and Lady Millar, who 
 kept a vase wherein fools were v/ont to put bad verses, and Jer- 
 ningham, who wrote verses fit to be put into the vase of Lady 
 Millar, and Dr Franklin — not, as some have dreamed, the great 
 Pennsylvanian Dr Franklin, v/ho could not then have paid his 
 respects to Miss Burney without much risk of being hanged, 
 drawn, and quartered, but Dr Franklin the less — 
 
 A’lag 
 
 fj/sicav., d‘ori rocjog yz offog TsXafj.ojviog A7ag, 
 
 dXXa ^oXv [ihoyj 
 
 It would not have been surprising if such success had turned 
 even a strong head, and corrupted even a generous and affection- 
 ate nature. But, in the Diary, we can find no trace of any feel- 
 ing inconsistent with a truly modest and amiable disposition. 
 There is, indeed, abundant proof that Frances enjoyed, with an 
 intense, though a troubled, joy, the honours which her genius 
 
1843 . 
 
 Madame D’ Arb lay. 
 
 539 
 
 had won; but it is equally clear that her happiness sprang from 
 the happiness of her father, her sister, and her dear Daddy Crisp. 
 While flattered by the great, the opulent, and the learned, 
 while followed along the Steyne at Brighton and the Pantiles 
 at Tunbridge Wells by the gaze of admiring crowds, her heart 
 seems to have been still with the little domestic circle in St 
 Martinis Street. IF she recorded with minute diligence ail the 
 compliments, deliciite and coarse, which she heard wdierever she 
 turned, she recorded them for the eyes of two or three persons Vv ho 
 had loved her from infancy, who had loved her in obscurity, and to 
 whom her fame gave the purest and most exquisite delight. 
 Nothing can be more unjust than to confound these outpourings 
 of a kind heart, sure of perfect sympathy, wdth the egotism of a 
 blue-stocking, who prates to all wdio come near her about her 
 own novel or her own volume of sonnets. 
 
 It was natural that the triumphant issue of Miss Burney’s 
 first venture should tempt her to try a second. Evelina, though 
 it had raised her fame, had added nothing to her fortune. Some 
 of her friends urged her to write for the stage. Johnson pro- 
 mised to give her his advice as to the composition. Murphy, 
 who w'as supposed to understand the temper of the pit as v/ell as 
 any man of his time, undertook to instruct her as to stage-effect. 
 Sheridan declared that he would accept a play from her wdthout 
 even reading it. Thus encouraged she wrote a comedy named 
 The Witlings. Fortunately it wms never acted or printed. 
 We can, we think, easily perceive from the little which is said 
 on the subject in the Diary, that The Witlings would have 
 been damned, and that Murphy and Sheridan thought so, 
 though they were too polite to say so. Happily Frances had a 
 friend who v/as not afraid to give her pain. Crisp, wiser for 
 her than he had been for himself, read the manuscript in his 
 lonely retreat, and manfully told her that she had failed, that to 
 remove blemishes here and there would be useless, that the piece 
 had abundance of wit but no interest, that it was bad as a whole, 
 that it would remind every reader of the Femmes Savantes, 
 which, strange to say, she had never read, and that she could 
 not sustain so close a comparison with Moliere. This opinion, 
 in wdiich Dr Burney concurred, was sent to Frances in what she 
 called ‘ a hissing, groaning, cat-calling epistle.’ But she had 
 too much sense not to know that it vras better to be hissed and 
 cat-called by her Daddy than by a whole sea of heads in the pit 
 of Drury-Lane Theatre ; and she had too good a heart not to 
 be grateful for so rare an act of friendship. She returned an 
 answer which shows how^ well she deserved to have a judicious, 
 faithful, and affectionate adviser. ‘ I intend,’ she wrote, ‘ to 
 
540 
 
 Madame D'Arblay, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ‘ console myself for your censure by this greatest proof I have 
 ‘ ever received of the sincerity, candour, and, let me add, esteem, 
 
 ‘ of my dear daddy. And as I happen to love myself rather 
 ‘ more than my play, this consolation is not a very trifling one. 
 ‘ This, however, seriously I do believe, that when my two dad- 
 ‘ dies put their heads together to concert that hissing, groaning, 
 ‘ cat-calling epistle they sent me, they felt as sorry for poor little 
 ^ Miss Bayes as she could possibly do for herself. You see 1 
 ^ do not attempt to repay your frankness with the air of pre- 
 ‘ tended carelessness. But, though somewhat disconcerted just 
 ^ now, I will promise not to let my vexation live out another 
 ‘ day. Adieu, my dear daddy ! I won’t be mortified, and I 
 ‘ won’t be downed ; but I will be proud to find I have, out of 
 ‘ my own family, as well as in it, a friend who loves me well 
 ‘ enough to speak plain truth to me.’ 
 
 Frances now turned from her dramatic schemes to an under- 
 taking far better suited to her talents. She determined to write 
 a new tale, on a plan excellently contrived for the display of the 
 powers in wdiich her superiority to other Vv^riters lay. It was in 
 truth a grand and various picture-gallery, whicii presented to 
 the eye a long series of men and women, each marked by some 
 strong peculiar feature. There were avarice and prodigality, 
 the pride of blood and the pride of money, morbid restlessness 
 and morbid apathy, frivolous garrulity, supercilious silence, a 
 Democritus to laugh at every thing, and a Heraclitus to lament 
 over every thing. The work proceeded fast, and in twelve 
 months was completed. It wanted something of the simplicity 
 which had been among the most attractive charms of Evelina ; 
 but it furnished ample proof that the four years which had elap- 
 sed since Evelina appeared, had not been unprofitably spent. 
 Those who saw Cecilia in manuscript pronounced it the best 
 novel of the age. Mrs Tlirale laughed and wept over it. Crisp 
 was even vehement in applause, and offered to insure the rapid 
 and complete success of the book for half a crown. What Miss 
 Burney received for the copyright is not mentioned in the 
 Diary ; but we have observed several expressions from which 
 we infer that the sum w^as considerable. That the sale would 
 be great nobody could doubt ; and Frances now had shrewd and 
 experienced advisers, who would not suffer her to wrong herself. 
 We have been told that the publishers gave her two thousand 
 pounds, and we have no doubt that they might have given a still 
 larger sum without being losers. 
 
 Cecilia was published in the summer of 1782. The curiosity 
 of the town was intense. We have been informed by persons 
 who remember those days, that no romance of Sir Walter Scott 
 
1843 . 
 
 Madame D'Arhlay, 
 
 541 
 
 was more impatiently awaited, or more eagerly snatched from 
 the counters of the booksellers. High as public ex}>ectation 
 was, it was amply satisfied ; and Cecilia was placed, by gene- 
 ral acclamation, among the classical novels of England. 
 
 Miss Burney was now thirty. Her youth had been singularly 
 prosperous ; but clouds soon began to gather over that clear 
 and radiant dawn. Events deeply painful to a heart so kind as 
 that of Frances, followed each other in rapid succession. She 
 was first called upon to attend the death-bed of her best friend, 
 Samuel Crisp. When she returned to St Martin’s Street, after 
 performing this melancholy duty, she was appalled by hearing that 
 Johnson had been struck with paralysis; and, not many months 
 later, she parted from him for the last time with solemn tenderness. 
 He wished to look on her once more ; and on the day before his 
 death she long remained in tears on the stairs leading to his bed- 
 room, in the hope that she might be called in to receive his bless- 
 ing. But he was then sinking fast, and, though he sent her an 
 affectionate message, was unable to see her. But this was not 
 the worst. There are separations far more cruel than those 
 which are made by death. Frances might weep with proud affec- 
 tion for Crisp and Johnson. She had to blush as well as to weep 
 for Mrs Thrale. 
 
 Life, however, still smiled upon her. Domestic happiness, 
 friendship, independence, leisure, letters, all these things were 
 hers ; and she flung them all away. 
 
 Among the distinguished persons to whom Miss Burney had 
 been introduced, none appears to have stood higher in her regard 
 than Mrs Delany. This lady was an interesting and venerable 
 relique of a past age. She was the niece of George Granville 
 Lord Lansdowne, who, in his youth, exchanged verses and 
 compliments with Edmund Waller, and who w^as among the 
 first to applaud the opening talents of Pope. She had married 
 Dr Delany, a man known to his contemporaries as a profound 
 scholar and an eloquent preacher, but remembered in our time 
 chiefly as one of the small circle in which the fierce spirit of 
 Swift, .tortured by disappointed ambition, by remorse, and by the 
 approaches of madness, sought for amusement and repose. 
 Doctor Delany had long been dead. His widow, nobly de- 
 scended, eminently accomplished, and retaining, in spite of the 
 infirmities of advanced age, the vigour of her faculties and the 
 serenity of her temper, enjoyed and deserved the favour of the 
 royal family. She had a pension of three hundred a-year ; and 
 a house at Windsor, belonging to the crown, had been fitted up 
 for her accommodation. At this house the King and Queen 
 sometimes called, and found a very natural pleasure in thus 
 
542 Madame D* Arhlay, Jan. 
 
 catching an occasional glimpse of tlie private life of English 
 families. 
 
 In December 1785, Miss Burney was on a visit to Mrs De- 
 lany at Windsor. The dinner was over. The old lady was 
 taking a nap. Her grand-niece, a little girl of seven, was 
 playing at some Christmas game with the visiters, when the 
 door opened, and a stout gentleman entered unannounced, with 
 a star on his breast, and ‘ What? what? what ?’ in his mouth. 
 A cry of ‘ The King ’ was set up. A general scampering fol- 
 lowed. Miss Burney owns that she could not have been more 
 terrified if she had seen a ghost. But Mrs Delany came for- 
 ward to pay her duty to her royal friend, and the disturbance 
 v/as quieted. Frances was then presented, and underwent a long 
 examination and cross-examination about all that she had writ- 
 ten and ail that she meant to write. The Queen soon made 
 her appearance, and his Majesty repeated, for the benefit of his 
 consort, the information which he had extracted from Miss Bur- 
 ney, The good-nature of the royal pair might have softened 
 even the authors of the Probationary Odes, and could not but 
 be delightful to a young lady who had been brought up a Tory. 
 Ill a few days the visit was repeated. Miss Burney was more 
 at ease than before. His Majesty, instead of seeking* for in- 
 formation, condescended to impart it, and passed sentence on 
 many great writers, English and foreign. Voltaire he pro- 
 nounced a monster. Rousseau he liked rather better. ‘ But 
 ‘ was there ever,’ he cried, ‘ such stuff as great part of Shak- 
 ‘ speare ? Only one must not say so. But what think you ? 
 ‘What? Is there not sad stuff ? What? What?’ 
 
 The next day Frances enjoyed the privilege of listening to 
 some equally valuable criticism uttered by the Queen touch- 
 ing Goethe and Klopstock, and might have learned an impor- 
 tant lesson of economy from the mode in which her Majesty’s 
 library had been formed. ‘ I picked the book up on a stall,’ said 
 the Queen. ‘ Oh, it is amazing what good books there are on 
 stalls!’ Mrs Delany, who seems to have understood from these 
 words that her Majesty was in the habit of exploring the booths 
 of Moorfields and Holywell Street in person, could not suppress 
 an exclamation of surprise. ‘ Why,’ said the Queen, ‘ I don’t 
 ‘ pick them up myself. But I have a servant very clever; and, 
 ‘ if they are not to be had at the booksellers, they are not for 
 ‘ me more than for another.’ Miss Burney describes this con- 
 versation as delightful ; and, indeed, we cannot wonder that, 
 with her literary tastes, she should be delighted at hearing in 
 how magnificent a manner the greatest lady in the land encou- 
 raged literature. 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame DWlthlay. 
 
 543 
 
 The truth is, that Frances was fascinated by the condescend- 
 ing kindness of the two great personages to whom she had been 
 presented. Her father was even more infatuated than herself. 
 The result was a step of w’hich we cannot think with patience, 
 but which, recorded as it is, with all its consequences, in these 
 volumes, deserves at least this praise, that it has furnished a 
 most impressive warning. 
 
 A German lady of the name of Haggerdorn, one of the keepers 
 of the Queen's robes, retired about this time ; and her Majesty 
 offered the vacant post to Miss Burney. When we consider that 
 Miss Burney was decidedly the most popular writer of fictitious 
 narrative then living, that competence, if not opulence, was with** 
 in her reach, and that she was more than usually happy in her 
 domestic circle, and when w'e compare the sacrifice which she 
 was invited to mjake with the remuneration which was held out 
 to her, we are divided between laughter and indignation. 
 
 What was demanded of her w^as, that she should consent to be 
 almost as completely separated from her family and friends as if 
 she had gone to Calcutta, and almost as close a prisoner as if 
 she had been sent to jail for a libel ; that with talents wTich had 
 instructed and delighted the highest living minds, she should 
 now be employed only in mixing snuff and sticking pins ; that 
 she should be summoned by a waiting- w'oman’s bell to a waiting- 
 woman’s duties ; that she should pass her whole life under the 
 restraints of a paltry etiquette, should sometimes fast till she was 
 ready to swoon wnth hunger, should sometimes stand till her 
 knees gave way with fatigue ; that she should not dare to speak 
 or move wdthout considering how- her mistress might like her 
 words and gestures. Instead of those distinguished men and 
 women, the flower of all political parties, with wdiom she had been 
 in the habit of mixing on terms of equal friendship, she was to 
 have for her perpetual companion the chief keeper of the robes, 
 an old hag from Germany, of mean understanding, of insolent 
 manners, and of temper which, naturally savage, had now been 
 exasperated by disease. Now and then, indeed, poor Frances 
 might console herself for the loss of Burke’s and Windham’s 
 society, by joining in the ‘ celestial colloquy sublime’ of his 
 Majesty’s Equerries. 
 
 And what w^as the consideration for which she w^as to sell her- 
 self into this slavery ? A peerage in her own right ? A pension 
 of twm thousand a-year for life ? A seventy-four for her brother 
 in the navy ? A deanery for her brother in the Church ? Not so. 
 The price at which she was valued w^as her board, her lodging, the 
 attendance of a man-servant, and two hundred pounds a-year. 
 
 The man who, even when hard pressed by hunger, sells his 
 
544 
 
 Madame U Arhlay, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 1)irthrig-ht for a mess of pottage, is unwise. But wbat shall we 
 say of him who parts with his birthright, and does not get even 
 the pottage in return? It is not necessary to enquire whether 
 opulence bean adequate compensation for the sacrifice of bodily 
 and mental freedom ; for Frances Burney paid for leave to be 
 a prisoner and a menial. It was evidently understood as one of 
 the terms of her engagement, that, while she was a member of 
 the royal household, she was not to appear before the public as an 
 author: and, even had there been no such understanding, her 
 avocations v/ere such as left her no leisure for any considerable 
 intellectual eftort. That her place v/as incompatible with her liter- 
 ary pursuits, was indeed frankly acknowledged by the King when 
 she resigned. ‘ She has given up,’ he said, ‘ five years of her 
 pen.’ That during those five years she might, without painful 
 exertion — without any exertion that would not have been a plea- 
 sure — have earned enough to buy an annuity for life much larger 
 than the precarious salary which she received at court, is quite 
 certain. The same income, too, which in St Martin’s Street 
 would have afforded her every comfort, must have been found 
 scanty at vSt James’s. We cannot venture to speak confidently 
 of the price of millinery and jewellery ; but we are greatly de- 
 ceived if a lady who had to attend Queen Charlotte on many 
 public occasions, could possibly save a farthing out of a salary 
 of two hundred a-year. The principle of the arrangement was, 
 in short, simply this, that Frances Burney should become a slave, 
 and should be rewarded by being made a beggar. 
 
 With what object their Majesties brought her to their palace, 
 we must own ourselves unable to conceive. Their object could not 
 be to encourage her literary exertions ; for they took her from a 
 situation in which it was almost certain that she would write, and 
 put her into a situation in which it wms impossible for her to write. 
 Their object could not be to promote her pecuniary interest ; for 
 they took her from a situation where she was likely to become 
 rich, and put her into a situation in which she could not but con- 
 tinue poor. Their object could not be to obtain an eminently 
 useful waiting-maid ; for it is clear that, though Miss Burney was 
 the only woman of her time who could have described the death of 
 Harrel, thousands might have been found more expert in tying 
 ribands and filling snuff-boxes. To grant her a pension on the 
 civil list would have been an act of judicious liberality, honourable 
 to the court. If this was impracticable, the next best thing was 
 to let her alone. That the King and Queen meant her nothing but 
 kindness, we do not in the least doubt. But their kindness was 
 the kindness of persons raised high above the mass of mankind, 
 accustomed to be addressed with profound deference, accus- 
 
1843. 
 
 j.>ladaiue Ai bitty* 5i5 
 
 tomed to see all who approach them mortified by their coldness 
 and elated by their smiles. They fancied that to be noticed by 
 them, to be near them, to serve them, was in itself a kind of hap- 
 piness ; and that Frances Burney ought to be full of gratitude for 
 being permitted to purchase, by the surrender of health, wealth, 
 freedom, domestic affection, and literary fame, the privilege of 
 standing behind a royal chair, and holding a pair of royal gloves. 
 
 And who can blame them ? Who can wonder that Princes 
 should be undei’ such a delusion, when they are encouraged in 
 it by the very persons who suffer from it most cruelly ? U as it 
 to be expected that George the Third and Queen Charlotte 
 should understand the interest of Frances Burney better, or pro- 
 mote it with more zeal, than herself and her father ? No decep- 
 tion was practised. The conditions of the house of bondage 
 w’ere set forth with all simplicity. The hook was prtsented 
 without a bait ; the net was spread in sight of the bird. And 
 the naked hook was greedily swallowed ; and the silly bird made 
 haste to entangle herself in the net. 
 
 It is not strange indeed that an invitation to court should have 
 caused a fluttering in the bosom of an inexperienced woman. 
 But it was the duty of the parent to watch over the child, and to 
 show her that on the one side \^ere only infantine vanities and 
 chimerical hopes, on the other liberty, peace of mind, affluence, 
 social enjoyments, honourable distinctions. Scrange to sav, the 
 only hesitation was on the part of Frances. Tr Burney was 
 transported out of himself with delight. Not such are the rap- 
 tures of a Circassian father who has sold his pretty daughter well 
 to a Turki^h slave-merchant. Yet Dr Burney was an amiable 
 man, a man of good abilities, a man who had seen much of the 
 world. But he seems to have thought that going to court was 
 like going to heaven ; that to see Princes and Princesses was a 
 kind of beatiffc vision ; that the exquisite felicity enjoyed by 
 royal persons was not contined to themselves, but was commu- 
 nicated by some mysterious efflux or reflection to all who were 
 suffered to stand at their toilettes, or to bear their trains. He 
 overruled all his daughter’s objections, and himself escorted her 
 to her prison. The door closed. The key was turned. She, 
 looking back with tender regret on all that she had left, and 
 forward with anxiety and terror to the new life on which she w’as 
 entering, was unable to speak or stand ; and he went on his way 
 homeward rejoicing in her marvellous prosperity. 
 
 And now began a slavery of live years, of five years taken 
 from the best part of life, and wasted in menial drudgery or in 
 recreations duller than even menial drudgery, under galling re- 
 straints and amidst unfriendly or uninteresting companions. The 
 
546 
 
 Madame D'Arhlay, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 history of an ordinary day was this : Miss Burney had to rise 
 and dress herself early, that she might be ready to answer the 
 royal bell, which rang at half after seven. Till about eight she 
 attended in the Queerds dressing-room, and had the honour of 
 lacing her august mistress’s stays, and of putting on the hoop, 
 gown, and neck-handkerchief. The morning was chiefly spent in 
 rummaging drawers and laying fine clothes in their proper places. 
 Then the Queen was to be powdered and dressed for the day. 
 Twice a week her majesty’s hair was curled and craped; and this 
 operation appears to have added a full hour to the business of 
 the toilette. It was generally three before Miss Burney was at 
 liberty. Then she had two hours at her own disposal. To 
 these hours we owe great part of her Diary. At five she had to 
 attend her colleague, Madame Schwellenberg, a hateful old toad- 
 eater, as illiterate as a chambermaid, as proud as a whole Ger- 
 man Chapter, rude, peevish, unable to bear solitude, unable to 
 conduct herself with common decency in society. With this de- 
 lightful associate Frances Burney had to dine, and pass the even- 
 ing. The pair generally remained together from five to eleven; 
 and often had no other company the whole time, except during’ 
 the hour from eight to nine, when the Equerries came to tea. If 
 poor Frances attempted to escape to her own apartment, and to 
 forget her wretchedness over a book, the execrable old woman 
 railed and stormed, and complained that she was neglected. Yet, 
 when Frances stayed, she was constantly assailed with insolent 
 reproaches. Literary fame was, in the eyes of the German 
 crone, a blemish, a proof that the person who enjoyed it 
 was meanly born, and out of the pale of good society. All 
 her scanty stock of broken English was employed to express 
 the contempt with which she regarded the author of Evelina and 
 Cecilia. Frances detested cards, and indeed knew nothing about 
 them ; but she soon found that the least miserable way of pass- 
 ing an evening with Madame Schwellenberg was at the card- 
 table, and consented, with patient sadness, to give hours, which 
 might have called forth the laughter and the tears of many gene- 
 rations, to the king of clubs ami the knave of spades. Between 
 eleven and twelve the bell rang again. Miss Burney bad to pass 
 twenty minutes or half an hour in undressing the Queen, and 
 was then at liberty to retire, and dream that she was chatting 
 with her brother by the quiet hearth in St Martin’s Street, that 
 she was the centre of an admiring assemblage at Mrs Crewe’s, 
 that Burke was calling her the first woman of the age, or that 
 Dilly was giving her a cheque for two thousand guineas. 
 
 Men, we must suppose, are less patient than women; for we 
 arc utterly at a loss to conceive bow any human being could 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame U Arhlay, 
 
 547 
 
 endure sucli a life, while there remained a vacant garret in Grub 
 Street, a crossing- in want of a sv/eeper, a parish workhouse, 
 or a parish vault. And it was for such a life that Frances Bur- 
 ney had given up liberty and peace, a happy fireside, attached 
 friends, a wide and splendid circle of acquaintance, intellectual 
 pursuits in which she vras qualified to excel, and the sure hope 
 of what to her wmuld have been afiiuence. 
 
 There is nothing new" under the sun. The last great master 
 of Attic eloquence and Attic wit, has left us a forcible and touch- 
 ing description of the misery of a man of letters, who, lured by 
 hopes similar to those of Frances, had entered the service of one 
 of the magnates of Rome: — ‘ Unhappy that 1 am,’ cries the 
 victim of his own childish ambition, ‘ w"ould nothing content 
 ^ me but that I must leave mine old pursuits and mine old com- 
 ‘ panions, and the life which vras without care, and the sleep 
 ^ which had no limit save mine own pleasure, and the walks 
 ^ which I was free to take wdiere I listed, and fling myself into 
 ^ the lowest pit of a dungeon like this ? And, O God I for 
 ‘ what? Is this the bait which enticed me? Was there no way 
 ‘ by which I might have enjoyed in freedom comforts even 
 ^ greater than those which I rrow earn by servitude ? Like a 
 ‘ lion which has been made so tamxe that men may lead him about 
 ‘ with a thread, I am dragged up and dowm, wdth broken and 
 ‘ humbled spirit, at the heels of those to whom, in mine ow n do- 
 ‘ main, I should have been an object of awe and wmnder. And, 
 ‘ worst of all, 1 feel that here I gain no credit, that here I give 
 ‘ no pleasure. The talents and accomplishments, which charmed 
 ‘ a far different circle, are here out of place. I am rude in the arts 
 ^ of palaces, and can ill bear comparison wdth those w hose calling, 
 ‘ from their youth up, has been to flatter and to sue. Have I 
 ‘ then, two lives, that, after 1 have wasted one in the service of 
 ^ others, there may yet remain to me a second, which I may live 
 ‘ unto myself?’ 
 
 Now and then, indeed, events occurred which disturbed the 
 wretched monotony of Frances Burney’s life. The court moved 
 from Kew to Windsor, and from Windsor back to Kew". One 
 dull colonel went out of waiting, and another dull colonel came 
 into waiting. An impertinent servant made a blunder about 
 tea, and caused a misunderstanding between the gentlemen and 
 the ladies. A half-witted French Protestant minister talked 
 oddly about conjugal fidelity. An unluck)^ member of the house- 
 hold mentioned a passage in the Morning Herald reflecting on 
 the Queen, and forth wnth Madame Schweilenberg began to 
 storm in bad English, and told him that he made her ‘what you 
 call perspire ! ’ 
 
548 
 
 Madame lyArhlay, 
 
 Jan, 
 
 A more important occurrence was the royal visit to Oxford. 
 Miss Burney went in the Queen’s train to Nuneham, was utterly 
 neglected there in the crowd, and could with difficulty find a 
 servant to show the way to her bed- room, or a hairdresser to 
 arrange her curls. She had the honour of entering Oxford in 
 the last of a long string of carriages which formed the royal pro- 
 cession, of walking after the Queen ail day through refectories 
 and chapels, and of standing, half-dead with fatigue and hunger, 
 while her august mistress was seated at an excellent cold colla- 
 tion. At Magdalene College, Frances was left for a moment in 
 a parlour, where she sank down on a chair. A good-natured 
 Equerry saw that she was exhausted, and shared with her some 
 apricots and bread, which he had wisely put into his pockets. 
 At that moment the door opened ; the Queen entered ; the 
 wearied attendants sprang up ; the bread and fruit were hastily 
 concealed. ‘ I found,’ says poor Miss Burney, ‘ that our appe- 
 ^ tites were to be supposed annihilated, at the same moment that 
 ‘ our strength was to be invincible.’ 
 
 Yet Oxford, seen even under such disadvantages, ^ revived in 
 ‘ her,’ to use her own words, ‘ a consciousness to pleasure which 
 ‘ had long lain nearly dormant.’ She forgot, duritig one mo- 
 ment, that she was a waiting-maid, and felt as a woman of true 
 getiius might be expected to feel amidst venerable remains of 
 antiquity, beautiful works of art, vast repositories of knowledge, 
 and memorials of the illustrious dead. Had she still been what 
 she was before her father induced her to take the most fatal step 
 of her life, we can easily imagine what pleasure she would have 
 derived from a visit to the noblest of English cities. She might, 
 indeed, have been forced to travel in a hack-chaise, and might 
 not have worn so fine a gown of Chambery gauze as that in 
 which she tottered after the royal party ; but with what delight 
 would she have then paced the cloisters of Magdalene, compared 
 the antique gloom of Merton with the splendour of Christ Church, 
 and looked down from the dome of the Kadciiffe Library on the 
 magnificent sea of turrets and battlements below ! How gladly 
 would learned men have laid aside fora few hours Pindar’s Odes 
 and Aristotle’s Ethics, to escort the author of Cecilia from col- 
 lege to college ? What neat little banquets would she have 
 found set out in their monastic cells? With what eagerness 
 would pictures, medals, and illuminated missals have been brought 
 forth from the most mysterious cabinets for her amusement? 
 How much she would have had to hear and to tell about John- 
 son as she walke<l over Pembroke, and about Reynolds in the 
 ante-chapel of New College ! But these indulgences were not 
 for one who had sold herself into bondage. 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame D'Arhlay, 
 
 549 
 
 About eighteen months after the visit to Oxford, another 
 event diversified the wearisome life which Frances led at court. 
 Warren Hastings was brought to the bar of the House of Peers. 
 The Queen and Princesses were present when the trial com- 
 menced, and Miss Burney was permitted to attend. During the 
 subsequent proceedings a day-rule for the same purpose was oc- 
 casionally granted to her ; for the Queen took the strongest 
 interest in the trial, and, when she could not go herself to West- 
 minster Hall, liked to receive a report of what passed from a per- 
 son who had singular povvers of observation, and who was, more- 
 over, personally acquainted with some of the most distinguished 
 managers. The portion of the Diary which relates to this cele- 
 brated proceeding is lively and picturesque. Yet we read it, we 
 own, with pain ; for it seems to us to prove that the fine under- 
 standing of Frances Burney was beginning to feel the pernicious 
 influence of a mode of life which is as incompatible with health 
 of mind as the air of the Pomptine marshes with health of body. 
 From the first day she espouses the cause of Hastings with a pre- 
 sumptuous vehemence and acrimony quite inconsistent with the 
 modesty and suavity of her ordinary deportment. She shudders 
 when Burke enters the Hall at the head of the Commons. She 
 pronounces him the cruel oppressor of an innocent man. She is 
 at a loss to conceive how the managers can look at the defendant, 
 and not blush. Windham comes to her from the manager’s box, 
 to offer her refreshment. ‘ But,’ says she, ‘ I could not break 
 ‘ bread with him.’ Then, again, she exclaims—* Ah, Mr Windham, 
 
 * how came you ever engaged in so cruel, so unjust a cause ?’ * Mr 
 
 * Burke saw me,’ she says, * and he bowed with the most marked 
 
 * civility of manner.’ This, be it observed, was just after his 
 opening speech, a speech which had produced a mighty effect, and 
 which certainly no other orator that ever lived could have made. 
 
 * My curtsy,’ she continues, * was the most ungrateful, distant, 
 
 * and cold ; I could not do otherwise ; so hurt 1 felt to see him 
 
 * the head of such a cause.’ Now, not only had Burke treated 
 her with constant kindness, but the very last act which he per- 
 formed on the day on which he was turned out of the Pay-Office, 
 about four years before this trial, was to make Dr Burney or- 
 ganist of Chelsea Hospital. When, at the Westminster election, 
 Dr Burney was divided between his gratitude for this favour and. 
 his Tory opinions, Burke in the noblest manner disclaimed all 
 right to exact a sacrifice of principle. * You have little or no 
 
 * obligations to me,’ he wrote ; ‘ but if you had as many as I 
 
 * really wish it were in my power, as it is certainly in my desire, 
 
 * to lay on you, I hope you do not think me capable of conferring 
 
 * them, in order to subject your mind or your affairs to a painful 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. 2 N 
 
550 
 
 Madame D*Arblay» 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ‘ and misehievoiis servitude/ Was tliis a man to be uncivilly 
 treated by a daughter of Dr Burney, because she chose to differ 
 from him respecting a vast and most complicated question, which 
 he had studied deeply during many years, and which she had never 
 studied at all ? It is clear from Miss Burney’s own statement, 
 that when she behaved so unkindly to Mr Burke, she did not 
 even know of what Hastings was accused. One thing, however, 
 she must have known, that Burke had been able to convince a 
 House of Commons, bitterly prejudiced against him, that the 
 charges were well founded ; and that Pitt and Dundas had con- 
 curred, with Fox and Sheridan, in supporting the impeachment. 
 Surely a vroman of far inferior abilities to Miss Burney, might 
 have been expected to see that this never could have happened 
 unless there had been a strong case against the late Governor- 
 General, And there was, as all reasonable men now admit, a 
 strong case against him. That there were great public services 
 to be set off against his great crimes, is perfectly true. But his 
 services and his crimes were equally unknown to the lady who 
 so confidently asserted his perfect innocence, and imputed to his 
 accusers, that is to say, to all the greatest men of all parties in 
 the state, not merely error, but gross injustice and barbarity. 
 
 She had, it is true, occasionally seen Mr Hastings, and had 
 found his manners and conversation agreeable. But surely she 
 could not be so weak as to infer from the gentleness of his de- 
 portment in a drawing-room, that he was incapable of committing 
 a great state crime, under the influence of ambition and revenge. 
 A silly Miss, fresh from a boarding-school, might fall into such 
 a mistake ; but the woman who had drawn the character of Mr 
 Monckton should have known better. 
 
 The truth is, that she had been too long at Court. Sire was 
 sinking into a slavery worse than that of the body. The iron 
 was beginning to enter into the soul. Accustomed during many 
 months to watch the eye of a mistress, to receive wdth boundless 
 gratitude the slightest mark of royal condescension, to feel 
 wretched at every symptom of royal displeasure, to associate only 
 with spirits long tamed and broken in, she was degenerating into 
 something fit for her place. Queen Charlotte was a violent par- 
 tisan of Hastings; had received presents from him, and had so 
 far de[>arted from the severity of her virtue as to lend her coun- 
 tenance to his wife, whose conduct had certainly been as repre- 
 hensd^lc as that of any of the frail beauties who were then rigidly 
 excluded from the English Court. The King, it was well known, 
 took the same side, lo the King and Queen all the members 
 of the household looked submissively for guidance. The im- 
 peachment, therefore, was an atrocious persecution ; the maiia- 
 
1845. 
 
 Madame D^Arblay, 
 
 551 
 
 g-ers were rascals ; the defendant was the most deserving, and 
 the worst used man in the kingdom. This was the cant of the 
 whole palace, from Gold Stick in Vfaiting, down to the Table- 
 Deckers and Yeomen of the Silver Scullery; and Miss Bmney 
 canted like the rest, though in livelier tones, and with less bitter 
 feelings. 
 
 The account which she has given of the King’s illness, contains 
 much excellent narrative and description, and will, we think, be 
 more valued by the historians of a future age than any equal 
 portion of Pepys’ or Evelyn’s Diaries. That account shows 
 also, how affectionate and compassionate her nature was. But 
 it shows also, we must say, that her way of life was rapidly 
 impairing her powers of reasoning, and her sense of justice. We 
 do not mean to discuss, in this place, the question, whether the 
 views of Mr Pitt or those of Mr Fox respecting the regency 
 were the more correct. It is, indeed, quite needless to discuss 
 that question : for the censure of Miss Burney falls alike on Pitt 
 and Fox, on majority and minority. She is angry with the House 
 of Commons for presuming to enquire whether the King was mad 
 or not, and whether there was a chance of his recovering his 
 senses. ‘A melancholy day,’ she writes; ‘news bad both at 
 ‘ home and abroad. At home the dear unhappy king still 
 ‘ worse ; abroad new examinations voted of the physicians. 
 
 ‘ Good heavens ! what an insult does this seem from Parliament 
 ^ tary power, to investigate and bring forth to the world ever}^ 
 ‘ circumstance of such a malady as is ever held sacred to secrecy 
 ‘ in the most private families ! How indignant we all feel here, 
 
 ‘ no words can say.’ It is proper to observe, that the motion 
 which roused all this indignation at Kew was made by Mr Pitt 
 himself ; and that, if withstood by Mr Pitt, it would certainly 
 have been rejected. We see, therefore, that the loyalty of the 
 minister, who was then generally regarded as the most heroic 
 champion of his Prince, was lukewarm indeed when compared 
 with the boiling zeal which filled the pages of the back-s airs 
 and the women of the bed-chamber. Of the Regency bill, Pitt’s 
 own bill. Miss Burney speaks with horror. ‘ 1 shuddered,’ she 
 says, ‘ to hear it named.’ And again — ‘ Oh, how dreadful wdl 
 ‘ be the day when that unhappy bill takes place ! I cannot 
 ‘ approve the plan of it.’ The truth is, that Mr Pitt, whether 
 a wise and upright statesman or not, was a statesman ; and what- 
 ever motives he might have for imposing restrictions on the 
 regent, felt that in some way or other there must be some provi- 
 sion made for the execution of some part of the kingly office, or 
 that no government would be left in the country. But this was 
 a matter of which the household never thought. It never occur- 
 
552 
 
 Madame D" Arhlay. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 red, as far as we can see, to the Exons and Keepers of the 
 Robes, that it was necessary that there should be somew^here 
 or other a power in the state to pass laws, to preserve order, to 
 pardon criminals, to fill up offices, to negotiate with foreign 
 governments, to command the army and navy. Nay, these 
 enlightened politicians, and Miss Burney among the rest, seem 
 to have thought that any person who considered the subject with 
 reference to the public interest, showed himself to be a bad- 
 hearted man. Nobody wonders at this in a gentleman-usher ; 
 but it is melancholy to see genius sinking into such debase-- 
 ment. 
 
 During more than two years after the King’s recovery, Frances 
 dragged on a miserable existence at the palace. The consolations 
 which had for a time mitigated the wretchedness of servitude, 
 w^ere one by one withdrawn. Mrs Delany, whose society had 
 been a great resource when the Court was at Windsor, was now 
 dead. One of the gentlemen of the royal establishment, Colo- 
 nel Digby, appears to have been a man of sense, of taste, of 
 some reading, and of prepossessing manners. Agreeable asso- 
 ciates were scarce in the prison-house, and he and Miss Burney 
 were therefore naturally attached to each other. She owns that 
 she valued him as a friend ; and it would not have been strange 
 if his attentions had led her to entertain for him a sentiment 
 warmer than friendship. He quitted the Court, and married in 
 a way which astonished Miss Burney greatly, and which evi- 
 dently wounded her feelings, and lowered him in her esteem. 
 The palace grew duller and duller; Madame Schwellenberg 
 became more and more savage and insolent. And now the 
 health of poor Frances began to give way; and all who saw her 
 pale face, her emaciated figure, and her feeble walk, predicted 
 that her sufferings would soon be over. 
 
 Frances uniformly speaks of her royal mistress, and of the 
 princesses, with respect and affection. The princesses seem to 
 have well deserved all the praise which is bestowed on them in 
 the Diary. They were, we doubt not, most amiable women. 
 But ‘ the sweet queen,’ as she is constantly called in these 
 volumes, is not by any means an object of admiration to us. She 
 had undoubtedly sense enough to know what kind of deportment 
 suited her high station, and self-command enough to maintain that 
 deportment invariably. She was, in her intercourse with Miss 
 Burney, generally gracious and affable, sometimes, when dis- 
 pleased, cold and reserved, but never, under any circumstances, 
 rude, peevish, or violent. She knew how to dispense, gracefully 
 and skilfully, those little civilities which, when paid by a sove- 
 reign, are prized at many times their intrinsic value ; how to pay a 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame D' Arhlay. 
 
 553 
 
 compliment; how to lend a book; how to ask after a relation. 
 But she seems to have been utterly regardless of the comfort, 
 the health, the life of her attendants, when her own convenience 
 was concerned. Weak, feverish, hardly able to stand, Frances 
 had still to rise before seven, in order to dress the sweet queen, 
 and to sit up till midnight, in order to undress the sweet queen. 
 The indisposition of the handmaid could not, and did not, 
 escape the notice of her royal mistress. But the established 
 doctrine of the Court was, that all sickness was to be considered 
 as a pretence until it proved fatal. The only w^ay in which the 
 invalid could clear herself from the suspicion of malingering, as 
 it is called in the army, was to go on lacing and unlacing, till 
 she dropped down dead at the royal feet. ^ This,’ Miss Burney 
 wrote, when she was suffering cruelly from sickness, watching*, 
 and labour, ‘ is by no means from hardness of heart ; far other- 
 ‘ wise. There is no hardness of heart in any one of them ; but 
 ‘ it is prejudice, and want of personal experience.’ 
 
 Many strangers sympathized with the bodily and mental suf- 
 ferings of this distinguished woman. All who saw her saw that 
 her frame was sinking, that her heart was breaking. The last, 
 it should seem, to observe the change was her father. At length, 
 in spite of himself, his eyes w^ere opened. In May 1790, his 
 daughter had an interview of three hours with him, the only long 
 interview which they had had since he took her to Windsor in 
 1786. She told him that she was miserable, that she w’as worn 
 with attendance and want of sleep, that she had no comfort in 
 life, nothing to love, nothing to hope, that her family and 
 friends were to her as though they were not, and were remem- 
 bered by her as men remember the dead. From daybreak to 
 midnight the same killing labour, the same recreations, more 
 hateful than labour itself, followed each other without variety, 
 without any interval of liberty and repose. 
 
 The Doctor was greatly dejected by this news; but was too 
 good-natured a man not to say that, if she washed to resign, his 
 house and arms were open to her. Still, however, he could not 
 bear to remove her from the Court. His veneration for royalty 
 amounted in truth to idolatry. It can be compared only to the 
 grovelling superstition of those Syrian devotees who made their 
 children pass through the fire to Moloch. When he induced his 
 daughter to accept the place of Keeper of the Robes, he enter- 
 tained, as she tells us, a hope that some worldly advantage or 
 other, not set dowm in the contract of service, would be the result 
 of her connexion with the Court. What advantage he expected w^e 
 do not know, nor did he probably know himself. But, whatever 
 he expected, he ccrtnmly got nothing. Miss Burney had been 
 
554 
 
 Madame D' A rhlay. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 hired for board, lodging', and two hundred a-year. Board, 
 lodging, and two hundred a-year, she had duly received. We 
 have looked carefully through the Diary, in the hope of finding 
 some trace of those extraordinary benefactions on which the 
 Doctor reckoned. But we can discover only a promise, never 
 performed, of a gown ; and for this promise Miss Burney w^as 
 expected to return thanks, such as might have suited the beggar 
 with whom Saint Martin, in the legend, divided his cloak. The 
 experience of four years was, however, insufficient to dispel the 
 illusion which had taken possession of the Doctor’s mind; and, 
 between the dear father and the sweet queen, there seemed to 
 be little doubt that some day or other Frances would drop down 
 a corpse. Six months had elapsed since the interview between 
 the parent and the daughter. The resignation was not sent in. 
 The sufferer grew worse and worse. She took bark; but it 
 soon ceased to produce a beneficial effect. She was stimulated 
 With wine; she was soothed with opium; but in vain. Her 
 breath began to fail. The whisper that she was in a decline 
 spread through the Court. The pains in her side became so 
 severe tliat she was forced to crawl from the card-table of the old 
 furv to whom she was tethered, three or four times in an evening, 
 for the purpose of taking hartshorn. Had she been a negro slave, 
 a humane planter would have excused her from work. But her 
 Majesty showed no mercy. Thrice a day the accursed bell still 
 rang ; the Queen was still to be dressed for the morning at seven, 
 and to be dressed for the day at noon, and to be undressed at 
 eleven at night. 
 
 But there had arisen, in literary and fashionable society, a 
 general feeling of compassion for Miss Burney, and of indigna- 
 tion against both her father and the Queen. ‘ Is it possible,’ 
 sai'l a great French lady to the Doctor, ‘ that your daughter is 
 ‘ in a situation where she is never allowed a holiday?’ Horace 
 Walpole wrote to Frances, to express his sympathy. Boswell, 
 boiling over with good-natured rage, almost forced an entrance 
 into the palace to see her. ‘ My dear ma’am, why do you stay ? 
 ‘ It won’t do, ma’am; you must resign. We can put up with it 
 ‘ no longer. Some very violent measures, I assure you, will be 
 ‘ taken. ¥/e shall address Dr Burney in a body.’ Burke and 
 Reynolds, though less nois}^, were zealous in the same cause. 
 Windham spoke to Dr Burney; but found him still irresolute. 
 ‘ I will set the Literary Club upon him,’ cried Windham; ‘ Miss 
 ‘ Burney has some very true admirers there, and lam sure they 
 ‘ will eagerly assist.’ Indeed the Burney family seem to have 
 been apprehensive that some public affront, such as the Doctor’s 
 unpardonable folly, to use the mildest term, had richly deserved, 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame U Arhlaxj. 
 
 535 
 
 would be put upon him. The medical men spoke out, and 
 plainly told him that his daughter must resign or die. 
 
 At last paternal affection, medical authority, and the voice of 
 all London crying shame, triumphed over Doctor Burney’s love 
 of courts. He determined that Frances should write a letter of 
 resignation. It was with difficulty that, though her life was at 
 stake, she mustered spirit to put the paper into the Queen's 
 hands. ‘ I could not,’ so runs the Diary, ‘ summon courage to 
 ‘ present my memorial — my heart always failed me from seeing 
 ‘ the Queen’s entire freedom from such an expectation. For 
 ‘ though I was frequently so ill in her presence that I could 
 ‘ hardly stand, I saw she concluded me, while life remained, in- 
 ^ evitably hers.’ 
 
 At last with a trembling hand the paper was delivered. Then 
 came the storm. Juno, as in the AEneid, delegated the work of 
 vengeance to Alecto. The Queen was calm and gentle ; but 
 Madame Schwellenberg raved like a maniac in the incurable 
 ward of Bedlam. Such insolence! Such ingratitude I Such 
 folly ! Would Miss Burney bring utter destruction on herself 
 and her family ? Would she throw away the inestimable ad- 
 vantage of royal protection ? Would she part with privileges 
 which, once relinquished, could never he regained? It was idle 
 to talk of health and life. If people could not live in the palace, 
 the best thing that could befall them was to die in it. The resig- 
 nation was not accepted. The language of the medical men 
 became stronger and stronger. Doctor Burney’s parental fears 
 were fully roused ; and he explicitly declared, in a letter meant to 
 be shown to the Queen, that his daughter must retire. The 
 Schwellenberg raged like a wild-cat. ‘ A scene almost horrible 
 ‘ ensued,’ says Miss Burney. ‘ She was too much enraged for 
 ^ disguise, and uttered the most furious expressions of indignant 
 ‘ contempt at our proceedings. I am sure she w’ould gladly have 
 ‘ confined us both in the Bastile, had England such a misery, as 
 ^ a fit place to bring us to ourselves, from a daring so outrageous 
 ‘ against imperial wishes.’ This passage deserves notice, as being 
 the only one in the Diary, as far as we have observed, which 
 shows Miss Burney to have been awmre that she was a native of 
 a free country, that she could not be pressed for a waiting-maid 
 against her will, and that she had just as good a right to live, if 
 she chose, in St Martin’s street, as Queen Charlotte had to live 
 at St James’s. 
 
 The Queen promised that, after the next birth-day, Miss Bur- 
 ney should be set at liberty. But the promise was ill kept; and 
 her Majesty showed displeasure at being reminded of it. At 
 length Frances was informed that in a fortnight her attendance 
 sliQuld cease. ‘ I heard this,’ she says, ‘ with a fearful present!- 
 
556 
 
 M adame D ’ A May . 
 
 Jan. 
 
 ' ment I sliould surely never go through another fortnight, in so 
 ‘ weak and languishing and painful a state of health. . . As the 
 ‘ time of separation approached, the Queen’s cordiality rather di- 
 ‘ minished, and traces of internal displeasure appeared sometimes, 
 
 ^ arising from an opinion I ought rather to have struggled on, 
 
 ^ live or die, than to quit her. Yet I am sure she saw how poor 
 ^ v/as my own chance, except by a change in the mode of life, 
 
 ‘ and at least ceased to wonder, though she could not approve.’ 
 Sweet Queen ! What noble candour, to admit that the unduti- 
 fniness of people who did not think the honour of adjusting her 
 tuckers worth the sacrifice of their own lives, was, though highly 
 criminal, not altogether unnatural ! 
 
 ¥/e perfectly understand her Majesty’s contempt for the lives 
 of ethers where her own pleasure was concerned. But what 
 pleasure she can have found in having Miss Burney about her, it 
 is not so easy to comprehend. That Miss Burney was an emi- 
 nently skilful keeper of the robes is not very probable. Few 
 women, indeed, had paid less attention to dress. Now and 
 then, in the course of five years, she had been asked to read aloud 
 or to write a copy of verses. But better readers might easily 
 have been found : and her verses were worse than even the Poet- 
 Laureate’s Birth-day Odes. Perhaps that economy which was 
 among her Majesty’s most conspicuous virtues, had something to 
 do with her conduct on this occasion. Miss Burney had never 
 hinted that she expected a retiring pension ; and indeed would 
 gladly have given the little that she had for freedom. But her 
 Majesty knew what the public thought, and what became her 
 dignity. She could not for very shame suffer a woman of distin- 
 guished genius, who had quitted a lucrative career to wait on 
 her, who had served her faithfully for a pittance during five 
 years, and whose constitution had been impaired by labour and 
 watching, to leave the Court without some mark of royal liber- 
 ality. George the Third, who, on all occasions where Miss Bur- 
 ney was concerned, seems to have behaved like an honest, good- 
 natured gentleman, felt this, and said plainly that she was en- 
 titled to a provisiono At length, in return for all the misery 
 which she had undergone, and for the health which she had 
 sacrificed, an annuity of one hundred pounds was granted to her, 
 dependent on the Queen’s pleasure. 
 
 Then the prison was opened, and Frances was free once more. 
 Johnson, as Burke observed, might have added a striking page 
 to his poem on the Vanity of Human Wishes, if he had lived to 
 see his little Burney as she went into the palace and as she came 
 out of it. 
 
 The pleasures, so long untasted, of liberty, of friendship, of 
 domestic affection, were almost too acute for her shattered frame. 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame jy Arhlay, 
 
 557 
 
 But happy days and tranquil nights soon restored the health 
 which the Queen’s toilette and Madame Schwellenberg’s card- 
 table had impaired. Kind and anxious faces surrounded the 
 invalid. Conversation the most polished and brilliant revived 
 her spirits. Travelling was recommended to her ; and she ram- 
 bled by easy journeys from cathedral to cathedral, and from 
 watering-place to watering-place. She crossed the New Forest, 
 and visited Stonehenge and Wilton, the cliffs of Lyme, and the 
 beautiful valley of Sidmouth. Thence she journeyed by Powder- 
 ham Castle, and by the ruins of Glastonbury Abbey, to Bath, 
 and from Bath, when the winter was approaching, returned well 
 and cheerful to London. There she visited her old dungeon, 
 and found her successor already far on the way to the grave, 
 and kept to strict duty, from morning till midnight, with a 
 sprained ankle and a nervous fever. 
 
 At this time England swarmed with French exiles driven from 
 their country by the Revolution. A colon}^ of these refugees 
 settled at Juniper Flail in Surrey, not far from Norbury Park, 
 where Mr Lock, an intimate friend of the Burney family, resided. 
 Frances visited Norbury, and was introduced to the strangers. 
 She had strong prejudices against them ; for her Toryism wms 
 far beyond, wm do not say that of Mr Pitt, but that of Mr Reeves ; 
 and the inmates of Juniper Hall were all attached to the constitu- 
 tion of 1791, and were therefore more detested by the Royalists 
 of the first emigration than Petion or Alarat. But such a woman 
 as Aliss Burney could not long resist the fascination of that re- 
 markable society. She had lived with Johnson and Windham, 
 with Airs Alontague and Mrs Thrale. Yet she was forced to 
 own that she had never heard conversation before. The most 
 animated eloquence, the keenest observation, the most sparkling 
 wit, tfie most courtly grace, were united to charm her. For 
 Aladame de Stael was there, and AI. de Talleyrand. There too 
 was AI. de Narbonne, a noble representative of French aristo- 
 cracy ; and with M. de Narbonne wms his friend and follower 
 General D’Arblay, an honourable and amiable man, with a 
 handsome person, frank soldier-like manners, and some taste for 
 letters. 
 
 The prejudices which Frances had conceived against the con- 
 stitutional royalists of France rapidly vanished. She listened 
 wdth rapture to Talleyrand and Madame de Stael, joined with 
 AI. D’Arblay in execrating the Jacobins, and in weeping for the 
 unhappy Bourbons, took French lessons from him, fell in love 
 with him, and married him on no better provision than a preca- 
 rious annuity of ore Imndred pounds. 
 
 Here the Diary stops for the present. We will, therefore, 
 bring our narrative to a speedy close, by rapidly recounting the 
 
558 
 
 Madame D" A rhlay. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 most important events which we know to have befallen Madame 
 D’Arblay during the latter part of her life. 
 
 M. D’Arblay’s fortune had perished in the general wreck of 
 the French Revolution ; and in a foreign country his talents, 
 whatever they may have been, could scarcely make him rich. 
 The task of providing for the family devolved on his wife. In 
 the year 1796, she published by subscription her third novel, 
 Camilla. It was impatiently expected by the public ; and the 
 sum which she obtained by it was, we believe, greater than had 
 ever at that time been received for a novel. We have heard that 
 she cleared more than three thousand guineas. But we give this 
 merely as a rumour. Camilla, hovv^ever, never attained popu- 
 larity like that which Evelina and Cecilia had enjoyed ; and it 
 must be allowed that there v/as a perceptible failing off, not 
 indeed in humour, or in power of portraying character, but in 
 grace and in purity of style. 
 
 We have heard that, about this time, a tragedy by Madame 
 D’Arblay was performed without success. We do not know 
 whether it was ever printed ; nor indeed have wm had time to 
 make any researches into its history or merits. 
 
 During the short time which followed the treaty of Amiens, 
 M. D’Arblay visited France. Lauriston and La Fayette repre- 
 sented his claims to the French government, and obtained a pro- 
 mise that he should be reinstated in his military rank. M. 
 D’Arblay, however, insisted that he should never be required to 
 serve against the countrymen of his wife. The First Consul, of 
 course, would not hear of such a condition ; and ordered the ge- 
 neral’s commission to be instantly revoked. 
 
 Madame D’Arblay joined her husband at Paris a short time 
 before the war of 1803 broke out ; and remained in France ten 
 years, cut off from almost all intercourse with the land of her 
 birth. At length, when Napoleon was on his march to Moscow, 
 she with great difficulty obtained from his ministers permission 
 to visit her own country, in company with her son, who was a 
 native of England. She returned in time to receive the last 
 blessing of her father, who died in his eighty-seventh year. In 
 1814 she published her last novel, the Wanderer, a book which 
 no judicious friend to her memory will attempt to draw from the 
 oblivion into which it has justly fallen. In the same year her 
 son Alexander was sent to Cambridge. He obtained an honour- 
 able place among the wranglers of his year, and was elected a 
 fellow of Christ’s College. But his reputation at the Univer- 
 sity was higher than might be inferred from his success in aca- 
 demical contests. His French education had not fitted him for 
 the examinations of the Senate- Flouse ; but in pure mathematics, 
 we have been assured by some of his competitors that he had very 
 
1843 . 
 
 Madame D' Arhlay. 
 
 559 
 
 few equals. He went into the Church, and it was thought likely 
 that he would attain high eminence as a preacher ; but he died 
 before his mother. All that we have heard of him leads us to 
 believe, that he was such a son as such a mother deserved to 
 have. In 1832, Madame D’Arblay published the ^ Memoirs of 
 her Father;’ and, on the 6th of January 1840, she died in her 
 eighty-eighth year. 
 
 We now turn from the life of Madame D’Arblay to her writ- 
 ings. There can, we apprehend, be little difference of opinion 
 as to the nature of her merit, whatever differences may exist as 
 to its degree. She w^as emphatically what Johnson called her, 
 a character-monger. It was in the exhibition of human passions 
 and whims that her strength lay ; and in this department of 
 art she bad, we think, very distinguished skill. 
 
 But in order that we may, according to our duty as Kings-at- 
 Arms, versed in the laws of literary precedence, marshal her to 
 the exact seat to which she is entitled, we must carry our exa- 
 mination somewhat further. 
 
 There is, in one respect, a remarkable analogy between the 
 faces and the minds of men. No two faces are alike ; and yet 
 very few faces deviate very widely from the common standard. 
 Among the eighteen hundred thousand human beings who in- 
 habit London, there is not one who could be taken by his ac- 
 quaintance for another ; yet we may walk from Paddington to 
 Mile-end without seeing one person in whom any feature is so 
 overcharged that we turn round to stare at it. An infinite num- 
 ber of varieties lies between limits which are not very far asunder. 
 The specimens which pass those limits on either side, form a very 
 small minority. 
 
 It is the same with the characters of men. Here, too, the 
 variety passes all enumeration. But the cases in wTich the de- 
 viation from the common standard is striking and grotesque, are 
 very few. In one mind avarice predominates ; in another, 
 pride ; in a third, love of pleasure — just as in one countenance 
 the nose is the most marked feature, while in others the chief ex- 
 pression lies in the brow, or in the lines of the mouth. But there 
 are very few countenances in which nose, brow, and mouth do 
 not contribute, though in unequal degrees, to the general effect; 
 and so there are few characters in which one overgrown propen- 
 sity makes all others utterly insignificant. 
 
 It is evident that a portrait-painter, who was able only to re- 
 present faces and figures such as those which we pay money to 
 see at fairs, would not, however spirited his execution might be, 
 take rank among the highest artists. He must always be placed 
 below those who have skill to seize peculiarities which do not 
 amount to deformity. The slighter those peculiarities the greater 
 
560 
 
 Madame UArblay, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 is the merit of the limner who can catch them and transfer them 
 to his canvass. To paint Daniel Lambert or the Living Skeler 
 ton, the Pig-faced Lady or the Siamese Twins, so that nobody 
 can mistake them, is an exploit within the reach of a sign-pain- 
 ter. A third-rate artist might give ns the squint of Wilkes, and 
 the depressed nose and protuberant cheeks of Gibbon. It would 
 require a much higher degree of skill to paint two such men as 
 Mr Canning and Sir Thomas Lawrence, so that nobody who had 
 ever seen them could for a moment hesitate to assign each pic- 
 ture to its original. Here the mere caricaturist would be quite 
 at fault. He would find in neither face any thing on which he 
 could lay hold for the purpose of making a distinction. Two 
 ample bald foreheads, two regular profiles, two full faces of the 
 same oval form, would baffle his art ; and he would be reduced 
 to the miserable shift of writing their names at the foot of his 
 picture. Yet there was a great difference; and a person who 
 had seen them once, would no more have mistaken one of them 
 for the other than he would have mistaken Mr Pitt for Mr Fox. 
 But the difference lay in delicate lineaments and shades, reserved 
 for pencils of a rare order. 
 
 This distinction runs through all the imitative arts. Foote’s 
 mimicry was exquisitely ludicrous, but it was all caricature. 
 He could take off only some strange peculiarity, a stammer or a 
 lisp, a Northumbrian burr or am Irish brogue, a stoop or a 
 shuffle. ‘ If a man,’ said Johnson, ‘ hops on one leg, Foote can 
 ‘ hop on one leg.’ Garrick, on the other hand, could seize those 
 differences of manner and pronunciation, which, though highly 
 characteristic, are yet too slight to be described. Foote, we 
 have no doubt, could have made the Hayrnarket Theatre shake 
 with laughter by imitating a dialogue between a Scotchman and 
 a Somersetshireman. But Garrick could have imitated a dia- 
 logue between two fashionable men, both models of the best 
 breeding, Lord Chesterfield for example, and Lord Albemarle; 
 so that no person could doubt which was which, although no 
 person could say that, in any point, either Lord Chesterfield or 
 Lord Albemarle spoke or moved btherwise than in conformity 
 with the usages of the best society. 
 
 The same distinction is found in the drama and in fictitious 
 narrative. Highest among those who have exhibited human 
 nature by means of dialogue, stands Shakspeare. Flis variety is 
 like the variety of nature, endless diversity, scarcely any mon- 
 strosity. The characters of which he has given us an impression, 
 as vivid as that which we receive fiom the characters of our own 
 associates, are to be reckoned by scores. Yet in all these scores 
 hardly one character is to be found which deviates widely from 
 the common standard j, and wliich we should call very eccentric 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame D'Arblay. 
 
 561 
 
 if we met it in real life. The silly notion that every man has 
 one ruling passion, and that this clue, once known, unravels all 
 the mysteries of his conduct, finds no countenance in the plays 
 of Shakspeare. There man appears as he is, made up of a 
 crowd of passions, which contend for the mastery over him, and 
 govern him in turn. What is Hamlet’s ruling passion? Or 
 Othello’s ? Or Harry the Fifth’s ? Or Wolsey’s ? Or Lear’s ? 
 Or Shylock’s ? Or Benedick’s ? Or Macbeth’s ? Or that of 
 Cassius ? Or that of Faleonbridge ? But we might go on for 
 ever. Take a single example — Shylock. Is he so eager for 
 money as to be indifferent to revenge ? Or so eager for revenge 
 as to be indifferent to money ? Or so bent on both together as 
 to be indifferent to the honour of his nation and the law of 
 Moses ? All his propensities are mingled with each other ; so 
 that, in trying to apportion to each its proper part, we find the 
 same difficulty which constantly meets us in real life. A super- 
 ficial critic may say, that hatred is Shylock’s ruling passion. 
 But how many passions have amalgamated to form that hatred? 
 It is partly the result of wounded pride : Antonio has called him 
 dog. It is partly the result of covetousness: Antonio has hin- 
 dered him of half a million ; and, when Antonio is gone, there 
 will be no limit to the gains of usury. It is partly the result of 
 national and religious feeling : Antonio has spit on the Jewish 
 gaberdine; and the oath of revenge has been sworn by the 
 Jewish Sabbath. We might go through all the characters 
 which we have mentioned, and through fifty more in the same 
 way ; for it is the constant manner of Shakspeare to represent 
 the human mind as lying, not under the absolute dominion of 
 one despotic propensity, but under a mixed government, in 
 which a hundred powers balance each other. Admirable as he 
 was in all parts of his art, we most admire him for this, that, 
 while he has left us a greater number of striking portraits than 
 all other dramatists put together, lie has scarcely left us a single 
 caricature. 
 
 Shakspeare has had neither equal nor second. But among 
 the writers who, in the point which v/e have noticed, have ap- 
 proached nearest to the manner of the great master, we have no 
 hesitation in placing Jane Austen, a woman of whom England 
 is justly proud. She has given us a multitude of characters, all, 
 in a certain sense, common-place, ail such as we meet every 
 day. Yet they are all as perfectly discriminated from each other 
 as if they were the most eccentric of human beings. There are, 
 for example, four clergymen, none of whom we should be sur- 
 prised to find in any parsonage in the kingdom, Mr Edward 
 Ferrars, Mr Henry Tilney, Mr Edmund Bertram, and Mr Elton. 
 They are all specimens of the upper part of the middle class. 
 
5G2 
 
 Madante U Arhlay. 
 
 Jail. 
 
 They have all been liberally educated. They all lie under the 
 restraints of the same sacred profession. They are all young. 
 They are ail in love. Not one of them has any hobbyhorse, 
 to use the phrase of Sterne. Not one has a ruling passion, such 
 as we read of in Pope. Who would not have expected them to 
 be insipid likenesses of each other? No such thing. Harpagon 
 is not more unlike to Jourdain, Joseph Surface is not more un- 
 like to Sir Lucius O’Trigger, than every one of Miss Austen’s 
 young divines to all his reverend brethren. And almost all 
 this is done by touches so delicate, that they elude analysis, 
 that they defy the powers of description, and that we know 
 them to exist only by the general effect to which they have con- 
 tributed. 
 
 A line must be drawn, we conceive, between artists of this 
 class, and those poets and novelists whose skill lies in the ex- 
 hibiting of what Ben Johnson called humours. The words of 
 Ben are so much to the purpose, that we will quote them 
 ‘ VvJien some one peculiar quality 
 Doth so possess a man, that it doth draw 
 All his affects, his spirits, and his powers, 
 
 In their corifluxions ail to run one way, 
 
 I bis may be truly said to be a humour.’ 
 
 There are undoubtedly persons, in whom humours such as 
 Ben describes have attained a complete ascendency. The ava- 
 rice of Elwes, the insane desire of Sir Kgerton Brydges for a 
 barony to which he had no more right than to the crown of 
 Spain, the malevolence which long meditation on imaginary 
 wrongs generated in the gloomy mind of Bellingham, are in- 
 stances, The feeling which animated Clarkson and other vir- 
 tuous men against the slave-trade and slavery, is an instance of 
 a more honourable kind. 
 
 Seeing that such humours exist, we cannot deny that they 
 are proper subjects for the imitations of art. But we conceive 
 that the imitation of such humours, however skilful and amu- 
 sing, is not an achievement of the highest order; and, as such 
 humours are rare in real life, they ought, we conceive, to be 
 sparingly introduced into works which profess to be pictures of 
 real lire. Nevertheless, a writer may show so much genius in 
 the exhibition of these humours, as to be fairly entitled to a 
 distinguished and permanent rank among classics. The chief 
 seats of all, however, the places on the dais and under the 
 canopy, are reserved for the few who have excelled in the dif- 
 ficult art of portraying characters in which no single feature is 
 extravagantly overcharged. 
 
 If we have expounded the law soundly, we can have no diffi- 
 culty in applying it to the particular case before us. Madame 
 
1843 . 
 
 ZLadamt D'Arbiay, 
 
 565 
 
 D’Arblay has left us scarcely any thing’ hut humours. Almost 
 every one of her men and women has some one propensity de- 
 veloped to a morbid degree. In Cecilia, for example, Mr Del- 
 vile never opens his lips without some allusion to his own birth 
 and station ; or Mr Brings, without some allusion to the hoard- 
 ing of money : or Mr Hobson, without betraying the self-indul- 
 gence and self-importance of a purse-proud upstart; or Mr 
 Simkins, without uttering some sneaking remark for the pur- 
 pose of currying favour with his customers ; or Mr Meadows, 
 without expressing apathy and weariness of life; or Mr Albany, 
 without declaiming about the vices of the rich and the misery of 
 the poor; or Mrs Bellield, without some indelicate eulogy on 
 her son ; or Lady Margaret, wdthout indicating jealousy of her 
 husband. Morrice is all skipping, officious impertinence, Mr 
 Gosport all sarcasm. Lady Honoria all lively prattle, IMiss 
 Larolles all silly prattle. If ever Madame D’Arblay aimed at 
 more, as in the character of Monckton, we do not think that 
 she succeeded well. 
 
 We are, therefore, forced to refuse to Madame D'Arblay a 
 place in the highest rank of art ; but we cannot deny that, in 
 the rank to which she belong’ed, she had few^ equals, and scarcely 
 any superior. The variety of humours which is to be found in 
 her novels is immense; and though the talk of each person 
 separately is monotonous, the general effect is not monotony, 
 but a very lively and agreeable diversity. Her plots are rudely 
 constructed and improbable, if we consider them in themselves. 
 But they are admirably framed for the purpose of exhibiting 
 striking groups of eccentric characters, each governed by his 
 own peculiar whim, each talking his own peculiar jargon, and 
 each bringing out by opposition the oddities of all the rest. 
 We will give one example out of many which occur to us. 
 All probability is violated in order to bring ]Mr Delvile, IMr 
 Biiggs, Mr Hobson, and Mr Albany into a room together. But 
 when we have them there, we soon forget probability in the ex- 
 quisitely ludicrous effect which is produced by the conflict of four 
 old fools, each raging with a moncmania of his ow n, each talking 
 a dialect of his own, and each inflaming all the others anew^ eyery 
 time he opens his mouth. 
 
 Madame D’ Arblay w^as most successful in comedy, and indeed 
 in comedy which bordered on farce. But we are inclined to 
 infer from some passages, both in Cecilia and Camilla, that 
 she might have attained equal distinction in the pathetic. We 
 have formed this judgment, less from those ambitious scenes of 
 distress which lie near the catastrophe of eacli of those novels, 
 than from some exquisite strokes of natural tenderness which 
 take U8 here and there by surprise. We would mention as ex- 
 
564 Madame U Arhlay, Jan. 
 
 amples, Mrs Hill’s account of her little boy^s death in Cecilia, 
 and the parting of Sir Hugh Tyrold and Camilla, when the 
 honest baronet thinks himself dying. 
 
 it is melancholy to think that the whole fame of Madame 
 D’Arblay rests on what she did during the earlier half of her 
 life, and that every thing which she published during the forty- 
 three years which preceded her death, lowered her reputation. 
 Yet we have no reason to think that at the time when her fa- 
 culties ought to have been in their maturity, they were smitten 
 with any blight. In the Wanderer, we catch now and then a 
 gleam of her genius. Even in the Memoirs of her Father, there 
 is no trace of dotage. They are very bad ; but they are so, 
 as it seems to us, not from a decay of power, but from a total 
 perversion of power. 
 
 The truth is, that Madame D’Arblay’s style underwent a gra- 
 dual and most pernicious change, — a change which, in degree at 
 least, we believe to be unexampled in literary history, and of 
 which it may be useful to trace the progress. 
 
 When she wrote her letters to Mr Crisp, her early journals, 
 and the novel of Evelina, her style was not indeed brilliant or 
 energetic ; but it was easy, clear, and free from all offensive 
 faults. When she wrote Cecilia she aimed higher. She had 
 then lived much in a circle of which Johnson was the centre; 
 and she was herself one of his most submissive worshippers. It 
 seems never to have crossed her mind that the style even of his 
 best writings was by no means faultless, and that even had it 
 been faultless, it might not be wise in her to imitate it. Phra- 
 seology which is proper in a disquisition on the Unities, or in a 
 preface to a Dictionary, may be quite out of place in a tale of 
 fashionable life. Old gentlemen do not criticize the reigning 
 modes, nor do young gentlemen make love, with the balanced 
 epithets and sonorous cadences which, on occasions of great dig- 
 nity, a skilful writer may use with happy effect. 
 
 In an evil hour the author of Evelina took the Rambler 
 for her model. This would not have been wise even if she 
 could have imitated her pattern as well as Hawkesworth did. 
 But such imitation was beyond her power. She had her own 
 style. It was a tolerably good one; and might, without any 
 violent change, have been improved into a very good one. She 
 determined to throw it away, and to adopt a style in which she 
 could attain excellence only by achieving an almost miraculous 
 victory over nature and over habit. She could cease to be 
 Fanny Burney ; it was not so easy to become Samuel Johnson. 
 
 In Cecilia the change of manner began to appear. But in 
 Cecilia the imitation of Johnson, though not always in the best 
 taste, is sometimes eminently happy ; and the passages which 
 
1843 . 
 
 Madame D'Arblay. 
 
 565 
 
 are so verbose as to be positively offensive, are few. There were 
 people who whispered that Johnson had assisted his young 
 iVieiid, and that the novel owed all its finest passages to his 
 hand. This was merely the fabrication of envy. Miss Burney's 
 real excellences were as much beyond the reach of Johnson, as 
 his real excellences were beyond her reach. He could no more 
 have written the Masquerade scene, or the Vauxhall scene, than 
 she could have written the Life of Cowley or the Review of 
 Soame Jenyns. But we have not the smallest doubt that he 
 revised Cecilia, and that he retouched the style of many pas- 
 sages. We know that he was in the habit of giving assistance 
 of this kind most freely. Goldsmith, Hawkesworth, Boswell, 
 Lord Hailes, Mrs Williams, were among those who obtained his 
 help. Nay, he even corrected the poetry of Mr Crabbe, whom, 
 we believe, he had never seen. When Miss Burney thought of 
 writing a comedy, he promised to give her his l)est counsel, 
 though he owned that he was not particularly well qualified to 
 advise on matters relating to the stage. We therefore think it 
 in the highest degree improbable that his little Fanny, when 
 living in habits of the most affectionate intercourse wuch him, 
 would have brought out an important w'oik without consulting 
 him ; and, when we look into Cecilia, we see such traces of his 
 hand in the grave and elevated passages, as it is impossible to 
 mistake. Before we conclude this article, we will give two or 
 three examples. 
 
 When nrxt Madame D’Arblay appeared befoi’e the world as 
 a writer, she was in a very difLrent situation. She would not 
 content herself with the simple Knglish in v^hich Evelina had 
 been written. She had no longer the fiiend who, we are confi- 
 dent, had polished and strengthened the style of Cecilia. She 
 had to write in Johnson’s manner, without Johnson’s aid. The 
 consequence was, that in Camilla every passage which she meant 
 to be fine is detestable; and that the book has been saved from 
 condemnation only by the admirable spirit and force of those 
 scenes in which she was content to be familiar. 
 
 But there was to be a still deeper descent. After the publi- 
 cation of Camilla, Madame D’Arblay resided ten years at Paris. 
 During those years there was scarcely any intercourse between 
 Fiance and England. It was with difficulty that a short letter 
 could occasionally be transmitted. All Madame D'Arblay’s 
 companions w’ere French, She must have written, spoken, 
 thought, in French. Ov^id expressed his fear that a shorter 
 exile might have affected the puriry of his Latin. During a 
 shorter exile. Gibbon unlearned his native English. Madame 
 D’Arblay had carried a bad style to France. She brought back 
 
 VOL. LXXVI. NO. CLIV. 2 O 
 
566 
 
 Madame D*Arhlay. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 a style which we are really at a loss to describe. It is a sort of 
 broken Johnsonese, a barbarous bearing the same relation 
 to the language of Rasselas, which the gibberish of the Negroes 
 of Jamaica bears to the English of the House of Lords. Some- 
 times it reminds us of the finest, that is to say, the vilest parts, 
 of Mr Galt’s novels ; sometimes of the perorations of Exeter 
 Hall; sometimes of the leading articles of the Morning Post. 
 But it most resembles the puffs of Mr Rowland and Dr Goss. 
 It matters not what ideas are clothed in such a style. The genius 
 of Shakspeare and Bacon united, would not save a work so writ- 
 ten from general derision. 
 
 It is only by means of specimens that we can enable our 
 readers to judge how widely Madame D’Arblay’s three styles 
 differed from each other. 
 
 The following passage was written before she became intimate 
 with Johnson. It is from Evelina : — 
 
 ‘ His son seems weaker in his understandings, and more gay in his 
 temper ; but his gaiety is that of a foolish overgrown schoolboy, whose 
 mirth consists in noise and disturbance. He disdains his father for his 
 close attention to business and love of money, though he seems himself 
 to have no talents, spirit, or generosity to make him superior to either. 
 His chief delight appears to be in tormenting and ridiculing his sisters, 
 who in return most cordially despise him. Miss Branghton, the eldest 
 daughter, is by no means ugly ; but looks proud, ill-tempered, and con- 
 ceited. She hates the city, though without knowing why ; for it is easy 
 to discover she has lived nowhere else. Miss Polly Branghton is rather 
 pretty, very foolish, very ignorant, very giddy, and, I believe, very good- 
 natured.” 
 
 This is not a fine style, but simple, perspicuous, and agreeable. 
 We now come to Cecilia, written during Miss Burney’s inti- 
 macy with Johnson; and we leave it to our readers to judge 
 whether the following passage was not at least corrected by his 
 hand ; — 
 
 ‘ It is rather an imaginary than an actual evil, and, though a deep 
 wound to pride, no offence to morality. Thus have I laid open to you 
 my whole heart, confessed my perplexities, acknowledged my vain-glory, 
 and exposed with equal sincerity the sources of my doubts and the mo- 
 tives of ray decision. But now, indeed, how to proceed I know not. 
 The difficulties which are yet to encounter I fear to enumerate, and the 
 petition 1 have to urge I have scarce courage to mention. My family, 
 mistaking ambition for honour, and rank for dignity, have long planned 
 a splended connexion for me, to which, though my invariable repug- 
 nance has stopped any advances, their wishes and their views immove- 
 ably adhere, i am but too certain they will now listen to no other. I 
 dread, therefore, to make a trial where ! despair of success. I know not 
 how to risk a prayer with those who may silence me by a command.’ 
 
 Take now a specimen of Madame D’Arblay’s later style. 
 
1843. 
 
 Madame D'Arblay, 
 
 567 
 
 This is the way in which she tells us that her father, on his 
 journey back from the Continent, caught the rheumatism : — 
 
 ‘ He was assaulted, during his precipitated return, by the rudest 
 fierceness of wintry elemental strife ; through which, with bad accom- 
 modations and innumerable accidents, he became a prey to the merciless 
 pangs of the acutest spasmodic rheumatism, which barely suffered him 
 to reach his home, ere, long and piteously, it confined him, a tortured 
 prisoner, to his bed. Such was the check that almost instantly curbed, 
 though it could not subdue, the rising pleasure of his hopes of entering 
 upon a new species of existence — that of an approved man of letters ; for 
 it was on the bed of sickness, exchanging the light wines of France, 
 Italy, and Germany, for the black and loathsome potions of the Apothe- 
 caries’ Hall, writhed by darting stitches, and burning with fiery fever, 
 that he felt the full force of that sublunary equipoise that seems ever- 
 more to hang suspended over the attainment of long-sought and uncom- 
 mon felicity, just as it is ripening to burst forth with enjoyment!’ 
 
 Here is a second passage from Evelina : — 
 
 ‘ Mrs Selwyn is very kind and attentive to me. She is extremely 
 clever. Her understanding, indeed, may be called masculine ; but 
 unfortunately her manners deserve the same epithet. For, in studying 
 to acquire the knowledge of the other sex, she has lost all the softness 
 of her own. In regard to myself, however, as 1 have neither courage 
 nor inclination to argue with her, I have never been personally hurt at 
 her want of gentleness — a virtue which nevertheless seems so essential 
 a part of the female character, that I find myself more awkward and less 
 at ease with a woman who wants it than I do with a man.’ 
 
 This is a good style of its kind ; and the following passage 
 from Cecilia is also in a good style, though not in a faultless 
 one. We say with confidence — Either Sam Johnson or the 
 Devil : — 
 
 ‘ Even the imperious Mr Delvile was more supportable here than in 
 London. Secure in his own castle, he looked round him with a pride of 
 power and possession which softened while it swelled him. His superi- 
 ority was undisputed ; his will was without control. He was not, as in 
 the great capital of the kingdom, surrounded by competitors. No rivalry 
 disturbed his peace ; no equality mortified his greatness. All he saw 
 w’ere either vassals of his power, or guests bending to his pleasure. He 
 abated, therefore, considerably the stern gloom of his haughtiness, and 
 soothed his proud mind by the courtesy of condescension.’ 
 
 We will stake our reputation for critical sagacity on this, that 
 no such paragraph as that which we have last quoted, can be 
 found in any of Madame D’ Arblay’s works except Cecilia. Com- 
 pare with it the following sample of her later style : — 
 
 ‘ If beneficence be judged by the happiness which it diffuses, whose 
 claim, by that proof, shall stand higher than that of Mrs Montagu, from 
 the munificence with w^hich she celebrated her annual festival for those 
 hapless artificers who perform the most abject offices of any authorized 
 
568 
 
 Madame D' Arhlay, 
 
 Jan. 
 
 callinu'’, in being the active guardians of our blazing hearths? Not to 
 vain-glory, then, but to kindness of heart, should be adjudged the pub- 
 licity of that superb charity which made its jetty objects, for one bright 
 morning, cease to consider themselves as degraded outcasts from all 
 society.’ 
 
 We add one or two shorter samples. Sheridan refused to 
 permit his lovely wife to sing in public, and was warmly praised 
 on this account by Johnson. 
 
 ^ The last of men,’ says Madame D’Arblay, ‘ was Doctor 
 ‘ Johnson to have abetted squandering the delicacy of integrity 
 ‘ by nullifying the labours of talents.’ 
 
 The club, Johnson’s dub, did itself no honour by rejecting 
 on political grounds two distinguished men, the one a Tory, the 
 other a Whig. Madame D’Arblay tells the story thus: — ‘A 
 ‘ similar ebullition of political rancour with that which so difh- 
 ‘ cultly had been conquered for Mr Canning, foamed over the 
 ‘ ballot-box to the exclusion of Mr Rogers.’ 
 
 An offence punishable with imprisonment is, in this language, 
 an offence which produces incarceration.’ I’o be starved to 
 death is, ‘ to slide from inanition into nonentity.’ Sir Isaac 
 Newton is, ‘ the developer of the skies in their embodied move- 
 ments;’ ami Mrs 1 hraie, vheii a party of clever people sat 
 silent, is said to have been ‘piovokt d by the dulness of a taci- 
 ‘ turnity that, in the midst of such renowned intei lucuturs, pro- 
 ‘ duced as narcotic a torpor as could have been caused by a 
 ‘ dearth the most barren of all human faculties.’ In truth, it is 
 impossible to look at any page of Madame D’Arblay’s later 
 works, without finding flowers of rhetoric like these. Nothing in 
 the laiiguage of those jargonists at whom Mr ( -osport laughed, 
 nothing in the language of Sir Sedley Ciarendel, approaches this 
 new Euphuism. 
 
 It is from no unfriendly feeling to Aladame D’Arblay’s memory 
 that v\e have expressed ourselves so strongly on the subject of her 
 style. On the contrary, we conctive that we have really rendered 
 a service to her reputation. J hat her later works were complete 
 failures, is a fact too notorious to he dissembled; and some persons, 
 we believe, have consequently taken up a notion that slie was from 
 the first an over-rated writer, and that she had not the powders 
 which were necessary to maintain her on the eminence on which 
 goofl-luck and fashion had placed her. We believe, on the con- 
 trary, that her early popularity was no more than the just rew^ard 
 of distinguished merit, and would never have undergone an 
 eclipse, if she. had only been content to go on writing in her 
 moi htr -tongue, if she failed wiun she quitted her own pro- 
 vince, and attempted to occupy one in wliich she had neither 
 part nor lot, this reproach is common to her with a crowd of 
 
1843 . 
 
 Madame D' Arblay. 
 
 569 
 
 distinofuished men. Newton failed when he turned from the 
 
 o 
 
 courses of the stars, and the ebb and flow of the ocean, to apoca- 
 lyptic seals and vdals. Bentley failed vv^hen he turned frt>m 
 Homer and Aristophanes to edite Paradise Lost. Lii^o failed 
 when he attempted to rival the Gothic churches of the four- 
 teenth century. Wilkie failed when he took it into his head 
 that the Blind Fiddler and the Rent- Day w^ere uirvvorthy of 
 his powers, and challenged competition with Lawrence as a 
 portrait-painter. Such failures should be noted for the instruc- 
 tion of posterity ; but they detract little from the permanent 
 reputat on of those who have really done great things. 
 
 Yet one word more. It is not only on account of the intrinsic 
 merit of Madame d’Arblay’s early works that she is entitled to 
 honourai)le mention. Ller appearance is an important epoch in 
 our literary history. Evelina was the first tale written by a 
 woman, and purporting to be a picture of life and manners, that 
 lived or deserved to live. The Female Quixote is no exception. 
 That work has undoubtedly great merit, when considered as a 
 wild satirical harlequinade ; but, if we consider it as a picture 
 of life and manners, we must pronounce it more absurd than any 
 of the romances which it was designed to ridicule. 
 
 Indeed, most of the popular novels which preceded Evelina, 
 were such as no lady would have written ; and many of them 
 were such as no lady could without coIlfu^ion oum that she had. 
 read. The very name of novel was held in horror among reli- 
 gious people. In decent families which did not profess extraor- 
 dinary sanctity, there was a strong feeling against all such works. 
 Sir Anthony Absolute, two or three years before Evelina ap- 
 peared, spoke the sense of the great body of sober fathers and 
 husbands, when he pronounced the circulating library an ever- 
 green tree of diabolical knowledge. This feeling, on the part 
 of the grave and reflecting, increased the evil from which it had 
 sprung. The novelist, having little character to lose, and having 
 few readers among serious people, took without scruple liberties 
 which in our generation seem almost incredible. 
 
 Miss Burney did for the English novel what Jeremy Collier 
 did for the English drama ; and she did it in abetter way. She 
 fir^t showed that a tale might be written in wdiich both the fa- 
 shionable and the vulgar life of l.ondon might be exhibited with 
 great force, and with broad comic humour, and which yet should 
 jiot contain a single line inconsistent with rigid morality, or even 
 with virgin delicacy. She took away the reproach which lay on 
 a most useful and delightful species of composition. She vindi- 
 cated the right of her sex to an equal share in a fair and noble 
 province of letters. Several accomplished women have follo\ved in 
 
570 
 
 Madame D* Arblay, 
 
 Jan. 1843. 
 
 her track. At present, the novels which we owe to English ladies 
 form no small part of the literary glory of our country. No 
 class of works is more honourably distinguished by fine observa- 
 tion, by grace, by delicate wit, by pure moral feeling. Several 
 among the successors of Madame D’Arblay have equalled her; 
 two, we think, have surpassed her. But the fact that she has 
 been surpassed, gives her an additional claim to our respect and 
 gratitude ; for in truth we owe to her, not only Evelina, Cecilia, 
 and Camilla, but also Mansfield Park and the Absentee. 
 
 NOTE to the Article, in last Number, on the New Biographical 
 Dictionary of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Know- 
 ledge. 
 
 We have been informed that in mentioning, in the above Article, 
 the Biographical Dictionary of the late Dr Aikin, we committed 
 a mistake in stating that it was not completed, which we now very 
 willingly correct. We had said that it stopped with letter A, on 
 the conclusion of its eighth volume ; whereas we find that it was 
 actually completed, and a Supplement added, by Dr Aikin; — 
 the whole extending to ten volumes, of which the two last were 
 published in 1814 and 1815, But though a valuable, it is not 
 by any means a universal Biography, being professedly limited to 
 lives of ‘ eminent persons,’ — a very different sort of undertaking 
 from one that aspires to notice every individual who has done 
 any thing either in Letters or Art, or in any line likely to at- 
 tract the curiosity of mankind, whether eminent or not. Such 
 we understand to be the object of the New Biographical Dic- 
 tionary, and this giv'es it a vast superiority, in respect of plan, 
 over that of Dr Aikin, and every other work of the kind that has 
 been produced or attempted in this country. 
 
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 2 Q 
 
 VOL. LXXVI 
 
 NO. CLIV. 
 
[ 598 ] 
 
 INDEX TO LIST OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 The Figures attached are the Numbers of the”articles in the List, 
 
 Annual Register . 16 
 
 Bedford .... 37 
 Cooper .... 108 
 Noble BritishFaniilies 130 
 
 India 133 
 
 Guy’s Chart . . . 193 
 
 Hallam’s Literature 197 
 Pariiam. Debates . 202 
 
 Bowring . . . . 56 
 Eusebius . . . .139 
 
 The Chisholm . . 12 
 
 Baillie 26 
 
 Biographical Dic- 
 tionary .... 47 
 
 Breay 58 
 
 ANTIQUITIES, 
 
 Adcock 2 
 
 Betham 41 
 
 Blunt 51 
 
 Cottage Residences 127 
 Old English Customs 131 
 Gothic Tiles . . .145 
 
 FINE AR 
 Prism of Thought . 74 
 
 Dresden Gallery . . 129 
 
 English Pearls . .136 
 
 Scrap Book . . . 154 
 
 Juvenile Scrap Book 153 
 Floral Fancies . . 158 
 
 illSTORY— General. 
 Heathen Mythology 212 
 Attica and Athens . 270 
 History of Hydur 
 
 Naik 
 
 301 
 
 Niebuhr . . . . 
 
 322 
 
 Prichard . . . . 
 
 360 
 
 Prince . . . . . 
 
 364 
 
 Ranke 
 
 372 
 
 St John’s Greece 
 
 388 
 
 HISTORY — Ecclesiastical. 
 
 Fleury 
 
 157 1 
 
 Gieseler . . . . 
 
 176 1 
 
 BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 1 Queens of France . 
 
 71 
 
 1 Frederick the Great 
 
 76 
 
 D ’Arbi ay . . . . 
 
 115 
 
 Literary Ladies . 
 
 134 
 
 The Psalmists . . 
 
 220 
 
 ARCHITECTURE, . 
 
 AND 
 
 Antiquities of Ox- 
 
 ford 
 
 189 
 
 Gwdlt 
 
 194 
 
 St Giles’s Church 
 
 205 
 
 Ancient Marbles . 
 
 288 
 
 Crosby Place . 
 
 281 
 
 rS AND ILLUSTRATED 
 
 Forget-me-Not . *162 
 
 Friendship Offering 169 
 Gems of Loveliness 174 
 The Gift . . . .178 
 
 Vicar of Wakefield 181 
 Harmony of F orm . 207 
 Picturesque Annual 200 
 
 Smj^th 411 
 
 Mary Queen of 
 Scots .... 429 
 British India, Taylor 439 
 Thorn- 
 ton 448 
 
 Students’ Manual . 443 
 Yates’ Egypt . . 499 
 
 Scottish Church . . 262 
 
 Stebbing . . . .419 
 
 Rev. W. Jones . . 246 
 
 Milies 304 
 
 Dean Milner . . . 305 
 
 St Bernard . . .317 
 
 Peter Roe .... 382 
 ENGINEERING. 
 
 Moseley .... 309 
 
 Ricauti 378 
 
 Dorsetshire . . . 436 
 
 Pyramids of Gizeh 465 
 German Churches . 477 
 Windsor Castle . . 494 
 
 WORKS. 
 
 Book of Beauty . .211 
 
 Keepsake .... 252 
 Cambridge , . . 264 
 
 Gems of NeAvton . . 320 
 
 Oxford 330 
 
 Encyc. of Ornament 406 
 
 NOVELS AND WORKS OF FICTION. 
 
 Ainsworth .... 
 
 6 
 
 J. B, Fraser . 
 
 9 
 
 The Old Sailor . . 
 
 29 
 
 Reginald Dalton . 
 
 49 
 
 Bulwer 
 
 64 
 
 Burdon 
 
 65 
 
 Charles Harcourt . 
 
 87 
 
 Commissioner 
 
 104 
 
 Fenimore Cooper 
 
 109 
 
 Christopher North . 
 
 94 
 
 Chronicles of lerne 
 
 118 
 
 Evelyn Howard . 
 
 143 
 
 Rectory of Valehead 
 
 142 
 
 Gabor limzie ’s W allet 
 
 170 
 
 Godfrey Malvern 
 
 . 180 
 
 Griffin .... 
 
 . 186 
 
 College Life . . 
 
 . 215 
 
 Mary Howitt . , 
 
 . 228 
 
 The Jewess 
 
 . 241 
 
 Joseph Jenkins . 
 
 . 248 
 
 Lover .... 
 
 . 277 
 
 Capt. Marryatt . 
 M. D.’s Daughter 
 
 . 289, 
 
 . 294' 
 
 Med win 
 
 . 297 
 
 Midsummer Eve . 
 
 . 300 
 
 Nabob at Home . 
 
 . 314 
 
 Herbert Tresham 
 
 . 316 
 
 Our Mess . , , 
 
 . 328 
 
 Milford Malvoisin . 331 
 
 Poole 347 
 
 Pickering .... 349 
 
 Sea Pie 400 
 
 Self-Devotion . . 402 
 
 Modern Flirtation . 408 
 William Langshaw . 426 
 Stories from German 427 
 Susan Hopley . . 435 
 
 Dora Melder . . . 437 
 
 Cottage Tradition . 441 
 Mrs Thomson . . 445 
 
 Whxverley Novels . 472 
 Richard Savage . . 480 
 
Index to List of New BulMcations. 
 
 599 
 
 POETRY. 
 
 Rigsby .... 
 
 . 44 
 
 Margaret Davidson . 
 
 235 
 
 Royal Visit . . 
 
 . 333 
 
 Burke .... 
 
 . 68 
 
 Ballad Poetry . . 
 
 265 
 
 Piers Ploughman 
 
 . 351 
 
 Persian Poetry . 
 
 . 93 
 
 A. A. Knox . . . 
 
 257 
 
 Peter Priggins . 
 
 *352 
 
 The Covenant 
 
 . 112 
 
 Charles Knox . . 
 
 , 258 
 
 Rogers .... 
 
 . 383 
 
 Railroads . . . 
 
 . 122 
 
 Love Gift . . . . 
 
 275 
 
 Sandbach . . . 
 
 . 391 
 
 Aubrey De Vere 
 
 . 123 
 
 Macaulay . . . . 
 
 278 
 
 Spencer . . 
 
 Walsh’s Milton . 
 
 . 413 
 
 Sir A. De Vere . 
 
 . 124 
 
 Mammo-Mania . . 
 
 286 
 
 . 466 
 
 Styrian Lake . 
 
 . 148 
 
 J. W. Mai’ston . . 
 
 290 
 
 Whistle Binkie . 
 
 . 479 
 
 Fitzherbert . 
 
 . 155 
 
 Morris . . . . . 
 
 308 
 
 Wilson’s Lyrics . 
 
 . 491 
 
 Hawkshaw . . 
 
 . 206 
 
 Moulton . . . . 
 
 311 
 
 Wood Notes . 
 
 . 496 
 
 Heart Breathings 
 
 . 209 
 
 Night Thoughts . . 
 
 324 
 
 
 
 TRAVELS, GEOGRAPHY, AND TOPOGRAPHY. 
 
 Addison . . . . 3, 4 
 
 Malta 14 
 
 Nimrod 17 
 
 Castles and Abbeys . 33 
 
 Oinnig-raph Atlas . 36 
 
 Belfast 38 
 
 China .... 45, 53 
 
 Spain 54 
 
 Bournemouth ... 55 
 
 Brookes .... 61 
 
 America .... 63 
 
 Caister Castle . . 73 
 
 Castleacre .... 80 
 
 Charnwood Forest . 89 
 
 Catlin 82 
 
 Cleveland .... 96 
 
 Capt. Cook . . .106 
 
 Siberia .... 
 Cruchley . . . . 
 
 Ameidcan Gazetteer 
 
 Notes . . 
 
 Affghanistan . 121, 
 
 111 
 
 114 
 
 116 
 
 126 
 
 442 
 
 141 
 
 168 
 
 188 
 
 199 
 
 200 
 227 
 
 Furness Abbey 
 Wicklow . 
 
 Lady Grosvenor . 
 
 Asia Minor . . 
 
 Northern Italy . 
 Germany . 
 
 France and Switzer- 
 land 233 
 
 Russia . . . 259, 260 
 
 China 283 
 
 Environs of London 313 
 NigerExpedition323, 407 
 
 Isle of Wight . . . 
 
 Stow’s Survey 
 South Sea Islands . 
 Discovery of Ame- 
 rica 
 
 Calabria . . . . 
 
 Switzerland . 
 Lancashire . . . 
 
 Italy . . . . . 
 
 Family Topographer 
 Lady Vavasour . , 
 
 Wilson's Voyage 
 Mosquito Shore . . 
 
 Wellbeloved . . . 
 
 Norfolk Topogra- 
 pher 
 
 History of Wye . . 
 
 COMMERCE, POLITICS, AND POLITICAL ECONOMY. 
 
 Alexander . 
 American Tariff 
 Bentham . . 
 
 Penal Colonies 
 
 . 8 
 
 10,11 
 . 40 
 . 62 
 
 Exchange Tables . 120 
 Banks and Bankers . 203 
 Civilization . . .279 
 
 McCulloch .... 280 
 
 Prince Oscar . . 
 
 Ramsay 
 
 Spackman’s Tables 
 
 384 
 
 *428 
 
 387 
 
 409 
 
 431 
 
 432 
 438 
 454 
 460 
 463 
 489 
 500 
 475 
 
 497 
 
 498 
 
 326 
 
 369 
 
 412 
 
 RELIGION, DEVOTION, AND THEOLOGY. 
 
 Abercrombie . . 
 
 Bishop Andrewes 
 Arnold . 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 13 
 
 22, 23 
 
 Bagster .... 25 
 
 Barnes 31 
 
 Bearcroft .... 32 
 
 Beaven 34 
 
 Bibiia Polygiotta . 42 
 
 Biblical Cabinet . . 43 
 
 Blackley .... 48 
 
 Burns 70 
 
 Debate on Baptism . 77 
 
 Candlish .... 78 
 
 Family Prayers . . 79 
 
 Catena Aurea . . 81 
 
 Dr Chalmers ... 84 
 
 Close 97 
 
 Sunday School In- 
 struction ... 99 
 
 Cookesley . . . .107 
 
 Baptist Missionary 
 Society .... 113 
 
 Charlesworth . . . 
 
 88 
 
 Christian Philoso- 
 
 
 pher ..... 
 
 125 
 
 Compton’s Letters . 
 
 137 
 
 Bishopric of Souls . 
 
 140 
 
 Family Worship . 
 
 149 
 
 Ford 
 
 159 
 
 Garbett . . . . 
 
 171 
 
 Great Physician . 
 
 172 
 
 Goodwin . . . . 
 
 182 
 
 The Nestorians . . 
 
 183 
 
 English Churchmen 
 
 185 
 
 Habershon 
 
 195 
 
 Hardy 
 
 204 
 
 Hulbert . . . . 
 
 231 
 
 Jay .... 238, 
 
 239 
 
 Johns 
 
 242 
 
 Josiah . . . . . 
 
 249 
 
 Judah’s Lion . . . 
 
 250 
 
 Kelly 
 
 253 
 
 Kemp 
 
 254 
 
 Letters on Piety , , 
 
 265 
 
 Lindo . 
 Wesleyan Life 
 Macrae . . . 
 
 Mannering . 
 Maskew 
 Maurice 
 Second Advent 
 Voice of Christ 
 Miller’s Psalms 
 Sacred Gift . 
 Missions 
 
 Mission to the Je 
 Orton . . 
 
 Palmer . . 
 
 Patterson . 
 Moseley 
 Newnham’s Tribu 
 Paxton . . . 
 
 Sunday Readings 
 Questioning Bool 
 Plain Sermons 
 Dr Porter* , . 
 
 . 267 
 . 276 
 . 284 
 . 287 
 . 29 2 
 . 293 
 . 296 
 . 30 2 
 . 303 
 . 307 
 . 312 
 ws 315 
 325 
 332 
 335 
 310 
 te 319 
 . 338 
 . 340 
 . 345 
 . 348 
 . 355 
 
600 
 
 Index to List of New Publications^ 
 
 RELIGION, DEVOTION, AND THEOLOGY— (Conimwec?.) 
 
 Pridham . . 362, 
 
 363 
 
 Smyth’s Exposition , 
 
 410 
 
 Whateley .... 
 
 476 
 
 Christian’s Privilege 
 
 381 
 
 Scripture Tracts 
 
 399 
 
 Whole Duty . . . 
 
 483 
 
 Ramsay .... 
 
 370 
 
 Temple’s Sermons . 
 
 444 
 
 Study of the Gospels 485 
 
 St Paul’s Epistles . 
 
 389 
 
 Foreign Mission . 
 
 452 
 
 Winslow .... 
 
 492 
 
 Sunday Companion . 
 
 392 
 
 Mormonism . 
 
 458 
 
 Wiseman .... 
 
 495 
 
 Evidences of Chris- 
 
 
 Ussher’s Works . 
 
 461 
 
 
 
 tianity .... 
 
 405 
 
 Watson’s Sermons . 
 
 470 
 
 
 
 MORAL PHILOSOPHY AND METAPHYSICS. 
 
 
 
 
 Reid 
 
 376 
 
 
 
 
 
 LAW. 
 
 
 
 
 Archbold . . .18, 19 
 
 Law of Evidence 
 
 344 
 
 Nisi Prius . . . 
 
 421 
 
 Beck 
 
 35 
 
 Pratt’s Statutes 
 
 358 
 
 Law Reform . . 
 
 433 
 
 Law of Copyright . 
 
 67 
 
 Real Property . . 
 
 361 
 
 Justices’ Manual 
 
 424 
 
 Bills of Exchange . 
 
 72 
 
 Public Acts . . . 
 
 367 
 
 Hand Book 
 
 425 
 
 InsolventDebtorsl38,156, 
 
 Sargent . . . . 
 
 393 
 
 Legal Hand Book 
 
 459 
 
 234, 236, 318, 321 
 
 ,434 
 
 Statutes . 416, 17, 18 
 
 
 
 MEDICINE AND SURGERY, &c., VETERINARY MEDICINE. 
 
 
 Binns 
 
 46 
 
 Johnson . . . . 
 
 243 
 
 Nervous Diseases 
 
 386 
 
 Braithwaite . . 
 
 57 
 
 Gravel and Gout 
 
 247 
 
 Vesical Calculi . . 
 
 394 
 
 Diseases of Skin 
 
 66 
 
 Midwifery . . . 
 
 263 
 
 Prescriber’s Vade 
 
 
 Cattle Doctor . . 
 
 95 
 
 Medical Gazette 
 
 272 
 
 Mecum . . . 
 
 414 
 
 Digestion . . . 
 
 100 
 
 Medico Chirur. 
 
 
 Spooner’s Retro- 
 
 
 Consumption . . 
 
 105 
 
 Transactions . . 
 
 295 
 
 spect . . . . 
 
 415 
 
 Copland . . . . 
 
 110 
 
 Bengal Dispensa- 
 
 
 Thomson’s Materia 
 
 447 
 
 Obstetric Medi- 
 
 
 tory . . . . 
 
 327 
 
 Truman on Food 
 
 455 
 
 cines . . . . 
 
 117 
 
 Protracted Indiges- 
 
 
 Walshe on Lungs 
 
 467 
 
 Elliotson . . . . 
 
 132 
 
 tion 
 
 , 343 
 
 Wagner’s Physio- 
 
 
 Ferguson . . . . 
 
 15l 
 
 Prescriber’s Pharma, 259 
 
 logy . . . . 
 
 471 
 
 Fergusson . . . . 
 
 152 
 
 Prompt Remedies . 
 
 , 366 
 
 Wilson on Skin . . 
 
 488 
 
 Guthrie . . . . 
 
 192 
 
 Ramsbotham 
 
 , 371 
 
 Water Cure 
 
 490 
 
 Hull 
 
 232 
 
 Human Teeth . . 
 
 , 380 
 
 Winslow on Health 
 
 493 
 
 
 
 CHEMISTRY. 
 
 
 
 
 Annals , . . . 
 
 15 
 
 I Francis . . . . 
 
 , 167 
 
 1 Turner . . . . 
 
 457 
 
 Faraday . . . . 
 
 150 
 
 1 T. Thomson . . . 
 
 . 446 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 NATURAL PHILOSOPHY. 
 
 
 Theoretical Mecha- 
 
 
 j Astronomy . . , 
 
 . 50 
 
 Philosophical Dia- 
 
 
 nics . . . . 
 
 468 
 
 ! Ewbank . . , , 
 
 . 144 
 
 grams . . . . 
 
 306 
 
 Bake well . . • . 
 
 , 27 
 
 1 Optics . . . , 
 
 . 187 
 
 Electricity . . . 
 
 433 
 
 
 NATURAL HISTORY- 
 
 —General. 
 
 
 Mammalia . . . 
 
 237 1 
 
 [ Kirby and Spence . 
 
 256 1 
 
 White’s Selbourne 
 
 482 
 
 
 1 
 
 j Entomology Trans. 
 
 453 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 CONCHOLOGY. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Catlow . . . , 
 
 . 83 
 
 
 
 
 GARDENING, BOTANY, &c. 
 
 
 Scripture Herbal 
 
 75 
 
 Catalogue of Fruits 
 
 224 
 
 Grasses of Scotland 
 
 334 
 
 British Ferns . . 
 
 166 
 
 J, C. Loudon . . 
 
 273 
 
 The Vine . . . 
 
 379 
 
 British Flora . . 
 
 , 222 
 
 Mrs Loudon . . . 
 
 , 274 
 
 Forest Trees . . 
 
 401 
 
 
 
 AGRICULTURE. 
 
 
 
 Rape Seed . . . 
 
 . 201 j Chemistry . . . 
 
 . 244 1 
 
 Sugar Cane . . • 
 
 354 
 
 
 
 SPORTING. 
 
 
 
 
 Book of Sports 
 
 52 I Practical Angler . 357 
 
Index to List of New Publications, 
 
 601 
 
 WORKS OF UTILITY. 
 
 Bennet . . . 
 
 . 39 
 
 Home Duties 
 
 135 
 
 Needle Work . . 
 
 261 
 
 Titles of Honour 
 
 . 60 
 
 Penmanship . . . 
 
 163 
 
 Lodge’s Peerage 
 
 271 
 
 French Military 
 
 
 Knitting and Nett- 
 
 
 Hints to Cadets 
 
 356 
 
 Terms . . . 
 
 . 69 
 
 ing . . . 173, 
 
 298 
 
 Whist 
 
 478 
 
 Chambers . . 
 
 . 85 
 
 Fireside Harmony 
 
 214 
 
 Income-Tax Tables 
 
 486 
 
 Chess .... 
 
 90, 91 
 
 Parents’ Hand Book 
 
 230 
 
 Tithe Tables . . 
 
 , 487 
 
 BOOKS FOR YOUNG PERSONS. 
 
 Affection . . . . 
 
 Barber . . . . 
 
 Child’s Annual . . 
 
 Comic Tales . . 
 
 Heroes of England 
 Gift Book of Poetry 
 Gleanings of Truth 
 Mary Howitt . 
 Companion to Atlas 
 
 5 
 
 28 
 
 Life’s Lessons 
 Little Red Ridim 
 
 266 The Remembrance 
 Sequel to Mamma’s 
 
 EDUCATION AND SCHOOL BOOKS. 
 
 .... 24 
 
 .... 30 
 
 .... 59 
 
 Grammar 
 
 86, 268 
 Examples of Ques- 
 tions 146 
 
 Arnold 
 
 Barnes 
 
 Brewer 
 
 English 
 
 . 299 
 . 336 
 
 Aristophanes 
 
 Punctuation . 
 
 Hebrew Lexicon 
 Hincks . . . 
 
 Hill .... 
 Lectiones Selectse 
 Analecta Hebraica 
 Elements of Lan- 
 guage . . ' . 
 
 CLASSICS. 
 
 . 20, 21 I Eclogm Lucretianse 
 
 MODERN LANGUAGES 
 
 337 
 
 175 j Thucydides 
 
 377 
 
 92 
 
 Hood . . . 
 
 . 269 
 
 j Bible Stories . . 
 
 403 
 
 102 
 
 Rioters 
 
 . 291 
 
 Edward Evelyn 
 
 430 
 
 128 
 
 Pictorial Bible . 
 
 . 350 
 
 Token of Love 
 
 450 
 
 177 
 
 History of Samuel 
 
 352 
 
 T oogood’s Sketches 
 
 451 
 
 179 
 
 Parley’s China . 
 
 . 341 
 
 Visit to Clarina 
 
 464 
 
 229 
 
 Annual . 
 
 . 342 
 
 ! Tale of Vaudois 
 
 , 473 
 
 251 
 
 Recreation . . 
 
 . 375 
 
 1 
 
 
 . 165 I School Education . 368 
 . 213 1 Geography . . .374 
 
 . 217 : Pictorial Spelling . 420 
 .216 Greek Article . . 440 
 
 Modern Geography 481 
 Pronouncing Spell- 
 ing 
 
 502 
 
 44.9 
 
 Aird, . 
 
 .... 7 
 
 Guillerez . 
 
 190, 191 
 
 German Dialogue 
 
 . 484 
 
 French Conversation 119 
 
 Schwabe’s German 
 
 
 
 
 
 395, 398 
 
 
 
 
 ARITHMETIC, ALGEBRA, 
 
 AND MATHEMATICS. 
 
 
 Colenso 
 
 .... 98 
 
 Hind . . . 
 
 . . 218 
 
 Peacock . . . 
 
 . 339 
 
 F oster 
 
 .... 163 
 
 Hotson . . 
 
 . . 225 
 
 Navigation 
 
 . 373 
 
 Hall . 
 
 .... 196 
 
 Book-Keeping 
 
 . . 226 
 
 Young’s Equation 
 
 . 501 
 
 Comic Album . . 101 
 
 Comic Latin Gram- 
 
 mar 103 
 
 Extracts . . . .147 
 
 Halliwell . . . .198 
 
 Hints 219 
 
 Hood 221 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS. 
 
 Hope 223 
 
 Mahabharata . . 245 
 
 Laws of Thought . 329 
 Pliilomorus . . . 346 
 
 Poly logy .... 353 
 English Patents . 365 
 
 Translation of the 
 SamaVeda . . 422 
 
 Proverbial Philoso- 
 phy 456 
 
 Age of Great Cities 462 
 Musical Terms . . 469 
 
 Composition . 474 
 
[ 602 ] 
 
 I N D E X. 
 
 A 
 
 Aikiris Biographical Dictionary— note stating that it was completed, 
 670. 
 
 Alison s History of Europe, l~his authorities admirably planned and 
 quoted, 2 and 10 — style of, 2-4 — his figurative illustrations and de- 
 clamatory eloquence in bad taste, 4-7 — clear and faithful in his 
 descriptions of military affairs, 7-10 — causes which led to the P’rencii 
 Revolution, 11-14 — and the sanguinary violence which distinguished 
 it, 14-16 — beneficial influence of the Revolution, 16-18 — ^ views 
 of Burke and Fox regarding, 18, 19- — moral lessons he endeavours 
 to draw from the Revolution, 19, 20 — his argument against democratic 
 institutions, 20-24 — holds that the aristocratic form of government is 
 superior to that of the democratic, 24-28 — dismal forebodings regard- 
 ing the reforms which have of late years taken place in Great Britain, 
 28-33 — the national debt of Great Britain, 35-39 — aspersions he uses 
 towards the Reforming party in Great Britain, 39, 49 — policy of the 
 principal European powers towards France, 49 — situation of Prussia 
 from 1795 to 1806, 49, 50 — want of principle in Spain during the 
 Peninsular war, 5 1-53-— interest he takes in the Russian nation, 53, 
 54 — conduct and character of Napoleon Bonaparte, 54-60. 
 
 Alva,) Duke of, bloodshed and oppressions he committed in the Low 
 Countries, 457. 
 
 America^ Norths Boundary question settled in 1842, 272, 273. 
 
 America — Dickens’s notes on — see Dickens. 
 
 “ Men and Manners in,” one of the best books on, 504. 
 
 Anaglytography — the art of copying statues and works in relief, 312. 
 
 Apostolical Succession — Church of England’s claim to Catholicity on 
 this ground, 476-479. 
 
 Aristocratic form of Government, contrasted with that of a democratic, 
 20-28. 
 
 Arnold's Introductory Lectures on Modern History — desultory charac- 
 ter of, 357, 358 — reverence entertained towards him by hrs former 
 pupils, 358, 359 — right and duty of the mind to judge for itself in 
 matters of faith unswayed by any human authority, 359, 360 — vindi- 
 cation of the Puritan character, 360, 361 — his zealous opposition to 
 prejudices, 361, 362 — warning against the seduction of party names — 
 himself unconnected with any party, 362-365 — in what sense he may 
 justly be called crotchety, 365, 366 — four theories on duties of 
 Church and N/a/e-— strictures on Dr Arnold’s theory, 367-369 — 
 
Index. 
 
 603 
 
 views on military morality, 369-871 — strictures on his definition 
 of the antiquary and the liistorian, 371-373 — sketch of historical 
 styles, 373, 374 — theological movement at Oxford — its baneful effect 
 on education, 375-377 — prejudices it has excited against mere scien- 
 tific or literary pursuits, 377-380— general appreciation of Dr Arnold’s 
 character and powers, 380, 381. 
 
 Austen^ Jane, approaches nearest of all writers to the truth of Shakspeare, 
 561. 
 
 Autobiographies divided into two classes, 121 — difficulties which pre- 
 vent the true state of the writer’s mind being known, 121, 122 — no 
 instance of a lawyer being known to be his own biographer, 122, 123. 
 
 B 
 
 Baptismal Regeneration., 486-8. 
 
 Barneveldt, Olden — similarity between and De Witt, 455, and 462, 
 463 — character, education, and profession of, 455, 456 — oppressive 
 persecutions of Philip 11. in the Low Countries, 456, 457 — revolt of 
 the provinces, 457 — adherence of Barneveldt to the Prince of Orange, 
 
 458 — appointed Grand Pensionary, 458 — object of his public life, 458, 
 
 459 — compared with Washington, 459 — controversy between the Go- 
 marites and the Arminians, 460, 461 — reasons which made him 
 support the latter, 461 — transactions which took place, 461 — arrested 
 by order of Prince Maurice, 461 — illegal trial, sentence, and execu- 
 tion, 461, 462 — character of, 462 — anecdote of his wife, 463. 
 
 Baijle s Dictionnaire, Historique et Critique, 238. 
 
 Becquerel, M. Edmund’s, discovery for accelerating the action of light 
 upon the plate in photography, 318, 319. 
 
 Berryers M. Autobiographical Recollections, 121 — picture of the 
 changes society had been subject to since he commenced his career, 
 123-125 — example of the pride and despotism of the aristocracy 
 of France, 125-127 — morals of the regime and evils of the law in- 
 stanced in the cause of Madame de Pestre de Seneffe, 127, 128 — 
 practice of M. Berryer as an advocate, 128 — commencement of the 
 destruction of Monarchical Government, 129, 130 — state of the law, 
 131 — Reign of Terror, dangers to which he was continually subject, 
 131-145 — constitution of 1795, 145-147 — trial of the Chauffeurs before 
 the tribunal of Chartres, 148,149 — his defence of neutral owners against 
 French privateers, 149-152- — condition of France during the Peace 
 of Amiens, the most brilliant since the death of Charlemagne, 152- — 
 power, popularity, and glory of Napoleon Bonaparte at this period, 
 152, 153 — the Conseil des Prises appointed for judging all matters 
 of prize, 153, 154 — hatred which Bonaparte had to the French bar 
 — restrictions he placed it under, 155, 156 — M. Berryer’s defence 
 of M. the Mayor of Antwerp, 156, 157 — conduct of Marshal Ney 
 after Bonaparte’s landing at Cannes, 158-162 — trial of the Marshal, 
 
 162- 168 — letter of Lord Holland to Lord Kinnaird on the subject, 
 
 163- 166 — reception of M. Berryer in London, 169 — extent and long 
 continuance of his labours, 169} 170 — absurd propositions he has 
 stated on political economy and legislature, 170, 171. 
 
 Biographia Britannica, 237, 238. 
 
 Biographie Universelle^ 238. 
 
604 
 
 Index, 
 
 Biographical Dictio7iary of the Library of Useful Knowledge, 237 — 
 early Dictionaries, 237-240 — peculiar commendation attendant on the 
 Society’s plan, 240 — Lives in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, quoted as 
 an example, 240. 
 
 Brewster, Sir David, on the white spots on photographic paper, 337. 
 
 British Critic, July 1841 — theory of private judgment there laid down 
 examined, 386, 387. — See Private Judgment, 
 
 Burney s, D., residence and life in London, 525- — his social position, 
 527, 528. 
 
 Burney, Miss, novels — see U Arhlay, 
 
 Bussy Rahutm — conduct he pursued towards his cousin, Madame de 
 Sevigne, 209-211. 
 
 Byng, Admiral, trial and death of, 67, 70. ‘ 
 
 C ' 
 
 Calotype, an invention of Mr Talbot, 315 — beautiful methods of using 
 it mentioned in the specifications of his patent, 324-326 — perfection 
 with which it takes portraits, 327, 328 — contrasted with that of the 
 Daguerreotype, 333, 334 — see Photography, 
 
 Campbell, Lord, speeches, 345 — political consistency of his Lordship, 
 345, 346 — speech on parliamentary privilege, 346 — analysis of that in 
 the trial of Norton v. Lord Melbourne, 346-349 — defence of Mr 
 Medhurst, 349-352 — trial of Frost for high treason, 353-355 — address 
 to Mr Justice Littledale, 355, 356 — his speeches on questions of law 
 excel in close reasoning and analogical illustrations, 356. 
 
 Chalmers' s Biographical Dictionary characterized, 238, 239. 
 
 Church and State — four theories on the duties of — strictures on Dr 
 Arnold’s theory, 367-9. 
 
 Church, Infallibility of the, 397, 398. — See Private Judgment, 
 
 Church, Which is the Catholic? — Conditions assigned by Mr Sewell, 
 476-9 — the supreme legislative power of, vested in Parliament, 
 480-3 — authority of, 483-86. 
 
 Clark, Sir James, on Climate, 420 — importance and influence of the 
 subject, 420-425 — treats nearly exclusively of i\\Q milder climates, 425 
 — See Climate and Disease. 
 
 Climate, Sir James Clark on, 420 — a subject of high and important study, 
 both as regards disease and health, 420, 421 — its influence in modify- 
 ing the physical character of man, 421, 422 — beneficial effect of the 
 change of, 422, 423 — influence on disease, 424-426 — remark on the 
 nature of diseases to understand the operations of, 426-431 — action of 
 a warmer climate in relieving or curing diseases, 434, 435 — diseases 
 of the digestive organs, 436 — changes in consumption considered, 
 436-442. 
 
 Coloured Bodies — action of the solar rays on, 313 — see Photography, 
 
 Conjir motion, 491-2. 
 
 Consumption — what influence has the change of climate on ? 437 — 
 when fully formed is almost universally fatal, 437 — precursory dis- 
 order termed Tubercular Cachexy, 438 — influence of a change of 
 climate at this stage, 439-441 — general complexion of the plan of 
 treating this fearful disease, 441, 442. 
 
 Corn Law and Agricultural Bills passed in 1842 considered, 250-255, 
 
Index* 
 
 605 
 
 Crispi Samuel, an early friend of Dr Burney’s, history of, 530, 534 — 
 his death, 541. 
 
 D 
 
 Daguerreotype — principle on which it depends, 316 — description of the 
 art, 316-318 — M. Becquerel on accelerating the action of ligfit upon 
 the plate, 318, 319 — M. Claudet’s further discoveries on the same 
 action, 319 — new character the art has derived from these improve- 
 ments, 319, 320 — liberality with which the French Government pur- 
 chased the discovery, 320-322 — contrasted with that of the British 
 Government, 322 — comparison between, and Calotype, 333, 334 — see 
 Photography, 
 
 Daguerre^ M., his discoveries in drawing by means of light, 316 — 
 purchased by France, 320-322. 
 
 D Arhlay, Madame, diary and letters, 523 — wide celebration of her 
 name, 523 — diary of, 524 — her family connexions, 524 — birth and 
 education, 525, 526 — her father’s social position, 526, 527 — illustrious 
 guests, men of letters, and artists, who attended at her father’s 
 house, 528 — modesty of her disposition, 529 — first literary efforts, 
 529 — friendship with Mr Samuel Crisp, 530-534 — publication of 
 ‘ Evelina,’ 535 — its triumphant success and the homage paid her, 536- 
 539 — her comedy of ‘ The Witlings,’ 539, 540 — publication of ‘ Cecilia,’ 
 405 — death of Dr Johnson, 541 — intimacy with Mrs Delany, 541 — 
 encounters George III. and his Queen, 542 — accepts the situation of one 
 of the keepers of the queen’s robes, 543 — sketch of the miserable life she 
 led in the situation, 543-549 — trial of Warren Hastings — her treatment 
 of Burke and Windham, 549, 550 — her account of George lll.’s 
 illness, 551 — her bodily and mental sufferings during the last year of 
 her keepership, 552-555 — conduct of the Queen towards her, 555, 556 
 — married to M. D’Arblay, 557 — most important events which befell 
 her during the latter part of her life, 558, 559 — examination of her 
 writings, 559-564 — change which took place in her style — cause of, 
 564-566 — ‘ Cecilia’ bears all the marks of being revised by Dr John- 
 son, 565 — passages quoted, 566-568- — good which she did to English 
 novel-writing, 569, 570. 
 
 De Witt, life of. See Witt. 
 
 Democratic institutions considered, 20-28. 
 
 Dickens's, Charles, American Notes — interest with which his work has 
 been looked forward to, 498 — qualities of Mr Dickens’s mind, 498- 
 500 — appears to have gone to persuade the Americans to agree to an 
 international copyright, 500 — his book deficient in general informa- 
 tion — causes of, 504-506 — route he pursued, and opportunities he had 
 of being acquainted with society, 506, 507 — manner and character of 
 the best classes, 508, 509 — his notice of the University of Cambridge, 
 U. S., 510 — reports highly of the state of prisons and lunatic asylums, 
 511 — deprecates the solitary system of prison discipline, 512 — sketch of 
 a supposed prisoner’s feelings under that system, 512-514 — his high- 
 flown sketch contrasted with his detailed report, 515-517 — high cha- 
 racter of the judges of the Supreme Court, 517 — condition of the 
 Church, 517, 518 — has paid but little attention to the system of edu- 
 cation, 518 — the literature of the country appears to have been treated 
 
606 
 
 Index. 
 
 in the same way, 519— -influence of the press, 519, 520— politeness 
 shown towards females, 521— courteous conduct of the customhouse 
 officers, 521 — sensible remarks on the habits of the people, 521, 522. 
 
 Disease, influence of climate on, 424 — temperature of the atmosphere 
 breathed, 425, 426 — quantity of humidity, 426 — nature of, in the 
 acute form, 426 — in the chronic state, 427 — effect of medicine on, 
 427, 428 — hardly any specific remedies for, 428, 429 — local inflamma- 
 tion, 429 — chronic diseases are of infinitely greater importance than 
 acute, 429 — influence of change of climate on the chronic state, 430 
 — action of a warm climate, 431-435 — disorders of the digeStire organs, 
 436 — treatment of consumption, 436-442. 
 
 Draper'^s, Professor, facts and views on photography, 339-341. 
 
 Dunstan, St, sketch of, as a private and public man, 103, 104. 
 
 E 
 
 Education — progress of, in England, 283, 264 — in Ireland, 264, 265. 
 
 EllenhorougK s (Lord) inexplicable policy in India, 272. 
 
 Encyclopcedia Britannica quoted for the examples of biographical 
 articles it contains, 240. 
 
 England — beneficial influence of her aristocracy on the temperate pro- 
 gress of reform, 29, 31 — has crime increased in? 31 — Mr Alison’s views 
 as to her past and future prosperity, 32, 34- — national debt of, 35-38. 
 —has not outrun her ability to pay, 38, 39 — influence of her free 
 institutions on the national character, 40-49. 
 
 Ethical Philosophy of Oxford— see SeiceWs Christian Morals. 
 
 Europe — Alison’s History of, 1 to 60 — see Alison. 
 
 F 
 
 Fox — his opinion of the French Revolution, 18, 19 — his reflections on 
 the massacre of De Witt, 454. 
 
 France — scorn of Christianity displayed by her soldiers during the Re- 
 volution, 15 — pride and despotism of the old regime, 125-128 — 
 constitution of 1795, 145-147. 
 
 French Revolution — causes and influence of, 1 1 — number of persons 
 
 who perished during the Revolution and the attendant wars, 17 
 
 change of society in consequence of the, 123-125 — Reign of Terror 
 131-145 — Madame de Sevigne’s description of the Court of Louis 
 XIV., 227-229. — See Alison and Eerryer, 
 
 Froissart — simple yet chivalrous style of his writings, 9, 10. 
 
 Frost, trial of, for high treason, at Monmouth, 353-355. 
 
 G 
 
 Garrick, his frequent visits at Dr Burney’s, 527 — possessed inimitable 
 imitation, 560. 
 
 General Biography, edited by Dr John Aikin, 239 — composition of the 
 book, 670. 
 
 Gladstone, Mr, his theory of private judgment examined, 402-4. 
 
 God — use to be made of the nature of, in physical investigation, 468. 
 
 H 
 
 HerschelT s. Sir John’s, researches and discoveries in photegonic draw- 
 ings, 334, 339. 
 
 History, introductory lectures on, by Dr Thomas Arnold — see 
 Arnold. 
 
Index. 
 
 607 
 
 History — style in which it is best depicted, 9, 10. 
 
 Holland, Lord. — Letter to Lord Kinnaird on the illegality of Marshal 
 Ney’s trial and execution, 163-165. 
 
 Holland — condition of, at the middle of the 17th century, 445 — see Witt, 
 
 Hunt's Treatise on the Art of Photography, 326. 
 
 Hygiene — as a general system not vet completely formed, 420. 
 
 Income- Tax one of those taxes which should never be raised in time of 
 peace, 261, 262. 
 
 India, Government of — Its Constitution and Departments, 171 — igno- 
 rance of the public regarding the management of Indian affairs, 172, 
 173— -great change which the charter of 1833 made in the Company’s 
 powers, 173 — necessity for the Company retaining the patronage con- 
 nected with its affairs, 174 — relations between the Court of Directors 
 and the Board, 175, 176 — right of nominating the Governor-General 
 and the Governors of the subordinate Presidencies, 176 — constitution 
 of the Court of Directors, 177 — secret committee who conduct its ope- 
 rations, 177, 178 — anomalies in the constitution of the Court, 179-182 
 ^ — local administration of the law greatly improved by the charter of 
 1833, 182 — the Queen’s courts at the Presidencies not only expensive, 
 but ruinous to those w'ho seek redress, 183, 184 — a newly-constituted 
 supreme court required, 185 — constitution of the civil service, 186 — • 
 former parsimoTiy of the Company, 186, 187 — this led to illicit ex- 
 actions, 187 — its servants handsomely paid since the time of Lord Corn- 
 wallis, 187, 188 — election of public servants, 188, 189 — their grada- 
 tions in rank depend on their seniority, 189 — effects of this in the col- 
 lection and management of the revenue, 189-193 — constitution of the 
 various governments, 193, 194 — mode of transacting business at the 
 local governments, 194, 195 — duties of the political department admi- 
 rably attended to, 196 — duty of the Crown in regard to this depart- 
 ment, 196 — the judicial department is under the superintendence of the 
 Sudder Courts, 196, 197 — salaries of the native judges most inade- 
 quate, 197 — judicial department defective in the superintendence, 
 197-199 — steps which are necessary to have this remedied, 199 — 
 land revenue well attended to, 200, 201 — mode of management, 201 
 — collection of the Bengal revenue, 202. 
 
 J 
 
 James, G. P. R., Lives of Eminent Foreign Statesmen, 443. 
 
 Jarvis s engagement in the Foudroyant with the Pegase, 90, 91. 
 
 Johnsons, Dr, approbation of ‘ Evelina,’ and fondness for Miss Burney, 
 538 — death of, 541 — appears to have revised Miss Burney’s ‘ Cecilia,’ 
 565 — quotations from her writings, 566, 568. 
 
 K 
 
 Keppel, Life of Admiral Lord, 61^ — character of, 61, 62 — 95, 96 — his 
 early life, 62-64 — appointed to the command of the Mediterranean — 
 negotiation with the Dey of Algiers, 64, 65 — appointed to the North 
 American station, 65, 66 — services between that period and 1763, 
 66-72 — trial of Admiral Byng, 67-70 — skirmishing action with M. 
 Conflans’ fleet, 73, 74 — Belleisle taken, 75 — Havannah taken, 76, 77 
 ' — at Lisbon with Lady Tavistock, 77, 78 — letter to Lord Howe, on 
 
608 
 
 Index, 
 
 the vacancy of the General of Marines, 78, 79 — appointed to the com- 
 mand of the Channel fleet, 79 — eng'agernent off the Isle of Ushant, 
 81, 82 — proceedings of Sir Hugh Palliser — court-martial on Keppel, 
 and honourable acquittal, 82-86 — passing through the enemy’s line 
 examined, 87-93 — night engagements condemned, 92, 93 — appointed 
 First Lord of the Admiralty, 93 — his audience with the king, 94 — 
 impartiality he displayed in the distribution of patronage, 95. 
 
 L 
 
 Liberal Measures and Opinions — progress of, in 1842, contrasted with 
 the reforms of former years, 243, 244 — outcry raised by the Tory 
 party against the measures of the Whigs, 244-246 — who promise re- 
 ■sults ot the most opposite description instead, 246, 247 — leading causes 
 which produced the Tory majority in 1842, 247-250 — opening of the 
 Session, 250 — Corn Law and agricultural questions, 250-255 — com- 
 mercial tariff of Sir R. Peel, 255-257 — financial measures of Peel’s 
 Government, 256-262 — progress of education, 263-266 — outcry 
 against the Poor Laws — alliance between Chartists and Tory- Radi- 
 cals, 267 — sufferings of the working classes, 268, 269 — minor mea- 
 sures of the Whig and Tory Governments, 269, 270 — defence of the 
 Quarterly Review in favour of Liberal measures, 270-271 — foreign 
 policy with India, 271, 272 — inexplicable policy of Lord Ellenborough 
 in the East, 272 — settlement of the North American boundary, 
 272, 273. 
 
 Lights action of, on coloured bodies, 313 — is positive on vegetable 
 colours, 339. 
 
 Lights Latent — discovered by Professor Moser to exist, whilst experi- 
 menting in Photogenic drawing, 342, 343. 
 
 Lord's Supper, sacrament of, 491, 492. 
 
 Low Countries — unparalleled persecutions in, by orders of Philip II., 
 456, 457 — disturbed by the controversy between the religious sects, of 
 which Gomar and Arminius were the leaders, 460, 461. 
 
 M 
 
 Man — his progress in religion and morals — arts and sciences, all tend to 
 the great purpose for which he was formed, 309-312. 
 
 M ernes, Dr, translation of Daguerre on Photogenic drawing, 309. 
 
 Moser, Professor, on drawing by the agency of light, 341 — concludes in 
 his experiments that there exists latent lights 342, 343. 
 
 N 
 
 Napier, Colonel, style of his writing, 8 — exposes the dastardly conduct 
 of Spain, .51. 
 
 JSational Debt of Great Britain — history of, 35-39 — the sinking fund 
 policy questioned, 35. 
 
 Napoleon Bonaparte — effects of his genius and influence on Europe, 
 54 — his ambition, 55, 56 — military genius, 56-59 — personal charac- 
 ter, 59, 60 — influence he had in France, 152, 153 — contempt he 
 had for the French bar, 155, 156. 
 
 Naval Warfare — passing through the enemy’s line considered, 87-92 — 
 night attack not to be recommended, 92, 93. 
 
 Neivspaper Beading has but little effect in strengthening the mind, 
 518 — influence of the press in America and Britain, 518-520. 
 
lndtx» 
 
 G09 
 
 Ne^y Marshal — his conduct on the landing of Bonaparte at Cannes, 
 158, L>9 — his first breach of duty, 160, 161 — conduct after the battle 
 of Waterloo, 161 — trial of, 16*2-166-167 — letter from Lord Holland 
 on the illegality of the trial, 163-166 — the execution of, one of the 
 grossest faults of the restoration, 167, 168. 
 
 Niepces^ M., discoveries in photography, 315 — communicated his views 
 to the Royal Society of London, 315, 316 — entered into copartnery 
 with M. Daguerre, 316. 
 
 Norton V. Lord Melbourne — analysis of the evidence on the trial of, 
 346-349. 
 
 O 
 
 Oxford^ injurious effect of the theological movement at, on education, 
 375-377 — prejudices it has excited against mere scientific or literary 
 pursuits, 377-380. 
 
 Oxford, Ethical Philosophy of — see SewelVs Christian Morals. 
 
 P 
 
 Palmerston, Viscount — speeches of, on May 10th, and July 21st, 1842. 
 241. 
 
 Peel's, Sir Robert, Financial Statement in 1842, 241 — his corn-law hill 
 considered, 250-255 — his cotnmercial tariff, 255-257 — his financial 
 measures, 257-262 — see Liberal Measures. 
 
 Philip II. of Spain’s persecutions in the Netherlands, 456, 457. 
 
 Photogenic Drawing — early discoveries of Mr Wedgewood in, 313-315 
 — M. Daguerre’s discoveries, 316*318- — those of M. Becquerel, 
 318, 319 — of M, Claudet, 319 — of Mr Talbot, 323-326- — advantages 
 which the science has conferred upon society, 328-333 — comparison 
 between Daguerreotype and Calotype — researches of Sir John 
 Herschell, 334-336 — Mr Talbot on the white spots which appear on 
 the paper, 336, 337 — Sir John Herschell’s method of preventing their 
 occurrence, 337 — Sir D. Brewster’s method, 337 — Sir J. Elerschell’s 
 discoveries in, 338, 339 — interesting facts and views of Professor 
 Draper on the art, 339-341— extraordinary discoveries of Professor 
 Moser on the agency of light, 341-343. 
 
 Pitt — his expediency in establishing the sinking fund, 35, 36. 
 
 Political and Party Triumphs — true glory of, 241, 242. 
 
 Private Judgment (Right of) — metempsychosis of error, 382, 383 — . 
 cautious method in which error in relation to the right of private 
 judgment is attempted to be revived, 383, 384 — proper meaning of 
 the term, 384, 385 — attack on the right of private judgment in the 
 Dritish Critic, July 1841, 386, 387 — thoughts suggested by the pas- 
 sage, 387, 388 — its persecuting character, 388, 390 — principal Argu- 
 ments for Religious Freedom stated, 390-392— modifications of 
 the persecuting (the only consistent) system — Jonas Proast’s “ moder- 
 ate penalties,” 392, 393 — refutation of it — similar sentiments enounced 
 by the writer in the Brit'ish Critic, 393-395 — the spirit of persecution 
 survived long the legalization of the principles of toleration, 395 — 
 folly of advocating subjection to human authority, and yet repudiating 
 the employment of violence, 395-397 — the Popish doctrine of the 
 Church’s infallibility, alone can annul or limit the right of private 
 judgment, 397, 398 — every other mode of nullifying or circumscribing 
 
GIO 
 
 Index, 
 
 that ^ Right ' either nugatory ov flagitious, 398 — falsity of the argii- 
 merit of the writer in the British Critic exposed, 398-402 — Mr Glad- 
 stone’s theory examined, 402-404 — theory that Scripture is incom- 
 plete, and is to be supplemented by tradition, 405-407 — servile and 
 unreasoning belief inculcated by the Tractarians, note, 407, 408 — 
 the guides themselves at variance, 409 — other arguments in favour of 
 this ^ Right,’ 409, 410 — private judgment to be obeyed in preference 
 to any authority not admitted to be infallible, 410*412 — -this principle 
 proved to be universally applicable, 412, 413 — acquiescence in the 
 morality of Christianity universal, 413, 414— inconsistency of charging 
 a conscientious Separatist with sin, 415, 416— -advantages of the right 
 of private judgment, 416-419. 
 
 Providence — design of, in making all advances in morals and physics 
 tend to the grand purpose for which he formed man, 309-312. 
 
 Prussia, unhappy position of, from 1795 to 1806, 49, 50. 
 
 Puritan Character, Dr Arnold’s Vindication of, 360, 361. 
 
 R 
 
 Raynor^s, Captain — engagement in the Isis frigate of fifty guns with 
 a French seventy-four, 91. 
 
 Reign of Terror in France, 131-145. 
 
 Religious Freedom, principal arguments for, stated, 390-2 — -refutation of 
 theories in support of interference with it, 39J-395. — See Private 
 Judgment. 
 
 Religious Creed, necessity of one to the employment of the human 
 faculties asserted and disproved, 467-8. 
 
 objects and character of, 139-141— arrested by order of 
 the Convention, 141 — proceedings of the Convention, 142— M. Ber- 
 ryer’s narrative of the attack on the Commune at the Hotel de Ville, 
 death of Robespierre, 143, 145. 
 
 Russia, deep policy of, 53, 54. 
 
 S 
 
 Scriptures — asserted to be the guide to every species of scientific truth, 
 467, &c. 
 
 Scvigne, Madame de, and her Contemporaries, 203 — the present publica- 
 tion deficient in information regarding this delightful writer, 205 — ac- 
 count of her ancestors and other kindred, 205, 206 — her early years and 
 education, 207, 208 — appearance, 208 — married to Sevigne — his 
 character, 208, 209 — correspondence with her cousin. Count Bussy 
 Rabutin, 209*211 — wits and men of fashion who made love to 
 her, 211 — courteous conduct of Louis XIV. 212 — course of 
 life she pursued, 212-214 — ^particulars regarding her son, the Mar- 
 quis, 214, 215— regarding her daughter — maternal and filial affection 
 displayed by both, 215 — death of, 215, 216 — her descendants, 216 — 
 letters quoted, 217-232 — visited by Horace Walpole, 232, 233 — 
 remarks of Sir James Mackintosh on her writing, 233 — analysis of 
 her style and manners, 234-236. 
 
 SewelVs Christian Morals — Oxford education, 464 — bad influence of 
 patronage in every department of public education, 464-466 — charac- 
 ter of Mr Sewell’s work, 466- — fundamental principle assumed by 
 him, and two propositions which he lays down, 466, 467— the ne- 
 
Index. 
 
 611 
 
 cessity of a religious creed to the employment of the human faculties, 
 and the Scriptures the guide to every species of scientific truth, exa- 
 mined, 467, 468 — use to be made of the nature, &c., of God in phy- 
 sical investigations, 468, &c. — marvellous effects attributed to the 
 doctrine of the Divine Unity, 470, 471 — the mysteries of the Divine 
 nature shadowed forth even in brute matter, 472 — application of this 
 reasoning to civil affairs, 473 — to physiology, &c., 473, 474 — title of 
 the work inappropriate — its real spirit and object, 474-476 — which is 
 the Catholic Church ? — its conditions^ — claim of the Church of Eng- 
 land on the ground of apostolical succession, 476-479 — on the ground 
 of essential independence of any human power — the supreme legislative 
 power of the Church vested in Parliament, 480-483 — sum-total of 
 Mr S.’s Christian morals, 483 — authority of the Church, and the faith 
 it requires, 483-486 — beginning of the Church’s education — baptismal 
 regeneration, 486-488 — tlie alleged change not visible, 488-491 — 
 the Lord’s Supper and Confirmation, 491, 492 — prayer, 492 — his de- 
 finition of virtue, 492 — dependence of laymen on the clergy, and 
 the forbearance they are to expect, 492, 493 — examination of his 
 further absurdities, 493, 494 — sympathy of the Church, 494, 493 — 
 the author’s statement of his case absurd and offensive, 495, 496. 
 
 S/iakspeare invariably depicted the human mind as being operated upon, 
 not by one ruling passion, but by a crowd of passions, 560-562. 
 
 Spain^ discreditable conduct of, during the Peninsular war, 51 — the par- 
 tizan warfare of her peasantry condemned, 31-53. 
 
 Stadtholder of Holland, abolishment of, in 1667, 446 — -hiigii powers of 
 the office an anomaly in a republic, 447. 
 
 Statesman — what he has to look to in the performance of his duty, 435. 
 
 T 
 
 Talhot, Henry Fox, on photogenic drawing, named by him Calotype, 
 315 — see Calotype. 
 
 Taylor s (Henry) Edwin the Fair, 96 — laws which regulate the tragic 
 muse, 97, 98 — abridged sketch of the Drama, 99-101 — objection to the 
 plot, 101,102 — the drama full of delineation and contrast of characters, 
 102 — analysis of the dramatic character of St Dunstan, 104-110— of 
 Wulfstan the Wise, 110-112 — of Leon, 113-113 — of Athulf, 113 — of 
 the otlier personages in the drama, 113, 116 — characterized as pos- 
 sessing the highest claims of poetry and of ])hilosophy, 1 16-120. 
 
 Theology — undue pre-eminence assigned to, by Mr Sewell, 466, &c. 
 
 Tradition — argument brouglit from it against the right of private judg- 
 ment, 403-407. 
 
 Tragic Writers — laws which have regulated all great, 97, 98. 
 
 Travelling — beneficial influence which the act of, has on health, 434, 435. 
 
 Triple Alliance, what led to the, 451 — was it serviceable to the good 
 of Flolland? 451, 452 — broke by the baseness and dishonesty of 
 Charles II., 452. 
 
 W 
 
 Walpole, Florace, impressions of, on visiting Madame de Sevigne, 
 232, 233. 
 
 Washington — -compared with Olden Barneveldt, 459. 
 
612 
 
 Index, 
 
 Wedgewood's, Thomas, discoveries in photogenic drawing, 3 13-3 15- 
 see Photography, 
 
 Witt^ John De — diaracter as a statesman, 443, 444 — born at the most 
 eventful portion of the 17th century, 444 — elected Grand Pensionary 
 of Holland — duties of the office, 444, 445 — condition of Holland 
 at his accession to office, 445 — stand he made against the clamour of 
 his countrymen for war against England, 445, 446 — war — Dutch de- 
 feated, 446 — confided to negotiate peace — ratification of peace, and 
 outcry against him, 446 — by his influence the office of Stadtholder 
 abolished, 446 — his purity questioned, 446, 447 — zenith of his repu- 
 tation, 447, 448 — stained his own and his country’s reputation by 
 giving up to Charles II. three of the regicides, 448, 449 — war 
 with England, 449 — immense exertions he made at the Texel, 449, 
 450 — sends the Dutch fleet up the Thames, 450 — cause of the 
 celebrated Triple Alliance, 451, 452 — broke by the meanness and 
 profligacy of Charles II., 452 — clamour against the Pensionary and 
 
 1 his brother the Admiral, 453 — massacred by the mob, 453 — what hand 
 had William III., Prince of Orange, in this horrible occurrence? 
 453, 454 — reflections on such a catastrophe, 454, 455. 
 
 Witt — comparison between, and Barneveldt, 462, 463. 
 
 Woody Charles, Esq. M.P., speech of, on the duty on foreign wool, 241. 
 
 END OF VOL. LXXVI 
 
 Edinburgh : Printed by Ballantyne HugheSy Paul’s Worh, 
 
8®orfe£i anil epliftwns. 
 
 printed for 
 
 JOHN W. PARKER, 
 
 West Strand, 
 
 London. 
 
 Jan.] 
 
 [ 1843 . 
 
 C 
 
 |)e psalter; or, psalms of BabiO, 
 
 in Metre, with APPROPRIATE TUNES. Edited 
 
 JOHN HULLAIL 
 
 This Work is preparing for publication on the same plan as the Editor’s Part Mime. It will 
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 UNIFORM VERSION of the Psalter, ivlth Music, may be brought within the reach of even the hum- 
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 word in general use in the language, fully explained ; 
 the obsolete w'ords alone omitted. 
 
 An INTRODUCTION to GEO- 
 GRAPHY and ASTRONOMY, with the 
 USE of the GLOBES. By E. and J. Bkuce. 
 Ninth Edition, with considerable Additions 
 and Improvements by the Rev. J. C. Bruce, 
 A.M. Price only 6s. bound. 
 
 AN HISTORICAL and BIOGRA- 
 PHICAL ATLAS; or, Charts of Sacred 
 and Profane History and Biography, from the 
 Creation of the Vforld to the Birth of Christ, 
 for the Use of Schools and Students in His- 
 
 tory. By John Bruce. In small folio, 
 beautifully engraved, price 16.v. half-bound. 
 
 A SUMMARY OF ANCIENT 
 
 HISTORY and BIOGRAPHY, as a Com- 
 panion to the Atlas. 8vo., price 3s. Qd. cloth. 
 
 THE BEGINNER’S FRENCH- 
 
 BOOK : Life of Alfred the Great, from 
 Rapin’s History; with a Grammatical Voca- 
 bulary of all the W ords as they occur in the 
 Work; to which is added a Dictionary of 
 the Genders of the French Nouns, with a 
 Series of Exercises thereon. By N. Lambert, 
 Member of the Philological Society of Paris, 
 &c. In 12mo., price 3s. Qd. cloth. 
 
 LA BAGATELLE, intended to 
 
 Introduce Children of Four or Five Years 
 Old to some Knowledge of the French Lan- 
 guage. A New Edition, embellished with 
 Cuts, and revised by Madame L. 18mo., 
 price 3s. bound. 
 
 COBWEBS to CATCH FLIES, 
 
 or Dialogues in Short Sentences, adapted to 
 Children from the Age of Three to Eight 
 Years. A New Edition, embellished, price 
 3s. bound. 
 
 A PRACTICAL GRAMMAR of 
 
 the SPANISH LANGUAGE, with Copious 
 Exercises, the whole rendered so easy as to be 
 intelligible without the aid of an Instructor. 
 By S. Whitehead. In I2mo., price 7s. Qd. 
 boards. 
 
 EXCERPTA EX CAII PLINII 
 
 SECUNDI HISTORIA NATURALI IN 
 USUM SCHOLARUM. Notas adjecit 
 Gulielmus Turner, in novci Institutione 
 Novacastrensi Praelector. In 12mo., price 
 4s. 6d. neatly bound. 
 
 A DICTIONARY OF LATIN 
 
 PHRASES. By W. Robertson, A.M., of 
 Cambridge. New Edition. Royal 12mo., I5s. 
 
 A VOCABULARY of GREEK 
 
 ROOTS. By the Rev. Richard Povah, 
 LL.D., 2s. Cd. bound. 
 
 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE 
 PRINCIPAL GREEK TRAGIC and 
 COMIC METRES in SCANSION, 
 STRUCTURE, and ICTUS. By James 
 Tate, M.A. Price 5s. canvas boards. 
 
 RICHMOND RULES to form the 
 OVID IAN DISTICH, with some HINTS 
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 I.ruirtoii : Printed by Wilmam Clowes and Sons, Stamford Street. 
 
Recently published, price 31. 3s., hoards. 
 
 COMMENTARIES 
 
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 IN FOUR BOOKS. 
 
 BY 
 
 Sir william BLACKSTONE, Knt. 
 
 ONE OF THE JUSTICES OF HIS MAJESTY’S 
 COURT OF COMMON FLEAS. 
 
 ^l)t Cincnttcilj 
 
 INCORPORATING THE 
 
 ALTBHATIONS DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME. 
 
 By JAMES STEWART, 
 
 OF Lincoln’s inn, esq., barrister at law. 
 
 IN FOUR VOLUMES. 
 
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 184L 
 
Extract from the Editor's Preface. 
 
 “ My principal objects have been to pre- 
 serve the original text of the work, but 
 still to render it the vehicle for stating the 
 law of the present day on the subjects 
 which it embraces. I'he merit of Black- 
 stone’s admirable work is universally ad- 
 mitted. The question was, seeing the al- 
 terations which have taken place in the 
 law, could its entire usefulness be preserved.^ 
 Could a work, which was fast passing away 
 as a whole, be advantageously adopted as an 
 elementary book, or referred to with safety 
 in practice Was it possible to restore it 
 in some degree to its original value in both 
 these particulars ? Could those portions 
 which were becoming dead and obsolete, 
 be revived ? Time had already seized a 
 large portion of its contents. Change, more 
 especially of late, had been busy with almost 
 every page. Yet by far the greater portion 
 of the work remained untouched, and as 
 useful as ever. The great principles of the 
 common law, as therein set forth and illus- 
 trated, have not been so much altered as 
 that new statutes have repealed old sta- 
 tutes, and modern rules of practice have 
 superseded ancient rules of practice ; so that 
 while most of the doctrines contained in this 
 work remain law at the present day, the 
 mode in which they are rendered available 
 by the community is often entirely changed. 
 
 “To illustrate this a little: Blackstone, 
 in the first book, treats of the statutes then 
 in force for regulating the elective franchise, 
 observing that if any alteration might be 
 wished or suggested in the present frame 
 of parliaments, it should be in favour of a 
 more complete representation of the people.’ 
 This wish has been carried into effect by the 
 Uefomi Act, by extending the right of voting 
 to the owners of several descriptions of pro- 
 ]ierty, not included in the former statutes. 
 Now Blackstone’s account of these statutes, 
 and of the state of the franchise under them, 
 is of great value and interest in an historical, 
 and even in a legal point of view ; but it is 
 obviously quite useless, if we consult it to 
 show the present state of the franchise, and 
 the existing rights of tlie voter : yet these 
 are of more general interest than any thing 
 else. To take another illustration from the 
 fourth book : — the definitions, boundaries, 
 and varieties of crime are all accurately and 
 sufficiently given by Blackstone. Homicide, 
 burglary, larceny and forgery, remain much 
 the same as in his day ; but who would 
 now think of turning to Blackstone to see 
 bow these crimes are to be punished ? Yet 
 this is a point which it is often absolutely 
 necessary to ascertain, and is almost the 
 first to present itself to the mind. If the 
 great outlines of the law could be as clearly, 
 as accurately, as vividly, impressed on the 
 student by any other work, then this ne- 
 
 cessary defect in the Commentaries would 
 be of little importance ; but the present 
 generation, at any rate, still turn to Black- 
 stone as its first and best guide : and we 
 may almost despair of the appearance of 
 another author uniting all his qualifications, 
 
 “ Under these circumstances it appeared 
 to me, that if the changes in the law since 
 his time were added continuously ; if the 
 portions altered were thrown into the past 
 tense, and the whole were considered with 
 the view of stating the law as it now stands j 
 an acceptable service might be rendered to 
 the profession and the public at large. I 
 have now completed the work on this plan, 
 and I beg the attention of the reader to a 
 few further observations on certain points 
 which should be mentioned. 
 
 “ 1 have given, thus altered, the whole of 
 the text of Blackstone ; and by the refer- 
 ence in the side margin, the page in each 
 book may be readily found ; and as the ori- 
 ginal work is of easy reference, it may be 
 seen, if it be wished, what alterations have 
 been made. 
 
 “ I have not presumed to alter any por- 
 tion of the original without stating my au- 
 thority. In the alterations and additions 
 that 1 have made, I have endeavoured to 
 follow the perspicuous brevity of my author ; 
 that it has been with unequal steps, no one 
 can feel more completely than myself. 
 VVhereever any rule laid down by Black- 
 stone has been over-ruled or altered by sub- 
 sequent decisions, I have wished to state 
 such alteration ; but I have not thought it 
 consistent, either with the original plan of 
 the work or with my own view of its re- 
 quirements, to enter into details on any par- 
 ticular portion of it. Perhaps the most ad- 
 mirable feature of the Commentaries is, the 
 equal depth which they maintain through- 
 out; on the one hand never omitting or 
 passing over any important circumstance, 
 yet, on the other, never descending into 
 insignificant niceties, unsuited to an ele- 
 mentary work. The Appendixes of the se- 
 cond and third books have been greatly al- 
 tered. Old and exploded forms, whether of 
 deeds, writs, or pleadings, can be of little 
 use ; and it was thought better to fill the 
 space they occupied in former editions with 
 forms now used in practice. The first book 
 has no appendix, and the forms in that of 
 the fourth are pretty much the same as 
 those used at the present day. 
 
 “ The last point in this edition to which 
 I need call attention is, that each book has 
 been treated separately, and it is intended 
 to keep them distinct. Although every book 
 of Blackstone may be read with advantage 
 by all, yet they may not all be necessary ; 
 and each has therefore been treated as a ss^ 
 parate work.” 
 
o 
 
 ” This work has now occupied much of 
 my time for the last four years, and in tak- 
 ing leave of it, I should be most ungrateful 
 if I did not offer my thanks to those who 
 have shewed their approbation of my plan 
 while it was still imperfect, and encouraged 
 me to complete it. 
 
 “ The books already published have met 
 with more favor than I ever anticipated ; 
 and although I think I may say, I have spared 
 no time or labour in any portion of the 
 
 work to complete it to the best of my ability, 
 yet I feel as acutely as any one how imper- 
 fectly T have fulfilled my part, and espe- 
 cially how far short whatever 1 may have 
 done comes of my own conception of what 
 was necessary. That the work will escape 
 interested or malignant censure I cannot ex- 
 pect; but I feel confident that the difficulties 
 of the whole undertaking will be apprecia- 
 ted by all whose approbation I value.” 
 
 ’ CONTENTS. 
 
 i 
 
 1 VOLUME THE FIRST. 
 
 ! Sect. 
 
 I. — On the Study of the Law. 
 
 IL— Of the Nature of Laws in General. 
 HI. — The Laws of England, 
 
 IV. — Of the countries subject to the Laws 
 of England. 
 
 * Chap. 
 
 S I. — Of the absolute Rights of Individuals. 
 
 J II. — Of the Parliament. 
 
 HI. — Of the King and his Title. 
 
 I IV. — Of the King’s Royal Family. 
 
 V. — Of the Councils belonging to the 
 King. 
 
 i VI. — Of the King’s Duties. 
 
 Vil. — Of the King’s Prerogative. 
 
 ; VOLUME 1 
 
 ! Chap. 
 
 I. — Of Property in General. 
 
 II. — Of Real Property, and first, of Cor- 
 poreal Hereditaments. 
 
 III. — Of Incorporeal Hereditaments. 
 
 IV. — -Of the Feodal system. 
 
 V. — Of the ancient English Tenures. 
 
 VI. — Of the modern English Tenures. 
 
 VTI. — Of Uses and Trusts, 
 
 VIII. — Of Freehold Estates of Inheri- 
 ' tance. 
 
 IX. — Of Freeholds not of Inheritance. 
 
 X. — Of Estates less than Freehold. 
 
 XI. — Of Estates upon Condition. 
 
 XII. — Of Estates in Possession, Remain- 
 der, and Reversion. 
 
 XIII. — Of Estates in Severalty, Joint 
 Tenancy, Coparcenary, and Common. 
 
 ■ i XIV. — Of the Title to Real Property in 
 
 General. 
 
 'j XV. — Of Title by Descent. 
 
 ' ! XVI. — Of Title by Purchase; and first, by 
 
 i £iSCll0^tj 
 
 ‘•I XVII. — Of Title by Occupancy. 
 
 '1 XVIII. — Of Title by Prescription. 
 
 (1 XIX.— Of Title by Forfeitme. 
 
 F XX. — Of Title by Alienation. 
 
 1| XXI. — Of Alienation by Deed. 
 
 V: XXII.— OfAlienation by Matter of Record. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 VIII. — Of the King’s Revenue. 
 
 IX. — Subordinate Magistrates. 
 
 X. — Of the People, whether Aliens, De- 
 nizens, or Natives. 
 
 XL — Of the Clergy, 
 
 XII. — Of the Civil State. 
 
 XIII. — Of the Military and Maritime 
 State. 
 
 XIV. — Of Master and Servant. 
 
 XV. — Of Husband and Wife. 
 
 XVI. — Of Parent and Child. 
 
 XVII. — Of Guardian and Ward. 
 
 XVIII. — Of Corporations. 
 
 E SECOND. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 XXIII.— Of Alienation by Special Custom. 
 
 XXIV. — Of Alienation by Devise. 
 
 XXV. — Of Things Personal. 
 
 XXVI. — Of Property in Things Personal. 
 
 XXVIL— Of Title to Things Personal by 
 
 Occupancy. 
 
 XXVIIL— Of Title by Prerogative and 
 Forfeiture. 
 
 XXIX. — Of Title by Custom. 
 
 XXX. — Of Title by Succession, Mar- 
 riage, and Judgment. 
 
 XXXI. — Of Title by Gift, Grant, and 
 Contract. 
 
 XXXH.—Of Title by Bankruptcy. 
 
 XXXIII.— Of Title by Testament and 
 Administration. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. — A Modern Feoffment to Uses to Bar 
 Dower. 
 
 No. II. — A Modern Conveyance by Lease 
 and Release. 
 
 No. III. — A Mortgage in Fee. 
 
 No. IV. — An Obligation or Bond, with Con- 
 dition for the Payment of Money. 
 
 No. V. — Deed for Barring an Eutail, under 
 the statute 3 & 4 W. 4, c. 74. 
 
VOLUME THE THIRD. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 I. — Of the Redress of Private Wrongs by 
 the mere Act of the Parties. 
 
 II. — Of Redress by the mere operation of 
 Law. 
 
 III. — Of Courts in General. 
 
 IV. — Of the Public Courts of Common 
 Law and Equity. 
 
 V. — Of Courts Ecclesiastical, Military, 
 and Maritime. 
 
 VI. — Of Courts of a Special Jurisdiction. 
 
 VII. — Of the Cognizance of Private 
 Wrongs. 
 
 VIIT. — Of Wrongs and their Remedies 
 respecting the Rights of Persons. 
 
 IX. — Of Injuries to Personal Property. 
 
 X. — Of Injuries to Real Property, and 
 first, of Dispossession, or Ouster of the 
 Freehold. 
 
 XI. — Of Dispossession, or Ouster, of 
 Chattels Real. 
 
 XII. — Of Trespass. 
 
 XIII. — Of Nuisance. 
 
 XIV. — Of Waste. 
 
 VOLUME ' 
 
 Chap. 
 
 I. — Of the Nature of Crimes and their 
 
 Punishment. 
 
 II. — -Of the Persons capable of committing 
 Crimes. 
 
 III. — Of Principles and Accessories. 
 
 IV. — Of Offences against God and Reli- 
 gion. 
 
 \\ — Of Offences against the Law of Na- 
 tions. 
 
 VI. — Of High Treason. 
 
 VII. — Of Felonies injurious to the King’s 
 Prerogative. 
 
 VIII. — Of Praemunire. 
 
 IX. — Of Misprisions and Contempts af- 
 fecting the King and Government. 
 
 X. — -Of Offences against Public Justice. 
 
 XL — Of Offences against the Public Peace. 
 
 XII. — Of Offences against Public Trade. 
 
 XIII. — Of Offences against the Public 
 Health, and the Public Police or Eco- 
 nomy. 
 
 XI V. — Of Homicide. 
 
 XV. — Of Offences against the Persons of 
 Individuals. 
 
 XVI. — Of Offences against the Habitations 
 of Individuals. 
 
 XVII. — Of Offences against Private Pro- 
 perty. 
 
 XVIIl.— Of the Means of preventing Of- 
 fences. 
 
 XIX. — Of the Courts of a Criminal Juris- 
 diction. 
 
 Each Volume may he had separately- 
 18i‘. each 
 
 Chap. 
 
 XV. — Of Subtraction. 
 
 XVI. — Of Disturbance. 
 
 XVII. — Of Injuries proceeding from, or 
 affecting the Crown. 
 
 XVIIL — Of the Pursuit of Remedies by 
 Action ; and first, of the Original Writ. 
 
 XIX. — Of Process. 
 
 XX. — Of Pleading. 
 
 XXL — Of Issue and Demurrer. 
 
 XXII. — Of the several species of Trial. 
 
 XXIII.— Of the Trial by Jury. 
 
 XXIV. — Of Judgment and its Incidents. 
 
 XXV. — Of Proceedings in the Nature of 
 Appeals. 
 
 XXVI. — Of Execution. 
 
 XXVII. — Of Proceedings in the Courts 
 of Equity. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. — Proceedings in an Action of Tres- 
 pass in Ejectment by Original in the 
 King’s Bench. 
 
 No. II. — Writs of Summons under 1 & 2 
 Viet. c. 110. 
 
 IE FOURTH. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 XX.— Of Summary Convictions. 
 
 XXL— Of Arrests. 
 
 XXII. — Of Commitment and Bail. 
 XXlll. — Of the several Modes of Prose- 
 cution. 
 
 XXIV. — Of Process upon an Indictment. 
 
 XXV. — Of Arraignment and its Incidents. 
 XXVL— Of Plea and Issue. 
 
 XXVII.— Of Trial and Conviction. 
 XXVIII.— Of the Benefit of Clergy. 
 
 XXIX. — Of Judgment and its Conse- 
 quences. 
 
 XXX. — Of Reversal of Judgment. 
 
 XXXI. — Of Reprieve and Pardon. 
 
 XXXI 1. — Of Execution. 
 
 XXXllL— Of the Rise, Progress, and 
 gradual Improvements of the Laws of 
 England. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 1 . Record of an indictment, and conviction 
 
 of murder at the assizes. 
 
 2. Conviction of manslaughter. 
 
 3. Entry of a trial instanter in the Court of 
 
 King’s Bench upon a collateral issue, 
 and rule of court for execution thereon. 
 
 4. Warrant for execution and judgment of 
 
 death, at the general gaol delivery in 
 London and Middlesex. 
 
 5. Writ of execution upon a judgment of 
 
 murder before the king in Parliament. 
 
 ■Vol. 1 , price 20s . ; Cols. 2 , 3 . ^ 4, price 
 in hoards. 
 
ON THE 1st of FEBRUARY, WILL BE PUBLISHED, 
 
 PRIDE ONE SHILLING, 
 
 H 
 
 OF 
 
 THE HISTORY OF CHINA, 
 
 PICTORIAL AND DESCRIPTIVE: 
 
 WITH A FULL ACCOUNT OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS INHABITANTS} EXHIBITING A 
 COMPLETE AND FAMILIAR VIEW OF THIS EXTRAORDINARY PEOPLE, 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE CONCLUSION OF 
 THE LATE TREATY, 
 
 BY MISS JULIA CORNER, 
 
 AUTHOR OF QUESTIONS ON THE HISTORY OF EUROPE, A SEQUEL TO MANGNALL’s 
 HISTORICAL QUESTIONS, THE HISTORICAL LIBRARY, &c. &c. 
 
 I ILLUSTRATIONS, CONSISTING OF PLATES EXECUTED IN THE NEW STYLE OF TINT, AND 
 SUPERIOR WOOD ENGRAVINGS, FROM ACCURATE LOCAL DRAWINGS, WILL FORM 
 AN IMPORTANT FEATURE OF THIS INTERESTING WORK. 
 
 There can scarcely be, at the present moment, a subject of deeper 
 interest to the public than an acquaintance with that vast and 
 exclusive Empire which has hitherto formed a world of itself, totally 
 distinct from, and, except by a partial intercourse in trade, entirely 
 unconnected with, all the other civilized nations of the earth; until 
 its gates have, as it were, been suddenly thrown open, and a foreign 
 power has been admitted upon terms of equality, for the first time 
 since the foundation of the monarchy, which dates its origin as far 
 back as the days of Noah. 
 
 The Chinese, undoubtedly, owe the extraordinary duration of 
 their Empire to their exclusive conduct towards strangers, and the 
 freedom of their government from all interference of foreign power; 
 consequently, the new position assumed by the British government, 
 in China, is an event unparalleled in the annals of that country, 
 where a new light is just beginning to dawn, the effects of which 
 may possibly form a singular and most interesting era in the history 
 of mankind. 
 
 How it has happened that the Chinese Empire has survived 
 all its early contemporaries, and, if it may be so expressed, outlived 
 
 A 
 
2 
 
 many generations of kingdoms, can only be understood by tracing 
 its history from its beginning; therefore the design of the work now 
 proposed is, to combine with a faithful History of China, from the 
 earliest period of its authentic records, a descriptive account of 
 those peculiar manners and customs tluit denote the high antiquity 
 of the monarchy; the arts which, till modern times_> had given the 
 Chinese a decided superiority over other nations; the unrivalled 
 industry that enables the largest population in the world to subsist 
 independently of foreign ciid; and the peculiar political institutions 
 by which a single individual holds in subjection a mass of people 
 supposed to constitute one-third of the whole of the human race. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF CHINA, 
 
 will be completed in Six or Seven Monthly Parts, and followed by 
 
 THE HISTORY OF INDIA, 
 
 in about the same number of parts. Each part of both these works 
 will be embellished with Two fine Plates, in the new stile of tint, 
 and several superior Wood Engravings; illustrating the Scenery, 
 Costume, Arts, Manufactures, and State of Society, in China and 
 India. The whole, as it is intended, will form One Elegant Volume, 
 replete with information and amusement. 
 
 LONDON: THOs. DEAN AND CO. THREADNEEDLE-STREET; 
 
 AND MAY BE OBTAINED, BY ODRER, OF EVERY BOOKSELLER IN THE 
 
 UNITED KINGDOM. 
 
JUST PUBLISHED, 
 
 A NEW AND HIGHLY-INTERESTING WORK, FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF EVERY 
 COUNTRY IN EUROPE, COMMENCING AT THE EARLIEST PERIODS, AND CONTINUED TO 
 THE PRESENT TIME: ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPS OF THE SEVERAL COUNTRIES, AND 
 EMBELLISHED WITH HISTORICAL ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL, ENTITLED 
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORICAL LIBRARY, 
 
 FOR YOUTH, SCHOOLS, AHD FAE^ILIESi 
 
 BY MISS JULIA CORNER, 
 
 AUTHOR OF “ QUESTIONS ON THE HISTORY OF EUROPE,” A SEQUEL TO MANGNALL’S 
 HISTORICAL QUESTIONS, &c. &c. 
 
 Under the title of the “Historical Library,” are now combined the histories 
 of all the nations of Europe; and it has been gratifying to those under 
 M hose superintendence the work has been conducted, to witness, as it proceeded, 
 the very general commendations bestowed on it, as a vehicle of entertainment 
 and information, and, moreover, as a record of Truth. 
 
 The design of the Autlior has been to present to the reader a faithful 
 history of each civilized nation, interspersing it with an account of the religion, 
 hiws, customs, and dress, of the inhabitants, from the earliest period to the 
 present time. In prosecuting this purpose much caution has been observed, and 
 much research had recourse to, that no favourite but fallacious narrative, 
 however imposing, might be retained. Records of interest and of undoubted 
 authority, may, at ail times, be found to reward the peruser of the histories of 
 our own and other countries, with entertainment of the highest order, while 
 they convey instruction from one of its best sources — the study of mankind. In 
 addition to the facts which are usually recorded, some portions of history that 
 have escaped the pens of previous writers, cr lieen by them introduced in 
 positions inferior to their real claim, have been brought forward by our present 
 author with her usual fidelity, and in a form most attractive to all classes of 
 readers. 
 
 Another especial object in writing these volumes has not been lost sight of; 
 that of adapting them to the capacities of young people; thus, while they 
 embrace information and entertainment for those of maturer years, they incite 
 the rising generations to their perusal by a judicious simplicity and clearness 
 of language, suited to the comprehension of youthful readers, who too fre- 
 quently receive a clreck from compositions intended for their assistance, by the 
 adoption of a style too remote from the familiar, and which conveys the 
 impression that knowedge is more difficult of attainment than it really is; in 
 consequence of which, w’orks of this desejipion are often laid aside, or only 
 taken up as task hooks. In writing these histories, much pains have been taken to 
 avoid all obscurity of language and arrangement, and the many very high enco)7iiurns 
 awarded the performance, and the considerable acceptance it has already 7uet with in 
 Schools a/id F a7nilies, induce the flattering belief that the eflfoi't has not been 
 unsuccessful. 
 
 That the work may appear with suitable advantage, and be accessible to all 
 classes, it has been deemed essential to publish it not only in a handsome form, 
 but, at the same time, at as cheaj) a rate as possible; and also in such a manner 
 that the history of any one country maybe obtained separately. 
 
 A 2 
 
4 
 
 THE SERIES, ALL OF WHICH ARE PUBLISHED, COMPRISE THE FOLLOWING HISTORIES*— 
 
 THE HISTORY OF FRANCE. 
 
 THE HISTORIES OF SPAIN 
 AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND 
 AND WALES. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF IRELAND. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF DENMARK, 
 SWEDEN, AND NORWAY. 
 
 HISTORY OF GERMANY AND 
 THE GERMAN EMPIRE. 
 
 HISTORY OF TURKEY AND 
 THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE. 
 
 PIISTORY OF POLAND AND 
 RUSSIA 
 
 THE HISTORY OF ITALY AND 
 SWITZERLAND. 
 
 HISTORY OF HOLLAND AND 
 BELGIUM. ' 
 
 { with three elegant Historical Engravings 
 and a Map. 2s. 6d. 
 
 { with three elegant Plistorical Engravings 
 and a Map. 2s. 6d. 
 
 f with five elegant Historical Engravings 
 and a Map. 3s. 6d. 
 
 { with three elegant Historical Engravings 
 and a Map. 2s. 6d. 
 
 { with three elegant Historical Engravings 
 and a Map. 2s. 6d. 
 
 j with two elegant Historical Engravings 
 L and a Map. 2s. 6d. 
 r with three elegant Historical Engravings 
 [ and a Map. 3s. 6d. 
 
 { with three elegant Historical Engravings 
 and a Map. 3s. 6d. 
 
 { with three elegant Historical Engravings 
 and a Map. 3s. 6d. 
 
 r with three elegant Historical Engravings 
 [ and a Map. 3s. 6d. 
 
 J with two elegant Historical Engravings 
 I and a Map. 2s, 6d. 
 
 *X* EACH VOLUME IS STRONGLY AND UNIFORMLY BOUND IN CLOTH, AND LETTERED. 
 
 QUESTIONS ON THE HISTORY OF FRANCE, 
 
 For the use of Schools, is now read}^, price 6d. sewed in stiff wrapper, or. Is. bound in cloth. 
 
 OPSIIOIIS 0F Till PBESS« 
 
 The Opinions of the Press in praise of these Histories, arc so many, and so commen- 
 datory, that the Publishers find a difficulty in determining which of them to present 
 to the Public for their inspection. But the following are a few from some of the first 
 Journals of the present day: — 
 
 To render the study of history entertaining to the youthful mind, is the object Miss 
 Corner has in view, and she has accomplished that object, by selecting and placing 
 I)rominently the particular events and circumstances connected with each nation, which 
 are best calculated to awaken the interest and excite the attention of those to whose 
 improvement her labours are directed . — Morniny Posi. 
 
 This meritorious work is written in a very easy and agreeable style, perfectly adapted 
 to the capacities of the young i)ersons for wliom it is intended, while, from the inform- 
 ation it contains, it will serve, by a rapid glance, to bring historical events to the minds 
 of persons of mature age. — Times. 
 
 Miss Corner’s work is designed for the school room, where its agreeable style will be 
 sure to render it highly popular. The “Historical Library” should form a jiart of every 
 youth’s collection. — Cheltenham Chronicle. 
 
 The narrative is so well arranged, and so agreeably diversified by occasional remarks on 
 individual and national character, as to render these histories attractive even to the very 
 ymmig ; whilst the fidelity of description and the scrupulous correctness in the statement 
 
 arc able assistants iii the spread of sound education.— Post. — Second Notice. 
 
5 
 
 This is not the first time we have spoken of the results of Miss Corner’s historical 
 labours in terms of unqualified and well-deserved approbation. We knov/ of no works 
 better suited for youth, or the careful perusal of which is likely to be attended with more 
 lasting impressions, than Miss Corner’s “ Historical Library.” — Conservative Journal. 
 
 We have, on former occasions, spoken so favourably of Miss Corner’s talents as an 
 historical writer, that it is sufficient now to observe that the present volume, (the History 
 of Turkey) fully sustains the high reputation this lady has acquired by the preceding 
 l)ortion of the series. — Post Magazine. 
 
 Miss Corner’s previous hisorical works are well known, and the present, from the 
 interesting nature of the subject, the lucid manner in which the narrative proceeds, and 
 the simple clearness of the style, cannot fail to be welcomed by all interested in the 
 education of youth. — Court Gazette. 
 
 The volumes of this work, which we have hitherto seen, are amongst the best class-books 
 for young people extant; and the series when completed will form a valuable addition to 
 our youthful Literature. — LimericTc Standard. 
 
 This work, we trust, continues to meet the attention on the part of parents and 
 guardians which it well deserves. The perusal of the volumes already published, will not 
 only afford a high degree of gratification, but the work is eminently calculated to forward 
 young persons in historical instructions. — Glasgow Courier. 
 
 Better and more useful books for the purpose for which they are designed we know not. 
 Those now completed maintain the reputation which Miss Corner has so ably acquired for 
 making historical details attractive to youth. — Edinboro' Intelligencer. 
 
 The volumes before us, in our opinion, is by far the better adapted for youth of both 
 sexes than any which have heretofore met our eye; while it reflects great credit upon the 
 author from the very able manner in which it has been compiled. — Farmers' Journal. 
 
 The name of Miss Corner is well known amongst those who are employed in the 
 education of youth, as a diligent and correct labourer in the vineyard. Her compositions 
 are well adapted for the instruction of the rising generation. — Statesman. 
 
 Of the utility of this work, no one at all acquainted with the science of education can 
 entertain a doubt. The history is written in a simple and intelligent style, and readers of 
 all ages and condition may gain information from its pages.— 
 
 The work cannot fail to become a standard educational book, for it has all the requisites 
 of clearness and correctness, while it is written as deeply to interest the youthful student 
 in history. — Morning Advertizer. 
 
 Miss Corner appears to be an excellent historian for the school room; she narrates with 
 fluency and clearness, and in a concise and lively manner, a few leading facts, so as to 
 convey the spirit of history, and indicate the characteristics of the people and the country, 
 as well as the rulers and famous characters. — Spectator. 
 
 We have already spoken of Miss Corner’s historical labours, and can only commend her 
 patient research, and the skill with which she adapts its results to the capacity of youth. 
 Atlas. — Second Notice. 
 
 Miss Corner’s Library is progressing very successfully, and promises to be invaluable 
 to all interested in the work of education ; and even those of “ larger growth ” who have 
 not leisure to bestow on more bulky tomes, may read them with advantage. — Chelmsford 
 Chronicle. 
 
 The prominent points in the history of each country treated of, arc brought forward 
 with sufficient force to impress them strongly on the minds of youthful renders; and the 
 style and mode of treatment are attractive and interesting. — Carlisle Journal. 
 
 The perusal of the volumes already published will not only afford a high degree of 
 gratification, but the work is also eminently calculated to forw^ard young persons in his- 
 torical instruction. — Glasgow Courier. 
 
 This useful publication well deserves a large share of public patronage, an immense 
 quantity of historical information, in a popular form, being comprised within the compass 
 of a small volume.~-.Bo5/(??i Herald, 
 
6 
 
 The aim of the authoress, in her several histories, is to instruct, as well as to amuse; 
 a more interesting work has not come under our uoi\cQ.-^ Blackwood' s Ladies' Magazine. 
 
 This book is designed for the use of the young, and there is an affectionate, persuasive 
 tone throughout the narrative, that proves the writer to be well fitted for the task of 
 instructing youth. — Tablet. 
 
 We hail this unassuming work as a boon to the rising generation. The fair authoress 
 deserves well of the community for dressing the truths of history in such an attractive 
 garb, so completely blending amusement with instruction. — Cheltenham Examiner. 
 
 The work is well deserving of attention from persons older and even wiser than 
 those for whom it was principally intended. — Royal Leamington and Spa Chronicle. 
 
 The work is intended for youth, schools, and families, and seems well suited to its 
 express purpose. The style is perspicuous, and, without too much detail, all leading facts 
 are narrated. — Bristol Standard. 
 
 The fair authoress evidently understands not only the subjects which she has under- 
 taken to elucidate, but the dispositions and aptitudes of those for whom she is writing. — 
 Liverpool Albion. 
 
 Miss Corner possessses the faculty of simplifying her style and language to the compre- 
 hension of the juvenile mind, while at the same time she places all the leading facts and 
 incidents of history in a connected and interesting point of view. — Gloucester Journal. 
 
 We cannot speak too highly of the judgment with which Miss Corner has constructed 
 these historical abridgments, which, are well calculated to give it a clear and enlightened 
 notion of historical events, and the progress of society. — Liverpool Journal. 
 
 Miss Corner is entitled to the thanks of all engaged in education for rendering their 
 task easy and attractive, and supplying them with information which previously was 
 inaccessible, except to the laborious student. — Leicester Journal. 
 
 The volume before us is by ffxr better adapted foi the )’’outh of both sexes than any 
 which has heretofore met our eye. Miss Corner appears to have spared no pains in 
 rendering it both amusing and instructive. — Farmer's Journal. 
 
 Of all the books that we have seen, we regard this “ Historical Library ” the best, 
 both as regards the matter and appearance. The style of writing is sim])le, yet compre- 
 hensive, whilst the embellishments are of a very superior order. — Hereford Journal. 
 
 The object of this work is to record the facts of history in a clear and simple manner, 
 and blend amusement with instruction. The plan, in every respect unexceptionable, 
 I)i'omises to be worthily carried out. — United Service Journal. 
 
 A real acquisition to the literature provided for the young, and a capital foundation for 
 future historical study. — Watchman. 
 
 Desirous of having the youth of the country brought to an acquaintance with history 
 in early life, we welcome a publication so likely to promote the object to which we attach 
 so much importance. — Watchman. — Second Notice. 
 
 The “Historical Library” should form part of every collection. — Cheltenham Chronicle. 
 
 If only one-third of the reading piihlic knew of this excellent Historical work, the sale 
 would be immense, which it really deserves. — Blackicood' s I^ady's Magazine. 2nd Notice. 
 
 The difficulty of obtaining works, and especially historical works, adapted for the use of 
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 in the work of education, that nothing need be said in favour of the design of the pnhlica- 
 tion before us; and as far as we can judge, the publication has higher pretensions than 
 that of a mere school-book. — Morning Post . — Third Notice. 
 
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 In professing a desire to maintain the Union of Church and State, we exclude all principles 
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 The unhappy divisions in our Church have arisen, it may fearlessly 
 he asserted, from a want of information as to the views held by the 
 Fathers both of the early and of the Reformed English Church. The 
 latter did most faithfully represent the opinions, both as to Doctrine, 
 Discipline, and Practice, of the Fathers of the first three centuries. 
 When, therefore, their works were studied, and the sentiments held by 
 them and embodied in the Articles and Liturgy of our Church, were 
 compared with the writings which remain to us from the Apostolic 
 era, it became evident that both taught the same doctrine — enforced the 
 same discipline — and enjoined the same practice. The Tracts of the 
 Anglican Fathers were undertaken in order to show those who re- 
 verted to Antiquity that our Church was in accordance with the purest 
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 and State Gazette. 
 
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 are influenced by the spirit of our English Reformers, no better proof can be 
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 Anglican Fathers have been lately published, and ought to be widely circu- 
 lated.” — Dr. Hook's Call to Union. 
 
 “ A Series has commenced of most interesting reprints from the works of 
 some divines of the sixteenth century, under the title of The Tracts of the 
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 “ The design of this new Series of important Tracts seems to be to elicit the 
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 beth and her successors. This publication is so cheap as to be within the reach 
 of every class of purchasers, and the reviewer heartily recommends it.” — 
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 encouragement from all true and sound Churchmen, and have great pleasure in 
 making it known through our pages ; and particularly call attention to the 
 very able preface.” — Christian Remembrancer, 
 
 A republication of some of the best works of the Fathers of the English 
 Church has long been a desideratum, and we are glad to find that the publisher 
 of that excellent periodical The Churchman has undertaken the work.” — Man- 
 chester Chronicle. 
 
 “ These four volumes should be found on the shelves of all our clergy. They 
 are admirable antidotes, indeed, to all incorrect or exaggerated theology.” — 
 Church and State Gazette. 
 
 VOL. L~IHE BOOK OE COMOX PKAYEE. 
 
 PARTS I. TO V. 
 
 I. Archbishop Cranmer on “ Holy Baptism The Apostolical Succession 
 and the Power of the Keys;” “ The Blessed Sacrament of the Altar;” “The 
 Gifts of the Holy Ghost in the Holy Catholic Church;” with Introduction, 
 Notes, &c. 
 
 II. Bishop Jewel on the “Sacraments, and chiefly concerning Baptism;” 
 Dean Nowell on the “ Sacraments, and chiefly concerning the Holy Eucharist ;” 
 with Introduction, Notes, &c. 
 
 HI. Bishop Andrews on “ Remission of Sins in the Church, and chiefly 
 concerning Absolution Archbishop Bancroft on “ The Church, her doctrines, 
 and the opposing heresies ;” with Introduction, Notes, &c. 
 
 IV. Archbishop Laud on “ The Great Peril of Popery, especially in the 
 matter of the Blessed Eucharist ;” “ The Succession, and Spiritual Supremacy 
 of the Episcopate with Introduction, Notes, &c. 
 
 V. Bishop Sanderson on “ The Divine Right of the Episcopate not Pre- 
 judicial to the Supreme Authority of the Civil Ruler ;” Bishop Cosin on “ The 
 Points of Difference and Agreement between the Churches of England and 
 Rome;” Bishop Sparrow on “ The Authority of the Church in matters of Dis- 
 cipline and Faith ;” “ Historical Notes concerning the Last Revision of the 
 Book of Common Prayer;” with Introduction, Notes, &c. 
 
 Supplement. Dean Comber on “ Absolution ;” Rev. C. Wheatley on “ The 
 Litany ;” Dr. Nicholls on “ The History of the Common Prayer;” and on “ The 
 Notes on the Rubric ; ” with Introduction, &c. &c, 
 
 VOL. II.-TKACTS OX DOCTKIXE. 
 
 PARTS VI. TO XI. 
 
 VI. Thorndike on “ The Rights of the Church with Preface, Notes, &c. 
 
 VII. Bishop Bilson’s Discourse touching “ The Full Redemption of Mankind 
 by the Death and Blood of Christ Jesus ;” and Tyndall the Martyr’s “ Path- 
 way into the Holy Scriptures : ” with Preface, Notes, &c. 
 
 VHI. Bishop Ridley’s “ Piteous Lamentation of the State of England ;” and 
 “ Treatise on Image Worship Becon’s “ Absolution ” (the Castle of Com- 
 fort) ; and Archbishop Bramhall on “ Baptismal Regeneration ;” with Preface, 
 Notes, &c. 
 
 IX. Bishop Hooper on “The Office and Character of Christ;” and Dr. 
 Turner on “ The Old and the New Learning;” with Preface, Notes, &c. 
 
 X. Archbishop King on “ Election” and “ Predestination,” &c. &c. : with 
 Preface, Notes, &c. 
 
 XI. Jeremy Taylor on “ Original Sin ;” and Archbishop Sandys on “ Un.^ 
 written Tradition:” with Preface, Notes, Introduction, Index, &c. 
 
4 Printed and Published by W. E. Painter^ 342, Strand- 
 
 YOL. IIL-TEACTS ON DISCIPLINE. 
 
 TARTS XII. TO XVII. 
 
 XII. Bishop Feme “ On Submission to the Church and Dean Field On 
 the Canon of Scripture, and its Sufficiency:” with Preface, Notes, &c. 
 
 XIII. Dean Field on “ The Notes of the Church and Archbishop Potter 
 on “ The Government of the Church during the Apostolic Era with Preface, 
 Appendix, &c. 
 
 XIV. Bishop Parker on “ The Era of the Church immediately after the 
 Apostles and Dr. John Hugh on “ The Exclusive Right of Bishops to 
 Ordain and “ The Right of the Church to Excommunicate with Preface, 
 Notes, &c. 
 
 XV. Bishop Lacy on “ The Office of a Minister Bishop Hall on “ Lay 
 Eldership proved to be contrary to Scripture and Antiquity Dr. Waterland 
 on “ Lay Baptism Richard Hooker on “ Baptism by Women and Dr. 
 Nichols on “ Sponsors and Confirmation;” with Preface, Notes, &c. 
 
 XVI. DodvA’-ell on “ Salvation only in the Visible Church Dean Sherlock 
 on “ The Unity of Religious Assemblies Dr. Saywell on “ The Circumstances 
 of Worship;” Dr. Stillingfleet on “The Unreasonableness of Separation;” 
 Dr. Puller on “ Penance ;” and Dr. Faulkner on “ Visitation and Burial Ser- 
 vices ;” with Preface, Notes, &c. 
 
 XVII. Bishop Beveridge on “The Regale and Pontificale ;” Dr. South on 
 “ The Duty of the State with reference to the Church Bishop Blackall on 
 “ The Divine Institution of the Civil Magistracy ;” Appendix ; Bassnett 
 Mills on “ Lay and Private Patronage with Introduction, Preface, Notes, &c. 
 
 YOL. lY.-PEACTICAL TEACTS. 
 
 PARTS XVIII. TO XXIII. 
 
 XVHl. Bishop Latimer “ On Prayer;” Barrow on “The Nature of Faith;” 
 Bishop Lake on “ Love to God ;” Archbishop Tillotson on “ The Duty of 
 Holiness ;” Bishop Burnet “ On Good Works ;” with Introduction, &c. 
 
 XIX. Bishop Brownrig on the “ Duty of Self-Examination ;” Dean Donne 
 on the “ Duty of Confessing Sins ;” Gatakeron the “ Duty of Watchfulness ;” 
 Allestree on the “ Duty of Christian Resolution.” With Introduction, &c. 
 
 XX. Bishop Pearson on “The Holy Catholic Church;” Bishop Warburton 
 on “Obedience to Ecclesiastical Rulers;” Bishop Hacket on “Fasting;” 
 Bishop Smalridge on “ Religious Ceremonies ;” Bishop Newton on “ The 
 Anglican Ritual ;” with Introduction, &c. 
 
 XXL Archbishop Seeker on “ The Government of the Tongue;” Bishop 
 Hurd on “ ChristianCourtesy ;” Kettlewell on “ The L>uty of Moral Rectitude ;” 
 Archdeacon Jortin on “ Covetousness ;” Bishop Zachary on “ The Christian 
 Sabbath;” Bishop Conybeare on “The Rule of Equity ;” Snape on “ Self- 
 Denial.” With Introduction, &c. 
 
 XXII. Carrington on “ The Relative Duties of Parents and Children 
 Towerson on “ The Relative Duties of Husbands and Wives ;” Towerson on 
 “ The Relative Duties of Masters and Servants;” Archdeacon Paley on “The 
 Relative Duties which are Indeterminate;” with Introduction, &c. 
 
 XXHI. Bishop Atterbury on “The Duty of Prayer for Princes;” Arch- 
 bishop Sharp on “ The Duty of Princes to their People ;” Bishop Blackall 
 on“ The Duty of Sirbjects ;” with Introduction, &c. 
 
 IV. E. Painter imdertaJces to Print and Publish Worhs, Sermons, 
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Printed and Piddished hy W. E. Painter, 3 i2, Strand. 5 
 
 On the first day of Januaiy, April, July, and October, price Gs,, THE 
 
 Ci)uici) of ^uaiterIj>EeVi(c\o 
 
 THE NUMBER FOR JANUARY, 1843:— 
 
 I. The Philosophy of Religion. 
 
 II. Slavery in America, 
 
 III. Miss Pardoe’s Hungary. 
 
 IV. Scriptural Geology. 
 
 V. The Mormon Imposture. 
 
 VI. Albertus Magnus. 
 
 [ VII. Scripture Herbal. 
 
 VIII. Christian Reviewers. 
 
 IX. Episcopal Charges. 
 
 , X. Retrospects and Prospects. 
 
 XI. Ecclesiastical Report. 
 
 I XII. General Literature. 
 
 The Publisher of The Chuiich of England Quarterly Review, in calling 
 the attention of the Clergy and the Public to the present number of that Review, 
 which commences the Thirteenth Volume, is desirous of offering his thanks 
 for their continued and increasing support. During the last six years in which 
 the Revie\y has been established, the opinions of the press have been beyond ex- 
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 which it well merits, at this crisis, from all true lovers of their country. The 
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 “ A bold, energetic, and learned ally in the cause of orthodox Church of 
 Englandism, ” — Morning Herald. 
 
 “ Such a phalanx, cased in the armour of faith, and wielding the weapons of 
 learning and piety, must be most welcome to all who are attached to the doc- 
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 Christian faith, or the surest bulwark of our civil liberties.” Morning Post. 
 
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6 Printed and Published by W. E. Painter, 342, Strand. 
 
 COMENTS OF THE CHUECH OF ENOLAKD QUAETEELY EEVIEW. 
 
 Introduction. 
 
 ■Wiseman’s Lectures. 
 
 Treatment of the Scriptures by the Mo- 
 dern Church of Rome. 
 
 Brougham’s Natural Theology. 
 
 The voluntary Principle. 
 
 Marriage and Registration Acts. 
 
 Character and Progress of Religious Poetry 
 Nature and Extent of Religious Belief. 
 
 The Catholic Church. 
 
 Recollections of Sir Walter Scott. 
 
 Church Accommodation. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. II. 
 
 Greswell’s Exposition of the Parables. 
 Romanism overturned by Fact, 
 
 The Irish Church. 
 
 Goldsmith and Gray. 
 
 The Slumber of the Pulpit. 
 
 The Doctrine of Primitive Election. 
 
 The History of the American Church. 
 The New School of Superficial Pantology 
 The Theological Library. 
 
 Church Rates. 
 
 Church of England & Wesleyan Methodism 
 The Cause of the Wesleyans weakened. 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. III. 
 
 Russell on Sacred and Profane History. 
 The Literary Remains of Coleridge. 
 
 The Life and Philosophy of Roger Bacon 
 Refutation of Nonconformity. 
 
 Memoirs of the Council of Trent. 
 
 Page’s Edition of Burnet on the Articles. 
 Characters of Living Poets. 
 
 The Church and the Dissenters. 
 Newman’s Romanism and Protestantism. 
 General State of Religion in America. 
 Alliance of Church and State. 
 Parliamentary Fallacies on the Church. 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. IV. 
 
 Lee’s Translation of the Book of Job. 
 Churches of England and Rome compared. 
 Macculloch on the Attributes of God. 
 National Misfortune by Popish Influence. 
 Refutation of Nonconformity. 
 
 Deism compared with Christianity, 
 Spiritual Destitution of London. 
 
 Repeal of the Emancipation Bill. 
 
 German Theology. 
 
 Infidelity in Disguise— Geology. 
 
 Bishop of Norwich’s Installation Sermon. 
 Prospects under the New Parliament. 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. V. 
 
 Strauss’s Life of Jesus. 
 
 Dens’s Theology. 
 
 Civil and Ecclesiastical Whig Patronage. 
 The Church Commission. 
 
 The Bishop of Rochester’s Charge. 
 Religious Education. 
 
 Infidelity in Disguise — Penny Cyclopsedia 
 The Working of the New Poor liaw. 
 
 Men and Measures in New Parliament. 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. VI. 
 
 Strauss’s Life of Jesus. 
 
 Campbell’s Poems. 
 
 The Episcopal Institution. 
 
 Roman Catholic Confessional Exposed. 
 Parallelism of the Patriarchal, Jewish, 
 and Christian Dispensations. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon Church. 
 
 The History of Pius VII. 
 
 The Trial of the Unitarians. 
 
 Mormonites— a new American Sect. 
 
 The Dangers of the Country. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. VII. 
 
 Christologie des Alten Testaments. 
 Character & Process of Pulpit Eloquence. 
 The Progress of Dissent. 
 
 Suppressed Papal Literature. 
 
 English Scholarship, its Rise, Progress, &c. 
 Hawkins’s Germany and her Institutions. 
 Wordsworth, Southey, and Bowles. 
 Comparative Philology. 
 
 The Church in Upper Canada. 
 
 Wilberforce and his Contemporaries. 
 Benefices Plurality Bill. 
 
 The Session of Parliament. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. VIII. 
 
 English Lexicography. 
 
 Jesuitism and Romanism identical. 
 National Education. 
 
 Protestant Nonconformity. 
 
 British Connexion with Indian Idolatry, j 
 The History of Sects. 
 
 The Political Aspect of Pop^ery. 
 
 The Nature and Design of Baptism. 
 
 The Agreement between Nature and Re- 
 velation. 
 
 Review of the Session. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. IX. 
 
 Harcourt on the Doctrine of the Deluge. 
 Political Character and History of Popery 
 Convocation of the Clergy. 
 
 History .and Progress of Pulpit Eloquence 
 Lives of Sacred Poets. 
 
 The Church of Rome’s Traffic in Pardons. 
 English Scholarship— its Rise and Decay. 
 The Protestant Association. 
 
 Antiquity of the Anglican Church com- 
 pared with the Novelty of the Romish 
 Papistical Tendency of the Oxford Tracts 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. X. 
 
 Papistical Tendency of the Oxford Tracts 
 The State of Ireland. 
 
 Protestant Nonconformity. 
 
 Rural Life. 
 
 Portrait of an English Churchman. 
 English Scholarship— its Rise and Decay. 
 Bubbles of Canada. 
 
 Church Extension, 
 
 The Session of Parliament. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XI. 
 
 Pusey’s Letter to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 The Popish College of Maynooth. 
 
 Brett on the Liturgies. 
 
 Antiquity and Independence of the Angli- 
 can Church and Novelty of Popery. 
 
 A Voice from America to England. 
 
 The Periodical Press ; the Quarterly and 
 Edinburgh Reviews. 
 
 Our Modern Divines — Croly, Melville, 
 and Dale. 
 
 The British Museum. 
 
 The Last Days of the Whigs. 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XII. 
 
 The Evangelical Party. 
 
 The Rule of Faith. 
 
 The Church of England defended against 
 the Misrepresentations of the Modern 
 Seceders. 
 
7 
 
 Printed and Published by W, E. Painter, 342 , Strand. 
 
 CO^^TEXTS OE THE CHUPiCH OE 
 
 The Periodical Press ; the Edinburgh and 
 other Quarterly Reviews. 
 
 The History of Christianity in India, 
 f^rainent French Divines. 
 
 Letters of Eminent Persons: 
 
 The Labours of the Session. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XIII. 
 
 Editorial Address -.—The True Church— 
 The Evangelical Party — The Dissenters 
 — The Neutral or Independent — The 
 Members of our Universities — And the 
 Laity of the Established Church. 
 Psalmody. 
 
 The Apostolical Succession, 
 
 The Living Lamps of Learning. 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter’s Charge. 
 
 Anglican Liturgies. 
 
 Nature and Venality of Papal Indulgence. 
 Character of Bishop Hurd. 
 
 The Dying Spirit of Poesy. 
 
 Gunpowder Treason — the Principles of 
 Popery Developed. 
 
 The Perilous State of the Nation. 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XIV. 
 
 Documentary Annals of Anglican Church 
 Ancient Christianity 
 Milman’s Poetical Works 
 Ireland under Papal Government 
 Rural Life 
 Ages of Faith 
 
 Treatment of Ecclesiastical Claims 
 Visits to Remarkable Places 
 Todd’s Lectures on Prophecy 
 The Church Discipline Bill 
 Dr. Croly’s Life of Burke 
 History of the Irish Church 
 Her Majesty’s Incapables 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XV. 
 
 The Office of a Bishop 
 National Education 
 Canon and Statute Simony 
 Lord Brougham’s Demosthenes 
 Bourdaloue, Barrow, and Bossuet 
 Destitution in New South Wales 
 State and Prospects of the Jews 
 Documentary Annals of the Anglican 
 Church 
 
 The Kirk of Scotland 
 Naval and Military Chaplains 
 Memoir of Bishop Burgess 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, See. 
 
 NO. XVI. 
 
 The Defenders of the Faith. 
 
 Aristophanes and his Birds. 
 
 The Silurian and Devonian Systems. 
 Ecclesiastical Architecture. 
 
 Naval and Military Chaplains. 
 
 Antiquities of the Christian Church. 
 
 The Protestant Church in France. 
 Psalmody. 
 
 The Progress of Revolution. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XVII. 
 
 The Primitive Doctrine of Regeneration. 
 
 The Church and the Novelists. 
 
 Dr, Vaughan and the Useful Knowledge 
 Society. 
 
 Carthage and her Constitution. 
 
 Countess of Huntingdon’s Life and Times. 
 The Slave Trade and the Colonies, 
 
 Grammar Schools of England and Wales. 
 Mary Worship^in the Church of Rome. 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 la^GLVO) QUAETEELY EEVIEff. 
 
 NO. XVIII. 
 
 The Church and the VVesleyans. 
 
 Ranke’s History of the Popes. 
 
 The Principles of Population. 
 
 Thomas k Becket and his Contemporaries. 
 Church Principles. 
 
 Mary Worship. 
 
 The Choephoroe of Aeschylus. 
 
 Church Music. 
 
 Tracts for the Times. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XIX. 
 
 Dr. Vaughan and Jeremy Collier. 
 
 Smyth’s Lectures on Modern History. 
 Cambridge University ; General Education 
 Horace Walpole’s Correspondence. 
 
 The Man of the Nineteenth Century. 
 Montgomery’s Sanderson. 
 
 Wightwick’s Palace of Architecture. 
 
 The Reformation on the Continent. 
 
 The Nestorians, or the Lost Tribes. 
 
 Bullar’s Winter in the Azores. [pects. 
 Christian Politics and Conservative Pros- 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XX. 
 
 Tracts of the Anglican Fathers. 
 
 Tennent’s Belgium. 
 
 Sepulchral Monuments. 
 
 Religious Education at Cambridge. 
 D’Israeli’s Amenities of Literature. 
 Church Extension and the National Crisis. 
 Church of England and Oxford Theologj'. 
 Sacred Genealogy (with a Chart). 
 Christianity and the Corn Laws. 
 Conservative Government— Whig Oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XXI. 
 
 The Parker Society. 
 
 Captain Basil Hall’s Patchwork, 
 
 Palmer v. Wiseman — Indulgences. 
 
 The Ancient Egyptians. 
 
 The Voluntary Principle at a Discount. 
 Explaining away System of Interpretation. 
 Sibthorp v. Popery. 
 
 The Bishops v. the Oxford Tracts. 
 
 The Churen in Ireland, 
 
 Colonization. 
 
 The State of the Nation. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, 8cc. 
 
 NO. XXII. 
 
 The Church of Rome, Oxford Theology, 
 and the Rev. Drs. Pusey and Miley. 
 Moral and Political Tendency of Modern 
 Novels. 
 
 The Fine Arts in England. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon Confessions. 
 
 The Divine Rule of Faith and Practice. 
 Robert Montgomery’s Luther. 
 
 The Gypsies of Spain. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Districts. 
 
 The Conservatives at Work. 
 
 Ecclesistical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
 NO. XXIII. 
 
 The Ecclesiastical Constitution of Scotland 
 Ancient English Poetrj". 
 
 School Books. 
 
 Afghanistan and the Grajco-Baetrian Coins 
 The Modern English Monarchy, 
 IMathematics at Cambridge. 
 
 Sir A. Burnes’ Personal Narrative of Cabool 
 Foxe’s Acts and Monuments. 
 
 Bishop of London’s Sermons on theChurch 
 Laing’s Notes of a Traveller, 
 
 What are the Conservatives doing? 
 Ecclesiastical Report, Literature, &c. 
 
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 th« Poor Man Learnt his Lessoji — 'fhe Poor Man speaketh of the Death of the 
 
 Beautiful The Poor Man speaketh of a Toad — The Poor Man telleth how lie 
 
 went to see a Fiiend of his who was a Great Student, and what happened — 
 Tlie Goodness of God — Thy Horne is not on Earth — The Poor Man painteth 
 Lights and Shadows — The Poor Man Rhymeth Oddly — God’s Word and Works 
 — 4'he Poor Man Chirps about Insects — The Poor Man speaketh to Young 
 
 People The Poor Man speaketh to all other Poor Men about the Distress of 
 
 the Times— The I'oor Man’s Farmvell to the Reader, 
 
Printed and Puhlished hy TV, E. Painter, 342, Strand, 13 
 
 Demy 12mo. cloth, 6s., 
 
 rpHOUGHTS ON THE LITANY. 
 
 JL ^ Editedby the Rev. GEORGE HEATON, M. A. 
 
 Chaplain of West Ham Union, and Assistant Minister of St. Olave’s, Ilart-st. 
 
 “ We heartily commend them to the encouragement of all parents ami heads 
 of families who are embiied with a spark of religions feeling, and admirers of 
 chaste sentiment and pure expression.” — Liverpool Mail. 
 
 Small octavo, price Is., 
 
 'FHE good parson ; or, the Persone of Toun, 
 
 i- 1370. His Character from Chaucer. 
 
 Imitated and Enlarged hy Mr. Dryden ; now again altered and abridged. 
 Together with the Persone’s Prologue and Tale. 
 
 By a Persone of a Toun, 1841. 
 
 Small octavo, price Is. 4d., cloth, 
 
 H ymns in prose, for children. 
 
 By Mi-s. BARBAULD. 
 
 A New Edition, with Additional Hymns by a CLERGYMAN’S WIFE. 
 
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 With a fine Engraving of Her Majesty the Queen. 
 
 rr HE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, 
 
 JL In Amusing Conversations between a Mother and her Daughter. 
 
 By ANNE WOOTON. 12mo., price 4s. 
 
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 fFHE CHURCH OF ENGLAND VINDICATED 
 
 JL upon Scripture Principles solely in her practice of Infant Baptism ; 
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 By the Rev. RICHARD GRAVES, A.M., 
 
 Vicar of Balinamara, and Surrogate of the Diocese of Ossory. 
 
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 importance of her Catholic and Apostolic doctrines.” — Manchester Courier. 
 
14 Printed and Published by W, E* Painter, 342 , Strand. 
 
 In small octavo cloth boards, 3s. 6d., 
 
 IV/rARIOLATRY ; or Facts and Evidences demon- 
 
 JAjL strating the Worship of the Blessed Virgin Mary by the Church of 
 Rome, derived from the testimonies of her Saints and Doctors, and from her 
 Breviary, and other authorized Books of Devotion. 
 
 Second edition, corrected, with additions. 
 
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 Canon of St. Paul’s, and Rector of the United Parishes of Saint Edmund the 
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 Small octavo, 2s. 6d. embossed cloth, 
 
 tNCREASE of popery in ENGLAND, 
 
 X AND THE ERRORS OF THE ROMAN CHURCH. 
 
 By the Rev. J. RUDGE, D.D. 
 
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 rrHE CHURCH of ENGLAND INDEPENDENT 
 
 J. OF THE CHURCH OF ROME IN ALL AGES. 
 
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 “ The Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this realm of England.” 
 
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 Demy 12mo., 3s. 6d. cloth, a N&av Edition of 
 
 pOMAN FALLACIES & CATHOLIC TRUTHS. 
 
 1\ By the Rev. TOWNSEND POWELL, A.M., 
 
 Vicar of Stretton-on-Dunsmore. 
 
 Containing, Preface — Roman Tactics. Angel Worship ; Saint Worship ; 
 Canonization of Saints ; Worship of the Virgin Mary ; Image Worship ; Relic 
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 to all Objections. Supplement— the Catholic the Old Religion, or the Fallacies 
 of Pope Pius’s Creed. 
 
 Demy 18mo. cloth, 3s., 
 
 tangland under the popish yoke, 
 
 From A.D. 600 to a.d. 1534. 
 
 By the Rev. C. E. ARMSTRONG, M.A., Worcester College, Oxford: 
 Master of Hemsworth Hospital, &c. 
 
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 hands of young, as well as of adult persons,”— and State Gazette, 
 
Printed mid Published by W. E. Painter, 342, Strand, 15 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY SPEECHES. 
 
 JT SESSIONS 1840—1841. 
 
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 Mr. Leader, Sir G. Sinclair, Lord Denman, Lord John Russell, Dr. Lushing- 
 ton. Archbishop of Canterbury. Bishops of Winchester, Gloucester, Salisbury, 
 Lincoln, Rochester, and London, the Duke of Sussex, &c. &c. 
 
 E TAPIS D’AMOUR : A Collection of Tales 
 
 I supposed to have been written by the different Squares of a Pic-nic 
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 This day is ready, price 4d., in neat wrapper 6d., 
 
 rpHE DRESS OF THE CLERGY. 
 
 J- By a Clergyman. 
 
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 same views as the writer, but newspaper columns are not suited to a discussion 
 of the point. "^Exeter Gazette. 
 
 WORKS IN THE PRESS. 
 
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 il BY LORD JOHN MANNERS, M.P. 
 
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 Days, according to God’s Holy Will and Pleasure, and the Orders of the 
 Church of England, prescribed in that behalf.” — 13 Canon, 1C03. 
 
 Nearly ready, price One Shilling, 
 
 APOSTOLIC DOCTRINE and FELLOWSHIP: 
 
 jlx a sermon, 
 
 BY THE REV. CHARLES CAULFIELD, A B., T.C.D., 
 
 Vicar of Kilcock, Cloncurry, Hortland ; Rector of Downings ; and 
 Chaplain to the Earl of Charlemont. 
 
 Nearly ready, price Five Shillings, 
 
 ■p ATIONAL CONVICTION the GROUNDWORK 
 
 IV of FAITH— GOOD WORKS its SUPERSTRUCTURE. 
 
 A Course of Five Sermons, from Hebrews xi. 16. 
 
 By a Graduate of Oxford. 
 
 In the Press, and shortly will be published, price 6s., 
 
 'yHE PORTION OF JEZREEL; A Sacred 
 
 Drama, 
 
 By the Rev. RICHARD BEADON BRADLEY, B.A., 
 
 Incumbent of Ash Priors, and Cothelestone, Somerset. 
 
 Patronized by upwards of four hundred of the Nobility, Clergy, Magistrates, 
 
 and Gentry. 
 
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 It has many fine passages of high poetic merit and striking beauty.” 
 
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 or for Holy Orders. Terms Twelve Guineas per month. Address, Ash Priors, 
 near Taunton, 
 
WILLIAM EDWAED PAINTEE. 
 
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EAGLE 
 
 LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, 
 
 3, Crescent^ I^ridye Street, Blachfriars . 
 ESTABLISHED BY ACT OF PARLIAMENT, 1807. 
 
 Directors* 
 
 JOHN RICHARDS, Esq. Chairman. 
 
 Sir JAMES Me GRIGOR, Bart. F.R.S. Deputy Chairman. 
 
 Rt. Hon. Sir GORE OUSELEY, Bart. F.R.S. 
 Sir archer DENMAN CROFT, Bart. 
 CHARLES BARRY BALDWIN, Esq. M.P. 
 Lieut Gen. Sir JOHN WILSON, K.C.B. 
 CHARLES THO.MAS HOLCOMBE, Esq. 
 
 WALTER ANDERSON PEACOCK, Esq. 
 PETER SKIPPER, Esq. 
 
 JOHN SPUKGIN, M.D. 
 
 HENRY TUFNELL, Esq. M.F. 
 WILLIAM WYBROW, Esq. 
 
 FEMALE LIFE INSURANCE. 
 
 THE PECULIAR FEATURE OF THIS COMPANY IS ITS NEW, DISTINCT AND ADVANTAGEOUS RATES FOR 
 THE INSURANCE OF FEMALE LIFE. THE ATTENTION OP THE PUBLIC IS PARTICULARLY 
 DIRECTED TO A CO.MPARISON OF THE RE.MARKABLE DIFFERENCES 
 EXHIBITED IN THE TABLES FOR THE TWO SEXES. 
 
 THE E.\gle Life Assurance Company, established in 1807, is empowered by Act of Parliament, 
 based on an ample subscribed Capital; at the end of every Seven Y'ears a strict investigation is made 
 into the Funds, — the value of every existing claim determined, — its amount retained and the surplus 
 apportioned: FOUR-FIFTHS of the profits of these periodical divisions are then allotted to the assured, 
 and may at their option, be added to the policy, or applied in reduction of the future Annual payments, 
 hut there is no Bonus so secure, so irrevocable, so convenient as a low sudicient premium, based on 
 sound principles. For example : by the payment of the diminished rates of this Company, on a Young 
 Male — or on a Female Life, a certain, immediate and irrevocable advantage is secured, equal at the 
 common prices of insurance, to a prospective Bonus of £303. if the policy be on a Male Life of thirty for 
 L'iOOO., or to £1188. i*" on a Female Lite of the same age tor the same sum; the assured still retaining 
 the right to share in any further advantage which such low payments may yield to him. 
 
 PSIVIAI.S X.IV3S. 
 
 The advantage offered by the Eagle Office to those who effect insurances on Female Lives, is not suffi- 
 ciently known, or its principles clearly understood. By making a distinction between the sexes, a select 
 class is separated from the general population, and receives the full benefit of its own longevity; it is not 
 a redaction effected from the mere spirit of competion — it is the difference demanded by science and 
 supported by all observation. A Female Life insured in a society where no diminution is made ini ts 
 favor, pays an extra rate for forming part of a mixed mortality worse than its own, and for not selectiu" 
 the Company which offers to it the full advantage of its higher expectation of life. 
 
 FOREIGN LIFE INSURANCES 
 
 May be effected without extra charge, except the sea risk, for all the Colonies of Australasia ; and Poli- 
 cies are granted for the East and West Indies, for any of the British Garrisons or Colonies, for especial 
 or continued sea risks, for any Civil, Military, or Diplomatic duty, at moderately graduated scales, con- 
 sistent with the degree of tbo danger. 
 
 TABLES — Sliew'mtr what amount the ordinary Premium tor £5000. in other 
 Offices, will immediately secure in the Eagle. 
 
 
 
 TASI.S. 
 
 TABXjE, 
 
 AGE 
 
 1 
 
 In Offices 
 using' the 1 
 common ! 
 Northamp- 
 ton Table I 
 
 1 1 
 For the same. 
 
 Premium ! 
 may be in- ! 
 Bured in thel 
 Eagle ; 
 
 Fixed, im- 
 mediate and 
 irrevocable 
 Bonus secur- 
 ed bj' selec- 
 tion of the 
 Eagle 
 
 1 
 
 AGE 1 
 
 In Offices 
 using the 
 eo;nmon 
 Northamp- 
 ton Table 
 
 1 
 
 For the same 
 Premium 
 may be In- 
 sured in the 
 Eagle j 
 
 Fixed, im- 
 mediate .and 
 irrevocable 
 Bonus secur- 
 ed by selec- 
 tion of the 
 1 Eagle. 
 
 10 
 
 £5000 1 
 
 I £5771 
 
 £771 
 
 20 ' 
 
 £5000 
 
 £6212 1 
 
 1 £1212 
 
 20 
 
 5000 1 
 
 5127 
 
 127 
 
 30 
 
 5000 
 
 6iS8 
 
 1188 
 
 30 
 
 5000 
 
 5363 
 
 363 
 
 ! 40 
 
 5000 
 
 6174 
 
 1174 
 
 40 
 
 5000 
 
 I 5279 
 
 279 
 
 : 50 
 
 5000 
 
 6045 
 
 1045 ! 
 
 50 
 
 5000 
 
 1 4910 1 
 
 none 
 
 60 
 
 5000 
 
 55.58 
 
 558 
 
From the distiiietlon of the Sexes, tlie Tables are so vaiious and voluminous, that it is 
 impossible to insert more thsin specimens of the decennial periods in tiiis notice, but 
 full details may be known by application at the Office. 
 
 A TABLE, 
 
 shewing the Payments required to assure 
 
 om THE EEATH OF A nCAEE. 
 
 £100. 1 
 
 
 
 If within 
 
 
 WHENEVER JT MAY 
 
 HAPPEN 
 
 
 next 
 
 One Year, 
 
 Ann. Payment 
 renewable for 
 7 Years only. 
 
 Payable 
 Annually for 
 6 Years only. ^ 
 
 Payable 
 
 Payable for the Whole of Life. 
 
 day. 
 
 renewable. 
 
 Annu&lly for 
 10 Years only- 
 
 Quarterly. 
 
 Half-yearly. 
 
 Yearly. 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 40 
 
 50 
 
 60 
 
 £ s. d, 
 
 0 13 4 
 12 1 
 
 1 10 9 
 
 1 15 4 
 
 2 3 5 
 
 3 17 1 
 
 £ s. d, 
 
 0 13 9 
 16 3 
 
 1 12 2 
 
 1 17 4 
 
 2 12 3 
 4 7 11 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 8 3 6 
 
 9 15 3 
 10 17 6 
 12 10 9 
 14 18 9 
 17 19 3 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 4 9 0 
 
 5 9 2 
 
 5 19 10 
 
 6 18 7 
 8 9 6 
 
 10 10 6 
 
 £ d. 
 
 0 8 3 
 0 10 10 
 0 12 8 
 0 16 6 
 13 8 
 
 1 15 9 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 0 16 5 
 116 
 15 3 
 
 1 12 8 
 2 6 11 
 3 10 8 
 
 £ 5. d, 
 
 1 12 7 
 
 2 2 6 
 
 2 910 
 
 3 4 4 
 
 4 12 4 
 6 18 2 
 
 
 oxr THS SEiiTH OF A 
 
 L FEMAEE. 
 
 
 A CtW 
 
 'If within 
 One Year, 
 
 If within 
 
 WHENEVER IT MAY HAPPEN 
 
 next 
 
 Birth- 
 
 day. 
 
 Seven Years, 
 Ann. Payment 
 renewable for 
 7 Years only. 
 
 Payable 
 
 Payable 
 
 Payable for the Whele of Life. 
 
 renewable. 
 
 Annually for 
 5 Years only. 
 
 Annually for 
 lOVears only. 
 
 Quarterly. 
 
 Half-yearly. 
 
 Yearly. 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 40 
 
 50 
 
 60 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 0 13 0 
 110 
 17 0 
 
 1 13 1 
 
 1 15 11 
 
 2 15 2 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 0 13 9 
 15 0 
 18 9 
 
 1 13 9 
 1 17 3 
 3 7 0 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 7 8 9 
 
 8 15 4 
 
 10 0 7 
 
 11 13 7 
 13 15 9 
 16 17 0 
 
 £ s. d. 
 4 0 11 
 
 4 16 0 
 
 5 10 6 
 
 6 8 7 
 
 7 13 0 
 9 11 9 
 
 £ s. d. 
 0 7 2 
 0 8 11 
 0 11 0 
 0 14 0 
 0 19 2 
 19 6 
 
 £ s. d. 
 0 14 2 
 
 0 17 9 
 
 1 1 10 
 
 1 7 10 
 1 18 0 
 
 2 18 4 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 18 1 
 
 1 15 1 
 
 2 3 2 
 
 2 15 O 
 
 3 15 O 
 5 14 7 
 
 TABLE of the Annual Payment required to be made during Marriage to secure an Annuity 
 of £100. to the Wife in the event of the decease of the Husband. 
 
 The Annuity selected for illustration is £100.; but any less or larger amount may 
 be secured : the rates vary with every combination of Age, The exact amount may be 
 known by communicating to the Office the date of bii'th of each party. This inode of 
 Assurance is useful where a W idow only is to be provided for. 
 
 AGE OF HUSBAND, 
 
 ACrJS 
 
 of ! 
 WIFE.j 
 
 Equal Agg with 
 the Wife. 
 
 6 Years older 
 than Wife. 
 
 10 Years older 
 than Wife. 
 
 16 Years older 
 than Wife. 
 
 20 Years older 
 than 'Wife. 
 
 20 
 
 35 4 
 
 6 
 
 37 13 
 
 8 
 
 41 13 3 
 
 48 1 
 
 5 
 
 57 4 
 
 5 
 
 30 
 
 34 17 
 
 5 
 
 40 4 
 
 0 
 
 CS 
 
 59 16 
 
 3 
 
 77 17 
 
 0 
 
 40 
 
 38 2 
 
 4 
 
 47 13 
 
 4 
 
 63 4 10 
 
 83 5 
 
 7 
 
 107 8 
 
 7 
 
 50 
 
 47 1 
 
 11 
 
 62 16 
 
 1 
 
 82 3 2 
 
 112 12 
 
 3 
 
 153 14 
 
 2 
 
 60 
 
 56 3 
 
 7 
 
 78 3 
 
 6 
 
 108 13 2 
 
 150 16 
 
 7 
 
 234 13 
 
 2 
 
 ^orm of a 1l)ropo0al 
 
 TO THE EAGLE INSURANCE COMPANY. 
 
 The Name, Residence and ’profession, of the Pei'son in whose behalf the Policy is to be. 
 The Name, Residence and Profession, of the Person whose Life is proposed for Insurance. 
 The Place and Date of Birth. Term of the proposed Insurance. Amount. 
 
 The Name and Address of the ordinary Medical Attendant of the Life to he Insured, 
 
 'Ihe Name and Address of a private Friend. 
 
 These particulars should be transmitted to the Actuary, who will afford any further 
 information which may be required. 
 
 The particular rates of Premium for Survivorships, Endowments, Joint Lives, the As- 
 cending Scale, and other Life Contingencies, Forms of Proposal, Declaration, Prospectus, 
 &c., — may be obtained by personal application at the Office of the Company; or by Letter 
 addreseod to the Actuary. 
 
 HENRY P. SMITH, Actuary, 
 
 Southey and Gutlibert, I’rintcra, 165, Feuchuroh ^re^. 
 
ikoct Hife a^^urancf Cmnjiang, 
 
 No. 14, NEW BRIDGE STREET, BLACKFRIARS, 
 
 LONDON. 
 
 JBirectorg. 
 
 Adolphus Pugh Johnson, Esq., Chairman. 
 Robert Small, Esq., Deputy-Chairman. 
 
 Thomas Allan, Esq. 
 
 William Borradaile, Esq. 
 
 James Cousens, Esq. 
 
 Richard Peckover Harris, Esq. 
 Thomas Hoblyn, Esq. 
 
 James Horne, Esq. 
 
 Robert Hudson, Esq. 
 
 Magens Dorrien Magens, Esq. 
 Adolphus Pugh Johnson, Esq. 
 William Masterman, Esq. 
 William Borradaile, Esq. 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson, Esq. 
 Charles Palmer Dimond, Esq. 
 
 Joseph Jackson, Esq. 
 
 John Dorrien Magens, Esq. 
 John Masterman, Esq., M. P. 
 Richard Price, Esq. 
 
 Alfred Thorp, Esq. 
 
 Henry Tritton, Esq. 
 
 Thomas Francis Wilson, Esq. 
 
 John Richard Baker, Esq. 
 
 Sir Thomas Neave, Bart. 
 James Innes, Esq. 
 
 ^utiitors. 
 
 Thomas Hayter Longden, Esq. 
 Thomas Vardon, Esq, 
 
 trustees’. 
 
 NOTICE is hereby given, that the BOOKS of this Company will be OPEN 
 for the TRANSFER of SHARES on the 14th instant ; and that a Dividend on 
 the same for the present year will then be payable, and every subsequent day, 
 between the hours of 11 and 3. 
 
 This Company was established in the year 1806. 
 
 It consists of a numerous body of Proprietors, each of whom is bound to keep 
 on foot an assurance, according to the number of his shares in its Capital Stock, 
 amounting now to nearly ONE MILLION, actually invested in the Public Stocks 
 of Great Britain, or laid out on the mortgage of real estates, which, with above 
 TWO MILLIONS more, invested in the same way, on account of the Assur- 
 ance Fund, making together THREE MILLIONS, forms the security possessed 
 by the Company for the discharge of its engagements. 
 
 A DIVIDEND is declared ANNUALLY amongst the Proprietors out of the 
 Subscription Capital Stock, which, for the present year, amounts to 4s. per 
 share, being at the rate of 40 per cent, on the sum originally subscribed. 
 
 Besides this, a BONUS on the POLICIES is declared every seven j'ears out of 
 the Assurance Fund, in which the assured forthe whole term of life, whether pro- 
 prietors or non-proprietors, participate, according to the amount and standing of 
 their respective Policies. By means of the several additions that have been 
 made to them up to the 20th of August, 1840, such Policies as were taken out 
 when the Company was first established are now payable to an amount exceeding 
 twice that for which they were granted ; thus making, in the case of those Poli- 
 cies, more than £200 payable for every £100 originally assured ; and so, in pro- 
 portion, with regard to the other Policies, as shown in a table to be procured at 
 the office. 
 
 Proposals for assurance are received daily from Proprietors and others, and 
 Policies 'granted to the latter will entitle them at any time afterwards to hold 
 shares, so as to partake of the full benefits of the Institution. 
 
 By order of the Court of Directors, 
 
 October 6th, 1842. W. S. LEWIS, Actuary. 
 
 Maurice & Co., Printers, Fenchurch -street. 
 
0 
 
CHURCH PA STORAL-AI D SOCIETY. 
 
 INSTITUTED FEBRUARY 19, 1836. 
 
 
 THK RT. REV. LORD BISHOP OF WINCHESTER. 
 
 THE RT. REV. LORI) BISHOP OK BATH AND WELLS. 
 THE RT. REV. LORD BISHOP OF LL.\NDaFF. 
 
 THE RT. REV. LORD BISHOP OF CHESTER. 
 
 THE RT REV. LORD BISHOP OF CHICHESTER. 
 
 THE RT. REV. LORD BISHOP OF RIPON. 
 
 THE RT. REV. LORD BISHOP OF NORWICH. 
 
 THE RT. REV. LORD BISHOP OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 THE RT. REV. LORD BISHOP Of LICHFIELD. 
 
 THE RT. REV. LORD BISHOP OF WORCESTER. 
 
 THE RT. REV. LORD BISHOP OF SODOR AND j 
 THE MOST NOBLE MARQUIS OF CHOLMONDLLE. 
 THE RT. HON. EARL OF CHICHESTER. 
 
 THE RT. HON. EARL OF HARROWEY. 
 
 THE RT. HON. EARL OF GAINSBOROUGH. 
 
 THE RT. HON. LORD CALTHORPE. 
 
 THE RT. HON. LORD BEXLEY. 
 
 THE RT. HON. LORD FEVERSHAM, 
 
 THE RIGHT. HON. LORD ASHLEY, M.P, 
 
 RIGHT HON. LORD SANDON, M.P. 
 
 RIGHT HON. LORD R. GROSVENOR. 
 
 SIR ANDREW AGNEVV, BART. 
 
 SiR THOMAS Baring, bart. 
 
 SIR THOMAS BLOMEFIELD, BART. 
 
 SIR WALTER FARQUHAR, BART. 
 
 SIR OSWALD MOSLEY, BART. 
 
 ©rpaaurer. 
 
 JOHN LABOUCHERE, ESQ. 
 
 RIGHT HON. SIR G. ROSE, M.P. I THE REV. THE WARDEN G1- 
 RIGHT HON. H. GOULBURN, M.P. WADHAM COLLEGE, OXFORD 
 HON. ARTHUR KINNAIRD. | THE PRINCIPAL OF .MAGDALE,\ 
 
 THE HON. .MR. BARON GURNEY. I HALL, OXFORD. 
 
 JOHN HARDY, ESQ., M.P. I THE REGIUS PROFESSOR OF 
 
 JOHN P. PLUMPTRE, ESQ., M.P. I DIVINITY, OXFORD. 
 
 ABEL SMITH. ESQ.. M.P. ' 
 
 gtssofiation Semtarp. ^Trabtlling Semtavg. 
 
 REV. S, H. FEILD, M.A. REV. A. P. IRWINE, M.A. 
 
 ©ornmitue. 
 
 ALL CLERGYMEN WHO ARE MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY, AND TWENTY-FOUR ELECTED 
 
 LAY MEMBERS. 
 
 No. XI.] 
 
 OCCASIONAL PAPER. [December, 1842, 
 
 “ Behold,” saith St. James, “ tlie husbandman waiteth for the precious 
 fruit of the earth, and hath long patience for it, until he receive the early 
 and latter rain.” 
 
 The Committee of the Church Pastoral-Aid Society feel that they, and 
 the friends of their Institution, must he prepared to exercise this patience. 
 The growth of a good work in an evil world is ordinarily slow', and it 
 must not disappoint nor discourage those who labour for God if, in the 
 general course of things, they are enabled to mark but few occurrences from 
 time to time indicating extraordinary success. This remark especially 
 applies to that class of duties which constitutes the occupation of our paro- 
 chial clergy. Their’s is a daily renewal of quiet, steady toil in the culture 
 of the Lord’s vineyard, and as we look upon their field we must not forget 
 the Lord’s own words,' — “ first the blade, then the ear, after that, the full 
 corn in the ear.” That God does not leave the Society’s operations with- 
 out a sufficient blessing to cheer on its supporters in their Christian 
 path, this Occasional Paper will prove. Nevertheless, it is well to be 
 reminded, that the Pastoral labours which are sustained by means of this 
 Society, are such as tend far more to the gradual advancement of truth and 
 godliness, than to any immediate and startling triumphs. One of the 
 Society’s most valued correspondents well observes, in a recent communi- 
 cation, “ When every thing is going on quietly, and the Sunday services, 
 Cottage lectures, and Pastoral Visitation, are carried on in a regular anU 
 uniform manner, there can seldom be anything of a striking or popular 
 character to report,” He then adds, “ Such is the case with us at present. 
 We have more to do than w'e can accomplish, and without your aid oul^ 
 efforts would be paralyzed. You hold up our hands in the work of the 
 ministry, which otherwise would often hang down for very weariness.” 
 

 OCCASIONAL PAPER. 
 
 This assurance would be recompence sufficient for the Society’s exertions : 
 but, as has been remarked, God gives far more : and the aim of the Com- 
 mittee in issuing this paper has been, to furnish facts illustrating the variety 
 of benefits which, by means of the Society, are being conferred upon our 
 land, her clergy, and her people. The following extracts need no remark 
 in explanation : — 
 
 “ It now becomes my pleasing task to speak of the moral and religious condition of 
 
 the people under my care. And first as regards our new churches. The one at 
 
 is covered in, and will be ready for consecration in the early part of summer. The 
 other, which is intended to be builf at , I am sorry to say, is still uncom- 
 
 menced, owing chiefly to the difficulty which there has been in procuring a convenient 
 site for the church and yard. This difficulty is now, I trust, overcome, and we are 
 only waiting for the local Committee to come over and view it; and if it should meet 
 their approbation, I see no reason why we should not set to work in good earnest. I 
 can assure you 1 shall be most heartily glad when I see the work begin. We do most 
 earnestly hope that your Society will continue the grant, inasmuch as it was on account 
 of the liberal aid your Society offered that divine service was ever performed in these 
 two townships, and which has led to the building of one new church, and to the con- 
 templation, nay, I may say, the building of another ; for, in all probability, there 
 would not have been the thought of such a thing till your Society came forward. It 
 would be very painful to us, and I am sure to yourself also, should we be under the 
 necessity of discontinuing the regular services in the townships. Having been brought 
 thus far, I trust we may be enabled to go on. There is a wide field before us — plenty 
 of work. Truly the harvest may be said to be great. Two townships, with a po- 
 pulation of nearly 3,000 souls, far removed from the parish church. But your 
 Society has brought the church in amongst them. Many have heard read to them the 
 Book of Life : many heard the beautiful prayers of our church, to which before they 
 were entire strangers. Whatever good has already been effected by your Society’s aid, 
 accompanied by the blessing of Almighty God, yet there is much, very much, still 
 remaining to oe done ; and by the continued assistance of your Society, much good, I 
 doubt not, will be done.” 
 
 An incumbent appointed to the charge of a new church and district of 
 about 10,000 souls, with an income of 140L, — no parsonage-house, — who 
 has a grant for a curate, thus writes : — 
 
 “ I am desirous of making known to the Committee how much I feel already the 
 benefit of my curate’s assistance. 
 
 “ Some time ago, I opened the church for Divine Service on the Wednesday even- 
 ing, but I found preparation for the sermon demanded so large a portion of time, and 
 became so serious an addition to my labours, that I began to fear I should be under 
 the necessity of giving it up ; indeed, I believe I should have done so, had it not been 
 for the aid opportunely granted to me by the Society. The relinquishment of that 
 service, in such a moral wilderness as my district is, would have been grievous to 
 myself, and calamitous to the neighbourhood. It must be recollected, that the church 
 is the only place of worship in the midst of 10,000 souls. The lecture is attended not 
 only by many of the congregation, but also by a number of the labouring class, who 
 come in their working-dress, almost directly from their employment. This duty I 
 am now able to carry on, I thank God, with fresh vigour. 
 
 “ The district is composed of streets, courts, and alleys, densely thronged with in- 
 habitants. To give some idea of it, I may state, that one street, which adjoins the 
 church, and which is not quite 200 yards in length, contains (according to a census 
 made of the district, and given to me last year,) very nearly 1,800 persons; and, as if 
 it were not sufficiently crowded, a court has since been built in it, consisting of a 
 double tier of houses, that is, one row placed above another. Other portions of the 
 neighbourhood are, in like manner, thronged. In the mass of human beings thus 
 assembled, their poverty and their wretchedness are extreme— drunkenness, pro- 
 fligacy, vice, reign without control. In some parts, the filthiness of the streets 
 and courts accumulates almost as fast as it is removed ; this evil, together with the 
 want of cleanliness in their houses, the foulness of the atmosphere, the scantiness and 
 badness of their food, allows disease to make great ravages among the inhabitants. I 
 believe the neighbourhood is never free from fever. I suppose the better class of the 
 community have no just knowledge of the extent and depth of the misery which 
 abounds in such a locality. Indeed, I had no proper idea of it myself until I had to 
 penetrate into the midst of it. But many of the inhabitants, though poor, are not of 
 
OCCASIONAL PAPER. 
 
 3 
 
 the same sad description ; their poverty, however, drives them into the same neigh- 
 bourhood, and then they have to bear their ills in silence and in sorrow. I fear that 
 many fall a prey to death, because, through the want of proper nourishment, when 
 disease seizes upon them, there is not sufficient strength of constitution left to resist its 
 attacks. From this statement, it will easily be conceived that the duty of visiting the 
 sick is one of no small difficulty, often demanding much exertion and self-denial. In 
 this respect, my curate has begun to render me essential service, by taking a good 
 part of the burden upon himself. Being thus partially relieved, I am able to direct 
 my attention to another point. I am now engaged in visiting the congregation, from 
 house to house, and speaking to them in their own homes ; a portion of duty I have 
 had some difficulty hitherto in accomplishing. 
 
 “ We are also permitted to give additional attention to the examination, catechis- 
 ing, and religious instruction of the children of our daily and Sunday-schools, a 
 sphere of labour which I hope we shall yet make far more effectual, through the help 
 of God, than it is at present.” 
 
 The two following short communications serve as examples of the 
 spiritual work which, there is reason to trust, is going on extensively in 
 many places where the Society’s aid is received. 
 
 From an incumbent in charge of a district of 8,500 souls, income 132^., 
 — no parsonage-house, — aided with a grant for a curate: — 
 
 “ For a long time, I felt much discouraged ; and sometimes (if I dare) ready to fly ; 
 but now, I trust, I have reason, rntfc/i reason, to rejoice, though in some instances with 
 trembling. I shall mention a few particulars of our arrangements.” 
 
 The writer then enters into a statement of the usual weekly duties in 
 which hiro.self and his curate are engaged. He then proceeds : — 
 
 “ In addition to the above weekly, we have two more monthly meetings — one for 
 teachers, the other for communicants ; the latter grows more and more interesting 
 every month. I generally give notice of it in the adult class the Sunday night before, 
 when I take the opportunity of inviting any person who feels at all uneasy or anxious 
 about his or her everlasting peace to come and welcome : by this means I generally 
 have one or two new ones at each monthly meeting. At our last, two joined us who 
 were led to serious concern through means of the adult class. One of them in particular 
 seemed much affected, and wept very much, saying, ‘ Alas ! Sir, I fear I have left it 
 too long : I have left it too long : Jesus Christ v;ill scarcely receive such a hoary- 
 headed sinner as I am !’ To such an one the invitation, ‘ Come unto me, all ye that 
 travail and are /leavi/ laden,' was truly ‘glad tidings of great joy,’ and fell like ‘cool- 
 ing waters on the thirsty soul.’ Our communicants have increased during the past 
 year, from about 56 to 86 regular monthly attendants: there are other occasional 
 professors ; but I do not include them. In fine, dear Sir, I think I can truly say, 
 through means of your invaluable Society, ‘ the Lord has done great things for us ;’ 
 yea, and I doubt not, will continue to do ; the work is altogether his. We are but the 
 poor instruments, and however weak and worthless in ourselves, in Ae-sAawrfs we become 
 powerful and mighty in the pulling down of strongholds.” 
 
 From an incumbent appointed to a new church, with a district contain- 
 ing above 1,000 souls, two miles distant from the parish church. The 
 grant is to secure a resident minister, the endowment being insufficient for 
 the purpose. 
 
 “ I beg to state, for the information of the Committee of the Church Pastoral - 
 Aid Society, that ever since the consecration of the church in this place, the blessing 
 of God seems to have attended the ministration in connexion with it. 
 
 “ I have grounds for thinking, that several of my congregation have been awakened 
 to a serious consideration of the things that make for their everlasting peace, and they 
 seem to be going on steadily. The public ordinances of religion are valued more than 
 they had been, and on the whole there are evidences of improvement, and I hope it is 
 advancing. The attendance at our Sunday-school is encouragingly regular. Some 
 time ago we had a delightful testimony to the value of our school, in the happy death 
 of a young woman, who had learned to read in it, and was, moreover, brought to 
 a saving knowledge of the Lord Jesus Christ. On her death-bed, this young person 
 declared to me, that she was indebted to our church and school as the means of her 
 conversion. If I had nothing else but this one fact, is not it enough to show the value 
 of your Society, and that the blessing of God accompanies its operations?” 
 
4 
 
 OCCASIONAL PAPER. 
 
 The two next letters exhibit the nature of the testimony which the 
 Society continues to receive of the value of a well-directed lay assistance : — 
 From an incumbent, in charge of a town population of 15,000 souls : — 
 
 “ In again soliciting the renewal of a grant for a lay assistant at your hands, I beg 
 to state that I do so, with a grateful impression of the vast good that has been effected 
 in my parish through the labours of the lay agent, who has been working under me. 
 Since he came, and penetrated the masses of the ignorant, a new spirit seems to have 
 been excited amongst them. The Church has been seen and felt in a manner that has 
 impressed the people with a conviction of her worth. His constant visits from house 
 to house have done much' to awaken a desire for instruction. He has been the pioneer 
 of the clergyman in numberless instances. Many who never saw or heard their mi- 
 nister in the church have come and sat under him. Where the Bible has been bought, 
 the Prayer-book, also, has generally been applied for. I confess that I knew but little 
 of my poor before he came and worked with me, compared with what I know now. His 
 going amongst them, and talking with them, has opened new channels of communica- 
 tion, which I have been glad to avail myself of for their good. My own pastoral work 
 has been certainly much increased since he came to help me. And so far from regret- 
 ing this, I can but bless God that it is so, inasmuch as it affords a pleasing evidence of 
 my agent’s labours. One most important thing, connected with an increase of labour 
 
 on my own part, which has arisen entirely out of the co-operation of Mr. , is the 
 
 establishment of a second lecture in the week, for the use of the poor. I had previously 
 had a religious service in one of my school-rooms, for the parish generally ; but I found 
 that it was too far removed from the poorest parts of my parish to be of much use to those 
 who were too careless to seek for instruction : I therefore adopted the following plan : Di- 
 viding the parish for the work, I selected certain spots favourable for the purpose, and 
 there having sent my agent to collect the people, I met them, week after week, in rooms 
 which were lent me, till I completed the round of the parish, in the course of a quarter of 
 a year. This has answered exceedingly well. My congregation has sometimes amounted to 
 40 or 50 persons. The Church has thus been brought to the people, and I have reason to 
 know that much good has resulted from it. It is, I may remark, just in an instance of this 
 sort that the worth of a lay agent is experienced. The gathering of the people together 
 could not be done by the minister himself ; and besides, there is a work which follows 
 the visit of the minister, for which the lay agent is peculiarly useful; I mean, that of 
 going to ascertain the result of the ministerial labours. This is attended with no little 
 benefit: he learns who want Bibles, Prayer-books, &c. ; he tells of the Sabbath- 
 schools ; and in other ways follows up the work of the minister, in a manner calculated 
 to make it effectual. I am myself so thoroughly convinced of the value of lay agency 
 in many particulars, that I must be allowed to urge its continuance as essential to the 
 perfection of your truly admirable Society. The benefits which my lay agent has been 
 the means of effecting are, indeed, more than I can here enumerate. Various efforts to 
 improve the condition of the parish have arisen from his coming amongst us. The 
 formation of a Sunday-school, which now consists of between 200 and 300 scholars, 
 was one of the first fruits. I have recently established an agency for circulating the 
 homilies and tracts through the parish, (an agency which I find most valuable ;) and 
 this has resulted from his labours ; so that I may well beg at your hands a renewal of 
 the grant by which all this good has been effected.” 
 
 From an incumbent, with a population of 14,000, — an income of 200L, — 
 no parsonage-house, — aided with grants for a curate and a lay assistant. 
 
 “ It is with unfeigned pleasure I inform the Society, that my lay assistant is not 
 only of the utmost’ importance to me, but, without one single drawback, works well. 
 If it w^ere not for the help afforded me thus in a parish of nearly 14,000 inhabitants, it 
 could not bo possible for me, even with two curates, to find out one-half of those 
 cases requiring ministerial visits, laying aside the necessary domestic calls, where 
 neither age nor infirmity requires them. His services are eminently useful, too, as 
 regards my schools, in visiting the parents of children ; and thus frequently an open- 
 ing is made for pastoral usefulness. I may also add, that I invariably hear the poor 
 speak in the most pleasing and satisfactory manner about him.” 
 
 To the statements contained in the three following extracts the Com- 
 mittee beg particular attention. They form a small portion only of an 
 amount of evidence, which claims the serious consideration of every Chris- 
 tian Phiglishman, because it attests the important truth, that the pure and 
 ^'lithful ministration of the Gospel of Christ is not only the means of indi- 
 
OCCASIONAL PAPER. 
 
 vidual and eternal salvation, but, moreover, that it is the foundation of 
 civil order and social happiness. 
 
 “ My district is immediately adjoining those in which, during the late disturbances, 
 so much disaffection and insubordination prevailed. It gratifies me, however, to be 
 able to state, that not one joined the rioters, although they twice or three times tra- 
 versed the district, stopping the mills and weaving rooms. When I consider that em- 
 ployment had been very scarce for a considerable time, that seditious as well as Socialist 
 lecturers have visited and endeavoured to lead astray the place, and that the vast ma- 
 jority of my people are poor handicraftsmen, I am the more gratified with their pa- 
 tience, and disapproval of the late proceedings. I would ask the world, Sir, I would 
 ask our rulers whence those insubordinate spirits sprang which overran this neigh- 
 bourhood, threatening devastation, and causing the greatest and most justifiable 
 anxiety ? Did they not come from Stalybridge and Ashton, Oldham and Scholes, and a 
 nucleus of other such densely-inhabited, seditious, and awfully neglected places, where 
 for years there was not a pastor for 20,000, — we may safely say 20,000, — no man that 
 cared for their souls ? It was cheering to watch their progress through the various 
 neighbourhoods they passed : it was cheering in this point of view, that where the 
 ordinances of religion were most inadequately, most disproportionably supplied, there 
 insubordination was ripe ; whilst, where the Church was seen, there, as by an unknown 
 spell upon the hearts of many, peace prevailed, and every solicitation to revolt was 
 studiously resisted. It was the case in my own district ; it was so in others.” 
 
 A clergyman having charge of a manufacturing population of 7,500 
 souls, income 90^., — no parsonage-house, — aided with a grant for a curate, 
 writes to the same effect, 
 
 “ The mass of the people, who are suffering much distress, only want an increase of 
 wages ; but the enemies of religion and order avail themselves of the disturbance to 
 circulate their own sentiments, and endeavour to increase their own importance by 
 teaching the people to mistrust their real friends. It is sad to see the labour of years 
 in a measure frustrated by the wild and Satanic spirit which these people seem to 
 infuse into many of their hearers. My congregation is a satisfactory illustration of 
 the benefits of our Church principles of subordination and order. Not one of my 
 congregation has taken part in the riots, and to a man they have offered themselves to 
 serve as constables for the protection of property.” 
 
 From an incumbent in charge of nearly 10,000 souls, wdth an income of 
 190/., — no parsonage-house, — aided witli a grant for a curate. 
 
 “ Our population, by last census, exceeded 20,000 souls. We have only two churches, 
 and up to the period of the Society’s grant, only two clergymen ! My church has 
 neither parsonage-house nor endowment, and stands in the centre of a district of nearly 
 10,000 souls, most of whom are miners, with scarcely half-a-dozen persons of pro- 
 perty ; so that without your help we must have continued to struggle on alone, and 
 single-handed. My district has obtained for some years an unenviable notoriety for 
 Socialism, Chartism, and even, of late, Mormonism. Popery was rapidly increasing 
 and the various denominations in almost undisputed possession of the town. Your 
 help, however, in a great measure, already has reassured the fainting hopes of the 
 Church, — three large congregations in the church on Sundays, — a steady and increas- 
 ing attendance at the weekly service, — instances continually occurring of persons 
 attracted to the Sabbath worship, through the instrumentality of Cottage and School 
 Lectures, — upwards of 500 children in the schools, exclusive of an average of eighty 
 in the infant and daily schools, — and an attendance at the Lord’s Supper, which has at 
 least quadrupled the number antecedent to the Society’s aid, — do present a result most 
 gratifying to record, and calling for deeper humiliation and thankfulness on our part, 
 that the Lord has so deigned to bless us. It may not be inapplicable to the above to 
 state, that while our parish was under grievous apprehensions during the late riots, 
 and expected to be the most disturbed locality, as indeed its character justified the 
 supposition, no actual outbreak in the town itself was permitted to take place.” 
 
 The incumbent of a manufacturing district also writes : — 
 
 “ I cannot transmit the enclosed return without expressing my thanks to the Com- 
 mittee for the grant made to this poor and populous place. The good resulting 
 will be best estimated by a simple statement of facts. In the first place I must observe, 
 that we have Infidelity, Socialism, and Dissent in almost every form to contend with. 
 Eight months ago, there was no School in connexion with the Church in all the dis- 
 trict ; now we have a Sunday-school of 184 children, and I expect, as soon as I can 
 erect a School-room, to have a much larger number. Most of these children were 
 accustomed to spend, or rather profane, the Sabbath in the streets of the village. 
 
6 
 
 OCCASIONAL PAPER. 
 
 Some of them are the children of Infidels and Socialists, who, I am happy to say, in a 
 few instances, have been induced to come to church, at first with a view to hear what 
 was said to their children, and afterwards, I trust, from a better motive, to hear the 
 truth for themselves. This is very encouraging. The congregations in the church 
 have much increased, and the number of communicants is about twice the number 
 that it was eight months ago. On the Wednesday, at half-past seven in the evening, 
 we have a Lecture, and I am happy to say that several regularly attend, who for years 
 previously never attended any place of worship.” 
 
 The two next cases differ much from those preceding. They serve as 
 examples of the benefits derived to rural districts, as well as to town 
 populations, from the Society’s grants. In both cases, as in many others on 
 the Society’s books, the aid given is for the maintenance of a minister in a 
 new church, to which no sufficient endowment is as yet secured. 
 
 From the incumbent of an agricultural population scattered over a parish 
 six miles by five in extent. In this case, a grant, to be considered of a 
 temporary nature, was made for a curate, in order to encourage measures 
 for the erection and endowment of a new church required for the distant 
 hamlets. 
 
 “ I am very glad to tell you, for the information of the Committee, that the results of 
 their grant for the benefit of this parish are most satisfactory. In June last, the chapel 
 of ease (of which I have made mention in previous communications) was consecrated 
 and opened for Divine Service. Its situation is in or about the centre of the parish — 
 two and a half miles from the parish church. It is calculated to accommodate between 
 270 and 280 persons. We have morning and afternoon service every Sunday, w^hich 
 my curate and myself take alternately with the other church. The morning congre- 
 gation has been uniformly very good ; the afternoon congregation has been, and conti- 
 nues to be, larger than the church can conveniently seat— they can only be accommo- 
 dated by extra benches in the aisles, &c. A more attentive and interesting congregation 
 I have never seen. By far the greater part of them have heretofore been habitual 
 Sabbath-breakers. Being at a considerable distance from churches and meeting-houses, 
 they formerly were rarely to be found within any place of religious worship, and the 
 habits of many were dissolute and immoral to a degree. 1 trust, indeed, that in their 
 now regular attendance in the house of God, marked as it is by the deepest attention 
 to the word that is preached to them, we are permitted to see the beginning of great 
 good, which, by the Divine blessing, may result from this increase of the means of 
 grace. And, indeed, I may say, that I am not without individual instances of the good 
 which it has pleased God already to effect. A Sunday-school in connexion with this 
 new church has been opened, which is well attended — the difficulty that presents itself 
 IS not to bring children to it, but to provide efficient teachers. The people are well 
 pleased with their sanctuary, and, I believe, are very grateful for it. The opening of 
 this new church has not diminished the congregation of the mother church ; so far 
 from it, that I do not hesitate to say that there has been an increase in that congregation 
 during the year past. We have now four full services in the churches on every Lord’s 
 day, and four Cottage Lectures in the week.” 
 
 From the incumbent of a new church and district. The building of the 
 church was undertaken, and the district formed, in consequence of a grant 
 towards the support of a minister, until a sufficient endowment could he 
 obtained. 
 
 “ With regard to any good resulting from this grant, I may state thus much. This 
 village was formerly (till within these three or four years,) a wild, heathenish place ; 
 the resort of poachers and smugglers. Now it is comparatively a rare thing for us to 
 meet with open instances of vice or crime. Regular agricultural labour is far more 
 sought for than it used to be ; and in the same proportion are the morals of our parish- 
 ioners improved, and their outward condition raised. Twice on the Sunday we have a 
 goodly congregation ; and as far as I can judge from the experience of about six months 
 here, I should say our congregations are on the increase ; in fine weather our little 
 church is sometimes filled. In the country, however, the numbers of a congregation 
 fluctuate very much with weather and season. 
 
 “ The most important feature in our recent efforts is the establishment of a Sunday- 
 school. W e commenced last Michaelmas. Several dozens of children, girls and boys, 
 arc already on our list, and more always coming. We have no house or school- 
 room for them at present, and therefore catechise them in church before service. 
 
OCCASIONAL PAPER. 
 
 7 
 
 And from what one can see of the working of this little plan, I judge that it will be an 
 engine of great povrer for the best purposes. If we can train up the younger part in 
 the good and safe paths, it will give us a hold over the hearts and habits of the elders 
 of the parish. 
 
 “ The little expenses for books, schoolmaster, (z. e. the parish clerk, as a sort of 
 assistant,) and such like things, I pay myself. 
 
 “ And altogether, I can assure you, that the liberal grant to us from your good 
 Society is neither undervalued nor misapplied.” 
 
 The Committee cannot close this paper without calling on the members 
 of the Society to thank God for the mercies, which, by its instrumentality. 
 He is granting to our country. At the same time, it is a saddening reflec- 
 tion, how many places are still applying for aid, and, from the inadequacy of 
 the Society’s resources, are necessarily refused. Of recent cases brought 
 under the Committee’s notice, the following are examples. 
 
 An applicant for aid writes thus : — 
 
 “ My church contains accommodation for 1,100 persons. The district assigned to 
 it is eight miles in circumference, and has a scattered population of weavers, dyers, 
 and printers. The moral condition of the inhabitants is most deplorable. Before the 
 church was built, (four years ago,) the people were destitute of pastoral superin- 
 tendence, and lived in a state of literal heathenism. Since the erection of the church, 
 the utmost exertions have been used, and singular success has attended those labours. 
 Schools, (daily and Sunday,) three in number, have been established — a provident 
 and clothing society, well-conducted sick and burial societies, a parish library, a tract 
 society, &c., &c. ; of which the inclosed report may give the best idea. There are two 
 full services in the church on the Sunday, and two Lectures in the course of the week 
 in the school-rooms, besides Cottage and other Lectures, as often as time will allow ; so 
 that my time (in the superintendence and working out of this machinery) is more than 
 fully occupied. My- principal reason for asking clerical assistance from your Society, 
 is in order to establish two efficient Sunday-evening services, the one in a large school- 
 room, spacious enough to hold a thousand persons, and the other in the school-room, 
 in another township, which the district contains. There is every prospect of these 
 Lectures being both well attended, and exceedingly useful. The people are so poor, 
 that they are unwilling, in their tattered apparel, to appear in church, but are very 
 desirous to attend such Lectures in the school-room. I have made the trial several 
 times, (whenever I could obtain the assistance of a clergyman in the church on the 
 former parts of the day,) and the result has been most encouraging. Numbers have 
 flocked in, and begged that such services might be continued. It will be apparent at 
 once, that alone I could not perform these Lectures, or take them alternately, as I have 
 two full services in church, three Sunday-schools to superintend, besides the occasional 
 duty of christenings or funerals. Besides the effective performance of these Sunday- 
 evening services, it would be in my power (had I the assistance of a useful curate, 
 who would be willing to spend and be spent in his Master’s service) to found several 
 Cottage Lectures, which are specially wanted ; for the people have been so accustomed to 
 neglect the ordinances of the gospel, that they need to be visited at their homes, and 
 a few gathered together here and there, and to be literally taught, like children, the 
 first principles of religion. I have tried these Cottage Lectures, and with success — 
 want of time and strength alone prevent my having them regularly. 
 
 “ The population of the district is 3,000 ; and though the number may be less than 
 other districts may contain, I am sure there is not one which requires pastoral atten- 
 tion more than this, or offers greater prospects of success to such labours. It is not 
 to relieve myself that I ask for aid, but solely to extend the labours and pastoral in- 
 struction for the benefit of the parish, which is certainly so very much required.” 
 
 Another clergyman writes : — ■ 
 
 “ The circumstances of my case are these. I have a large district church in this 
 town, the income of which is, at the outside, 130^. a-year. There is no house attached ; 
 and all that the church can make, in the present state, is not more than the sum I have 
 named, which includes a precarious donation of 50/. a-year. The church is consecrated, 
 and there is a large district legally assigned to it, extending a good way into the country 
 round about, and containing upwards of 2,000 souls, all, with very few exceptions, ex- 
 tremely poor. I have now been here six months among them, and what with two ser- 
 vices on Sunday in the church, and other occasional services and duties, I find this 
 population are beyond my reach ; and, week after week, I am grieved to see that so 
 little spiritual food reaches them, and that so many are sitting in darkness and the sha- 
 dow of death, and that it is utterly impossible that, by myself, I can do the work 
 
8 
 
 OCCASIONAL PAPER. 
 
 that is necessary to be done in bringing them tbe word of life, and inducing them to 
 come up to tbe courts of tbe Lord’s bouse. 
 
 “ A lay assistant would be most valuable to me bere, to assist me in getting tbe 
 children to tbe schools, to read and talk to the people, and to commend the Church to 
 them, and induce them to attend my Lectures. 
 
 “ Let me add, that had I any means of my own, I would not think of applying to 
 our Society for aid, so many pressing demands are now being made upon it.” 
 
 It is truly painful to the Committee to receive such applications as 
 these, and not to be in circumstances to return immediately a favourable 
 reply ; and they therefore urgently renew their entreaty for an increase of 
 their funds, in order to extend the assistance which is continually requested 
 at their hands. With the utmost caution they have been enabled to reach 
 this present period without embarrassment; but in looking forward to the 
 future they are full of anxiety. 
 
 The Society’s grants are now in aid of 243 incumbents, having under 
 their care an aggregate population of 1,832,552, or each, on an average, 
 the charge of 7,500 souls, while the average amount of their incomes is 
 only 161 L ; and 129 of these incumbents are without parsonage-houses. 
 
 These grants are to provide stipends for 242 clergymen and 32 lay assist- 
 ants, at a charge to the Society, when all the appointments shall be made 
 by the incumbents, of 21,1 lOL At the present time, 194 clergymen, 
 and 31 lay assistants, are supported in their labours by the Society, at a 
 charge of 17,705L per annum. After the ordinations to be held during 
 the present and ensuing months, it is expected that, at least, fifteen more 
 curates will be appointed to occupy grants now vacant, requiring a further 
 sum of not less than 1,300Z. per annum. The Society will then be paying at 
 the rate of above 19,000L per annum for its grants only, an amount which 
 exceeds their present income ; and which it will, therefore, be impossible 
 for them to continue, except the liberality of the Christian public shall 
 immediately place larger means at their disposal. 
 
 The Committee are thankful to announce the receipt of the following 
 contributions recently received : — 
 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 Mrs. Eling Elliott, Brighton 
 
 200 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 A part of a large share of the abund- 
 
 
 
 
 T. J. R., per Messrs. Nisbet & Co 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 ance of the late harvest, offered also 
 
 
 
 
 Mrs. Dawkins Pennant, Wimpole- 
 
 
 
 
 in thankfulness for other special 
 
 
 
 
 street 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 mercies since then vouchsafed by 
 
 
 
 
 T. Graham, Esq., Temple 
 
 21 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Almighty God. Directed to be sent 
 
 
 
 
 Collection by Miss Fearon, Hastings... 
 
 GO 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 by Sir William Geary, Bart 
 
 100 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Rev. E, T. Beynon, Carshalton 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 A Lady at Bath, per Rev. J. H. Gurney 
 
 100 
 
 0 
 
 c 
 
 Loftus Wigram, Esq., Lincoln’s-inn... 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Archdale Palmer, Esq., Cheam 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 1 
 
 J. Tumor, Esq., Stoke Rochford 
 
 20 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 A Clergyman 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 ( 
 
 W. G 
 
 50 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 The Misses Chapman, Twyford-house 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 (- 
 
 The Misses Erskine, Portobello 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 Legacy, late Mr. John Lamb, Carlisle.. 
 
 90 
 
 0 
 
 ( 
 
 R. Wilkinson, Esq., 22, Cumberland- 
 
 
 
 
 Ditto, late Mrs. E. Salmon, Edmonton 
 
 90 
 
 0 
 
 ( 
 
 terrace 
 
 100 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 E. E. M., per Record 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 
 E. E. A., per Record 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 J. M. H., Pimlico 
 
 14 
 
 0 
 
 » 
 
 A W. S 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 J. S. J 
 
 8 
 
 18 
 
 ( 
 
 
 
 
 
 H. and E., per W. Woodrooffe, Esq. ... 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 
 Subscriptions of any amount will be thankfully received in London, by the Treasurer, Committee 
 or Secretaries. Also at the Banking-houses of Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co., Birchin-lane 
 and Messrs. Herries, Farouhar, and Co., St. James’s-street ; and by Messrs. Seeley, Hatchare 
 and Nisbet, Booksellers. It is requested that Communications may be directed to “ Th 
 Secretary of the Church Pastoral-Aid Society, Temple Chambers, Falcon court. Fleet-street.” 
 
 Contributions may be remitted through any country bankers, who should be requested to desire th 
 London correspondents to credit the same to '^Messrs. Williams, Deacon, and Co., Bankers, for th 
 h Pastoral-Aid Society.” The Secretaries to be informed, by the first post, of the amoun 
 .he names of the Contributors, and of the firms through which the remittance is made. 
 
 Tyler & Reed, Printers, Bolt Court, London. 
 

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