RiGee cetine + oe Ores ve ero aia hes 5 oe Ph OO” ee aS, : . y * ort : Tae nbats rt ‘ PoeSryt stots ie 7 oi 354 ; shectpsafectae 4 ae et > z roe : Se Se oj ejtatete 4 fi tare? abe te ee etate ates ee + eye . > ee eee ‘ + a * ath: + Marejerese pbshifetetsteacs be Ses Poco Pad aac hee * BZoeet rere oeee a htaney tpapeheatate eT pete she beer reo uo “i y ui Ng | ee Bi py OR seGie eh ; Nc ; oH ts ; 4 OSEAN sie "9 oy 4 a tee dng LIFE AND SERVICE SERIES STUDIES IN THE PARABLES OF JESUS HALFORD EB. LUCCOCK HEART MESSAGES FROM THE PSALMS RALPH WELLES KEELER AMOS, PROPHET OF A NEW ORDER LINDSAY B. LONGACRE ELEMENTS OF PERSONAL CHRISTIANITY WILLIAM 8S. MITCHELL THE CHRISTIAN IN SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS DORR FRANK DIEFENDORF DEUTERONOMY, A PROPHETIC LAWBOOK LINDSAY B. LONGACRE CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY F. BRNEST JOHNSON AND ARTHUR E, HOLT LIFE AND SERVICE SERIES SE Edited by HENRY H. MEYER Christian Ideals in Industry F. ERNEST JOHNSON and ARTHUR E. HOLT Approved by the Committee on Curriculum of the Board of Sunday Schools of the Methodist Episcopal Church THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN NEW YORK CINCINNATI Copyright, 1924, by .F. ERNEST JOHNSON All rights reserved, including that of translation into foreign languages, including the Scandinavian Printed in the United States of America CONTENTS II. Wuat Inpustry DoEs To THE EMPLOYER.... Ill. How Inpustry AFFECTS THE WORKER....... IV. INDUSTRY AND THE COMMUNITY............. V. CoMPETITION FOR WAGES AND PROFITS—THE PEER EA BAB MLD GAUNE har tag Ow AM ak ok a ‘VIL. Curistian FELLowsHie in INDUSTRY—THE Ee gr cak Cae OE J Re DLOORIRAD yah Geuaa pum vu este MAMEVE RS OM Rh VIII. New Morives For Onp-—ras GOAL OF THE X. STANDARDS oF Livinc—-EVERYBODY’S GAME. . XI. CyristTians AS INVESTORS—THE RISKS OF XIU. Burpine THE FELLowsnHre In INDUSTRY—THE CS OMAT ADURN TURBOS eae Wigaa bos N it ] 7a aye a Gt ea Waa tie 8b 4 dal ) f 31, iw Dot Alle i a Loe pe Gee ie FOREWORD Tu1s book has been written for the use of young peo- ple’s and adult classes in our church schools. It is hoped that it may likewise be serviceable to the individual reader. No effort has been made to lay down formal principles or to prescribe rules for modern industry. Rather, the authors have taken it for granted that Christian people are fairly clear in their own minds as to the essential prin- ciples of Christianity and have therefore sought only to aid in determining what these principles require in terms of industrial life. The questions that occur so freely in the text, and especially those at the conclusion of each chapter, are quite as important as anything else in the book. We are more interested in stating and analyzing the problems than in any specific solutions that may be suggested in the text. Doubtless there is no one set of correct answers to the questions we have raised. The working life of the world is so complex that it cannot be dealt with arbitrarily or treated dogmatically. The Christian ideal for industry cannot be once for all prescribed; it must be worked out. It is our hope that what we have written will aid serious-minded Christians who have a spirit of inquiry and who desire to study the moral problems of industry to push a little farther along the Christian way of life. Tue AvUTHORS, eA % rh Vos die CHAPTER I THE INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM AND HOW IT CAME ABOUT Genesis 1. 26-30; 13. 7-9; Isaiah 1. 18-20 Wuy is it that we habitually speak of labor and indus- try as “problems”? Are they moral problems, which con- cern the ordinary citizen, or are they mainly technical questions of business and engineering, with which most of us have little to do? Is there any clear distinction be- tween technical questions and moral questions? Have we as Christian citizens any responsibility for the industrial situation? How did the industrial struggle originate, and must it remain with us always? Tae INDUSTRIAL PRopLEM—WuHOoSsE ProsLEM Is Ir? To be sure, it does not seem to be everybody’s problem. Plenty of people are not interested in it. Perhaps not everyone who has decided to buy this book is really con- vinced that the industrial problem is anything he should worry about. Probably most of us, unless we are actually engaged somewhere in the process of manufacturing goods or of selling them, think of industry as something far removed from us. Nevertheless, all have a very close relation to the work- ing world. Industry is so elemental that it “gets” us all. Take, for example, the great strikes of 1922, on the rail- roads and in the bituminous coal mines. Every business man, every worker, every citizen, had something at stake in the settlement of those great conflicts. The relation- ship is just as close, even if not so conscious, in time of industrial peace. If we do not actually gain our living through a pay envelope, we are customers of those who sell the products of industry, and we have a first-hand inter- 9 10 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY est in the quality and price of what we buy. If we, or those who earn the money that we live on, are engaged in professional or commercial pursuits, the prosperity of the community is a matter of first importance to us, and that, in turn, depends chiefly on the community’s industries. That is to say, a town or city prospers only as its workers are employed at good wages so that they can buy what they need and thus the merchants may have customers, the banks may have borrowers, the doctors’ patients may have money to pay them, the lawyers may have a practice which only active business can give, and so on all along the line. Even the churches reflect very quickly any change in the general prosperity of the community. In fact, all our activities are closely related to industry. Tue War Tuat Has No Armistice It is a commonplace that industry to-day is character- ized by strife and discontent. Grievances are encountered everywhere. There are hostile groups of employers and workers which every now and then involve the whole com- munity in controversy, sometimes in serious privation and loss. Many cities and country communities aré in an almost continuous state of stress and strain because of industrial unrest and controversy. Some of us have lived in or visited cities where strikes were in progress. It is nothing less than war on a small scale—and sometimes on a fairly big scale. ‘There are communities where a deep resentment and hostility smolder all the time in the hearts of working people and of their employers. The fact is, industrial controversy is so much in the air to-day that one may be drawn into it even against his will whether he is in a Pullman car or a barber shop. This aspect of struggle which the industrial world pre- sents affects different people in different ways. Some are attracted by it. It offers adventure, a thrilling game with great stakes in money, prestige, and power. Some are em- bittered by it because of thwarted ambitions and hopes. Some look upon it dull-eyed and listless because they have already been broken and submerged by it. Some are moved to moral indignation because of injustices that re- THE INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM 11 sult from it. They find in the industrial situation a denial of the Christian ideal. What shall we find in it? PLAYING THE GAME Perhaps the most striking thing about modern industry is that in spite of all the fighting and the bitterness, and in spite of the distress at the lower end of the economic scale and the anxiety often suffered at the upper end, the work of the world still goes on with a great deal of en- thusiasm. ‘To be sure, most of the enthusiasm is among those who are “getting on.” There are multitudes to whom their daily work is a drab routine. But almost everyone who isn’t “getting on” seems to hope later to hit his stride. The whole performance is very much of a game. For some the stakes are great; for some they are relatively small, But for most healthy human beings there is in their work, as in their play, an element of gamble—a hazard and a hope. Next to bread, men seem to demand adventure. In greater or less measure their work gives it to them. Is it not instructive, when one thinks of it, that we use the word “game” so much in describing our serious activi- ties? “What business are you in?” a man is asked. “Oh, I’m in the chain-store game” is a typical form of reply. Young people are counseled as they approach maturity and the responsibilities of adult life to “Play up, play up, and play the game!” The essence of the Rooseveltian morals which have become almost a part of American tradition was in “playing the game according to the rule.” In his thirty-third year Andrew Carnegie cast up accounts and wrote a memo- randum which was discovered after his death. In it he said, “Whatever I engage in I must push inordinately ; therefore, I should be careful to choose that life which will be the most elevating in its character.” Here we have it again—“push inordinately” ; it is the urge of the game. In this respect all people are very much alike, no matter to what group they belong. They are playing the same game and they seek the same rewards. And because the 12 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY stakes of the game are limited—because it is a game, and somebody stands to win and somebody stands to lose—the contest is sharp and often bitter. ‘There must be some accounting for the way in which selfishness and bitterness and greed have entered into the world of business and industry. Are we to take literally the Old Testament story of the coming of manual toil as the fruit of “man’s first disobedience,” or can work be redeemed and indus- trial relations be made happy and wholesome? Tue Roap Wr Have TrRAvELED—THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION We shall have a close-up of this whole situation later on. For the present let us inquire how the industrial tangle came about, in order that we may play our part in whatever needs to be done. For we cannot escape some responsibility, even if it is limited to voting on industrial questions when they have become political issues. Such issues often play a big part in national and State politics. The pity of our democracy is that while too few people are both intelligent and conscientious about the problems to be solved, the worthless opinion—if there is any quite worthless—registers as well as any other. Can we not at least assume “the moral obligation to be intelligent’? ? The industrial situation, to be understood, has to be seen against its historical background. The Industrial Revolution, which took place in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, worked a profound change in the lives of men and women both in England and America. It brought about the regime of power-driven machinery, whereby the work of many skilled hands could be done much more quickly, more accurately, and more cheaply by elaborate mechanisms driven by steam. A few inventions, accompanied by the rapid development of coal mining, made it possible to manufacture enormous quantities of goods and thus potentially to improve the standards of living. Waat tae Macurye Dip ro THe INprvipvAL The new factory system brought about great changes THE INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM 13 not only in the organization of industry but in the lives of the working people as well. It centered interest in the establishment—in equipment, in capital. The individual workman became a mere accessory. Hitherto he had been central in industry. His status in the community was more nearly comparable to that of a professional man than to that of a modern factory worker. A trade meant some- thing distinctive and gave both economic security and social status. What is still more important, the crafts- man’s interest prior to the Industrial Revolution was in no definite way opposed to that of his employer. He passed normally through the three stages—apprentice, journeyman, and master craftsman, or employer. Under such conditions no labor movement worthy the name could arise. But with the beginning of modern industrial organization based upon a capitalist system of ownership, the cleavage between owner and worker appeared and it has steadily deepened. Out of the factory system of manu- facture has come a new industrial world. CROWDING THE PROPLE Orr THE LAND These industrial changes, which were going on in Eng- land from, let us say, 1760 on, were accompanied by far- reaching agricultural changes. New methods of farm- ing were developed with elaborate schemes of draining, fertilizing, and rotation of crops; the raising of new crops was begun, and new breeds of stock appeared. All this caused the millions of tracts of uninclosed common land to be looked upon enviously by capitalists who were coming forward with greatly increased offerings of money to finance large scale production. Thus there was brought about the “inclosure” of common lands in such whole- sale fashion that the poor who had supplemented their incomes by means of these lands suffered new hardship. A bit of doggerel of the period tells the story: “The law looks up the man or woman Who steals the goose from off the common; But leaves the greater villain loose Who steals the common from the goose.” 14 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY Laissez Fatrrre—“Lirss GOVERNMENT IN Bustnzss” The small landholders, like the domestic manufacturers, were engulfed by the new regime. An old civilization was passing away. The political status of the worker changed. His living had been in some measure safe- guarded by the state. At least it was assumed that such was the duty of the state. Not so any longer. A new doctrine of “individualism” arose, expressed by the French term laissez faire—“let alone.” According to this theory it was contrary to natural law to attempt to control economic forces. They must be allowed to work them- selves out. This process was held to be altogether con- sistent with religion and humanitarianism, It was by no means consciously immoral. On the contrary, it was care- fully worked out that the best way to provide for all individuals was to let each individual have his own way (within the limits of the penal law) and to seek his own ends. The idea was that more people would be well served if everyone were free to serve himself. Thus “en- lightened self-interest”? came into prominence in moral philosophy. | Why should this system of industrial organization and of ethics be called “individualism” ? The record we are examining indicates that it worked more havoe among individuals than any other philosophy or scheme in his- tory. Yet it is not inaptly named, since it vested control in the individual—any individual who could exercise it. Tt put the mass of individuals at the mercy of the few. It said to the state: “Let people alone. Let those who can, do.” It was not unlike the slogan we hear nowadays, “Less government in business!” Here was the enthronement of ws Je the good: old rule, - + . the simple plan, That they should take who have the power And they should keep who can.” RELIGION AND PRIVILEGE This could result in only one thing—concentration of power and privilege in a few hands. And along with this THE INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM 15 change came an interesting religious development. Men of vast possessions began to conceive of themselves as especially ordained of God to hold the wealth of the world in their hands. The magnitude of these changes is ac- centuated if we remember that only about two centuries before, England was deciding whether it should be law- ful for a man to accept interest on his money. Usury, now limited in its significance to unlawful interest, originally meant interest in any amount. The objection to interest, and hence to the very central principle of capitalism, was made on scriptural grounds, and it was so strong that the first time the English Parliament legalized interest it was obliged to rescind its action. Apparently the moral and religious sentiment on the subject was over- whelmed by the tide of economic development. “Orp Worups ror New” So gigantic were the changes which preceded and ac- companied the Industrial Revolution. An English writer, Arthur J. Penty, brought out a book a few years ago under the caption Old Worlds for New—turning about the title made famous by H. G. Wells.. In it he advocated a return to the simple organization of industrial society —less machinery, less speed, which would mean less luxury goods. He proposed that we should return to the state of affairs that existed before the factory system broke out in the industrial world. Such a return to the “simple life” would certainly have a startling effect on our indus- trial order. But is there any likelihood that mankind will ever persuade itself that the way forward is to be found in limiting the inventive, creative, labor-saving, speed- producing activities of modern science? On the contrary, even the most idealistic of reformers seem to look for the attainment of the ideal not in putting limits upon scien- tific progress but in the social control of what we make. At the same time, from the Christian point of view, one is inclined to ask whether Mr. Penty and those who hold with him have not made out a challenging case. Even though we assume, as probably most of us do, that modern economic and industrial evolution has been inevitable, is 16 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY it not sobering and salutary to consider the price that has been paid for industrialism ? Tuer AMERICAN TRADITION The laissez-faire idea was given classic expression in a book, the Wealth of Nations, by Adam Smith, which ap- peared in the very year our Declaration of Independence was signed. Thus, while we were declaring political inde- pendence of England we were taking over the new eco- nomic individualism that was becoming regnant there. American industry grew up under the traditions that were created at that time. Economic individualism, trans- planted to America, throve like a weed in a freshly dug garden. Here was unlimited opportunity. Every enter- praae person, whatever kind of natural resources he set imself to exploit and conserve, had at his disposal the lavish provisions of nature. The New World required little for its conquest and cultivation save adventurous, ambitious spirits who sought to carve themselves fortunes out of the wilderness. In this atmosphere of freedom, independence, and adventure the ideals of America were forged. Those ideals are expressed in such terms as independence, private rights, individual initiative, eco- nomic freedom—all, of course, within limits laid down by the rules of the game. And the rules of the game are such as to guarantee to every person a maximum of free- dom for the exercise of property rights. This process has borne fruit in religion as well as in business and industry. ‘The tremendous number of reli- gious sects is a reflection of the ideal of free expression for the individual. Differentiation rather than conformity, freedom rather than discipline, rights rather than duties —these have been the emphases. Tuer Passine oF THE FRONTIER All this worked well in America from the point of view of visible, material results, so long as we had a frontier. The restless spirit who would not conform or submit to discipline had only to push out into the wilderness and become a hero and grow rich. America has been explored, THE INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM 1% conquered, and subdued by people who had a certain con- tempt for the restraint of law and convention. Corpora- tions obtained concessions of fabulous worth; mineral lands were preempted and held against a day of the com- munity’s future need; the sites for future cities were bought for a song, and their purchasers made millionaires in return for nothing but waiting. And while this process of concentration was going on, the stratification of eco- nomic society was becoming more and more marked. Keeping pace with the exploitation of resources were the spread of power machinery and the growth and concentra- tion of industrial populations. And presently—a decade or so before the end of the nineteenth century—the frontier became exhausted; there were no more fields to conquer. Our great individualistic economic order began to fall back upon itself. Prospectors who had found it easy to avoid conflict with their neighbors over rival claims, and corporate interests that had found it simpler to obtain new concessions than to engage in competitive strife now had to contend with one another—competition began to grow keen. From that time on economic individualism in America meant that most individuals were to be pressed very close to the ground in order that the few might be unrestrained in their pursuit of gain. It would go with- out saying, perhaps, that the present industrial situation is not the product of anyone’s design—it “just growed.” Tue PLIGHT OF THE FARMER As in England, our industrial changes have been ac- companied by agricultural changes. With the virtual exhaustion of public lands, farming has become a pre- carious and burdensome occupation save for those with abundant skill and resources. Land holdings have tended to become concentrated, and tenant farming has become more widespread and less profitable. The small farmer has found himself in competition with the big manu- facturer for labor and for capital as well. Thus the farmer’s relation to the industrial situation is paradoxical. He is more and more hostile to big combina- tions of capital because of the great difficulty he has had 18 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY in financing his operations. He deeply resents the way in which transportation privileges have been monopolized. At the same time he has a tendency to be unsympathetic with industrial labor because of its demands for higher cash wages and shorter working hours. Tuer Ciass STRUGGLE Thus there has gradually appeared a phase of what the socialists call the class struggle. There is, to be sure, no unified working-class movement parallel to what is found in several European countries, but those who work for wages have come little by little to consciousness of a common interest and of what they consider a common foe. On the other hand, the propertied class and all whose interests are identified with theirs tend also to become class conscious. ‘The cleavage has deepened since the Great War ended. There was a certain recklessness about the way labor questions were handled during the war. The employer could better afford to settle a dispute on almost any terms than to suffer a stoppage. The end of the war was the signal for a reckoning, and since the Armistice a bitter fight has been waged in American in- dustry. We are now in an unstable equilibrium of balanced hostile powers; yet the return of business prosperity is giving some respite. We seem to be on an upward curve of the business cycle. Shall prosperity be used for the betterment of industrial relations or will the next de- pression find us with our lesson unlearned ? For tHe Discussion Group Do you agree that one of the strongest incentives in business and industry is the impulse to “play the game”? Do men play a clean game as eagerly as a crooked game? Are there aspects of the industrial game that are ob- viously unchristian? What are they? Is the difficulty with the game itself or with the way in which it is played ? Would it be possible to go back to a simpler economic order with less luxury, less machinery, and a smaller THE INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM 19 variety of goods? Would it be desirable? Is there any likelihood that we shall ever try it? Is the element of struggle that we find in the indus- trial world a wholesome factor in human life? Is it necessary in order to develop character? Is it inevitable? If individualism has done harm in the industrial world, was it incidental to industrial development, or is the indi- vidualistic ideal itself incompatible with Christianity ? Is the average worker better off because of the Indus- trial Revolution or worse off? Are you thinking in terms of income or of personality? Some people say that the great game being played in business and industry is crude and materialistic, but that it is in accord with human nature and that there is no alternative. Others say that nothing is wrong except that the rules of the game are not always fair; they would regulate the competitive struggle. Still others maintain that the competitive struggle over the goods of life is in itself wrong and needless; they would change the stakes of the game from material to spiritual rewards. What do you say? CHAPTER II WHAT INDUSTRY DOES TO THE EMPLOYER Matthew 20. 1-14; 25-28 Onz of two men who were recently discussing the indus- trial situation remarked, “I wish we could have a calm consideration of the question, Who is being hurt in in- dustry to-day?” He meant that the whole situation is so marked by conflict and partisanship and admits of so many contrary yet plausible contentions that the only way to proceed with any assurance is to consider dis- passionately everybody’s grievance—or, to put it slangily, to listen to everybody’s “squeal.” Would not this be a good way to approach our task, asking the question suc- cessively for the employer, the worker, and the consumer —meaning by that term, of course, the whole community ? First, then, how is the employer hurt in industry to-day ? Not merely in a physical or financial sense, but morally, spiritually? Is the industrial game unfair to ‘him? Would the average employer change places with one of his employees ? Frttow SUFFERERS IN INDUSTRY An enterprising newspaper writer a few years ago intro- duced a friend of his who was a member of the I. W. W. to another friend who was a millionaire business man. They met in the latter’s library, and he took possession of the interview from the start. The one-sided conversa- tion was something like this: “You fellows think you are badly used. As a matter of fact, you don’t know what trouble and hardship are. You have no properties to defend, no investment to worry over, no trusts to be re- sponsible for. You don’t know what it is to lie awake at night with a business man’s load of care on your mind.” Before he could go further, his new acquaintance stretched out his hand and said, “Brother, this damned social order 20 INDUSTRY AND THE EMPLOYER 21 ain’t no good for either of us, is it?” Perhaps no inci- dent could have shown more dramatically the heritage of trouble that is visited upon both sides of the present in- dustrial world. Another very illuminating incident is one that has been related in the press about the West Virginia coal mine that is owned by the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. This is an extraordinary example of a labor group turn- ing employer and experiencing the ills that employing flesh is heir to. A strike was called by the mine workers’ union against the union owners of the mine. Such a quarrel always has at least two sides, but on its face it indicates that if two groups of union men, when one of them begins to play the réle of employer, encounter seri- ous difficulties, a lifelong employer who has less oppor- tunity to know the workers’ point of view ought to be listened to with respectful attention, whether in any par- ticular case he is right or wrong. Tur Hazarps or BUSINESS The employer is at a tremendous advantage over the industrial worker in that he owns the works and his im- mediate hazards are fewer. A month of sickness will not pauperize him. A quarrel with a foreman will not cost him his job. But he has a multitude of hazards of which the workman knows nothing. One month he may be highly prosperous with all the contracts he can fill, and in another month, owing to a sudden change in the market for either his raw materials or his finished goods, his profits may be wiped out. A financial stringency may cost him his customary credit at the bank; a change in competitive conditions may shift him from the foremost ranks to the rear of the industrial procession; a physical disaster may wipe out his property beyond all possibility of adequate reimbursement by insurance; laws may be passed that make hitherto perfectly legitimate practices illegal; a strike, due to conditions over which he has no control, for demands with which he may even sympathize, may virtually ruin his business. Aside from all these catastrophic happenings, the employer may habitually 22 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY suffer from a noncooperative spirit on the part of the workmen which he is at a loss to understand. They may use obstructive tactics—sabotage; they may limit output for reasons which appear to them wholly justifiable; yet the result may be that the employers’ prosperity is turned into a serious reverse. THe “Harp-Hreapep Business Man” We speak commonly of “hard-headed” business men— sometimes latterly the term used is “hard-boiled.” Per- haps it is not too much to say that the type those words describe is the natural product of a business regime that abounds in risks, in unpredictable events, in hard competitive struggles, in personal disillusionments, and in at least as many disastrous failures as successes. When it is remembered that a very large proportion of indus- trial enterprises fail, it hardly seems inaccurate to say that an industrial employer’s career is less the pursuit of success than the attempt to escape failure. Such is the effect of our highly competitive order. If we are seek- ing a Christian ideal for industry, it must be one that can successfully take account of the situation we have been picturing. | It happens not infrequently that an employer, through getting a “rotten deal,” loses his sympathy for labor. One of the present writers has an employer friend of fine char- acter, whose conscience is as sensitive to inequities in in- dustrial relationships as to a failure in personal integrity. He urged his employees to join a union. After they had done so, a new kind of leadership appeared, a disastrous strike followed, he suffered attacks upon his property (which injured his feelings more than his buildings), and now he says, “Never again!” Yet in a tone of troubled seriousness, he added to the narrative of his experience: “If the men are not organized, they will be exploited. What can I do?’ But when the fight broke he fought like the others—fire with fire. Then, too, many employers are unfeignedly fearful of radicalism. How much ground there is for this fear is not in question here; only the fact of the employers’ atti- INDUSTRY AND THE EMPLOYER 23 tude matters. And just as the tendency prevails in gov- ernment and in education, especially since the Great War, to foster “correct thinking” by repressing what is considered to be wrong, so the employer tends to oppose radicalism by belligerent and repressive measures. He may confuse very harmless undertakings and very proper aspirations with “red” propaganda because he does not understand them. And the vague fear that he harbors makes him nervous, irritable, and hard to get on with. It is quite common for employers to classify all labor repre- sentatives and organizers as “agitators” and to treat them as enemies. And so long as industrial relations rest on a competitive struggle over wages and work conditions, only the employer with much sympathy and discernment is likely to feel otherwise. Tuer Mora Hazarps or EMPLOYERS The intellectual perplexities and moral hazards of the employer in the present industrial situation are beyond computation. One is sometimes amazed to find how warm a heart beats beneath an exterior of resentment and sus- picion. An employer, recently, in conversation with a minister, maintained an attitude of reserve until he found that the other man had some understanding of his diffi- culties; then he opened up and confessed his own yearn- ing for an ethical and spiritual adjustment of the contra- dictory elements in his experience. From an ethical point of view the employer is perhaps harder hit in industry than the worker. That is to say, he has to face most contradictory situations. Take, for example, the employer who professes allegiance to Chris- tian standards of conduct, who believes in the Golden Rule and the ideal of service and “stewardship.” How can he live up to all these ideals and still build up his business on a margin so small that his employees have to live on less than even a conservatively estimated living wage? THe Emproyer’s Cop or Etutics A recent analysis of this problem, given by a well- 24 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY known employer, is very illuminating in that it shows the ethical predicament in which a man with professed high ideals may find himself. Surely we shall make little headway in quest of the Christian ideal save as we take account of such actual situations and practical necessities as are here disclosed. This employer asked the question, “What is my duty as an employer of labor?” And he an- swered it in brief thus: “I must employ my men under good, wholesome conditions of work, and I must pay them just wages—but no more.” Then he asked the question, “What is my duty to my employees as a man?” And in - answer to it he reasoned thus: “If a workman has received just wages, has had everything from me that my duty as an employer dictates, and is still in need and comes to me as a man for assistance, then as a brother I must be generous with him. The two relationships are entirely separate and must not be confused.” Now, the interesting thing about this analysis is that it is inevitable unless one questions the moral quality of the existing system of rela- tionships. If “just” wages are determined by a law that has no reference to brotherhood, if corporate relations are one thing and personal relations another, then one need not be concerned about the Christian ideal for indus- try. On that supposition one learns from economics how to be a good employer, and from ethics and religion how to be a good man. Whatever may be said for this dual- ism, no justification for it can be found in the New Testa- ment. CAUGHT IN THE MACHINE The point is that the employer is primarily a business man seeking to make money. He is driven relentlessly by the logic of his position to the acceptance without ques- tion of the existing commercial regime in industrial so- ciety. Thus he becomes less and less concerned about an inclusive Christian ideal.. His conscience is satisfied if he obeys the rules of the game. Not the least disadvantage, morally, of an employer is the hardening effect of being forced to be always on the defensive. With an active “progressive” movement in INDUSTRY AND THE EMPLOYER 25 politics, and an aggressive labor movement, the employer is tempted to disregard all moralizing, to take a cynical attitude toward his critics, and to go complacently on his own way. He finds escape from an intolerable situation by assuming a certain hardness and indifference. There could scarcely be a better illustration of this attitude than the report that emanated from the American Iron and Steel Institute in the spring of 1923 on the proposal to eliminate the twelve-hour day. It was an extraordinary document defending the long working day and setting at naught the contrary findings of scientific investigators and the protests of citizens and churchmen. Many of the men who voted to adopt the report are themselves church- men whose earnestness could not be questioned. But the business of being a manufacturer and an employer in a time of bitter controversy breeds cynicism and renders a man less susceptible to elemental human considerations. All this suggests the well-known tendency of business men to keep matters of personal friendship separate from business matters lest the former be destroyed by the latter. A Congressional committee which was considering, a year or so after the Armistice, the sending to Europe of fifty million bushels of wheat out of the profits of the United States Grain Corporation, for the relief of suffering there, met the appeals of representative churchmen and citizens with a remarkable coolness, declining to be moved by “sentiment.” It was a typical “hard-headed” business reaction, and had no visible relation to the private char- acters of the men. They were not, at least in the capacity in which they were there assembled, employers or busi- ness men, but they had been molded to a business psy- chology. A Business Man at His Worst Furthermore, a man who is a very humane employer and who gets on well with his men may be hard and unfeeling when he acts as spokesman for employing inter- ests. ‘The more representative he becomes, the more belligerent he is likely to be. A certain railroad president is thought well of by his men and the unions with which 26 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY he deals; but when he speaks for the railroad executives of the country he acquires the attitude of a generalissimo, whose business it is to put up a stiff fight and give no quarter. The activities of many employers’ associations are _ belligerent in the extreme, and their publicity efforts irri- tating, mischievous, and positively misleading, although the individual members are men of fine character and not at all harsh or crude in their personal attitudes. These very men will criticize labor leaders, and often justly, on the ground that they misrepresent their membership, while they themselves employ publicity men and associa- tion organizers whose main qualification is their capacity to fight with cruel and dishonorable weapons. It may well be argued that the “open-shop” war of the past three years would never have aroused such bitterness if em- ployers had fought their battle themselves instead of allowing hirelings to do it for them—men who had no first-hand interest in industry nor any adequate knowl- edge of labor and who considered that they must smash Jabor organizations in order to earn their salaries. THE CONSCIENCE OF A CoRPORATION It would be quite unfair to employers as individuals not to take account of the peculiar responsibilities of corpora- tions. Directorship in an industrial corporation carries with it a responsibility not only for employees but for investors. Because wages are assumed to be regulated by the “labor market,” the director keeps his mind on earn- ings and risks and other questions pertaining to finance. The investors are often for the most part people of moder- ate income. They are as likely to complain as the workers are if they do not get a “living dividend.” Like banks, industrial corporations usually try to play safe; they will risk anything rather than the loss of their capital. Then, too, they act at several removals from the people whom their acts affect. The classic expression of Professor Ross, “sinning by syndicate,” is always in point. The human consequences of the decisions reached in directors’ meetings are often but dimly seen. INDUSTRY AND THE EMPLOYER 27 A Goop EMPLOYER AND A Bap MANAGER Moreover, few people realize what the employer of an idealistic turn of mind is up against when he tries to change things in his own plants. Industrial managers are hard to get. Those who are successful were trained in the days when “hiring and firing’ was a simple and crude process. They change the ideas and habits of a lifetime with great difficulty. There is a common fiction that a wealthy man who owns fifty-one per cent of the stock of a corporation can have his own way in a matter of policy by the mere act of voting. As a matter of fact, many an owner finds himself in a position of humiliating helplessness because of his inability to impart his own views and desires to his organization. An expert plant manager or mine superintendent will sometimes bring his fist down on the table before his theoretical superior who wants to change the labor policy and say: “I have other matters to think of besides labor conditions. I. am delivering to you on twenty things. Don’t rock the boat by interfering in one of them.” It is not a question of discharging a hard-boiled manager; he must be converted and trained over again. A socially minded employer will, of course, not claim an alibi because he cannot control things all the way down the line. The situation is a result of a long his- tory of irresponsibility. The recent troubles in bitumi- nous coal fields have shown that the most inexcusable prac- tices can go on without the knowledge of officers of the company in question. A veritable conspiracy may exist on the part of superintendents and foremen against what they consider the impracticable ideas of men “back in New York,” who do not know conditions on the field. The case is very similar to that of Lincoln’s interference for humanitarian reasons with discipline at the battle front. There is a tradition in industry that the officers of a com- pany should never interfere in matters of labor policy any more than in the matter of placing machinery or routing materials through the plant. Great advance is being made by some concerns through 28 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY an entirely new discipline of personnel management. Little by little, employers and great corporations are be- coming conscientious on this subject, are making re- searches on their own account, and are seriously asking not merely what is expedient but what is right in indus- trial relations. For tHE Discussion GRouUP If you were a workman would you be willing to accept the employer’s burdens if you could have his advantages? Under present conditions can an employer live up to Christian standards and still maintain himself in a com- petitive market? What do you say of the employer’s analysis, given in the text, of his duty as an employer and his duty as a man? Does Christianity require anything more than justice? Does it require that a man be generous at the risk of going bankrupt? Does the term “hard-headed business man” describe a real type? If so, is it a matter of individual tempera- ment or is that type the natural product of a commercial and competitive regime? Do business men in general like the term? : Is “sinning by syndicate” any more excusable than sin- ning alone? Is it any more understandable? What responsibility, if any, has a corporation director for unethical acts of the corporation, of which he does not approve? , What course is open to him? Would resign- ing simplify the matter? If an owner in New York or Chicago finds that he can- not have his way in labor policy in his plants at Louis- ville or Omaha, is he thereby relieved of responsibility ? What can he do? CHAPTER III HOW INDUSTRY AFFECTS THE WORKER Exodus 1. 8-14; Isaiah 10. 1, 2 How is the worker being “hurt” in industry to-day? Has he a just ground for complaint, or are his grievances exaggerated? Does he get enough wages? Some people think labor is too highly paid. What is the personal status of the workers as to security, initiative, self-expression ? What of the labor unions—are they good for the workers? Are they good for the rest of us? Should they be curbed or encouraged ? Tar Workers Heritage From THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION The Industrial Revolution, which we sketched in the preceding discussion, has had a pronounced effect on the lot of the individual worker. He plays a very different part in modern industrial life from that played by his gilds- man ancestor. What relation has this change to the Chris- tian ideal? It goes without saying that a primary pur- pose of industry is to produce goods. But would not Jesus’ way of looking at the matter be something like this?—-We must have goods—bread, cloth, wood, metal, leather, and so on, but to what end? Does commerce exist for man, or man for commerce? If the making of goods for man as consumer works a great injury to man as producer, is not the end of industry frustrated? We must: learn how to make the goods of life in a way that will en- ” rich the lives of those who work. If that is a Christian ideal, it is to be feared we are pretty far from its realiza- tion. What effect does the thing called division of labor have upon the thing called personality? Every person wants to count in some definite way and to fulfill some definite 29 30 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY purpose. Is it not much easier to play a definite part in the world of work if a person makes and sells a com- modity for which he acquires a reputation than if his work is confined to a few blows of a hammer or a few turns of a lathe, whose effect only a skilled artisan can appreciate and which the user of the finished product is hardly aware of? Consider the very honorable though insufficiently recog- nized trade of cooking, and suppose that it should be com- pletely factoryized so that a score of people instead of one participated in the making of a pie. Without regard to the effect on the product, which might, of course, be thoroughly beneficial, would not the psychology of the whole business be seriously changed? When a person cannot be more or less identified with his work in the finished product, whether it is making violins or digging post holes, he profits in his personality but little from the operation. | Wuat It Means to Own Noruinae The loss of ownership of one’s tools has the same gen- eral effect. Just as a musician acquires proficiency with a specific instrument and a fondness for it, just as a ball- player becomes devoted to a certain bat or glove, or a golf player to his pet driver, so a mechanic becomes attached to a particular set of tools. If he owns them, he is by that fact so much more an artisan. Mr. Whiting Williams gives a pathetic picture of a worker’s relation to a tool which he has come to regard as an indispensable possession.t He tells of a “hunkie” laborer who fought like a tiger for the possession of a shovel. “My shovel! I use it t?ree mont’s. My shovel—he take it2? The owner- ship of one’s tools, like the ownership of one’s house, is an expression of personality. In this case, of course, the ownership was fancied. : It may be said that the worker in this respect is no worse off than the average “white-collar? worker who does not even own the pen and ink with which he writes, 1 What's on the Worker’s Mind, p. 36. INDUSTRY AND THE WORKER 31 to say nothing of the stenographer whose pencils belong to the “house.” It is perhaps a sufficient answer that the status of such workers is, indeed, often quite comparable to that of the factory worker, but that in the life of the office worker there are frequently intellectual and social compensations. Tue Dreap oF Lostmne A JOB The loss of ownership of one’s tools which has come about with the modern factory system robs the worker of independence and security. This change has gone hand in hand with the loss of ownership of his home. He has now become a tenant in his home and a tenant in the shop. He is there by favor, not by right, and even if the sharp- ness of this dependence is taken away by the most con- siderate treatment, his status is none the less fortuitous. This fact contributes much to the discontent in industry to-day. Mr. Williams has given a classic account of the effect of unemployment, not merely in actuality, but in menace. “Last night for an hour I stood at the gate with twenty-five others, Negroes and foreigners, peering steadily into that plant while the two policemen looked at us from above their blue-coated stomachs as though we were so many hogs threatening to rush in and eat up the place. Men don’t seem to chat or make friends then, be- cause each feels the other his competitor; so we all stood shivering, silent, and intent. Whenever we saw anyone we thought might be the boss, we all hunched up our shoulders so as to look husky and tried to catch his eye.”+ This great defect in our industrial system can perhaps be best seen against the background of efforts to do away with it. The Columbia Conserve Company in Indianapolis has undertaken to put its workers on a salary basis, so that they draw their pay even though temporarily unem- ployed. Unemployment insurance is being carried out in some plants. The Dutchess Bleachery at Wappingers Falls, New York, sets aside a sinking fund to pay a part of the workers’ wages during enforced unemployment. 1 What's on the Worker’s Mind, p. 6. 3R CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY The president of the National Association of Manufac- turers, who is in the blanket business, relates how he ran his plant for five months without a profit merely because he considered it right to keep his organization intact and to avoid unemployment. But here, again, merely to cite examples of this sort is to emphasize the fact that they are not typical. THe “Company Town” An extreme illustration of the plight of the modern industrial worker is found in the “company towns,” espe- cially in mining districts, where the worker has a home only so long as he works for the company, and where everything that he touches belongs to the company. He is even deprived of the experience of participating in reli- gious or civic activities in his own right and under con- ditions within his own power to determine. Much has been written in the last three years or so — about conditions of this sort in Pennsylvania and West Virginia. Perhaps the mistake has been made of simply reciting grievances and delinquencies without explaining their origin or indicating any of the difficulties in the way of overcoming them. In most cases the explanation is probably to be found in that tradition of individualism in American industrial life which we briefly traced. New territory has been opened up by industrial enterprises, particularly in mining and lumbering districts, much faster than civic and political organizations have de- veloped, and the company which has opened a mine in a mountain district has had to bear responsibility for sani- tation, policing, recreation, education, and even for reli- gious service. The result is a paternalism that is shock- ing to those who believe in democracy. The employers are not bad men; indeed, they are likely to be more actively interested in social betterment than employers elsewhere. We call them “paternalistic.” Yet in many cases if they did not “paternalize,” the most elemental social necessities would be entirely neglected. The trouble is that they have made provision for men’s bodies more than for their personalities. They have been face to face INDUSTRY AND THE WORKER 33 with a situation that they did not understand. In such regions labor has fallen into a state of virtual vassalage. Wuen Men Become SAVAGES The reaction of labor to such conditions has been sharp, resentful, sometimes violent. Anyone who wishes to know the American industrial situation at its worst—that is, at its farthest from a basis of good will and cooperation— need only study what happened at Blair Mountain in West Virginia in 1921 and in Herrin, Llinois, in 1922. The “armed march” of mine workers through West Virginia and the brutal killing of “scab” miners in Illinois, with the approval of a whole community, by men ordinarily mild-mannered and law-abiding, gives food for serious thought. The superficial view of these happenings is that men suddenly became criminals and committed outrages, and that a recurrence can be prevented only by severe punishment. But drastic action seems to be as little a deterrent of violence in industrial disputes as it is in any other sphere of activity; the remedy must be found in a larger measure of liberty under law and a greater degree of cooperative action based on conference and under- standing between the parties in controversy. The fight- ing animal in our inheritance is never far from the sur- face. We can insure ourselves against a periodic resort to savagery only by organizing our life on the basis of good will. Which, after all, is more important—that we should have all the coal we want, when we want it, or that while we are mining coal, we should also build men and promote fellowship ? All this is recounted not merely by way of indictment, but by way of description, in order that we may see what the attainment of the Christian ideal involves and what are the obstacles that must be overcome. Strangely enough, outbreaks of violence are usually seized upon merely as evidences of inordinate brutality on one side or the other rather than as evidence that our present war- like regime in industry sometimes puts a strain upon hu- man nature that neither employers nor workers are able to bear. 34 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY Wuen Macutnes Run Men The division of processes of machine labor makes no- toriously ill-proportioned demands upon the powers of the worker, overfatiguing some and letting others lie idle. In most machine work there is nothing to create interest and joy, to arouse curiosity, or to create the desire to overcome a difficulty. This want of stimulation of the natural and instinctive tendencies of mental life not only produces a painful result, but is responsible for nervous derangements without number. Excesses that are severely condemned on moral grounds may be traced to the lack of free play for normal tendencies. The stream dams up and overflows. These baneful effects are ac- centuated by the similar consequences of housing conges- tion and the spiritual inbreeding of tenement life. A few years ago when the labor difficulties following the war reached alarming proportions, a writer in a cer- tain conservative journal, commenting on the cause of unrest, said: “But the new era has put personality in a steel niche, and it must stay put, else large-scale produc- tion is impossible. The strikers on our streets to-day are ‘Imen entering a blind protest against a system that has taken the fun and romance out of their work. : : Some plan must be found whereby men may become inter- ested in their day’s work—this is fundamental. It is a twentieth-century problem, and history gives us no clue to the solution.” Such considerations do not invalidate the division of labor, but they do suggest that the culture of personality, if it is to take place at all in industry, must be transferred from industrial processes to other processes. What these processes may be, we must consider. Tur Hazarps or AN Inpusrriut AGE The accidents that occur in modern manufacturing and mining are a matter of common remark. Several mine disasters in the last two or three years have given tragic emphasis to the fact that an industrial worker contracts not only his labor but in a very true sense his personal security and the happiness of his family as well. To be INDUSTRY AND THE WORKER 35 sure, the complexity of modern life, the high speed of traffic, and the appropriation of the sky and the sub- terranean regions, to supplement the space offered by the meager surface of the earth—all these peculiar marks of our civilization take their inevitable toll of life and limb quite apart from industry; but the fact remains that many of what we consider essential occupations could never be carried on but for the quiet acceptance by thousands of workers of conditions which to the craftsmen of the Mid- dle Ages would have seemed hazardous in the extreme. Tue Doxnrs oF THE Dirty WorK The specialization of industrial labor also condemns many persons to permanent performance of tasks that are considered menial and that are distasteful to any person who has been touched by culture. The dirty work of the world is done by those who come to be regarded as the dirty people of the world. The fact that many of them accept their lot without serious protest’ only emphasizes the degradation that they suffer in the minds of their fellows. One cannot examine carefully an industrial com- munity without being impressed with the tendency to- ward caste which increases with the growth of our indus- trial system and the increase of our industrial popula- tion. Perhaps the most serious aspect of industry from the Christian point of view is the gulf that is built up between groups of human beings, all of whom are doing tasks that are essential to society as a whole, yet many of whom do their work without honor. This problem strikes most of us right where we live. How is it that we can very largely overcome the tendency to caste in our college communities, where a young man may tend furnaces or a girl may wash dishes to pay board and not forfeit personal standing by it, while in organ- ized adult community life a “menial” task sets definite limits to social relationships? 'This observation has refer- ence more especially to city life, where specialization is greater, but, after all, every community has its aristocracy and its plebeians. What is wrong? 36 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY A GREAT GuLF FIXED The depersonalizing of the employer-employee rela- tionship is another effect of the present industrial regime. Employers come to think of workers as a mass of “hands,” whose wills and desires express themselves seldom save through agitators, and who constitute an inert mass that resists all efforts at improved efficiency and better produc- tion. Few employers who maintain large plants really know the men who work in them. Rather, they know their “labor” in the mass and they impute in a vague way to the whole labor force the ideas and purposes that are con- veyed to them by belligerent spirits. Thus “labor” as the employer thinks of it is often an abstraction, not a reality. The complementary fact is quite as striking and as seri- ous. Large employers’? names become to working men synonymous with the aggressiveness of the capitalist system at its worst. This condition is accentuated when organization among the workers is lacking. The oppor- tunity for conference and for the presentation of griev- ances is a tremendous offset to the inferiority of status that labor suffers. It makes all the difference in the world whether employers and labor leaders get their informa- tion about each other through direct contact or through underground channels. The spy system in industry as carried on by multitudes of employers is another factor in widening the breach. It would be impossible to overestimate the harm done and the bitterness engendered by it. It is a kind of fire that is in- variably fought with fire. It leads to grave misappre- hensions on both sides. Three years ago the church forces in Denver, Colorado, assisted by national church bodies, investigated a serious industrial conflict between the street-car company and its employees, a conflict that had cost the lives of several innocent people. This is what their report said about the spy system that still prevails very widely in industrial America: “It is contended that this is an unavoidable practice. But a sensitive con- science can only look with stern disapproval upon a prac- tice which substitutes suspicion for confidence and INDUSTRY AND THE WORKER 37 treachery for honest dealing. The spy system defeats it- self. It deceives no one, and it invites counterespionage. Its agents tend to provoke the evils which they are sup- posed to check. It is admittedly a war measure. Must we admit that industry is normally war? The whole system is undoubtedly one of the most disruptive influ- ences in our industrial order.” TrapE Unions—Goop or Bap? From one point of view it might almost be said that the consequences of the present industrial regime are equally serious for labor whether it is organized or not. Physically, materially, there is no question as to the gains of the workers through trade unionism. ‘The in- justice of preventing such organization is now very widely asserted. Yet even the best-disciplined and best-led unions are belligerent in their tactics, and the prejudice against labor leaders and “agitators” is not hard to understand. The best labor leader, from the point of view of his own constituency, is the best bargainer and the best fighter. As a result of many conflicts, labor has come to think in terms of hostility and combat. Strike threats are too easily resorted to and often too irresponsibly carried out. If this is a misfortune to the community and to the employers, it is more serious in its spiritual consequences to the laborers themselves. What is the remedy? Seebohm Rowntree, the British Quaker cocoa manufacturer, says that labor leaders in England were of the same belligerent, noncooperative type that is complained of here until the employers stopped fighting the unions. Then the unions stopped electing see as leaders and chose men of more statesmanly mold. . THE QUESTION OF BREAD Underlying all other problems in industry is the fact of insufficient income, with its train of evil consequences in bad housing, poor health, meager education, and bitter feeling. It is overlooked by most of us because we see the bricklayer’s twelve dollars a day so large that it ob- 38 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY scures the low pay of the unskilled. No matter whose estimate of a living wage is taken, there are multitudes of workers living below the most conservative standard. But “the living wage” is a vague term, and employers are ceasing to take it seriously. The Railroad Labor Board calls it a “bit of mellifluous phraseology.” But we shall recur to this subject later. For THE Discussion GROUP Must the limitations of the factory system be accepted by labor as unavoidable? Is the worker better off under the highly specialized factory regime, where he makes but a few motions and learns no trade so long as he can make more money? Is the development of personality to be wholly left to leisure time occupations ? A workman, asked about the nature of his job, is said to have replied, “My job is to put on nut number eighty- four.” What would be the net spiritual result of that occupation ? Is the industrial worker underpaid or overpaid? Which occupations are you thinking of? Is the workingman entitled to the same security that the professional worker has? Would it cripple his effi- ciency to take away his fear of losing his job? Is “paternalism” good or bad? Is it better for workers to have things done for them or to do things for them- selves, even if they cannot do them so well? Do outbreaks of violence, in mining communities, for example, indicate a low order of intelligence and morality, or te we all act about the same way in time of crisis or trial : Does the habitual performance of so-called menial tasks affect a person’s character? In what direction? Should any person be perpetually required to do such work? What alternative is there? Granting that labor unions create many problems for the employer and for the community, is the effort to sup- press them warranted? Is their total influence good or bad? Is Mr. Rowntree’s suggestion applicable to America? CHAPTER IV INDUSTRY AND THE COMMUNITY Nehemiah 4. 21 to 5. 7 “Tr interest of the public is paramount.” Granted the truth of this principle, how much does it mean? How far should the community attempt to control industry and industrial relations? Does the public in general get what is coming to it from industry? How intelligent is the public about industrial issues which it has to take a hand in deciding? How far is the deplorable condition of municipal politics and government in America the result of industrial conditions which the community neglects? Tor Pusuic’s SHARE IN INDUSTRIAL CoNTROL A textile mill in New York State in which a scheme of joint management has been worked out has not only employees’ representatives on the board of directors but a representative of the community as well, for the purpose of safeguarding the public interest. The proposal is a novel one, but it seems so obviously reasonable and proper that it is strange it has not more often been adopted. The primary interest of the whole community in industry may be taken for granted. Is the community well served by industry at the present time? A fair-minded or optimis- tically inclined person is obliged to admit that with all its faults the industrial system gives the public more goods, more promptly delivered, and at lower cost than would have been conceivable before the era of machine produc- tion. No judgments that we may pass upon the “game” as it is now being played can blind us to the positive achievements of the modern industrial regime. But as in every other phase of human endeavor the ultimate judg- ment is based not merely upon what is, but upon what might be. It is no permanent justification of a monopoly that it has in the past lowered the cost of a commodity. The question is, Could it serve the community better 39 40 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY now than it does? So with the whole industrial system. Moreover, an industrial organization that can show such an astonishing record of material achievement must be held accountable for its spiritual consequences. INDUSTRY AND THE “GENERAL PuBLic” The community, using the term in the sense of society generally, has more than one relation to industry. It is consumer, investor, lawmaker, and, so to say, moral arbiter. In one sense, of course, a community in an indus- trial city is virtually identical with labor. It is often assumed on that account that an industrial community’s interests, as such, are identical with those of the working class. If one looks closely at the matter, however, it is seen that the community never reacts that way. The work- ing people as a whole never feel that they have a first- hand interest in a particular industrial question or con- troversy. Suppose, for example, that the clothing workers are having a conflict with their employers. It does not follow that the boot and shoe workers will sympathize with them; much less, actively support them. The clothing workers’ difficulty is of interest to the boot and shoe workers chiefly as it affects the price they pay for clothes. In other words, they are related to the question as con- sumers on precisely the same basis as the professional classes in the community. This fact is well known by labor leaders themselves. It is the thing that stands in the way of working-class solidarity. It is illustrated in the failure of the union- label movement to win support from the workers as a whole. A strenuous effort has been made to induce mem- bers of labor unions to observe the labels of other unions and buy, so far as possible, only union made goods. But it is very hard to get them to interest themselves as buyers in the label of another union than their own. Although many influences are at work tending to overcome this lack of solidarity among working people, the tendency of vari- ous groups to stand apart by themselves seems to be very firmly established in America. In other words, the greater solidarity of the workers as consumers and citizens than INDUSTRY AND THE COMMUNITY 41 as labor unionists is a prominent characteristic of Ameri- can industrial life. It is as consumer that the community sustains the most conscious and the most elemental rela- tion to industry. And it is to be feared that the attitude growing out of this relationship is often far from con- Baran and far from what we could call a Christian ideal. Ts THern EnovaH to Go ArounpD? The first observation to be made concerning the way in which the community suffers on account of industrial situations is one that could not have been made until re- cently, namely, that industry is positively failing to pro- duce the goods needed for the life of the community as a whole. For a long time it was assumed that there is enough wealth produced every year, if it were only prop- erly distributed, to provide for the needs of all our peo- ple. Now, however, through the labors of the National Bureau of Economic Research, we may state with a good deal of confidence that there is no surplus, but that we run habitually with an economic deficit. This organization, which is a nonpartisan research body, about two years ago made a study of the national income which indicated that in the year 1919 it was approximately $66,000,000,- 000. The report showed the distribution of income for the year 1918. It is estimated that in that year there were something over 29,000,000 persons who had incomes under $1,700 a year. Now, this is almost the exact figure ar- rived at by the National Industrial Conference Board—an employer’s research organization—as a living standard for a workingman’s family in the city of Detroit in September, 1921. On the face of the National Bureau’s income report, it would require $20,000,000 a year to bring all incomes under $1,700 up to that minimum. Even if all the incomes in the country over $2,500 were confiscated for this purpose, they would not be sufficient. The national income must not only maintain our peo- ple but must pay the expenses of government, support a multitude of philanthropies, and provide all the capital for the expansion of our industrial equipment and the 42 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY development of natural resources. It would appear that in 1919 there was not sufficient to provide our 21,000,000 or more families with an annual income of $2,000 a year each and meet all the necessary additional demands of the nation. The United States Chamber of Commerce esti- mates that the national income for 1922 was only $50,000,- 000,000. These surprising figures do not mean that the distribution of wealth is not an important problem, but the question of distribution derives its importance more from moral considerations than from the direct material effect that a redistribution of income would have upon the economic status of masses of the people. On this showing it seems clear that the basic problem of industry from the community’s point of view is to produce more oods. ; At the same time it must not be overlooked that the distribution of income is an important factor in supply- ing incentives to greater production. Income statistics indicate that wages do not keep pace with increasing productivity. This fact in itself is sufficient to account for lagging production. DiIsTRIBUTING THE BLAME Who is to blame for this failure of our industrial establishment? ‘The employers blame the workers. They point to limitation of output and to demands for high wages which make production unprofitable to the em- ployer. Everyone has heard the story of the successive reductions of a bricklayer’s daily work in spite of the rela- tively high wages that he receives. The workers, on the other hand, have an elaborate defense. Their work time is often interrupted. There are many days when they can- not work. They lose time in shifting from job to job. Their annual income is by no means equal to the amount arrived at by multiplying their daily wages by the num- ber of working days in the year. The problem of under- employment was brought to the public’s attention very forcibly during the great coal strike of 1922, when men whose wages were $7.50 a day had so little employment that they were in actual distress. INDUSTRY AND THE COMMUNITY 43 The employer likewise comes in for criticism. The Federated Engineering Societies’? report on “Waste in Industry” puts forward the view that the larger measure of responsibility for eliminating the very extensive waste in industrial processes must be borne by management. And now comes William R. Bassett, the engineer, saying that if manufacturers would equip and organize their planis on a thoroughly efficient basis, even the unskilled een might have an income equivalent to $10,000 a year ! A Task FoR THE WHOLE ComMmuUNtItTy The conclusion seems clear enough that neither the em- ployer nor the worker is exerting himself to the limit to produce goods. Limitation of output is practiced on both sides. The workers have had in the past a disillusioning experience with piece-work rates, which have tended +o come down as their production went up. During the war they obeyed the injunction to increase production, and then they found their jobs gone or rendered uncertain because the market was glutted with goods which they had produced but which the employer could not sell. The em- ployer, on the other hand, is playing the only game that he knows. He makes goods with his eye on the market. If he cannot make a profit, he ceases to produce. We are all in the grip of a force which is commonly referred to as the business cycle, which experts of all kinds are struggling to master, and in accord with which we alter- nate between prosperity and depression. At this moment no one has the answer. But this much seems clear: the problem of production will never be solved so long as employers and workers confine their attention to their own immediate group interest in the production process. To be sure, the problem must be worked out by people of experience and scientific training, but the moral re- quirements of the situation must be determined by us all. But even where production is quite adequate we often fail to connect demand with supply, so that goods which many people would gladly consume are left to perish at 44 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY the place where they are produced. So much of the price of goods represents nonproductive processes, so many middlemen have to be paid, with the consumer footing all the bills, that it is little wonder the public manifests extreme irritation with both parties in industry. Tur Crepitr PROBLEM Perhaps equally disturbing from the community’s point of view is the working of the modern system of finance and credit. Credit has become more and more vital to industrial enterprise, yet it continues to be a rival enterprise in the sense that the financing of socially use- ful and necessary undertakings is controlled by a system which is itself a profit-making business. The financial organization of the country has become highly centralized and has in the main identified itself with the most con- servative industrial interests. To the labor mind “Wall Street” is synonymous with all that is oppressive. This attitude is a fact of first importance, no matter what one may think of its justification or falsity. The question is being asked to-day if it is not possible to organize finance on a basis of public service rather than a basis of profit. But this is really a subject for a separate study. Tuer Pusuic’s IGNORANCE One of the worst features of the community’s relation to this whole matter is the inconclusive character of public criticism. Now the employer, now the worker, falls under the ban of public disapproval. But the public mind sel- dom gets far enough into the problem to suggest a way out. In the case of strikes and lockouts, for example, public sympathy for one side or the other is often mani- fest, but the placing of that sympathy seems to have little relation to the moral issues of the contest. In the great coal strike of 1922, there was widespread sympathy (if one may judge from the public press) with the workers, while in the railway shopmen’s strike which followed, the sympathy was almost entirely on the other side. There was, to be sure, on the face of the facts a difference in the moral status of the two groups, yet hardly enough to ac- a ale — INDUSTRY AND THE COMMUNITY 45 count for the great difference in the public attitude. The explanation seems more probable that while there was a big coal surplus which lessened the public’s grievance in the coal strike, the public had an immediate stake of most vital importance in the railroad strike. It is surely among the worst of the injuries suffered by the community due to the industrial situation that it is woefully uninformed concerning the facts. This applies as much to the country as a whole as to single localities. Is it not strange that we should have had to wait until two years ago for dependable figures concerning our na- _ tional income? How is it that a question of such funda- mental importance as the valuation of our railways should require years of expert study at public expense? Partisan publicity plays a large part in determining economic and industrial issues. Even the effects of a government re- port, prepared with manifest care and impartiality, may be shattered in the public mind by the guns of well-paid and expertly handled publicity. WHERE THE Press Fats The press helps the situation all too little. Newspapers make a show of running their news columns independently of their editorial opinions, but during local industrial controversies most of the news matter seems to go through the editorial mill before it finds its way to the printed page. And it is well known that the accounts of indus- trial happenings and the interpretation given them are commonly colored from the employers’ point of view. This is usually not because newspapers are in a conspiracy with the employers to defeat labor, although this is certainly sometimes true. It seems more to the point to recognize that newspapers themselves are business enterprises con- trolled by business men, who have a business point of view, are members of a business community, and are gov- erned by business traditions. The newspaper owner is sympathetic with the employer in a labor strike usually for the same reason that any other business man in the community takes the same attitude. But how grave the situation is when the public, whose opinion should de- 46 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY termine and, in the long run, frequently does determine industrial controversies, is compelled to make up its mind as to the issues presented on the basis of partisan state- ments! The fact that some of our greatest newspapers have gone far toward remedying this defect does not lessen the validity of the general criticism. The growth of the labor press is a protest against the situation we have been considering; but, so far as the public in general is concerned, the labor press has only complicated the situation. For if the public press, com- monly referred to in the labor papers as the “capitalist press,” is partisan on one side, the labor press is certainly partisan to the same or to a greater extent on the other. The labor press, generally speaking, has a constituency of its own, which pays for a certain interpretation of industrial events and gets what it pays for. It should not be overlooked, however, that there are notable exceptions. As for the trade papers, which represent manufacturing interests, it is difficult to see how they could be more partisan than they are. INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS AND PontiticaAL DEMocRACY Quite apart from all consideration of industrial struggle or of the price which the consumer pays for the goods he buys, the community has a large stake in industry from a social point of view. Who are the workers in our Ameri- can factories, mines, and quarries? The ranks of the un- skilled are filled largely with foreign-speaking immigrant labor—the “hunkies” of the steel mills and the “wops” of. the textile mills. They come to us in hordes and we settle them in hordes. We allow them to colonize in con- gested quarters of our cities in an environment as differ- ent as possible from that to which they were accustomed in their original peasant home in Europe. Thus we have our little Italys and little Bohemias and little Russias, and they remain alien to our life and often alien to our thought. When a community undertakes in commendable fashion to “Americanize” its foreign populations—that is to say, when it undertakes to socialize itself and to end the isola- tion of these little communities of workers—it encounters INDUSTRY AND THE COMMUNITY 47 almost insuperable difficulties. The difference in ideals is grounded in different standards which are definitely registered in the pay envelope. The economic levels in the American working community are basic to our indus- trial organization. How can we isolate groups of our workers economically and then break down that isolation socially? How can we segregate groups of workers eco- nomically and assimilate them morally and religiously ? The community’s problems of government, education, sanitation, and recreation are immeasurably increased and complicated by the presence of these isolated communi- ties of workers whose existence is fundamental to our pres- ent industrial organization. Our municipal politics in America, notorious the world over, continually remind us of the fact that the masses of our city populations serve as material for political exploitation. Civic consciousness and civic virtue cannot rise far beyond the cultural level of these masses. Leanine Upon THE IMMIGRANT The problem of American immigration, in the last analysis, is a problem of industry. Industry determines, probably more than any other influence, how many for- eigners shall come to our shores. When the controversy over the twelve-hour day in the steel industry became acute in the summer of 1923, we were told that the long shift must continue unless more immigrant labor should be imported into the country, and it might have been added, labor that will work under arduous conditions that native-born Americans are inclined to refuse. Industry determines finally the level of life of all these foreign populations. In large measure industry determines also the public policies and the civic activities upon which the improvement of these populations depends. INDUSTRY AND THE STATE The state, which is the whole community in its political capacity, to-day carries the industrial problem as a heavy burden and a perplexing responsibility. How far should it intervene in settling industrial disputes and in determin- 48 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY ing wages, prices, and profits? Is the highest ideal to be attained through legislative action and court control, or through voluntary cooperation within industry? worker’s status that if 1t were surrendered by the striking shopmen, not only would their strike be lost but their union would be virtually destroyed. In other words, if men could not strike without losing all claim to their jobs and having to go back as individuals—if an employee of twenty years’ service had to accept a status inferior to that of a strike breaker who two months before was not even in the craft—then all that the union means in the shape of economic protection would be taken away. Tuer TITLE To A JOB This statement drew criticism. One university pro- fessor said that it was unsound from a moral point of view—it suggested that a man might quit his job and still lay claim to it, that he might retain his right to a job although refusing to work at it. On what ethical ground could such a position be maintained? At first sight the argument seems conclusive. We are all in- clined to apply to such a situation the moral of the “dog- in-the-manger” story. And besides, the suggestion that a@ man’s job can be anything other than a matter of con- tractual relationship between him as an individual and his employer cuts across a very strong legal tradition. The earlier history of the labor movement abounds in examples of court decisions holding illegal any collec- tive attempt to interfere with that relationship. But this is precisely the point at issue with reference to the strike. The labor union is a modern social phenomenon, and the strike likewise. However we may be disposed to regard it, is it not plain that in the collective refusal of workmen to work save under certain conditions we have a new kind of situation, one not contemplated in our older legal canons and not quite accounted for in our accepted moral codes? At its best, leaving out cases of violation of law or con- tract, the strike is precisely the thing that the professor pronounced morally impossible—quitting a job and still STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS 63 laying claim to it. It is the insistence that the workman has a moral claim to his job, just as the employer has to his factory, and that he has the same right to refuse tem- porarily to work because of conditions which he believes to be wrong that the employer has to lock his factory temporarily if unwilling to accept the workers’ terms. The workers consider their jobs as their property and they have no difficulty in justifying the use of ageressive tactics in defending them. RESORTING TO VIOLENCE It must be admitted that the violent acts of strikers make a cumulative indictment whose seriousness the re- sponsible leaders of labor fully recognize. Probably the most bitter attacks of employers, and even of those paid publicity representatives of employers’ associations who sometimes have too little conscience about the tales which they disseminate, have a rather definite basis in fact, how- ever exaggerated they may be when considered quantita- tively. Yet all such deeds are strictly comparable to what the average man does when his back is against the wall in the defense of the thing most precious to him. Probably a conviction could seldom be had in the case of a man who used violence upon another who entered in hostile fashion his place of business, regardless of what a truly Christian judgment of his act might be. What is the counterpart of this property right in the life of the workman? There is but one answer—his job. And the worker displays to- ward that job, which he considers his property, the same fierce jealousy that characterizes the property-owner’s atti- tude toward his possessions. Who touches a man’s job: touches his life. Horrible and unjustifiable as was the Herrin massacre,. its explanation is doubtless to be found in this funda- mental attitude of workingmen. They go mad and act like brutes over the right to a job. A union town imparts to its children a bitterness toward the nonunion worker —the “scab,” the Philistine—that is comparable to the hereditary bitterness toward Germany that Alsatians im- bibed with their mothers’ milk. It is reported that in a 64 QOHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY West Virginia town the school children recently refused to attend the school because the school building was being heated with coal from a mine that was worked by non- union men. The pupils went on strike. WHAT THE LIBERAL EMPLOYER THINKS It would be quite untrue to say that employers in gen- eral deny the claim of the workers to a “vested interest” in their jobs. They probably would for the most part reject i® stated in this way, but nevertheless many em- ployers are coming to feel that service rendered to the industry is something like capital invested in it and consti- tutes a definite claim on the part of the worker. The president of one of the great roads involved in the strike to which we have just referred took the men’s view of this matter and refused to join his fellow executives in insisting that the men give up their seniority rights. But even employers who are inclined to take a liberal view of the matter are usually very easily convinced that the worker’s claim has been invalidated by disloyal conduct. Tre IDEALISM OF A STRIKE Perhaps it involves some stretch of the imagination on the part of a person who looks at labor troubles from a distance to find anything idealistic in a strike. But a care- ful observer will find in a great labor struggle a loyalty and sacrifice that are akin to patriotism or even to reli- gious devotion. Again and again men have sacrificed their jobs, have’ suffered eviction from their homes and ostracism from their associates, because of a conviction that a moral principle was involved in their strike. Women and children have joined in the struggle as they would participate in a religious crusade. And in the fires thus kindled the leaders of labor are forged. If they are belligerent and noncooperative, probably this background of struggle is responsible. Even though the evil of a strike may be admitted, labor regards the effort to suppress it by law as a forcible disarming of one combatant while the other is left in possession of his weapons. No one can deal with the labor strike who does not see in it a STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS 65 large measure of idealism and righteous purpose, how- ever he may appraise it in a particular situation. ComPpuLsory ARBITRATION The proposal that strikes be prohibited by law and arbi- tration made compulsory is rigidly opposed by labor. Without the strike as a potential resort labor feels that it would be utterly inferior in bargaining power to the employing and financial interests which have undisputed physical control of the plant. It interprets compulsory arbitration to mean compulsory labor. An attempt has been made in Kansas to outlaw strikes, with a degree of success which remains a matter of dispute. But it has served to bring out sharply the opposition to the principle of arbitrary control. Industrial war is closely analogous to international war. The establishment of courts of both industrial and international justice having compulsory jurisdiction may probably be regarded as an ultimate cer- tainty, but such tribunals presuppose an impartial code of law such as does not exist to-day. Of course the parallel ~ between a labor strike and armed conflict between nations is far from complete. Quantitatively the evils are not to be compared. Yet there are inherent in the strike all the terrors of a hunger blockade. At the same time labor prefers to accept the responsibility for using reason and moderation in the exercise of this grave alternative rather than to submit to the decision of a public which in a crisis usually thinks first of its own convenience and last of the justice of labor’s claims. If the strike is a hard thing for the public to understand, the public’s attitude toward a strike is an equally hard thing for labor to understand. Labor is told continually that the public’s interest is pri- mary and that the public’s will must be done. But labor feels that the public interest is sometimes best served by temporarily disturbing the public’s convenience. LABOR AND THE CouRTS One of the most regrettable facts in the industrial situation is labor’s distrustful attitude toward the courts. Were that attitude different, the “right to strike” would 66 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY doubtless be less tightly grasped. Often it is based on a prejudice that one might call blind were it not so char- acteristically human. But there is a considerable ground for it which cannot be ignored. Take, for example, the decision handed down in the spring of 1923 by the United States Supreme Court on the Minimum Wage Commis- sion Law in the District of Columbia. One need only turn to Mr. Chief Justice Taft’s vigorous dissenting opin- ion to understand labor’s grievance against the courts. Mr. Taft said, in effect, that the court departed from its proper function by arguing economics instead of confining itself to the law and the Constitution. But for his judi- cial temperament and capacity he might have said much more. . The basic necessity in Christianizing industrial rela- tions would seem to be the establishment of mutual con- fidence and respect, and dependence upon justice rather than force. Jesus made much of this principle. But how can either side be sure that the legislative or judicial body to which final appeal must be made is going to be governed by a disinterested desire to do justly? Injunc- tions have been issued again and again when the deciding factor has not been the law or the constitution but popular clamor, or even the play of some strong special interest. Force AS THE Last REsortT Labor’s attitude commonly takes its temper from the economic force in, the background, and hence, from the idealistic point of view, there is a fundamental fallacy in the prevailing labor philosophy. One of the writers once remarked to a labor leader that from the churches’ point of view the ultimate question is always one of right. He replied with a smile, “From my point of view, it is a question of munitions”—that is to say, economic resources for a struggle. There is much of this force psychology in the labor movement. And one need only follow the history of a conflict like the great steel strike of 1919 to know that the employers likewise depend chiefly on force to bring them victory in such a contest—force not always limited to economic compulsion, but sometimes extending STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS 67 to physical violence, in order to overpower the leaders of a strike. They very generally employ secret service and private police, and they seek in a variety of ways to secure control of the civic power. One of the chief uses of a financial surplus is the financing of recurring fights with labor. The difference between labor and employers in a hotly contested battle is a question of the resources avail- able at the moment. What is perhaps most to the point is that scarcely any person or group is to-day free from this force psychology. Force is still the main dependence of nations. Governments that do not count in terms of gun- boats and battalions get relatively small consideration from powerful nations. Some trust in chariots and some in horses; few remember the name of the Lord. This is the background against which we are attempt- ing to construct a Christian ideal. It would have been simpler to prescribe counsels of perfection from the Ser- mon on the Mount. That we have not done so here is no indication of a lack of faith in the complete sufficiency and ultimate triumph of those principles. Rather it is because the industrial world seems at this moment to need plans and specifications more than absolute ethical precepts. From the Christian point of view it has an architect: it needs a builder. For THE Discussion GROUP Who is mainly responsible for the hundreds of strikes that occur yearly—the workers themselves, their leaders, or the employers? Or is the responsibility evenly divided ? Ts a man’s right to his job on the same plane as an owner’s right to his property? Is your answer based on law, on ethics, or on both? Is a strike always an evil? Is it sometimes the lesser of two evils? Is a strike on a public utility—a railroad, for example —ever justified? If so, under what circumstances? What about a strike of policemen or firemen? What is the governing principle? If one holds that all strikes are unjustifiable acts on the part of labor, is he thereby required, logically, to hold 68 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY that the use of force in general is wrong? Must an indus- trial pacifist be a political pacifist? What is the effect on the industrial situation of our continued reliance on force in international relations? Are the two cases parallel ? Is compulsory arbitration of industrial disputes a right policy on the part of the community? Which side has most to lose by it? Are employers more friendly to this method than workers? If the community limits the “right to strike’ on the part of workers employed on public utilities, is it under obligation to make some special provision for the safe- guarding of their interests? If so, what sort of safeguard would you suggest ? CHAPTER VII CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP IN INDUSTRY—THE NEW GAME Matthew 7. 24-27; Romans 12. 4-8 Is the desire for fellowship as fundamental in human nature as the pursuit of private gain or advantage? Can the business of producing and distributing the goods of the world be made a fellowship of service? That is to say, can industry be made as fundamentally Christian as a missionary enterprise? Or can we only hope to lop off here and there the crudities of our competitive regime ? What does Christianity mean for the industrial world it- self—for its aims, its ideals, its processes? THE QUEST OF THE CHRISTIAN IDEAL We have reached the middle of our course and have not yet attempted to define a Christian ideal for industry. This has been quite intentional on the writers’ part for the reason that this course is not an attempt to superim- pose a set of principles or ideals upon the industrial world. It is rather an attempt to work out a problem in the light of Christian ideals. Much has been written on the social ideals of Christianity that has been helpful as an interpre- tation of the mind of Christ and of the Christian com- munity, but for the most part neither employers nor workers have been inclined to take idealistic writing seriously. To be sure, an increasing number of employers are making an attempt at applying what they consider Christian principle—and sometimes specifically in terms of the Golden Rule—to their business and industrial re- lationships, but the problem still remains of determining what, specifically, the Golden Rule means. Ethical prog- ress cannot be made by securing formal assent to prin- 69 70 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY ciples save as these principles are made increasingly opera- tive in concrete situations. Wuart Is CuRIstTIANITy ? In the chapters that have preceded we have been try- ing to find ourselves in the struggle of the industrial world; to understand the problems of every group con- cerned in industry so that out of the struggle itself we may find our way to some ethical judgments. Are we ready now to state somewhat definitely what Christianity means as applied to industrial relations? The obvious and often-heard answer is that the only thing necessary in industry is that all employers and workers should be converted to Christianity. That is, of course, from our point of view, strictly true, but what are we going to say concerning the employers and labor leaders who are among the most active professors of Christianity, and in no hypocritical sense, but who nevertheless are among the most active sources of industrial discontent? Employers and business men who are pious in their professions and devout in their practices and whose interest in religion is beyond question are nevertheless sometimes found in the front ranks of disturbers of the industrial peace. REDEMPTION OF THE WorLD Versus Escare From It Is not all this due to the fact that Christianity has been misconceived as to its essentials? Its application to busi- ness and industry is considered to be incidental and secondary. The heart of Christianity is taken to be prep- aration for another kind of world than that in which we live rather than the transformation of the world we live in, so that it will be the kind of world that Christian nur- ture prepares one for. Perhaps the drama of The Pil- grim’s Progress has influenced our minds so much that we have difficulty in thinking of Christianity as a program of redemption. We tend, rather, to think of it as a means of release from life in an essentially evil world. In the early days of Christianity the church was thought of in the figure of an ark of salvation, and the suggestion CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP IN INDUSTRY 71 always carried by that figure is one of escape from a world which is so bad that it is only fit for destruction. But those who talk of social salvation and a gospel for industry read the New Testament otherwise. They find in it a promise of redemption for the world itself. They believe that if human nature is individually redeemable, then human institutions and relationships must also be redeemable. It is our view that the chief purpose which Jesus came to further was the building of a spiritual brotherhood in- clusive of all mankind, and that the central thing, there- fore, in Christianity is the ideal and the practice of fellow- ship. Our task is to erect this spiritual structure against the background of struggle and bitterness upon which we have been looking. Perhaps we might state it in this way: that we are seeking a world, not of warring groups but of cooperating groups; that the aim of life is to secure from every person and every group the greatest contribu- tion in service of which he is capable; that everybody has a stake in what everybody else does. It is a new kind of game in which the goal is not to overcome other human beings but to conquer nature and to master life in the interest of all men. THe Uses or Conruict History seems to show that groups of human beings attain harmony of action through struggle. Conflict is itself a part of the process of socialization. Why should it be considered necessarily bad in itself? Its evil consists in a failure to issue in something higher. In a given stage of political life it may be said that war is inevitable, and the same may be said about strife in industry. But the purpose of conflict is served only as it renders future conflict less inevitable. No careful observer of the labor movement can fail to be impressed with the spiritual quality of labor’s struggle and sacrifice for a higher status and greater freedom. The encounter with employers and with owners has often had an unquestionable spiritual value. There are moral tasks to be done in the world that cannot be done with gloves. Is not the test of conflict 02 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY on the ethical side the degree to which it removes barriers to future fellowship among men? All this is said in full recognition that labor’s struggles are often as crass as those of predatory interests. The difference is in the result. By and large, must we not admit that labor’s struggles have issued in a broader basis for fellowship, and a more universal concept of citizen- ship? The employers likewise have had their costly ex- perience of conflict—among themselves as well as against the labor movement. Even where they have not had justice on their side they have perhaps paid the inevitable price of a broader vision and a greater service. FELLow VICTIMS Might it not be said that the parties now struggling with each other in industry are not so much mutual antagonists as fellow victims of a regime of force and struggle? It was frequently remarked during the Great War that its tragedy was enhanced by the fact that men fought each other like tigers who had no personal griev- ance; who, left to themselves, and freed from the gigantic mechanism of destruction, would fraternize and become friends. Likewise it is often observed that representatives of employing and labor interests meet on the same plat- form and exchange warm personal greetings, although in their official capacities they fight bitterly. There is a fellowship even in hostile combat; the combatants may be together paying the price of future freedom. Tur HicHEerR ConrFruicr Scholarly writers have been objecting in recent years to the many programs of betterment that have been brought forward by social idealists because they say that humanity would not be satisfied in a world where there was nothing or nobody left to fight. But is this not like leaving a youth surrounded by whisky fumes and typhoid germs and licentious literature so that he may have some- thing wherewith to develop manly resistance? To remove the necessity of struggle on the low levels of life frees one’s mental and moral energies for struggle on the higher CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP IN INDUSTRY 73 levels. We have the whole intellectual and moral world to conguer; why spend our energies in conflict with one another? Theodore Roosevelt once said to a crowd of ministers of different faiths: “You have a big target to shoot at. I hope you will not waste your ammunition shooting at each other.” Let us ask, if the Christian ideal of fellowship were actually regnant in the world, how industrial activities and relationships would be modified. A Jos For EveryBopy Are we not safe in saying at the outset that if there is anything in the ideal of human fellowship or brother- hood with reference to industry, such an ideal would mean in the first place that everybody should work? This means, of course, everybody in good health between the age limits of productive labor. Incidentally it would also imply employment so far as possible for the handi- capped, in order that they might not be denied the satis- faction of work, which human beings seem normally to require. The provision for productive industrial employ- ment of men who are maimed by the loss of a limb or the loss of sight, for example, makes possible the retention of what might be called free industrial citizenship for many who would otherwise be dependent and suffer the de- moralizing consequences of pauperdom. Henry Ford’s plants appear to have accomplished almost unbelievable results in this direction by finding jobs for the maimed that they can do just as well as those not handicapped at all. Our industrial rehabilitation law and the machinery of its operation have unmeasured spiritual value. But we are chiefly concerned with the able-bodied men and women who make up our communities. During the war we applied a “work or fight” principle, which was given the force of law, if not by statute, at least by public opinion. One nation, Bulgaria, has undertaken to make a certain amount of work compulsory in time of peace. Hozsors—Botu Kinps It is easy enough to enforce such a regulation at the 74 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY lower end of the industrial ladder, but what about the vagrants in automobiles and on horseback? Should not a rule that works for a ragged hobo work likewise for a well-dressed one? And what about the young woman whose occupation appears on a legal report blank as “at home”? Are there women vagrants of the indoor variety? If the young woman is “at home” because she has a job there, of course the case is different. But it is hard to reconcile with the Christian ideal living on income that one does nothing to earn. JUDGING A JOB But surely this ideal is concerned with what one works at. For there are many things commonly done that we cannot imagine Jesus doing—or even Martin Luther or John Wesley. Certain of them we should all agree on, probably, at the mere mention of them—running a low- class amusement house, for example, or a pawnshop; likewise, gambling, whether big or little. But then there comes a long list of things about which there may be a great difference of opinion. A man was heard to say recently that he could not engage in the jewelry busi- ness because he thought it was not productive, and hence not socially justifiable. He is in the business of making farm implements. Certainly, the latter is much more essential, closer to the actual needs of humanity than the former. Yet many would feel that jewelry may be in a very real sense “goods,” and that this adverse judgment was too sweeping. Well, then, what about chewing gum or tobacco? Clearly, we could never agree on all the specific instances that we might name, but could we perhaps agree on a general principle? That principle might be stated thus: that the purpose of all work is to render a service, to enrich the lives of human beings—both those who do the work and those who consume the product —and that no consideration of profit or reward justifies a business that cannot meet this test. Tue Doom oF THE USELESS Such a proposition cuts across at once the often ex- CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP IN INDUSTRY 75 pressed idea that whatever gives employment to labor is a justifiable enterprise provided it is not positively harmful. For example, here is a cosmetics establishment. No one ‘argues that cosmetics rank high as economic goods, and probably most of us would list them, in our most serious and honest moments, among the dispensable things for which there is nevertheless a very pronounced demand. But, barring compounds that are injurious, many people would say that so long as such goods can be sold and their manufacture employs thousands of laborers, no further question need be asked. Nevertheless, our econo- mists are telling us to-day that another very important question needs to be asked—namely, what good does the article in question do? Now, many will be found to assure us that this particular class of goods plays a very im- portant part in life. Perhaps so; but the point here is that évery industry or business should be able to defend itself not merely from the charge of harmfulness but from the charge of uselessness. Is not this a Christian principle? Every branch that bears no fruit must be cut down. The men and women employed in a nonproductive industry might be employed in a productive one. Money paid for that which is not bread might as well have been thrown into the sea. Perhaps one of the most fruitful things that Christians, particularly Christian young peo- ple, could do is to consider and compare all sorts of occupa- tions as to their relative usefulness, not only with refer- ence to entering them but with reference to encourag- ing them with their investments. Wuat Is Wrone in InvbustRY? But assuming that we have everybody at work doing something recognized as useful, the fact remains that the industries in which most of the trouble occurs are those of unquestioned usefulness and importance—coal mining, steel making, garment making, railroads, building, for ex- ample. Why is it that such essential processes do not go on in harmony and peace? The Christian diagnosis is that there is no fellowship in them. Now, this word “fellowship,” like the word “love,” is 76 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY likely to be interpreted to mean something very conven- tional and, it is to be feared, very impractical and unreal. But consider a moment. Is it not the very thing that em- ployers are constantly talking about when they tell their workingmen that industry is a partnership, and that capi- tal and labor cannot be in conflict because their interests are identical? Is not the thing that Christianity offers the very thing that industrial leaders want and imagine they can secure by simply getting workers to accept a formula? And all the time the workers are convinced that there is no partnership but, rather, essential conflict, because, as matters stand, the interests of the two groups are not identical but in sharp contrast. Unpber-Cover IDEALISM Is it not very illuminating that the words which are central to our Christian religion—love, fellowship, good will, service—should be considered a bit out of place in the business world? ‘The war brought us some rare ex- amples of these virtues, but the vocabulary was different. Brotherhood was summed up in the term “buddy.” The supreme sacrifice was “going west.” Idealism there was aplenty, but men scorned its conventional names. So in industry, even if a man does a fine thing for his em- ployees, he wants it known as “straight business.” This suppression of idealistic motives is in accord with what seems to be a general agreement that when “senti- ment” gets into business, either someone is a hypocrite or someone is going broke. Christianity cuts straight across this theory. It aims to put social motives at the center, not at the periphery of life; to build upon the foundation of consciousness of kind and identity of interest that is being laid by means of a struggle and conflict in the industrial world, until its travail shall issue in a new brotherhood from which no individual or group shall be excluded. For tHe Discussion Group Are we interested in Christianity primarily because of what it offers in private spiritual satisfactions and future CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP IN INDUSTRY 77 hopes, or because it promises a redeemed world? Does it promise a redeemed world, or only escape from the world ? It is related of Wendell Phillips that when asked if he considered that Christianity had failed he replied, “I don’t know; it has never been tried.” Do you agree with him? Think of the most generous and public-minded em- ployers and business men in the community ; now run over in your mind the most religious men, the most devoted to the church and its activities; are they the same peo- ple in each case? If not, why not? If the majority of industrial leaders are Christians, why is industry not yet Christianized ? Is fellowship a major or a minor fact in life? Which does the average person care more for—his private posses- sions and interests or the approval of his fellows and the enjoyment of their society? Assuming that it is generally agreed that every able- bodied person ought to work, should the state tax idle- ness, or should the matter be left to moral suasion ? What is the relative merit, from the Christian point of view, of the tobacco industry? the diamond industry? munitions? books? victrolas? locomotives? flowers? Is it unchristian to engage in producing something that it would be unchristian to use? In the world as it is to-day can any idealistic young person find a lifework that squares fully with his ideals? CHAPTER VIII NEW MOTIVES FOR OLD—THE GOAL OF THE GAME Luke 2. 49; 1 Corinthians 3. 9-15 Wuar is the strongest incentive to physical and mental effort? Must it be assumed that even a Christian man is dominated by enlightened self-interest in the sphere of his trade, business, or profession? Is the Golden Rule a counsel of perfection, having reality only in a super- natural world, or is it to be taken seriously with reference to life as it is? Is human nature essentially selfish; and if so, can it be changed? CHRISTIANITY IN Bustness—AssetT oR HANDICAP? A few years ago a group of prominent persons in an Eastern city were discussing in a prayer meeting the old question, Can a man be a Christian and succeed in business? One very thoughtful man, an employer of labor, said that he was sure the answer was Yes; but he was inclined to think that a Christian could not make as much money in business as a man who made no Christian profession. In other words, being a Christian was, as a New York politician once said of being a Presbyterian in Tammany Hall, “something of a handicap.” This was quite to the point, whether or not one agrees with the sentiment expressed. But the most interesting comment came from a lawyer who said, “Of course one can be a Christian and succeed in business; if not, then there must be something wrong with Christianity.” I¢ did not occur to him that there might be something wrong with business. It is to be feared that most of us when we find principles out of line with practice make a strenuous effort first to warp the principles. But is there not a sense in which the lawyer was right? 78 NEW MOTIVES FOR OLD 79 That is to say, whatever we may think of this or that phase ef the modern world of business or industry or politics, no system of morals that will not meet the re- quirements of a crowded world of human beings can long sustain itself. If it is not possible to produce goods and consume them, to marry and be given in marriage, and to do all the other elemental things that are necessary to our common life in a way that is fully reconcilable with our ethical ideals, are we not really under the necessity of frankly confessing that our ideals are impossible of realiza- tion in this world and of finding a new set of ideals that are in accord with life as it has to be lived? For instance, we have discarded the monastic ideal of life because it doesn’t work. If it should be discovered that a Christian ideal for industry would not produce the goods we need to live on, doubtless we should all agree that our ideal needed adjustment to reality. Tuer Test of THE GoLDEN RULE Sooner or later we have to face this problem. Every- body agrees that if there is a Christian ideal for industrial relations it is built up around the idea of service, of co- operation. But a large part of the working world seems to be quite convinced that no such ideal will work. “It is all very well,” we hear men say, “for personal and private relations, but you can’t conduct a business on that basis.” An official in an industrial concern who was also an active churchman recently said, “It probably ought to be the kind of world in which business and industry can be con- ducted according to the Golden Rule, but it isn’t.” Thus we come to have two systems of ethics, one for personal and private relations and another for our corporate rela- tions and responsibilities. And we do not seem to have any difficulty in squaring both codes with a Christian profession. Does not this remind one unpleasantly of the German professor’s remark that the commandment to love your neighbor is without doubt binding in individual relationships, but that “for a German to love a French- man as himself is the political sin. against the Holy Ghost!” It is hard to see why such a doctrine is any 80 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY worse when applied to international than when applied to industrial relations. The difficulty here seems to be that most of us assume that human affairs are commonly carried on for reasons that cannot be justified from the Christian point of view; that the world is not only unsanctified but unsanctifiable. It may be worth while to inquire whether the world of practical affairs is as bad as all that, whether human nature is so dismally unregenerate that it takes a war or other great catastrophe to release noble motives. What, after all, is it that induces people to play their part in the game of life? Wuy WorkK? After all, why do we work? Why does anybody work? It is true that we work just because it is a way to get food, clothing, and shelter? Samuel Johnson is reputed to have said that if he hadn’t been hungry, he never would have written a book. But certainly there are multi- tudes of people who are not obliged, economically, to work who nevertheless prefer to be constantly employed. The sons. of wealthy men are often among the hardest workers. In the last few years we have heard much about “instincts in industry” and the “instinct of workmanship.” It is a fair question whether people of normal health and intelligence do not work because it is in them to work, because they would be “lost without it.” industry as expressed in terms of collective bargaining. To be sure, it may well be asked, Why bargain if there is a fundamental identity of interest? Paul’s great figure of the human body, with all its interdependent paris, is a tremendous one when one stops to take it in. Not merely is the hand unable to say to the eye, “I have no need of thee,” but the idea of competition as between the hand and eye is unthinkable. “So we, being many, are one body.” It is a revolutionary thought. Ultimately we may rise to THE RULES OF THE GAME 89 a plane of cooperative living where bargaining will be meaningless. The kind of bargaining we are here discussing is not the mere exchange of goods or the sale of goods in which both seller and buyer are fully satisfied. The mechanism of exchange by which a fixed price is charged for com- modities relieves the bargaining process of much of its crudity. The business game as it is played to-day is a great improvement over the haggling and “beating down” and crafty efforts to gain advantage that would every- where be apparent in commerce if there were no market regulations and adjustments. Anyone who wants an illustration of the difference needs only to compare the way he feels on entering a standard-meter taxicab with his sensations when he commits himself to the mercies of a driver whose fares are determined by his own snap esti- mate of what the “traffic will bear.” Not only so, but the right, involved in the idea of bargaining, to enter or leave any employment at will has a moral value that must not be overlooked. Yet the fact remains that the bargain- ing of which we speak in industrial relations is at best a crude method of determining the “price” of labor. It _ proceeds on the basis, rejected theoretically by labor itself, of the “commodity theory” of labor. Little thought is given to what is the most equitable division of the prod- uct; the aim is, rather, to gain the greatest possible ad- vantage. The defects of any such process from the spir- itual point of view are apparent. Yet collective bargaining is an indispensable instru- ment in bringing about harmony between two contending groups. The value of the bargaining process is not prin- cipally in evening up chances nor yet in keeping the peace. If it is a bad peace, it ought not to be kept. Of what use would a successful bargain be to a spiritually minded employer if it were won at the cost of the employees’ happiness and good will? The value of bargaining is found, rather, in working out a basis of joint action in the common interest. It is a recognition of social inter- dependence, and as such is the first step in the creation of fellowship in industry. The new experiments in joint 90 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY industrial government are of spiritual consequence be- cause they are resulting in making the rules and determin- ing the stakes of the new game. THE WORKER'S STRUGGLE FOR STATUS The stakes of the great conflict going on in industry to-day are not merely wages and hours. The primary question is one of status and of power. This is what the demand for recognition on the part of organized labor means. Gains in wages and working conditions are of no permanent value if they cannot be held secure against aggression and against untoward developments in the “labor market.” As the employers capitalize their posses- sions, so the workers are capitalizing their jobs. A labor union is something like a corporation in that by means of it the workers pool the titles to their jobs and act jointly in matters that affect them. THe Dras Routine But labor’s demand for a share in the control of indus- try would continue quite without reference to the question of the distribution of the product. Recall for a moment the remark which we quoted earlier from a conservative journal that “the new era has put personality in a steel niche, and it must stay put, else large-scale production is impossible.” Continuing, the writer said that “some plan must be found whereby men may become interested in their day’s work—this is fundamental. It is a twentieth-century problem, and history gives no clue to the solution.” If machine production has taken away the instinctive satisfactions in industrial labor, some other satisfaction must be found. Increased financial reward furnishes a considerable incentive, but the practical limits to such an increase are soon reached, and, besides that, there is a limit to the capacity to consume and the power to enjoy consumption. Money satisfies only a fraction of men’s elemental demands. Some other satisfaction must be discovered if industry is to be redeemed from the dull drab from which it is suffering. THE RULES OF THE GAME ot Tur Emppoyen’s DISADVANTAGE Much agitation has been felt over the suggestion that the workers should “own the works.” An American traveler was standing on the deck of a steamship in Eng- lish waters looking at the British fleet lying at anchor in the distance. He noted a Scotchman standing near him and made some remark about the fine appearance of the men-of-war. “Yes,” said the Scotchman, elevating his chest, “and I am one of the concern that own ’em.” It would hardly occur to anyone that the Scot had unwar- ranted designs on his Majesty’s ships! It is perhaps some such feeling as this that labor covets with respect to industry. The employer gets a large measure of satisfaction out of owning the plant and out of the material rewards which increased energy produces. Towering above the satisfac- tions of wealth are the satisfactions of power which wealth brings. A man who builds a great industry to leave behind him as a monument to his enterprise feels that in a sense this material structure is a part of his im- mortality. How much satisfaction of this kind can an employee have, even though he works a lifetime in one establishment, when he knows that at any time the organ- ization can dispense with his services and scarcely miss him? If aman cannot build himself into the concern of which he is a part, if he cannot think and originate and initiate in a way to make himself indispensable to the industry, and if he cannot see some fruit of his own crea- tive effort, he is not likely to thrill over his occupation. WoRKERS AS OWNERS We hear much about the cooperative movement as a remedy for inequalities in our economic system, and surely no student of the present-day tendencies can ignore the cooperative movement. It has profound and growing significance, especially in agriculture. Chiefly, however, in this country it is a consumers’ or a sellers’ movement, and has to do, not with primary industrial processes, but with marketing. Cooperative societies employ labor just 92 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY as capitalistic organizations do and are not free from “labor troubles.” The cooperative movement is of great social and economic significance, but it has not yet indi- cated a solution of the labor problem. There are examples of producers’ cooperation where the workers in an industrial establishment themselves own the plant, either from its inception or by purchase from the original owner. Where the capitalist and labor func- tions are combined, the question of relative status is greatly simplified. The worker is an owner and the owner is a worker. Some of the recent Catholic litera- ture on industrial problems makes much of this plan, restoring as it does on its face much of what the workers lost when the old gild system gave way to the modern factory regime. Tt must not be supposed that what we are talking about is the equivalent of profit-sharing through the ownership of stock. The participation in proprietorship here re- ferred to has to do with the workingman-as such, not with the workingman as capitalist. There is much to be said for profit-sharing. But when the workers in a concern acquire each a bit of stock and become members of the army of minority holders they have done only what any outsider may do. Their holdings constitute a very small interest and represent no real power. If every industrial concern in the United States were a fifty-fifty profit-shar- ing enterprise, the labor problem would, in its essence, still remain. Then what is the answer? We have just noted that some Christian students and writers believe cooperative ownership by the workers is the answer, or at least one answer. But, granting the worth of this plan, it would manifestly take a great while for the workers to absorb the capital involved in modern industry. It would seem that if we can liberate the spirits of men as they go about the day’s work, the precise form of the fellowship they would create is a secondary matter. We must remember, how- ever, that there is involved not only a title to a job and perhaps to property, but the exercise of power, dignity, and initiative as well. The real trouble was indicated, THE RULES OF THE GAME 93 better than she knew, by a little garment worker in New York who was telling to the arbitrator her grievance against the factory boss: “Why,” said she, “he looked at me sarcastic.” | INDUSTRIAL CITIZENSHIP In politics men find satisfaction in making their laws and securing the administration of those laws in accord with their will—or at least in making an effort to do so. The requirements of industrial government are comparable to those of political government. In fact, is it not prob- able that one of the reasons for the scant interest on the part of people in general in political affairs is that the major issues of life which center about our economic needs are so seldom determined by political action? It is much more important to a man to have a voice in determining the issues of his working life than to be able to vote for or against a protective tariff. And the very act of par- ticipating in industrial government furnishes a large measure of that interest and initiative of which the worker has been robbed by modern industrialism. As a highly specialized worker he cannot be expected to show enthu- siasm over the machine processes which he facilitates. It seems rather—and this brings us to the crux of the matter—that he must find his interest in the intellectual and social aspects of his working life and thus overbalance the monotony of the factory regime. Is it work that men dislike, or meaningless routine work, which makes no pro- vision for intellectual participation and the exercise of personality? “We have removed the humian factor,” says an advertisement displayed in the New York subway in announcing how safe the road has made its machinery. Just so. Here again the analogy of politics is instructive. Every schoolboy knows that the Boston Tea Party was not a revolt against taxation, but a revolt against taxation with- out a voice in the fixing of the tax or in the subsequent expenditure of the money. A large number of industrial disturbances which cripple industry to-day occur over fairly trivial matters and are the expression not so much 94 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY of material demands as of dissatisfaction with an inferior status—a position of relative helplessness and unim- portance. Wage reductions have frequently been accepted without protest where there was an opportunity for free discussion and for dignified representation. Men have voted themselves reductions in pay and have done it with- out protest when they would have been sullen and re- bellious if the reductions had been forced upon them. DEMOCRACY IN INDUSTRY The term “industrial democracy” has been so freely used that it no longer has any definite meaning. Never- theless, it denotes a tendency which is one of the distinc- tive signs of our time. It begins with that surrender of autocratic control of industry which the twenty British Quaker employers called upon industrial leaders to make, and the substitution for it of conference, and government by consent. It often takes the form of collective dealing be- tween organizations of employers and labor unions. In fact, it is difficult to see how it can come about unless there is a mutual willingness to negotiate with the existing recog- nized organizations on each side, save where there is a compelling moral objection to such recognition. The price of recognition on the part of such an organization is honesty of purpose and fidelity to agreements. But bar- gaining is only a step in the democratic process. If the germ of democracy—might we not also say of Chris- tianity?—is present, the relationship becomes one of mutual respect and mutual concern for rights and duties. The essence of this new game, as we have been calling it, is a spirit; its visible body is a structure of joint gov- ernment which makes a constantly widening place for human fellowship. Structure without spirit is no better than formless debris. Many a concern has tried to put over a “plan” which, to adapt a Scripture phrase, “had the form of democracy but denied the power thereof.” Such a procedure is likely to end in a labor strike that will be hailed by uncomprehending employers as an evi- dence of the employees’ ingratitude. THE RULES OF THE GAME 95 On the other hand, a spirit without a structure of gov- ernment is of little permanent value. With the passing of some engaging and benevolent personality it becomes but a ghost of what might have been. The best ideas and impulses ever let loose, if they are not to be speedily for- gotten, need to be blue-printed and built into a firm struc- ture. Are Att Men Equa? Democracy in industry, like democracy in politics, is not to be confused with any arbitrary notions of equality. Probably few people know what they mean by that term. Most of us, doubtless, would agree that men are not equal intellectually, not equal spiritually, not equal in personal force, not equal in social influence. But just as the most obscure man in a factory when his initiative is released may create something of inestimable worth, so one mind in a fellowship of minds may register in terms of spiritual values beyond all expectation and beyond all estimate. This means that democracy is more an act of faith than a theory of government. It has to be validated in experi- ence, but experience shows that there is no way to limit the. possibilities of the obscurest human being. And it is in an atmosphere of freedom, of respect for the individual, of appreciation of the rights and possibilities of others— those who are regarded as enemies as well as those who are regarded as friends—that the structure of an enduring government can be built, whether for industry or politics. Puayine THE New Game WITH THE PUBLIC Obviously it would be a simple matter for employers and workers to bury the hatchet if they buried it in the head of the consumer. ‘This is what many people are afraid of. But the new game that we are talking about is a straight game. It leaves no place for exploitation. The fulfillment of industrial citizenship is in service, just as the fulfillment of political citizenship is in patriotism. If there is anything in the fellowship ideal for industry, it is inclusive. It lifts the minds of men above the level of their physical performances and widens their interest be- 96 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY yond the shop. Bargaining must give way to service, _ fear to trust, competition to mutual aid. This is not a dream—it is beginning to come to pass. For tHE Discussion GROUP Is there any evident desire on the part of either labor or capital for full cooperation? Do the unions want it, or would they prefer to trust to bargaining power to pre- serve their interests? Do employers want cooperation from their workers, or only tractability ? ? Is there any danger that harmonious cooperation be- tween employers and workers may lead to the exploitation of the consumer? Does this happen now? Can the “new game” leave the public out? | Is there anything unchristian in the mere act of bar- gaining between organized interests? Does bargaining necessarily imply that one party gains what another loses? Some. people oppose labor unions because they are belligerent and they keep industry divided into two hostile camps. Is the hostility in industry due mainly to labor? Should a belligerent union be curbed, or should its power and discipline be utilized in the direction of a responsible government in industry? Is an employer justified in refusing to recognize labor unions because they make for division instead of unity? Can harmony ard loyalty be promoted by denying the right of collective bargaining? Does a voice in management compensate the worker for the monotony of his job? Is the average worker competent to share the duties of management? Is he eager to do so? Employers are sometimes advised to go through the form of referring important matters to the workers so that “they will think they are doing it.” Does that satisfy the requirements of democracy? Does it fool the men? Should a Christian employer share profits? Should he admit the workers to privileges of ownership? Should they be allowed, as rapidly as they are able, to have a voice in shop control? wages? discipline? finance? THE RULES OF THE GAME or What does democracy mean? Is there any sense in which all men are equal? Someone has given this defini- tion: “Democracy means a chance for every man to be all that it is in him to be and the recognition of every man for all that he is.” Is that a good statement? Is it good Christianity? CHAPTER X STANDARDS OF LIVING—EVERYBODY’S GAME Matthew 5. 3-9; James 2. 1-5 ARE we as Christian members of the community ready to assume a share of the responsibility for making indus- try a public service? How much have we to do with mak- ing the standards toward which the workers strive, and creating the economic conditions against which they con- tend? When we complain that the “innocent public” is made to bear the brunt of industrial disturbances, are we as innocent as we fancy? Are we in our individual lives an asset or a liability to the community? THE ConsumMER’s RESPONSIBILITY If there is to be fellowship in industry, it cannot be confined to employers, managers, and labor. The con- sumer of goods, the common citizen, must play his part. And what part is it that the consumer plays? In the long run he makes the standards of production since he makes the standards of life. He pays the bills. He is the potential organizer of the buyer’s strike—the most effective strike of all, the one that the employer can never break. The citizen-consumer has it in his power to de- termine the style of clothes that are worn, the richness of the food that is eaten, the elaborateness of the house- holds of the community, and the degree of luxury that peo- ple enjoy. The very existence of multitudes of industries and the value of miles of real estate in the average city are dependent upon the citizen-consumer’s idea of what is a desirable thing to eat or to wear, and what is a desir- able place to live. Here again in the matter of living standards we find ourselves falling back on the figure of a game—a game which everyone is playing. Most peo- 98 STANDARDS OF LIVING 99 ple are like the guests at the scriptural marriage feast, waiting for the behest to “come up higher.” Our Sranparps OF LiviIne Much is said about the sins of the rich in setting arti- ficial standards which are then adopted by all classes in society whether there is any possibility of their realiza- tion or not; but the underlying fact is that the whole world pays tribute socially to the “lord of things as they are.” Thus, paradoxically, the things that divide us are, after all, the things that all classes have in common— the love of beauty and comfort, the satisfactions of the senses, the tendency to hero worship and the love of praise. Most people, no matter how poor—and perhaps more eagerly the poorer they are—read with rapt attention the accounts of royal weddings and thrill over the portrayal of luxury. They covet. attention from “social superiors” and are cowed by the frowns of those who sit in the seats of the socially mighty. Psychologists have regarded this an instinctive performance, and it used to be described as the instinct of “mastery and submission.” The interest- ing thing about it is that one changes with the greatest ease from one réle to the other. The man in the parable who cringed before his creditor and then went out and took his debtor by the neck was a type of humankind. We are creatures of a social environment which has arranged us all in a sliding scale. Everyone’s standard of living is a creation of economic circumstances which the whole community has a share in creating. Is tHe INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBLE ? But even recognizing this interdependence of social groups it is hardly fair for the individual to claim an alibi. This is a delightfully convenient thing to do. A young woman whose father pointed out to her that her sister’s spending allowance was less than her own said with com- fortable unconcern: “That’s all right. It costs more to keep me than it does to keep Rose.” This was equivalent to saying that one takes his standard of living as he does the color of his hair, as something belonging to native 100 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY equipment for which he has no personal responsibility. As is usually true of questionable doctrines there is much to be said for this argument. It is quite absurd to say that all people, regardless of their cultural level, can live on the same amount of money. Would not a piano, which is a cultural necessity in some homes, be an absurd ex- travagance in others? And what shall be said of a library or of a collection of classic paintings? Undoubtedly cul- ture alters the whole texture of one’s life and makes one dependent upon certain environmental conditions to which others are not sensitive at all. But is it necessary that a home should be elaborate in order to be artistic? that a diet should be costly in order to be appetizing as well as wholesome ? Merely to say this suggests an important caution. Do not most of us view critically the standards of those who live on a higher scale economically than ourselves and find some measure of satisfaction in the greater frugality and simplicity of our own lives, and then excuse ourselves from practicing the economies of those who have smaller incomes on the ground that their standards of living are lower than our own? © THe Lever or “Socran Erricrency” This is a realm in which it is not possible to dogmatize ; and perhaps the most useful thing to do is to ask searching questions. If Christian people asked more questions con- cerning the requirements of the Christian way of life and discussed them with their friends, should we not make vastly greater progress in that direction? There is some- thing splendid in the spectacle of those twenty British Quaker employers taking solemn counsel together and then calling upon their fellow employers of other faiths or of no faith “to consider very carefully whether their style of living and personal expenditure are restricted to what is needed to insure the efficient performance of their func- tions in society.” Even this standard of social efficiency may conceivably justify extraordinary expenditures at times, but is it not clear that a Christian will not take such things as a matter of course ? STANDARDS OF LIVING 101 The question is sure to arise whether this business of simplification may not be carried so far that the possibili- ties of culture would be reduced. Suppose the patronage of art should disappear and the pursuit of higher intellec- tual and esthetic interests should be unprovided for. The whole world is enriched by the intellectual and artistic efforts of a few. We cannot, even in the interest of the simple life, sacrifice the results of research and of creative artistic activity. But when we reason this way do we not forget that there are social and antisocial ways of supporting art and culture? A rich man may buy a porcelain collection and give it to a public museum, or he may lock it up at home for his own private satisfac- tion and the delectation of his friends. He may buy a great organ and place it in a public auditorium or he may confine its strains within the limits of his own domicile. He may encourage a talented artist by buying a picture that everybody may see or he may engage an artist to paint his own picture, which nobody is particularly anxious to see. But this may all be very simple and easy for us because we are not rich. It is one of the besetting sins of the middle class that they obscure their own sins in the shadows of those that seem larger. What about our own extravagances ? How Lavine Stanparps AFFECT FELLOWSHIP The whole scale of living standards that we have been talking about cuts across the spiritual ideal of fellowship. It separates where fellowship unites. It creates rivalries and animosities where fellowship creates good will. The man who maintains two automobiles for uses that could be as well performed by one, the woman who maintains a wardrobe beyond the requirements of utility and simple beauty—might it not be said that they are trafficking in the things that separate human beings in spirit rather than in the things that unite them. The minister whose living standard is away beyond that of the majority of his parishioners—is he not building up a barrier that all his spiritual ministrations will find it impossible to over- 102 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY throw? The material consequences of this great variety of living standards are as great as the spiritual. The con- sumption of luxury goods keeps men and women engaged in producing them. Money that is invested in produc- ing luxury goods might be invested in producing goods for use. Luxury goods for the most part are consumed only by the wealthy. “Use” goods are consumed by every- body. If we look at it this way, the money and the time and the effort that we expend in ways that mean nothing to humanity as a whole are unjustified. We often hear it said that poor people are to blame for their condition because of wasteful expenditures and the habit of living beyond their means. But might it not be argued that the extravagances of the poor are cheap imitations of the extravagances of the well-to-do? It is not the libraries and art collections and opera tickets and vacations in the mountains—the more esthetic of the indulgences of the well-to-do—that the poor imitate, but their superficial display and noisy elegance. Might not people satisfy their taste for beauty and refinement with- out violating fellowship? The things that are most appeal- ing and permanently satisfying are the things that are most human—the things we can share. How Livine Stanparps AFFect INDUSTRY But are we still discussing industry, or have we run off into “stewardship” or something else? The fact is that nothing could be more germane to the subject of this course than the matter of personal expenditures. In the first place, it is because we have such a wide range of liy- ing standards and insist on defending them that the ques- tion of a living wage for the workers has thrown us into so much difficulty. Any attempt to budget the expendi- tures of a workingman’s family must result in assigning them a level of living that benevolently minded persons would be ashamed of or in putting the minimum at such a liberal level that the national income would never stand it. The easy course, therefore, has been to take refuge behind the economic difficulties of the situation and quit talking about a living wage. After several years of study, STANDARDS OF LIVING 103 resulting in the promulgation of minimum standards by employers’ groups, labor agencies, and independent in- vestigators, there has been a tendency to abandon the whole “budget theory” of wage fixing. But in spite of this confusion the fixing of a minimum wage by law is favored by many people, especially for women workers. It is done in a number of States, al- though the Supreme Court decision in the District of Columbia case—that the fixing of a minimum wage is con- trary to the freedom of contract guaranteed by the Consti- tution—has made the future of this sort of legislation very doubtful. In any case, the fixing of a minimum wage by law is but a small part of the problem. The solution must be found within industry, not outside it. Wage increases that are forced invite the pyramiding of prices. Where there is no cooperative good will, no restraint self-imposed by the will to fellowship, no device will serve the purpose. Secondly, artificially high living standards (or perhaps we might say low, from an ethical point of view) require that many workers shall be permanently employed in producing luxuries and rendering needless services. This taxes our whole economic order and is partly responsible for the national deficit in production. Could not the economic ills of the world be largely met by deflecting capital from the production of luxuries to the production of necessities? That is, cost might be lowered to the point where the poorest might obtain food, clothing, and shelter in proportion to normal human needs. Labor employed in producing goods that only a few can enjoy lessens the production of goods that the many need. Tr LimItInc oF PrRopUCTION Furthermore, and most of all to the point, the differ- ence in living standards which so conspicuously violates fellowship is apparently the psychological reason for low production. The workers are naturally slow about in- creasing their product when the net social result seems to be merely a widening of the gulf that separates the eco- nomically dependent from the well-to-do. It is rather startling that in the last thirty years, in spite of a con- 104. CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY siderable increase in the production from land and indus- try in America, the real wage—that is, purchasing power —of labor appears not to have increased. American labor is not radical—not yet. It is not demanding exclusive control of anything. Making due allowance for the more favored occupations, the heart has been taken out of labor by the seeming impossibility of improving its status in any marked degree. Employers are saying that labor is not playing the game. Quite so. Labor is coming to feel that the game—the old game—is not worth the candle. If society cannot devise a means whereby through dili- gence a worker may gradually improve the standard of his family’s living until it includes more and more of the things that go to make up a “good life? what can we expect but that he will put less and less energy into his work ? All this is unintelligible to a person whose attention is fixed on the high wages of certain privileged groups. That such groups profiteer when they have a chance simply serves to call attention to the crudeness of the old com- petitive game. The deficiencies of the workers and the noncooperative policies of many labor bodies are well known. Labor has lost many opportunities for signal service. But the fact that is written largest in the indus- trial situation, morally considered, is the inequality of privilege, emolument, and power. ‘This inequality is permanently registered in the contrast between living standards. A “Derictt InpustTRY” The textile industry gives an apt illustration of the difficulty. A high-minded employer in that industry has been trying for some years to put his establishments on a Christian basis. He has accomplished much, but he finds that the level of wages in the industry is so low and the margin of profit so small that even sharing profits “fifty- fifty” does not bring the workers within sight of what might be called a minimum comfort standard. Under such circumstances high production is not likely to be secured. Obviously there is an unlimited market for STANDARDS OF LIVING 105 textile goods provided the workers of America had the purchasing power to consume them. More production would cheapen the cost and put this higher grade of goods within the reach of the workers themselves. But until there is some assurance that the result of greater effort will be greater justice and more service, rather than greater privilege for the few, the workers will continue to do only a fraction of what they are capable of. In this connection there comes to mind a clothing fac- tory where a sudden increase in wages and an announce- ment of a square deal brought about an astonishing increase in production. The workers, generally speaking, can do much more than they are doing, but it is not Just a matter of saying to them, “Go to, now, produce.” They want to know what their labor is going to mean. So should we. Our Own Part IN THE GAME The fact seems clear that the question of comparative living standards must be faced resolutely before anything definite can be said about “fair” wages and a “fair re- turn? It is to be feared that these terms have served chiefly as a smoke screen. The United States Railroad Labor Board has demonstrated how much difficulty even a government agency can get into by trying to maintain the concept “just and reasonable” without any compara- tive treatment of living standards and living costs, Unless we face this question we must be content to play the old game, whose stakes are material stakes, and whose spir- itual effect is a widening gulf between man and man. For tHE Discussion Group Most of us make some attempt at budgeting our ex- penditures; what criterion have we followed? Can this group agree on a reasonable budget of expense for a family of average size? Working people are commonly criticized for buying luxuries they cannot afford, and middle-class people are often criticized for “living beyond their income.” Is it to 106 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY be taken for granted, then, that the chief requirement is to live within one’s income? Where do we get our living standards? Can we change them at will? Would it be an easier matter to simplify our living if groups of people tried it together? Were the British Quaker employers right in their state- ment concerning extravagance and “social efficiency”? What is an extravagance—an automobile? two automo- biles? a trip to Europe? What is the determining prin- ciple? i | Some Christians have laid down the rule that they should “not eat cake while any of their fellows were de- prived of bread.” Is that a safe rule to follow? Would such abstinence have any effect on the actual supply of bread? Would it have any moral effect? | Is the living-wage idea valid? How can it be de- fined ? *“‘A man is entitled to what he earns.’ Yes, but how can we determine what he earns? Some Christians consider that if a man works hard at useful labor, he “earns” a good living. What do you say? If some of us insist on having more than others can hope to have, are we violating the principle of fellowship ? CHAPTER XI CHRISTIANS AS INVESTORS—THE RISKS OF THE GAME Matthew 6. 19-23 Oncr again, have we not overlooked an important part that many of us play as individuals in the industrial game? Does the ownership of stocks and bonds impose a definite obligation? Whose is the primary responsibility —the person who owns the security or the corporation director who determines policy in accord with what he thinks the owner desires? Is there any difference between the Christian investor and any other investor when proxies are turned in or coupons are clipped? What can a con- Sam stockholder do to secure recognition of his ideals ¢ Wuo ARE THE CAPITALISTS? It is when we come to the question of investment that we appreciate the full force of the figure of the game which we have been carrying through this whole series. We are all potential investors. It has been said with a good deal of truth that we are all potential gamblers. Now, there is no question at all as to the necessary part that capital plays in the world. Even those who are very hostile to what is known as the capitalist system—that is to say, to the system of production for private profit—recognize that capital as such is a necessity of the industrial world. Capital means equipment, machinery—everything in the nature of resources, except human resources, that makes it possible to carry on industrial enterprise. Capital is the social surplus, the savings of society which are used for the future production of goods. It is also the means by which the “time gap” is bridged between the beginning of an industrial process and the actual marketing ef the 107 108 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY product. There are many opinions as to how capital used in the production of goods should be owned and con- trolled, but these questions really belong in a course in economics. In our system capital is privately owned, and therefore all industry depends ultimately upon the in- vestor. It is a common error, often pointed out by bankers, that “capital” denotes chiefly rich and powerful investors. The bulk of the money to run business enterprises comes not from the wealthy (because there is not enough wealth con- centrated in a few hands to supply it) but from the great mass of men and women of moderate means. When this fact is recognized it throws new light on the responsibili- ties of capital. In the long run monetary power resides where political power resides—in the people themselves, excepting, of course, that section of the working class, far too large, which is not able to save and invest. But the difficulty lies, as it does in politics, in securing organ- ized action on the part of the multitude of individuals who count for little as they stand apart, but who could decisively influence the policies of great corporations if they stood together. And just as in politics the multitude lacks the knowledge, the initiative, and the sense of respon- sibility to play an intelligent part, so in business the ma- jority of investors are too ignorant of the facts and too timid or too little interested to exercise any important influence. Tur Turory or INTEREST In the old game that we have been considering, the investor is perhaps the hardest player. He usually in- vests his first earnings with a view to safety and a small but consistent reward. As his holdings increase, he begins to seek more lucrative investments and he is willing to take a greater risk because he has more resources to fall back upon; and in return for the greater risks he expects a larger reward. With the increase in risks there comes into existence what is known as speculative investment, where the person’s desire is not merely to obtain a divi- dend but to double or treble or to multiply manifold the CHRISTIANS AS INVESTORS 109 value of the investment itself. That is to say, beginning with the buying of securities for the purpose of gaining a “fair return” in stated income, the business investment often becomes ultimately a gamble on an increase in the market values of securities or other property. We have already seen how the idea of interest itself was originally repugnant to the Christian mind and was, in fact, illegal in England until late in the sixteenth century. Since that time, however, comparatively few people have ever raised a question as to the ethical quality of interest. It is assumed that just as a person earns a money reward by working, so he earns a similar reward by abstaining from the use of his money in order that it may be productively employed. “Let your money work for you,” is an old investor’s motto. A new concept expressed by the words “fair return” has been evolved to cover the moral obliga- tions of investors. THe Prorrt Mortve But what about the speculative motive, or, in other words, the profit motive? Is it ever legitimate from a Christian point of view to choose deliberately an invest- ment regardless of its other qualities solely because it is likely to yield a return for which no effort has been made and no equivalent sacrifice suffered? Is it consistent with a Christian order that our motive should be to secure something for nothing? To illustrate, assuming that eight per cent or ten per cent is commonly accepted as a fair return on capital, is it legitimate to seek a hundred per cent, the first eight or ten of which would represent, on this basis, a “fair” return and the additional ninety- two per cent would be a sheer gratuity—something for nothing? To be sure, it may be asked what would become of the surplus earnings of a very profitable enterprise if they were not absorbed in dividends. If a great surplus accrues, it must accrue to somebody. One answer would be that all the surplus should become new capital, that is, should be “put back into the business.” But our inquiry has to do not so much with the actual distribution of wealth or capital as with the motives involved. 116 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY A “Goop INVESTMENT’ —MORALLY This whole matter bites into the social conscience at the point where we discover the difference in the moral quality of investments. If all securities were of equal social sig- nificance and value, it might well be argued that that which offers the greatest return is the one to choose with- out reference to any other consideration. If the only important thing about money is what one does with it, the more one can make the better, so long as he keeps within the law. Indeed, there was a time when, while great emphasis was placed upon spending money, little was said concerning the ethical quality of the methods by which money was made. Now, however, “stewardship” is coming to be interpreted to cover the acquisition of wealth as well as its expenditure. A popular evangelist is reputed to have said, when criticized because of his large fees, that he gave a tithe of his income to the Lord, and it was no one’s business what he did with the rest. The utter inadequacy of such a defense from the modern Chris- tian point of view does not need to be pointed out. But we have much careful thinking to do before any consensus among Christian people can be arrived at as to what constitutes a valid motive in investment. Should we not be guided by a study of the actual social consequences of the imvestments themselves? What are some of these consequences and what are some of the evident differ- ences between various types of investment? Tuer Praoticat Trst First, there is the distinction corresponding to the one made earlier between occupations that are socially pro- ductive and those that are not. Might we not say that no person is justified in putting his money into an enter- prise which he would be unwilling on ethical grounds to engage in personally? He might, of course, be un- willing to enter it on other grounds, such as temperament or aptitude. But if he could not conscientiously perform a given act, how can he let his money hire someone else to do it? Then there is the question of the relative use- CHRISTIANS AS INVESTORS aa fulness of an industry or a business that is beyond criti- cism as to its moral character, as ordinarily considered. What will a Christian do when he has an opportunity to invest his money at eight per cent in a boot and shoe factory or at three per cent in annuity bonds of an educa- tional enterprise? Is there any moral quality in such a choice? This brings us to the main issue of the matter —the risks of the game. In the old game, risk was merely an incident to the play for profits. In the new game, the cooperative game, whose aim is the establishment of fel- lowship in the world, the risks are of a moral nature. They are undertaken in order that not only material but ae goods may be released upon the markets of the world. “SPECULATIVE INVESTMENTS” AND HuMAN VALUES A year or two ago a business man in New York pro- posed to a group of churchmen that a company should be organized which would invest half its resources in market- able securities paying current rates of interest, and the other half in an effort to rehabilitate the industrial estab- lishment of Europe. “Thus,” he said, “we can say to peo- ple that they may be fairly assured of an average return, and a much larger return if the European venture suc- ceeds, but that the latter portion of the investment is financially uncertain and may be lost. But that part of the money will be a spiritual investment and we will ask them to be willing to lose it in order to take the chance of being of service to the rest of the world.” Perhaps this distinction between types of investment throws some light upon the Christian principle. Some persons have expressed great interest in what might be called exploratory investments—that is to say, enterprises which involve experimentation in the fields of industrial organization. No matter how convinced indi- viduals may be on the point, society demands a demonstra- tion that the principle of brotherhood can be established in industry, that industrial democracy is a valid concept. How are we going to prove it? We have considered the requirements of our Christian faith which call upon us 112 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY to make the experiment. But such experiments require money as well as faith. They require capital, equipment, brains. People must be found who are willing to invest their money at a small rate of interest and at more than ordinary risk in order to, test out the theories of Chris- tian idealism with respect to industrial organization. There is more than a fifty-fifty chance that many such experiments will fail before the proper adjustment of means to ends has been discovered. But can a faith that is not worth “putting something up on” be called Chris- tian? Donald Hankey said that religion is “betting your life that there is a God.” He had every right to say that: later he wagered his life “on Flanders Fields” and lost—and won! Is it not possible that the establishment of the Christian ideal in the world requires just such ad- venture ? Wuat Can One Lone Person Do? One of the writers, who had been investigating work- ing conditions in industry, was asked by a friend to in- form him concerning the labor policy of a certain concern which had advertised a bond issue. He wanted to buy a bond, provided he approved the labor policy of the con- cern in question. A ring on the telephone brought the perplexed retort, “What has the labor policy to do with buying a bond?” “You see,” it was explained, “this gentleman does not want to put his money into a concern whose labor policy he does not approve.” ‘This elicited many expressions of disgust and the interesting admis- sion that the office of the concern had experienced much annoyance during the day by requests for information about the labor policy. What would happen if the Chris- tian people of America for one week would take seriously their obligation as investors for industrial conditions in establishments which their money maintains? What would happen if they merely insisted on knowing the facts? What would have happened ten years ago to the twelve-hour day in the steel industry when a stockholders’ committee urged that the regime be done away with, if the Christian people who held stock in the corporation, CHRISTIANS AS INVESTORS 113 or any considerable minority of them, had demanded that the long day be abolished? And that means, of course, if they had been willing, if necessary, to decline attrac- tive dividends rather than to share responsibility for an industrial regime that a Christian conscience could not approve. Tuer TREATMENT OF PROXIES But what good do isolated protests of this sort do? As in politics, it is perfectly obvious that people could do great exploits collectively, while separate and alone they are negligible. A young woman who is a small holder of railroad securities when asked, as usual, for her proxy came back with some pointed question as to labor policy, but was met only with courteous evasions. Can a person single-handed accomplish anything? Surely we should all grant that even if a person acting alone cannot register in any evident way, he can at least square himself with his conscience by acting alone! But there are definite ways of making protests, and it sometimes requires but a few protests to turn the scale in a matter of policy. If a few weeks of publicity and activity on the part of out- siders induced the heads of the steel industry to revise their judgment in the matter of the twelve-hour day, is it not reasonable to suppose that more persistent protests on the part of stockholders might have had a pronounced effect? A single stockholder may accompany his proxy for stockholders’ meeting with a definite proviso or pro- test concerning any matter of policy which he believes to involve an important moral principle. He may attend the meeting in person and require a public statement there concerning such important questions. He may claim the right to inspect the list of stockholders and then make it his business to approach his fellow security holders in relation to these moral issues. Waar Can Onze Do WirH A Dovustrrut Srcurtry ? In a small meeting of Christian people of inquiring mind where this question of morally safe investments was raised, a bond expert suggested that if anyone has con- 114 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY scientious scruples against a particular investment, he has an obvious way out by simply disposing of the securities. But is not that too obvious? What is the net result of such action? The securities have passed out of the hands of a conscientious holder into the hands of one less con- scientious. The perplexed investor has simply found an obliging individual who will do his sinning for him. An unhappy solution, surely. In an extremity, a holder might call upon the corporation to take his securities off his hands and return the amount of his original invéstment. Probably most concerns would rise very promptly to such an occasion. But should not that be the last resort, after every possibility of bringing about a change of policy has been exhausted? Merely to unload the troublesome security upon someone else too strongly reminds one of the minister who said midway in his discourse, “And now, having looked the difficulty squarely in the face, let us pass on !” : FINANCIALLY SAFE oR MoraAtty SAFE? Business experts are likely to take the view that an in- vestment that is morally unsound is to be avoided for business reasons also. But does not this oversimplify the problem? What the business expert usually means by a morally unsafe investment is one that the business com- munity itself considers questionable. It would be the greatest mistake, and injustice as well, to overlook the importance that the business community attaches to integrity, honesty, and loyalty. But here is where our problem arises. Because business men are preoccupied with the rules of the game, many of the questions which socially minded Christians are asking about investments have as yet no meaning for them. A New York banker, a” man of high personal character and gentle, attractive personality, was asked by one of the writers about the relation of labor policy to the validity of industrial securi- ties. He replied that, of course, if an employer should shoot his men at sunrise some such question might be raised, but otherwise he could see no reason for contesting the validity of securities on moral grounds. Another CHRISTIANS AS INVESTORS 115 banker remarked that the one great sin “below Fulton Street” is to have a bad credit; that other questions are of minor importance. We even hear of men of far from impeccable moral character in their private life who sur- vive in the financial community. The most questionable things are done by corporations in breaking faith with the public or with creditors and “got away with” so long as the concerns remain solvent. But these latter cases will be said to be exceptional; and doubtless they are. Nevertheless, the fact remains that it is precisely those matters in which the financial community is not interested that the conscience of the modern Christian is exploring. How does a concern treat its employees? What wages does it pay? Has labor a personal status or only a “‘com- modity” status in the industry? What is the policy of the concern toward the public? Is any moral principle recognized as to the relation between profits, prices, and costs? What is done with the surplus—is it poured out in dividends, or does the community share it in larger enterprise, increased production, more stable prices, and more employment? It may well be said that in the long- run the best moral policy is the best financial policy. But in the short run, with a view to immediate returns, who can say so? Oil and steel continue to sell on the securi- _ ties market no matter whether the workers put in long hours or not—and no matter how many lives may be sacri- ficed to the building up of a mammoth industry. For tHE Discusston Group Do you know any investment concerns that are ac- customed to include in their advices to investors the con- siderations referred to in this chapter? If not, what is the reason ? Js there any difference morally between one’s claim to money that he earns by labor or other service and his claim to money that his investments earn? If so, how would you state it? Is there any difference morally between money that is earned at the “market rate” of interest on capital and money that accrues from a lucky sale or purchase, or a 116 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY sudden discovery of wealth—“unearned increment,” as it is sometimes called? Granted that all such gains belong rightfully to the per- son who acquires them, is there any special obligation attaching to the use to which they are put? Tf a Christian has an opportunity to invest his money at the same expected rate of return in an enterprise that is relatively sure but is a purely “business proposition” and also in an enterprise involving greater business risk but promising more in terms of social value and progress, what choice will he make? Can a general rule be laid down covering such a situation ? Ts one’s conduct as an individual investor a fair stand- ard by which to judge his social ethics? Does it reflect his personal character ? Would a person be justified in selling a stock or bond that troubled him to a person who had no scruples about it? If not, would he be justified in giving it te him? Why? Is there any sense in which “financially safe” and “morally safe” mean the same thing? Could a morally bad investment be doomed by the collective disapproval of Christian investors ? CHAPTER XII THE CHURCH AND INDUSTRY—THE SPIRIT OF THE GAME Romans 12. 9-21 Wuar part should the church play in the redemption of industry? What part is it actually playing? Is the subject too technical for the pulpit to deal with? Should the church take up controversial matters at the risk of dividing its constituency? Does the church command the respect of labor to-day? Does it command the respect of capital, or only its indulgent good will? Tue Puptprr’s DILEMMA It is one thing to say that Christianity has a message for industry and quite another to attempt to relate the church as an institution to industrial problems. If the church undertakes to become in any way responsible for the industrial policies maintained by its members and within the community which it serves, all sorts of em- barrassing questions may arise. The minister may at- tempt to admonish where he is not very well informed ; he may arouse antagonisms that will interfere with the internal life and harmony of the church itself; unfair discrimination may result; unfair judgments may be pro- nounced; the minister may get beyond his depth in eco- nomics; and so on through a long list of objections which are often heard. All these things may happen, do happen. But entirely different inferences are drawn from them by different groups of people. Many, probably the majority, of ministers and laymen are inclined to drop a ques- tion when it gets hot—not necessarily because they lack courage, but because they don’t know what to do. Ministers Versus LAYMEN At present it appears that the ministers are a bit readier 117 118 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY to take advance ground than the laymen. In a convention of the Massachusetts Diocese of the Protestant Episcopal Church early in 1923 it was proposed to initiate under ehurch auspices an investigation of the textile industry in order to learn why so many crises occur in it that have serious human consequences. ‘The proposal was voted down, the ministers being conspicuous among the minority and the laymen among the majority. But it must be recognized that there is no rush on the part of either the clergy or the laity to get the church into active participa- tion in industrial affairs. The prevailing view seems to be that the church must teach, and the pulpit must preach Christian principles as applicable to industry, but that the application must be left to the individual Christian. There is, however, an insistent minority that urges a more aggressive policy. 'They think that unless principles are concretely applied they are not really taught. They hold that if the preacher is weak on economics, he ought to study it. They argue that the church which partici- pated in the prohibition movement cannot consistently keep out of the movement for industrial betterment. They prefer what they consider a more active and effectual min- istry on the part of the church even though some animosi- ties may result and some people may leave the church in consequence. There is room for suspicion that many preachers would find the method of confining themselves to general prin- ciples an easy way out. People seldom fight over “gen- eral principles.” The minister who pronounced from his pulpit the unexceptionable moral admonition “Thou shalt not lie” secured no visible response, but when he particularized: “Thou shalt not lie in making out thy in- come-tax return,’ one of his elders left the church. The experience of educators indicates that we learn by contact with the particular, not by discussing generalities. FREEDOM OF THE PULPIT There are a number of examples of ministers who have used their pulpits to expound the social gospel fearlessly and have maintained their positions. There are also not THE CHURCH AND INDUSTRY 119 a few ministers who have lost their pulpits because of their liberal social views. It is often said that if a min- ister uses wisdom and maintains a Christian spirit, he can preach with the greatest freedom. Certainly it is important for the minister to remember that he is sup- posed to be a teacher of ethics, and that proclaiming is not necessarily teaching; also, that no good teacher tries to tell his whole story at once. There are preachers who have set about their social ministry as if they desired nothing so much as martyrdom, and one who is headed that way never has to wait very long. The progress of the Kingdom requires not merely men who are willing to lose their pulpits, but men who can retain them with- out compromise. Yet one would be rather credulous to suppose that mere tact and a benign countenance will get a socially minded preacher over the rough places. And why should the preacher be everywhere well spoken of? His Master most decidedly was not. And he gave his disciples a special warning against being spoken well of by everybody. John Wesley was troubled in spirit when he ceased to draw the hostile fire of the mob. He feared that if the “scandal of the cross” had ceased, there must be something wrong with his ministry. No doubt the founder of Methodism was a bit austere and not to be taken as an example in all things, but might not the modern preacher do well to take a Jeaf or two out of his book? There is a sense in which one is best known by the enemies he makes. Where would such a judgment leave most modern apostles of Christianity? If there is anything more questionable than to antagonize recklessly, it is to antagonize nothing or nobody. THe CouRAGE oF A LAYMAN There is surely something wrong with a church which lets its preacher stand on the firing line alone. Perhaps not many do just that, but is not the conception of the church as a militant organization getting a little rusty? It is a delightful thing for brethren to dwell together in peace and unity—if it is an honorable peace and a real unity. But the temptation to regard every departure 120 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY from complacent harmony as an evil is very strong among both ministers and laymen. It is amazing how many legitimate complaints a congregation can find a way to bring against a preacher who talks too boldly about the social transgressions of church members or the social sins of society. His mannerisms become more conspicuous, his conversation is less attractive, his family is less popular, when seen against the background of distasteful social and economic doctrine. Yet there are outstand- ing examples of fighting laymen—that is, of men and women who deliberately share the prophetic office of the minister and in a pinch make his fight their own. It is doubtful if any minister can long succeed unless he rears up a group of such spirits to his support. They serve more than one purpose. They hold up the min- ister’s hands; they support his faith and courage when he weakens; they supply the lay wisdom that a clergyman is likely to lack. More than this, a group of laymen may even bring a timid or recalcitrant minister forward to the front-line defenses. There are probably many laymen who secretly entertain a sort of contempt for a minister who is not a bold ethical leader even though they conceal this feeling by an external courtesy and deference. Facing INTIMIDATION It is a question whether many laymen who have ceased to take their minister seriously would not be better pleased with him if he preached a more virile gospel, even though they winced under his message. A certain minister in New England was warned by his leading layman on a Saturday night that he should recede from his announced intention of speaking on a local industrial dispute the following day. He quietly told that gentleman that he never allowed anyone to take such a liberty with him and terminated the interview. The address was given as planned and the layman had a change of heart. It must have been something of this element of fearless finality in the ministry of Jesus that led men to say of him, “He taught as one having authority.” Would it not be a whole- some thing if Christian laymen should assume a larger THE CHURCH AND INDUSTRY 121 measure of responsibility for the ethical platform of the church? If there is any courage needed, why leave it all to the man who has to risk his position and the living of his ehildren in order to exercise it? College trustees —or some of them—are coming to feel a definite respon- sibility, regardless of their own views, to preserve “aca- demic freedom.” A man well known in American finan- cial circles said recently of a college of which he was trustee: “I don’t approve of all the economics taught there, but I’m willing to have it taught. In a liberal institution the professors ought to be free.” Should not the preacher be as free as the college professor ? Tru CHurcH AS EMPLOYER At the convention of a great religious organization a year or so ago a telegram was received from the officers of a bookbinders’ union urging the churchmen to see to it that men and women who were working on Bibles and hymn books be paid a living wage! No matter what merit there may have been in their contention or their way of bringing it forward, the message of the union officials was rather startling. It called attention to the fact that a church body can have as serious a conflict with its em- ployees as often occurs in the case of a secular concern. _ And the points in dispute are the same—wages and work- ing conditions and recognition of the trade unions. It seems a little strange when a church body in its capacity as employer refuses to confer or to arbitrate or even to accept friendly offices of conciliation. Several of our church bodies have large publishing concerns. It should be said for them in this respect that probably in no indus- try have more provocative things occurred against the employers’ interest in recent years than in the printing trades. But the complexity of the problem only accentu- ates its importance. The duty of the church as an employer is not always clear. Is it sufficient that employees of the church be paid the going rate of wages, or should the church be con- sciously exemplary in these matters, going beyond what is required? Should the church as an employer seek to 122 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY exemplify the employer-employee relationship that we try to bring about in industry? Is it not worth considering that the church’s business ventures should be deliberately ut on a basis of moderate profit and under the most skillful human management, in order to make a demon- stration of Christian principles, even though it might mean a temporary loss in revenue? 1 3 Tap Cource sas InpUSTRIAL ARBITRATOR There is no question as to whether the minister can successfully act as arbitrator, for he has often done so. The dean of the Cathedral of Saint John the Divine in New York a few years ago gave an award in a quarry workers’ dispute that would have done credit to a skilled arbitrator. And the award was cheerfully accepted by both sides. There are doubtless many examples of such action that never become widely known. What could re- flect more honor upon the church than that its pulpit should be associated with the pronouncement of fair judg- ments in that area of human relationships which is most prolific of disturbances? But the minister when appealed to as an arbitrator acts as a citizen precisely as any other person would act under the same circumstances. It is a different situation when in the name of the church he inter- venes in a controversy against the opposition of one or both of the disputants. Is it a prerogative of organized religion to assert itself in such a situation? If the difficulty were one of law enforcement, the sup- pression of commercialized vice or the liquor or drug traffic, the church would not hesitate. Why should it hesitate in an industrial dispute which may have most serious, perhaps tragic, consequences for the whole com- munity? There is one obvious difference in the fact that in a reform crusade the church attacks outsiders only, while in an industrial dispute the disputants are probably both represented inside the church. “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” Hence, it is freely argued, the church should keep out. But that depends on how one looks at it. If regeneration, like charity, begins at home, should not the church act all the more quickly in a THE CHURCH AND INDUSTRY 123 matter which threatens to disrupt its own fellowship? Would it, perhaps, strengthen the grip of the church on its membership and on its community if it were to disci- pline its members more resolutely? It is at least arguable that the church was a more admirable as well as more potent institution when its prelates did not hesitate to discipline severely for moral offenses and even to deny fel- lowship to the persistent offender. Tur CHurcH’s CONTRIBUTION TO INDUSTRY This suggestion of the authority of the church brings us again to the essential principle of Christianity which the church exists to exemplify—the principle of fellow- ship. It is central in Christian teaching that men are brothers, and unless the suggestions put forward in this course are wrong, the key to Christianity’s power is in the fact of fellowship. It would seem, then, that the church— not merely the local congregation, but the whole church— has a definite ministry to a divided industrial world, namely, to unite the fragments of that world within its own fellowship. Is it not strange that employers who continually call for the recognition of partnership in indus- try do not realize that the one institution whose avowed purpose is to create the spiritual harmony on which “partnership” depends is an indispensable ally? Though the spokesman of organized religion can serve the indus- trial expert but little in his own technical field, the church has its own field of expertness; it is the field of human relations. In this field should not the supremacy of the church be unchallenged? Is there not a danger that when called on to perform this high and spiritual office the church may find the altar fires of its own fellowship burning too low to melt the animosities that divide mankind ? The church’s office in promoting fellowship not only gives it authority ; it is the substance of the church’s oppor- tunity. By definition, the church is a community—the “communion of the saints.” Many of these “saints” have, it is true, few of the visible accomplishments of sainthood, yet they “belong” to the church, and the church is their schoolmistress. A noted Christian teacher once said, “The 124 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY only way to know God as a Father jis to act like a son.” And no one can act like a son who cannot act like a brother. The chief business of the church, as Dr. Charles E. Jefferson has said, is to “build a brotherhood.” If the church can embrace, with a tie that binds, the men of industry who have been fighting one another, it will demon- strate its spiritual supremacy in the world. Tie DIFFERENCE BETWEEN A CHURCH AND A CLUB But this is not an ice-cream-social performance. A prominent churchman recently proclaimed his resentment of the charge that the church is not a friend to the work- ingman. He cited the welcome given to the plainly dressed stranger, and things of that sort. All this may be wholly true yet wholly irrelevant. The fellowship we are talking about is easily faked—for a while. People very easily fool themselves about it. The biggest aristo- crats imagine themselves democratic. The real question is not one of tolerance or even courtesy; it is one of re- spect, honor, companionship, friendship. The fellowship of the church capitalizes the things men hold in common, not those that separate them. It is something quite other than what the social club or the trade association or the trade union offers. In it a man finds his brother because he needs him—needs him not as a social or a business asset, but as a fellow. ' This fellowship cannot be bought; men have renounced fortunes for it. When it is exchanged for material prosperity, the things men set their hopes upon turn ashes. When the church ceases to be the home of that kind of fellowship, it ceases to serve the purpose for which that institution exists. PREPARING YouNG ProrPLE FoR LIFE Such a spiritual fellowship cannot be created overnight ; It is the product of education. Here is a task for the church school. To-day, to be sure, it teaches boys and girls that love and service are the great things in life, but somewhere between the Sunday-school stage and the adult stage of church membership much of this idealism disappears. The young idealists go to work for the mature } THE CHURCH AND INDUSTRY 125 realists, and in the process of coming to maturity and a knowledge of the world young people learn to distinguish between what is “practical” and what is “mere idealism,” just counsels of perfection, not to be taken too seriously. What is the reason? Is it, perhaps, to be found in our failure to teach Christian ethics concretely? We did not learn to walk while sitting in our high chairs. How can one learn what Christianity means for industry and business except by studying these subjects in the con- crete? An American member of the High Commission of the Rhineland, when relating to a group of ministers on his return to this country the tangle of European indus- try and trade, declared, “You ministers must study eco- nomics.” If the minister must get practical economics along with his ethics, what about the layman? In other words, the old game will “get’’ us all unless we are prepared and eager to play the new game. The stakes of the new game appeal only to those who have learned to love and honor their fellows and who can find satisfaction not in destructive competition, but only in mutual aid. It is the business of the church to prepare people to play for spiritual stakes. For tHE Discussion GROUP Which is the greater danger—that the pulpit will mis- place its influence in industrial affairs through lack of knowledge, or that it will have no influence at all? Would the average minister take a more active part in industrial affairs if he were assured of the sympathetic support of his laymen? Does the average layman want his minister to discuss these questions? Which is the proper course for a minister to follow— (a) Take sides definitely in industrial disputes when he is satisfied as to the merits of the controversy ? (6) Confine himself to the statement of general prin- ciples, and avoid pronouncing judgments? (c) Avoid industrial subjects altogether, giving his attention only to questions relating to individual char- acter and conduct? Do you know of cases where ministers have lost their 126 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY pulpits through plain utterances on economic and indus- trial questions? Was it due to courage or to recklessness? What is the difference? Are the churches usually generous employers? Are you thinking now of the minister’s salary or the janitor’s? What about the church publishing houses and administra- tive boards? A Jewish community has been known to deny ritualistic burial to a man who during his life took usury. How far would a Christian church go in discipline for a social offense? How far has it a right to go? Does a person who violates Christian principles in his business continue to feel at home among church people? If so, does it indicate Christian charity on the part of the congregation or something else? What do you think of the suggestion that a church body might forego profits in its publishing enterprises, for ex- ample, in order to conduct experiments in industrial rela- tions? Would it be more useful as an example if it should operate avowedly on a business basis in order to demon- strate that Christianity is not inconsistent with business success ? Does the average Sunday school fit young people for sie part in the game of life? If not, what is the rea- gon ! CHAPTER XIII BUILDING THE FELLOWSHIP IN INDUSTRY— THE GREAT ADVENTURE 2 Timothy 2. 3; Hebrews 11. 1; Revelation 21. 1-3 Is the kind of religion we have been presenting in this course one to command the respect of virile men? Must we be pacifists to be Christians? Are we willing to be called pacifists if bearing our Christian testimony incurs that epithet? Will young men enlist for the new game as readily as for the old competitive struggle? Have we as Christians sufficient faith for the great adventure to make Christianity regnant in the world? A “Mascuuine” ReELicion Perhaps the mere use of such a title calls for an apology to women. But it embodies an issue which the ideas presented in this course are sure to encounter sooner or later. There is a popular tendency to give great honor to what are called “he-man” traits of character. The manner of life that seems to be most admired by women as well as men has a large measure of combat in it. What little honor is given to pacifism is apologetically rendered. It is considered at best a negative virtue. We should prob- ably all have to agree that when Roosevelt spoke about “spineless pacifists” he was far from the New-Testa- _ ment ideal, and inaccurate in his description, but there was something elemental in the characterization that no one can escape. It is related that an imaginative moralist visited a public school in Philadelphia and told the pupils about a boy who was threatened by a bully and escaped a trounc- ing by bestowing upon his assailant a big red apple. The story left the children “cold.” Then another visitor arose and innocently remarked that it was the boy who was able and willing to fight who got the apple. This commentary 127 128 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY brought a storm of applause. Perhaps this is typical in more ways than one. The boy who preferred peace to a thrashing, even at the cost of rewarding conduct that, should have been condemned, is taken as a type of those who repudiate force. Most people \are not sufficiently interested in the pacifist position to state it fairly. It is still taken for granted that combat plays a primary part in life, whether one thinks of individuals or of nations. Too generally people who profess Christianity may be classified, with reference to their attitude toward its teach- ings, in two groups: those who limit the sphere of its application and spend most of their time out of that sphere, and those who make their own version of Chris- tianity, putting into it the “pep” which they think it lacks as ordinarily conceived. INDUSTRIAL. WAR AND THE WARS OF NATIONS It might seem at first glance that we are here mixing up our course of study with one on international relations. But the fact is that the ethical problems of industry are ‘one with the problem of war. It is the rivalries of indus- try and trade that constitute the most frequent cause of international disputes and hostile outbreaks. If the struggle going on in industry were satisfactorily termi- nated, there is good reason to think that there would sel- dom be occasion for war between nations. Moreover, the substitution of agreement for strife and of cooperation for competition is the same kind of a human task whether it is industrial groups or political governments that we seek to reconcile. It requires the same surrender of the “right” to get mad and demonstrate; the “right” to take what one has the power to take. It means getting one’s fun not out of trouncing someone but out of comrade- ship with him in doing something worth while both to him and to oneself. Tae THriItt or ComBAtT AND ADVENTURE There is something thrilling in war; everybody knows that. Likewise there is something thrilling in individ- ualistic industrial enterprise that develops independence, THE GREAT ADVENTURE 129 fearlessness, and hardihood. Even the cruel principle of “survival of the fittest” has an austere sublimity about it which the apostles of individualism have always made much of. The war against war is a deliberate effort to substitute other virtues for those that are paid for in human blood, to find channels of heroism that will con- serve manhood rather than destroy it. If this be pacifism, we must make the most of it. At any rate it is anything but spineless. It is a man-sized job—if the twentieth century has one to offer. The redemption of industry is a part of that great task. It means finding some other foundation for the structure of enterprise, invention, and creation that the modern world is building than the old foundation that was laid in poverty and bitterness and the wrecks of those who were not stalwart enough to en- dure the strain. It means a federation of workers of hand and brain, a traffic in the satisfactions of fellowship, that will make man’s spirit supreme over the things of. the flesh. BonDAGE To Pacan IpRALS it would be far from correct to say that our industrial history has been barren of social achievement. The old individualistic game has created a mechanism of produc- tion that was undreamed of a few centuries ago. The Industrial Revolution was manifestly one of the outstand- ing material achievements of history. But this great mechanical achievement, furnishing as it does the indis- pensable basis for a universal culture, has been totally inadequate on the side of motive. It whipped men up to the limit of what “enlightened self-interest’? can accom- plish. It has not even surveyed the possibilities of co- operative good will. Reliance upon self-interest as a mo- tive makes inevitable the appeal to force as a method. Throughout industry to-day we find the easy assumption that force is the answer to any perplexing question that arises in the field of industrial relations. War in indus- try is an institution well established, financially well sup- ported, for which leaders are especially trained and a professional technique has been developed. The making 130 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY of strikes is an art; equally so the breaking of strikes. If they should go out of vogue, a good many people would be out of a job. And they would not by any means be all labor leaders. Many men connected with manage- ment have as their chief qualification an ability to func- tion quickly and economically when “strong-arm” methods are desired. But these rather unlovely accomplishments have been carefully cultivated in industry on both sides and they cannot be scrapped overnight. Two Srets oF REVOLUTIONARIES Many people have become so weary of the contest going on in industry that they have felt like saying to the con- tending parties, “A plague on both your houses!” This feeling is responsible for the effort to take the whole matter out of the hands of employers and workers and put it in the control of the State. But that would be merely substituting a new regime of force for the old one, and it has thus far not succeeded. There are two groups of people who are to-day advanc- ing revolutionary doctrine with reference to the industrial -situation. On the one hand are those who advocate -abolishing summarily the present system of private prop- -erty and enterprise. On the other hand are those who advocate doing away with the machinery by which a ‘beginning has been made of joint government in industry through organizations of employers and workers. The first group of propagandists is little listened to in this country, but the second group has produced a great deal of industrial unrest. Perhaps it is only fair to say that they have been actuated in their aggressiveness by fear of what the propagandists of socialism might do. The net result, however, seems to be that the attention of the labor movement is focused on the efforts of employing interests to destroy it, and this means a continuance of belligerent tactics on labor’s part. It is, to be sure, argu- able that the solution of our labor problems is to be brought about not through any existing form of organ- ization or any present device of bargaining and agreement; certainly we have a long way to go before we shall have | THE GREAT ADVENTURE 131 an industrial government based on cooperation and good will. But those who are best informed and wisest look for the progressive redemption of the present industrial organization on both sides, not for the arbitrary overthrow of what has been gradually evolved in response to a neces- sity. Men cannot be made either happy or just until they are made free. Self-limitation in the interest of greater freedom—that is the spirit of the new game and the chart of the great adventure. Any plan for the reorganization of industrial life should take account of what we now find in industry—two fairly well-organized groups each contending for a set of “rights” which the other is unwilling or reluctant to recog- nize. To be sure, organized labor includes only a fraction of the industrial workers of America, but the fact re- mains that so many key industries, such as transporta- tion, coal mining, building, and printing, are strongly organized that the influence of the labor unions is quite out of proportion to their membership. This may be taken for granted, and would it not be wiser for employers and the public to accept it as a continuing condition in. industry ? THe REDIRECTION OF ForRCcE Given a free hand for the exercise of their proper func- tions, the belligerency of both workers’ and employers’ organizations may disappear. A wild lad who attached himself to a city Sunday school had his teachers nearly distracted with his disturbing conduct and the general destructiveness which organized itself wherever he was. By a stroke of inspiration he was appointed custodian of the hymn books. When that occurred he asked leave to address the school and made the following effective speech: “The first bloke that busts the back of one of these books will get his block knocked off.” It was not his destructiveness that was primary in the situation but his undirected activity. It was a simple matter to be use- ful when there was something worth doing at hand. The particular method of discipline that he adopted was hardly exemplary but that too improved in due course. 182 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY Nrw INCENTIVES The building of fellowship in industry is going on to-day, slowly, to be sure, but it is going on. And those who are engaged in it are getting a greater thrill out of the process than ever they had out of the old game. The old game yielded compensations not to be despised, but they were material and soon consumed. There is a limit to what one can consume. “Ror you can only wear one tie, And one eyeglass in your eye, Have one coffin when you die, Don’t you know?” But the stakes of the new game are measured in per- sonality and power and the joy of fellowship and the com- mon quest of nature’s secrets and the conquest of nature’s forces. There are industrial workshops which are psycho- logical laboratories in which men and women are finding out the possibilities of joint effort and the strength of newly released motives. We are on our way to a great demonstration. Could anything be more thrilling than to have a part in it? | Wuere War Has Gtven Way To PRACE The maintenance of peace and a high production rate in the garment industry in Chicago during the last dozen years is a monument to the constructive powers of even the most aggressive forces in industry when there is a will to create something new in the field of human rela- tions. Here the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, one of the strongest and most aggressive, so far as its philosophy is concerned, of the labor unions in this country, have developed in cooperation with the employers a sort of constitution for industrial relations and indus- trial rights with the avowed end of strengthening the interests of all parties concerned. It would be hard, per- haps, to connect this movement in any definite way with the development of “Christian ideals in industry,” because these people are nearly all Jews. But it is not the first illustration of the fact that the Hebrew race, a THE GREAT ADVENTURE 133 from which Christianity sprang, is likely to put the exponents of our religion under a heavy obligation for the refinement and application of Christian ideals. The work agreement that obtains in the factories of Hart, Schaffner & Marx in Chicago undertakes to secure to the employer the maintenance of “a high order of discipline and efficiency”; and to the workers in the plant “that they pass from the status of wage servants, with no claim on the employer save his economic need, to that of self-respecting parties to an agreement which they have had an equal part with him in making.” And as for the national union in whose name, representing the workers, the contract is negotiated, it undertakes “to maintain, strengthen, and solidify its organization so that it may be made strong enough . . to command the respect of the employer without being forced to resort to militant or unfriendly measures.” It seems impossible to contem- plate such a working agreement, whose success is a matter of several years’ demonstration, and still hold to the mih- taristic philosophy which so largely dominates the indus- trial world. To be sure, this plan of joint government is only the beginning of what we might call the creation of an indus- trial fellowship. It is still in the stage of bargaining, but there is the recognition of a mutual obligation to keep the agreement working and to maintain the integrity of the industry. It goes beyond the mere keeping of the industrial peace: the agreement calls expressly for “mutual consideration and concession, a willingness on the part of each party to regard and serve the interests of the other, so far as it can be done without too great a sacrifice of principle or interest.” Would not Jesus say to these Jews in the clothing industry, in so far as they seek to live up to such an ideal, “Ye are not far from the kingdom of God’? Tort New So.LiIpARITY It would be an imperfect account indeed if we should not notice such establishments as the Columbia Conserve Company, of Indianapolis, where a striking effort is be- 134 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY ing made to organize the entire personnel, brain and hand - workers, into a self-governing industrial unit, and where the president is deliberately trying to make the organiza- tion so effective that it will not need him; the Dutchess Bleachery at Wappingers Falls, New York, where in a textile establishment which offers many obstacles to the creation of fellowship, a notable demonstration of joint management is going on and a true partnership of effort is in the making. If space permitted, a considerable list of fruitful experiments might be given. The remarkable thing about all this is the fact that there is growing up in these establishments that very loyalty to the industry which employers have complained was lacking in the labor movement. The “solidarity” of labor which the employer fears readily gives way to a new solidarity in which loyalty to the industry is primary, and the service of the community is an ultimate ideal. Industrial establishments can be found to-day that present all stages of transition, from the old game of com- petitive self-interest to the new game of mutual service. Tt is true that the most notable approaches to an indus- trial fellowship are found in small institutions. Large employers are wont to say that such idealistic undertak- ings could not be carried out in large concerns. But the experience of the small establishment is vital to the Christian quest in industry. Great movements have modest beginnings. The small establishment is the best experiment station. This is an important fact when it is remembered that the vast majority of industrial con- cerns are small enough to make such experimentation possible. There are difficulties all along the line, but what is Christian faith for? Tre GREAT ADVENTURE What is driving these employers and workers—these “idealists” who are so ready to set at naught industrial traditions? It is all very simple when you have watched them for a while. They are playing a great game. Profits and wages are of secondary importance when men engage in the great adventure of making a Christian THE GREAT ADVENTURE 135 world. They feel the thrill of the fisherman-disciple who has heard the call, “Follow me, and I will make you a fisher of men”! To “carry on” there must be young men and women who will go into business precisely as others go into the foreign-missionary service. There must be young men of ideals who will take up industrial engineering as a profession. There must be men and women who will enter the labor movement with the same spirit that would take them into the most exalted public service. We quoted earlier a part of Burton Braley’s poem “Busi- ness Is Business,” In the concluding stanzas he has well characterized the great adventure: “Business is Business,” the Big Man said, “But it’s something that’s more, far more; For it makes sweet gardens of deserts dead, And cities it built now roar Where once the deer and gray wolf ran From the pioneer’s swift advance; Business is Magic that toils for man. Business is True Romance. “And those who make it a ruthless fight Have only themselves to blame If they feel no whit of the keen delight In playing the Bigger Game— The game that calls on the heart and head, The best of man’s strength and nerve; “Business is Business,” the Big Man said, “And that Business is to serve!” THe Conqurst or InpustrRY A religion to which the twentieth century will give allegiance must have a program as large as life. 'The biggest thing in life is the work men do; they can never be saved apart from it, only in it. Work itself must be redeemed, and the Christian program for its redemption is the building of the industrial fellowship. It is in the world of work, still more than on the far-flung battle line of our foreign missionary crusade, that Christianity must be vindicated and its supremacy established. Jt is in industry, where men have fought so bitterly, that the most 136 CHRISTIAN IDEALS IN INDUSTRY obstinate resistance to the Christian faith is being put forth. Industry is the great modern mission field. Men are to-day walking and working in darkness under the domination of pagan ideals of self-interest and conflict. It is the faith of a modern Christian that Christianity can penetrate and dispel that darkness and, in Milton’s splendid metaphor, create a soul under the ribs of death! For rue Discusston Group Why do we hear so much about a man’s religion? Are the so-called “masculine” traits in our religion the best traits ? Does human nature require the satisfactions of con- quest? Must it be gained through .personal encounter? Does “peace on earth to men of good will” have any defi- nite relation to the world of business and industry ? Is our continued dependence on force—physical, mili- tary, and economic—due to a natural love of combat, or does fear play a part in it? Why is the military hero accorded first place in human esteem? Is this as true to-day as formerly? Who has gained the largest measure of satisfaction out of life— Marshal Foch or Thomas Edison? Ts there more romance in the struggles and hazards of business enterprise than in acts of moral heroism and social endeavor? Who had more fun out of living—Jacob Riis or the elder J. P. Morgan? What was the incentive of the “dollar-a-year men” who gave their services to the government during the war? Is it possible to develop a similar incentive in time of peace? Are the demonstrations of cooperation in industry that are cited in the text significant or are they the result of an unusual idealism of which most people are incap- able? What would the average employer say about them? To-day we send ministers, teachers, and doctors into our mission fields. Why not industrial experts and engineers ? Ts it fact or fancy that “business is true romance”? Is it more or less true than it used to be? What have we as individuals had to do with it? 5 * ‘ bah 74) Lane | ) Ok Rees het aes Lvamae pee be ; Pa! he OE Vi oe Nr j bt 5*s | Librar y- yeminar Theologic rinceton ee teitie nity? | | IM Il MI | l + Ps af ) ek +14, O © =) a. O N O ve 4 visits ered be thas eet aati +