DYNASTY OF THE0D0S1US HODGKIN HENRY FROWDE Oxford University Press Warehouse Amen Corner, E.C. THE DYNASTY OF THEODOSIUS OR A SERIES OF LECTURES DELIVERED TO THE DURHAM LADIES' EDUCATIONAL ASSOCIATION BY THOMAS HODGKIN Hon. D.C.L. of Oxford and Durham AUTHOR OF ' ITALY AND HER INVADERS ' AT THE CLARENDON PRESS M.DCCC.LXXXIX [All rights reserved] Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/dynastyoftheodosOOhodg TO MY WIFE AND CHILDREN. PREFACE. This little book owes its existence to an invitation addressed to me by the Durham Ladies' Educational Association to deliver to them a short course of his- torical lectures. Being allowed to choose my own subject, I naturally chose that with which I was most familiar, the epoch of the fall of the Western Empire : but in order to prevent my very familiarity with that period from leading me into diffuseness, I took the precaution of writing the lectures, and thus, I believe, was preserved from in any case over-passing the prescribed limit of an hour and a quarter. When my course was completed, I found that I had described in brief outline so many of the leading events recorded in the first two volumes of my book, Italy and her Invaders, that it seemed worth while to offer the result of my labours to those who might not care to peruse the larger work. In order to give a little more completeness to the book, I added a lecture (the Second) on the political and social con- dition of the Romans and barbarians, which was not included in the original course. It will easily be understood that it is only by the rejection of many minor details that it is possible to viii Preface. reduce the picture of eighty eventful years within the limits of a compendium like the present. For most of these details, and for all discussion of the authorities on which the history of the period rests, I must refer to my larger work. Occasionally, however, I have touched upon some points not thoroughly discussed in Italy and her Invaders, and when I have done so, I have stated my authority in the notes. TABLE OF CONTENTS, LECTURE I. The Roman Empire. PAGE Limits of the Empire 1-7 Its political organisation — The Senate ........ 7~9 The People 9-13 The Emperor . . . . . . . . ^2>~ l l Periods of Imperial History — I. The Julian and Flavian dynasties .... 17 II. The Antonine 18 III. The Age of Anarchy 18-20 IV. Diocletian: the Age of Restoration . . . 21-24 Constantine the Great ...... 25-28 Christianity and the Empire 28-32 LECTURE II. The Roman and the Teuton. I. The Roman — The Emperor The official hierarchy . Social condition of the Empire ' Panem et Circenses ' . The Slave .... The Colonus The Curialis 00 ot 37-44 4^-48 49 50 5* C2 X Table of Contents. PAGE II. The Teuton — Economic condition of the Germans . . . 55-60 German land-system ...... 60-62 Relation of the Village-community to the State . 62-65 The Pagus or Gau ...... 65 Kingship and national unity .... 67-70 The Folc-gemot ....... 70-7 1 Election of the King ...... 72 LECTURE III. The Coming of the Huns. German ethnology 73 The Goths 75 Ulfilas . 77-79 Athanaric and Fritigern 79-80 Irruption of the Huns ....... 80-83 The Visigoths seek an asylum in the Empire . . . 86-87 The Visigoths cross the Danube ..... 88 Roman Emperors : Valentinian, Valens, Gratian . . 90-91 The banquet at Marcianople ...... 9 I_ 93 Gothic War : battle of Ad Salices 94 Battle of Hadrian ople 96-99 LECTURE IV. Theodosius. The Goths besiege Constantinople . . . . 101 Failures of the Goths as besiegers ..... 102 The massacre of the Gothic boy-hostages . . . 1 04 Parentage of Theodosius ...... 106 Theodosius associated in the Empire . . . . 107 Orthodoxy of Theodosius ...... 108-110 Athanaric at Constantinople . . . . . . ill The Goths become Foederati 11 3-1 17 Insurrection of Antioch ....... 1 17-120 Insurrection of Thessalonica ...... 120-122 Usurpation of Maximus ....... 123-126 His defeat and death 127 Eugenius and Arbogast ....... 128-130 Table of Contents. xi PAGE Battle of the Frigidus 131 Death of Theodosius . . . . . . . 132 His character ........ 133 LECTURE V. Alaric. The sons of Theodosius, Arcadius and Honorius Their ministers, Rufinus and Stilicho Alaric chosen King of the Visigoths Alaric invades Greece ..... Stilicho forbidden to defend it ... Murder of Rufinus ...... Second campaign of Stilicho against Alaric Alaric as Roman governor of Illyricum . Alarm's first invasion of Italy- Invasion by Radagaisus ..... Revolt of Constantine in Britain Negotiations between Stilicho and Alaric Death of Arcadius ..... Mutiny at Ticinum. Stilicho slain Alaric's first siege of Rome .... Alaric's second siege of Rome Attalus Emperor ...... Alaric's third siege and capture of Rome Death of Alaric LECTURE VI. Placidia : Attila. Placidia — Historical perspective ....... 1 70 Early life of Placidia : her captivity . . . . 171 Ataulfus, successor of Alaric . . . . . 17 2 His marriage with Placidia ..... 1 74 Death of Ataulfus 175 Second marriage, widowhood, and exile of Placidia . 176 Death of Honorius ....... 1 76 Rise and fall of Joannes. Valentinian III, Emperor . 177 Regency of Placidia . 178 Aetius ......... 179 135-137 137 139 139 141-142 143 143 I45-H7 148-151 152 153 155 156-158 159-161 162 162-164 164-166 16*7 xii Table of Contents. PAGE Attila— Accession of Attila : his character and appearance . 180-182 Extent of his Empire 182-184 His Embassies to Constantinople . . . * 184 The vases of Sirmium 185 Honoria's ring ........ 185 Description by Priscus of Attila's palace . . . 186 „ „ the banquet .... 187-190 Deaths of Placidia and Theodosius II . . . . 191 Marcian and Pulcheria reign 191 Attila prepares for war with the West . . . 192 Alliance between the Empire and the Visigoths . 192-193 Attila's invasion of Gaul ...... 193 Siege of Orleans . . . . . . . x 94 Battle of Chalons (so called) 195-197 Attila's retreat ........ 197 Attila invades Italy 198 Capture of Aquileia . . . . . . 198 The founders of Venice ...... 199 Attila at Milan . . . . . . . . 200 Embassy of Pope Leo ...... 201 Return and death of Attila 202 The Hunnish power broken 203 LECTURE VII. Gaiseric. Early history of the Vandals 204 The Vandals enter Gaul ....... 205-207 They cross the Pyrenees and enter Spain . . . . 207 Death of Gunderic : accession of Gaiseric . . . 209 Bonifacius invites the Vandals to enter Africa . . . 209-211 The Vandals transported to Africa . . . . 212 Bonifacius repents and returns to Ravenna . . . 215 Siege of Hippo ........ 216 Capture of Carthage . . . . . . . 217 Appearance, character, and career of Gaiseric * . . 218-220 Vandal land-settlement ....... 220 Law of succession to the throne . . . . . 221 Persecution of the Catholics 221-225 Table of Contents. xiii PAGE Valentinian murders Aetius ...... 226 Death of Valentinian III. Accession of Maximus . . 228 Gaiseric's Expedition to Rome. Plunder of the City . 229-232 Captivity of the widow and daughters of Valentinian . 232 Further fortunes of the Theodosian family . . . 233 Conclusion 234 in < IN] .2 H oj cj O m a > H ' 2 < -a 2 s S < £ 00 "° gigs 2 I I <: iu o u c o I— < O Q O w a H r ^ O 9 < o ►52 S d o S — 5u- all 5 H ZD. 8h 5 00 ►J Co °2 *J ^ £ < < -° oo 1 U 5 -o £ M . O so* W ^ 6 , - CO ih < J ■ 3-* ^ -O 00 O Ih o o . ;-> II— Sj Ih §1 Ih 4 2 o ERRATA. Page 27, line 5 from bottom, y2>r 523 read 323 „ 91, „ 16, T^r get read yet THE DYNASTY OF THEODOSIUS. LECTURE I. The Roman Empire. In Longfellow's Golden Legend the following question is asked : — ' Say to me What the great Voices Four may be That quite across the world do flee And are not heard by men ? ' and this answer given : — ' The Voice of the Sun in heaven's dome, The Voice of the murmuring of Rome, The Voice of a Soul that goeth home, And the Angel of the Rain.' 'The voice of the murmuring of Rome.' That was indeed a mighty voice ; how all-powerful, how nearly equivalent to the voice of the whole civilised human race, is more vividly impressed upon us by every year of deeper study of the history of the world fifteen centuries ago. Let us try by a very rapid summary to indicate Extent of the meaning which the words ' Imperium Roma- ^Jpi™™ num ' conveyed to him who heard them in the days when the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was still standing and still thronged with earnest worshippers. B 2 Dynasty of Theodosius. [I. North Britain. Midland and Southern Britain. Let us go forth from this city which clusters on its seven hills around the Tomb of St. Cuthbert. Those hills are untrodden forest or undistinguished pasture-ground, and all the glory of architecture and all the wealth of sacred associations which will one day crown them are unknown, for we are now in the second century after Christ, and Durham is neither castra nor mansio nor mutatio in the map of Roman Britain. But if we go a few miles up the Wear, near to that place in 'the land of Oaks,' where the Bishop of Durham will one day build his castle, we shall find there, upon a high promontory of table- land overlooking the stream, the spacious camp of Vinovia with its baths and its hypocausts, doubtless also with its temple and its magazines. Here we strike a great Roman road. Follow that road north- wards over the hills, and you will come to the camp of Lanchester on the Browney. Another stretch over wild moorlands, and we reach Ebchester, in the pleasant valley of the Derwent. Another, and we strike the Tyne at Corstopitum (Corbridge). And so on by more camps and stations than I need weary you with the names of, till we reach the great camp, or rather series of camps, which surround the high altar-like hill of Birrenswark in Dumfriesshire, over- looking the sandy Solway. Yet still the Roman road is running northwards, till at last it reaches the Wall of Antoninus, somewhere near the Frith of Clyde. Southwards the same road pursues its course, un- compromising and undeviating, over the great ridge of hills which separates you from the Tees. Across The Roman Empire. 3 the Swale at Cataractonium it leads us to Isurium, which will one day be represented by the pleasant old-fashioned village of Boroughbridge, and where we see for the first time those pictured floors, the tesselated pavements which are so abundant in Southern Britain and in Gaul. Then it takes us to Eboracum, the great Roman city of the North, the home of the Sixth Legion, the place where the aged Severus will lay down the purple at the bidding of Death, and where the young Constantine will as- sume it at the bidding of the soldiery. Thence across the country south-westwards, over those hills and dales of Yorkshire and Lancashire, which are now among the poorest and most solitary, as they will one day be among the richest and the most thickly populated portions of the island of the Britons. So we reach Deva, or Chester on the Dee, where the Twentieth Legion have built their stately city, with its temples, its baths, and its spacious praetorium for their commanding officer. And so from thence, through Cheshire and Staffordshire, and on by a route pretty nearly coinciding with that which will, after many centuries, be taken by the North- Western Railway, till at last we reach that city, comparatively unimportant in the official map of Roman Britain, but which the concourse of merchants is even now mak- ing important in spite of prefects and procurators, 'the city formerly known as Londinium, but now named Augusta.' In our own day, at nearly every step of our course along this great highway, which our ancestors named B 2 4 Dynasty of Theodosius. [i. Existing the Watling Street, there is some trace of the t Roman Roman legionary and his sojourn in our island. occupation. Here the coins of some military treasure chest buried in haste and never reclaimed ; there the shells of the oysters or the bones of the beef which the soldiers consumed ; here a dedication to some native god bearing an uncouth name, with whom they thought it safer to be on friendly terms ; there the pathetic epitaph of a departed wife 'who lived with her husband xxx years, "sine ulla macula"' with no spot upon her goodness ; here the walls of a camp turned by centuries into mere grassy mounds, but still by their rectangular shape rounded at the corners, showing the handiwork of the Roman sur- veyor ; there an inscription recording the rebuilding of a bath or a granary, ' vetustate conlapsum ' (which had fallen in through age\ and reminding us how old and venerable the buildings erected by the first conquerors of Britain must have appeared long before the last Roman soldier, standing upon the stern of the departing vessel, waved his sad * Vale Britannia ' to our island. Boundaries All these vestiges of the great world-Empire, when °Roman one examines them patiently day after day, as it has World. often been my privilege to do in travelling along one of the great Roman roads in our own country or abroad, produce an effect upon the mind incom- parably stronger and deeper than results from simply reading the story of the conquest of a province in the pages of Caesar or Tacitus. And now multiply l] The Roman Empire. 5 this picture at least thirty-fold in order to make it justly represent the whole extent of the Empire. Cross the sea from ' Londinium, now Augusta/ to the mouth of the Rhine. Travel for days up that stately river and see the legionaries swarming upon its western, and not unknown upon its eastern bank. Trace the 300 miles of stake-covered rampart which join the Middle Rhine to the Middle Danube, and along every mile of which a Roman soldier is tramping. Descend the Danube from Ratisbon to the Euxine and see every foot of its right bank held by Rome, who for more than a century holds a province on the left bank also (the province of Dacia), and stations her legionaries on the crests of the Car- pathian Mountains. Take ship and sail over the foggy Euxine, and there, in its extreme south-eastern corner, near where Jason and his companions sought the Golden Fleece, recognise once more the Roman boundary. Follow that boundary over the moun- tains of Armenia to the upper waters of the Tigris. Cross 'the great river, the River Euphrates/ near the place where Eliezer waited for Rebekah by the well; and then encompassing Damascus and the mys- terious cities of Bashan, let the border come down past the Dead Sea, past Mount Pisgah and Mount Sinai, and so overleaping the Red Sea, let it reach the valley of the Nile. Here the frontier towards the barbarism of Ethiopia is the same that the modern protectors of Eg}^pt have drawn close to the city of Syene (now Assouan) ; leaving 800 miles of the rich Nile valley as the granary of Rome. All along the 6 Dynasty of Theodosius. [I. northern coast of Africa, Cyrene, Tripolis, Carthage, Numidia, Mauretania, whatever there is of civilised, stable, wealth-producing life (and it is a broad enough belt in some places) is all Roman by obedience, and much of it Latin by speech. At last the boundary goes out at the Atlantic Ocean where Hercules once relieved Atlas of his load. Men gazing forth upon the waste of waters, and half discovering, half dreaming, concerning the Fortunate Isles beyond, are con- strained at length to admit the fact that the great Empire has found its limit, and that if there be other worlds to the West they are worlds beyond the world of Rome. The Orbis It was an immense extent of territory which the nearfyToin- R° man g°d Terminus thus marked out, and (as has cided with been often pointed out, but is a fact of the greatest the Orbis . F . ' , ° , „ Terrarum. importance) it more nearly embraced the whole of the then known and civilised world than any Empire that has since been seen. True, the mysterious river of Asiatic civilisation, as represented by China and India, flowed on, not blending its waters with those which the Tiber ruled. But these countries were practically altogether beyond the horizon of the Empire. During the first three centuries of our era there was only one civilised power of which Rome was conscious as a possible rival to herself, and that was the power of Persia. Her sovereign, whether he were known as Parthian or Persian, as Arsacid or Sassanid, took to himself proud titles, calling himself ' King of Kings/ and so forth, and often by his devastating raids inflicted sore I.] The Roman Empire. 7 disaster on the Eastern provinces of Rome ; but the Empire was certainly far the stronger power, and many of the abler Emperors could probably, if the}' had deemed it wise to make the attempt, have ac- complished what Julian so narrowly missed and what Heraclius triumphantly performed, the over- throw of the Persian monarchy. This vast territory had been acquired by the Govern- municipality of an Italian city under a government n ™ nt °f thc which was in some respects the best adapted for state. gaining and for consolidating dominion that the world has ever seen. S. P. Q. R. : these four letters Senatus formed the talisman which floated on the victorious p °P ul ™ Que Ro- standards of Rome, whether they crowned the misty manus. heights of the Cheviots or were mirrored in the waters of the Orontes. The Senate and the People of Rome : we must pause for a few moments on these words to consider what they implied. (i) The Senate of Rome, in its best days reminding The Roman the beholder of an assembly of Kings, debating the ^™£' the affairs of the Republic with a gravity, an earnestness Republic. and a conciseness very unlike the showy rhetoric of a Greek Ecclesia or the vapid verbiage of a modern House of Commons or House of Representatives : this was the body which gave coherence and unity to the policy of the great Latin city, which prevented it from being swayed to and fro by such gusts of passion or misplaced sentiment as ruined the Empire of Athens ; which caused it to pursue, century after century, the same undeviating course, and to act 8 Dynasty of Theodosius. [I. upon the same maxims of statesmanship — hard maxims often, and inspired by a terrible egotism, but successful. It was the Senate which enabled the Roman State to feel the proud confidence that was expressed with less justice by that patient toiler, Philip of Spain, ' Time and I against any one else in the world/ Not a mere One source of the Senate's strength was derived hereditary f rom fact that it was never in theory and seldom aristocracy. # J in practice a mere hereditary aristocracy. Election to some one of the great offices of the State into which the kingly power had been divided, Consulship, Praetorship, Quaestorship, was the door by which entrance was gained into the ' assembly of Kings ' — and this election in the better days of the Republic implied a certain amount of popular respect if not of popular favour — but once admitted, the Senator had his seat practically for life, and needed not to tremble at every changing wind of popular opinion, lest the withdrawal of the favour of his constituents should doom him to political annihilation. The chasm which once separated the Patrician from the Plebeian, and which made it impossible for the latter to enter the Senate, had been filled up long before Rome began to play her great part among the nations of the earth : but it is true that a new aristocracy of consular families, partly Patrician and partly Plebeian, had arisen on the ruins of the old. A Terentius Varro, a Marius, a Cicero could by great energy, by military successes, or by surpassing eloquence, break through into the charmed circle, I.] The Roman Empire. 9 but the outcry that was raised at the presumption of such a novus homo showed that the event was a rare one. One institution, however, which modern aristo- The Cen- cracies would do well to copy, tended to save the sorshi P- Senate from the worst perils of a hereditary oligarchy. To be ruled by a proud nobility which respects itself is perhaps not pleasant, but it is endurable. But to be ruled by 'hereditary legislators' who do not observe the ordinary decencies of life is an ignominy too galling to be borne. The power of the Censor to degrade from his Senatorial office any man who offended against the strict old-fashioned code of Roman morality, a power which in the best days of the Republic was wielded with merciless severity and without respect of persons, must have largely contributed to that moral ascendency of the Senate which made it for four centuries as supreme in Roman politics as the House of Commons has been for the last two centuries in the politics of Britain. (2) The People of Rome, the Quirites, assembled The People by their centuries or their tribes, under an Italian °f Romc - sky, in the Campus Martius or the Forum — these also had their allotted share in the develop- ment of the greatness of Rome : these formed the strong steadily beating heart, without which all the accumulated wisdom of the Senate, the brain of the State, would have been of no avail. Questions of peace and war, and questions of poli- tical reform, were brought before them, generally, it IO Dynasty of Theodosius. [i. is true, on the motion of the Senate, but so as to cast the final responsibility on the people ; and during the greater part of the lifetime of the Re- public those solemn trials of political offenders which correspond most nearly to our own im- peachments took place at the bar of the popular assembly. The Tri- To guard these rights and to secure the meanest citizen of Rome from oppression on the part of some haughty aristocrat, the Tribunes of the Common- alty were called into being, that unique class of magistrates whose power of ' intercession ' could bring the whole machinery of the State to a dead- lock, and upon whose ' sacro-sanct ' persons the proudest Consul, fresh from victory over the enemies of Rome, might not lay hands without incurring the penalty of outlawry. The office which the Member of Parliament has hitherto discharged when he brings the grievance of a constituent before the House of Commons ; the office of redresser of all wrongs and browbeater of all magistrates, which the Public Press has of later time arrogated to itself — these offices were for centuries discharged by the Tribunes of the Commonalty. Upon the whole we may believe that the Tribunician power was a useful counterpoise to the immense authority vested in Consuls and Praetors : but it was always a power which in the hands of a dishonest dema- gogue might be abused for the purpose of obstruc- tion. It was always useful only as a brake is useful to the driver of a railway train ; and in the latter The Roman Empire. 1 1 days of the Republic it was a brake suddenly and clumsily applied, by which the Engine of the State was being continually thrown off the line. But, such as they were, these two great deposi- Political taries of power, the Senate and the People, wrought dechne - together in reasonable harmony, and upon the whole for the good of Rome and the fast widening Roman world, during the two centuries which inter- B.C. 367- vened between the admission of Plebeians to the 1461 Consulate and the Third Punic War. With the fall of Rome's old rival, Carthage, a rapid change for the worse manifested itself in the Roman char- acter. Corruption entered the Senate and brutal violence disgraced the Assembly of the People. The young Roman politician half ruined himself over the shows of gladiators and wild beasts that were to purchase from the commonalty his election to the successive offices which were the steps in the ladder of his promotion. The mob cheered and laughed, but the provinces groaned, for out of their plundered cities and beggared agriculture the Pro- praetor or Proconsul reckoned to recoup himself for the heavy entrance-fees which he had paid to gain admission to the Roman Senate. These abuses became at length too glaring for even the seared consciences of Roman politicians to endure. Laws against official extortion, ( de repetundis peca- niis* were passed by the people — a doubtful boon to the provincials, for now the governor robbed them, not for himself only, but for the rivals and the demagogues whose silence he had to purchase by 12 Dynasty of Theodosius. [I. bribes. In the train of the governor went the usurer, lending money at ruinous rates to the provincial to enable him to pay the clamorous tax- gatherer. Even Brutus, that Puritan among Roman statesmen, sought to compel the inhabitants of Sala- mis to pay him compound interest at the rate of 48 per cent, per annum. Under these accumulated oppressions the fair countries round the Mediter- ranean were fast sinking into misery and despair, the very life-blood being drained out of them by the insatiable oligarchs of Rome. And during the greater part of this time, while the Senators were treating the civilised world as their own private farm, and farming it like a tenant who is under notice to quit and will get all he can. out of the soil, the so- called People of Rome were every year sinking lower and lower into degradation, becoming a mere mob of freedmen and foreigners, the collected sewage of the world. The Constitution — notwith- standing a temporary reaction under Sulla — was becoming more and more democratic, as the people were becoming more utterly unworthy to be trusted with power. Armed bands of hired bravoes fought with one another in the streets of Rome, and on the day of a hotly-disputed election or the passing of an unpopular law, the statues in the Forum were splashed with the blood of the slain. Shelley on I know no words which more vividly bring before the decay of ouv m i nc j s the contrast between the Rome of Cin- Rofnati freedom, cinnatus and the Rome of Clodius than this verse from Shelley's ' Ode to Liberty ' : — i.] The Roman Empire. 13 ' Then Rome was, and from thy deep bosom, fairest Like a wolf-cub, from some Cadmean Maenad She drew the milk of greatness, though thy dearest 1 From that Elysian food was yet un weaned. And many a deed of terrible uprightness By thy sweet love was sanctified, And in thy smile and by thy side Saintly Camillus lived and firm Atilius 2 died. But when blood stained thy robe of vestal whiteness, And gold profaned thy Capitolian throne, Thou didst desert with spirit-winged lightness The Senate of the oppressors : they sank prone Slaves of one tyrant : Palatinus sighed Faint echoes of Ionian song. That tone Thou didst delay to hear, lamenting to disown.' 'Slaves of one tyrant/ That was the doom, the righteous doom of the Roman Senate and People. Corruption above and anarchy below had slain that Public Virtue without which a Republic cannot live : and now the only hope of the world lay in the up- rising of some one man who should save Rome from herself, and rescue from her Senate and People the provinces which they had won but could no longer govern. This necessary work was performed by the man Caesar. who stands head and shoulders above all other statesmen, as Isaiah above all other Prophets, as Shakespeare above all other Dramatists, — the man whose name still means Emperor to more than a hundred millions of mankind, Gaius Julius Caesar. It may be truly said that the further we get away from Caesar the Dictator, the greater his work ap- pears. Superficial students of history used to think 1 Greece. 2 Regulus. 14 Dynasty of Thcodosius. [1. of it as only lasting for five centuries (yet five cen- turies, the interval of time that separates us from Chaucer and Wycliffe, is not a contemptible interval in a nation's life) : but the more scientific school of modern historians rightly claim that the work of Julius Caesar, the organisation of Imperium Roma- num y outlived not only the fall of Rome, but the fall of Constantinople also, and was only destroyed by 'the bastard Caesar,' Napoleon, in 1806, if indeed it be not, in a sense, living still. Theory of As the various offices of the Republic had been tJ patf rmCl ~ f° rme d chiefly out of the power of the ancient kings, it might have seemed the obvious course to re- combine them into one, and crown Caesar king. Warned by the murmurs of the crowd on the day of the Lupercalia, but also doubtless following his own instinct as a statesman, Julius — and his nephew Augustus after him — chose a wiser course. The name of Republic should still remain: S.P.Q.R. should still be inscribed on the banners of the legions, but the powers of the Republic should all be grasped in a single hand. There had been Dic- tators created for special emergencies : Julius would be a life-long Dictator. Successful generals had been saluted Imperator by their soldiers on the field of battle : Julius would be emphatically the Imperator. Grave and reverend men, the fathers of the Senate, had been hailed with the title Princeps : Augustus would now in middle life be greeted as Princeps. Above all, the Tribunes of the Commonalty had possessed enormous powers for the prevention of I.] The Roman Empire. i5 legislation of which they disapproved, and their persons had been invested with especial sanctity. Augustus would now gather into himself all the obstructive powers of the whole College of Tribunes, and his person should be ' sacro-sanct ' as theirs had been. Special defenders of the Commonalty were now no longer needed. The new Imperator claimed, and not altogether without reason, that he was de- fender of the people, and therefore each year by a fresh and solemn act he was 'invested with the Tribunician power.' Our own Constitutional monarchy is often called A Monar- 1 a Republic veiled under monarchical forms/ The c ^ y n ^ er r Republican Empire of the Caesars was just the reverse: informs. absolute monarchy veiled under the forms of a Republic. The analogy may be carried a little further. Just as every really great and patriotic Prime Minister, under a Constitutional monarchy Deference like ours, veils somewhat of the power which in °^p e f° ° r d s fact is his under the forms of deference to the to the throne, and does this not in servile adoration for SenaU - rank, but because he knows that in the institution of Monarchy there is a fund of latent power which it were unwise to squander, and which may one day be sorely needed for the defence of the life of the nation against enemies from without or from within, even so the greatest and best of the Roman Emperors, while holding all power in their hands, used that power as much as possible in harmony with the Senate and in conformity with the Senate's advice ; and thus, while preserving the prestige of an ancient 1 6 Dynasty of Theodosius. [i. and venerable assembly, also retained in the State a force which might operate as a counterpoise, though a feeble one, should the vast powers of the Emperor pass into the keeping of a foolish or wicked suc- cessor. But while the good and patriotic Emperors The bad — Augustus, Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, Claudius delighted Gothicus, Probus — delighted to magnify the moral in degrad- authority of the Senate, the weak and dissolute in * 1 ' Emperors, maddened by the possession of absolute power, delighted to trample upon and insult it. Caligula forced Senators of the highest rank to walk for miles before his chariot, or to wait upon him at table, each clad in the linen girdle of a slave. Nero wrung from the loathing Senate a formal ap- probation of the murder of his mother, and insisted on 400 of its members performing as gladiators in the Amphitheatre. And Domitian, according to the well-known story in the pages of Juvenal, summoned the trembling Conscript Fathers in the dead of night to deliberate on the best manner of cooking an enormous turbot. The Pro- t^j- though the Senators groaned under the in- vinces were the gainers suits and the cruelty of the bad Emperors (of whom by the j n fa e fi rs f- century of the Empire there was un- system. doubtedly a terrible preponderance over the good ones) there can be little doubt that for the Empire at large the change to the Imperial system was an enormous benefit. The populace of Rome had their rations and their gladiatorial exhibitions (pa- rtem et circenses) regularly, and what was more im- portant, the police and the water supply of the L] The Roman Empire. i7 great City were attended to as they had never been before. The provinces were no longer exposed to the unchecked cupidity of some dissolute aris- tocrat, eager to suck them dry during his short term of office and then to hurry back to play the great game of politics in Rome. Unjust governors, men like Pontius Pilate and Felix, undoubtedly still bore sway ; but at least they had as a rule a longer term of office, and less need therefore to drain the province all at once. And the thought of the terrible Caesar at Rome, who, however cruel and rapacious himself, was generally quick to punish cruelty and rapacity in others, the dread of hearing, after a manifestly unjust sentence, the fateful words pronounced, ' Provoco ad Caesarem 1 / kept many a provincial governor, who may have been at heart no better than Verres or Gabinius, from shearing the helpless sheep before him as closely as they would have been shorn in the later days of the Republic. It is one of the common- places of history that even Nero himself was hated only in Rome, and that after his death the story that he still lived and would one day return and resume the purple, was told and lovingly cherished in many of the provinces. The history of the Empire naturally groups itself Chief into periods, each of about a century in duration. t> erwds , °f J Imperial The Julian dynasty, from the battle of Actium (b. c. history. 31) to the death of Nero (a. d. 68), fills up ninety- L The ii« , , , Julian Dy nine years. We pass lightly over the twenty-seven nas ty, 99 1 < I appeal unto Caesar.' y cars - C i8 Dynasty of Theodosius. {B.C. 31- years of the Flavian dynasty (69-96), which is in some res P ects n ^ e a C0 Py °f tne Julian, Vespasian vian Dy- being a somewhat commonplace Augustus and nasty, 27 Domitian a vulgar Nero, and we come to the great "(69-96 ) an< ^ gl° r i° us a g e °f the Antonines \ For eighty- ZZ. 7%* four years (a. d. 96-180) a series of sovereigns, the Antomnes y b es ^ the wisest and the most statesmanlike that the 84 years. (96-180.) world has ever seen — Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus, Marcus — sat upon the throne of the world. What has been already said as to the happiness of the provinces under the Julian dynasty might be said without any qualification, as far as the rulers could bring happiness, of the century of Antonine rule. But according to the trite quotation — • How small, of all that human hearts endure, That part which laws or kings can cause or cure.' The course of nature seems as if it had been out of joint during that otherwise happy century. De- structive earthquakes, wide-wandering pestilences and grievous famines marked its course ; and at the close of it came that terrible irruption of barba- rians from the lands of the Middle Danube which is known as the Marcomannic War, and which very nearly brought about the fall of the Roman Empire two centuries too soon. III. The The stately and philosophic virtue of the An- A f e tonine Emperors led to a terrible anti-climax — Anarchy, r \oi years, the mad sensuality and cruelty of the bull-necked (180-285.) 1 Strictly speaking the Ulpii, Aelii, Antonini, and Annii. But Antoninus is the best central name for the dynasty. I.] The Roman Empire. T 9 Commodus. And now began that terrible third century, in which the great World-Empire seemed perpetually as if it were on the point of going to pieces, through its own weakness and corruption, before the barbarians were ready even to gather up its fragments. It had been discovered ' that an emperor could be made elsewhere than in Rome,' and in every province, almost in every legionary camp, there was an upstart General eager to avail himself of this discovery, eager to wrap himself in the purple and to lay hold of what the Greek historians call h ra>v oXav apxh, 1 the rule of the universe.' The strongest memory can hardly re- tain the names of all the obscure adventurers who thus blossomed into a little temporary noto- riety, and who were murdered by a rival or fell on the field of battle before their purple had lost the lustre of its newness. Province thus fighting against province and civil war being the normal condition of the Empire, the misery and poverty which everywhere prevailed can hardly be imagined, and are but scantily pourtrayed for us by the wretched historians of the time. Two things, how- ever, always occur to my mind as typical of this woeful age — its coinage and its camps. Take a Debased coin of one of the earlier Emperors, say a bronze Coina S e - sestertius of Domitian, which lies before me while I write : see the clear bold relief of the laurel- crowned head, the sharp, well-cut letters of the inscription, and then compare it with a (so-called) silver denarius of Valerian or Gallienus — a thin C 2 20 Dynasty of Theodosius. [I. bit of copper with a wash of silver or pewter over it, and upon it the barbarous effigy of a head wearing a radiated crown and surrounded by an almost ille- gible inscription. From a mere glance at the coins you feel at once that the owner of a sestertius (whose nominal value was twopence-halfpenny) under Domi- tian was a richer man than the owner of a denarius (the equivalent of four sestertii) under Gallienus. Degenerate And the camps : go to Housesteads or Chesters fure* teC ~ an d se e tne splendid blocks of masonry which belong to the age of the Antonines ; see the masonry of a very different and far inferior kind, small and mean and easily overthrown, which marks the age of Constantine, after the close of the third century. But in between these two periods of original building and late repair you may often find a mass of confused debris, some- times with the marks of fire upon them. That shapeless mound tells the story of the third cen- tury. While every little Tribune or Centurion was coquetting with the soldiers under his command, relaxing discipline and permitting plunder, in the hope that they might some morning rush to the Praetorium, put on him the purple robe and hail him as Imperator, meantime the Pax Romana was becoming a bitter bye-word over all the Em- pire, and in our own country the savage Cale- donians were breaking down the barrier of Hadrian, setting fire to Cilurnum and Borcovicus, swarming across the Tyne and Tees, and carrying fire and sword far into the heart of Britain. I.] The Roman Empire. 21 The deliverer of the world from this tempest of IV. The anarchy and disruption, the true Second Founder Age °f Re ~ J r storatzon, of the Empire was the son of a Dalmatian slave, years, Diocletian. As his reign began a.d. 285, as the work ( 28 5-37 8 -) of reorganisation which was commenced by him was continued by Constantine (306-337), and as the political system thus inaugurated lasted unimpaired till 378, the date of the battle of Hadrianople, we may call this the fourth century of the Empire, the period of Restoration. The great objects aimed at and accomplished by Objects of Diocletian were the increase of the majesty of the { /l . e Dwcle ~ J J tiamc re- Imperial office, the equable diffusion of defensive form. power through all parts of the Empire, the welding of a strong chain of rights and responsibilities which should vibrate from the Emperor on his throne to the lowest official in the most distant province. (1) The increased majesty of the Emperor's office. Increased All pretence of his being only the first citizen in ^y^thT™ Republic, only the most eminent member of the imperial Senate, and so on, was now done away with. The dignity. Emperor now wore on his head a pearl-bordered diadem, on his feet sandals studded with gems ; he was surrounded by a splendid retinue, and the peti- tioner who approached him — though he were a mem- ber of one of the proudest families in the Roman Senate — had to prostrate himself on the ground and adore the Imperial Majesty. Thus at length the Roman Imperator stood fully revealed, a monarch as haughty and as absolute as Darius or Sapor. In all this, censorious critics traced the overweening 22 Dynasty of Theodosius. [i. pride of the Dalmatian slave's son exalted to the pinnacle of earthly greatness : yet it is probable that policy had as much share as pride in the self- exaltation of Diocletian. During the long troubles of the third century, when every legion was making and unmaking Emperors, the highest office in the State had lost all dignity and all prestige : and if it was really to recover itself and become, as Diocletian would have it, the true centre of gravity of the State, it was necessary that it should once again seem awful and majestic. The same statesmanlike spirit which dictated to Augustus the suppression of the visible signs of regal magnificence, suggested to Dio- cletian their multiplication and embellishment. Division of (2) It had become manifest to a statesman's eye labour. tnat tne vagt R oman WO rld could no longer be ruled from Rome alone. On the Rhine, on the Danube, on the Euphrates, strong armies were required to guard the frontiers : yet it was precisely from these armies, strangers to the Imperial city and to the person of the legitimate Augustus, that the brood of usurpers and tyrants, claimants for the Imperial purple, was being perpetually recruited. Diocletian now carved out the Roman Empire into four great Prefectures, each large enough to satisfy the ambi- tion of a Charles V or a Louis XIV, and gave to each of these Prefectures its own court, its own capital, its own elaborately organised official hier- archy. The four I. 'The Gauls/ comprising Britain, Gaul, Spain; fur*" an d P art °f Morocco, and reaching from the Firth of I.] The Roman Empire. 23 Clyde to Mount Atlas, had its centre of government at Augusta Trevirorum (Trier on the Moselle). II. 'Italy/ comprising Raetia, Italy, Sicily, and the wealthy provinces of Africa, was still in theory governed from Rome ; but practically its Emperor during the whole of the fourth century was generally resident at Mediolanum (Milan). III. Illyricum, the smallest of the four Prefec- tures, included the provinces of the Middle Danube, the western portion of the country lately known as Turkey in Europe, and Greece. Sirmium on the Save was generally the residence of its Emperor. IV. All the rest of the Empire formed the rich and important Prefecture of the East (Oriens). Its Emperor for the most part resided at Antioch, from whence he watched the ever menacing attitude of the Sassanid kings of Persia. The great scheme of Imperial government matured Transmis- by the brain of Diocletian, provided not only for the exercise but also for the transmission of power, power. The adoptive system, which had given to the Empire all the noblest sovereigns of the Antonine period, was to be revived in all its vigour. Two Emperors ruling as Augusti were to adopt two younger col- leagues as their sons, who were to bear the humbler title of Caesar, and were to administer those Prefec- tures in which the danger of war was the keenest, and the labour of ruling the most severe. As in the course of nature the two senior partners, the Augusti, moved off the scene, the Caesars were to take their 24 Dynasty of Theodosius. [I. place and adopt two new Caesars to ease them of their burden, and one day inherit their dignity. An elaborate and ingenious scheme, and one which might conceivably have preserved the Empire from civil war at least for two or three generations, but which in fact was broken to pieces by that longing after the hereditary transmission of power and wealth which is one of the deepest instincts of humanity. Diocle- tian and Maximian (a brave, uncultivated soldier) were the two first Augusti : Constantius and Galerius the two first Caesars. After a prosperous reign of twenty years, enfeebled health and perhaps a desire to see with his own eyes the success of his great design, induced Diocletian voluntarily to resign Abdication the purple, and Maximian, who had no such philoso- of Diode- phicai inclinations and who was still in the lusty tiany 305. . vigour of middle life, was compelled to follow the example of his patron. Thus did Constantius and Galerius become the two new Augusti, but Galerius, who was the son-in-law and special confidant of Dio- cletian, had the choice of the two new Caesars, and chose a nephew and a dependent of his own, Maximin Daza and Severus, neither of them really fitted for 1 the rule of all things/ Constantius, a man of mild and gentle temper, away in distant Britain and already smitten by disease, acquiesced in the nominations of his self-seeking partner; but the offspring and the soldiers of Constantius rebelled against an arrange- ment so one-sided and inequitable. Constantine, the brave young son of Constantius by his concubine Helena, now in his thirty-second year, was at Nico- I.] The Roman Empire. 25 media in Bithyniawhen Diocletian's abdication threw the direction of the affairs of the Imperial partnership into the hands of Galerius, who viewed him with no friendly eye, and would fain have kept him in honour- able captivity in Asia. Repeated letters from his colleague Constantius at length wrung from him the required permission for the young man's de- parture, and Constantine, according to a well-known story, starting on the long journey across Thrace by the Danube and the Rhine, caused the horses at the first few Imperial post-stations to be hamstrung, in order to prevent any courier from overtaking him with a revocation of the order. He reached York in safety; he made a successful campaign in Cale- donia under his father's auspices, and when that Death of father returned to York to die, the legionaries, led Constan - ' & ' this. Eh- by a Teutonic chief Crocus, king of the Alamanni, va tion of who held high command among them, insisted with Constat titie ^ 25 one voice, that the diadem and the purple of the j u ly, 306. deceased Emperor should adorn his noble son, and that whatever the new-fangled constitution of Dio- cletian might prescribe, his title should be not Caesar but Augustus. Of the myriads of travellers who hurry to and fro through the magnificent railway station of York, how few find time to visit the admirable museum of Roman antiquities which is within a few hundred yards of the station, to gaze upon the 'multangular tower' with its courses of square Roman bricks, and in thought to retrace the history of York, Eoforwic, Eboracum, up to that day when the shouting soldiery, enraptured with the 26 Dynasty of Theodosius. donative which each man had received, acclaimed the young hero 'Constantine Imperator tu vincas.' Strange is it to reflect that then what we call ' the Eternal Eastern Question ' had no existence, since he who was to give his name to Constantinople was only setting his foot on the first rung of the ladder of power, and the Bosphorus, with the inconsider- able city of Byzantium on its shores, was still a silent and solitary water-way, while Eboracum was making and unmaking Emperors. Confusion By the elevation of Constantine to the Imperial and Civil dignity — an elevation which Galerius found himself War. & J eventually forced to consent to — the whole of Dio- cletian's elaborate scheme of adoption, partnership and succession was shattered into atoms. The son of Maximian, Maxentius, followed the example of the son of Constantius and declared himself Augustus. Then old Maximian himself resumed the purple. In the year 308 there were six Emperors reigning at once, all styling themselves Augusti. Civil war in such conditions as these became the chronic con- dition of the Empire. The fable of the armed men who sprang from the dragon's teeth sown by Cadmus, and who fought with one another all the long summer's day till only five were left, became a terrible truth. Such was the scene, such the utter failure of his grand project for promoting the peace of the Empire upon which the weary eyes of Dio- Suicide of cletian closed, when, seeking refuge in death from Diocletian, ^ G indignities which his young successors would have put upon him, he passed away from earth in I.] The. Roman Empire. *7 his stately palace by the Adriatic, that palace which in the Middle Ages became a city 1 . Of the dragon's brood of combatants, at the time Constan- of the death of Diocletian only two were left, Con- Hneand ° Licinius, stantine in the West and Licinius in the East. A 3 i 5 . short civil war was terminated by an apparent re- conciliation between the two kinsmen (Licinius had married the sister of Constantine), and for eight years Licinius seemed to be satisfied with an arrange- ment which left him only the Eastern quarter of the Roman world, while the Gauls, Italy and Illyricum obeyed his more fortunate and far abler rival. But 'Never could true reconcilement grow, Where wounds of deadly hate had pierced so deep.' The terrible loneliness of those who climb to the high places of power, their incapacity of tolerating a rival near the throne produced the usual results, and in 323 the second civil war broke out. Over land and sea the two mighty storm-clouds moved with terrific momentum against one another. Thirty-four thou- sand men fell on the hardly-contested field of Hadri- anople. Crispus, the brave young son of Constantine, forced the passage of the Dardanelles and laid siege to Byzantium. The final battle was fought in Sep- tember, 523, at Chrysopolis in Bithynia. Licinius was defeated after a most bloody encounter, in which 25,000 of his followers were slain. He implored Constan- and seemed to receive the pardon of his ' Emperor tl J™ 5olc and Master' Constantine, but in the following 523. ' 1 The city of Spalato now occupies the site of the palace of Diocletian, which was built in the neighbourhood of Salona. 28 Dynasty of Theodosius. year, on some suspicion of conspiracy, was put to death. Seventeen years after his being proclaimed at York, Constantine was sole and absolute master of the Roman world. The generation which witnessed the break-down of Diocletian's scheme of adoptive succession wit- nessed also the final triumph of Christianity over its persecutors. By a somewhat undeserved fate, the name of the great restorer of the Empire has been handed down to after ages as that of the fiercest and most cruel of the oppressors of the Church. The persecution of the Christians which was commenced under Diocletian, and which continued, with some intermission, for the two last years of his reign and till the eighth year after his abdication, was not apparently originated by him, but by his younger and infinitely less statesmanlike colleague Galerius, who obtained the sanction indeed, but not the hearty co-operation of the aged and now valetudinarian Emperor. Still it must be admitted that Diocletian, though no fanatical adorer of the Olympian gods, believed in the necessity, on political grounds, of one great and relentless struggle for the suppression of the ' new and illicit religion ' which had grown up in the bosom of the Roman State, and which, as all men of clear insight perceived, must either conquer it or be conquered by it. The same purely political instinct which made Diocletian persecute, led Constantine to foster and favour the Christian Church. Could we penetrate the secrets of the hearts of these two men, we might I.] The Roman Empire. 29 find that their religious convictions were not very dissimilar. Both were probably at heart Monothe- ists, both had that belief in a just and overruling Providence, which comes to most men who are in authority, and who, seeing the endless labour and contrivance which is needed in an earthly ruler to keep his world in any degree of order and peace, cannot easily persuade themselves that the whole of this fair system of things which we see around us came by chance. It may be doubted whether, in his heart of hearts, Diocletian went much beyond this position in his worship of Jupiter, or Constantine — at any rate till near the close of his life — in his belief in Christ. But the younger Emperor saw clearly that no fresh attempt to extirpate Christianity by force could succeed when Diocletian had failed ; that the new religion made of its votaries not only better men, but, upon the whole, better citizens and more loyal subjects; that it possessed a force which, wisely guided, might be used for the preservation and not for the disruption of the Empire ; above all, that the zealous partisanship of Christian bishops and priests would be a far more valuable ally to him in the desperate strife with his competitors — first with Maxentius and then with Licinius — than the languid half-hearted acquiescence of the Pagans in the religion which was a fashion rather than a faith, handed down to them from their forefathers. Thus, then, the alliance of Constantine with the Christian Church was formed, that alliance of which the imposing Council of Nicaea, consisting of 318 30 Dynasty of Theodosius. [r. bishops, presided over by the great Augustus him- self, glorious in purple and gold, was the most con- spicuous seal and symbol. But though Constantine fostered, and, if I may so say, petted the Christian Church, he did not bring about that complete and intimate union of the State and the Church which was to be the distinguishing mark of the later, and pre-eminently of the Eastern Empire. Christian ideas indeed coloured much of his legislation. An edict was passed for the observance of i the Saviour's day, the day of Light and of the Sun and the sol- diers, even those who did not profess Christianity, were enjoined to meet on that day in some open space near the city in which they were quartered and to lift up their hands to heaven thanking God for past victories, and imploring Him long to preserve in safety and triumph their Emperor Constantine and his pious sons. Every attempt to compel Christians to be present at idolatrous sacrifices was rigorously for- bidden. The more licentious of the heathen orgies were forcibly suppressed. Many idol temples were thrown open to the gaze of the vulgar, and some were stripped of their treasures and their revenues for the benefit of the Imperial Treasury. Still there was no formal renunciation of the wor- ship of the gods of the Capitol — no formal recogni- tion of Christianity as the religion of the Empire. The temples, though in some cases robbed of their gold and silver ornaments, remained standing ; nay, even in the new and Christian capital, in Constanti- nople itself, new temples were erected, of course not 77?^ Roman Empire. 31 without the Emperor's cognisance, to Rhea, to the Great Twin Brethren, to the Fortune of the New Rome. Two generations passed after the foundation of Religious Constantinople, during which the relation of ^ G ^omtan Empire to the Christian Church was the central tine's suc- question of all politics. These were the years during cessors - which the strife between Athanasian and Arian was being waged in all its bitterness, and the influence of Constantius, the survivor of the sons of Constan- tine, and eventually the sole ruler of the Roman Empire, was thrown with passionate earnestness on the side of the Arians, on whose behalf he exerted a severity which sometimes amounted to actual persecution of their opponents. Then came the short and fruitless attempt of Julian to restore the worship of the old gods. After his death fol- lowed some further struggles with Arianism, which could again boast the protection of an Eastern Emperor 1 . All these events tended to bring the supreme civil power more and more deeply into the innermost circle of ecclesiastical politics. Men's minds became familiarised with the idea of one supreme and triumphant form of the Christian faith, professed by the Emperor, inscribed on the forefront of the State, and rigorously imposed on all citizens as an essential condition of their citizenship. This consummation was reached under that Emperor whose fortunes I shall before long have to describe to you, under Theodosius, who proclaimed the final 1 Valens. 32 Dynasty of Theodosius. [i. triumph of the Athanasian faith, commanded all his subjects to adhere to it, prohibited the meetings of heretics, destroyed the temples of the gods, and made orthodox Christianity, what it continued for more than a thousand years, the State religion of the Roman Empire. LECTURE II. The Roman and the Teuton. Comparison of the Political and Social Condition of the Empire and its German Neighbours. § i. The Roman. Before I proceed to describe the collision between the Roman Empire and its Northern neighbours, I wish to sketch, in rapid outline, the chief features of the political and social condition of these two worlds, so close to one another in geographical position, so far removed from one another in the stages of their respective development. We saw something in the last lecture of the pro- The Im- cess by which the Roman Augustus had grown ^°^^ sty be what he was, the man with the mightiest oppor- tunities for good or for evil of any on the surface of our planet. Let us now look for a few minutes at the outward presentation of this greatness to the eyes of his subjects. If we enter the Imperial palace and pass the first veil which guards the ante- chamber of the sovereign we find ourselves at length before a second veil, in front of which are watching thirty Silentiarii in brightly burnished helmet and breastplate, defending the ' Silence ' of the inner- most sanctuary from any rude intrusion. Without the D 34 Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. favour of some ' illustrious ' functionary there would be for us but little hope of entrance into that august seclusion : but we who have travelled back over fifteen centuries of time can push aside the spectral Silentiarius who would forbid our entrance, and can gaze, without the humiliating ceremony of prostra- tion (exacted from all his contemporary subjects), upon the face and figure of the dread Augustus. He has perhaps just returned from the amphitheatre, and wears therefore the full robes of royalty in which he displays himself on state occasions to his subjects. On his head is the diadem, a broad white band studded with two rows of pearls, and with an emerald or a carbuncle blazing in the centre. Jewelled ear-rings hang down on either side of his face. Over his shoulders is hung a purple robe, richly embroidered with gold, similar to the vestis picta which a con- quering general used to wear in old times when he was drawn in triumph to the Capitol. The use of that purple colour is now jealously reserved to the Emperor himself, the members of the Imperial family, the Consuls, and a few of the most highly placed officers of state. For any ordinary subject to wear it would be an act of laesa majestas (high treason). More than once has a Roman citizen lost his life, simply because a purple robe has been found in his possession. Upon his feet the Emperor wears sandals of the same purple dye, and these also are richly studded with jewels. In the midst of all this pomp, though sleek eunuchs and brilliantly dressed pages are moving II.] The Roman and the Teuton. 35 obsequiously through the chamber, eager to antici- pate the slightest wish of their master, the Lord of the Universe does not present the outward show of happiness. There is a look of weariness and anxiety in his face, dark lines under his eyes, languor and satiety in the very tones of his voice. Though there are some exceptions to the rule, the Augustus, since the changes introduced by Diocle- tian, leads generally an indoor life, unfavourable to health. He does not take those long and varied journeys which filled up the life of Hadrian : he does not, except in dire necessity, march at the head of his troops like Trajan : he does not even drive chariots and contend for prizes in the theatre like Nero. He has now to keep himself aloof from his subjects in dignified seclusion : his chief business in life is to be worshipped : and the life of an idol must, as it seems to us, be always a tedious life. The one thing that varies the monotony of the slowly-pacing days is fear — that fear which, even under this new and more settled order of things, no Emperor can wholly banish from his mind — that in some camp of misty Britain, or by the mob of some Syrian city, a rival Augustus may be suddenly ac- claimed, and that it may be necessary to struggle not for dominion only but for bare life against the desperate antagonist. The being who dwelt in this stately seclusion was Deification not only raised to the ranks of the gods after \{ x ^ f theEm - J ° peror. death (' Divus* being the regular official prefix of the name of a deceased Emperor) : he was occasion- D 2 36 Dynasty of Theodosins. [ii. ally even addressed as ' Deus Noster* 'our God/ during his life. ' Dominus Noster/ 'our Lord* or 'our Master/ was, however, his more usual title, this appellation which the modesty of Augustus had waived (since, as he said, it implied that those who used it were his slaves) having been freely accepted, and then jealously claimed, by his successors of the Lower Empire. Everything belonging to the Em- peror was habitually, and without any trace of irony, spoken of as 'Sacred.' The 'sacred bedchamber' meant the Emperor's bedroom : the ' sacred lar- gesses/ the Imperial subscription-list. 'Our Mild- ness/ 'our Tranquillity/ 'our Clemency,' are the terms which the Emperors generally use when they are speaking of themselves, though occasionally we find an Emperor soaring even to higher regions of august self-contemplation and speaking of himself as 'my Eternity 1 .' This reverential mode of speaking of the Emperor's dignity by no means disappeared with the adoption of Christianity. A writer on military affairs, who was probably contemporary with Theodosius 2 , says of the oath taken by the army : 'The soldiers swear by God and Christ and the Holy Spirit, and by the Majesty of the Emperor, which, according to the will of God, is to be loved and worshipped by the human race. For when the Emperor has received the name of Augustus, faith- ful devotion is to be rendered, lifelong service is to 1 Cod. Theod. xii. i, 160. It is Arcadius who uses this ex- pression. 2 Vegetius (De Re Militari ii. 5). ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 37 be paid, to him as to God present in a human body \ For that man, whether soldier or civilian, serves God who faithfully loves him who reigns by God's ordinance/ In one of the apartments of the palace was assem- The Impe- bled the Consistory of the Emperor, a body some- rm [ Con ~ ^ sistory. what resembling our Privy Council, and consisting of all the highest officials of the State. From this Consistory now went forth all laws, addressed in the Emperor's name to some great functionary charged to see to their execution. Here, too, were announced the names of those persons whom the Emperor nominated to the highest places in the civil and military service. All this legislative and adminis- trative work, which in the days of the Republic had required the concurrence of the Senate and People of Rome, and a large share of which had been left even by Augustus and Tiberius to the Senate, was now done by the mere fiat of the Emperor; and only slight traces of even a theoretical right of confirma- tion by the Senate, none at all of such a right of confirmation by the People, seem to have been preserved. The officials, civil and military, by whom the work Three of ruling the vast Roman Empire was carried on, C /^ S J^ were divided into three great classes : — rial hier- 1. The Illustres, nearly corresponding to our arch y- Cabinet Ministers and Commander-in-Chief. 1 'Nam imperator cum Augusti nomen accepit, tanquam prae- senti et corporali Deo fidelis est praestanda devotio, inpendendus pervigil famulatus.' 38 Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. 2. The Spectabiles, whose rank was not unlike that of our Privy Councillors, and who included most of the governors of provinces and military officers of rank. 3. The Clarissimi. This title was given to all Senators, and was also shared by some of the governors of provinces of inferior rank, and subor- dinate commissioned officers. The various degrees and orders of this great official hierarchy were accurately described in a treatise called the Notitia Utriusque Imperii, which, there is some reason to think, was written up by each Emperor afresh on his accession to the throne. This document is illustrated by somewhat grotesque pictures, emblematic of the contents of the various chapters, which may have been drawn by the un- skilful fingers of the Imperial scribe. The copies of the Notitia which we possess describe the state of things existing about the beginning of the fifth century, and bring before us in a wonderful manner the various and skilfully contrived channels by which, in theory at least, the great Imperial power flowed down to, and was brought in contact with, the meanest of its subjects. The first chapter enumerates all the chief officers of the Eastern Empire. The second takes up the office of the Praetorian Prefect, greatest of all the Illustres, a man who, after his office had undergone great mutations, had at length become, so to speak, the Grand Vizier of the Emperor, his alter ego and vicegerent, the official who took as much as possible II.] The Roman and the Teuton. 39 of the drudgery of ruling off the shoulders of a monarch, who, if ill-disposed, wanted to take his fill of luxury and sensual enjoyment, or if earnest to perform the duties of his station, was generally busy on the frontier, warring with the barbarians. Though the scheme of Diocletian for 'adoptive succession, and partnership ' had broken down, his skilful division of the vast spaces of the Empire still endured, and each one of the four Prefectures founded by him was still under the rule of its own special Praetorian Prefect. This second chapter, then, of the Notitia describes the various provincial governors, who are, in its phrase, ' under the dis- position ' of the Illustrious Praetorian Prefect of the East. Then follows an enumeration of the official staff— the registrars, the shorthand-writers, the process-servers, the beadles, the gaolers who were employed in the court of the Praetorian Pre- fect, himself not merely a great Minister of State, but also the highest Judge of Appeal, Premier, and Lord Chancellor in one. Another chapter of the Notitia gives the emblems Magister of the dignity of the Illustrious Master of the Mlhtiae - Soldiery in the East, and enumerates the various legions which were under his disposition. And here we are brought face to face with the interest- ing question, What was the size of the Roman army Probable at the time when its greatest struggle with the bar- size °f the Imperial barians began ? Unfortunately the Notitia, though army. it gives us much detailed information as to the disposition of various bodies of infantry and cavalry, 4 o Dynasty of Theodosius. [n. does not enable us to give a definite answer to this question ; and unfortunately also an impression has been produced, one can hardly tell how, that by this time the Legion, the well-known unit of com- putation in the Roman army, had been formally reduced from its old strength of 6100 men to about 1000. Of course this suggestion throws all calcula- tions as to the size of the army, derived from the number of legions contained in it, into confu- sion. But as no proof of this formal reduction of the legion has yet been offered, I prefer to take it at its old valuation : and so doing, I come to the conclusion that the Roman army at the end of the fourth century consisted on paper of at least 950,000 men 1 . To deduce from this its actual effective strength can be only a matter of conjec- ture ; but my conjecture would be that fully one- half of the above number, or 475,000 men, were at that time serving under the banners of the Empire 2 . 1 The Computation proceeds in this way. The Notitia enume- rates 132 ' Legions ' of foot soldiers and 109 other bodies of infantry, ' Numeri,' ' Auxilia,' and so forth, whose precise strength we cannot ascertain: also 91 * Vexillationes,' 'Alae,' &c, of cavalry. Taking the 132 Legions at 6100 men we get . 805,200 Taking the 109 Numeri, &c. at 1000 we get . 109,000 Taking the 91 Vexillationes at 600 (the full number of a Vexillatio) we get . . 54,600 968,800 2 There is an interesting passage in the Greek historian Agathias (who wrote about 570) which illustrates, if it does not precisely confirm the view here taken. He says (Hist. v. 13): ' The armies of the Romans no longer remained of the size at which they had ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 41 If I am not wearying you, we will turn over a few more pages of this wonderful handbook, which I have often in my own mind compared to a Whit- aker's Almanack and an Army List for the fifth century after Christ, bound up together. Even that comparison hardly does justice to the Notitia. I doubt if we have any book which in our own country shows so clearly and so concisely the re- lations of the various departments of our State to one another (for instance, of the Exchequer to the Treasury, or of the Privy Council to the Poor Law Board) as this treatise shows the functions of the great officers of the Roman State and the classes of civil servants over whom they bore sway. After the Master of the Soldiery, that is, the Commander- in-Chief, we come to the Illustrious Grand Chamber- lain, or, as he was called in the high-flown language of the Court, the Superintendent of the Sacred Praeposi- Cubicle. Our MSS. of the Notitia are defective Cubiculi. in the chapters relating to this magnificent person- age, but we know from other sources that he ruled over an army of pages, scullions, keepers of the been originally fixed by the earlier Emperors, but had dwindled down to a tiny remnant, by no means adequate to the size of the State. For whereas they ought to amount in the whole to 645,000 warlike men, they have been now reduced to little more than 150,000.' As Agathias wrote under Justinian, after the greater part of the West had been lost to the Empire, he probably re- duced his figures of ' paper-strength ' and ' effectives ' in proportion to the diminution of the Empire ; and if so, he would probably have accepted for the year 400, when the territories of the sons of Theodosius were still intact, a result like that mentioned in the text. 42 Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. Magister Officiorum. Quaestor. Comes Sa- crarum Largiti' onum. Comes Pri- vatarum Kerum. wardrobe, grooms of the bedchamber, and the like, and that the thirty gleaming Silcntiarii who watched outside the purple veil took their orders from him. The Illustrious Master of the Offices is next described. In a quaint picture are represented the emblems of his rank, a table with the likeness of the Emperor standing upon it, and underneath shields, spears, greaves and helmets. We learn from the text that the arsenals of the Empire, the Postal Service, the four great bureaux 1 which were responsible for the Imperial correspondence and for receiving and answering petitions, the swarm of King's Messengers (as they would now be called) or Agentes in Rebus, who rode up and down through the provinces, exe- cuting the orders of the Sovereign, were all under the disposition of this hard-worked and useful functionary. The Illustrious Quaestor was responsible for the preparation of the Emperor's Edicts, and seems to have shared with the Master of the Offices the duty of replying to the humble petitions of his subjects. A bundle of these petitions and a box, which looks like a pillar post-office, inscribed 'Leges Salutares,' appear on his page of the Notitia among the emblems of the Quaestor's dignity. The Illustrious Count of the Sacred Largesses and Count of the Private Domains were the two great financial ministers of the State. Theoretically the first might have been expected to discharge only the duties of a Grand Almoner, in supervising the 1 Scrinia. ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 43 Imperial Charities. Practically, however, he had to superintend the collection of revenue from Illyrian silver mines and Egyptian corn-fields, from the manufacturers of linen, and the traders in salt. The Count of the Private Domains similarly super- intended the vast estates belonging to the Crown in the various provinces of the Empire, defended them from squatters, urged the claims of his sovereign to the land of a subject dying without natural heirs, and received the reports of the stud-masters who watched over the troops of horses reared for the Emperor in the plains of Thrace and Cappadocia. The pictures denoting the functions of these two officers are nearly alike, both representing money- chests, sacks fat with gold and silver, and great bowls filled with round masses of bullion. Such is a very brief outline of the system of Merits and civil and military administration as arranged by ^^f^ Diocletian and Constantine. This bureaucracy (I rial £21- know no pure English word which expresses the reaucrac y- idea) carried on the government of the Eastern Empire for more than a thousand years. It had great faults— it was grasping, repressive, too often corrupt. At the beginning of the fifth century, if we may believe a poet of the Opposition \ an Eunuch, who by Imperial favour had climbed up into the high place of Praetorian Prefect, dared to open an auction mart in his private chamber for the actual sale of provincial governorships to the highest bidder. And even where there was 1 Claudian. 44 Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. not positive corruption, there can be little doubt that the rule of the Byzantine officials was gene- rally impoverishing and exhausting to the pro- vinces, paying but little heed to their just complaints, and bent on screwing out of them the uttermost farthing for the Emperor, if not for the officials* own private benefit. Still the officialism of the Empire had some great merits, without which it could never have subsisted so long as it did. The regular gradation of offices, the scientific division of powers, the career opened by the civil service to intellect, irrespective of noble birth or warlike prowess — all these things made of the administra- tive hierarchy of the Roman Empire a great engine of civilisation in those dim mediaeval centuries, and one which contrasted favourably in many re- spects with the rough barbaric forces that were everywhere else struggling for supremacy. If the student wishes to know how it was that the Em- pire of Constantine, notwithstanding all its degene- racy, lasted on in the East for 1120 years, let him study that curious and interesting document, the Notitia Imperii. Social con- Passing from the political, I will make a few dition of remarks on the social state of the Empire in the the Em- . r pire. fourth century after Christ. Our information on this subject is very imperfect. We have no authors who, like the comedians of Athens, or like Horace and Juvenal in Rome, enable us to reconstruct a picture of the manners and customs of those far- off times, almost as vivid as is furnished by the ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 45 Miss Austens and the Anthony Trollopes of the nineteenth century. Still we have something. Am- mianus Marcellinus, the great historian of Julian and Valentinian, possessed the eye and hand of a satirist ; and St. Jerome, even in denouncing the vices of fashionable society in Rome, brings us into nearer acquaintance with its good as well as its evil qualities. Taking a broad survey, we may say that the Division characteristic of Roman social life in the later between classes. Empire, was the gulf (a far wider and more bridge- less gulf than exists in our own day) between the very rich and the very poor. The Roman did not take naturally either to manufacturing or to retail shop-keeping. He was (perhaps I should rather say, he had been) essentially a warrior. The rich Roman was still lawyer, civil servant, money-lender, and land owner. The poor Roman was tiller of the soil — often under very hard conditions — or else ' loafer ' (no other word will express my meaning) in the cities. What was true of the dweller in Rome was true also to some extent of the Romanised population of the provinces. Now, if we consider what these statements amount to, and if we consider also the invariable influence of slavery in crushing out the better class of free artisans, we shall see that we have here a society from which the middle class and the more independent portion of the lower class are perpetually tending to disappear; in other words, a society composed of the very rich and of the employes of the State at one end, and of the pro- Dynasty of Theodoshts. [ii. letariat 1 at the other, with only weak and insufficient padding between. Roman We have some interesting information as to the fortunes. f or tunes of wealthy Romans about the year 420, after the distress caused by the invasion of the barbarians had begun. In the first families in Rome it was not unusual for the master of the household to have an income of £ 160,000 a year, besides the produce of vine- yards and corn-lands, which was worth quite £50,000 more 2 . Wealthy families of the second class were worth from £40,000 to £60,000 a year. A Senator named Probus, when his son was made Praetor about 423, spent £48,000 on the shows which it was still customary for that functionary to exhibit to the people. Some fifteen years before, ere Rome had yet been taken by the barbarians, Symmachus the orator, a man who was deemed to possess only a moderate fortune, had spent £80,000 on similar exhibitions ; 1 Though this word has lately obtained, chiefly through the influence of French writers, rather too wide currency, as the polite equivalent of ' mob,' a writer on Roman affairs may with better right employ it, as it is derived from the politics of old Rome. In the Comitia Centuriata, the lowest class of citizens, those who were assessed on a very small amount of property, and who had little beside their children {proles) wherewith to serve the State, were called proletarii. The word seems to have passed out of use before the close of the Republic. 2 In this sentence and throughout these lectures I quote actual sums of money, without attempting to make any correction for the alteration in its value, that being an element extremely difficult to calculate. There is no doubt that the purchasing power of the equivalent of £1 sterling was greater then than now, how much greater it is almost impossible to say, I conjecture about double. I.] The Roman and the Teuton. 47 while Maximus, who was considered one of the very rich citizens of Rome, lavished £160,000 upon the festivities, which, notwithstanding this prodigious expenditure, only lasted seven days. At this time the palace of every Roman nobleman had spacious baths, forum, hippodrome, fountains, temples (or churches) within its enclosure, so that a stranger visiting Rome cried out with enthusiasm ' Every house is a town, Rome holds a myriad of cities.' St. Jerome tells us that the devout lady Paula, who claimed descent on the paternal side from Agamemnon, and on the maternal from the Scipios, was possessed of vast wealth, and that the whole city of Nicopolis (founded by Augustus to com- memorate the battle of Actium) belonged to her alone. The men who owned these enormous fortunes Habits of seemed to Ammianus to be for the most part cold- u * alth y r Romans. hearted and effeminate dandies, unworthy of the great name of Rome, whose foremost citizens they were. A lofty chariot would be one man's sign of distinction, another covered himself with a multitude of cloaks of finest silken texture, each one fastened round his neck by a jewelled clasp, and perpetually wriggled his body about or waved his hand in order to call the attention of the bystanders to the gay fringes of his robe or the figures of animals em- broidered upon it in divers colours of needle-work. Others strutted along the street followed by a whole army of retainers, and when they entered the public baths attended by at least fifty slaves, at once began Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. to shout out in a voice that was meant to strike awe into all humbler visitors, ' Where are my people ?' A contemptuous toss of the head was all that they vouchsafed to an acquaintance ; to the fawning flatterer who was hungering for their smile they would contemptuously offer a hand or a knee to kiss. But all this affectation of aristocratic hauteur vanished when some woman of doubtful reputation drew near, or when news was brought to them of the arrival of some fresh horses or charioteers of extraordinary skill. The banquet was to these men a time of dull and solemn sensuality. When the panting slave placed on the table a fish or a turkey of unusual size, they would send for the scales and order it to be weighed, and then one of the crowd of hungry secretaries standing by would be called upon to record the prodigy on his tablets. Beyond this kind of employment for the pen, their ideas either of literature or of science hardly soared. The poorer Thus empty and frivolous appeared to a con- C fiomT °^ temporary satirist the lives of the Roman nobility. Of the lives of the poorer citizens he gives us fewer details, but we can see that for them as for their ancestors the interest of life was summed up in three words 'Panem et Circenses ' — bread and circus-shows. By a well-understood bargain between the Roman mob and the Roman Emperor— a bargain which lasted through all the centuries from Julius to Augus- tulus — he was bound to provide them with at least food enough to keep them from starving, and with a proper amount of excitement in the form of games, II.] The Roman and the Teuton. 49 chariot races, and rights of gladiators and wild beasts ; and if he failed in this, the first duty of a ruler, his diadem and his life were both forfeit. The elaborate provisions of the Theodosian code Bread dis- enable us to understand how the duty of feeding the iributton - mob was performed. We see the householders of Rome seated on broad flights of stairs throughout the fourteen regions of the City, and receiving from the slaves who obeyed the orders of the Super- intendent of Supply {Praefectus Annonae) their loaves of fine wheaten flour, each weighing about a pound and a half 1 , and in addition, a certain quantity of oil. And then as to the games. The history of Am- Games. mianus and the letters of Cassiodorus show us these same unemployed citizens flocking to the stately Colosseum, or the spacious Hippodrome, and shout- ing themselves hoarse with the name of some favourite gladiator or charioteer. The chariot races especially, stirred the people to a frenzy of excite- ment, surpassing that of a contested election or an Irish faction-fight. The two colours, blue and green, flaunted by one set of charioteers or the other, stirred the citizens both of Rome and Con- stantinople to the very madness of triumph or disappointment. 'The green charioteer flashes by: part of the people is in despair. The blue gets ahead : a larger part of the city is in misery. They cheer frantically when they have gained nothing : 1 Perhaps the ration was proportioned to the size of the receiver's family, but this we cannot say with certainty. E 5° Dynasty of Theodosins. [li. they are cut to the heart when they have received no loss : and they plunge with as much eagerness into these empty contests as if the whole welfare of the imperilled fatherland was at stake V In such a round of ignoble excitements, in such an attitude of dishonourable dependence on the feeding power of the State- -pauperism disguised under high-sounding names — the mob of Rome and of Constantinople, apparently also of Antioch and Alexandria, spent their lazy lives. Meanwhile the agricultural population and the inhabitants of the smaller provincial towns were daily sinking lower into the gulf of hopeless poverty, toiling, yet scarce able with all their labour to keep famine from their Slave- doors. At the base of the social pyramid were of system. course to be found the Slaves, those unhappy beings who, shut up at night in the huge and gloomy ergas- tula (slave-barracks), worked all day under the hot Italian sun, cultivating the land of some wealthy master, unknown, unseen, only represented by a hard, relentless villicus (steward^, himself a slave, but delighting to make the more miserable creatures under him feel his power. These were the kind of establishments which, a hundred years or more before the Republic fell, had replaced the happy homesteads of the Latin or Sabine farmer : and it was the sight of this spreading plague-spot of servile agriculture which in the first century of the Chris- tian era forced from Pliny the well-known cry of lamentation, 'Large estates have been the ruin of 1 Cassiodorus, Variarum iii. 51. II.] The Roman and the Teuton. 5i Italy and are now causing the ruin of the pro- vinces 1 .' Yet perhaps in the fifth century the slave was not the most miserable of the rural inhabitants. Christianity had already introduced some betterment into his condition. The ergastulum was prohibited by law, if we may not think that it had entirely dis- appeared in fact : and decrees were beginning to be issued, earnestly protesting against that breaking up of families which is one of the most cruel charac- teristics of predial slavery 2 . And at any rate the slave, in all ordinary circumstances, was safe from death by starvation, a security which was not always enjoyed by his social superiors. Next above the slave, and often hardly to be dis- Coloni. tinguished from him, was the co/onus or serf, a man over whom his lord had no power of life and death, but who was bound — as were his children after him — to cultivate a particular piece of ground for the owner, at a rent which seems to have been practically unchanged from generation to generation. He had therefore no power of changing his con- dition nor of choosing a better landlord, but on the other hand he had practically a kind of tenant- right which he transmitted, with the corresponding 1 'Verumque confitentibus latifundia perdidere Italiam : jam vero et provincias. Sex domini semissem Africae possidebant, cum interfecit eos Nero princeps.' Hist. Nat. xviii. 6. 2 Cod. Theod. ii. 25. ' Quis enim ferat, liberos a parentibus, a fratribus sorores, a viris conjuges segregari ? ' The date of this law is not quite certain, but it probably belongs to a.d. 334. There is no doubt that Constantine was the author of it, and we may therefore fairly attribute it to Christian influences. E 2 52 Dynasty of Theodoshis. [ii. liability, to his children. This class of compulsory cultivators seems to have sprung out of freeholders who were weighed down by hopeless debt, and who by process of law became coloni of their creditors 1 ; but it was probably enormously increased during the troubles of the third and fourth centuries, when men finding freedom with starvation a burden too heavy to be borne, voluntarily lowered their con- dition, and becoming coloni accepted the helping but degrading hand of a dominus. In times of peace and plenty the condition of a colonus, notwithstanding his bounded horizon and his depressing round of unvarying toil, was perhaps not altogether to be pitied : but war, famine, and pestilence must have terribly reduced his narrow margin of profit. Curiaks. Of all classes of the community, however, none seem to me so truly to be commiserated as the curiales, the vestrymen and town-councillors of the provinces. These were the descendants of the men by whom the local self-government of the Empire had formerly been carried on, the representatives of a once flourishing and happy middle class. Their ancestors had been men of importance in their little world, and the letters DEC (for Decurio, or town- councillor) carved on their tombs had shown their right to a coveted dignity. But as they bore rule in their little commonwealth, so they were respon- sible for its contributions to the public revenue ; and as the Empire grew older, as it became divided, as there came to be three or four Imperial Courts to 1 See Fustel de Coulanges, Problemes de l'Histoire. ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 53 support instead of one, and as heavier sums had to be paid to buy off or to fight off the barbarians, so the pressure of the tax-gatherer became more severe, while the privileges of the town-councillor became more shadowy. At last the truth was openly con- fessed : the curialis was a mere bond-slave of the Empire, bound to fulfil his 'curial obligations/ that is, to bear an ever-increasing burden of local rates and imperial taxes, transmitting this sad necessity to his children, compelled if the land next to him fell out of cultivation to take it up and cultivate it for the benefit of the Imperial Treasury, forbidden to become a priest or even a slave, lest by either process he might escape from his bondage to the curia. One or two ways of escape from this bitter servitude were indeed left open, but they were narrow, thorny, and difficult. Practically the chief liberator of the curi- alis and his kindest friend was Death. The sketch which I have thus offered you of the social condition of the Empire in the fourth century is certainly a gloomy one. Like all such sketches it can only be approximately true. Doubtless there were at Rome many nobles unlike the effeminate dandies whom Ammianus has described to us : doubtless there was in the provinces many a cul- tivator of the soil, whether colonus or curialis, who glided happily enough through life, not crushed by the burdens and the despairs which seem to us so terrible. Yes : though I cannot accept the proposi- tion that the sum of human happiness is a constant quantity throughout the centuries, I doubt not that 54 Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. in the saddest periods of the history of the world there has been more individual happiness, and in the happiest of such periods more individual suffering, than the historian pourtrays to us. But upon the whole we may confidently say that the Roman World, at the lime when the barbarian invasion began in earnest, was not happy or flourishing. Large tracts of land within the Limes Imperii were going out of cultivation, population both in Italy and the provinces was dwindling, and I think Hope was unusually absent from the hearts and minds of men. In short, the Empire was sinking under the weight of its official administration, even as I fear that after ages will see that many fair states of Europe are now sinking under the weight of the terrible armaments with which mutual suspicion has led them to array themselves. § 2. The Teuton. From the highly-developed life of the Empire, with its signs of exhaustion and decay, we turn to that of our German forefathers and their kindred— a life rough, untrained, undisciplined, but already utterly different from that of mere savages, and bearing within it the seeds of many noble institutions. The German peoples (to speak of them in the language of Rome), the Deutsche (as they have in more recent times called them- selves), or the Teutonic 1 race (which is the term 1 Waitz (Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte i. 30) remarks that II J The Roman and the Teuton. 55 now generally used in contrast to Celts and Slaves), occupied, broadly speaking, the territory from the Rhine to the Danube, and along the northern shore of the Danube to the Black Sea. There were settlements, however, of the Teutons on the west of the Rhine, and in the east of Europe Sclavonic nations were mingled with Teutons in a confusion which it is now im- possible to disentangle. Of their ethnological re- lations, however, I shall have a little more to say in my next lecture. At present my object is to give a slight sketch of the inner life of these Teutonic peoples, in its social and political aspects. The first detailed information that we possess The Ger- as to the customs of the Germans is given us by m T ans a ' fe J the end of Julius Caesar, who describes the state of things the first which prevailed about 55 years before Christ. centur y _ r it • r • after Christ Our next and by far our fullest information comes not a from Tacitus, who wrote his priceless monograph, nomadic the Germania, in 98 a. d., that is, about a century and a half after Caesar. During that interval it is clear that an important change had come over the habits of the Germans. From being a pastoral people, living chiefly on milk and cheese and the flesh of their cattle, they had become, to a large extent, tillers of the soil. They still kept their flocks and herds, and wealth among them was still measured chiefly by these possessions ; but ' Teutonic ' and ' Deutsch ' have probably no connection with one another. 56 Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. bread was now a staple article of food, and per- haps that upon which the slaves and the poorer freemen chiefly subsisted. This change in diet involved a necessary change in the habits of the people. The shepherd and the herdsman are essentially wanderers ; the varied needs of their dumb companions in winter and summer, make frequent change of abode not only easy but profit- able, while the agriculturist of course must re- main stationary to watch the growth of the corn which he has sown. It seems probable that Caesar's conquest of Gaul, Tiberius's victories in Switzerland and the Tyrol, and the strong re- straining hand of Augustus upon all the tribes beyond the Rhine and the Danube, were partly the cause of this change in the habits of the Ger- mans. Cooped within narrower limits, and no longer able to overrun at their pleasure the fair lands of Gaul and Pannonia, they betook them- selves of necessity to a more careful cultivation of their restricted territory, and practised the arts of a rude husbandry — rude indeed, but incomparably less wasteful of the earth's resources than the nomadic life of the grazier and the sheep-master. In its turn this change in their habits reacted on their character. It made the maintenance of peace be- tween them and the Empire possible for two or three generations at a time, and it so far fixed the bounds of the habitations of the Germanic peoples them- selves, that the map of Germany which is drawn to illustrate the text of Tacitus will serve, without ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 57 many changes, for the distribution of the tribes in the time of Constantine. Let us try to understand what the life of these A German German farmers looked like in a time of peace during V fJ t ^f^ ent the second and third centuries of the Christian era. Their settlements, like those of a Canadian back- woodsman, were for the most part clearings in the midst of 'the forest primeval.' Here, then, with a girdle of woodland round them, was planted the cluster of scattered houses which made up the vil- lage. The Romans called it a vtcus, the modern Germans call it a dorf(a word akin to our own thorp); our Saxon and Anglian ancestors called it some- times a ton 1 (town), sometimes a ham 2 ; while their Danish invaders gave to the same kind of settlement the name of a by or a wick 3 . The houses in the German village were built of timber, and if Tacitus is correct in saying that tiles were unknown among them, we must, I suppose, conclude that the straw thatches which are still common in rural England were the roofs chiefly used by our German ancestors. One feature of a German village which struck the eye of a Roman observer, and in which it probably differed even from a Celtic town, was that there were in it no rows of contiguous houses. Each dwelling, 1 Norton, Sutton, Easton, Weston, &c. 2 Laleham, Farnham, Tottenham, &c., but more often with a genitive plural preceding it. Birmingham (the village of the Beormings), Buckingham (the village of the Bucings), and so on. 3 Derby, Danby, Whitby, &c. ; Elswick, Alnwick, Chiswick, &c. 58 Dynasty of Theodosius. [n. whether large or small, stood surrounded by its own plot of ground, and thus fires were less dangerous than where the lines of buildings were continuous. The description of such a vicus given by Tacitus reminds one of a Swiss village, say Meyringen, Grindelwald, or Altdorf, if we can imagine all the changes which have been wrought therein by the tide of summer tourists done away. And the great belt of woodland which seems always to have sur- rounded the German vicus, and which was to a certain extent the common property of the villagers, who possessed rights of collecting fuel, and probably also of hunting game in these encircling forests, reminds me of several modern German villages which I have seen, but especially of Schwalbach, which is environed by just such a belt of trees, chiefly beech-trees. In this beautiful green girdle, which is from one to two miles in depth, the poor of the village are still employed during the winter in felling and carrying wood for the benefit of the Gemeinde, and the wages paid to them for this work seem to supply the place of what is called with us 1 out-door relief/ Distinction In these little sequestered villages the bulk of the of classes in r* • i_ j • i <-ri_ J n German warriors had their homes. I here was a a German village. distinction of classes among them. Then, as now, the German looked upon noble birth with reverence, and probably in every village there were at least one or two heads of families called noble, and believed to be sprung in far-distant ages from the seed of gods. But the largest and most important class was ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 59 that of the men, free but not noble \ who took part in all public assemblies, and who formed the bone and muscle of the national army, but who, though proud and independent, did not look upon them- selves as eligible for any of the highest places in the State. Among these, however, there were all sorts of gradations of rank, depending partly on personal qualities, but largely also on their relative wealth. The chief outward sign of this wealth was cattle, so much so that the earliest translator of the New Testament into a Teutonic tongue coined a word equivalent to 'cattle-hoarder 2 ,' when he wished to warn his readers against the 'mammon of unrighteous- ness/ But slaves also were possessed, probably in considerable numbers, by wealthy German villagers, though they were employed almost entirely in the labour of the farm and the pasture, all domestic work being as a rule performed by the female members of even the rich German family. Half-naked, and far from clean, the children of the master and of the slave sprawled about together on the floor of either home, until the years of manhood were reached, when it was deemed fitting that some distinctive dress should show the difference of their rank. But it was in these smoky huts, on these dirty floors, and doubtless also in many a long day's chase along with the slave-boys in the encircling forest, that 1 The Ingcnui of the Latin writers : the Gcmein-freie of modern Germans. 2 Faihu-thrains (literally cattle-thronging) is Ulfilas' translation of Mo/A/iwi/as. 6o Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. the fair limbs of the young German warriors grew to that size and that sinewy stateliness which, as Tacitus admits, were the admiration and the terror of Rome. Land-sys- J The agriculture of these Teutonic tribes was con- ^Germans ducted in a manner which necessarily kept it in a backward and primitive state. Apparently the Ger- mans had learnt the lesson that frequent grain-crops exhaust the fertility of the soil. Anything like a scientific system of manuring, in order to repair that exhausted fertility, was of course yet undiscovered ; but a rude provision for fallows seems to have been generally made. Periodically, the whole population of the village went forth into the adjacent country and decided upon the portion of pasture or moorland which was to be broken up by the plough in order to replace the portion of arable land which had earned the right to repose. The new corn-land thus created was divided among the villagers, not equally, but according to their rank and wealth, chiefly because 1 This paragraph is an attempt to explain the following passage of Tacitus (Germania xxvi) which has been almost as much fought over by commentators as if it had been a text of Scrip- ture : — - ' Agri pro numero cultorum ab universis in vices occupantur, quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partiuntur. Facilitatem parti- endi camporum spatia praestant. Arva per annos mutant; et super- est ager.' I follow in some points the interpretation given by Waitz (Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte i. 109-113 and 140-148), and Dahn (Geschichte der deutschen Urzeit i. 171-174) ; but on the whole the criticism of Fustel de Coulanges (Problemes d'Histoire, 263-294) seems to me to penetrate most deeply into the author's meaning. ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 61 rank and wealth implied a proportionate power of cultivation \ While the poor freeman, who was only just above the rank of a slave, could bring only his own arms and those of his sons to till the little patch of ground which was allotted to him, his wealthy neighbour, who had slaves and horses and herds in abundance, could cultivate, and therefore might insist upon having allotted to him, a much larger part of the new corn-land. Thus, by this arrangement, as by so many of those which belong to a more complicated civilisation, ' to him that had, more was given, so that he had abundance.' After all, every German village had still so much land at its disposal, that few heartburnings seem to have been caused on the score of too scanty allotment 2 . And in order to prevent the complaint that one villager received a more fertile or a sunnier portion than another, the lots periodically 3 , perhaps even annually, changed hands, though still on the same principle of unequal division. At first sight, such a system as this appears com- munistx, but on reflexion we see that the right of property, and the inequalities which flow from the acknowledgment of that right, are fully recognised by it. Only I think we must admit — and here the words both of Caesar 4 and Tacitus seem to justify 1 ' Secundum dignationem partiuntur.' 2 ' Et superest ager.' 3 'Arva per annos mutant.' Perhaps this is meant to convey a different meaning from ' per annum.' * De Bello Gallico, iv. I, vi. 22. 62 Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. our conclusion — that there was in the minds of the rough German politicians of the first century before and the first century after Christ, a conviction, or perhaps rather an instinct, that the land, though still cheap and not much more an object of desire than water or air, was, like water and air, essential to the nation's life ; and that, though cottages and the sur- rounding gardens were the subject of absolute pro- perty, and descended from father to son without question, it was safer for the community by frequent changes to prevent the right of any one of its mem- bers to a given space of corn-land or meadow from becoming firm and immovable. How these open fields were probably divided into strips, or ' yard-lands ' ; how the villagers sometimes helped one another in the necessary ploughing ; how some traces of this peculiar kind of joint occupation existed through the Middle Ages, and were still manifest in our own country even in the early part of this century, has been set forth with much fulness of detail by my friend Mr. Seebohm, in his interesting book, The English Village Com- munity \ Indolence Whatever other advantages this system might pos- °Germans sess ' was not n kely to encourage highly-developed agriculture. But indeed, from the account given by 1 The strongest part of Mr. Seebohm's book is, I think, Lis illustration of the old Teutonic land-tenure by the open fields now or lately existing at Hitchin. I confess I am not convinced by him that the open field system and • co-aration' necessarily imply a servile tenure on the part of the cultivators. II.] The Roman and the Teuton. «3 Tacitus, which is generally confirmed by later histo- rians, it is clear that the German freemen, though far from being the squalid savages that they have been sometimes represented, were not industrious tillers of the soil. War, the chase, the sword-dance, and the throw of the dice-box were their chief ex- citements, and when they were not excited they were torpid and lethargic. Long and heavy potations, sometimes continued for a day and night together, sometimes interrupted by a bloody brawl, were fol- lowed by equally long and heavy slumbers. Whether they went to the banquet or to market they always wore arms, a sure sign of a low state of civilisation ; and the gravest affairs were all discussed amid copious draughts of beer, or, if the disputants dwelt near the Rhine or the Danube, of wine from the land of the Romans. In short, while we can trace in the Teuton of the first Christian centuries some noble qualities — truth, courage, chastity — we also discover the marks of some deep inbred vices, which beset him till this day, especially drunkenness and the love of gambling ; and we do not find even the germs of that capacity for steady and continuous toil which, since they became Christian and civilised, has been the glory of the German, the Anglo-Saxon, and the Scandinavian. Such, then, in brief outline, seems to have been How the the ordinary life of a German village. The political vllla S e . community institutions of the Teutonic races — which are what developed we are chiefly now concerned with — depended on int0 the the manner and extent of the consolidation of these 6 4 Dynasty of Theodosius. [II. villages into larger and more powerful communities. If we go up to some high table-land we shall see little brooks and streams running off from it in all directions, some of which will perhaps eventually form part of a great and world-famous river, while others will find their way unnoticed to the sea. In studying the early history of the Germanic tribes, we stand on such a table-land. The future fortunes of Franks, Visigoths, Burgundians, Angles, Saxons, are involved in the village politics of these much- drinking, freely-fighting German boors ; but there are also involved the obscure destinies of countless little tribes, whose uncouth names survive only in the pages of Tacitus or Jordanes, and are in fact forgotten by men. Manifold- The characteristic of German polity, as much in ^German tne ^ rst century after Christ as in the sixteenth, as political much in the time of Arminius as in that of Charles V, life ..... was its infinite diversity. There were tribes that knew no king, tribes that had kings with very limited powers, tribes that submitted to despotism — or some- thing very like it — on the part of their kings, and tribes that even endured to have such authority over them exercised by a woman. And the chief — I will not say the only — cause of this diversity seems to have been the relative greatness or littleness of the clusters into which the village communities ultimately coalesced ; and, closely connected herewith, the ques- tion whether the organism which was thus finally formed entertained widely extended schemes of ag- gression and foreign conquest, or whether it rested ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 65 content with the defence of its own narrow borders against an invading foe. Apparently every German village, at the time which The Pagus, we are now considering, had so far coalesced with G J? U ' °' County or some of its neighbours as to form what the Romans Canton. called a pagus. The extent of these pagi, and the number of vici which united to form them, doubtless differed exceedingly, but as we find that in the time of Caesar 1 each Suevic pagus sent forth 1000 armed men, an equal number remaining at home to till the ground, we may perhaps assume that the whole population of a pagus generally consisted of about 10,000 persons, and that about ten via) more or less, contributed to its formation. The choice of a Teu- tonic word to represent the term pagus, which, though convenient, is foreign, has not been found easy. Modern German scholars have generally adopted the word Gau, which was extensively used in the Middle Ages, though it is admitted that this does not precisely correspond to the pagus, but was often of somewhat smaller extent. As an English equivalent, county or shire comes the nearest, though both of them suggest ideas of a somewhat later time 2 . Whether such a translation be scientifically accurate or not 3 there can be little doubt that the feeling of 1 De Bello Gallico iv. I. 2 We have a word Gd in English akin to the German Gau, but it does not seem to have been ever extensively used. For the reasons why shire is not precisely appropriate, see Prof. Freeman's Essay ' The Shire and the Ga.' Have we a trace of the Gau in the names of Linlithgow and Glasgow ? 3 Bishop Stubbs makes the ' hundred * answer to the pagus, but as F 66 Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. local patriotism which still animates a Devonshire man or a Shropshire man when he speaks of his county, represents, at least as well as any other modern equivalent, the bond which bound a German warrior to his pagus. But, upon the whole, the Swiss canton, both in extent and in the manner of its growth, namely, by the coalition of the inhabitants of several neighbouring valleys, seems to me the most fitting representative of the pagus of the Germania. Some German communities, perhaps, stopped in the process of consolidation at the canton, and never reached a further stage. They may have had tradi- tions, and even religious rites, which kept alive the remembrance that they formed part of a larger tribe, that they were Suevi, or Mattiaci, or Chauci ; but as far as political organisation went they were willing to be a pagus and nothing more. If so, we may probably affirm that the tribes which contained many of these self-isolated cantons retained what has been called their ' republican ' organisation, engaged but little in offensive war, were feeble in their resistance to Rome, and have left but little mark in history. Several The first step towards national existence on a ^mtght l ar g er scale was taken when many pagt, bound coalesce together for the most part by the traditions of a into a common origin, organised themselves into what the Civitcis. Romans called a civitas, and in doing so generally, perhaps not always, elected for themselves a King. I do not think it is possible to find a term which there were 65 hundreds in Sussex alone, this seems a very small divi- sion to represent the great and important pagi of Caesar and Tacitus. ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 67 exactly represents the stage of development which was thus reached, but the Saxon and Anglian king- doms which were set up in our own land — Wessex, Mercia, Northumbria — will convey the true idea of it to our minds better than an elaborate description. Kingship and a tendency towards unification went Kingship hand in hand in the history of the German races. and tendency And not in that history alone : we may safely towards illustrate the tendency of the kingly office among unification the Germans by what we read in the Old Testament get j ierm of the election of Saul. The Twelve Tribes of Israel, conscious that they were losing national unity and were in danger of being absorbed by the great monarchies on their borders, elected Saul to be their king, and his very first act of kingship was the deliverance of the outlying settlement of Jabesh-gilead from the destruction with which it was threatened by Nahash, King of the Ammonites. In our own days we have seen the aspirations of the Germans after national unity, aspirations which seemed for centuries doomed to hopeless failure, at length successful ; and the visible token of their success and of that victory over their foes which unity made possible, was the crowning of the Emperor William by a host of kings, dukes and generals \ in the palace of Versailles. We must not press the conclusion too far, since the history both of Rome and of the United States of America shows that a Republic can found a great dominion and defend the oneness 1 Compare the ' Turba regum diversarumque nationum ductores ' of Jordanes, De Reb. Get. xxxviii. F 2 63 Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. of a nation : but for the German peoples, properly so called, I think we may safely say Monarchy has meant Unity, and Unity has meant Monarchy. Character Far other, however, than the languid despot upon of the tne sanc tity of whose presence-chamber we intruded kingly office t ... among the in the beginning of this lecture, was the King of the Germans. Goths or the Alamanni. Whether himself the son of a king or not, it was necessary that he should be of noble birth \ and he had therefore probably been reared in a house, rude but somewhat larger than the ordinary freeman's dwelling, built by the side of a fountain or near a sacred grove, at some little distance from the village settlement 2 . But his life had been passed in the active exercises of war and the chase : and before he was chosen king of a great and important civitas he had probably given some proof of valour and ability, to cause him to be singled out from the ranks of nobles, each of whom was a chief in his own canton. Even after his election as king, his power was by no means unlimited. He might not bind nor strike any one of the free German warriors under him. Both in council and in war he had so much authority as his gifts of intellect, of daring, or of strength enabled him to acquire and 1 'Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt' (Tacitus, Ger- mania vii). 2 ' Colunt discreti ac diversi, ut fons, ut campus, ut nemus placuit ' (ibid. xvi). It seems very likely, as suggested by Seebohm (English Village Community, p. 339), that this describes rather the settlement of the chiefs than of the commonalty. This must be stated, however, as a mere conjecture, as there is nothing in the language of Tacitus on which to found it. ii.] The Roman and the Teuton. 69 retain, and not much more \ And when thus elected he had no absolute right to transmit his crown to his first-born, nor indeed to any of his sons. Doubtless the eldest son of a recently deceased king, if himself a man of capacity and valour, had always a good chance of being chosen to succeed him, but that was all. Gradually as the nation and its royal race grew accustomed to one another, and especially when the kings of that race had often led the nation to victory, 1 The story of Clovis and the vase of Soissons, though almost worn threadbare by frequent repetition, may be quoted as an illus- tration of the nature of the power of a German king, strictly limited in peace, but tending to become absolute in war. Clovis wished to gratify the Bishop of Rheims by restoring to him a vase which the spoilers had taken from his church. When the army were all mustered at Soissons with the heap of plunder before them, he accordingly asked that this vase might be allotted to him over and above his regular share of the spoil. ' Glorious king,' said the loyal soldiers, ' we and all that we have are thine, neither can any one resist thy power.' But one of the warriors — ' envious and fickle,' says the historian, perhaps in his heart resenting the adulation of his comrades — lifted up his battle-axe and smote upon the vase, saying, ' Nothing shalt thou carry away from hence except what a fair lot give thee.' The vase was apparently defaced, not broken, and the king concealing his annoyance handed it to the bishop's messenger. At the year's end, when all the warriors were assembled in the Campus Martius to show the brightness of their arms, the king, going the round of his troops, came to the striker of the vase. ' No one,' said he, ' keeps his arms in such a dirty state as thou dost : neither thy spear, nor thy shield, nor thy battle-axe is fit to be seen,' and therewith he wrested the battle-axe from his hand and threw it to the ground. As the man stooped to pick it up the king raised his hand on high, and drove his own battle-axe deep into the warrior's skull, shouting, ' Thus at Soissons didst thou do to that vase.' Thereupon he ordered all the other warriors to file off from the field, their hearts being filled with a salutary dread of his power. 70 Dynasty of Theodosius. the feeling grew stronger and stronger that out of that race only the nation ought to choose its kings. Thus were the Amals looked upon as the natural kingly race of the Ostrogoths, the Merwings of the Franks, the Asdings of the Vandals. But still there was no strict hereditary right, and the nation on the death of its king exercised its power of choice often in utter defiance of the rule of primogeniture. Meeting of The choice of the ruler, the decision as to war the mem- , , c c i i hers of the or P eace > the enactment 01 a lew very simple laws, Civitas. these formed the chief business of the assembly of the civitas, which was called probably by some name like our own Anglo-Saxon Folc-gemot or Folcs- thing. Tacitus gives us a concise but vivid picture of the proceedings of one of these national as- semblies. The gemots-men indicated their deep- seated love of liberty by the unpunctuality of their attendance. Two days, and sometimes three, would elapse before a sufficient number had arrived to enable them to commence their proceedings. Then, when the crowd was in the humour for beginning, they sat down on the ground, all arrayed in their armour. The priests called for silence, and upon them rested the duty of maintaining order during the deliberations of the assembly 1 . Then the king 1 In this connection it is interesting to note that an inscription has recently been discovered at the Roman Camp of Borcovicus in Northumberland, which commences ' Deo Marti Thincso.' The persons who thus record the dedication of their altar to the god Mars Thincsus are said to be < Gtrmani Cives Tuihanti.' Dr. Hubner, one of the greatest authorities on Roman epigraphy, believes that ' Mars Thincsus ' is the Teutonic god Tiu, and that his epithet II.] The Roman and the Teuton. 7i or chief whose age, or eloquence, or noble birth gave him the right of pre-audience, addressed the assembly, and afterwards each in his turn according to the same blended qualifications. All the speakers sought rather to persuade than to command. An unpopular proposal was drowned in murmurs of disapproval, while eagerly brandished lances tes- tified the applause and the agreement of the as- sembly. In these assemblies an accusation might be brought Judicial against a man who was suspected of treason against P°™ er °f ° . . the popular the nation's life, and if the charge were pushed home, assembly. a capital sentence was pronounced upon the offender. Betrayers and deserters were hanged from a tree ; the mere coward and fugitive, the man whom our Saxon forefathers would have called a nithing, was plunged deep in mud and covered with a hurdle to prevent his struggling back to life — a mode of punishment which reminds one of some scenes in Dante's In- ferno. Probably, however, it was neither the legislative Election of nor the judicial, but the elective aspect of these 16 Ulg ' national councils which was the most important. The chiefs, or elders, or judges, or by whatever name they were called, the men whose business it was to administer a rude justice in the cantons and the villages, were chosen in the national council 1 . means that the national Thing or Council was held under his guardianship. (See Archaeologia Aeliana, x. 154-159,) 1 ' Eliguntur in iisdem conciliis et principes, qui jura per pagos vicosque reddunt' (Tacitus, Germania xii). Dynasty of Theodosius. [ii. And the highest act of the nation's great assize was performed when the chief who was to repel the eagles of Rome, to lead the people across the frozen Danube, or to swoop upon the wealthy- plains of Gaul, was solemnly chosen king. The clashing arms testified the nation's assent to his nomination. Six strong warriors slowly upheaved the shield on which stood the newly-chosen one, and shouts of 'Thiu- dans ! Thiudans 1 ! ' proclaimed to the echoing hills that the nation had once more a king. Thus was he singled out from his fellows who was to conduct the people's quarrel with the far-off, mysterious, Imperator of Rome. 1 Thiudans is the Gothic word for ' King. ' LECTURE III. The Coming of the Huns. Having thus given a cursory glance at the politi- cal and social condition of the Roman Empire and its German neighbours in the fourth century after Christ, let us now even more briefly survey the ethnological aspect of the barbarian world on its northern frontier at the same time. Of the three great groups into which the non- Latin nations of Europe are at this day divided, Celtic, Teutonic, and Slavonic, the Teutonic alone here claims our especial attention. The Celtic na- Celtic na- tionality had been beaten down in ten years o{ twns - battle by Julius Caesar, and its last hope of offering a successful resistance to Rome vanished when Suetonius Paulinus crossed the straits of Menai and put the Druids to the sword in their hitherto in- violable island of Mona. The Slavonic group of Slavonic nations, which now fills Russia and Poland, forms natwns - half the population of Austria and is founding new kingdoms and principalities in what was lately Turkey in Europe, had not then come fully on the stage of history. The vague term Sarmatians, used by Roman geographers, is probably the best indica- 74 Dynasty of Theodosius. [in. tion that we have of their presence in Europe, but few ethnological questions are harder than to define the ever-shifting boundary which separated them from their Teutonic neighbours. It is very possible that many of the barbarian hosts that warred on Rome may have consisted of Slavonic marauders led on by Teutonic chieftains : but just because the initiative at any rate belonged to the Teutons, and because the Slaves originated so few expeditions against the Empire, we may practically leave them out of the question and consider only the great Teutonic population which, all round the northern frontier of the Empire, from the mouth of the Rhine to the mouth of the Danube, faced the Masters of the Soldiery and their Legions. Tendency There had been a marked tendency during the °{onicna™~ tn * rc * century after Christ in the barbarian nations Hons to to merge themselves into a few great confederacies, form con- a tenc |ency wn ich possibly had something to do with federacies. j sr j o the ill-success of the Roman arms during that period. A whole string of names of petty tribes on the lower Rhine, mentioned to us by Tacitus, disappears in Franks. order to form the nation of the Franks. In like manner the tribes which dwelt on the Main and the Neckar clustered together into the confederation of Alamanni. the Alamanni. On the Middle Danube the great nation of the Marcomanni, who once pressed Marcus Aurelius hard, disappeared, and no one nation of pre-eminent power arose in its place ; but when we come towards the mouth of the Danube, to the countries which are now known as Roumania, Tran- III.] The Coming of the Huns. 75 sylvania, and Bessarabia, we find them occupied by the great and powerful confederacy of the Goths. Goths. This race, of pure Teutonic origin, belonging to that which is called the Low-German family of peoples, and speaking a language much more akin to Low- land Scotch than to the modern German of Hanover, had migrated, probably in the second century of our era, from the district now known as East Prussia in the south-east corner of the Baltic. They had spread themselves along the northern shore of the Euxine, near the mouths of the Dnieper and the Dniester, and after a series of piratical expeditions by sea and marauding inroads by land upon the Eastern half of the Empire, had occupied without further opposition the Roman province of Dacia, constituted by Trajan in the early part of the second century. During the century before our narrative begins, they had been dwelling for the most part as friendly and peaceable neighbours of Rome. They had become gradually divided into two great groups of peoples, the Eastern and Western Goths, who eventually became known as the Ostrogoths and Visigoths. A hard and undeserved fate, as well as an un- Associa- merited glory, has come upon the possessors of the ^^J^^ Gothic name. The glory is that of having given the term their name to the most solemn and impressive order Gothu - of architecture that the world has ever seen. Men speak, and doubtless will ever continue to speak, of Gothic buildings, though the last traces of Gothic nationality had expired many centuries before a pointed arch was seen at Canterbury or Notre Dame. Dynasty of Theodosius. [ill. On the other hand the expression * What a Goth ! ' as indicative of rudeness and lack of culture, is con- stantly used by the descendants of men who were centuries behind the Goths in refinement and civili- sation, and who do not know that 'What a Frank !' or 'What a Saxon !' would be far nearer to historic truth. In point of fact, of all the Teutonic races none showed so early an appreciation of what was best in Roman civilisation as the Gothic, none showed a greater power of assimilating that civilisa- tion, and none, had its career not been prematurely cut short, would more happily for Europe have blended the old with the new by uniting the culture and refinement of ' Romania ' with the rough energy and freedom of ' Barbaricum.' The Visi- At the particular period which we have reached goths and ^iese remarks apply rather to the Visigoth than to the Empire. rr J the Ostrogoth. While the Ostrogoths, wandering wide over the vast plains of Southern Russia, were coming in contact with and subduing the dim Sla- vonic peoples of the interior, and thus building up Circa for their great king, Hermanric, a vast but ill-con- 350-376. solidated empire which his flatterers— those of them at least who had some slight knowledge of classical history — compared to that of Alexander the Great, the Visigoths dwelling in Transylvania and Walla- chia, and acknowledging perhaps in a general way the suzerainty of Hermanric, but under the especial rule of their own native chieftains who bore the subordinate title of Judges, were continually coming more and more under the influence of the Empire. in.] The Coming of the Huns. 77 Latin and Greek words were creeping into their language. The soldier talked of his pay as mizdo (evidently the same word as the Greek fuv o\(ov apxv) at Sirmium, on the 19th of January, 379. The share of the Empire assigned to his im- mediate superintendence was of course the East, together with Macedonia and Dacia. The rest of the Diocese of Illyricum was joined, now as on many other occasions, to the Western half of the Empire. The first duty that Theodosius had to undertake Guerilla War. io8 Dynasty of Theodosius. [iv. 379-380. was to restore the self-confidence and trust in victory of the Roman army, terribly shaken as these qualities had been by the disastrous rout of Hadrianople. This he accomplished by waging a successful gue- rilla war with the Gothic marauders. Valens had played into the hands of the barbarians by risking everything on one great pitched battle. Theodo- sius adopted the very opposite policy. He out- manoeuvred the isolated and straggling bands of the Goths, defeated them in one skirmish after another that did not deserve the name of a battle, and thus restored the courage and confidence of the Imperial troops. By the end of 379 he seems to have suc- ceeded in clearing the territory south of the Balkan range of the harassing swarms of the barbarians. Sickness In February, 380, he fell sick at Thessalonica °dosius°' ( wn i cn was his chief basis of operations throughout this period), and this sickness, from which he did not fully recover for some months, was productive of two important results, (1) his baptism as a Trinitarian Christian, (2) a renewal of the war against fresh swarms of barbarians. Theodosius (1) Theodosius appears up to this point of his "creldlf 6 career not to have definitely ranged himself on Nicaea. either side of the great Arian controversy, though he had a hereditary inclination towards the Creed of Nicaea. Like his father, however, he had post- poned baptism in accordance with the prevalent usage of his day : but now upon a bed of sickness which seemed likely to be one of death, he delayed no longer, but received the rite at the hands of IV.] Theodosius. Ascholius, the Catholic Bishop of Thessalonica. 380. Before he was able to resume his post at the head of the legions, he published his celebrated Edict : 'To the people of Constantinople. — We desire that all the nations who are governed by the rule of our Clemency shall practise that religion which the Apostle Peter himself delivered to the Romans, and which it is manifest that the pontiff Damasus, and Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, a man of Apostolic sanctity, do now follow : that according to the discipline of the Apostles and the teaching of the Evangelists they believe in the one Godhead of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, in equal Majesty, and in the holy Trinity. We order all who follow this law to assume the name of Catholic Christians, decreeing that all others, being mad and foolish persons, shall bear the infamy of their heretical dogmas, and that their Con- venticles shall not receive the name of Churches : to be punished first by Divine vengeance, and after- wards by that exertion of our power to chastise which we have received from the decree of heaven/ Thus then at length the Caesar of the East was The power ranged on the side of Trinitarian orthodoxy. Con- °f the ^ ast - stantine in the latter 'part of his reign, Constantius, now en- Valens, had all been Arians or semi-Arians, some o{ hstedon . the side oj them bitter in their heterodoxy. Julian had been a Orthodoxy. worshipper of the gods of Olympus. Thus for nearly two generations the influence of the Court of Con- stantinople had been thrown into the scale against the teaching of Athanasius, which was generally accepted throughout the Western realm. Now by no Dynasty of Theodosius. [IV. 3 8 °- the accession of Theodosius to the Trinitarian side, religious unity was restored to the Empire : but at the same time a chasm, an impassable chasm, was opened between the Empire itself and its new Teu- tonic guests, nearly all of whom held fast to the Arian teaching of their great Apostle Ulfilas. Further (2) The other consequence of the sickness of inroads of Theodosius was, as I have said, a fresh incursion of the bar- barians, barbarian hordes, swarming across the Danube and climbing all the high passes of the Balkans. The work of clearing the country of these marauders had to be all done over again. One dark night, when the Emperor was encamping in Macedonia, the bar- barians, seeing a particularly bright watch-fire burn- ing, and rightly conjecturing that it marked the tent of the Emperor, made a sudden dash and very nearly succeeded in sending Theodosius to rejoin his pre- decessor Valens. There was a terrible struggle : few Romans against the overwhelming hosts of the Goths, but the soldiers of Theodosius, who loved him well, fought on desperately till he had escaped, and then fell dead, surrounded by an uncounted host of slain barbarians. Reinforce- The campaign of 380 was such a hard one that ments sent Theodosius had to solicit reinforcements from his by Grattan, 780. colleague Gratian, which were sent to him under the command of Bauto and Arbogast, two Frankish chiefs who had entered the Imperial service. Indeed all along the line, in the West as in the East, the characteristic feature of this period was the number of barbarians who attained high rank in the legions IV.] Theodosius. in of Rome, and who upon the whole served her with 380-381. marked fidelity. At length, in the closing months of 380, the provinces south of the Balkans (Macedonia and Thrace) were once more cleared of their barbarian intruders. Peace, in which Gratian concurred, was concluded with the Goths who still doubtless a- bounded in Moesia ; and Theodosius on the 24th of November entered Constantinople in state. The inhabitants of the New Rome by the Bosphorus, Theodosius who perhaps had not before seen Theodosius as w f lcomes . A Athanaric Emperor, were soon to behold a ruler of a very at Constan- different type side by side with the courtly and tm0 P le > magnificent Spaniard. The grey old Visigoth, Atha- naric, had been driven, apparently by Ostrogothic invaders, from his airy stronghold in the Car- pathians. The death of Fritigern (which seems to have happened about this time) left him the chief ruler of the scattered and disorganised Visigothic nation. Converted from his old, almost religious prejudice against Rome, and recanting the oath which he had once sworn never to set foot on the soil of the Empire, he now crossed the Danube and accepted the Emperor's invitation to visit him in his capital, probably in order to ratify and proclaim to the world the peace just concluded between ' Romania ' and ' Gothia.' We must let the Gothic historian tell the story of this visit in his own ex- pressive words '. 'Theodosius attached to himself King Athanaric, 1 Jordanes xxviii. 112 Dynasty of Theodosins. [iv. 381. who had succeeded Fritigern, by the gifts which he gave him, and in the kindest terms invited him to visit him at Constantinople ; who accepted right willingly and said, marvelling, " Lo, I behold, what often I heard incredulously, the fame of so great a city." Then turning his eyes this way and that, now he admires the position of the city and the concourse of ships, now the long clearly-marked line of the walls, and then again the natives from so many different stocks bubbling up like water from one fountain in many directions, yet all disciplined like well-trained soldiers. " A god," he said, "without doubt a god upon earth is the Emperor, and whoever moveth a hand against him, that man is guilty of his own blood." In such a state of admiration, being supported by the yet greater honours which he received from the Emperor, after the interval of a few months [or more correctly fourteen days 1 ] he departed from the light of day. Athanarics Whom the Emperor out of the love which he bore to him, honouring almost more as dead than as alive, delivered to a worthy burial, himself going before the bier in his solemn obsequies. Therefore when Athanaric was dead, all his army, remaining in the service of the Emperor Theodosius, and submitting itself to the Roman Empire, formed as it were one body with the [Imperial] soldiery, that old enlistment of the Foederati under the Emperor Constantine being now renewed, and they themselves were now called Foederati.' 1 Idatius, Descriptio Consilium, makes the entry of Athanaric into Constantinople 11 Jan. and his death 25 Jan. 381. iv.] Theodosius. 113 There can be no doubt that the politic courtesy The bulk which Theodosius showed to Athanaric exercised an °{ the Goth become important influence on the relations which existed Foederati for the next fifteen years between the Empire and °f the Em pire. the Goths. If we look at the position of the two parties to the contract we shall see that the conclusion or the renewal of the Foedus between them was really for the interest of both. For the Empire, a complete reversal of the policy of Valens was now impossible. Ever since the day when the last of the 200,000 Gothic warriors was ferried across the Danube, their inclusion in the Empire in one ca- pacity or another had become an accomplished and irreversible fact. They could not be thrust back into their old Dacian home, where by this time the Huns were probably swarming, but they might be converted from the ravagers of Thrace into the tillers of Moesia. They might be made the stalwart defenders of the Danubian frontier against those very Huns, and against the motley horde of Teutons, Slaves, and Tartars who flocked around their standard of squalid and anarchic despotism. On the other hand the Goths, unable to capture the strong cities of the Empire, could not live perpetually on the mere ravage of the Thracian home-steads. Viewing the movements of peoples and the migrations of barbarous tribes from the high historic standpoint, and especially seeing what these movements and migrations actually accomplished in the fifth century of our era, we are apt to think that the conquest of kingdoms and the foundation of 1 ii4 Dynasty of Theodosius. [IV. empires was the deliberate and persistent purpose of chief and people. On the contrary, if we could be present in the rough councils which gathered around their camp-fires and listen to the talk of the warriors with their wives in the great Gothic waggons, we should probably discover that the question in what way and from what source the next day's meal was to be provided, was far more often and more anxiously debated than any question of high policy or dream of world-conquest. Now, by the policy which Theodosius seemed willing to adopt of re- newing the old Foedus between Rome and her Gothic friends, food, and comfortable homes, and a dis- tinguished career in arms were assured to the meanest Gothic soldier, and admission to the dignities and luxuries of the most splendid court in the world was assured to their chiefs. The Roman Empire was still, if I may use a commercial phrase, 'a going concern/ The barbarians had power to wreck it and drive it into bankruptcy ? Yes, perhaps they had : but it was surely a far more alluring prospect to take shares in the company and touch some part of the enormous profits which accrued to the directors. This kind of calculation — and I have purposely chosen a commercial metaphor in order to indicate the perfectly selfish character of the bargain — prevailed at this time in the minds of the barbarians over any dim and shadowy dreams which might linger there of setting up a new and conquering Visigothic kingdom between the Danube and the iv.] Theodosius. 115 Balkans. But then, when self-interest was prompting them to this course, sentiment was enlisted on the same side by the generous hospitality offered to the worn-out veteran Athanaric in the great city of the South, by his own childlike admiration of the wonders which she displayed to his view, by the splendid funeral, and by the sight of the courtly Augustus, robed in the purple and wearing the diadem of Em- pire, escorting the Gothic warrior to his tomb. What the precise nature of the tie was which What did bound the foederati to the Empire I do not think ^p^de-" we can definitely explain. From time immemorial rati in- Rome had fought her battles with troops pretty volve - equally divided between the legions (theoretically composed of pure Roman citizens) and the Auxilia (consisting of her subject-allies). These allies had at first been chiefly dwellers in the cities of Latium, but by the time that we have now reached they were gathered from almost every nation under heaven. Here, in our own Northumberland, all the garrison duty along the Wall was done by these auxiliary troops. Asturians from Spain, Tungrians and Bata- vians from Holland, Dacians from Transylvania, and Dalmatians from the eastern shore of the Hadriatic, were keeping watch for Rome on these wind-swept hills. But those allies were still distinctly Roman soldiers, who served under Roman officers, and were amenable to Roman discipline. The bond which held the foederati to the Empire appears to have been a much looser one. It would seem that the federated Goths still served under their own n6 Dynasty of Theodosius. [IV. native chiefs, and retained to a large extent their national weapons and their own peculiar manner of fighting. They no doubt had lands assigned to them, chiefly in Moesia, which they may have culti- vated partly with their own hands and partly by the forced labour of coloni. In fact, though we are of course still many centuries off from regular feudal rights and obligations, there was probably something in the relation of a chief of foederati to the Emperor not altogether unlike the relation of a feudal baron to his lord paramount. Results of The scheme of Theodosius answered as a tem- ^/Theodo P orarv expedient. It gave security to the Danubian sius. frontier for his day ; perhaps had his successors been men of equal ability with himself it might have prolonged that security for centuries. But there were some obvious dangers attending it. Evidently these masses of men, trained to act together, obeying their own princes, and conscious of their strength, might one day turn against Rome the weapons which they were now wielding on her behalf. The ' pro- vincials/ the earlier subjects of Rome, finding their services less needed, would grow unused to warfare, and would in the course of time be almost sure to sink into a despised and spiritless caste, among whom the proud Teutonic foederatus would stalk with an exasperating consciousness of superiority. Above all, the Emperor himself, having the barba- rians for his tent companions, the sharers of his dangers, the confidants of his councils, and the sup- porters of his throne, would get to lean more and IV.] Theodosius. 117 more upon them, and might become an Emperor of barbarians instead of an Emperor of the civilised commonwealth of Rome. The whole history of Theodosius shows that this was a very real danger in his time. There was something in his own character, fond as he was of pomp and spectacle and the mere outward trappings of royalty, which harmonised only too well with the nature of the barbarians. While he was surrounding himself with troops of tall and bril- liantly-accoutred foederati, and spending his time and the money of his subjects over an endless round of games and chariot-races, and on sumptuous ban- quets at which the Gothic 'wassail* was loudly heard, the provinces were groaning under the demands of the tax-gatherer ; and the machine of administration which Valens, with all his faults, had superintended with some diligence, was daily getting into more and more hopeless disorganisa- tion. Both the two great insurrections which broke out Imurrec- in the reign of Theodosius, and each of which is U ™ lt °{ ch connected with the story of a great father of the 587. Church, sprang, directly or indirectly, from the favour shown by the Emperor to his foederati. In the year 387 he determined to celebrate the fifth year of the reign of his young son Arcadius, whom he had associated with him in the Empire, in a style of extraordinary magnificence. For this purpose there must be more splendid games, more exciting chariot-races, and, above all, a more liberal donative n8 Dynasty of Theodosius. [IV. to the soldiery than any that had yet been given. In order to supply funds for these various ex- penses, a new tax (probably what was called the aurum coronarium) was levied on the cities of the Empire. At the news of this fresh imposition, the citizens of Antioch, already ground down to the very dust by the pressure of the ordinary taxation, broke out into open rebellion. While the more respect- able and religious citizens betook themselves to the churches to pray God to change the Emperor's purpose, or besought the Bishop Flavianus to inter- cede for the removal of the tax, a mob of boys and ■ lewd fellows of the baser sort ' visited the spacious Baths, and cutting the ropes by which the lamps were suspended, caused them to fall with a crash on the pavement. Then the boys began to throw stones at the wooden statues of the Emperor and his family. They shouted for joy when one of the statues was split in pieces ; they groaned when one, more stub- born than the rest, long resisted their assaults. They then went to the more costly bronze statues, pulled them from their pedestals with ropes, dragged them ignominiously through the streets, and ended by giving them to the children to play with. What made the insult the more bitter was, that not only the statues of the Emperor himself, but those of the noble old veteran his father, of his lately deceased wife, and of his young son and colleague, were all treated with the same contumely. Next came an attempt at fire-raising in the house of a magistrate who tried to persuade them to cease their rioting ; IV.] Theodosius. 119 and last, the appearance of some Imperial archers, 3§7- who discharged their arrows upon the crowd. There- upon at once the tumult, which had flamed up so high and seemed so menacing, died down like a fire of straw. The insult to the majesty of the Emperor had been Reaction great, perhaps unforgiveable. The whole city passed f™™ n ™ to in an hour from the extreme of insolence and 20a- panic. archyto the extreme of cowed submission and abject terror, while the messengers bearing the fatal tidings were going to and returning from Constantinople. The sedition had broken out a few days before Lent (387), and the whole of the forty days of that sacred season were indeed days of fasting and humiliation to the luxurious citizens of Antioch. About the middle of them arrived a letter from the Emperor, sharply rebuking the Town Council for allowing the sedition to gain such a height, ordering that the Theatre, the Hippodrome, and the Baths should all be closed, and depriving Antioch of the rank, which she had held for six centuries, as capital of Syria. Shortly after appeared two Imperial Commissioners — Caesarius and Ellebichus — charged to make en- quiry into the recent events ; and they began their enquiry by putting all the Senators of Antioch into close confinement. The two commissioners, however, were specimens Pardon. of the best class of Roman officials, men utterly un- like Lupicinus and Maximus. They marked the sincere repentance and the agonised prostration of terror which pervaded all classes in Antioch, and 120 Dynasty of Theodosius. [iv. 387. they soon allowed it to appear that their influence at any rate would be exerted on the side of mercy. Caesarius, when the enquiry was completed, set off with all speed to Constantinople, and reached that city on the sixth day after his departure from Antioch. No Turkish courier probably could now traverse the length and breadth of Asia Minor in anything like so short a time. Theodosius listened to the arguments of Caesarius in favour of mercy, to the prayers and sighs of Bishop Flavianus, who had come to intercede on behalf of his flock, and granted a complete amnesty, rescinding also his previous decree for the degradation of Antioch from the rank of capital city. This letter, carried by a swift mes- senger to Ellebichus, was by him communicated to the citizens of Antioch, who received it with shouts of welcome and tears of joy. Their fifty days of mourning were ended, and Antioch, the light-hearted Paris of the East, was herself again. The story of this singular insurrection has been preserved for us by the orations of the heathen sophist Libanius and by the homilies of the great Christian preacher, St. John Chrysostom, at that time a priest at Antioch, afterwards Patriarch of Constantinople. Inmrrec- The insurrection at Antioch displayed the character ^Thessa of Theodosius in a favourable light, as a strong but lonica, merciful and magnanimous ruler of men. Very dif- 39 °' ferent was the effect on his fame of the insurrection which broke out three years later (390) in the Mace- donian city of Thessalonica. A garrison of Gothic IV.] Theodosius. 121 foederati was quartered in this important city. Al- 39°- ready it is probable that many causes of quarrel had arisen between the Thessalonians and their overbearing but under-educated guests. The wrath grew to its height when Botheric, the Gothic general, shut up in prison a certain scoundrel of a charioteer who had vilely insulted him. At the next races the mob of Thessalonica tumultously demanded the charioteer's liberation, and when Botheric refused, rose in insurrection and slew both him and several magistrates of the city. There was no such direct insult to the person of the Emperor as at Antioch, perhaps no such prolonged period of defiance to authority ; but the affair reflected deep disgrace on the cruel, childish, show-loving Eastern provincials, and if the chief actors in it had been ordered off to instant execution, Theodosius would only have acted with praiseworthy severity. But he had now been Brutal for twelve years lord of the world, and the madness ven S eance - which absolute power so often brings with it had begun to work in his brain. In a frenzy of rage at the insult offered to himself in the person of his barbarian general, he sent his orders from Milan (where he was staying when the tidings reached him) that the whole city of Thessalonica should suffer for the misdeeds of its ruffianly mob. The soldiers surrounded the circus where the citizens were as- sembled, watching the games and unsuspecting of ill. They closed the gates, marched in amongst the densely-packed spectators, and began their bloody work. A certain number of heads was ordered to 122 Dynasty of Theodosius. [iv. be brought to the officers, as if they had been thistles or dandelions to be gathered out of the fields. Was it 7000 as one historian says, or 15,000, as another ? It matters not much : the horror of the thing was the brutal indiscriminateness of the massacre, the utter absence of any attempt to separate between the innocent and the guilty, the indifference to human life, more worthy of Tamerlane and his pyramid of skulls than of an Emperor of Rome. It is true that this bloody deed was afterwards repented of in dust and ashes. The humiliation and penitence of Theodosius, his self-abasement before the great Christian hero, St. Ambrose, and the for- giveness which he at last received from him, form a well-known page in church history, and one which I do not propose now to retrace. But I cannot hold, as some of the ecclesiastical historians seem to do, that the depth of the Emperor's subse- quent humility hides the greatness of his crime. That he should have been even tempted to such a monstrous abuse of his absolute power, much more that he should have yielded to the temptation, marks him out as one of the Emperors who were unfit to govern, not only as immeasurably below a saint like Marcus Aurelius, or a statesman like Trajan, but almost as fit to be classed in the same category with Caligula, Nero, and Commodus. We return to our more special subject, the rela- tion between Theodosius and the foederati. Twice he was able to employ his Gothic soldiers with IV.] Theodosius. 123 striking success in the internal struggles of the 3 8 3- Empire. The situation was thus very similar to that which we have seen in our own day in our Indian Empire, when the Sikhs, the fierce opponents of the English Raj in 1845, became its stalwart defenders in the terrible Mutiny of 1857. In the year 383 a military revolt broke out in Revolt of Britain against the young Emperor Gratian. Our tr g°f t s J^ island was ever the fruitful seed-plot of these mili- 3 s 3 . tary mutinies. The soldiers, shut up in their camps on our solitary moors, and deeming themselves cut off from the civilised world \ probably exaggerated every hardship of their service, and welcomed any change which would take them southwards, were it even in the track of an usurper and a tyrant. Per- haps, too, there was something then as now in the disposition of the Celts by whom they were sur- rounded, and with whom many of them had inter- married, favourable to anarchy and fatal to that reverence for law and discipline which is needed to hold together either an army or a state. What- ever the cause, the army revolted and proclaimed Magnus Clemens Maximus, Emperor. He was, like Elevation Theodosius, a native of Spain, and though harsh and °f H ^ axt ~ perhaps rapacious, a man of ability and experience, not unworthy of the purple if he had come to it by lawful means 2 . Gratian on his side had evidently given some real cause for dissatisfaction to his sub- 1 1 Penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos.' 2 ' Vir strenuus et probus atque Augusto dignus, nisi contra sacta- menti fidem per tyrannidem emersisset.' (Historia Miscella xi. 16.) 124 Dynasty of Theodosius. [iv. 383. jects. Ammianus, who was a good judge of charac- ^aults* 5 ter ' sa ^ s °^ ^ m that ' while the youthful down was yet on his cheeks he showed promise of emulating the best of the Emperors, if he had not given his mind too much to sport, and under the influence of frivolous companions followed too much the example of Commodus in his dissipation though not in his cruelty. He delighted to pierce the greatest pos- sible number of beasts before the eyes of the people, and when he had given a fatal wound to each one of a hundred lions let loose from many doors all round the amphitheatre (not needing to hit any beast twice), he would exult as if he were something more than man. Thus he would spend whole days within these vast preserves which were called vi- varia, slaying savage beasts with his multitudinous arrows. And this at a time when even the patient earnestness of a Marcus Aurelius would have been all too little for the sad necessities of the Empire V But there was another grievance besides Gratian's love for sport, and that was his fondness for the barbarians. He, too, like Theodosius, had his petted barbarian guard, but instead of being Goths they belonged to the less civilised race of the Alani. We are told by another author 2 ' that Gratian neglected the army and preferred a few of the Alans, whom by lavish pay he had attracted to his service, to the old Roman soldiery, and was so fascinated by the com- panionship, and one might almost say friendship of these barbarians, that he sometimes on the march 1 xxxi. io, 18 and 19. 2 Historia Miscella xii. 16. IV.] Theodosius. 125 even adopted their dress. By all this he aroused 3 8 3~7- the hatred of the soldiers agairist himself/ An Emperor of barbarians, an Emperor who was spending his days in shooting wild beasts while the Empire was languishing under taxes within and the attacks of savages from without, — that was the aspect which, with many noble and loveable qualities, Gratian bore to his Western subjects : and hence it was that when Maximus with the army of Britain landed in Gaul, he shook down the fabric of his power without difficulty. Gratian, finding himself Death oj deserted by his troops, escaped from the battle-field, Gratian ' but was overtaken and killed at Lyons. For more than four years Maximus, satisfied with Maximus dct]iTones ruling: over the three great Western provinces which y a i en f{. had fallen to the share of Gratian, maintained at nian II, any rate the appearance of harmony with his two colleagues, and the Concordia Auggg was still cap- able of being commemorated on the Imperial medals. At length, in the autumn of 387, Maximus deemed that the time had come for grasping the whole Empire of the West. Lulling to sleep the sus- picions of Valentinian and his mother by embassies and protestations of friendship, he crossed the Alps with an army and marched towards Aquileia, where the young Emperor was then dwelling in order to be as near as possible to the dominions of his friendly colleague and protector. Valentinian did not await the approach of his rival, but going down to the port of Grado, took ship and sailed for Thes- salonica, his mother and sisters accompanying him. 126 Dynasty of Theodosius. The Emperor and the Senate of Constantinople cussed the present position of affairs. The Senate Theodo- seconded the entreaties of Valentinian and his mother, and cried out for vengeance on the mur- derer of one Emperor and the despoiler of another. Theodosius, who was sincerely averse to war, as his detractors said through indolence, but more pro- bably through that knowledge of the risks and miseries of war which even the most successful general cannot fail to acquire, spoke in favour of peace, and then of course all warlike views were hushed. Upon this Justina, who was the widow of two Emperors and in whose countenance still lingered the traces of the extraordinary beauty which had fascinated Valentinian I, fell on her knees before Theodosius and besought him not to allow the murder of Gratian to remain unavenged, nor the family of his former benefactor to be utterly ruined. And then she pointed to her daughter Galla, who was bathed in tears, lamenting the misfortunes of her house. What the entreaties of the mother might have failed to effect, the tears of the daughter accomplished. Theodosius, whose wife Flaccilla had died two years before (385), took Galla for his second wife, and vowed to avenge her wrongs and replace her brother on the throne. Civil War He was some time in preparing for the campaign, ' Matre pulchra filia pulchrior, ' between 1 Magnentius and Valentinian I, iv.] Theodosius. 127 but, when it was opened, he conducted it with vigour 388. and decision. His troops pressed up the Save ^!TSrT valley, defeated those of Maximus in two engage- mus, 388. ments, entered Aemona (Laybach) in triumph, and soon stood before the walls of Aquileia, behind which Maximus was sheltering himself. The city was a strong and almost impregnable one, but a mutiny among the troops of Maximus did away with the necessity for a siege. The soldiers of Theodosius Defeat and poured into the city, whose gates had been opened Maximus. to them by the mutineers, and dragged off the usurper, barefooted, with tied hands, in slave's attire, to the tribunal of Theodosius and his young brother-in-law at the third milestone from the city. After Theodosius had in a short harangue re- 28 fuly, proached him with the evil deeds which he had 38i *' wrought against the Roman commonwealth, he handed him over to the executioner, by whom he was at once put to death. There can be little doubt that the rapid and suc- cessful movements of Theodosius in this campaign were due in part to the well-trained valour of his foederati. We have, however, a more distinct allu- sion to their services in the next civil war, which was fought six years afterwards on almost the same battle-ground. On the overthrow of Maximus, Theodosius had Valenti- with generous magnanimity handed over to Va- ma * II , . ° J . restored ?n lentinian II the whole of the Western Empire, both the West. his own especial share and that which had formerly been held by his brother Gratian. The young 128 Dynasty of Theodosius. [iv. 388. Emperor was now seventeen years of age : his mother, Justina, had died apparently on the eve of Theodosius's victory, and he governed, or tried to govern, alone. He seems to have taken up his residence at Trier, the defence of the Gaulish provinces being doubtless recognised as at this time the chief duty of an Emperor of the West. But the actual functions of supreme ruler were discharged, not by this young and somewhat pliable Emperor, His fac- but by a Frankish veteran who stood beside his totumAr- tunm^ moving legions and appointing and dis- bogast. placing generals at his will. I mentioned that during the sickness of Theodosius the war in Thrace was successfully conducted by two Frankish lieutenants of Gratian, by name Bauto and Arbogast. Bauto died about the year 385, and from that time onwards supreme power in the dominions of Valentinian had been more and more accumulating itself in the hands of the other great Frankish general, Arbogast, a man adored by his soldiers for his valour and experience in war, and for his noble disdain of riches. This man was apparently true to the Empire, true at first in his own rough way to the house of Valentinian. He had followed the young Emperor to exile, and after the victory at Aemona it was his hand that deprived the young Victor, son of the usurper, of life. But knowing his infinite superiority in all the arts of war and government to the young Adonis who was nominally his master, he took no pains to conceal that superiority, and sometimes in the council IV.] Theodosins. 129 chamber itself openly opposed and scoffed at the 39 2 - proposals of the Emperor. In short, this Frankish warrior was already anticipating by three centuries the attitude of the Frankish Mayors of the Palace towards the Merovingian monarchs. At length Va- lentinian, unable to bear the barbarian's insolence Quarrels any longer, one day when he was sitting on his imperial throne, summoning up as much sternness nian and as he could into his boyish countenance, presented Arbo S asL Arbogast with a written dismissal from his command as Magister Equitum. With calm contempt Arbogast tore the paper in pieces. ' You never gave me this command/ said he, 'nor will you be able to take it from me.' Valentinian drew a sword against the general as he turned to depart, but the attendant to whom it belonged checked him from using it. Hear- ing the struggle Arbogast returned and asked what the Emperor had been trying to do. ' To slay my- self,' moaned the miserable Valentinian, 'because although Emperor I have no power V From this day there was open emmity between Death of Valentinian and his Master of the Horse : and not Valentl ~ man 11, long after, when the young Emperor was bathing in 15 May, the Rhone, near Vienne, some of the servants of 392, Arbogast, in the absence of his body-guard who had gone away to dinner, rushed upon him and strangled him. They then tied a handkerchief round his neck and hung him to a tree, that it might appear that he had committed sucide. It was generally 1 Combined from Zosimus and Philostorgius. Possibly the two stories relate to different altercations. K i 3 o Dynasty of Theodosius. [IV. 39 2 -394- Eugenius Emperor, 39 2 -394. Death of Galla, 394. Theodosius marches against Eugenius. understood, however, that the death of Valentinian was in truth the deed of Arbogast. The Frankish general, who durst not shock the prejudices of the Roman world by himself assuming the purple, hung that dishonoured robe upon the shoulders of a rhetorician, a confidant, and almost a dependent of his own, named Eugenius. This man, like most of the scholars and rhetoricians of the day, had not abjured the old faith of Hellas. As Arbogast also was a heathen, though worshipping Teutonic rather than Olympian gods, this last revolution looked like a recurrence to the days of Julian, and threatened the hardly- won supremacy of Christianity. Thus not only the sad voice of his wife Galla pleading for vengeance on her brother's murderers, but, even more, the pious exhortations of all Christian bishops called on Theodosius to rescue the Western Empire from the hands of the sophist and the barbarian. Yet his preparations had to be long and careful, for he was aware that in Arbogast he would meet a general who knew as much of the art of war as himself, perhaps we might say that he should meet the greatest captain of the age. He left not Thrace till June, 394, nearly two years after the death of Valentinian, and meanwhile, on the very eve of his departure his young wife Galla died, leaving a little daughter, whose name afterwards was famous in the story of the Empire, Galla Placidia. Giving but one day to sorrow and the next to vengeance, Theodosius marched north-west- wards, as before, up the valley of the Save, and iv.] Theodosius. to the city of Aemona. Not there did he meet his 394. foes, but at a place about thirty miles off, half-way between Aemona and Aquileia, where the Julian Alps are crossed, and where a little stream called the Frigidus (now the Wipbach) burst suddenly from a limestone hill. Here, then, the battle was joined between Eugenius with his Frankish patron and Theodosius with his 20,000 Gothic foederati 1 and the rest of the army of the East. Gainas, Saul, Bacurius, Alaric were the chief leaders of the Teu- tonic troops. The first day of battle fell heavily on the foederati Battle of of Theodosius, half of whom were left dead upon the the Frt ~ ' r gidus, field. It seemed as if the West were going once more 5 and 6 to triumph over the East, as if heathenism might even Se ^ u 3 ^ 4- once more gain the ascendant over Christianity. That night, however, in prayer Theodosius had a vision of the Apostles John and Philip, who cheered him on with the assurance of victory. Next day Theodosius succeeded in detaching part of the army of his rival from their allegiance ; and even the ele- ments seemed eager to aid his victory. The im- petuous Bora, a wind well known in that region, sprang up from the hills in the rear of his army and carried their arrows and their javelins with resistless • force into the ranks of the enemy, whose own missiles recoiled helplessly on themselves. The battle was won after a terrible struggle. Eugenius was taken prisoner and carried bound into the presence of Theodosius, who upbraided him with his heathenism 1 Jordanes xxviii. K 2 Dynasty of Theodosius. [iv. 394- Death of Eugenius and Ar- bogast. Death of Theodo- sius, 17 Jan. 395. Character of Theodo- sius. and his share in the murder of Valentinian. While he was grovelling at the proud conqueror's feet and begging for mercy, a soldier cut off his head and carried it round the field of battle on a pole to show the vanquished army that their Emperor was slain. Arbogast wandered about for some days among the rugged mountain-defiles, and then fell upon his sword and perished. Theodosius, who was still in the prime of life, had now indeed 'the rule of the world/ without a rival or a colleague except his own boyish sons. The Church and the federated Goths, two of the most powerful forces in the Empire, were both devotedly attached to him ; and the Provincials, though groaning under the weight of the taxes which he imposed, feared, and perhaps admired him. Had his life been prolonged as it well might have been for twenty or thirty years longer, many things might have gone differently in the history of the world. But, little more than four months after the victory of the Frigidus, Theo- dosius died of dropsy at Milan, his constitution being prematurely worn out by the hardships of his last campaign, and possibly by the high feasting and revelry which had resounded through his palace at Constantinople. He had probably not yet completed his fiftieth year. The character of Theodosius is one of the most perplexing in history. The Church historians have hardly a word of blame for him except in the matter of the massacre of Thessalonica, and that, as has been said, seems to be almost atoned for in their iv.] Theodosius. 1 33 eyes by its perpetrator's penitent submission to eccle- siastical censure. On the other hand, the heathen historians, represented by Zosimus, condemn in the most unmeasured terms his indolence, his love of pleasure, his pride, and hint at the scandalous im- morality of his life. Varying a similar saying with reference to Constantine, we might say that he who believes all the evil that is said of Theodosius by Socrates, and all the good that is said of him by Zosimus, will not go far wrong. But this takes us only a little way, for the blame and the praise are both infinitesimal. He had one great work to do, the reconciliation of the Goths to the Empire, and he did that work well. It is perhaps unfair to judge of it by the slender- ness of its permanent results, since his early death may have been the chief cause of its failure. But he was certainly passionate, egotistic, cruel. He spared not the pockets of his subjects, and his reign, like a heavy wheat-crop, exhausted the energies of his Empire. It is the fashion to call him the Great, and we may admit that he has as good a right to that title as Louis XIV, a monarch whom in some re- spects he pretty closely resembles. But it seems to me that it would be safer to withhold this title from both sovereigns, and to call them, not the Great, but the Magnificent. LECTURE V. Alaric. Arc adz us and Hono- rius, sons of Theodo- sius. Their in~ capacity. On the death of Theodosius (395) his two sons, Arcadius and Honorius, aged respectively eighteen and ten, succeeded to 'the rule of the world/ Arca- dius dwelling at Constantinople and ruling the Eastern portion, while the Western fell to the share of Honorius, who at this time generally dwelt at Milan. Arcadius died in the year 408, at the age of thirty-one ; Honorius in 423, at the age of thirty- nine. These two men were thus nominally at the head of human affairs during some of the most pro- foundly interesting and important events that have happened in the history of the world ; yet few men have ever by their own force of character or strength of intellect exercised less influence on the destinies of the human race. Theodosius, with all his faults, interests the student of his reign : he was brilliant, forceful, and he makes a mark on the history of his time. The dulness of his sons' characters is so portentous, that after the lapse of a millennium and a half the Muse of History still yawns at the re- membrance of them. Arcadius had a beautiful Frankish wife, and left a son of artistic temperament, v.] Alaric. 1 35 and four pious daughters. Honorius married his deceased wife's sister and left no family, but was fond of keeping pigeons. These are pretty nearly all the facts that it is possible to ascertain or to remember out of the drizzling dulness of their personal history. Theodosius, who probably saw the weakness of Adminis- character of his sons, and who was leaving them at t ^ t ^ n °f & Rufinus an age when even strong and capable natures would and Sti- have required much help and guidance, entrusted luho ' the guardianship of the lads, and the virtual regency of the Empire, to Rufinus and Stilicho. The former, with the rank of Praetorian Prefect, administered the realm of Arcadius ; the latter, as Magister Utri- usque Militiae, governed the army and the people of Honorius. These two men resembled one another in one quality — an inordinate love of money, whether justly or unjustly acquired. In all other respects their characters were utterly dissimilar. Stilicho, though grasping and perhaps somewhat coarse-fibred, was a hero and a patriot ; Rufinus (whom we unfortunately know only by the descriptions of his bitter enemies) may have had some administrative ability, but must have been a bad specimen even of the corrupt bureaucracy of Constantinople. Dissimilar as was the character of the two men, so also was their origin and training. Stilicho was apparently of pure Teutonic extraction, the son of a Vandal chief who had commanded some barbarian auxiliaries in the army of the Emperor Valens. \$6 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. His tall and handsome presence ha*d commended him to the favour of Serena, the favourite niece and trusted counsellor of Theodosius. His marriage with so near a relative of the Emperor naturally led to his speedy promotion. His employment on an embassy to the Persian king was followed by high military command. He showed indisputable talents for war in several campaigns against the barbarians, and, some years before the death of Theodosius, was raised to the highest of all military dignities — that of Magister Utriusque Militiae (Commander-in-Chief of Infantry and Cavalry). Of the early life of Rufinus we know but little. He was born at Elusa, a little town in the south- west corner of Gaul. He went to Constantinople, and there, by his obsequiousness, his perseverance, and doubtless also by his aptitude for the work of administration, succeeded in climbing from step to step of the official ladder. One or two old and faithful servants of the Empire (Tatianus and Proculus) who stood above him in rank, were cast down by his well-timed accusations of disloyalty, and at length the obscure Gaulish Provincial blazed forth to the world as Praetorian Prefect of the East — one of the wealthiest men in the Empire, a man who aspired to wear the diadem himself as colleague of Arcadius, and to obtain the Emperor's hand in marriage for his daughter. Thus while Stilicho's might be said to be the typical career of a robust, handsome, and warlike Teuton in the service of the Empire, the career of Rufinus was the equally v.] Alaric. 137 typical career of a clever, pushing, and unscrupulous Provincial. Between the two administrators of the realm — Divergence Rufinus and Stilicho — there was no cordiality, no b ^™2nd chance of well-concerted action for the good of the West. Empire. In fact, quite independently of the per- sonal characters of the two men, the interests of the two divisions of the Empire were now beginning manifestly to diverge. The older Rome looked down upon the new Rome by the Bosphorus as a mere Greek city, the home of sophists and chat- terers; while Constantinople regarded the city of the Tiber, with its mouldering palaces, its desolate Campagna, its still half-heathen Senate, as a great stranded hulk, unfit any longer to bear the precious freight of Empire. This divergence between the hopes and wishes of the East and West, a divergence which was often on the point of becoming actual hostility, was wider for the first fifteen years after the death of Theodosius than for a considerable time before or after that interval, and promoted not a little the success of the barbarian movement against the Roman State. That movement began very shortly after Theo- Alaric dosius was laid in his grave. It was in all proba- ^^f^^ bility in the spring of the year 395 that the Visi- goths in Moesia raised the young Alaric upon a shield, and with joyful shouts acclaimed him as their king. We have already noticed this young Gothic chief as commanding a troop in the army of Theodo- sius at the battle of the Frigidus, and that is in fact 138 Dynasty of Theodosius. [V. all that we know about him up to this date, except that he was born (probably between 360 and 370) in the island of Peuce at the mouth of the Danube, and that he was either himself surnamed Baltha (the Bold), or belonged to a clan of kings or chieftains who bore that name. As the Gothic historian says : 'As soon as Alaric was created king, deliberating with his people he persuaded them rather by their own labour to seek for kingdoms than quietly to lie down in subjection to strangers.' In other words he decided, and persuaded them to decide, to abandon the easy but inglorious position of foederati, and cutting themselves loose from the old and decaying Empire, to hew out new realms for themselves with their own trusty broadswords. Towards this deci- sion he was no doubt partly guided by what he had himself seen, when in the Imperial service, of the weakness of the legions, the unwarlike character of the Provincials of the Empire, the oppressions of the tax-gatherers which caused even the barbarians to seem welcome as deliverers from their yoke ; above all by what he, and every officer of rank in the Roman army, knew of the discord and jealousy between the two chief ministers of the Empire. The first blows of Alaric and his Goths were struck at the Eastern Empire. This was natural enough, since they were themselves settled within it : but there was another reason for the choice. The army which Theodosius had led with him across the Julian Alps seems not to have been dismissed to its Eastern cantonments during the few months v.] Alaric. 139 between the bat'tle of the Frigidus and his death. 395. It and the troops of Eugenius were now all col- lected in the north of Italy under the orders of Stilicho, who was thus in another than the official sense M agister Utriusque Militiae, since both the conquering and the conquered army of the late campaign received the watchword from him. A singular position certainly, and one which excuses some things otherwise difficult to justify in the con- duct of Arcadius and his minister. Alaric, then, with his Gothic followers marched Alaric first towards Constantinople. Perhaps he had some ^j^Eastem hopes of taking the city by surprise, but if so he was Empire disappointed. Rufinus, who, Provincial as he was, professed a certain fondness for the barbarians and imitated their dress and accoutrements, seems to have sought an interview with the Gothic king, and suggested to him that instead of undertaking a hope- less siege he would do well to turn his steps south- wards, where he would reap abundance of spoil from the still undevastated plains of Greece. Alaric ac- cepted the suggestion, and marched through Mace- donia into Thessaly. There, however, his course was stayed for a while by the arrival of Stilicho, who, loyally fulfilling the behest of the dying Theo- dosius, had come with an army to deliver the in- vaded Empire from its foe. Before manoeuvres had Stilicho ceased and hard fighting had begun, there came *%%£%a e strange, and at first sight incomprehensible, message invasion. from the Eastern Court : ' Let Stilicho withdraw the legions of Honorius within the limits of his master's 140 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. 395- Empire, and let the legions of the East be sent to their proper quarters at Constantinople/ Loyally, but sadly, Stilicho obeyed the command, and thus the campaign of 395 closed, leaving Alaric in undis- puted possession of the Greek peninsula. No Leo- nidas with his Three Hundred defended now Ther- mopylae, not even the easily held Isthmus of Corinth Alaric in was occupied by troops. All over the sacred places Greece. Q f Q rec j an story, Delphi, Corinth, Argos, Sparta, the tall barbarians swarmed. Only Athens seems to have escaped comparatively unharmed, a deli- verance which the heathen historian 1 attributes to the fact that when Alaric approached the city he saw Athene Promachus, in such guise as she is represented in her statue, going round about its towers, and Achilles, the hero, such as Homer painted him in his wrath for the death of Patroclus, standing before the walls. Those who doubt the truth of these apparitions may accept the theory that the Acropolis was too strong to be taken, and that Alaric, who was no mere barbarous destroyer, was induced, partly by a heavy ransom and partly by reverence for her old renown, to refrain from sack- ing a city which was illustrious and venerable rather than wealthy or strategically important. March of Meanwhile the troops which had been ordered to the recalled Constantinople, and which were commanded by troops to r ' J Constanti- Gainas the Goth, had done a strange and fearful nople. deed. They loved Stilicho, and cursed the order issued by the officials at Constantinople which 1 Zosimus v. 6. v.] A lark. 141 parted them from his standards. Everywhere, as 395. they marched through the Empire they heard exe- crations against the avarice and arrogance of the Gaulish upstart, who presumed, forsooth, to put himself forward as a suitable colleague for the Em- peror. And, most important of all, their leader, Gainas the Goth, aspired to play at Constantinople the same part which Stilicho the Vandal was playing at Milan. The soldiers said to one another that when Rufinus met them at Constantinople he should have a reception that he little expected. When they reached the Capital they were drawn The re- up in a great plain near the city, and Arcadius, with mew ' Rufinus by his side, came thither to review them. The two stood upon a high platform, conspicuous to all, and those who were nearest could see Rufinus plucking the Emperor's mantle and evidently de- siring him to fulfil some promise which he had made and to utter some oration to the army. In this oration, could it have been delivered, the simple- minded Arcadius, who would have done anything which his minister commanded, was to have pre- sented Rufinus to the army as his colleague in the Empire. Then, had the programme been fulfilled, the soldiers would have clashed their swords upon their shields and shouted 'Ave Imperator': the minister would have come forward and offered them a liberal donative, and Rufinus Augustus would have struck his coins commemorating his Justice, his Temperance, and the Concord of the Emperors. Such was the programme of the day's proceedings, jj^^ 142 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. but what actually occurred was very different from this. While the promised oration was still lingering on the lips of the scared and helpless Emperor, the army stretched forth both its wings and folded the high tribunal in a narrower and ever narrower em- brace. Threatening gestures were made, and murmurs, not of acclamation, were heard. Soon the dreadful truth flashed upon Rufinus that he was surrounded, not by friends eager to be his subjects, but by enemies thirsting for his blood. A soldier stepped forth from the ranks, and mounting the platform, thrust him through with his sword, saying, 'With this sword Stilicho strikes thee/ Then the bar- barians and the barbarised Roman soldiers carried the head of Rufinus round the city on a pole, strewed his limbs in fragments over the fields, and showed to every passer-by the dead hand opening and clos- ing upon imaginary coins, while his mock courtiers shouted 'Give, give to the Insatiable/ Even the heavy soul of Arcadius must have felt some stirrings of horror and resentment at such a tragedy enacted in his own sacred presence, but he passed at once under the dominion of other masters whose fortunes we cannot here follow. Gainas the Goth, Eutropius the Eunuch, Eudoxia the beautiful Empress, daughter of the Frankish general Bauto, kept up a vivid game of Court intrigue, and disputed with varying success for the chief place in that empty chamber which represented the mind of the Emperor. We return to Alaric and his invasion of the Pelo- v.] A lark. 143 ponnesus. Any dreams which he may have nourished 396. of establishing his kingdom by the banks of the faw/>ai5- Nature of the manoeuvre by which Radagai- sus was defeated. (twelve shillings) apiece. But so long had the brave Teutons delayed their surrender, that even the food which their new masters gave them came, in the majority of cases, too late to save their lives ; and the greedy purchaser found in thousands of instances that his aureus procured for him only the obligation to bury a starved-out Ostrogoth. The fact that both Theodosius and the captain who had been formed in his school practised so often and so triumphantly this manoeuvre of ' shutting up ' the Goths suggests a question as to the reason of its success. We must remember that the armies which followed Fritigern, Alaric, and Radagaisus were, for the most part, nation-armies, encumbered with women and children, old men and other non- combatants, for whose conveyance a long train of waggons was needed. The Goths had no doubt some horses, since we hear of their cavalry, but they do not seem to have been essentially an equestrian nation ; and their cavalry evidently lacked rapidity and nimbleness of movement, which was the cause of their defeat by the Huns. So long as they could confine themselves to the great plains of the Danube and the Po, the over- powering numbers of this human torrent made them terrible and victorious ; and even the waggons were useful, since when formed in square they made a rough but safe encampment. But when the time came for this nation-army to penetrate from one river-system to another, to cross the soaring range of the Balkans or the Apennines, then their difficulties v.] A lark. began. Their deficiency of light cavalry prevented them from reconnoitring well their ground, and ob- taining (in those mapless days) the much-needed information as to the easiest passes and the most fruitful valleys. Soon there would be stragglers from the main host, and then petty and harassing skirmishes to defend those stragglers. The great cumbrous waggons would stick in morasses. There would be night-alarms, and in the stampede of cattle and flying men, many would be dashed down precipitous ravines or swallowed up in swollen rivers. By gentle but judicious pressure the Imperial general would succeed in forcing the unwieldy procession into some bay among the mountains carefully selected beforehand, whence exit for heavily armed warriors, for horses and for waggons was only possible by two or three well-defined passes. Then, if he could only keep strict watch enough, his task was accomplished. He would station his bravest soldiers, Huns very likely, or even Gothic foedcrati on whose fidelity he could depend, at the mouths of these passes, and wait for hunger to do its swift work upon the cattle, upon the little children, upon the women ; till at length thousands of brave men who longed for nothing so much as the opportunity to die fighting, found even this denied them, and had to surrender themselves and be sold as slaves to cultivate the lands of some Roman lord whose dainty life one blow from a Gothic fist would have at once annihilated. This picture is chiefly an imaginary one \ but those 1 Partly founded, however, on the experience of Theodoric in t 152 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. 408. fievolt of Constan- tine in Britain, 407. who remember the terrible scenes which marked the destruction of the British army in the Khyber Pass will ; I think, recognise its probable truth. We pass over three years and come to 408. Hono- rius, who was aged twenty-three, had now been for thirteen years the nominal ruler of the West. During the whole of that time the administration of affairs and the supreme command of armies had been in the hands of Stilicho, who, notwithstanding some blunders and some crimes, had upon the whole proved himself equal to the Herculean task which the weight of the falling Empire had brought upon him, and had certainly by his military genius marked himself out as the only champion fit to contend successfully with Alaric. This champion, through a sinister combina- tion of fatuity, intolerance, and spite, was now struck down by the Emperor himself. The circumstances of the Empire were more than ever difficult and perplexing. The usual British pretender to the purple had appeared in the shape of a private soldier named Constantine, whom (chiefly on account of his distinguished name) the legions still remaining in Britain had hailed as Imperator, and under whose command they had crossed over into Gaul to contend for such fragments of that wealthy province as still remained Roman, amid the generally pervading swarm of Franks, Vandals, Alans, and Alamanni. In the East the relations with Arcadius had been growing steadily worse for years. The present subject of contention was a Thrace as described by Malchus. (See Italy and her Invaders, Book IV. cap. 3.) v.] Alaric. 153 claim — a preposterous claim as it seems to me— 408. on the part of the Western Empire for the possession of the whole instead of a mere half of the Prefecture of Illyricum. In support of this claim Alaric, who seems to have been in frequent, almost confidential, communication with Stilicho ever since his last Negotia- invasion of Italy, had been engaged by that minister to commence a joint invasion of the Eastern Empire, stilicho The project was, however, abandoned owing to the andAlaru ' persuasions of Serena, the wife of Stilicho, who appears in all good faith to have exerted her influence with her husband and her Imperial cousins in order to prevent the outbreak of war between Arcadius and Honorius. But Alaric, dissatisfied with such a termination of the affair which left him and his followers without their stipulated guerdon, suddenly appeared at Aemona (Laybach) in a threatening attitude, and demanded compensation for the trouble and expense to which he had been put in preparing for the abandoned expedition. This extraordinary claim was brought by Stilicho Alaric 's before the Senate at Rome, and was supported by claim 1°' 7 rr J compensa- ble own voice and by an easily procured letter from Hon. Honorius. Against such powerful advocates who could plead ? The Conscript Fathers decided that 4000 pounds weight of gold (£160,000 sterling) should be paid over to Alaric in consideration of his not making war on either portion of the Empire. One Senator alone, a man of high rank named Lampadius, uttered an indignant exclamation 1 , 'This 1 ' Non est ista pax, sed pactio scrvitutis.' 154 Dynasty of Theodosius. [V. 408. is no peace, but a selling of ourselves into slavery ' ; but fearing punishment for his boldness, when the Senate was broken up he took refuge in a neigh- bouring church, the sanctity of whose asylum seems to have preserved him from punishment \ Danger of It might seem that a minister who could thus im- stihcho s p 0se n j s w j]j on Emperor and Senate could do any- pOSltton. r r j thing, but in fact the position of Stilicho was already undermined. His daughter Maria, wife of the Emperor, had died, and the docile Honorius had acquiesced in the command to marry her sister Thermantia ; but it seems possible to discern in his feeble soul some faint struggles of revolt against the yoke which the Stilichonian family, especially his mother-in-law, Serena, imposed upon him. In the legions, the regular Roman part of the army, there was an increasing feeling of bitterness against the favours shown, doubtless deservedly, to the Teutonic foederati. 1 Count Stilicho,' they said one to another, ' is after all a Vandal by birth, Sarus is a Goth, Uldin is a Hun. All the high commands are being monopolised by men whose fathers were skin-clothed barbarians. We are Romans, the sons of the com- rades of Romulus, scions of the race that has con- quered the world, yet we are nothing in our own land.' Side by side with this military discontent, there was also ecclesiastical dissatisfaction. Stilicho, if not actually an Arian, pretty certainly threw his influence into the scale against the persecuting edicts and civil disabilities which the orthodox party were endeavour- 1 He was Praefectus Praetorio under Attalus, 409. Alaric. 155 ing to persuade the Emperor to hurl at the heretics. 4° 8 - A rumour was also spread abroad —the truth or the origin of which it is impossible now to ascertain — that his son Eucherius shared that devotion to the old idolatry which, as has been said, lingered on so long among the nobility of Rome. Whatever the truth of that rumour may have been, another report which was industriously brought under the notice of Honorius, that Stilicho was scheming to secure the diadem for his son, was almost certainly unfounded. In point of fact the great minister had shown singular moderation in reference to the advancement of this son, who at this time held only the unimportant office of Tribunus Notariorum. Such was already the thunderous state of the at- Death of mosphere of the Court when news reached Ravenna Ar n c ? dms, r _ 1 May, 408. of the death of the Eastern Emperor, Arcadius. Both Honorius and Stilicho seem to have desired the office of guardian to the young Theodosius, son of Arcadius, and to have proposed to go to Constan- tinople to claim it. Stilicho had not much difficulty in dissuading the timid and parsimonious Honorius from the dangers and expense of the journey, but he could not allay the suspicions which his own eager- ness for the office had excited, that he was again striving in an underhand way to procure either the Eastern or the Western diadem for the young Pagan, Eucherius. There was a certain officer of the Im- perial guard named Olympius, 'a man who, under the guise of devotion to Christianity, concealed every kind of wickedness/ who was perpetually whispering i56 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. 408. into the Emperor's ear the danger to religion from Honorius this ambition of Stilicho. A camp had been formed ^tTici™ 1 * a * Ticinum. (Pavia), for the soldiers who were to num. march into Gaul to quell the revolt of Constantine. To this camp, which seems to have contained a large preponderance of Roman-born soldiers, Honorius set forth accompanied by Olympius ; and Stilicho, who had thus allowed his most useful instrument to be purloined from him, lingered in a curious state of irresolution and inactivity with his foederati round Mutiny at n j m at Bologna. Soon the news came of a terrible mutiny of the troops at Ticinum. Olympius. had been ingratiating himself with the soldiers in every pos- sible way, visiting those who were sick, and on every occasion letting fall words of sympathy for their hardships, and indignation at the partiality which constantly postponed their interests to those of the barbarian favourites of Stilicho. These hints, coming from an officer of the Imperial guard and a manifest favourite of the Emperor, had produced their na- tural effect. There had been what in Spanish politics is called a pronunciamento. The soldiers had risen in rebellion, slain four officers of the highest rank in the army and four heads of departments in the State, put the magistrates to flight, and held a carnival of blood in the city, robbing and murdering at their will. At first the news ran that Honorius himself had been killed in the tumult, and then the foederati at Bo- logna urged, and Stilicho consented, that they should at once march to Ticinum and avenge his death. Soon, however, a correcter version of the affair was re- v.] Alaric. 157 ceived. Honorius was not dead, but had been paraded 4° 8 - up and down the streets of the city by Olympius, in a short military cloak and without a diadem, endea- vouring to persuade the soldiers to return to their obedience. In this he had at length succeeded. The mutiny had been quelled, but the authors of it had gained their end. All the more powerful friends of Stilicho at Ticinum had been treacherously slain, and it was now deemed safe to issue an order for the apprehension of Stilicho himself. The officers of the foederati, when the designs of the Court were apparent, naturally wished to defend themselves and their great general by force, but he refused to take any part in such a civil war, 1 not deeming it honour- able or safe to employ barbarians against the Roman army 1 .' Sarus, the Goth, having no sympathy with such scruples, perceiving that it would, in these cir- cumstances, ruin his prospects of a military career to be known as an adherent of Stilicho, ungenerously turned against his old chief, slew the brave Huns who formed his body-guard, and would fain have captured Stilicho himself, who, however, fled to Ravenna, but even in the hurry of his own flight found time to warn the neighbouring cities not to receive the foederati within their walls. Soon after his arrival came a messenger from Olympius bearing the Emperor's orders that he was to be apprehended and imprisoned. Stilicho took refuge in one of the many churches of Ravenna, but on the soldiers swearing a solemn oath in the presence of the Bishop 1 Zosimus v. 33. 158 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. 408. that they were ordered to imprison him only but not Stilkho to kill him ; he surrendered himself to them. At arrested, once the same messenger produced a second letter and put to . death. from the Emperor, denouncing against Stilicho the punishment of death for his crimes against the Com- monwealth. His friends and servants and a mass of indignant foederati entreated to be allowed to defend him by arms, but Stilicho sternly forbade them, and calmly presented his neck to the sword of the execu- tioner (Aug. 22, 408). Some men who have led apparently righteous and honourable lives are unmasked by Death, who ex- poses their well-hidden wickedness. In Stilicho's case Death wrought exactly the opposite change. At every step of his career we ask ourselves the ques- tion, ' Self-seeker or Patriot ? ' and it must be con- fessed that we scarcely get a perfectly satisfactory answer. But the closing scenes of his life show that he was indeed true to Rome, and refused the ven- geance and the deliverance which lay all ready to his hand rather than use against her the swords of the barbarians. Persecu- The death of Stilicho was the signal for an out- frieftdsof ^ urst °^ j ea l° us ra g e against his family and friends. Stilicho. Eucherius, who had fled to Rome, was before long put to death. Thermantia was sent back by Hono- rius to her mother. The adherents of Stilicho were tortured to make them confess his traitorous designs, and when they steadfastly denied the existence of any such, were beaten to death with cudgels. Above all, the Roman soldiers, in every city where the v.l Alaric. *59 wives and children of the foederati were dwelling, 408. rose in riotous insurrection, killing some and plun- dering others. Henceforth, of course, there was open war between legionaries and foederati, the latter of whom, to the number of 30,000, streamed forth to Alaric's Illyrian camp and urged him to avenge them on their cruel and cowardly foes. Mindful of his former reverses in Italy, Alaric, though the voice 1 Penetrabis ad Urbem ' was still ringing in his ears, offered peace to Honorius in exchange for a small sum of money, hostages, and the province of Pannonia, on which by this time the Empire can have had but a slender hold. Hono- rius, safe behind the canals of Ravenna, and relying on the prayers of Olympius, refused all terms of compromise, and late in this eventful year, 408, Alaric in- Alaric marched for the last time over the Julian v ^ sItal y> Alps into Italy, never again to leave that land, the goal of so many aspirations. The events of the three years, 408-410, in each of which there was a siege of Rome, cannot here be related with any detail, and some of them are among the best-known commonplaces of history. I will only briefly assign to each year its distinguishing features. The first, 408, was the year of ransom. Alaric, as Rome ran- has been said, in the later months of the year somedi 4 ° 8, marched into Italy, and did not, as before, linger in the plains of Lombardy, but struck southward through Picenum and Umbria, marching no doubt by the great Flaminian Way, and stood before long at the gates of Rome. There seems to have been no opposition 160 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. to his progress. The ' Roman ' party, so zealous in killing women and children and in organising pro- nunciamentos, slunk into their holes when an army appeared. It is probable that in this Italian expe- dition Alaric had made his host more of an army and less of a nation than on the previous occasion. We hear nothing of the waggons, and some of his marches and counter-marches can hardly have been performed with a long train of non-combatants fol- lowing him. At Alaric's appearance under their walls the Senate (for Honorius was safe at Ravenna) could think of no other means of opposing him than putting the hapless Serena, the widow of Stilicho, to death, fearing that she might open treacherous communi- cations with the besiegers. The cowardly deed was not long unpunished. Alaric watched the Tiber above and below, and drew a strict line of blockade round the city. Hunger and pestilence were soon raging among the people, and the Senate found itself compelled to send ambassadors to Alaric to ask his terms. The threat that despair might drive the citizens to some audacious sortie was met by the well-known answer, 1 The thicker the hay, the easier mown ' : the enquiry what Alaric meant to leave them if he insisted on their surrendering all their gold, all their moveable property, and all their bar- barian slaves, by the equally well-known words, 1 Your lives V More days of famine followed. At length a final 1 Or ' your souls.' v.] Alaric. 161 embassy arranged the terms of the ransom which 408. Alaric condescended to receive from the Imperial City. It consisted of 5000 lbs. weight of gold (£225,000), 30,000 lbs. of silver (£90,000), 4000 silken tunics, 3000 scarlet hides, and 3000 lbs. of pepper. The date of this transaction is not known, but it was probably in the very last days of 408. The next year, 409, is the year of the anti-Emperor, 409. Attains. All Alaric's dealings with the Senate 2iX\d Al ^ r \ cne ' gotiates People of Rome at this time were directed to the Modera- conclusion of a firm treaty of alliance, offensive and iion °f his defensive, with the Emperor. His aim was not to re( l uests ' conquer Rome, or to settle his followers in any part of Italy, but to legitimise his position within the Empire, to have a large space on the Middle Danube, either Noricum or Pannonia, assigned to his people, and then to be recognised as Rome's champion against all other enemies. In fact, he desired to renew the old federate relation only on a footing of equality instead of one of semi-depend- ence. To all such propositions Honorius, or rather the ministers who spoke in his name, replied with an unceasing 1 non possumus' as they could not be attacked, being safe behind the dykes and lagoons of Ravenna. Alaric's only resource was to put pressure, even cruel pressure, on Rome, in order to bring her sovereign to terms. A considerable part of the year 409 was consumed Oath sworn in these vain negotiations. The Praetorian Prefect, by T head . of I/ono- Jovius, who had supplanted Olympius in the posi- rius. tion of chief adviser of the Emperor, seems to have M l62 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. 4°9- been at first disposed to try to make terms with Alaric, and to see if the title ' M agister Utriusque Militiae 1 could not divert him from his schemes of conquest. But Honorius demurred to the proposal, and Jovius, accommodating himself to his master's humour, insisted on all the chief officers of the Em- peror assembling round him and swearing by their master's head (which they touched in making the asseveration) that they would make no peace with Alaric, but would wage against him perpetual war. To all subsequent overtures of Alaric (and some of them surprise us by their moderation, offering terms such as the Empire might have safely and honour- ably granted), this tremendous oath by the empty head of Honorius was opposed as an insuperable obstacle. Attains Alaric, whose patience was worn out, returned to proclaimed R and in formed the blockade of the City. Emperor. J But the Senate, whose patience was equally ex- hausted, refused to again undergo the horrors of famine and pestilence for the ungrateful Honorius, and sent messengers to Alaric declaring that they were willing to renounce their allegiance to the Emperor. Peace on these terms was easily arranged. Attalus, the Praetorian Prefect of the City, a man of Greek extraction, was saluted as Emperor, and in that capacity concluded a treaty with Alaric, recog- nising him as an ally of the Empire, probably con- ceding to him a settlement in the coveted provinces on the Danube, and conferring on him at once the splendid position of Magister Utriusque Militiae. v.] Alaric. 163 So opened the year 410, the ever-memorable year 410. of the Third Siege and Capture of Rome. It seemed Attalns & r J refuses to for a time as if Attalus would indeed wrest the Rule divideltaly of All Things from his incapable rival. He marched Wlth Ho ~ . . norms. towards Ravenna, from whence issued forth a piteous supplication for peace on the basis of a yet further subdivided Empire. If Honorius might but continue to reign at Ravenna, Attalus should reign at Rome, and the Concordia Augustorum might unite them and Constantine, the Emperor of the Gauls, with the son of Arcadius, Emperor of the East. Attalus made a cruel and insulting reply, threatening his rival with mutilation and banishment : but the timely arrival at Ravenna of six legions from Constanti- nople prevented him from carrying his threat into execution, and turned the tide of fortune. Famine Supplies again threatened Rome, from another cause Africa the blockade of Alaric. Heraclian, to whom had stopped. been entrusted the execution of the sentence against Stilicho, was now holding the great province of Africa loyally for Honorius, and by cutting off the food supplies of Carthage from Rome, brought the City into such terrible straits that an angry cry was heard in the Amphitheatre, when the new Emperor was sitting there in state watching the games, 4 Pone pretium carni humanae * (' Fix the tariff for human flesh '). Alaric's keen eye saw that Africa was now the key of the position, and he urged upon Attalus the necessity of sending troops, barbarian foederati, thither to overcome Heraclian. But Attalus, who was evidently a futile, inefficient ruler, delayed and M 2 164 Dynasty of Theodosins. [v. 410. Attains deposed. Sams breaks off the nego- tiations bet wee n Alaric and Ho- norins. Alaric en- ters Rome, 24 Aug. 410. lingered, and, as it was hinted, began to entertain schemes for disembarrassing himself of the oppres- sive patronage of the Visigoth. At length Alaric, tired of his vacillation and bad faith, and recognising the failure of his scheme of creating a rival Emperor, assembled his army on the plain outside Ariminum, and there, in the sight of thousands of Romans and Goths, formally stripped Attalus of the emblems of Empire, and proclaimed that he was reduced to the rank of a private citizen. The diadem and the purple were sent to Honorius at Ravenna, and it seemed for a moment as if the just and honourable peace, so eagerly desired by Italy, by Rome, and by Alaric, might be secured. But Sarus the Goth, the same man who had turned treacherously against Stilicho in his adversity, and who, perhaps on that account, hated Alaric and was hated by him, entered Ravenna at the head of 300 veterans, and succeeded in breaking off the just- resumed thread of the negotiations. Then at length, as it seemed that nothing but the sword could cut the Gordian knot, Alaric again crossed the Apennines, determined to show what he could do to Rome as an enemy, since she in her infatuation rejected him as a friend. There was this time no long agony of blockade, no famine or pestilence. On the night of the 24th of Au- gust, 410, almost as soon as he had appeared under the walls of the City, Alaric effected an entrance through the Salarian Gate, at the north-east corner of the City, at very nearly the same place where, on the v.] Alaric. 165 20th Sept. 1870, the soldiers of Victor Emmanuel 410. entered Rome. Whether the gate was carried by a sudden surprise, or was opened by slaves or trea- cherous citizens within, it is impossible now to decide ; but the theory of surprise seems, upon the whole, most probable. The splendid palace of the historian Sallust, hard by the Salarian Gate, was set on fire, and its spacious gardens had their beauty ruined by the entering Gothic soldiers. Thus, then, at length 1 the great city which reigned Rome over the kings of the whole earth ' was captured and sacked was pillaged by a foreign and a barbarian enemy. Civil war, sedition, frenzied Emperors had 'dealt upon the Seven-hilled City's pride ' in the course of the centuries ; but not for 800 years — not since Bren- nus and his Gauls had slain the Conscript Fathers in the Forum — had Rome been violently entered by a conquering foreign foe. There were some allevia- tions to the horrors of the capture, derived from the fact that the assailants were Christians ; and these alleviations are naturally emphasised by the Church historians, from whom we derive most of our scanty information as to the Third Siege of Rome. Alaric had ordered that no Christian church should be injured, and that the right of asylum, especially in the two great Basilicas of St. Peter and St. Paul, should be religiously observed. These orders were perhaps made known to the citizens, multitudes of whom, Pagan as well as Christian, were soon flying for shelter to these islands of safety. But notwithstanding any such humane orders, honour- i66 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. 410. able both to the general who issued them and to the army by whom they were obeyed, the sack of a great and wealthy city by a hungry and exasperated army of barbarians was of necessity a terrible thing. We hear of an aged widow beaten to death to make her disclose her imaginary treasures, of matrons ravished, of palaces laid in ashes. And above all rose now the terrible fact that Roma Invicta had been conquered. Where one barbarian chief had penetrated, more could, and of a surety would, follow. The citizens henceforth — like men who have lived through a great and fearful earthquake — must live evermore in dread of seeing the ghastly terror re- commence. As even political caricatures may sometimes help us to understand what contemporary spectators think of the actors on the stage of history, let us listen to Procopius, who wrote 150 years later, but who has preserved to us a possibly contemporary story, as to the reception of the news of the fall of Rome by the Roman Augustus. Reception 'They say that at Ravenna one of the eunuchs °tidings by wno was * n cnar S e °f tne Imperial poultry an- Honorins. nounced to the Emperor Honorius that Roma had actually perished. Whereupon he cried with a loud voice — " But just now he fed out of my hands ! " [for he had an exceedingly large fowl, Roma, by name.] Then the eunuch, understanding what was passing in his mind, said that it was Roma the City which had been destroyed by Alaric. But the Em- peror in reply said, " But I thought, my friend, that v.] Alaric. 167 the bird Roma had perished ! " — so great they say 410. was the stupidity of this Emperor/ The capture of Rome by Alaric, though an event The cap- of incalculable importance in the history of the world, re °f J Rome settled nothing in the immediate present. Still the settled Augustus, the only legitimate source of power in the nothin s- Roman State, remained inaccessible at Ravenna. Still Heraclian, his yet loyal governor of Africa, held that province for his master, withholding the grain-supplies without which Rome could not live. Still Alaric could not conquer that firm peace, guaranteed by sufficient hostages, and securing to him a lawful position in the Empire, without which he was determined not to return to Illyricum. He marched to the extreme south of Italy, and designed to cross over into Sicily, in whose ports he would pro- bably have collected an armament for the conquest of Africa. But he never effected the passage of the Straits of Messina, the ships which he had collected at Rhegium being destroyed by a violent storm. While he was still lingering in Calabria he was Death of seized by an illness, which lasted but a few days. Al ^ ru > He had 'penetrated to the City'; his work was done. The fateful voice rang in his ears no longer, telling him of great exploits yet reserved for him in the future, but instead of it came Death. He was probably in about the forty-fifth year of his age ; so that he, like Theodosius, left great possibilities of conquest unexhausted. But in his short career he had done enough to change the current of the world's history. :68 Dynasty of Theodosius. [v. 410. The story of his burial is well known. In order Mari! ^ to S uar< ^ his grave from the possibility of insult at the hands of the Provincials, a number of captives were employed in diverting the stream of the Busentus, a river of Bruttii. In the old river-bed a great trench was dug, wherein were laid the bones of the conquer- ing king, and, after the fashion of his heathen fore- fathers, some of the most precious spoils of Rome were laid by his side, that he might not miss them in the gardens of Paradise or the halls of Walhalla. Then the trench was filled in, the river was turned back into its ancient bed, the captives were slain : and thus ' no man knoweth his sepulchre unto this day.' LECTURE VI. Placidia : Attila. An interval of forty-two years elapsed between Historical Alaric's sack of Rome and the next great barbarian P ers P ectlve invasion of Italy. To us, looking at these years as they appear on the outstretched map of History, it is manifest that they were years of gradual but pro- gressive decline and decay for the Roman Empire. Probably, but not certainly, they wore the same aspect to contemporary observers. But the im- portant point to remember is that there was such an interval between the first and the second acts of the great World-Tragedy. Reading history in a manual, or glancing over it in such a rapid sketch as I am now attempting to draw, we are apt to forget how slowly some of its scenes have unrolled themselves. Superficial students, if they do not actually confound Alaric with Attila, often think of them as contem- poraries, perhaps as allies, and suppose that they and Genseric and Odoacer, by some combined and concerted effort, brought about 'the fall of the Western Empire.' What I want to impress upon my hearers is the fact that if a child was born on the day that Alaric was laid under the waters of the 4 IQ - Busentus, he would be a middle-aged man when Attila 45 2 - 170 Dynasty of Theodosius. [VI. stood under the walls of Aquileia, and would be verg- ing on threescore and ten when the last Roman Emperor of the West was bidden to hand over the purple and the diadem to a barbarian conqueror. I ask also for a full measure of pity for those true Roman hearts whose allotted span of life had to be all passed in these years of irresistible decline. There are times like that of which a poet has sung — ' Bliss was it in those days to be alive, And to be young was very heaven ; ' times like the first years that followed the battle of Salamis, like the first thrill and rapture of the Crusades, like 'the spacious days of great Elizabeth/ when the life of a nation has been so strong, so fresh, and so triumphant that one feels as if even the saddest individual life must have been overflowed by the great national gladness and saved from utter sorrow. On the other hand, could even the most un- clouded domestic happiness atone to a patriotic Roman who lived in the fifth century for the necessity of watching the lingering agony of his country ? Like a man dwelling upon a subsiding continent, he saw one familiar landmark after another submerged be- neath the waters of barbarism. Or like those remote descendants of ours, if such shall then be living on this planet, who, as physical philosophers tell us, will see this earth begin to part with her atmosphere and become incapable of sustaining organic life, he must have felt that all the old conditions of being were in- verted, and that life by the beautiful Mediterranean was going to become in truth unliveable. VI.] Placidia: Attila. 171 In order to bring the length of this interval of com- parative tranquillity properly before our minds, let us trace the fortunes of one person who lived through it, a daughter, sister, wife and mother of Emperors, the lady Galla Placidia. The daughter of Theodosius's Early life second marriage, she lost her mother, Galla, when °{^ c ^™t a child of five or six years old, and her father in the 388. following year. She appears to have been brought Death of up at Rome, perhaps by her kinswoman Serena, jj ea ^ t |^ 4 ' who possibly intended that she should be the bride Theodo- of her son, Eucherius. Her position was one of for- sms ' 395 ' lorn splendour, that of an orphan with no sister and with two such brothers as Arcadius and Honorius ; nor does it appear to have been cheered by any gleams of friendship between herself and the house of Stilicho. When Alaric first appeared under the walls of Rome, the resolution to put Serena to death as his suspected accomplice was taken 'by the Senate and by the Emperor's sister, Placidia 1 .' Probably the name of a young maiden of twenty was somewhat ostentatiously used by the Senate in order to justify their own action against the niece of the great Theodosius : still it is impossible for the admirers of Placidia (of whom I am one) not to regret that her influence on this occasion was exerted on the side of vengeance rather than on the side of compassion. It was probably at the end of Captivity the first siege of Rome that Placidia was taken °f placuiia - prisoner by the Goths, who retained her as a hostage, but treated her with all outward show of honour and 1 Zosimus v. 38. 172 Dynasty of Theodosius. [vi. Alaric s successor, A taulfus. royal ministrations. She was therefore doubtless present at the great assembly at Ariminum, where her brother's rival, Attalus, was deposed ; she would hear from the Gothic soldiers their histories of the sack of Rome ; she perhaps saw the mighty form of her conqueror outstretched in death in his tent by the Busentus. Now, for the next five years, her history was to be singularly interwoven with that of his brother-in-law and successor, Ataulfus. This man, whose name is in fact the same as one of those borne by another great Northern conqueror, Gustavus Adolphus, had joined Alaric with reinforce- ments raised in Upper Pannonia in the year 409, and had taken part in the skirmishes with Sarus before Ravenna, which preceded the Third Siege of Rome. He was a blood-relation 1 of Alaric, as well as his kinsman by marriage, and was by general acclamation hailed as his successor and raised on the shield as king. Though not boasting the full number of inches of a Gothic warrior, he was of shapely form and noble countenance. He is especi- ally interesting to us, because a chance conversation with a Provincial, a conversation which passed at Narbonne and was reported at Bethlehem, gives us a glimpse into his own secret hopes and aspirations, such as we do not possess into the mind of any other leader of the barbarians. Orosius tells us that when he was at Bethlehem he heard a citizen of Narbonne, who had served under Theodosius, and who was a wise and religious person, say that 1 ' Consanguineo,' Jord. xxx. Placidia: Attila. 173 Ataulfus had frequently told him 'that his first thought when he entered on the career of conquest had been to claim for the Goths all that leadership of the world which had once belonged to the Ro- mans, and to vindicate for himself a position like that which had belonged to the mighty Augustus. Gradually, however, the fashion of his dreams had changed. He saw that it was not by the sword alone, but by law, that Rome had dominated the world, and that his own countrymen, wild and im- petuous, had not learned that lesson of obedience to Law which alone could fit them to rule ; and now his whole desire was to restore and re-invigorate the great Roman Commonwealth, transforming that which he once hoped to destroy.' Consciously or unconsciously every really states- manlike intellect among the Northern chieftains must have gone through the same change and come to the same conclusion. Out of the Goth, or the Frank, or the Saxon alone it was not possible yet to form a law-abiding nation. Either from the Roman State or the Roman Church they must learn those habits of discipline and self-restraint which they did in the end learn, and practise as no purely Romance nation, far less any purely Celtic nation, has ever practised them. What Ataulfus saw to be the statesman's true aim was that which Theodoric accomplished with temporary, and Charlemagne with somewhat more permanent success — that trans- fusion of fresh Teutonic blood into the old Roman body which has in fact made modern Europe. 174 Dynasty of Theodosius. [vr. Loves of The political conversion of Ataulfus was aided, ^InTphi- as convers i° ns have been so often aided, by a cidia. woman. The fair Placidia, forced to follow all the movements of the Gothic army, yet ' treated with all honour and ever tended with royal ministrations/ vanquished his heart. The old saying that ' con- quered Greece led her victor captive ) was renewed with Placidia and Ataulfus ; but with a delicacy which we should term chivalrous if we were speaking of a later age, he refused to make her his bride, though she too loved him, till the consent of her brother came from Ravenna. After four years of weary negotiations this consent was obtained, but not until the Goths had marched out of Italy into Their mar- Gaul. In January, 414, the marriage of the Gothic 9 Narbonne k m g an d the Roman Lady was celebrated at Nar- 4M- bonne at the house of a citizen named Ingenuus. The ' wise and religious person ' who afterwards conversed with Jerome at Bethlehem was doubtless present at the wedding, if indeed he were not (as is very probable) Ingenuus himself. Men noticed with interest that Ataulfus entered the inner apartment to claim his bride, dressed, not in the barbaric splen- dour of his countrymen, but like a Roman Senator. They saw with admiration the fifty goodly youths in silken robes, bearing plates filled with gold and gems, who formed part of Ataulfus' splendid Mor- gen-gabe 1 to his bride. Then came music, and they saw, perhaps not without a touch of scorn, Attalus, once Emperor of Rome, leading the dance and song in honour of his great patron's wedding. 1 Morning-gift. VI] Placidia: Attila. 175 Unhappily for the world, this union of Roman and Fortunes barbarian led to no abiding results. The kingdom °^J^ r Vm set up by Ataulfus did indeed endure, though not k ingdom . exactly in the shape which he had given to it. Es- tablished at first chiefly as a South Gaulish king- dom, and remaining such till the conquests of Clovis at the end of the fifth century, it then shifted its centre of gravity southward of the Py- renees and became that Visigothic kingdom of Spain which was overthrown by the Moors in 711, and which gradually crept back to life again under the kings of Leon, Castille, and Arragon. But the dynasty of Ataulfus himself was short-lived. A child, named Theodosius, was born to him by Pla- cidia ; but this child, around which so many hopes Death of centered, died, to the unspeakable grief of its pa- ^J^f m s rents, and was buried in a silver coffin at Barcelona, and of where they then dwelt. Soon after the infant's Atau !f us > death the father was stabbed in the back by one of his servants, who thus avenged an old grudge for the execution of a former master. His dying words to his brother were, ' Live in peace with Rome and restore Placidia to Honorius.' The murder of Ataulfus was possibly connected Humilia- with a sort of insurrection against the Roman in- U p la u jJ ja fluences which had been of late so powerful in the Gothic Court. His successor, the brutal Singeric, murdered the sons of Ataulfus (the children of his first marriage) and forced Placidia to walk as a captive before his chariot for twelve miles from the gates of Barcelona. After only eight days' reign Dynasty of Theodosius. [VI. rtage to Constan tins. 416-423. however, this ruffian was dethroned and slain, and the gallant Walia was acclaimed king, whose name is one of the most distinguished in the early history of the Visigothic monarchy. He renewed and She is re- strengthened the alliance with Rome, and gave stored to b ac k Placidia to the Emperor, receiving in return Honortus, r ' 416. the somewhat prosaic ransom of 19,000 quarters of corn. Her mar- Placidia was escorted by the Roman general who had received her from the hands of the Goths to her brother's Court at Ravenna, and there, nearly two years after the death of Ataulfus, she gave her hand to this general, an old lover of hers named Constantius. Second The union of Constantius and Placidia lasted four and exile of vears > an ^ the fruit of it was a son and a daughter, Placidia. the first named Valentinian (after his maternal great- grandfather), the second, Honoria. Constantius, a brave soldier, but a rough, sullen, unpopular man, was associated in the Empire by his brother-in-law, and, after six months' enjoyment of the Imperial dignity, died, apparently of mere ennui, in 421. Two years after his death, Placidia and her children withdrew to Constantinople, on account of a quarrel which had broken out with her brother, who, as I suspect from the description of his conduct, had begun to show symptoms of softening of the brain. Death of In this same year (423) Honorius died at the age Honorms. Q f thirty-nine, and was buried in a gigantic marble sarcophagus, which may still be seen in 'the Mauso- leum of Galla Placidia ' at Ravenna. There was no VI.] Placidia: Attila. 177 member of the family of Theodosius on the spot to 423-425. claim the vacant diadem, and Joannes, a somewhat Elevation obscure member of the Civil Service (Primicerius °fJ oannes ' Notariorum), was permitted to wear it, under the patronage of the powerful Magister Militum, Cas- tinus. When the news of this event (usurpation we must Theodosius not call it, for there was no strict hereditary right in f { P laces ' J & , the son of the Roman Empire) reached the Court of Constanti- piacidia on nople, the young Emperor Theodosius II, the son the West ' r a i- 1 -i 1 i- • 1 em throne. 01 Arcadius, determined to send an expedition to the West to overthrow Joannes. The expedition was commanded by two brave Alans — father and son — named Ardaburius and Aspar ; and, after one or two reverses, was in the end completely successful. Joannes was brought as a prisoner to Aquileia ; his right hand was cut off, he was paraded round the city upon an ass, and, after some more ungenerous insults of this kind, he was put to death. Ravenna, which had sympathised with the elevation of Joannes, was punished by being sacked by the soldiers of Ardaburius. Rome was flattered by the young Valentinian III, a boy of seven years old, being sent there to assume the purple. At Constantinople, Theodosius II and his people, who were assembled in the Hippodrome when the news of victory ar- rived, walked in procession to the great Basilica, singing praises to God for his deliverance! From 425 to 450, that is, from the thirty-eighth to Placidia as the sixty-third year of her life, Placidia was virtually ^-450 the sovereign of what remained of the Western Dynasty of Theodosius. [VI. 425-450- Events of Placidia's regency. Her chief adviser, Aetius. Empire. She was already styled Augusta in right of her husband Constantius' six months' wearing of the purple. She was, in accordance with one or two precedents, entitled to hold the reins of power (with the rank, though not the precise title, of Regent) during her son's minority : and as that son was idle and pleasure-loving, reproducing only the weaker features of the Theodosian character, she continued to hold them after he had grown to man- hood, and until her own death in 450. Great events, disastrous events, were happening during this second quarter of the fifth century. In the Church of the East the wind was rising for that great storm of the Monophysite controversy which for a hundred years took peace from the earth. In the West, Carthage was being conquered by the Vandals, Gaul and Spain were being more and more hopelessly lost to the Empire, ' the groans of the Britons * were being borne across the sea to 'Aetius, thrice Consul.' All these events Placidia had to witness with failing heart from her palace at Ra- venna by the Pine Wood and the sea. If the Augusta did not herself display any con- spicuous faculty of rule during these twenty-five years of decline, she at least had the merit of loyally supporting the one man who, like Stilicho in the previous generation, was best able to sustain the falling Empire. This was that ' Aetius thrice Con- sul' to whom allusion has just been made. He was born at Silistria, on the Danube, the son of Gauden- tius, an official of high rank in the Western Empire. Placidia: Attila. 179 If he was not of barbarian extraction, a point on 4 2 5-45°- which we cannot speak with certainty, the events of his life threw him into close intercourse with the barbarians. For three years a hostage in the camp of the Visigoths, and then, for an indefinite time, hostage in the country of the Huns, he had con- tracted friendships with the leading men of both nations, had perhaps learned something of their language, had doubtless observed their tactics and formed his own opinion of the best means of defeat- ing them 1 . After the death of Honorius he had adhered to the party of Joannes, but, not having been able to avert his overthrow, he had accepted high command under Placidia and Valentinian, whom he served loyally to the end of his days 2 . Loyally, that is, as far as his sovereigns were concerned. If the hitherto accepted story of his quarrel with Boni- facius, governor of Africa, be correct, there was deep disloyalty on the part of Aetius towards his greatest colleague in the Imperial service, and that disloyalty cost a province to the Empire; but the account of these transactions may be reserved till the next lecture, in which I shall have to speak of the conquests of the Vandals. During ten years, from 429 to 439, the energies of Aetius were chiefly directed to maintaining some hold on the East and Centre of Gaul, with which object he waged war with diverse success on the Visigoths, the Franks, and 1 In several points of his military career, Aetius seems to me a not unworthy precursor of Belisarius. 2 With a short interval of exile in Hunland, 433. N 2 i8o Dynasty of Theodosius. [VI. 441-450. t h e Burgundians, and it is noteworthy that in these wars the most useful auxiliaries of Aetius were men of the Hunnish nation. During the last nine years Danger f the life of Placidia (441-450) the chief factor in ^Huns * European politics, the care that bit most deeply into the hearts both of the Eastern and Western Sovereigns of the Empire, was the menacing might of Attila, king of the Huns. To these savage Asiatic marauders it is now time to turn our attention. History of For more than fifty years after the Huns crossed the Huns the Sea of Azof and fell like a thunderbolt on the after 374. kingdom of Hermanric the Ostrogoth, their history is almost a blank. They had set in motion an ava- lanche of ruin on the Empire, but they themselves, though doubtless spreading wide the terror of their name through Southern Russia and Hungary, and though once travelling southward as far as Antioch on a marauding expedition, did not often during this period come forward as claimants for the goods of the dying Empire. In fact, as we have already seen, on several occasions the Hunnish soldier seems to have been the bravest and most faithful of the auxiliaries of Rome. In part this was probably due to common enmity to the intervening Visigoths. The Roman Provincial hated and feared the Goth : the Goth feared and loathed the Hun : accordingly the Roman and the Hun found it for their interest to be friends. Attila 's In the year 433, Attila and his brother Bleda accession, moun ted the throne of the Huns. Twelve years 433. J later Bleda died, having been, according to some accounts, craftily slain by order of his brother. At vi.] Placidia : Attila. i8x all times Attila's was the commanding personality, 433 and with him alone need we here concern ourselves. Let us hear how he is described by the historian of the Goths 1 : ' Attila was a man born into the world His cha - to agitate the nations, the fear of all lands, one who, a pp ear . I hardly know how, terrified all by the awful appre- once. hensions spread abroad concerning him. He was proud in his gait, rolling his eyes hither and thither, so that the elation of his heart showed itself even by every movement of his body : a lover of war, but not himself given to acts of violence 2 , mighty in counsel, placable by those who humbled themselves before him, favourable to those whom he had admitted to his fealty : short of stature, broad of chest, with an over-large head, with little eyes, thin beard, hair sprinkled with grey, turned-up nose, muddy com- plexion. All these were the characteristics which recalled his origin ' [or, to use our modern phrase- ology, the distinctive marks of the Mongol race]. ' By natural temperament he was always con- fident that he should do great things, but this con- fidence of his was increased by finding "the sword The sword of Mars," which is ever held sacred by the Scythian °f Mars ' kings, and which is said to have been discovered in this way. A certain herdsman saw one of his heifers limping, and being anxious to discover the cause of her wound, carefully followed her bleeding footprints through the grass, till at length he came to the sword, upon which the heifer had incautiously trodden while 1 Jordanes xxxv. a ' Bellorum quidem amator, sed ipse manu temperans.' Dynasty of Theodosius. [vi. 433-441. grazing, and having dug it up he at once carried it to Attila. He, having gratified the herdsman with a generous present, deemed himself to be now ap- pointed sovereign of the whole world, and victory in all wars to be assured to him in right of the sword of Mars/ 433- Immediately upon the accession of Attila and demands at Bleda, they demanded and obtained from the East- Constanti- ern Emperor the duplication of their yearly stipen- nopk. dium, or, as they more truly called it, tribute, which was now raised from £14,000 to £28,000. At the same time they insisted on the return of all Huns or Romans who had fled from the Hunnish dominions and taken refuge under the ineffectual aegis of Rome. This demand for the surrender of refugees, the result, doubtless, of the barbarous despotism of the Huns, was afterwards frequently renewed, and its imper- fect fulfilment was a standing grievance against the Eastern Emperor. 433-441. For the next eight years, however, we hear but Extent of little of diplomatic relations between Attila and the Empire Empire. There can be little doubt that during these years he was engaged in consolidating his dominions northwards and eastwards. His own peculiar terri- tory was evidently the flat land of what we now call Hungary, between the Danube and the Carpathians ; but the nations which owned his over-lordship stretched probably from the Caspian to the Rhine. Very loose and ill-compacted, no doubt, was the Empire of the Huns; but the kings of the Ostro- goths, Gepidae, Alans, Suevi, and Heruli, all fol- VI.] Placidia: Attila. i8 3 lowed Attila to battle, all formed part of that con- 433-44 1 - federacy of rapine which he could hurl whenever it pleased him against a civilised and wealthy foe. In the East another Tartar horde, the Geougen, His cam- perhaps even more savage than the Huns them- m selves, threatened the new barbarian Empire ; but Attila appears to have formed an alliance with China which neutralised their hostility, and left him free to prosecute his designs of conquest west of the Ural mountains and south of the Caspian. He marched from the latter sea fifteen days southward into the Persian kingdom, and ravaged the ancient province of Media. He evidently ruled without a rival in European Russia, or at least in that part of it which was then worthy of even a barbarian's notice, and — what is more important to us — he had, we are told, 'subjected the islands in the ocean to his sway.' These ' islands in the ocean ' can be none other than Did he the islands and peninsula of Denmark and the drive our Saxon southern part of Sweden, which the geographers of forefathers the time considered to be an island. Now, however f rom their 1 1 1 tt -1 .homes? transient may nave been the Hunnisn conquest 01 those Baltic lands, of Holstein, Jutland, and South Sweden, it was sufficient to produce results of world- historical importance. In those lands our fathers, the Saxons, the Jutes, the Angles, were dwelling at the commencement of the fifth century, making doubtless many a piratical raid against the ' Litus Saxom'cum' in Britain, but, as a rule, returning with their plunder to their homes by the Baltic. From those lands, before the year 441, they had begun to t84 Dynasty of Theodosius. [vi. 441-450. swarm forth, alighting upon the eastern and southern coasts of Britain, coming probably with wives and children, and coming to conquer and to remain. Why this new and sudden change in the current of the nation's thoughts? Surely it was the swarthy Hunnish riders, the same who had scared the Visi- goths across the Danube, who sent the Angle and the Saxon in their long ships scudding across the German Ocean. If this be so, the obscure move- ments of this squalid Hunnish people not only threw down the Empire of Rome, but indirectly caused the building up of the Empire of England. Attila tor- With the year 441, Attila re-enters the arena of ments the Imperial politics. For the next nine years he sends Eastern , , . , , ut and West- ceaseless embassies to the Eastern and Western em Courts Empires, ostensibly to press for the redress of griev- with his . . embassies ances, really in order to claim higher and ever 441-450. higher terms for the maintenance of peace, and to enrich his favourites at Court by the presents which he well knows that the trembling Augusti at Con- stantinople and Ravenna will give them in order to purchase their good offices with their master. The standing grievance against the Eastern Court was, as has been said, the alleged failure to surrender the fugitives, Hunnish princes or Roman merchants, who had escaped from Attila's dominions. The chief grievances against Placidia and Valentinian were two : the vases of Sirmium and the dowry of the lady Honoria. (1) A certain Gaulish provincial named Con- stantius, who filled the post of Secretary to Attila, vi.] Placidia : Attila. 185 when the city of Sirmium was besieged by the Huns, 441-450. received from the Bishop of that city a deposit of the The matter rich gold Communion-plate of the Church, in trust to %imi m apply the proceeds to the ransoming of the Bishop vases. and his flock. Regardless, however, of this trust, he carried off the sacred vessels to Rome and raised a large sum of money upon them from the goldsmith, Silvanus. Eventually Sirmium was taken ; Con- stantius, a traitor to all parties, was crucified ; and Attila, claiming a sort of ' resulting trust ' of the vases for himself as conqueror, insisted that Silvanus should be surrendered to him as having stolen his property. (2) Honoria, the sister of Valentinian III, 2, Honoria s young and giddy girl, had compromised her reputa- 6 * tion by an intrigue with an Imperial chamberlain, and was sent by her mother to the Court of Con- stantinople in a kind of honourable imprisonment. Her spirit chafed at the seclusion in which she was kept by her four middle-aged and almost nun-like cousins, and she formed the wild scheme of plighting her troth to the King of the Huns, and calling upon him to be her deliverer. Attila received the ring which she sent him, and, though he had already many wives, disdained not to add Honoria to the number, so far at least as this that * he claimed as her betrothed husband one half of the Western Empire which had been bequeathed to Honoria by her father, but out of which she was kept by her brother's covetousness.' The most important of the return-embassies was Dynasty of Theodosius. [vi. Embassy 448. Imperial plot for Attila s assassina- tion. Attilas palace. of that which was sent by Theodosius II, in the year 448, to the Court of Attila. The chief ambassador was Maximin, a man of illustrious birth and high official rank ; and the official whom we should call the Secretary of Legation was Priscus, to whose able pen we owe a minute account of the embassy, which is certainly the most interesting historical document of the century. Both Maximin and Priscus were Pagans, and both were men of high character. They were used, however, to cloak an infamous plot which had been concerted at the Court of Con- . stantinople, but of which they were themselves ignorant, for the assassination of Attila by one of the nobles of his guard named Edeco. It is like reading a chapter of Quentin Durward or Les Trots Mousquetaires, to see the way in which the plot is hatched, developed, and finally detected : and the honest indignation of Attila against 'his slave, Theodosius, who paid him tribute but dared to plot the assassination of his master,' is finely expressed, and puts the savage Hun for the time immeasurably above the cultured and nominally Christian Emperor. I have no space here, however, to insert these details ; but, though it has been often quoted before, I must transcribe Priscus's account of Attila's palace and of a banquet therein, to which he and his chief were invited. ' Having crossed some more rivers we arrived at length at a very large village, in which was situated the palace of Attila. This dwelling was, we were told, the finest building in all the country. It was made of logs and smooth planks, and surrounded by VI.] Placidia: Attila. 187 wooden palisades, not for safety but for ornament. 44 8 - Next to the King's house, that of Onegesius (his chief minister) was most conspicuous. It, too, was surrounded by a palisading, but was not adorned with towers as Attila's was. Not far from this en- closure was a bath which Onegesius had built of stones brought from Pannonian quarries, for the bar- barians who dwell there have not a stick nor a stone in their own country, but have to import all building materials from a distance. The architect of this bath was carried captive from Sirmium, and hoped to receive his freedom as the reward of his ingenuity; but unconsciously he prepared for himself a worse lot than that of ordinary slavery, for Onegesius made him his bath-man, and he had to wait upon him and his retinue whenever they had a mind to bathe.' The Banquet. ' When we returned to our tent, there came an Attila 's invitation to us both from Attila to be present at his ban( l ucL banquet, which would take place about 3 p.m. Punc- tually, at the time appointed, we went to the dinner and stood on the threshold before Attila. According to the custom of the country, the cup-bearer brought us a bowl of wine that we might pray for the good- luck of the host before taking our seats. When this was done, and we had just tasted the bowl, we came to the chairs of state on which we were to sit at dinner-time. All the seats of the guests were ranged along the walls on either side of the building. In the centre of all sat Attila on a couch, with another couch i88 Dynasty of Theodosms. [VI. behind him, behind which again a flight of steps led up to his bed, hidden by curtains of white linen and * variegated stuffs, ornamentally arranged as the Greeks and Romans prepare the nuptial couch.' Then the order of precedence is described. The Ambassadors, to their evident surprise, found that the seats of honour were given, not to them, but to Hunnish nobles. i Opposite to Onegesius on a double chair sat two of the sons of Attila, while his eldest son sat on Attila' s couch, not near to him but on its extreme verge, and with eyes cast down upon the ground through awe of his father. When all were thus arranged in order, the cup-bearer came in and handed to Attila his ivy-wood drinking-cup filled with wine. When he had received it, he saluted him who sat nearest him in rank. The guest thus honoured stood up, and it was not etiquette for him to sit down till he had sipped or drunk off the wine and returned the goblet to the cup-bearer. In the same way all who were present showed their respect to the King : he remaining seated all the while, they stood up, received the cup, greeted him and tasted the wine. Behind each guest stood a cup-bearer, whose business it was to go into the centre of the hall, each in his proper order, and meet Attila's cup- bearer coming out from beside his master. 'Then entered first Attila's servant bearing a plate full of meat, and after him came the general waiters who laid bread and other victuals on the tables, of which there was one for every three or VI.] Placidia: Attila. 189 four guests, or sometimes more. For all the rest of 44 s - the barbarians and for us a costly banquet had been prepared, which was served on silver dishes, but Attila had plain meat on his wooden plate. He showed also simple tastes in all his other surround- ings. For the other banqueters had golden and silver drinking-cups put beside them, but his was of wood. His raiment also was quite plain, distin- guished by its cleanness only from that of any of his followers; and neither the sword which was hung up beside him, nor the clasps of his barbaresque shoes, nor the bridle of his horse, was adorned, as is the case with other Huns, with gold or precious stones or anything else that is costly/ Priscus then again describes the drinking of Attila' s health, which was performed by all the guests, stand- ing, between each of the courses. ' When evening came on, torches were lighted, and two barbarians coming in and standing opposite to Attila, recited songs previously composed, in which they sang of his victories and his warlike virtues. The banqueters gazed earnestly on the minstrels ; some were delighted with the poems ; others, remem- bering past conflicts, felt their souls stirred within them ; while the old were melted into tears by the thought that their bodies were grown weak through age and their hot hearts were compelled into re- pose. 'When the songs were ended a mad Hun came for- ward, who by his strange, wild, incessant chatter moved all the guests to laughter. After him entered Zercon igo Dynasty of Theodosius. [VI. the Moor ' [whom we know from another source 1 to have been a hump-backed dwarf with ape-like nose]. ' By his garb, his voice, and his wild promiscuous jumble of Latin, Hunnish, and Gothic words, he sent all present, except Attila, into fits of laughter. The King, however, remained quite unmoved, changed not a line of his countenance, and neither by word nor deed showed the slightest enjoyment of the joke, except that when his youngest son, Ernak, came in and stood beside him he gently pinched his cheek and looked upon him with kindly gaze. When I expressed my wonder at his neglect of his other sons and the favour which he showed to this one, the barbarian who sat beside me and who under- stood the Italian language, after making me promise secrecy, assured me that the prophets had foretold to Attila that his race should suffer reverses and then be raised up again by this son. ' When we had sat at the banquet till far into the night, we departed, not wishing to persist in drinking any longer/ From this single picture we may imagine the scenes which frequently occurred when the Ambas- sadors of Theodosius and Valentinian came, with fearful hearts, into the presence of Attila, striving, yet striving in vain, to keep up the traditions of the majesty of Rome. We may imagine, too, the reception which would be accorded to the Teu- tonic under-kings, Gepid, Herul, Ostrogoth, when they came, as assuredly they would come, at least 1 Suidas. VI.] Placidia: Attila. 191 once a year, into the presence of their supreme 45°- lord. The years from 441 to 450, the era of embassies, Deaths of came to an end. In 450 death wrought great changes ^^ l ^ eo , in the palaces both of Ravenna and Constantinople, dosius II, In the West, Placidia died, and the functions as well 45 °- as the show of governing had to be assumed by Valentinian III, who still for a time gave his con- fidence loyally to Aetius. In the East, Theodosius II died of injuries received by a fall from a runaway horse, and the sovereign power became vested in his sister Pulcheria and her husband, the brave old soldier, Marcian. The next Ambassador sent by Marcian, Marcian's orders to the Court of Attila took a higher new , Eastern and more manly tone than the Hun had heard during Emperor, the whole reign of Theodosius. It was clear that wlU not tfHcklc to there would be no more chance of sending oppres- j^/ a , sive embassies, of doubling and quadrupling the 'tribute/ or of worrying about the return of refugees. Any further advantages that were to be gained from the East must be gained at the point of the sword : and upon a survey of the whole situation, Attila decided that since the time had come for war it should be war, not with the East but with the West, not with the grim Marcian but with the soft and indolent Valentinian. There is thus a certain correspondence between the careers of Alaric and Attila. Each took up a position on the confines of the two Empires. Each at first spent some years in making war or threaten- ing war on the Eastern Empire, and each finally 192 Dynasty of Theodosius. [VI. 450. Attila pre- pares for war with the West- ern E??i- pire. Alliance betiveen that Em- pire and the Visigoths. devoted his whole energies to war with the Empire of the West. Pretexts for war were of course easily found. The great question of the vases of Sirmium was probably still unsettled. Honoria's dowry had certainly not been handed over to the affianced Hun. Aetius, warring in Gaul, had seated on one of the Frankish thrones a young prince (possibly Meroveus), whose supplanted rival claimed the assistance of Attila. Above all, the Huns and their allies yearned to burn, to plunder, to slay, and the Western provinces alone could at the moment satiate this desire. Attila did not, however, entirely neglect the prudent precautions of a statesman. He concluded an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Gaiseric, the Vandal conqueror of Carthage, an alliance which, had it been followed up by a well-timed Vandal attack on Rome, might probably have ended the life of the Western Empire. On the other hand, Aetius, at this crisis of the fortunes of Gaul, concluded an alliance which was of infinite importance, both for its immediate results and for the rearrangement of parties to which it pointed in the not distant future. Theodoric the Visigoth, successor of Walia, reigned at Toulouse over a well-compacted monarchy which had been rapidly growing in strength and in civilisation. We are now speaking of a time forty-one years after Alaric's sack of Rome : and the days when the Visi- goths were a wandering horde of foederati, seeking on almost any terms for a recognised position within the Empire, are already far below the horizon. Theo- VI.] Placidia: Attila. 193 doric is the acknowledged lord of one of the fairest 45 1 - portions of Gaul ; his people have become a domi- nant caste of warriors, whose ascendancy the Pro- vincials do not dream of disputing ; but Aetius has been for years struggling, sometimes with the aid of Hunnish auxiliaries, to prevent him from extending his dominion yet further over Gaul. Now, in the presence of this vaster danger, this thunder-cloud rolling up from the plains of Hungary, which threatens to overwhelm Goth and Roman in one common ruin, all these bickerings cease. The Visigoth no doubt is yet barbarous, but he is rapidly becoming civilised ; while the Hun is an utter savage. The Visigoth, though an Arian, is a Chris- tian ; the Hun is a brutal Pagan. The Visigoth de- sires, it is true, to rule in Gaul ; but the Hun will utterly destroy it. The result of these considera- tions was that Aetius and Theodoric formed an alliance against the invader, and, notwithstanding some delays and some misunderstandings, they seem on the whole to have both honourably ob- served its obligations. At Eastertide, 451, the waters of the great deep A ttila en- were broken up. The motley host, said to number ^ Gaul, half a million of men, marshalled by 'a mob of kings 1 ,' but all trembling at the nod of Attila, moved westward, hewed down trees in the Thuringer Wald, and, on the rude boats and rafts which they thus constructed, crossed the Rhine. All the towns 1 ' Turba rcgum ' (Jordanes xxxviii). Compare the story of Talma playing to a parquet of Kings in the days of Napoleon. O 194 Dynasty of Theodosius. [VI. 451. in Belgic Gaul — Tongres, Metz, Rheims — yielded to their savage onslaught. Everywhere flew the red banner of fire. The citizens were slain on their hearth-stones ; the priests, against whom the in- vaders had an especial hatred, were murdered be- fore the altars, on which glittered the coveted silver and gold. Paris escaped destruction ; whether saved by the prayers of Sainte Genevieve or guarded by its own comparative insignificance it is not for us to decide. So the savage host, having rolled on through Belgic and Lugdunensian Gaul, reached the great river Loire, which circled the kingdom of the Siege of Visigoths. Here they laid siege to Orleans, that Orleans. Q ^ go memorable f or her sieges. The battering- rams (for Attila possessed these engines of war) were shaking the walls of the city, and the inhab- itants feared that only ruin was before them. But their Bishop, Anianus, bade them be of good courage, and foretold that deliverance would reach them on the 24th of June. On that day, while they were praying in the church, Anianus sent a messenger to mount the ramparts and see if help were ap- proaching. The messenger went once, twice, in vain. The third time he brought word that a cloud of dust was seen upon the horizon. It was caused by the troops of Aetius and Theodoric, who, after some delay and wavering of purpose, had joined forces and were approaching to deliver the city. Attila, for some reason with which we are not acquainted, declined to await their attack, and began to retrace his steps towards the Rhine. Doubtless his vast VI.] Placidia : Attila. 195 army was difficult to feed, and difficult to keep to- 45 1 - gether, in the country which they had so ruthlessly ravaged ; and probably Attila foresaw great danger in attempting to cross the broad Loire in the face of a large army, which united Gothic courage to Roman science of war. Whatever the cause, he Attila retreated, and reached the city of Troyes, which he retreah - consented to exempt from pillage on condition that the Bishop, St. Lupus, whose saintly appearance awed and impressed him, should accompany him as far as the Rhine. On the Mauriac plain, some five miles from Troyes, the pursuing armies came up with him ; and here was fought that ' cruel, mani- fold, monstrous, and stubborn battle 1 ' to which his- torians have given, not quite correctly, the name of the Battle of Chalons. Before the fight began, Attila consulted the rude ' Battle of auguries of his nation, drawn from the inspection °^ j^T^. l the bowels of a sheep and the markings of some bones. The soothsayers predicted 'ill fortune to the Huns,' but qualified it with the assurance that the leader of their foes should fall. The hope that Aetius, the one great Roman champion, would perish, seemed to console Attila for the presage of his own defeat. It was indeed a battle of many nations. Under the standards of the king of the Huns marched Ostrogoths, Gepidae, Heruli, and a host of less- known nationalities, Teutonic, Slavonic, and Tura- nian. The three kings of the Ostrogoths, and 1 ' Bellum atrox, multiplex, immane, pertinax.' Jordanes xl. O 2 196 Dynasty of Theodosius. [vi. 451. especially the eldest of them, Walamir, and Ardaric, king of the Gepidae, were Attila's chief advisers and lieutenants on the battle-field. The allied army, on the other hand, contained not only Visigoths, who were posted on the right wing, and Romans, who were on the left, but Franks, Saxons, Bretons, Burgundians, and a number of other tribes settled in Gaul. Chief among these lesser nationalities were the Alans, who were settled at Valence on the Rhone. They were near of kin to the Huns, and their king, Sangiban, was sus- pected of intending to desert to them on the battle- field. He was therefore placed in the centre of the allied line, tightly wedged in between Romans and Visigoths, v both of whom watched his movements narrowly and prevented him from accomplishing the meditated treachery. Beyond this statement as to the Alans, and Attila's orders to his troops to neglect the Romans and strike hardest at the Visigoths, we hear little or nothing as to the tactics of the day. The battle began at three in the afternoon, and raged on, upon a line of immense length, till the end of the July day. Theodoric, the Visigothic king, was thrown from his horse and accidentally trampled to death by his own Hunnish countrymen. His men, however, rushed forward defeat. and broke the Hunnish line. Attila himself fled and took shelter behind his rampart of waggons. Thorismund, son of Theodoric, and Aetius both lost their way in the darkness which had now come on, and nearly fell victims to their rashness, vi.] Placidia : Attila. 197 having actually wandered into the quarters of the 45 r - foe. The next morning dawned upon a ghastly sight. Results of It is said that 177,000 men were slain in the 'mani- the baitle - fold and monstrous battle.' This number represents a slaughter nearly twice as great as that at Leipsic, with all the improvements in the machinery of de- struction which fifteen centuries have wrought. It is doubtful whether we ought to listen with perfect faith to calculations which were probably very hasty and fragmentary. But it is not doubtful that the slaughter on the Mauriac plain was one of the greatest ever witnessed on any battle-field before the invention of gunpowder. And, measured by its re- sults, the battle was even greater than when we take account of the carnage. For this was pre-eminently one of 1 the decisive battles of history/ .since it settled the question of supremacy in Europe against the Hun, the squalid, unprogressive heathen Tartar, and kept the ground clear for the Romance, the Teutonic, and the Slavic peoples. The expectations of both armies that the battle Attila would be renewed on the morrow were not fulfilled. r * treats from Gaul. Attila, behind his entrenchments, bade his trumpets sound, and feigned a fresh attack, but all the time he knew himself beaten, and had a pyre of Hunnish saddles prepared, into which, had his entrenchments been stormed, he would have cast himself headlong, that living or dead he might escape the insults of his foes. Meanwhile the Goths,, having at length found their old king's body, buried him on the battle- 198 Dynasty of Theodosius. [vi. field to the music of their rough war-songs. Thoris- mund then marched rapidly to Toulouse to claim his father's throne. Aetius also quitted the field, and Attila was saved from utter destruction, whether owing to the too great prudence of the allies or to a want of perfect harmony between them, it is impossible now to determine. The Hunnish king reached the Rhine without further molestation, and thence sent the venerable Bishop Lupus back to Troyes, asking him to pray to the Almighty for the welfare of his late entertainer. The next year (452) Attila determined to wipe out the shame of his defeat by an invasion, not this time of Gaul, but of Italy. He crossed the Julian Alps, entered Venetia by the well-known route, trodden of late by so many armies, and invested the great, the hitherto impregnable city of Aquileia. In two stubborn sieges at least, probably in more, this city had shown herself the unconquerable bulwark of North-east Italy ; and now, so long was the investment by the Huns vainly protracted, that it seemed as if she would once more prove her title to that name. At- tila was about to abandon the siege in despair, when suddenly looking up, he beheld the storks collecting their young broods about them and preparing to fly from the city. The omen struck him. He pointed it out to his soldiers, and in a short, inspirit- ing speech, urged them to renew their attack on a city which, as the heaven-guided instinct of the birds told them, was doomed to ruin. The appeal was fatally successful. The fierce Huns once more vi.] Placidia: Attila. 199 moved their engines against the walls ; they effected a 45 2 - practicable breach ; they swarmed in ; they slew, they pillaged, they ravished. The rage of Attila at his Aquilcia long detention before the walls made the usual t( * ken and , t destroyed. savagery of Tartar destruction more savage ; and soon there was nothing left of Aquileia — its Mint, its Baths, its Theatres — but a smoking heap of ruins. Tradition says that Attila caused a mound to be raised at Udine, twenty miles distant, and stood on the top of it to see the flames ascend from the burning city. All the sister cities, beautiful and stately, which Other were mirrored in the waters of the North-western Ad l mtu cities Adriatic, shared the fate of Aquileia. The Roman ruined. colony of Concordia ; Altinum, with its fair white villas ; Patavium, the birthplace of Livy, were levelled with the ground. A few trembling fugi- tives from all these cities, including, perhaps, some from Aquileia herself, sought shelter in the wide lagoons at the mouths of the Piave and the Brenta. These miserable refugees founded a gorgeous city, Founders whose fame spread far and wide over all lands, and °f Vemu whose merchandise was sold even on those dreary plains of Central Asia over which Attila's ancestors once wandered. She was the affianced City of the Sea— Venice. Attila marched westwards through the broad green Attila at plain which we now call Lombardy, and as he went Mllan - his fury somewhat abated. All the cities, Verona, Pavia, Milan, and the rest opened their gates to him ; and in all, the Huns plundered at their will, but the 200 Dynasty of Theodosius. [vi. 45 2 - lives of the inhabitants were spared and the buildings were left unburned. At Milan, Attila saw with contemptuous amusement a picture representing the Scythians prostrate under the feet of the Eastern and Western Emperors. He allowed the picture to remain, but ordered an artist to paint on the opposite wall the King of the Huns seated on his throne, with Theodosius and Valentinian emptying their sacks of aurei at his feet. Embassy of During all this time abject terror reigned in the Pope Leo. of R ome ^ w here, and not at Ravenna, the Emperor appears to have been residing. Even the stout heart of Aetius seems to have failed him, and he is said to have counselled Valentinian to flee from Italy, probably to the Narbonensian Gaul, almost the only Western province which was left to Rome. However, it was decided to try what effect a humble embassy might have in mitigating the wrath of the terrible Hun. Two of the highest officials in the Empire were sent on this embassy, and with them went Pope Leo I, greatest in character and mental gifts of all the men who had yet sat in the chair of St. Peter, rightly named Leo, for a more lion-hearted man had not been found even among the Consuls and Emperors of Rome. Its success. The embassy found the Hunnish king by the banks of the Mincio, probably not far from the city of Mantua. Strange to say, they won a peaceful and easy victory. Cauca (in Spain, the birthplace of Theodosius), 105. Celtic nationality, 73. 236 Index. Censorship, 9. Chalons, battle of, so called, 195. China, 183. Christian legislation of Constan- tine, 30, 51 n. Christianity, relation of Diocletian to, 28. — relation of Constantine to, 29. — relation of Constantine's suc- cessors to, 31. Chrysopolis, battle of, 27. Chrysostom, St. John, 120. Clarissimi, class of, 43. Claudian, 144. Clovis and the vase of Soissons, 69 n. Coinage, Imperial, of 1st and 3rd centuries contrasted, 19. Coloni, condition of, 51-52. Comes Privatarum Rerum, 42. — Sacrarum Largitionum, 42. Consistory, Imperial, 37. Constantine the Great, 24, 31, 51 n. ■ — the Usurper, 152, 163, 207. Constantinople, foundation of, 26 ; siege of, 10 1. Constantius I, 24-25. — husband of Placidia, 176. — secretary to Attila, 184, 185. Crispus, son of Constantine, 27. Crocus, king of the Alamanni, 25. Curiales, 52-53. D. Dahn, F., 60 n. Damasus, Pope, 109. Decurio, 52. Diocletian, his work of restoration, 21-25; his death, 26; his re- lation to Christianity, 28. E. East, Prefecture of, 23. Edeco the Hun, 186. Ellebichus, 119, 120. Emperor, Roman, appearance of, 34, 35 ; titles of, 36. Ernak, son of Attila, 190, 203. Eucherius, 155, 158. Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius, 142. — wife of Valentinian III, 225, 228, 232. — daughter of Valentinian III, 225 ; married to Huneric, 232. Eugenius, Emperor, 130, 131. Eutropius, 142. Extortion of Roman Governors, 11, 17. F. Fiesole, 149. Firmus, 106. Flaccilla, 126. Flavianus, Bishop of Antioch, 118- 120. Food supply of Roman citizens, 48, 49. Franks, 74, 152, 179, 196. Freceric (Gothic martyr), 79. Freeman, E. A., 65 n., 210 n. Frigidus, battle of, 131. Fritigern, Visigothic chieftain, 79, 86, 87, 91, 92, 96, 97, in. G. Gainas the Goth, 131, 140, 141. Gaiseric,King of the Vandals, 192, 209-234. Galerius, colleague of Diocletian, 24. Galla, wife of Theodosius, 126, 130. Galla Placidia (see Placidia). Games of the circus, 49. Gau (= pagus), 65. Gaudentius, father of Aetius, 178. — son of Aetius, 226. Gauls, prefecture of the, 22, 23. Gelimer, King of the Vandals, 221. Geougen, the, 183. Gepidae, 182, 195, 202. Germania of Tacitus, 55. German kingship, 67-72. — popular assemblies, 70-72. Germans, condition of, 54-72. Gerontius, 207. Index. 237 Godigisclus, King of the Vandals, 206. 'Gothic Architecture,' 75 ; Gothic Christianity, 78 ; Gothic lan- guage, 76. Goihs, 75. See Visigoths, Ostro- goths. Gratian, 91, 95, 105, no, III, 123-125. Greuthungi ( = Ostrogoths ?), 86 n. Gunderic, King of the Vandals, 208, 209. Gunthamund, King of the Vandals, 221. H. Hadrianople, battle of (323), 27. (378), 9 6 > IO °- Helena, mother of Constantine, 24. Heraclian, 163, 167. Heraclius the Eunuch, 226, 228. Hermanric, King of the Ostro- goths, 76, 85. Henili, 182, 195, 202. Hilderic, King of the Vandals, 221. Hippo, siege of, 214, 216. Hispalis {Seville) taken by Van- dals, 209. Honoria, 185, 192. Honorius, 134, 146, 152-157, 161- 164, 166, 176. Huneric, 217. Huns, 180, 193 ; description of, by Jordanes, 81, 83; ethnological character of, 84 ; enter Europe (374), 85. I. Ildico, wife of Attila, 202. Illustres, class of, 37. Illyricum, Prefecture of, 23. Ingenuus, 174. Italy, Prefecture of, 23. J- Jerome, St., 45, 47, 174. Joannes, Emperor, 177. Jordanes (Gothic historian, wrote cir. 550), 81-83. Jovian, 90. Jovius, Praetorian prefect, 161- 162. ' Judges ' of the Visigoths, 76. Julian 'the Apostate,' 90. Julius, master of the soldiery, 104. Justina, 91, 126, 128. Jutes, the, 183. K. Kingship and national unity, 67. L. Lampadius, 153. Lancearii, 98. Land — settlement of the Germans, 60-62. Latifundia, 50, 51. Leo I, Pope, 200, 230. Leo, Emperor, 232. Libanius, 120. Licinius, his struggle with Con- stantine, 27. Lupicinus, Count of Thrace, 88- 93- Lupus, St., Bishop of Troyes, 195, 198. M. Magister Militiae, 39-40. Magister Officiorum, 42. Marcian, Emperor, 191. Marcianople {Shumla), 92-93. Marcomanni, 74. Maria, wife of Honorius, 154. Mattiarii, 98. Maxentius, Emperor, 26. Maximian, Emperor, 24, 26. Maximin Daza, Emperor, 24. — ambassador to Attila, 186. Maximus (a wealthy citizen of Rome), 47. Maximus, Duke of Moesia, 88-93. — Magnus Clemens, usurper, 123, 125, 126. 2 3 8 Index. Maximtis, Emperor, 207, 228, 229. Milan (Mediolanum), 23. Money, purchasing power of, 46 n. N. Nicaea, Council of, 29-30. Nicomedia in Bithynia, 24-25. Nicopolis, city of, owned by Paula, 47- Notitia Utriusque Imperii, 38, 39, 40 n., 41, 42, 44. O. Oath taken by soldiers to Emperor, 36. Offices, sale of, under the Empire, 43- Official hierarchy of the Empire, 37-44- Olybrius, 'Shadow-Emperor,' 232. Olympius, 155-157, 159. Onegesius the Hun, 187, 188. Optila, henchman of Aetius, 227. Orleans, siege of, 194. Orosius, 1 72. Ostrogoths, 75, 76, 99, 182, 195, 202. P. Pagus, German, 65-66. Paris, J 94. Paula, piety and wealth of, 47. Persian Empire, relation of, to Roman, 6-7. Placidia, daughter of Theodosius, 130, 171, 174-180, 184, 191. Placidia, daughter of Valentinian III, 225, 228, 232. Pliny, 50. Pollentia, battle of, 146. Possidius, Bishop of Calama, 216. Praefectus Annonae, 49. — Praetorio, office of, 38, 39. Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi, 41. Prefectures, the four great, 22-3. Priscus, ambassador to Attila, 186, 189. Probus, wealth of, 46. Procopius, 166, 210. Proculus, 136. Proletariate, 46 11. Pulcheria, sister of Theodosius II, 191, 228. Q. Quaestor, 42. R. Radagaisus, 145, 146, 148, 149. Ravenna, Honorius at, 146. Richomer, Count of the Domestics, 97- Ricimer, 232. Roman Empire, boundaries of, 1- 7- Romanus, 106. Rome, sieges of, 1 59 ; entered by Alaric, 164 ; plunder of, by the Vandals, 231. Rufinus, Praetorian Prefect, 135- 142. S. Salarian Gate, Alaric enters Rome through, 164. Sallust, palace of, burned, 165. Sangiban, King of the Alani, 196. Saphrax, Ostrogothic chief, 96, 97. Sarmatians. 73, 74. Saras the Goth, 149, 157, 164. Saulus the Alan, 131, 147. Saxons, the, 183, 196. Sebastian, General, 96, 100. — son-in-law of Bonifacius, 224. Seebohm, E., 62, 68 n. Senate of Rome, 7-9 ; behaviour of Emperors to, 15-16. Serena, 136, 153, 160. Severus, 24. Siege artillery, Roman, 102. Silentiarii, 33. Silvanus the Goldsmith, 185. Singeric, 175. Index. 239 Sirmium, 23-95. — vases of, 184, 185, 192. Slaves, condition of, 50, 51. Slavonic nationality, 73. Spalato (near Salona), 27 n. Spectabiles, class of, 38. Stilicho, 135-158. Stubbs, Bishop, 65 n. Suevi, 182, 206. Symmachus, wealth of, 46. T. Tacitus, Germania of, 55, 60-62, 68, 71. Tatianus, 136. Theodoric, King of the Visigoths, 192-3. Theodosius the Elder, 106. — the Great, 105, 106-133, 139. — II, son of Arcadius, 155, 177, 186, 191. — son of Ataulfus and Placidia, 175- Thermantia, wife of Honorius, 154, 158. Thessalonica, 121, 126. Thincsus, epithet of German Mars, 70 n. Thing, meeting of the Folk, 70. Thiudans (= king in Gothic), 72. Thorismund the Visigoth, 196, 197. Thrasamund, King of the Vandals, 221. Thraustila, henchman of Aetius, 227. Ticinum (Pavta), 156. Trajan, General-in-Chief, 100. Tribunician power, 10. Trier (Augusta Trevirorurn), 23. U. Uldin the Hun, 149. Ulfilas, Apostle of the Goths, 77, 78, 110. V. Valens, Emperor, 87-98. Valentinian I, 90, 91. — II, 91, 125-129. — Ill, 177, 184, 191, 200, 225-7. Valerian, Count of Imperial Stables, 100. Vandals, the, 204-232. Venice, foundation of, 199. Victor, son of usurper Maximus, 128. Victor Vitensis, 224. Village settlements of the Germans, 57. 58. 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