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PAUL: A STUDY IN SOCIAL 
 AND RELIGIOUS HISTORY 
 

 
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 A STUDY IN SOCIAL AN 
 RELIGIOUS HISTORY 
 
 BY 
 
 ADOLF DEISSMANN 
 
 D.THEOL, (MARBURG); D.D, (ABERDEEN, ST. ANDREWS, MANCHESTER) 
 PROFESSOR ORDINARIUS OF NEW TESTAMENT EXEGESIS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN 
 CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ARCHZOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF THE GERMAN REICH 
 AUTHOR OF ‘‘ LIGHT FROM THE ANCIENT EAST” 
 
 TRANSLATED BY 
 
 WILLIAM E. WILSON, B.D. 
 
 PROFESSOR OF NEW TESTAMENT THEOLOGY AND CHRISTIAN ETHICS 
 IN THE SELLY OAK COLLEGES, BIRMINGHAM 
 
 SECOND EDITION, FULLY REVISED AND ENLARGED 
 
 WITH SIX AUTOTYPE PLATES AND SEVEN DIAGRAMS 
 
 H@BBER AND STOUGHTON 
 LIMITED LONDON 
 1926 
 
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 Made and Printed in Great Britain by 
 THE ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS LIMITED, ABERDEEN 
 
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PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION 
 
 Tus new edition of my ‘ Paul’? (published in German 
 in 1925) represents a thorough revision of the first 
 edition, which had been out of print for many years 
 both in German and English. Amongst the additions 
 are discussions concerning the principles essential to 
 the cult and its various types, concerning the history of 
 primitive Christianity regarded as a developing cult, 
 and concerning the essential nature and types of mysti-_ 
 cism.? The peculiarity of the Pauline Christ-mysticism | 
 has been brought out altogether more sharply than 
 before. I hope that this may serve to clear away 
 some of the manifold misunderstandings to which my 
 interpretation especially of Christ-mysticism has been 
 exposed. I hope to be able to continue the discussion 
 of Pauline problems in a book of ‘Pauline Studies,’ 
 already long in hand, which will be published by 
 J. C. B. Mohr, Tiibingen. I take this opportunity 
 of thanking my dear friends Mr. Lionel R. M. Strachan 
 and Professor William E. Wilson for their careful work 
 
 as translators. 
 ADOLF DEISSMANN. 
 
 BERLIN- WILMERSDORF, 
 PRINZREGENTENSTRASSE, 6, January, 1926. 
 
 1 St. Paui. A Study in Social and Religious History, translated by Lionel 
 R. M. Strachan, London, 1911. Since the issue of that work the chief lines of my 
 interpretation of Paul’s religion were given in my Selly Oak Lectures, 1923, pub- 
 lished under the title: The Religion of Jesus and the Faith of Paul, translated by 
 William E. Wilson, London, 1923. A Swedish edition was issued, Stockholm, 
 1925, a Japanese, Tokyo, 1926. 
 
 2 [Here and almost always in other places throughout the book the English 
 word ‘Mysticism’ translates the German ‘ Mystik’ not ‘ Mysticismus’ (see below, 
 p. 147 ff.) —W.E.W.]. 
 
 vil 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION 
 
 An Anatolian, Paul, a man of the ancients, a homo 
 novus, rising from the mass of the insignificant many, 
 heeded by no man of letters among his pagan con- 
 temporaries, yet destined to be a leading personality in 
 the world’s history ; a homo religiosus, at once a classic 
 of mysticism and a most practical man of affairs; a 
 prophet and dreamer, crucified to the world in Christ, 
 yet for ever memorable as a citizen of the world and 
 traveller in it, and still moulding the world at the 
 present moment—such is the man whose outlines I 
 have been seeking to portray. After long years devoted 
 to the study of the ancient records of Paul and their 
 modern interpreters, it was my rare good fortune to 
 find a new teacher to supplement those to whom I shall 
 always look up with gratitude, the old teachers at home. 
 This new teacher is in no sense academic: paper and 
 paragraphs are unknown to her; all that she teaches 
 she dispenses with generous hand in the bright sunshine 
 and open air—she is in fact the world of the South 
 and East, the world of Paul. If the western stranger — 
 approach this mistress but reverently beneath the olive- 
 trees, she will gladly, and with a mother’s joy, speak to 
 him of her great son. 
 
 Two journeys to the East, in 1906 and 1909, enabled 
 me to realise the long-cherished hope of seeing with my 
 own eyes the places where the primitive gospel was 
 preached and Paul’s life-work was done. With some 
 small exceptions I visited all the places of importance 
 in the primitive history of Christianity, and I think I 
 may say that I gained a general impression of the struc- 
 ture of the Pauline world which to me personally has 
 increased in value and effect from year to year. There 
 
 Viii 
 * 
 
PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 1X 
 
 is no need to labour the point ; the advantages of such 
 journeys to the student can only be ascertained by 
 actual trial. If the traveller goes in a teachable spirit, 
 and leaves at home all conceit of his own superior 
 civilisation, he will learn to see things in their true 
 relief and to view them from the proper distance. He 
 sees what light and shade are, and the meaning of 
 heights and depths. His appreciation of simplicity and 
 wild spontaneous growth, and of things not yet harmon- 
 ised and conventionalised, becomes keener ; wondrous 
 problems of classification and division suggest them- 
 selves; the extremes of contrast between the modern 
 book-culture of the West and the ancient non-literary 
 culture of Anatolia become tangible. [Il fares it, on 
 the other hand, with our painful inheritance from the 
 scholar’s study—the microscopic ingenuity, inexorable, 
 and overweening in its ignorance of the world, which 
 rules straight lines with wooden ruler and cuts out 
 boldly with scissors of steel. Even Doctor Bahrdt* re- 
 turning to Giessen, would not say again to the Four 
 Evangelists : 
 Become like one of ourselves I implore you, 
 Spruce, dapper, sleek—or they'll ignore you. 
 
 Summing up the effect of my travels upon myself, I 
 may say that the good germs of an historical apprecia- 
 tion of Paul, which I owed to my teachers and my own 
 studies, underwent new growth in the apostle’s own 
 field and beneath the rays of his sun, but that many 
 
 ‘(Karl Friedrich Bahrdt (1741-1792), a notorious Professor of 
 Theology at Giessen, whose ‘ New Revelations of God in Epistolary 
 and Narrative Form,’ an attempted modernisation of the New Testa- 
 
 ment, was satirised by Goethe in a ‘ Prologue’ (1774), in which occurs 
 the couplet : 
 
 ‘So miisst ihr werden, wie unser einer, 
 Geputzt, gestutzt, glatt—’s gilt sonst keiner.’ 
 
 —L.RMS.] 
 
x PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 
 
 rank shoots that had sprung up in the shade of the 
 school walls withered under the same beams. Never 
 for one moment, however, have I experienced the ‘ dis- 
 appointment’ which has come to be characteristic of 
 the newspaper writer of letters from abroad. The New 
 Testament and the prophets whose souls are vibrant in 
 the Sacred Book, have become greater to me than 
 before. 
 
 Therefore beside the Paul who has been turned into 
 a western scholastic philosopher, beside the aristo- 
 cratised, conventionalised, and modernised Paul, now 
 suffering his eighth imprisonment in the paper bondage! 
 of ‘Paulinism,’ I would fain set the Paul whom I think’ 
 to have seen at Tarsus, Jerusalem and Damascus, in 
 Antioch, Lycaonia, Galatia, Ephesus, and Corinth, and 
 whose words became alive to me at night on the decks 
 of Levant shipping, and to the sound of birds of passage 
 winging their flight towards the Taurus—alive in their 
 passionate emotion, the force of their popular appeal, 
 and their prophetic depth. I mean Paul the Jew, who 
 in the days of the Cesars breathed the air of the 
 Mediterranean and ate the bread which he had earned by 
 the labour of his own hands; the missionary whose 
 dark shadow fell on the glittering marble pavement 
 of the great city in the blinding glare of noon; the 
 mystic devotee of Christ who, so far as he can be com- 
 prehended historically at all, will be understood not as 
 the incarnation of a system but as a living complex of 
 inner polarities which refuse to be parcelled out—con- 
 tending torces the strain of which he once alluded to 
 himself in writing to the saints at Philippi :—' 
 
 I am in a strait betwixt the two. 
 
 I have a word to add concerning what I regard as 
 an important conception strongly urged in the following 
 pages. The whole development of early Christianity— 
 
 1 Phil. 1, 28, cvvéxopar éx tav dvo. 
 
PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION XI 
 
 to which Adolf Harnack has lately applied the term 
 ‘double gospel,’ i.e. the gospel of Jesus and the gospel 
 of Jesus the Christ—appears to me to be an advance 
 from the gospel of Jesus to the cult of Jesus Christ, 
 that cult deriving its sustenance and its lines of direc- 
 tion from the gospel of Jesus and the mystic contempla- / 
 tion of Christ. This view, which regards the apostles 
 as devotees of a cult (not of course to be confused with 
 an established religion), seems to me to do greater 
 justice to the essential nature of Primitive Christianity 
 than any other that has been formulated. No other 
 excludes altogether the possibility of mistaking the de- 
 velopment of primitive Christianity for something in 
 the main doctrinal. The emphasis which I have laid 
 on the development of the gospel into the cult is nothing 
 ‘recent’ on my part, as William Benjamin Smith * seems 
 to assume (meaning, I suppose, subsequent to the publi- 
 cation of his ‘ Prechristian Jesus’). It goes back many 
 years, and will even be found in my writings before the 
 appearance of Smith’s book, the hypotheses and pre- 
 suppositions in which, by the way, do not commend 
 themselves to me. 
 
 My sketch of Paul is founded on eight lectures 
 which I delivered in German by invitation of the Olaus 
 Petri Trustees at the University of Upsala in March, 
 1909, and which were immediately published in a 
 Swedish translation.’ 
 
 ADOLF DEISSMANN. 
 
 BERLIN- WILMERSDORF, 
 19 July, 1911. 
 
 1 Der Vorchristliche Jesus, 2nd Ed., Jena, 1911, p. xxvii. 
 
 2 Paulus. Hn kultwr- och religionshistorisk skiss, Stockholm, 1910, 
 2nd Ed., 1918. 
 
TRANSLATOR’S NOTE 
 
 On the title page of every book by Professor Deissmann 
 issued to the English-speaking public we have come to 
 expect to see the words ‘Translated by Lionel R. M. 
 Strachan.’ Unfortunately Mr. Strachan was unable to 
 give the time necessary. to preparing a second edition of 
 Paul, and I was asked to undertake it instead. 
 
 There have been many additions and alterations, and 
 these are not confined to the two considerable subjects 
 mentioned in the Author’s preface, the discussion of cult. 
 and mysticism, but are also to be met with in smaller 
 modifications on almost every page. ‘The present is 
 therefore in the main an independent translation, though 
 in making it [ have constantly referred to the excellent 
 translation made fourteen years ago by Mr. Strachan, 
 and have not infrequently availed myself of his render- 
 ings; for which help and for his courtesy to me in the 
 matter I offer my hearty thanks. 
 
 At the Author’s desire, both on the title page and 
 throughout the book, the name of the Apostle stands 
 alone without the prefix ‘St.’ He has been much 
 impressed by the reasons given by Dr. Peake in the 
 preface to his Commentary on the Bible for the omission 
 of this title (op. cit., p. xiii). 
 
 I cannot close without expressing my thanks to 
 Professor Deissmann for his kindness in promptly 
 answering all my questions concerning renderings, and 
 for invaluable help in reading the proofs. 
 
 WILLIAM EH. WILSON. 
 
 WooDBROOKE, SELLY Oak, 
 BIRMINGHAM, 1926. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 PAGE 
 THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES . : : : : ] 
 . 
 CHAPTER II 
 THe WoRrRLD oF PAUL : d : , A WAL 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 Paun THE Man : , : : : : Oa 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 PauL THE JEW ! ’ 4 ‘ : : ; oad 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Pavut THE CHRISTIAN : : ; : ; : AB 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 PavuL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued). . 138 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 PAvuL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) . . 189 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 PauL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) . : ; ei Loos 
 CHAPTER IX 
 PauL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) . ; . 205 
 
 xii 
 
~ 
 
 X1V CONTENTS 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 Pau THE APOSTLE . 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 Paut IN THE Worup’s Renicious History 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 THE PROCONSULATE OF L. Junius GALLIO 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 On THE ALTAR TO THE UNKNOWN GoD 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 Santa Croce, FrorenceE. By Orto Crusius . 
 
 APPENDIX IV 
 
 DIAGRAMS . 
 
 INDICES 
 I. Puaces, Persons, SuBJECTS 
 II]. GREEK WorDs . 
 
 IfI. Passages 
 
 PAGE 
 
 221 
 
 253 
 
 261 
 
 292 
 
 293 
 
 301 
 311 
 312 
 
PLATES 
 
 I. Tae Gauuio INSCRIPTION FRoM DELPHI . . Thtle page 
 
 PAGE 
 TI, FRAGMENT OF A LETTER KELATING TO ANCIENT CULT-PROPA- 
 
 GANDA—FRONT  . ; ‘ \ : é A i 12 
 
 (Ul. Fraament or A LETTER RELATING TO ANCIENT CULT-PROPA- 
 GANDA—BACK . ‘ f : 13 
 
 LV. PrRoBaBLE RESTORATION OF THE TEXT OF THE GALLIO 
 INSCRIPTION ; i ; ; : : OR LH be 
 
 VY. ALTAR FROM THE Hony PREcINctTS oF DEMETER IN PER- 
 GAMUM—FT'ronT (1st Dedication) . . . 286 
 
 VI. AtTaR FROM THE Hoty Precincts oF DEMETER IN PER- 
 GaMuM—LEFT S1pDE (2nd Dedication) : a 1S 
 

 
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CHAPTER I 
 THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 
 
 Two names contain in themselves the primitive history 
 of Christianity : the names of Jesus and Paul. ak 
 
 Jesus and Paul—these two do not stand side by 
 side as first and second. [From the broadest historical 
 standpoint Jesus appears as the One,’ and Paul as the 
 first after the One, or—in more Pauline phraseology— 
 as the first in the One. 
 
 Consciousness of His own personality—this is the 
 living force in Jesus from which proceeds that soul- 
 stirring movement which has continued to work among 
 mankind through the centuries down to the present 
 day. This consciousness is seli-supported : Jesus stands 
 in history linking heaven and earth together, but He 
 stands in lonely majesty and might: He himself alone.’ 
 Paul needs some foundation. What Paul is, he is in 
 Christ.’ 
 
 But compare Paul with the others. Then Paul is 
 spiritually the Great Power of the Apostolic Age: he 
 laboured more,* and not only laboured more, but 
 created more than all the others. 
 
 Therefore the others recede behind him, and there- 
 fore the historian, as he surveys the beginnings of 
 Christianity, sees Paul as first after Jesus. 
 
 1The expression is Pauline, Rom. v. 17, 19. Cf. 1 Cor. viii. 6, 
 and other places. 
 2 John vi. 15, atrds povos. 
 $- Phil, iv. 13. 4 1 Cor. xvet0. 
 3 
 
mee 
 
 4 PAUL 
 
 Visible though it be to a great distance, the historic 
 personality of Jesus is not easy for research to grasp ;. 
 the personal interval is too immense, and the hiero- 
 glyphics of the gospels have not all been deciphered. 
 Paul stands nearer and is more easily accessible to us. 
 
 Paul indeed is regarded to-day by many as gloomy 
 as well as great. But the darkness is largely due to 
 the bad lamps in our studies, and the modern con- 
 demnations of the Apostle as an obscurantist who 
 corrupted the simple. gospel of the Nazarene with 
 harsh and difficult dogmas, are the dregs of doctrinaire 
 study of Paul, mostly in the tired brains of gifted 
 amateurs. 
 
 If, however, we place the man of Tarsus in the 
 
 } sunlight of his Anatolian home and in the clear air of 
 
 the ancient Mediterranean world, among the simple 
 people of his own social class, what before pained our 
 eyes like faint and faded pencil sketches, becomes 
 suddenly plastic, alive with light and shade like some 
 mighty relief of ancient date. 
 
 Not that we can completely restore this relief. We 
 shall only gain fragments; but they will be important 
 fragments, essential fragments, from which we can 
 reconstruct, at least hypothetically, the proportions and 
 lines of the whole, if we have learnt to view fragments 
 not as scraps but as integral parts. ; 
 
 That is exactly the task of the modern investigation 
 
 of Paul; to come back from the paper Paul of our 
 
 western libraries, from the Germanised, dogmatised, 
 modernised, stilted Paul, to the historic Paul, through 
 the labyrinth of the ‘ Paulinism’ of our New Testament 
 Theology to gain contact once more with the actual 
 Paul of ancient days. 
 
 The research in the nineteenth century on Paul is 
 both by its thoroughness and the magnitude of its 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 5 
 
 production one of the most imposing achievements of 
 the scientific study of religion. But taken altogether it 
 has been most strongly influenced by interest in Paul, 
 the theologian, and in the ‘theology’ of Paul. Along- 
 side the enormous discussion of literary questions, 
 especially about the genuineness of the Pauline epistles 
 and their relationship to the ‘ Acts of the Apostles,’ it 
 is chiefly the so-called ‘System’ of Pauline Theology,’ 
 or ‘Paulinism’ that three generations have wrestled 
 over.” 
 
 But with this doctrinaire direction the study of 
 Paul has gone further and further astray. It has 
 placed one factor which is certainly not absent from 
 Paul, but is in no way the historically characteristic, 
 theological reflection, in the foreground, and has only 
 too often undervalued the really characteristic traits of 
 the man, the prophetic power of his religious experience, 
 and the energy of his practical religious lie. The 
 doctrinaire study of Paul has left, moreover, a great 
 riddle unsolved: the open question how far the 
 ‘Paulinism’ of its discovering was the seat of those 
 
 1 Naturally much turns on the question, what one means by 
 System; no one should overlook the carefully weighed sentences of 
 Arthur 8. Peake in The Quintessence of Paulinism, Manchester, 
 1917-1918. 
 
 2 A remarkable scientific parallel to the doctrinaire study of Paul 
 is the doctrinaire study of Plato in the nineteenth century, cf. Paul 
 Wendland, Die Aufgaben der platonischen Forschung, Nachrichten der 
 K. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, Geschiaftliche 
 Mitteilungen, 1910, 2 Heft: ‘It may now confidently be said that 
 the comprehensive exposition of the system, however indispensable it 
 may be on didactic grounds, is, from the scientific point of view, a 
 wrongly stated and therefore an insoluble problem’ (p. 97). ‘A 
 system can be worked out with certainty only in the case of thinkers 
 who have employed the form of the systematic didactic treatise. The 
 same problem must fail, or is only approximately soluble in the case 
 of Plato, Paul, Luther (p. 98), and Goethe, whose writings are not in 
 the least adapted to systematic exposition’ (p. 99). There follows 
 then a polemical protest against Zeller’s presentation of Plato. 
 
6 | PAUL 
 
 vital forces which must have had a missionary effect, 
 because they carried away the simple people of the 
 Mediterranean world. I am afraid that the people of 
 Iconium, Thessalonica and Corinth would all of them 
 have shared the fate of EKutychus of Troas,' if they had 
 been compelled to listen to the paragraphs of modern 
 ‘Paulinism ’ dealing with ‘ Christology,’ ‘ Hamartiology,’ 
 and ‘ Eschatology.’ 
 
 Paul at his best belongs not to Theology, but to 
 Religion. 
 
 Paul, of course, had been a pupil of theologians and 
 had learnt to employ theological methods; he even 
 employed them as a Christian missionary. But for all 
 that the tent-maker of Tarsus ought not to be classed 
 along with Origen, Thomas Aquinas and Schleier- 
 macher: his place is rather with the herdsman of 
 Tekoa, and with Tersteegen, the ribbon-weaver of 
 /Miilheim. Paul the theologian looks backward to 
 Rabbinism. Paul the religious genius gazes into the 
 future history of the world. 
 
 Paul is essentially first and foremost a hero of 
 religion. The theological element in him is secondary. 
 naiveté in him is stronger than reflection; mysticism 
 stronger than dogmatism ; Christ means more to him 
 than Christology, God more than the doctrine of God. 
 He is far more a man of prayer, a witness, a confessor 
 and a prophet, than a learned exegete and close think- 
 ing scholastic. 
 
 To show that this is so, is, I consider, the object of 
 this sketch. There is to be no attempt to plumb the 
 depths of the manifold problems concerning the exter- 
 nal facts of Paul’s biography. Even the questions of 
 
 1 Acts xx. 9 ff. The excellent Hutychus, a warning to all who 
 sleep in church, must certainly have been one of the very few people 
 who could manage to fall asleep while Paul was speaking. 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 7 
 
 chronology * and literary criticism must give place to 
 the chief task of displaying the character of the man in 
 the light of social and religious history. 
 
 For the task so set, the question of sources becomes 
 comparatively simple. P 
 _ In the wider sense of the word the sources for dis- 
 playing the character of Paul in the light of social and 
 religious history are the documents of the ancient 
 Mediterranean world at the time of the great religious 
 change. KHspecially valuable is the testimony to the 
 social environment of Paul presented to us in the 
 records of the middle and lower classes? to be gleaned 
 from the great mass of recently discovered letters and 
 papyri. 
 
 Sources in the narrower sense are primitive Christian 
 documents, first and foremost Paul’s own letters, then 
 the Book of Acts by Luke, but also everything else 
 which in any way bears a reflection of the personality 
 of Paul. I think chiefly of the Johannine writings in 
 which there pulses the warm life-blood of Paul’s 
 devotion to Christ. John is the oldest and the greatest 
 interpreter of Paul.’ 
 
 The problem of sources, in so far as it applies to 
 the letters left by Paul, has become complicated, not 
 
 1'The chief chronological problem only is discussed in the 
 appendix. 
 
 Compare my book, Licht vom Osten. Das Neue Testament und 
 die neuenteckten Texte der hellenistisch-romischen Welt, 4. vollig neu 
 bearbeitete Aufl., Tubingen, 1923. An English translation of this 
 edition is in preparation and will be issued by Messrs. Hodder & 
 Stoughton, Ltd., under the title Light from the Ancient Kast. 
 
 3JIn these lines is indicated the result of a great and important 
 piece of research, which has busied me for decades. Critics who 
 think they can set aside my thesis with a superior wave of the hand, 
 would be better advised to test it by carefully working over the 
 material themselves. 
 
8 PAUL 
 
 indeed by its own means, but through a fatal vicious 
 circle in which the study of Paul has often moved. 
 Because the personality of Paul has been transferred 
 from the naive to the premeditated, from the religious 
 to the theological, his letters also have been transposed 
 from the unliterary to the literary class, and by the help 
 of these literary letters the attempt has been made 
 to represent the Apostle as a literary man and a 
 dogmatist. 
 
 The letters of Paul thus share with their writer the 
 fate of being frequently misjudged. I do not refer to 
 single cases of exegetical misunderstanding, but to a 
 false valuation as a whole. Their intimate peculiar 
 character—their soul—has been misunderstood. They 
 have been regarded as treatises, as pamphlets in the 
 form of letters, in any case as literary productions, as 
 the theological works of the primitive Chrisnes dog- 
 matic theologian. 
 
 ¥ This momentous misunderstanding, that the 
 Apostle’s letters have been rooted up and laid in the 
 herbarium, is to some extent excused by the fact that 
 in Paul’s time in cultured circles the letter was actually 
 employed as a form of literary production.’ The 
 literary letter, to which to distinguish it from the real 
 letter we shall give the technical name ‘ Epistle,’ was 
 throughout the whole of the later period of antiquity 
 one of the favourite forms of literary art. We find the 
 epistle not only amongst Greeks and Romans, but also | 
 amongst the Hellenistic Jews; it was afterwards much 
 favoured by the Christian /iterati of the ancient Church 
 and even to the present day plays a great role in our 
 modern literature. But it is in essential characteristics 
 
 1 For what follows cf. the discussion ‘Prolegomena, to the Biblical 
 Letters and Epistles’ in my Bible Studies, 2nd Ed., Edinburgh, 1903, _ 
 pp. 1-59. 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 9 
 
 something other than the letter, and if we wish to form 
 a just historical estimate of Paul’s letters we must seek 
 to understand them as unliterary letters as distinguished 
 from literary epistles. 
 
 What then is a Letter? And what is an Epistle ? 
 
 A letter serves separated people instead of con- 
 versation. Jt is an ‘I’ that speaks to a ‘you.’ 
 Individual and personal, only intended for the person 
 or persons addressed, it is not destined for publication,’ 
 even by custom and right it is protected from publica- 
 tion. It is private. The real letter is unliterary, just 
 as is a receipt or a lease. It concerns only the one who 
 has written it, and the one who is to open it, whether 
 the addressee intended be a single person or a family or 
 other circle of persons. Its contents are as varied as 
 life itself. The letter may be trifling, commonplace, 
 passionate, kindly, trivial, wearisome, and it may reflect 
 human fate or family tragedy, moving the souls of 
 writer and recipient to mountain heights or to abysmal 
 depths. 
 
 It is otherwise with the epistle. It is a literary 
 artistic form, like the drama, the epigram, the dialogue. 
 
 1 The vexed question, letter or epistle, finally turns on the intention 
 of the writer. Heinrich Wolfflin has therefore rightly distinguished 
 the unliterary letters of Albrecht Diirer from his ‘books,’ using almost 
 the same formule that I have used in regard to Paul: ‘In addition to 
 the books, fragmentary writings have also been presented, which were 
 never intended for publication, letters and diaries .. .’ (Albrecht 
 Diirers schrifilicher Nachlass ... , edited by Ernst Heidrich, with 
 an introduction by Heinrich Wolfflin, Berlin, 1918, p. 359). That 
 great numbers of the real letters of great men have later on, like 
 Paul’s letters, come to be classed as literature, cannot alter their 
 original nature. All literatures contain documents which in origin 
 and intention were unliterary. Indeed it might even be said, the 
 more of such unliterary developed documents that a literature has 
 rescued, the higher it itself stands and by so much less does it as a 
 whole give the impression of being a manufactured and only literary 
 product. 
 
10 PAUL 
 
 The epistle has only the outer form of a letter; apart 
 from that it is the opposite of the real letter. It intends 
 to interest and influence a public, or even the public. 
 Since to be published is in its very nature, it uses the 
 personal note only to preserve the illusion that it is a 
 ‘letter.’ If the letter is private, the epistle is a market- 
 able article. It does not go forth to the world as a 
 single sheet of papyrus like the letter, but from the 
 very first it is reduplicated by the slaves of the book- 
 seller in the great city; it is intended to be bought, 
 read and discussed in Alexandria, in Ephesus, Athens 
 and Rome. 
 
 Thus the epistle is distinguished from the letter 
 just as the historical drama is distinguished from a 
 
 piece of actual history, or a Platonic dialogue from | 
 
 confidential conversation; just as the conventional 
 unctuous Life of a saint differs from the account in 
 which by word or pen the eye-witnesses picture to their 
 co-religionists the martyrdom, with phrases halting from 
 emotion, or from the protocol which gives in the 
 briefest and most businesslike manner the details of 
 the action against the confessor,’ without a thought of 
 producing literature. Epistle and letter are dis- 
 tinguished like art and nature, like the conventionalised 
 and the natural growth, like the premeditated and the 
 naive. 
 
 Certainly there are midway between letter and 
 epistle aiso mixed types, letter-like epistles and epis- 
 tolary letters, that is to say naive epistles, lightly 
 dashed off, and unnatural, tortured letters lacking in 
 naturalness and originality. But the existence of these 
 
 1For this distinction (also for the understanding of the gospel 
 accounts of the passion) cf. the exceedingly important contributions 
 of Ulrich Wilcken, Zum alexandrinischen Antisemitismus. Abbh. der 
 philos.-hist. Klasse der Kgl. Sachs. Ges. der Wissenschaften, Bd. 27, 
 Nr. 23, Leipzig, 1909. 
 
 ae 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 11 
 
 intermediate species does not set aside the fact of, and 
 the importance of, the distinction between letter and 
 epistle. And the question in particular still remains 
 to be settled: in which of the two groups are the letters 
 of Paul to be placed ? 
 
 Here the ancient world offers us a wealth of material 
 for comparison. eal unliterary letters have, for ex- 
 ample, come down to us from Epicurus and Cicero ; 
 but besides these we have in hundreds of examples 
 actual original private letters written in the Hellenistic- 
 Roman period by Egyptian men and women on papyri 
 and potsherds.* There is no room for doubt that these 
 are real letters, and their formal peculiarities, such as 
 preescript, religious wishes at the beginning, formulee of 
 greeting and other details have made possible quite a 
 new insight into the ancient letter. 
 
 On the other hand, we have a wealth of literary 
 letters in the prose epistles for example of Lysias, 
 Aristotle, and Seneca, as also of the poetical epistles of 
 Horace and Ovid; and a point of especial importance 
 for our problem of sources is that even before Paul the 
 epistle form had entered the literature of Hellenistic 
 Judaism, as the examples of the Epistle of Aristeas 
 which deals with the origin of the Septuagint and a 
 pamphlet against the worship of idols, the self-styled 
 ‘Epistle of Jeremiah,’ indicate. 
 
 It would therefore in itself be not in the least 
 impossible that Paul also might have written epistles, 
 and should therefore be classed as a man of literature 
 —the more so, because in the New Testament alongside 
 the letters of Paul there are other texts which appear 
 to be letters, yet are undoubtedly to be described as 
 
 1 Cf. the selection in Licht vom Osten, 4th edition, pp. 119-1938, and 
 the other collections of letters there (p. 119) noted. 
 
12 PAUL 
 
 literary epistles : perhaps the clearest case is the Epistle 
 of James. 
 
 And yet, when once the significance of the dis- 
 tinction between unliterary and literary production 1s 
 known and acknowledged, there can be no doubt of the 
 unliterary character of Paul’s letters. Unfortunately 
 we are all far too deeply embedded in the merely 
 literary, and even Christianity, become literary, has far 
 too great a respect for rows of folios. Therefore the 
 liberation of Paul’s letters from the literary class is 
 easily felt by one and another as a form of depreciation. 
 And for all that, through this very liberation, the 
 historical (and religious) value of those pages is extra- 
 ordinarily increased. Here also we may assert ‘ That 
 a quite unusual power of expressing character at first 
 hand dwells in these things’? 7 
 
 A mere comparison of the formule of Paul’s letters 
 with the corresponding peculiarities of the Pa'yprus- 
 letters of the same time makes the unliterary character 
 of the Pauline documents clear. That these texts were 
 the outcome of a definite situation, which could not be 
 repeated, and, referring only to this peculiar situation, 
 are not productions of literary art but of real life, is 
 obvious on a more exact interpretation of the letters 
 themselves. In some cases this is clearer, in others — 
 not so striking, though in the end not to be gainsaid. 
 Documents unfold themselves to us, documents of the 
 early apostolic cure of souls, intimate between man and 
 man, relics of the propaganda of religion, of the mis- 
 sionary work of the Apostles, of the guidance of their 
 churches, ‘survivals’ in the sense of the technical 
 language of historical research.? Paul wrote these 
 
 1 Wolfflin in the work already quoted on Diirer’s unliterary letters. 
 2 A heathen parallel of exceptional value has lately come to light. 
 The letter (see translation and explanation in Licht vom Osten, 
 p. 121 ff.) of Zoilos, the worshipper of Serapis, to the Egyptian 
 
BOAT IAL 
 
 
 
 
 
 FRAGMENTS OF A LutreR RELATING TO ANCIENT CULT-PROPAGANDA, 
 (Letter of Zoilos, the worshipper of Serapis, to the Egyptian Finance-Minister, 
 
 Apollonius, Alexandria, 258-257 p.c. A Papyrus fragment from Philadelphia 
 (Faiyim). Size of the original 30 x 31°5 cm. (i.e., approximately 10 x 103 inches), 
 now in the museum at Cairo. Reproduced from Deissmann’s Licht vom Osten, 
 
 4th ed., p. 406.) (Front. 
 ront, 
 
 (For Adolf Deissmann’s Paul, 2nd ed.) 
 [To face page 12, 
 
PEATH SLI 
 
 
 
 FRAGMENTS OF A LETTER RELATING TO ANCIENT CULT-PROPAGANDA. 
 
 (The letter of Zoilos. Alexandria, 258-257 B.c, From Deissmann’s Licht vom Osten, 
 4th ed., p. 408.) 
 
 (Back.) 
 (To face page 18. 
 
 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 13 
 
 pages, or in many (perhaps in most) cases’ dictated 
 them to the pen of a companion,’ amid the storm and 
 stress of his wandering life, which was so rich in 
 deeply-moving experiences. He then sent them in a 
 single copy by the hand of trusty messengers to the 
 place of their destination over land and sea, from 
 Ephesus to Corinth, from Corinth to Rome, and to 
 Ephesus, without the great world or even Christendom 
 as a whole knowing at the time of their existence. 
 That after centuries some of these confidential 
 letters would still be in existence Paul neither 
 intended nor anticipated. His glowing faith never 
 reckoned on coming centuries. Spanning apostolic 
 Christendom, like the sultry sky of thunderous 
 weather, was the hope that the present age of the 
 world was hastening to its close, and that the new 
 world of the kingdom of God was just about to 
 appear. Such a hope does not thirst for earthly fame 
 
 Finance Minister, Apollonios (258-257 B.c.). Here also we have not 
 in the least a literary production, but a ‘survival’ of religious propa- 
 ganda. Here I give a reproduction in reduced size of the whole 
 unparalleled document (front and back on Plates II. and III.) and for 
 the rest refer the reader to my commentary in the above mentioned 
 work. . | 
 
 19 Thess. iii. 17;(Gal. vi. 11;) Col. iv. 18; 1 Cor. xvi. 21; 
 (2 Cor. x. 12); Rom. xvi. 22. In all these places either the 
 amanuensis is mentioned or Paul stresses the fact that he writes the 
 last words of the letter with his own hand. 
 
 2 That these letters were spoken letters is a point of view which 
 has not yet received sufficient attention. One ought to ask in many 
 places: Was this spoken loudly or softly, did Paul smile when he said 
 it, or was he quivering with passion, did he strengthen or weaken the 
 sense by some quick gesture? All questions that at first sight seem 
 unanswerable, yet by the penetrating co-operative work of judicious 
 interpreters some approach to answers no doubt can be found. Thus, 
 too, one may much more easily learn to distinguish the different types 
 of Paul’s spoken style, from the simple businesslike style right up to 
 the psalmlike and psalm-making fervour of the religious confession of 
 faith. 
 
14 PAUL 
 
 of authorship, it reaches out longingly after the new, 
 the heavenly. 
 
 It was to prepare for this new thing that Paul was 
 working, and the letters he sent out also served this 
 -end directly or indirectly. Their subject is always 
 problems of the individual soul or of the Christian 
 community in a definite peculiar situation. The letters 
 are simply the substitute for conversation by word of 
 mouth, and, as has been already pointed out, it is of 
 great importance to think of them as spoken (dictated) 
 and to seek to reproduce the modulations of their 
 living, unliterary words, so as to discover where Paul 
 is smiling, where he is angry, where, to the horror of 
 his later Atticist commentators, he falls halting 
 into anacolutha, or where prophetic fervour wings his 
 words. Paul wishes to console, to reprove, to punish, 
 to strengthen ; he defends himself against his enemies, 
 settles questions in doubt, speaks of his experiences 
 and intentions, adds greetings and messages of greet- 
 ing; all this, too, mostly without any careful arrange- 
 ment, unconstrainedly passing from one thing to the 
 other, often indeed jumping. The longer letters, too, 
 show clearly the often abrupt change of mood while he 
 was dictating.’ 
 
 Some of Paul’s letters have certainly been lost. 
 The Corinthians, for example, allowed Pauline letters, 
 for which we would gladly give in exchange to-day the 
 whole of the polemical literature of our theological 
 journalists, to be destroyed,’ and that must have been 
 
 1On this point see Hrich Stange, Diktierpausen in den Paulusbriefen, 
 Zeitschrift fiir N.T. Wissenschaft, 18 (1917), p. 109 ff., and (reference 
 from W. Michaelis) HE. Iliff Robson, Composition and Dictation in N.T. 
 Books. The Journal of Theological Studies, vol. 18, July, 1917, 
 p. 288 f. 
 
 2—In 1 Cor. v. 9 ff. and 2 Cor. ii. 3 f., vii. 8 ff., letters of Paul are 
 named, whose contents can in part be reconstructed. A letter from 
 the Corinthians to Paul has also been lost (1 Cor. vii. 1). 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 15 
 
 the fate of others of Paul’s letters also, even in ancient 
 times. 
 
 Be that as it may, after the Apostle’s death, as 
 people began to gather together scattered leaves from 
 his hand and to copy them, it was possible still to 
 rescue more than a dozen fairly comprehensive letters 
 of Paul. And gradually, although from the first 
 unliterary, this collection began to attain literary 
 standing, they even became a part of the canonical 
 Corpus of the Holy Scriptures of Christendom. And 
 thus it is that the letters of Paul have come into our 
 possession with the venerable halo of canonical dignity. 
 It is asif ancient precious stones were given to us in on 
 costly setting; the setting is so rich that our attention 
 is diverted from the stones themselves. but take away 
 the setting, and the diamonds will only shine the more 
 clearly in their own true brilliance. 
 
 To regard Paul’s letters as unliterary takes nothing 
 essential from them, rather it restores to them their 
 original fire. And whoever has seen the sacred flame 
 glowing in these jewels has noticed that they are 
 genuine precious stones. Covered with dust and dis- 
 figured with doctrinaire additions, several letters of 
 Paul.appeared unpauline ; and many an investigator, 
 led to questioning because of the immense contrasts in 
 their spiritual values, has rejected a part of the letters 
 as not genuine. 
 
 If the non-literary character of Paul’s letters is 
 fully considered and they are continually compared 
 with the undoubtedly genuine confidential letters of 
 other great men (some of them just as rich in con- 
 trasts) all foundation for most of the objections to the 
 genuineness of individual Pauline letters will be re- 
 moved. is 
 
 Here and there the delusion is still current that a_ 
 Biblical scholar’s scientific reliability is to be assessed 
 
16 PAUL 
 
 according to the number of his critical verdicts of ‘ not 
 genuine. It is as if the fame of Bentley had made 
 many adopt false standards, and the extant letters of 
 Paul have innocently had to suffer over again in the 
 nineteenth century a good part of the martyrdom of the 
 historic Paul :— 
 
 Thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice have 
 I suffered shipwreck.! 
 
 The common notes of interrogation made in the study, 
 while perhaps applicable to literary epistles, are almost 
 always unilluminating in the case of unliterary letters ; 
 I have especially in mind the second letter to the Thes- 
 salonians and the so-called letter to the Ephesians. 
 Difficulties remain only with regard to the epistles to 
 Timothy and Titus, and perhaps even here they are 
 not so great as some specialists think. In these letters 
 what seems conventionalised, stiff and unletter-like, is 
 perhaps in part an inheritance taken over by Paul from 
 the communal experience of Hellenistic Judaism and 
 only slightly adapted to his purpose, in part post- 
 Pauline addition. As these letters, however, give but 
 little characteristic material for our task of displaying 
 the character of the Apostle Paul in the light of social 
 and religious history, it 1s not necessary in discussing 
 sources to enter upon the problem of their genuineness 
 —a question upon which I have as yet reached no final 
 conclusion.” | 
 
 Other difficulties, such for example as are presented 
 by the letters of the imprisonment, may perhaps be 
 made easier by a revision of old ways of putting 
 
 12 Cor. xi. 28 ff. 
 
 2TIn the following pages I shall only quote them in cases where 
 they confirm impressions already made by the certainly genuine 
 letters, or in illustration of typical facts of Paul’s world. For the 
 study of the Pastoral Epistles the original work of P. N. Harrison is 
 of extraordinary value: The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles, London, 
 1921. 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 17 
 
 questions. It is, to mention only one case, by no 
 means impossible to place the letters of the imprison- 
 ment altogether or in part in an imprisonment at 
 Ephesus, or in several periods of imprisonment in 
 Asia." 
 
 1This hypothesis, put forward by me in 1897 (cf. Licht vom Osten, 
 4th Hd., p. 201) has since then been carried further by a great number 
 of specialists and is gradually gaining assent. Cf. M. Albertz, Ueber 
 die Abfassung des Philipperbriefes des Paulus zu Ephesus, Theol. 
 Studien u. Kritiken, 1910, p. 551 ff.; Benjamin W. Robinson, An 
 Ephesian Imprisonment of Paul, Journal of Biblical Theology, vol. 29, 
 part ii, (1910), p. 181 ff.; Friedrich Westberg, Zur Newtestament- 
 lichen Chronologie und Golgathas Ortlage, Leipzig, 1911, p. 84 ff.; 
 Kirsopp Lake, The Critecal Problems of the Epistle to the Philippians, 
 Expositor, June, 1914, p. 481 ff; Ernest W. Burch, Was Paul in 
 Prison in Ephesus ? Bibliotheca Sacra, July, 1914; Ludwig Albrecht, 
 Die Briefe des N.T. und die Offenbarung des Johannes, Bremen, 1914, 
 p. 158 f.; Benjamin W. Bacon, Again the Hphesian Imprisonment of 
 Paul, Expositor, March, 1915, p. 235 ff.; EH. W. Winstanley, Pauline 
 Letters from an Ephesian Prison, Expositor, June, 1915, p. 481 ff. ; 
 M. Jones, The Epistles of the Captivity: where were they written ? 
 Expositor, Oct., 1915, p. 289 ff.; Paul Feine, Die Abfassung des 
 Philipperbriefes in Ephesus, Beitrage zur Forderung christlicher 
 Theologie XX., Giitersloh, 1916. Cf. also his Hinleitwng in das Newe 
 Testament, 2nd Ed., Leipzig, 1918, p. 142 ff, 3rd Hd., 1923, p. 148 ff. ; 
 C. R. Bowen, Are Paul’s Prison Letters from Ephesus? American: 
 Journal of Theology, 1920, p. 112 ff, 277 ff.; J. J. Woldendorp, 
 Nieuwe Theol. Studien 3 (1920), p. 147 ff.; Heinrich Appel, 
 Hinleitung in das Neue Testament, Leipzig, 1922, p. 48 ffi; P. L. 
 Couchoud, Revue de Histoire des religious, 1923, p. 8 ff.; W. Tom, 
 Heeft Paulus te Hfeze gevangen gezeten ? in Geref. Th. Tijdschrift, 
 Bd. 24, 1923-1924, pp. 451-460, 500-513; F. Hielscher dates the 
 epistles to the Philippians, Colossians and Philemon from an 
 Hphesian imprisonment in orschungen zur Geschichte des Ap. Paulus, 
 Cottbus, 1925, p. 92. The finely balanced Excursus at the end of the 
 new Philipperkommentar by Martin Dibelius (Lietzmanns Handbuch, 
 11, 2nd Ed., Tiibingen, 1925) is also important, p. 75 f., cf. also p. 55; 
 In Otto Schmitz ‘Neutest. Forschungen’ there recently appeared : 
 Wilhelm Michaelis, Die Gefangenschaft des Paulus in Ephesus und das 
 Itinerar des Timotheus. Untersuchung zur Chronologie des Paulus und 
 der Paulusbriefe, Giitersloh, 1925. I have not yet been able to look 
 into some of the studies that have appeared since 1914. I have also 
 
 2 
 
18 PAUL 
 
 The chief evidence for the essential genuineness of 
 the letters of Paul that have come down to us is the 
 circumstance, impossible to invention, that each letter 
 portrays him as the same character, each time in a new 
 light and giving a new impression, or even with great 
 changes of impression in the same letter. It is no 
 unalterable cold marble statue of ‘Paulinism’ that we 
 see each time; rather it is ever the living man, Paul, 
 whose very speech and gesture we hear and see, here 
 smiling gentle as a father and tenderly coaxing to win — 
 the hearts of his foolish children—then, thundering 
 and lightening in passionate anger, like Luther, with 
 biting irony and sharp sarcasm on his lips. Another 
 time his eye shines with experience of the seer and his 
 mouth overflows as he witnesses to the grace he has 
 known, or his thought loses itself in the tortuous maze 
 of a religious problem, and his soul trembles under a 
 load of trouble, or he draws from the harp of David a 
 gracious psalm of thanksgiving. It is ever the same 
 Paul in ever new attitude, and where apparent contra- 
 dictions can be noticed, even there it is the same man, 
 Paul, with all the polar contrasts of his nature, to which 
 the words might be applied: 
 
 . no book excogitate am I 
 But man, made up of contrariety. 
 
 He who would most easily learn to know the in- 
 timate character of Paul’s letters must not begin with 
 
 dealt with one particular point: Zur ephesinischen Gefangenschaft des 
 Apostels Paulus, in Anatolian Studies, presented to Sir William 
 Mitchell Ramsay, edited by W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder, Man- 
 chester, 1923, p. 121-127. Further, cf. also Otto Stahlin, Die altchristl. 
 griech. Litteratur (8.-A. aus Handbuch der Klass. Alierlumswissen- 
 schaft, 6th Hid.), Miinchen, 1924, p. 1144, and the extraordinarily acute 
 Pauline Readjusiments by T. W. Liynfi Davies, Expositor, June, 1924, 
 p. 446 ff, especially p. 449 f. and 456. Davies puts Hphesians, 
 Colossians and Philemon (not Philippians) after Ephesus. 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 19 
 
 the Epistle to the Romans, which now stands at the 
 head of the Corpus Paulinum. Romans, which, be- 
 cause of the circumstances of its composition, is the 
 least letter-like and the most epistolary letter of the 
 Apostle, has, owing to its prominent place in the 
 canon, and through the enormous influence—even 
 literary influence—which it has thereby exerted, 
 tended greatly to strengthen the tendency to regard 
 Paul’s letters in general as literary epistles. But it 
 is not fitted to be the starting-point for the formation 
 of our conclusions. 
 
 It is better to begin with the Epistle to Philemon. 
 This is the shortest, as it is also the most letter-like of 
 Paul’s letters, written upon a single sheet of papyrus, 
 just like numbers of Greek letters of the same date now 
 known to us from Egypt.’ In it there is nothing of 
 the doctrinaire and literary. Jf one regards this 
 precious leaf as a tract on the attitude of Christianity 
 to slavery, he misses his way not only in historical 
 criticism but also in human taste. It is turning people 
 into ideas and making a book out of a confidential 
 letter : Paul is depersonalised into Christianity and the 
 slave Onesimus has become ‘slavery.’ Besides, every- 
 thing is really so perfectly simple. The slave, Onesimus, 
 had run away from his master, Philemon, who lived 
 
 1$ee below p. 23. 
 
 2A good parallel as regards form is for example the letter of the 
 soldier Athenodoros to his ‘Sister’ Selbeina (Egypt, beginning of third 
 century A.D.), in the collection of papyri of the Neutestament. Seminar 
 at Berlin, published in Griechische Texte aus Aegypten, edited by Paul 
 M. Meyer, I. Papyri des Neutestamentlichen Seminars der Universitat 
 Berlin, II. Ostraka der Sammlung Deissmann, Berlin, 1916, No. 20 
 (p. 82 ff.) with facsimile. The letter is almost to a line the same 
 length as Philemon and gives a clear picture of what one of the 
 smaller Pauline epistles must have looked like outwardly. Compare 
 the facsimile in above-mentioned work. 
 
20 PAUL 
 
 at Colosse in the interior of Asia Minor. In the 
 great port of Ephesus, which could be reached in a few 
 days journey’ he no doubt hoped to be able to hide, 
 but was there probably arrested,’ and in prison learnt 
 to know Paul who was, so I think, at that time also 
 imprisoned in Ephesus. Paul converted this man to 
 the Gospel and sent the runaway back to his master 
 (possibly having undertaken to the prison authorities 
 to pay his ransom).’ The little letter, which he gave 
 him to take with him, pleaded for forgiveness and 
 friendly reception for the ‘unprofitable.’* This letter 
 is an instantaneous picture of the primitive Christian 
 cure of souls; the whole charm of a characteristic 
 personality is poured out over these few Pauline lines: 
 Christian feeling is combined with Greek refinement and 
 the tact of aman of the world. Though a prisoner, Paul 
 writes with perfect quietness,’ a happy cheerfulness 
 
 1'To-day one can reach Ephesus from Colosse in one day, travelling 
 on horseback, or in case of need by rail; in 1909 I myself made 
 the journey from Ephesus to Laodicea, which lies close to Colosse, 
 and back in two days (March 18th and 15th). 
 
 2 Runaway slaves were not infrequently followed with a warrant 
 for arrest, and the authorities were obliged to try to imprison them. 
 We still possess in Paris Papyrus No. 10 an original warrant for the 
 arrest of two runaway slaves out of the time of the Ptolemies (Notices et 
 extratts, 18,2, p.177 ff.). A large reward is offered for the capture of 
 the runaways, and the authorities are to give information as soon as 
 they hear where they are hiding. 
 
 > Cf. in Licht vom Osten, 4th Hid., p. 281 f., the explanation quoted 
 from O. Kiger. 
 
 4So Paul says in Philemon 11 playing upon the name Onesimus 
 (= profitable). 
 
 ° For the contrast read the woeful whining captive letter of the 
 imprisoned Hgyptian of the time of Ptolemy, a particularly valuable 
 parallel to Paul’s imprisonment letters (in the Flinders Petrie Papyri 
 III, No. 35a and 0 and 36a). Contact with the outer world was un- 
 doubtedly easier for the prisoner in those days than it is in our day. 
 Compare the smuggled letters offering bribes mentioned in Chapter 
 II., also Matt. xi. 2 and xxv. 36, and the prisons of Anatolia to-day: a 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 21 
 
 beams from his eye, he opens the treasures of his 
 confidence, he appeals to brotherly feeling and to the 
 love of the Saviour and knows that these powers are 
 irresistible. Here there is no trace of triviality in 
 dealing with a matter in itself trivial, no word is wasted, 
 a strong, and yet elastic soul reveals itself to a con- 
 fidential friend. 
 
 The little letter which has come to us as the six- 
 teenth chapter of Romans, was written in a similar 
 frame of mind. This leaf is most probably originally 
 not an organic part of Romans, but a separate letter of 
 the Apostle to a Christian congregation in Ephesus, 
 recommending to them Phoebe, a Christian woman of 
 Cenchreae. Here also Paul speaks confidentially in a 
 truly letter-like way. Like many a papyrus letter of 
 that time and numerous letters of the South and East 
 even to-day, this contains almost nothing but separate 
 oreetings, but each greeting has its own personal tone, 
 and the whole is full of allusions to common work and 
 common suffering. Paul, the great martyr and the 
 great worker looks out upon us from this single leaf of 
 a letter, the Paul who knew men and was the living 
 centre of his own circle. Then in one place there 
 breaks through glowing indignation against those who 
 corrupt the Gospel, and at the end his faithful friends 
 hear a full chord from the Harp of Paul, the Psalmist. 
 
 visit to the jail at Konia (Iconium) on March 6th, 1909, showed us 
 very plainly what a large amount of intercourse the prisoners had 
 through the grating in the door with their friends who had come to 
 see them. Thus it is understandable that we possess quite a number 
 of other letters written in imprisonment: especially interesting are 
 those that come from imprisonment in a temple, for example the 
 letter of the Egyptian Ptolemaios to Damoxenos (Serapeum 160 B.c.), 
 contained in the Paris Papyrus No. 51, and newly published by U. 
 Wilcken in Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, 6, p. 204 ff. <A collection of 
 prison letters from antiquity would be a charming piece of work. 
 The oldest is probably that published by A. Ungnad from the time 
 of Hammurapi (Cp. D.L.Z., 1915, Sp. 353). 
 
22 PAUL 
 
 First and Second Thessalonians are also genuinely 
 letters. The first especially is full of moving allusions 
 to personal experiences. On the whole written with a 
 certain quietness, in spite of polemical expressions, they 
 let us recognise what we may call the average type of 
 Paul’s letters. 
 
 The beginning of Galatians is entirely dictated in a 
 spirit of holy indignation. It is understandable how 
 this letter with its lightning and thunderbolts especially 
 captivated our German Reformer. Paul here had to 
 justify himself before the Christians of Galatia deep in 
 the heart of Anatolia against wicked slanderers, who 
 were trying to rob him of the confidence of these young 
 believers by casting doubt upon his Apostolate and 
 stigmatising his Christianity, free from legal bonds, as 
 apostasy. But for all that Paul writes no dogmatic 
 treatise, but a letter of fiery defence, in which he after- 
 wards also strikes other notes. With the whole fervour 
 of his heart he woos the Galatians back to their old 
 love. The character of the Apostle in its most diverse 
 sides is clearly stamped upon it. 
 
 First Corinthians begins much more quietly than 
 Galatians. Paul expresses himself about a number of 
 abuses in the Corinthian Church, and thus the letter 
 gives us a deep insight into the wisdom of its author in 
 the cure of souls. Here also there is no lack of sharp 
 polemic, corroding irony and prophetic indignation, but | 
 in general Paul is more restrained. He spares the 
 church, where he can, and he appreciates its high and 
 noble witness. In the midst of the desolating confusion 
 of the Corinthian parties, the strife about the denarius, 
 the quarrel between the enlightened and the weak 
 Christians of the Hellenic-Roman capital, the noise of 
 ecstatic fanaticism, he brings in a sublime figure, so 
 mighty, so noble and chaste that it would have been 
 worthy a Phidias, Agape, Love, which reveals the 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 23 
 
 deepest mystery of the nature of God and of His Son, 
 and binds the sons of God together in a great brother- 
 hood. And after that Paul makes his confession of 
 faith in the living Christ, which deeply moves us by its 
 fervour, and witnesses to his hope of immortality. Then 
 changing the great for the small he begins chatting 
 about his plans and his cares. 
 
 Perhaps the most personal of the ‘greater’ Pauline 
 epistles is Second Corinthians. It is as a whole also 
 the least well known to us, just because it is so entirely 
 letter-like, so entirely a personal confession, full of 
 allusions which we cannot now fully understand. Paul 
 begins in deep emotion ; for God has once again graci- 
 ously saved him out of a terrible risk of death. There- 
 fore the beginning of this letter is filled with inexpressible 
 thankfulness ; but this tone is varied by others, especially 
 by a sharp polemic against legal-minded Christians, who 
 also in Corinth had scattered their seed of slander. 
 Again, as in Galatians, Paul lays bare his inner and 
 outer life for his Christian brethren to see, and especially 
 Chapters XI. and XII. are documents of irreplaceable 
 value for the Apostle’s history. 
 
 The least personal of the longer letters of Paul is 
 Romans. But even it is, if the intention of the author 
 is the deciding factor, a real letter, not a literary epistle. 
 No doubt there are lines in it which could also be in an 
 epistle, and it might be called an epistolary letter. But 
 in spite of that it is a letter and no book. The idea 
 that it is a compendium of Paulinism, in which the 
 Apostle set down his dogmatic theology and ethics, that 
 characteristic idea beloved of many a Pauline scholar of 
 earlier day, at the very least implies great misunder- 
 standing. Undoubtedly Paul wanted to teach the 
 Roman Christians and he did it in part through the 
 means of contemporary theology. But he does not 
 contemplate the literary public of his day as his readers, 
 
24 PAUL 
 
 nor yet Christendom in general and later generations ; 
 he addresses himself rather to a little group of people 
 living in one of the more modest quarters of Rome, of 
 whose existence the general public was scarcely even 
 aware. It is unlikely that copies of the letter were sent 
 to the assemblies of Christians in Ephesus, Antioch and 
 Jerusalem: he only sent this message to Rome. ‘That 
 this letter is less animated by personal expressions than 
 the other Pauline epistles, is explained by the circum- 
 stances of its writing: Paul was writing to a church 
 not yet personally known to him. The small space 
 given to personal details does not suggest that Romans 
 has an epistolary-literary character, but is the natural 
 consequence of the letter-like unliterary situation in 
 which it was written. 
 
 The situation was similar at the time of writing the 
 letter directed to Colosse and Loadicea, in the valley of 
 the Lycus, the so-called ‘ Epistle to the Ephesians’ sent 
 at the same time as the letter to Philemon. These 
 churches also Paul did not yet know through personal 
 acquaintance, theretore here also the personal element 
 is less prominent than the objective. The peculiar 
 solemnity of the language is striking—a solemnity of 
 tone suggesting both liturgical worship’ and meditation, 
 which moreover is not unknown in certain parts of 
 other letters of Paul. As regards the contents, the 
 sreat development of Christ-mysticism, elsewhere only 
 referred to because already well known, is unmistak- 
 able. A great part of the critical difficulties, found in 
 the contents of this epistle, disappears when Paul 
 becomes known to us also from the undoubtedly 
 ‘genuine ’ letters as the great Christ-mystic.? 
 
 1 Cf. below, p. 106 f. 
 
 * The old theses, so greatly used in discussions about genuineness, 
 that the teaching of the Apostle was contained in the four chief 
 epistles (the very phrase is itself a petitio principii) was an act of 
 
THE PROBLEM AND THE SOURCES 25 
 
 Philippians,* on the other hand, is thoroughly letter- 
 like and most strongly personal. It was directed to a 
 church especially closely connected with the Apostle, 
 which had just given the prisoner a great proof of its 
 love. Paul thanks them for that, and peculiarly mov- 
 ing and most genuinely personal notes quiver through its 
 lines, and allow us to recognise the personality of the 
 writer, so rich in contrasts, in all the freshness of its 
 nature. 
 
 Thus every letter of Paul is a picture of Paul, and 
 therein lies the unique value of the letters as sources 
 for a historical account of their author. There can be 
 but few Christians of later days, for whose inner lives 
 we have such thoroughly undesigned sources of in- 
 formation. Even the confessions of Augustine with 
 their literary appeal to the public, cannot stand com- 
 parison with Paul’s letters.? And there were probably 
 exceedingly few people of the Imperial age of Rome 
 whom we can study so exactly as we can Paul through 
 his letters. 
 
 It is quite obvious that a man who, as a con- 
 temporary and occasional companion of Paul, describes 
 the Apostle from outside, could not reach the truth 
 ‘that Paul reaches as unconsciously in his letters he 
 draws a picture of himself. How colourless is the 
 picture of- Bismarck by Moritz Busch over against 
 ) Bismarck’s own picture in the contemporary letters to 
 his wife! But on that account the presentation of 
 
 violence. Unconsciously the way of settling many a question about 
 social and political matters has been derived from this: and now 
 what is it good for ? 
 
 1My investigations in Anatolian Studies (see above, p. 18) refer 
 to this epistle. 
 
 2 The older I grow the more the fact that this wonderful book was 
 written for publication disturbs me. 
 
26 PAUL 
 
 Paul by Luke in Acts is an indispensable supplement 
 to the letters of Paul. In some details it is to be 
 corrected by the letters of Paul, but in many others, 
 surely it rests on good tradition.’ In opposition to the 
 thesis that Luke put aside the testimony of Paul’s 
 epistles in favour of a movement for union, which 
 sought to mediate between the conflicting parties, of 
 the Apostolic Age, I assert with confidence that Luke 
 simply did not know our Pauline epistles. When Luke 
 wrote they had not yet been collected and published. 
 What Luke knew of Paul, he gained from other 
 sources. Some things no doubt he had heard Paul 
 tell of himself, as, for example, the striking story of his 
 flight from Damascus in a basket,’ which the Apostle 
 perhaps often laughingly related with variations in 
 detail. Other material, and that certainly his best, 
 came from his own observation, which he recounts, in 
 his ‘we’ portions, just in the style of the antique 
 description of a sea voyage.’ And it is a great service 
 that he has pictured for us Paul as above all the man 
 of action, Paul the wanderer, who passing through the 
 ancient Mediterranean world, preached to that world 
 the living Christ. 
 
 We must now seek to gain a picture of this Mediter- 
 ranean world, which is the world of Paul, for out of 
 it he sprang and for it he spent his life. 
 
 1 Adolf Harnack’s Studies of Luke are a sound reaction against the ; 
 methods of the torturing Inquisition. The same applies to the works — 
 
 of Eduard Meyer. 
 2 Acts ix. 24 f. That Luke did not get this story from 2 Cor. xi. 
 
 32 f. is pretty certain, for with his predeliction for potentates he 
 would never have forgotten to mention the Hthnarch of King — 
 
 Aretas. 
 
 ’Cf. e.g. the ‘we’ account of an Egyptian Admiral (c. 246 B.c.) 
 
 of his sea voyage to Syria (in the Flinders Petrii Papyri) published by 
 L. Mitteis and U. Wilcken in Grundztige und Chrestomathie der 
 Papyruskunde, I. 2, Leipzig, 1912, p. 1 ff. 
 
 ~~ et Pa ow 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 
 
tote 
 eae! me rs 
 cel | 4, 
 
 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE WORLD OF PAUL 
 
 SAILING on the Russian pilgrim steamer southwards 
 along the west coast of Asia Minor, past the silent 
 shore of Ephesus and the bare rocks of Samos, through 
 the Archipelago of the Sporades, after twenty-four 
 hours one reaches Rhodes. And if we then take an 
 easterly course we can, after barely thirty-six hours’ 
 journey along the south coast of Asia Minor, come to 
 anchor in the roads of the Cicilian port Mersina.! 
 
 A noble landscape, never to be forgotten, stretches 
 out before us, while from the port the barges are rowed 
 out to unload the ship. The light of the Anatolian 
 morning sun quivers upon the waves and gleams on the 
 
 1We made this journey, March 16th-19th, 1909, on the 
 Russian pilgrim steamer ‘ Korniloff’ of Odessa bound for Palestine, 
 stayed in Mersina and visited, as well as Soli-Pompeiopolis, Tarsus 
 twice (on March 20th and 21st). The following observations were in 
 the main made then; but a few date from our Anatolian journey in 
 1906. On pilgrim ships where one may often be the only ‘ educated 
 man’ amongst hundreds of Serb and Russian peasants, Oriental 
 Jewish working people, Armenians, Turks, and Arabs, one learns ten 
 times as much about the condition of the people of the Hast at the 
 present day (and in ancient times) as on the great Levantine steamers, 
 which even on the waves of the Mediterranean do not let us out of 
 our cage of Huropean civilisation. Only, the obscurities of the learned 
 university man must be put aside in order to come in contact with 
 those people. Caspar René Gregory has some good remarks about 
 small ships, Zu Fuss in Bibellanden (Das Land der Bibel, I., 6), 
 Leipzig, 1919, p. 8 f. I have left the opening sentences above and 
 the note essentially unaltered, although the route Odessa—Palestine is 
 probably not yet in order again. 
 
 (29) 
 
30 PAUL 
 
 oars of the gaily clad Turkish boatmen as they rise out 
 of the water. The brilliant white of the distant houses 
 of Mersina greets us, and we see the domes and 
 minarets of the places of worship, while the flags of the 
 European consulates and of the Turkish authorities flap 
 in the breeze. At the eastern end of the city white 
 steam-clouds arise, and the puff of the locomotive comes 
 over the waves to us. Mersina is the starting-point of 
 the railway track which crosses the broad and fruitful 
 Cilician plain to Adana. 
 
 And this Cilician plain’ stretches out, then, behind 
 the city, green and luxuriant into the distance, here and 
 there interspersed with soft rolling hills crowned with 
 ruins, till at last it is called to a halt by the great foot- 
 hills of the Cilician Taurus, which rise up defiantly to 
 heaven, and cut up the horizon into fantastic shapes. 
 The contours of this immense mountain range are so 
 wildly thrown about, that it is not easy to follow them, 
 and, while the eye rests on the sunny snow of the 
 glaciers, we dream albeit vaguely of primeval catas- 
 trophies and the age-long work of the elements, which 
 produced this landscape, long before the hand of man 
 ploughed the land or plied the loom, and before the 
 knee of man bowed before the powers of the world 
 above. 
 
 Far away in the East the ridge of the Syrian Amanus 
 mountains, coming from the South, meets the Taurus, 
 and it is a singularly moving experience to see from the 
 ship in the evening after sundown the Amanus range 
 and the snow-crowned peaks of the Taurus in wondrous 
 Alpine glow looking out across the plain and the sea, 
 while an Arab singer sings a passionate farewell to a 
 company of young people embarking. 
 
 1Cf. especially Franz X. Schaffer, Cilicia ; (Ergdnzungsheft, No. 
 141, zw Petermanns Mitteilungen), Gotha, 1903, p. 20 ff. 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 31 
 
 Entering the Cilician plain in March and coming 
 from the interior of Asia Minor or from the west coast 
 one seems to have skipped several weeks ; spring is so 
 far advanced. The fig-trees, which in Ephesus and the 
 Meander valley are thrusting forth their first bright 
 green shoots, have here already large leaves that shine 
 delightfully in the sun; the asphodel, which still 
 blooms luxuriantly in April on the Plains of Troy and 
 over the ruined heaps of Ephesus, is already withering 
 in the fields of Soli-Pompeiopolis, a ruined city lying by 
 the sea close to Mersina, and the anemones, which 
 delighted us in their first glory of colour in the Meander 
 valley and at Ephesus, have already bloomed in January 
 on the Cilician plain. Even the poplar of Asia Minor, 
 which with its slender silvery stem enters into sisterly 
 rivalry with the minarets that form the characteristic 
 emblem of Anatolia in city and village, is here further 
 advanced, far further than in Konia or Angora; and by 
 the grey old pillars of Pompeiopolis the luxuriant 
 blossom of the Judas-tree blazes a deep red. Snow 
 scarcely ever falls on that plain. All through the 
 winter the garden supplies the household with its green 
 produce. 
 
 Later on the cornfields and cotton plantations yield 
 heavy harvests in rich luxuriance, but then inexpressible 
 sultriness weighs down upon the fields and fever rages 
 up and down the country. As in March, 1909, aiter 
 some time spent in wandering along the routes of Paul’s 
 missions in the interior of Asia Minor and on the west 
 coast, we travelled on the Adana railway through the 
 glorious wheat-growing district of the plain, towards 
 Paul’s city, Tarsus, we never dreamt that millions of 
 grains from these ears of corn would not reach the 
 threshing floor: but a few weeks later a fever, more 
 terrible than the worst malaria, broke out on the sultry 
 Cilician plain, and decimated the population as far as 
 
32 PAUL 
 
 Antioch in Syria—the religious and national fanaticism 
 of companies of Mohammedans goaded on to murder, 
 to whose fury thousands of Armenian Christians fell 
 victims.1 And while the surging waves of the streams, 
 Cydnus and Sarus, swollen by the spring carried away 
 the bodies of the murdered by hundreds to the sea and 
 the Cilician earth daily drank anew the blood of martyrs, 
 there out in the fields the corn perished on its stalks or 
 was trodden down and burnt in the blind fury of the 
 persecutors, 
 
 To us that journey presented more peaceful pictures, 
 and it did not enter into our minds that the sultry 
 brooding heat of that plain has for century upon 
 century gathered up passions into the soul of the 
 ‘people, which when the spark came would blaze forth 
 in fire and burning, in threatening and slaughter.’ 
 
 Our thoughts on that occasion on that broad Cilician 
 plain were singularly moved by an indescribably won- 
 derful spectacle, a piece of Paul’s world, more genuine 
 certainly than was the first building we entered shortly 
 afterwards in his own city—the railway-station with 
 its bilingual (Turkish-European) sign ‘Tarsus.’ High 
 in the air were immense squadrons of storks, coming 
 from over the sea. They were the storks of Asia 
 Minor and Europe on their way northward from Africa 
 in the south. They had come down the valley of the 
 Nile and up the valley of the Jordan over Syrian 
 Antioch ;* then they had probably flown across the 
 
 1 Cf. the letters of Mrs. Helen Davenport Gibbons, The Red Rugs 
 of Tarsus, A Woman's Record of the Armenian Massacres of 1909, New 
 York, 1917. Mrs. Gibbons, with her husband, Dr. Herbert Adams 
 Gibbons, stayed in St. Paul’s Institute in Tarsus while I was visiting 
 the city. 
 
 2 Acts. ix. 1,6 d& SadAos, ére €umvewy aredys Kat hdvov. 
 
 ® March 20th, 1909. On one of the next days (March 25th) we 
 observed near Antioch a great synod of storks engaged in eating, and 
 on the Pass of Bailan a part of the course of flight of this squadron. 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 33 
 
 bay of Alexandretta and were now equipping them- 
 selves for the flight over the Taurus, some detachments 
 getting provisions in the broad wet fields, others beauti- 
 fully manoeuvring in the air, while other legions were 
 already making a steady and quiet course for the passes 
 of the Taurus. 
 
 Who pointed out the road for these birds? It is 
 the road of the great kings of the East, the road of 
 Alexander and Cesar, the road of the Crusaders and 
 of the Mohammedan army. Did the man-made road 
 follow the immemorial track of the birds? Did we not 
 hear in the rustle of their wings over the lonely Cilician 
 plain the eternal rhythm of travel? And did we not 
 find there, where the pavement of an old Roman road 
 goes through a wheat field by Antioch alongside the 
 modern road, the way taken by a Cilician traveller, 
 who of old time had travelled from Syria in the south 
 northward over the Taurus and over land and sea from 
 Asia Minor in the east to Europe and the west ? 
 
 The impression, that the Cilician plain has from the 
 most ancient times been a centre of international inter- 
 course, comes to one even more clearly in Paul’s city, 
 Tarsus. Indeed there is but little of the ancient Tarsus 
 remaining above ground, but when the natives dig for 
 ancient hewn stones anywhere about the old city walls, 
 near Paul’s gate, they discover pieces of terra-cotta and 
 coins of Paul’s time. And above all, the geographical 
 situation for international intercourse remains genu- 
 inely the same as in the age of the great change of re- 
 ligion. Just as even to-day on the Cilician plain the two 
 civilisations of Islam, the Turkish and the Arabian, 
 meet, so also in ancient times that country was the 
 threshold of two civilisations and the bridge between 
 two worlds. 
 
 From the highest point of the modern city, perhaps 
 
 from the castle-hill of ancient Tarsus, you look out over 
 
34 PAUL 
 
 the great plain on all sides and, turning towards the 
 south, where at times you catch a gleam of the sea, you 
 have to your left, behind the blue heights of Amanas 
 and the last outlying portions of the other Syrian ridges 
 hidden in the glimmering haze, the world of Semitism. 
 Behind and to your right stretches the endless chain of 
 the Taurus, more majestic than ever when seen from 
 Tarsus, with the pass, famed in history, the Cilician 
 Gates, and behind that lies the world of Hellenistic- 
 Roman civilisation. Anything coming from Syria and 
 from the Jordan and making for Ephesus and for 
 Corinth must pass through those gates, unless it is 
 borne along the western shore over the waves of the 
 Mediterranean. Through these gates went the sword- 
 blades of Damascus and the balsam of Jericho, through 
 these gates the Logos travelled—He who became man 
 in Galilee, and again became Spirit for the whole world. 
 
 Two young Anatolians who had been educated in 
 the excellent St. Paul’s Institute, the American College 
 in Tarsus, were our guides through their native city. 
 As we sat there with them dining in a small inn, one 
 of them wishing to say something pleasant, praised our 
 German philosophy and said to me, full of pride in his 
 own learning, ‘You have Kant.’ I replied to him, in 
 no conventional phrase, but completely filled with the 
 thought of that figure, which had become a living 
 presence to me on the lonely Cilician plain beneath the 
 squadrons of migrating birds and on the castle-hill of 
 Tarsus facing the Cilician Gates: ‘You have Paul.’ 
 
 And truly it is so: that Tarsus has its Paul, and 
 that Paul came from Tarsus is no chance happening. 
 The world Apostle came out of a classical centre of 
 international intercourse, and his home itself was for 
 him as achild a microcosmos, in which the forces of 
 the great ancient cosmos of the Mediterranean world 
 were all represented. 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL B5 
 
 The Mediterranean world the world of Paul! The 
 Apostle himself once gave its boundaries through 
 Jerusalem in the east, through Lllyricum, Rome and 
 Spain in the west,’ while in the north lived the Sythian? 
 and Barbarian*® and to the south the marvellous 
 mountain of Sinai in Arabia raised its head.*| He who 
 wishes to understand this world of Paul,®> must not 
 begin with the preconceived idea that it falls apart into 
 two halves, on this side Semitic, on that Greco-Roman. 
 The fact of a relatively high degree of unity, at least in 
 the civilisation of the coast lands of this world, ought 
 rather to be taken as our starting-point. 
 
 Paul indeed was acquainted also with a good part 
 of the interior of Asia Minor, and in 2 Corinthians ® the 
 list of tribulations on journeys through ‘perils in the 
 wilderness’ and ‘in cold’ reflects probably mainly what 
 he had experienced in the interior of Asia Minor.’ In 
 
 1 Rom. xv. 19-24. 2 Col. iii. 11. 
 Spoor); . Cor. xiv. 11> Rom. 1. 14. 
 4 Gal. iv. 25. 
 
 ‘For geography in the widest sense we are indebted for the best 
 to the great works on the Mediterranean Sea by Theobald Fischer and 
 Alfred Philippson. Tor the ancient topography of Paul’s world to the 
 works of Sir William M. Ramsay. JHxcellently adapted for an 
 introduction to the subject is the masterly sketch by Theobald Fischer 
 in K. Baedeker’s Das Mittelmeer, Leipzig, 1909, pp. xxii.-xxxii. Valu- 
 able for our special study is Alphons Steinmann’s Die Welt des Paulus 
 wm Zeichen des Verkehrs, Braunsberg, 1915. 
 
 Ppa vor.. x1. 26 f. 
 
 ’The change of weather is there in the different elevations often 
 sudden. On a March day in 1909 we had towards evening, at the 
 summit of a Phrygian mountain pass, a violent snowstorm, and next 
 day at noon we were passing a garden of peach trees full of pink 
 blossom. Pawul’s journeys ought not to be studied without recognising 
 the different elevations of the places he passed through. That Tarsus, 
 Ephesus and Corinth have no elevation worth mentioning and that 
 Syrian Antioch is only 262 feet above sea-level, Jerusalem, on the other 
 hand, is 2587 feet, Damascus 2266 feet, Pisidian Antioch 3936 feet, 
 Iconium 3368 feet, Lystra about 4034 feet : these facts are of importance 
 for the understanding of Paul’s world. 
 
36 PAUL 
 
 the same way ‘perils of robbers’’ probably refers to 
 the interior of Anatolia.’ 
 
 In coming to a correct judgment about the districts 
 in which Primitive Christianity made its way the con- 
 trast between the interior of Asia Minor and the coastal 
 regions of the Pauline world® must be borne in mind. 
 The plateau of the interior has a very low rainfall and 
 the cold winter of the Steppes ; the west has a heavy 
 winter rainfall and a genuine Mediterranean climate with 
 Mediterranean vegetation. ‘The inner ‘isolated plateau 
 has almost the character of the interior of Asia,’ the west 
 of Asia Minor (with the neighbouring coast lands), on the 
 other hand, is ‘an AXgean country with contours as varied 
 as Greece and closely connected with the sea both by 
 nature and history.’ But for all that an ‘easy and 
 extensive intercourse’ between the two regions was 
 possible. To see Angora after Ephesus, or Konia after 
 Tarsus is to have the contrast between the two regions, 
 and also their close contact, indelibly clear to the eye. 
 
 Now though the lines of Paul’s journey routes lead 
 through hundreds of miles of ‘the upper country ’* over 
 the mountains of the interior of Asia Minor, yet more 
 
 12 Cor. xi. 26. 
 
 *Hven down to our own times it must be admitted that the 
 formerly flourishing coast lands of Western Asia Minor offered many 
 a lurking-place for robber-bands, and were in some places dangerous, 
 especially for native travellers. Cf. the descriptions by Alfred 
 Philippson in Feisen und Forschungen in Kleimasien, I. Heft (Peter- 
 mann’s Mitteilungen Erginzungsheft, No. 167), Gotha, 1910, p. 6 ff. © 
 The district about Miletus gave us a drastic commentary on ‘ perils of 
 rivers, perils of robbers’ as on an April evening of 1906, having lost 
 our way, we rode through the swamps of the Meander after sun-down 
 and the day following at Didyma were in the house of a Greek who 
 - had just been shot by robbers (see 2 Cor. xi. 26). 
 
 °T base my remarks here upon the concise characterisation of this 
 contrast which Alfred Philippson has given in Reisen wnd Forsoheme 
 im Westlichen Kleinasien, I. P. 20. 
 
 * Acts xix. 1. 7a dvwrepuxd. ep. 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 37 
 
 frequently they cling to the roads of the coastal region 
 or to the mariners’ routes, even twice or thrice covering 
 for long distances the same track. In the main the 
 Apostle’s world is to be sought where the sea breeze 
 blows. The coast world of Cilicia, Syria, Palestine, 
 Cyprus, Western Asia Minor, Macedonia, Achaia, and 
 beyond these that of the further west, that is Paul’s 
 world. 
 
 The heart of this Pauline world is, however, un- 
 doubtedly the wonderful region which may be called 
 ‘Aigean’: The circle, Ephesus—Troas—Philippi— 
 Thessalonica—Corinth—Ephesus, saw the _ greatest 
 work of Paul. The New Testament reflects this fact 
 quite clearly in that all the Pauline letters which have 
 been rescued for the canon, were either destined for 
 this Aigean circle, or were written within its confines. 
 
 The world of Paul is a cosmos—in the truest sense 
 a world. Offering from its high towering lordly peaks 
 endless perspectives over the green luxuriant plains 
 and the sunlit sea, and here, as also in wild gorges and 
 rustling groves, arousing in the spectator a sense of the 
 divine awe, it enabled men to grow up in light and air 
 —men of wide open soul who were able to interpret 
 the voices of heaven and the riddles of hades. Thanks 
 to the deep indentation of the seaboard with its num- 
 berless safe inlets, and to its islands which serve as 
 piers of the bridge carrying the road from east to west, 
 it became the mother of navigation and international 
 intercourse, turned into travellers the best and boldest 
 of the men of its immemorial cities, the heroes, artists, 
 merchant princes, students, singers, and prophets, and 
 thereby enabled that civilisation to be created which we 
 all inherit to-day. 
 
 If anyone, who is no professional geographer, would 
 
38 PAUL 
 
 characterise this world of Paul with a single concrete 
 formula, he might call it the world of the olive-tree, 
 and with that phrase he would also be within what is 
 known to us of Paul’s own observations. For in 
 Romans! he compares the Gentile world to a wild olive- 
 tree, though indeed with quite another application. 
 
 __ The world of Paul the world of the olive-tree ! 
 The traveller of to-day, who fares southwards from the 
 Teutonic North, remains at first for some time in his 
 own world ; the print on the ticket alters indeed a little, 
 the papers on sale at the stations are different; but 
 there is no passing into another civilisation. But then 
 there comes a moment when on a sudden North is 
 changed into South. That is the instant, when travel- 
 ling towards Marseilles, the first olive-tree is seen in 
 the Rhone valley a little south of Valence and north of 
 Avignon. Many a northerner has failed to recognise 
 this olive tree, mistaking it for an old willow, deceived 
 by the similarity of the trunk and its silver grey foliage. 
 Others like to see in the orange-tree, laden with golden 
 fruit, the typical tree of the south and east. But that 
 does not apply in ancient times; the orange-tree is a 
 relatively later importation. The fig-tree also cannot 
 be taken as the characteristic tree of the south, for it 
 flourishes in the open in Heidelberg and Oxford, and 
 even in Norderney and Heligoland. Rather that first — 
 olive-tree at Avignon with its gnarled trunk and its 
 solemn gloom is the South and is the Levant. 
 
 From the ancestors of this tree blessing distilled 
 upon the peoples. In the eye of history an enormous 
 amount of humanising civilisation stands crowned with 
 the olive branch. The tree of Homer, the tree of 
 Sophocles, the olive is the living symbol of the unity 
 of the Mediterranean world, it is the tree also of the 
 
 1 Rom) x77) 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 39 
 
 Bible, both of Old and New Testament. In the names 
 Mount of Olives and G'ethsemane (that is oil-press) as also 
 in the title and name Messiah, Christ (the Anointed) the 
 olive-tree has influenced the deepest thoughts and the 
 most holy words of our sacred tradition. Without the 
 provision of olives, moreover, Paul’s journeys would be 
 inconceivable ; the fruit of the olive-tree will have played 
 the same réle on his sea-voyages that it does to-day on the 
 Levantine steamers and sailing vessels, especially for the 
 sailors and deck-passengers. A handful of olives, a piece 
 of bread, and a drink of water—the Levantine traveller 
 requires no more than that! 
 
 The world of Paul the world of the olive-tree! 
 There is a map showing the distribution of the olive in 
 the Mediterranean world.1 When I first saw it, without 
 noticing its title, it appeared to me to be a map of the 
 Jewish or primitive Christian dispersion. As a matter 
 of fact, the zone of the olive-tree and the region covered 
 by the Jewish dispersion under Imperial Rome? are 
 almost exactly coincident ; and we might perhaps call 
 the Jewish Dispersion itself by the name by which one 
 oi the many synagogues of the imperial capital was 
 called: Synagogue of the Olive-Tree.2 Paul also com- 
 pared the Jewish race to an olive-tree.* But the olive- 
 tree zone almost exactly coincides also with the map of 
 Paul’s missionary journeys, if we leave out Tunis, 
 
 'In Theobald Fischer’s work Der Oelbaum. Seine geographische 
 Verbreitung, seine wirtschaftliche und kultiwr-historische Bedeutung 
 (Petermann’s Mitteilungen Erganzungsheft, No. 147), Gotha, 1904. In 
 the map of Paul’s world included in the first edition of Paul (1911) 
 the zone of the olive-tree is marked in green, following Fischer. On 
 this subject see also Sven Hedin’s Jerusalem, Leipzig, 1918, p. 38. 
 
 * Cf. the ring of about 143 cities (marked blue in my map of 1911) 
 encircling the Mediterranean where the Jewish dispersion was to be 
 found in the imperial period. 
 
 3 Swvaywy? “EAalas, Corpus Inscriptionum Grecarum, No. 9904. 
 
 BoOnG stat 7, 
 
40) PAUL 
 
 Algeria, and Morocco; the almost entire lack of olive- 
 trees in Egypt is remarkable, and there, too, we have 
 no trace of Paul having travelled. Almost all the 
 important place-names in the history of Paul are to be 
 found in the zone of the olive-tree: Tarsus, Jerusalem, 
 Damascus, Antioch, Cyprus, Ephesus, Philippi, Thes- 
 salonica, Athens, Corinth, Illyricum, Rome (Spain). 
 This world of Paul is relatively uniform, in the first 
 place, in its climatic and other outward conditions of 
 civilisation. The contrasts in vegetation seen by us 
 between Cilicia and Ephesus! or between Antioch and 
 Corinth do not weigh very heavily against this. In all 
 this great civilised world the means of livelihood, 
 especially for those in humble circumstances, were 
 probably everywhere much the same as regards food, 
 clothing, housing, and work. 
 _, And politically the Imperium Romanum had stamped 
 a uniform impression upon this and even upon the whole 
 ancient world. Alexander and his successors had in- 
 deed done much in preparation. The centuries of 
 international politics before Paul, that stretch from 
 Philip and his great son to the Cesars, are clearly 
 reflected in many newly given Greek city-names, which 
 re-echo through the Pauline tradition : Antzoch in Syria 
 and Antioch in Pisidia, Seleucia in Syria and Atialia in 
 Pamphylia, Laodicia in Phrygia and Alexandria (Troas) 
 in Mysia, Philippi and Thessalonica in Macedonia, 
 Necopolis in Epirus, Ptolemais, Cesarea (Stratonos) and 
 Antipatris in the Syrian and Palestinian coastal region— 
 each of these names is a monument of that political 
 history which had worked towards the unification of 
 Paul’s world. 
 
 The importance of this political unity of the world 
 for the coming world-religion has long been recognised. 
 
 1 See above, p. 31. 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 4] 
 
 When you stand before the walls of the temple of 
 Augustus in Angora (Ancyra), the capital of ancient 
 Galatia, which Paul indeed probably touched at, you 
 have before your eyes in a somewhat remote part of the 
 Pauline world a classical witness of that political unity 
 of the world—a witness which Paul himself may have 
 seen—in the Latin and Greek text there preserved of 
 the summary of the events of his reign composed by the 
 Emperor Augustus himself. 
 
 Although this Monumentum Ancyranum is written 
 in two languages, the conclusion does not follow that 
 in Paul’s world Latin was as much an international 
 language as Greek. Greek was the language of inter- 
 course, especially amongst the people of the great cities, 
 to whom in his world he made his appeal, as the fact 
 that his letter to the Christians at Rome was written in 
 Greek most clearly indicates. Greek had penetrated 
 deeply into Syria and Palestine ; in particular the great 
 cities, the special field of Paul’s work, were strongly 
 under Greek influence, both as to language and general 
 culture. In Palestine, indeed, Aramaic was the living 
 language of the people, and Paul spoke it.” For all 
 that we must recognise that in New Testament times 
 Greek was widely used by the common people in 
 Galilee, Transjordania and Jerusalem. But at Antioch 
 in Syria Hellenism became predominant, and the greatest 
 difficulty which in other cases is presented to the 
 ‘missionary, that of mastering the language, and thereby 
 the psyche of the heathen, scarcely existed for Paul 
 in his world. As from childhood onwards he had been 
 a Jew to the Jews, so also he was a Hellenist to the 
 Hellenists,* because the tongue and soul of Hellenism 
 had come to him with the air of Tarsus. 
 
 : 
 | 1 The inscriptions of Roman Jews in the Catacombs, which in the 
 great majority of cases are in Greek, point to the same fact. 
 
 2 Acts xxi. 40. Hl Corsixe 20) f 
 
42 PAUL 
 
 Finally the world of Paul is uniform also as regards 
 a broad undercurrent of common popular religious 
 beliefs and forms of expression. The naive geocentric 
 view of earth and heaven is common to all both in east 
 and west. Everyone recognises a here below and 
 there above, the divine must come down from heaven 
 to earth and humanity must rise from earth to heaven. 
 Throughout this whole world of Paul from east to west 
 and from west to east there were current tales many 
 centuries old of visible manifestations of divinity, of 
 the deception and wickedness of demons, of a divine 
 power become human, which overcomes the powers of 
 darkness. And in this whole world of Paul we see a 
 great journeying of Pilgrims, who desired to wash away 
 their sins and to satisfy their need at the great holy 
 places. The Jew of the Dispersion travelling from the 
 west to Jerusalem meets the pilgrim of Ephesus and 
 the sick man on his way to the shrine of Asclepius of 
 Epidaurus possibly on the same ship, and each extols 
 the miracles of his God with believing fervour. 
 
 Such is the world of Paul, washed by the same 
 waves, blessed by the same sun, and viewed from 
 within also no chaos of alien bodies brought together 
 artificially by force, but an organism of great compact- 
 ness.’ 
 
 The reason why this compactness of the Mediter- 
 ranean civilisation has so often been disregarded, is a 
 doctrinaire attitude similar to that which we have 
 frequently noted in connection with the study of Paul. 
 The culture of the world of Paul has been far too much 
 identified with its literary culture. And certainly, the 
 comparison of the Greeco-Roman literature of the first 
 century of Imperial Rome with the earliest written 
 
 ‘On the unity of civilisation in the Hast cf. the important 
 observations of H, Littmann, D.L.Z., 1910, col. 164. 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 43 
 
 records of Jewish-Rabbinic wisdom of Paul’s day 
 shows a striking contrast, a contrast which extends 
 not only to literary method but to mental and spiritual 
 attitude. This may be made clear by means of a 
 parallel. Compare to-day—perhaps the analogy is not 
 too daring—the lecture of an Islamic teacher in a Mosque 
 at Damascus, with the teaching note-book of a modern 
 Italian historian. These are two worlds which are 
 utterly separated from one another. But if instead we 
 compare an artisan or street hawker of Damascus with 
 a man of the same calling in Naples, then it is men of 
 very similar mental structure that stand before us. 
 
 Students of antiquity have for long taken their idea 
 of the ancient world from ancient literature. But 
 literature is only a part of the ancient world, and itself 
 only preserved in fragments, reflects only fragments of 
 the culture, for the most part, of the upper classes. 
 
 Thus then the picture of Paul’s world was drawn 
 almost exclusively with the aid of literary sources, 
 and became a gloomy background, the better fitted for 
 displaying the brilliant lght of Christianity. The 
 Gospel had entered a world decadent, morally corrupt 
 and religiously bankrupt. So many have learnt and 
 taught, unconsciously also influenced by the polemical 
 superlatives of the Fathers of the Church, because in 
 the literature of the period they have only heard the 
 loud voices which speak of denial, dispair, mockery and 
 unbridled lust. Because other voices are silent it has 
 no doubt been supposed that they never have spoken. 
 And Paul himself seemed particularly lberal with 
 the gloomy colours in painting a picture of his world, 
 when in Romans and elsewhere* he portrayed the 
 depravity of his surroundings with the intensity of a 
 preacher of repentance. 
 
 1 Rom. i. 24 ff. Cp. elsewhere, especially the frequent lists of vices 
 in his letters. 
 
 Ls 
 
44 PAUL 
 
 But the simple truth was forgotten that neither a 
 single phenomenon nor a complex civilisation can be 
 described by a single formula. The world of Paul has 
 its deep shadows, that is quite obvious; but it also 
 has its bright light, that ought to be just as obvious. 
 In the same letter to the Romans which draws that 
 picture of the sensual life of the great city, there stands 
 that tremendous word about the law, which is written 
 in the heart and is active in the conscience of the 
 Gentiles who are without the law.’ 
 
 And now, especially through the great archeological 
 discoveries of the nineteenth century, we have found 
 again parts of the world of Paul which make it possible 
 for us to set the light alongside the shadow. Not only 
 have huge ruins of the great cities of Paul’s world been 
 brought to light again through the excavations in Asia 
 Minor and Greece—especially impressive are the un- 
 covering of Ephesus by British and Austrian investi- 
 gators and the recovery of the cities Pergamon and 
 Miletus, as well as of the great religious centre 
 Didyma, by German research—but in those unliterary 
 texts written on stone, papyrus and potsherd,’ which 
 now lie in thousands in our museums, the voices of the 
 unliterary people of Paul’s world, though apparently 
 silent for ever, have again become audible. In letters, 
 wills, certificates of marriage or divorce, accounts, and 
 receipts, records of judicial proceedings, dedications, 
 epitaphs and confessions of sins, these people stand 
 before us laughing and scolding, loving and mean, 
 malicious and kindly. 
 
 The chief value of these new discoveries, it seems to 
 me, lies in this, that besides giving highly important 
 material for the study of language, law and the social 
 
 1Rom. i. 14 f., . . . 7d &pyov tod vouov ypamrov év Tats Ka,polaus 
 QAUTWV. 
 
 2 Of. above, p. 7, note 2. 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 45 
 
 history, they show us living people much as they 
 naturally were, because entirely free from literary pose 
 and altogether in the workaday clothes of their calling. 
 That the fragments most interesting as human docu- 
 ments come from Egypt depends upon the climate of 
 that marvellous country. Papyrus leaves could not he 
 buried for two thousand years in Asia ; but in Egypt 
 that is possible. We are, however, certainly within 
 our rights in regarding the spiritual and other facts 
 derived from these human relics of Hellenistic-Roman 
 Egypt for the most part as typical for the world of 
 Paul. 
 
 The study of these unliterary documents for what 
 they can show us of the souls of their writers is not 
 yet finished and for long will continue to offer a great 
 field of work; but already it can be asserted that the 
 old picture of that ancient world morally and religiously 
 degenerate is precisely through these documents proved 
 to be a caricature. 
 
 Of course, they also give evidence for the more 
 gloomy sides of Paul’s world; we have amongst the 
 papyri, for example, documents referring to unchastity,’ 
 bribery,’ robbery, violence, theft,* exposure of children,’ 
 
 1A large number of papyri throw light on the subject of prosti- 
 tution, which is referred to also in a number of allusions in Paul’s 
 letters. 
 
 “Compare the letter of complaint against an Hgyptian official of 
 the Imperial period who had accepted bribes. Pap. class. Philol. I. 
 No. 5 (Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, 4, p. 174). Also the edict of the 
 Egyytian Preefect Tiberius Julius Alexander, a.p. 68, censuring the 
 bribery of officials (Archiv, loc. cit.). There are even preserved 
 several letters of the second century B.c., in which a certain Peteyris 
 (in all probability a prisoner) seeks to obtain his liberty ‘ by promis- 
 ing baksheesh, as Wilcken appropriately puts it; he promises 5 
 talents of copper, then 15 talents (Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, 2, 
 p- 578 f.). Also the much discussed passage Acts xxii. 28 is probably 
 
 [Yor continuation of footnotes see next page. 
 
46 PAUL 
 
 and unbridled impudence.t And unfortunately it can- 
 not be said that such documents ceased to be written 
 in the Christian period in Egypt.” But nevertheless on 
 the whole the brighter colours are clearly seen. The 
 family life of the middle and lower classes is seen here 
 by no means in an only unfavourable light. But above 
 all a strong religious emotion and marked aptitude for 
 religion are to be seen in these people.? Paul’s world 
 was in no sense religiously bankrupt. Also the religi- 
 ous syncretism and the migrating of Gods from east to 
 west and west to east have now for long been recognised 
 as proofs of strong religious feeling. In Paul’s speech 
 on Mars Hill witness is borne to the Athenians that 
 they are very religious ;* and this verdict may be safely 
 generalised for the whole of the world of Paul; and 
 from the standpoint of the history of religion we may 
 adopt Paul’s statement—the fruit of generous intuition 
 —that the age of the sending of Jesus Christ was the 
 age of Pleroma (fulfilment), the fitting time divinely 
 ordained for the coming of salvation. How important 
 
 1Cf. the letter of the naughty boy, Theon, to his father, Theon, 
 Oxyrhynchus Papyrus, No. 119 (2nd-3rd cent. 4.p.), Licht vom Osten, 
 4th Ed., p. 168 ff. 
 
 2Cf. e.g. Oxyrhynchus Papyrus, No. 903 (4th cent. 4.p.), which 
 reflects an anything but happy Christian marriage. 
 
 $QOn this point the numerous religious inscriptions are most 
 instructive. 
 
 4 Acts xvii. 22, cata mavta ws devo Wapovertépors tuas Oewpd. 
 
 5 Gal. iv. 4, ore d¢ 7ADev 76 TAHPwWMA TOV xpovov, éLamréareilev 6 Oeds 
 
 \ ex 3 aA 
 TOV VLOV QUTOUV. 
 
 to be understood from this point of view: Claudius Lysias refers with 
 satisfaction to the great expense in bribery that had gone to obtaining 
 his citizenship. It is no use objecting solemnly that the citizenship 
 was not purchasable. Compare also Acts xxiv. 26. 
 
 3 Cf. the innumerable letters of complaint in the Papyri. 
 
 *Cf. Oxyrhynchus Papyrus, No. 744 (June 17th, 1 B.c.), Licht 
 vom Osten, 4th Kd., p. 134 ff, and the Berliner Griechische Urkwnde, 
 No. 1104 (Alexandria, 8 B.c.). 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 47 
 
 within the whole picture of Paul’s world was the special 
 phenomenon of Hellenistic Judaism dispersed every- 
 where needs only to be noticed: one glance at the 
 map‘ is enough to show what the Jewish Diaspora 
 meant. 
 
 From what has been said it follows that the world 
 of Paul can be reconstructed with more ample materials 
 than were available for previous generations of scholars, 
 who worked with literary materials almost alone. And 
 now it is possible to ask about that portion of the world 
 out of which Paul himself sprang, I mean about the 
 social class of Paul. 
 
 The older study of Paul with its one-sided interest 
 in its bloodless, timeless paragraphs of the ‘ Doctrine ' 
 or the ‘ Theology ’ of Paul did not trouble itself about 
 the problem of the social class of Paul. It was meeting 
 with the spectre of the modern social question that first 
 awoke an interest in social affairs of the past—an 
 interest which deepened with time. And with many 
 I believe that the question to what social class Paul 
 belonged is an important special problem of the general 
 theme ‘the world of Paul.’ 
 
 To understand a man we need to know the class out 
 of which he sprang and with which he associated him- 
 self. Not that a man is simply a product of his environ- 
 ment to be mechanically calculated. Both the genius 
 and the babbler can have their home in a palace as well 
 as ina hovel. The individuality of the man, most of all 
 the special something in the great man, is a mystery 
 which does not reveal itselfi—not even when we have a 
 complete knowledge of outer circumstances. 
 
 But just because we do not believe ourselves able 
 to analyse the inner contents of a personality by studying 
 its outer circumstances, we are in a position to appreci- 
 ate without prejudice everything that can be actually 
 
 ‘Cf, above, p. 39, note 1. 
 
48 PAUL 
 
 ascertained by the study of the environment. If such 
 study cannot enable us to see into the heart of a man, 
 it can at least teach us to interpret the lines and cal- 
 losities of his hand, or to understand this or that in- 
 teresting trait in his countenance. Truly we would not 
 like to be without the information that Jesus sprang 
 from an artisan household in a country district, and 
 that Luther was the son of a miner and the grandson 
 of a peasant. So let us follow up the traces which hint 
 at the social class to which Paul belonged. 
 
 It appears to me to be certain, that Paul of Tarsus, 
 although his native city was a seat of Greek higher 
 education, was not one of the literary upper classes, 
 but came from the unliterary lower classes and remained 
 one of them. The inconspicuous remark of Acts,’ that 
 Paul was a tentmaker and in Corinth worked as such 
 in the tent-making household of Aquila and Priscilla, 
 has a special importance in this connection. The tent- 
 maker Paul ought certainly not to be thought of as a 
 learned writer of books, who to refresh himself from 
 his brain work would sit for an hour or two working as 
 an amateur at the loom. Nor ought he to be disfigured 
 with the bombastic-comical title ‘tent-manufacturer,’ as 
 though the artisan missionary was a disgrace to a 
 Christianity become respectable. Rather he was a 
 simple man who as a journeyman worked at his trade 
 
 for wages, which were the economic basis of his ex- | 
 
 istence. 
 
 There are several places in the epistles where Paul 
 testifies with pride, that as a missionary he had earned 
 his whole living by working with his hands.’ The pious 
 idlers of Thessalonica* were bluntly snubbed by the man 
 
 1 Acts. xviii. 3, Hoav yap oxnvorool TH TEXVY. 
 
 21 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Thess. iii. 8; 1 Cor. iv. 12 and the whole of 
 chap. ix. 
 
 $2 Thess. iii. 10 f. 
 
THE WORLD OF PAUL 49 
 
 who worked ‘day and night,’! that he ‘might not be 
 chargeable to anyone.’? The great importance of the 
 thought of wages with Paul becomes more understand- 
 able when we recognise that this popular sphere of 
 illustration was specially natural® to a man who worked 
 for wages, for whom wages were not of grace but of right.* 
 And the picture of the tent ‘not made with hands’ that 
 we are some day to receive from God,’ is doubly im- 
 pressive in the mouth of a tent-maker. The mention by 
 the Apostle of ‘large letters’ ® also is best explained as 
 a reference to the clumsy, awkward writing of a work- 
 man’s hand deformed by toil; and this also throws light 
 on the fact that Paul preferred to dictate his letters; 
 writing probably was not particularly easy for him, and 
 he may perhaps have dictated many of his letters while 
 himself working at his tent-making. 
 
 In the East of to-day the ancient handicrafts con- 
 tinue to exist in many of their characteristic features. 
 Observations which can, for example, be made in the 
 interior of Anatolia, are instructive. When in one of 
 the bypaths of the Bazar at Damascus we see a dyer 
 stretching down into his vat with his long blue-stained 
 arms, we are reminded that we have seen exactly the 
 same thing somewhere else; yes, indeed, it was in 
 Pompeii, where close on two thousand years ago the 
 workmen of the same trade as this dyer stood at the 
 same dye-vat and with the same blue-stained arms 
 dragged the same woollen yarn out of the dye-bath. 
 Thus, too, the old weaver whom we saw in the neigh- 
 bourhood of ‘ Paul’s gate’ making a coarse cloth on his 
 poverty-stricken primitive loom, might at least give us 
 
 11 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Thess. iii. 8. 22 Thess. iii. 8. 
 * Certainly no thoroughly worked out ethics of wages is to be de- 
 duced from this. Cf. Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 266 f. 
 4 Rom, iv. 4. °2 Cor. v. 1, oikiay ayetpomrotntov. 
 °Gal. vi, 11, iSere ryAikous iuiv ypdppacw eypawa 77 uh xeupi, 
 4 
 
50 PAUL 
 
 the suggestion of how the workshop of an ancient 
 weaver used to appear. Probably the melancholy beat 
 of the ancient loom will not be heard much longer in 
 Cilicia. In the great modern cotton-spinning mill at 
 Tarsus, English machinery of a quite other technical 
 age had long been whirring even before the war; and 
 the students of primitive forms of human industry will 
 have to hasten with their apparatus to record the 
 manual dexterity and the rhythm of the ancient 
 handicrafts still conserved in the East. 
 
 It would, however, be a mistake to call the artisan 
 Paul a ‘proletarian’ in the sense which that word has 
 to-day. The very fact that he was born a Roman 
 citizen shows that his family cannot have lived in 
 absolutely humble circumstances.’ As a free-born man 
 also his social standing was higher than that of the 
 many slaves in his churches. And the language of 
 the Apostle also enables us to arrive at a.better un- 
 derstanding on this question. 
 
 A careful investigation of the vocabulary of Paul’s 
 Epistles? has proved that Paul did not write literary 
 Greek ; if further the relation of his style to Atticism 
 be studied, it is still clearer that he made no attempt 
 to write according to accepted Greek standards. These 
 observations confirm our thesis that both as regards 
 his home circumstances and the place he occupies in 
 history he stands below the educated upper classes. 
 But even though his vocabulary is that of the people 
 and the tone of every-day speech is predominant in his 
 letters, yet his unliterary language is not vulgar to the de- 
 eree that finds expression in many contemporary papyri. 
 
 . On the ground of his language rather Paul should 
 
 be assigned to a higher class. It is certainly, when all | 
 
 1 Acts xxii. 28. 
 
 “Theodor Nageli, Der Wortschatz des Apostels Paulus, Gottingen, | 
 1905. 
 
THE WORLD OF 'PAUL 51 
 
 is said and done, extraordinarily difficult to solve the 
 problem of social classes of antiquity;1 even in an 
 attempt to discover Paul’s social standing we are con- 
 scious that we can only feel our way forward. But 
 anyone who recognises the general scope of the problem, 
 will at least admit that we have drawn a relatively clear 
 line, in placing Paul below the literary upper classes 
 and above the purely proletarian lowest classes. 
 
 Ii finally it is asked, to which side of this middle 
 position the Apostle tends, the answer is: by birth and 
 education, by sympathies and circumstances of life, he 
 belongs far more to the middle and lower classes than 
 to the upper class. He is no social climber forsaking 
 his own class. As a missionary chiefly working 
 amongst the unliterary masses of the great cities Paul 
 did not patronisingly descend into a world strange to 
 him : he remained in his own social world. 
 
 Now we turn to the study of his human personality 
 so far as its features are to be discovered: this will 
 show us how Paul, in his origin and nature akin to the 
 unliterary classes of his world, did not sink from sight 
 in the confused mass of the submerged, but, rooted in 
 that mass, as greater than it, arose a leader. 
 
 1 Cf. Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 6 f. 
 

 
PAUL THE MAN 
 

 
CHAPTER ITI 
 
 PAUL THE MAN 
 
 CoNCERNING the outward appearance of Paul the man, 
 there is no reliable tradition. We are like the Christians 
 of Colosse and Laodicea who had ‘not seen’ his ‘ face 
 in the flesh.’? His Jewish origin, of which he was proud,” 
 was no doubt visible to the people of Ephesus and Co- 
 rinth. And the Paul of the letters which have come 
 down to us was a man who had already passed the fifth 
 decade of his life; he speaks of himself in one place as 
 ‘Paul, the aged.’*> Anancient description of him in an 
 apocryphal book‘ depicts him as by no means an 1m- 
 posing figure, and recollecting the numerous confessions 
 of bodily weakness that run through his letters,” we may 
 perhaps conclude that on the whole that description was 
 correct, that in fact Paul was not distinguished by out- 
 ’ ward advantages of stature and countenance. 
 
 There are neither pictures nor busts of Paul; that 
 goes without saying: who in that day would have 
 thought of recording his face for the future, when the 
 countenance of the Master Himself even had not been 
 
 1 Col. ii. 1, dco: ody Evdpaxay 75 tpdcwrdv pov év GapKi. 
 
 29 Cor: xi; 22; Phil. iii. 5; Rom, xi. 1. 
 
 $Philemon 9, ds IatAos rpecBirns—if here rpeoBevtys (cf. Eph. 
 vi. 20) ought not to be read, cf. R. Steck, Prot. Monatshefte, 1914, p. 
 96 ff., even in that case the letters would probably have been written 
 by a man of between forty-five and fifty-five years. 
 
 4The Acts of Paul, 3. On this point compare the suggestions of 
 Erwin Preuschen, ZNTW, 2 (1901), p. 187 ff., which if they do not 
 fully explain the matter are at any rate well worth considering. 
 
 52 Cor. xii. 9 and xiii. 4, ete. 
 
 (55) 
 
56 PAUL 
 
 immortalised? Even if the old Jewish horror of pic- 
 tures had not prevented it, the whole attitude of mind 
 of primitive Christianity was far too much dominated by 
 the coming age to be able to think of the interest which 
 future generations on this earth might feel in the out- 
 ward features of the Saviour and his Apostles.! Just 
 as little did the artists in marble and colour, who por- 
 trayed so many of the Cesars, the imperial ladies, the 
 generals, and leading literary men press their services 
 upon Paul. Who at that time in the official world had 
 taken any note of the obscure travelling preacher ? 
 
 The Christ-cult was in the time of Paul a secret 
 affair of humble unknown people in the back streets of 
 the great Mediterranean cities. When Paul chanced to 
 write that the faith of a Christian church was known 
 ‘throughout the whole world’? he of course means in 
 the amiable*® hyperbole, dear to the ancient Oriental, 
 the microcosmos of the Christian ‘ world,’ * not the great 
 official world.” And when, as reported by Luke,’ he 
 emphatically states that the facts of his Christian life 
 did not take place ‘in a corner,’ this apologetically 
 
 1 Tt is this that makes impossible the early dating by some Ameri- 
 can scholars of the much-discussed chalice of Antioch. 
 
 2 Rom. i. 8, év dAw 76 Kdope, cf. Col. i.6; 1 Thess. i. 8 ; cf. Clemens 
 Romanus, 1 Cor. v. 7, and with it Friedrich Pfister, Der Reliquienkult 
 um Altertum, Giessen, 1909, p. 267. Moreover, the popular hyperbole 
 of the ‘ whole world,’ Lk. 11. 1 and Acts xi. 28, ought not to be pressed. 
 
 ’It is a hyperbole of hatred, on the other hand, when it is charged 
 against the Pauline mission that it had ‘ turned the world upside down,’ 
 Acts xvil. 6, xxiv. 5. 
 
 4Cf. 1 Thess. i. 8 with 2 Thess. i. 4. 
 
 ° Similarly a heathen epitaph (now in Braunsberg) of an otherwise 
 unknown Hgyptian lady, Seratus, and her relations, speaks of their 
 modesty as ‘known in all the world’ (Archiv fir Papyrusforschung, 5, 
 p. 169, dv kat 7 cwdpootvy Kata tov Kécpov AeAdAnTaL), Or When a 
 Christian letter of later date says of a (Bishop) John that his fame 
 goes through ‘the whole world’ (Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, 4, 
 p. 558). 
 
 ° Acts xxvi. 26, 03 yap éorw ev ywvria mempaypevoy TodTo. 
 
PAUL THE MAN 57 
 
 satisfying expression does not contradict the statement 
 that the new cult and its leading personalities still re- 
 mained as good as unknown to the world at large, and 
 that we may look in vain to find any reflection of the 
 man Paul either in contemporary literature or in the 
 art of that day. 
 
 What Paul himself says about his outer man must 
 therefore suffice for us:' he bore the image of Adam 
 who was formed from the earth; after laying aside this 
 earthly likeness he would however bear the image of 
 the second, the heavenly Adam, of the Lord Jesus 
 Christ who had been transfigured to spiritual glory. 
 
 The countenance then of a man looks upon us, as 
 we stand before Paul, the countenance of Adam upon 
 which is written all that is involved in that contradict- 
 ory double fate of the sons of Adam: they are ‘the 
 image of God,’* yet they have been subjected to sin 
 and death.* 
 
 Unfortunately it is not superfluous strongly to em- 
 phasise the genuine humanity of Paul. The traditional 
 conception has too often made him either a parchment 
 saint, unacquainted with the world or else has suffered 
 the man to disappear behind the system. It is one of 
 the most satisfactory advances in the study of Paul that 
 in the last decades so much more interest has been taken 
 in the man Paul, whereas even Ferdinand Christian Baur 
 in his book Paw/,* which was a classic in its own day, © 
 touched upon the ‘characteristic features of the indi- 
 viduality ’ of the Apostle only in an appendix.® 
 
 1 Cor. xv. 49, kal xabas epopécapev THy cixdva TOD xoiKod, poperwpev 
 kal THY €ikova TOD éroupaviov. 
 
 Se MOOr. X14 3 Rom. vy. 12 ff., 1 Cor. xv. 22. 
 
 * Paulus, der Apostel Jesu Christi, sein Leben und Wirken, seine 
 Briefe und seine Lehre, 2nd Hd. (edited by Eduard Zeller), Leip- 
 zig, 1866 f. 
 
 * Well worthy of note amid the enormous modern literature about 
 Paul are the psycho-analytical study of O. Pfister, Die Entwicklung des 
 
58 PAUL 
 
 The letters viewed as_ confidential non-literary 
 sources have much to tell us of Paul the man. Each 
 letter of Paul is, as we saw, a picture of Paul; yes, in 
 several of his letters there is a quick change of one 
 picture after another; and in all these pictures uncon- 
 sciously left by himself, he gives us a glimpse not only 
 of the frowns and smiles on his face but also of his very 
 soul. 
 
 In spite of such excellent witness to himself we 
 cannot entirely reconstruct him. Apart from the frag- 
 mentary character of the letters, this lies in the nature 
 of historical investigation, which in so far as it is con- 
 cerned with exceptional men, always must stop at a 
 certain point, because there begins a mystery, which 
 even the most refined and sensitive psychological art 
 cannot altogether unveil. 
 
 For all that a large and essential part of the man | 
 
 Paul is accessible tous. And the result of even a rapid 
 study of the personal confessions in his letters is one 
 deep impression: the man who wrote these tragments 
 is a great man, an unusual man of unusual gifts. 
 
 A remark that applies purely to a point of style 
 would make that clear, even to those who in studying 
 human greatness prefer to let considerations of form 
 predominate. The brilliant power of giving plastic 
 form to his thought which Paul possesses in a similar 
 degree to Heraclitus,’ and which he uses without effort, 
 
 Apostels Paulus, Imago 6 (1920), p. 243-290, and the investigation of 
 Otto Schmitz, Das Lebensgefihl des Paulus, Miinchen, 1922, which 
 endeavour to approach the inner structure of the soul of Paul the 
 
 religious man, each by means of its own special method. Both these © 
 
 very original pieces of work are as such with their independent points 
 of view yet another proof of the inexhaustible depths of Paul’s 
 personality. 
 
 1T once read Heraclitus under the guidance of Hermann Diels, — 
 who has since passed away, in the memorable evening sittings of the — 
 
 ee ee ee 
 
PAUL THE MAN 59 
 
 is proof of the spontaneous freshness of his creative 
 nature. 
 The letter killeth, the spirit giveth life,1— 
 
 the man who had only written this monumental line 
 would have been for its sake immortal. 
 
 The Jews ask for signs, the Greeks seek after wisdom.’ 
 
 The kingdom of God is not in word, but in power.® 
 
 Knowledge (Gnosis) puffeth up, but love edifieth.* 
 
 We know in part.® 
 
 The spirit searcheth all things, yea, the deep things of God.°® 
 
 Such flashes and sparks come a hundred times in 
 the letters, which were not intended for the applause of 
 literary salons but came quietly and unassumingly to 
 unknown people to help them in their need through power 
 from above. We have everywhere not the meditated 
 artificiality of the rhetorician counting the rhythm of 
 his phrases, but the natural blazing out of hidden great- 
 ness. Supposing for a moment that all these brilliant 
 phrases had not come down to us in their context in 
 the letters, but in fragments scattered over the ancient 
 literature of a thousand years—like the sayings olf 
 Heraclitus, the Obscure of Ephesus—the editor who for 
 the first time brought them together would be showing 
 us fragments of a hero. Das 
 
 — 
 
 The immense contrasts in Paul’s nature, however, 
 reveal even more of his human greatness. Paul had 
 
 Berliner Greeca, and have made the above comparison deliberately. 
 Hans Leisegang, Der Apostel Paulus als Denker, Leipzig, 1923, p. 39, 
 similarly draws a parallel between the expression of thought by 
 Heraclitus and by the Apostle. 
 
 12 Cor. iii. 6, 76 yap ypdppa arokrévver, TO O€ TvEdua Cworrorel. 
 
 21 Cor. i. 22, Iovdato. onpeia airotow Kat "EAAnves codiav Ly- 
 TOVTW. 
 
 31 Cor. iv. 20, od yap év Adyw H BactAcia Tov Geod, GAN év dvvdmet. 
 
 41 Cor. viii. 1, 4 yrdous drool, 7 Se dydry oiKxodopet. 
 
 51 Cor. xiii. 9, éx pepovs yap ywookopev. 
 
 61 Cor. ii. 10, 76 yap rvedpua radvTa épavva, Kat Ta BAO Tod Oecd. 
 
60 “PAUL 
 
 room in his personality for contradictions which would 
 have hopelessly shattered a small man, and which over- 
 burden the small-minded students of Paul with such a 
 mass of problems, that they have to get air for them- 
 selves by propounding their theses, ‘not genuine’ and 
 ‘interpolated.’ But these contradictions did not shatter 
 Paul; they gave his inner life that tremendous tension 
 which expressed itself in the energy put forth in his 
 life-work. 
 
 The clearest case of these contrasts is that between 
 his ailing body and his: physical powers of work. His 
 poor body was weak and ill, a fragile ‘earthen vessel ’ 
 he calls it himself,’ and the tentmaker compares it to 
 the light tent-dwelling which has no permanency.” He 
 
 speaks in Galatians of a severe attack of illness and it — 
 
 appears to have been an illness whose symptoms aroused 
 disgust.2 Most moving of all is his reference to a 
 severe chronic ailment with occasional attacks that 
 were very painful: he calls this illness 
 
 a thorn in the flesh, 
 a messenger of Satan to buffet me.‘ 
 
 and we cannot determine to what special disease these 
 symptoms point. Various conjectures have often been 
 attempted, but none are adequately convincing; the 
 sparing intimations of Paul himself warn us to be 
 cautious.” All we know is the thrice-repeated prayer 
 of the Apostle in his despair to the Saviour for healing,° 
 
 12 Cor. iv. 7, év datpaxivous oKxeverw. 
 
 29 Cor. v. 1. 8 Gal. iv. 18, 14. 
 
 42 Cor. xi. 7, oxdAo tH capi, dyyeAos Sarava, iva pe koAadily. 
 
 ° A small library could be gathered together all dealing with Paul’s 
 illness. It must, however, on the whole be said that so far as the 
 writers come to definite statement they depend upon inadmissible 
 diagnosis from a distance which every honourable physican would 
 refuse to credit. 
 
 62 Cor. xii. 8. 
 
 selma ei ree 
 
 5 
 . 
 
PAUL THE MAN 61 
 
 cries’ for help, which, apparently unanswered, yet re- 
 ceived a nothing less than divine answer :! 
 
 My grace is sufficient for thee: 
 For my strength is made perfect in weakness. 
 
 Strength in weakness! That is Paul’s own description 
 of the contrast we are studying. The enfeebled body 
 is covered with the scars of frequent ill-treatment; he 
 had endured a stoning,’ five times he had received 
 thirty-nine stripes,* thrice had he been beaten with 
 rods.* What that means may be gathered from prison 
 officials who have been present at the disciplinary 
 punishment of refractory criminals.’ Even after the 
 fifth stroke blood often begins to spirt out, after twenty 
 the back has been slashed into a bloody mass. In the 
 tractate Makkoth of the Mishna we possess the instruc- 
 tions for the synagogue attendant, whose duty it was to 
 cairy out the scourging ‘with all his strength,’ while 
 the judge read words from the Bible. By no means 
 every delinquent had the physical strength to bear the 
 thirty-nine stripes, many a one died under the execu- 
 tioner’s hand; therefore delinquents were ‘assessed’ 
 beforehand, e.g. to be able to endure only eighteen 
 
 *2 Cor. xii. 9, dpxe? cou 7 xd pis pou 4 yap dvvapus ev doevela TeAccrau. 
 
 22 Cor. xi. 25, cf. Acts xiv. 19. 
 
 °2 Cor. xi. 24: The forty save one is the punishment inflicted by 
 the Jewish spiritual court of law. The note is of great importance ; it 
 illuminates as with a flash of lightning an almost forgotten piece of 
 Paul’s biography: his experiences with the officials of the Synagogue 
 (mostly in the diaspora). He never formally separated himself from 
 Judaism and to the end remained under the discipline of the Synagogue. 
 The misdemeanours which were punished with Scourging were 
 amongst others breach of commandments regarding food and other 
 ritual enactments. 
 
 *2 Cor. xi. 25: Punishment by officials of the state, cf. Acts xvi. 29. 
 
 *Compare the fragment The Execution in Tolstoi’s Resurrection, 
 Book I., chap. xlvi. [In the English translation by Louise Maude, this 
 _ account is relegated to an appendix.—W.E. W.] 
 
62 PAUL 
 
 lashes. The paragraphs of this tractate’ are a terrific 
 commentary on that simple line in second Corinthians. 
 In addition to the physical torment of this violently 
 executed Jewish punishment there was also the agony 
 of soul which Paul must have experienced as over and 
 over again during the lashes of the attendant the 
 mechanical reading of prescribed lines from the law’ 
 by the officiating scribe wounded his inner being as with 
 corroding scorn : 
 
 If thou will not observe 
 
 To do all the words of this law, 
 That are written.in this book, 
 That thou mayest fear 
 
 This glorious and fearful name, 
 Jahwe thy God... 
 
 Then will Jahwe make thy plagues wonderful 
 And the plagues of thy seed, 
 
 EKyen great plagues and of long continuance, 
 And sore sicknesses and of long continuance. 
 
 To all this must be added privations of hunger and frost, 
 of thirst, heat and shipwreck* and the martyrdom of 
 frequent arrest.* And Paul may often have experienced 
 in his own person, what he had observed in his com- 
 panion, Timothy :° that the drink of water found at last 
 by the parched traveller, had the seeds of evil disease 
 
 1 Hasiest for reference in the small editions by Hermann L. Strack, 
 Leipzig, 1910, and Gustav Holscher, Tiibingen, 1910. 
 
 *The tractate Makkoth, § 14, prescribes the terrible words, Deut. 
 xxviii. 58 f., which in their content are closely allied to the words quoted 
 by Paul in Gal. iii. 10, from Deut. xxvii. 26. It may be imagined with 
 what feelings one who had been scourged would afterwards himself 
 read and cite these words. 
 
 32 Cor. xi. 25-27. 
 
 4So Paul himself says, 2 Cor. xi. 23 and vi. 5. Long before he was 
 arrested in Jerusalem, he had often been in prison. That is the start- 
 ing-point of the Hphesian hypothesis (see above, p. 17 note). 
 
 PAM LIM ay. 123: 
 
PAUL THE MAN 63 
 
 hidden in it. If Paul could on occasion declare with a 
 smile : 
 
 in everything and in all things I have learned the secret, both 
 to be filled and to be hungry,! 
 
 the list of his sufferings in second Corinthians (only 
 apparently monotonous) speaks clearly enough.’ It 
 reflects the difficulties of climate to which the ailing 
 man was exposed, but also the whole cruelty of fanati- 
 cism, which like a consuming fire rages through the 
 religious history of the East, from the slaughter of the 
 Priests of Baal to the stoning of Stephen, and from the 
 Alexandrian Jewish pogroms under Caligula to the 
 Armenian massacres of Adana, Tarsus and Antioch in 
 1909 ; not to mention all the cruelties of the World-war, 
 far outstripping all ancient statistics of murder. 
 
 And now we see that this man, ailing, illtreated, 
 weakened by hunger and perhaps by fever, completed 
 such a life-work that, as a mere physical performance, 
 challenges our admiration. Just measure out the mile- 
 age which Paul travelled by water and land, and your- 
 self try to follow the course of his journeys. You sit, 
 with your viséd pass and diplomatic recommendations 
 in your pocket, in a comfortable modern carriage on the 
 Anatolian railway, and travel in the evening twilight 
 easily towards your destination on the permanent way 
 which has been forced through rocks and over streams 
 by engineering skill and dym4pnite. While, having 
 already booked your rooms by telegraph, you are 
 carried rapidly and without effort over the pass, you see 
 in the fading light of evening, deep below you, the 
 ancient road, narrow and stony, that climbs the pass, 
 and upon that road a few people on foot and riding 
 
 1 Phil. iv. 12, év ravti kai ev racw peptnpat, Kal xopralec au Kat reway. 
 SaeOles<iveaa it, © Of. also i, 8 ff. 3 iv... 77 fh: vi & ff: xis. 10: 
 1 Cor. iv. 9-138; xv. 31 f£.; Rom. viii. 35 f. 
 oe 
 
64 PAUL 
 
 donkeys, or in exceptional cases perhaps on horseback, 
 are hurrying along towards the crowded, dirty inn. They 
 are bound to reach it before darkness finally settles in, 
 for the night is no friend to man; the wild dogs of the 
 inhospitable shepherds set themselves raging in the way, 
 robbers are ready to take money, clothes, and beasts, 
 and the demons of fever threaten the overheated and 
 weary in the cold night wind, which is already blowing 
 down irom the side valleys. 
 
 Or exchange for once the modern Levant hotel with 
 its lift and French cookery tor the wretched kahn at 
 the summit of the pass of the Syrian Gates on the way 
 to Antioch and camp for a single night on the hard wood | 
 of the dirty plank-bed tormented by impure air, cold 
 and vermin. Or if you travel from the east to Italy on 
 a great Mediterranean steamer from Bremen, you may 
 say to yourself: the storm that tosses us about in the 
 gloomy night and gives us a taste of sea-sickness, but 
 for all that cannot turn this immense ship aside from 
 its course, at the same time dashes the little sailing 
 ship, which without stars or compass is at the mercy of 
 the billows, upon a reef or sandbank, and the few who 
 manage to save themselves on scraps of wreckage are 
 driven about for days starving on the waves. 
 
 It is Paul we have seen on that darkening road up 
 the pass; it is the wearied Paul who seeks repose on 
 the hard wood; and it was Paul who was tossed about 
 on a broken ship’s plank for a day and a night,* Paul, 
 the man who suffered so much, hungry and thirsty. I 
 had the great good fortune in 1906 and 1909 on my two 
 journeys to travel over almost all Paul’s routes. One 
 of the most lasting impressions of these journeys, made 
 for the most part with all modern conveniences for 
 travel, is inexpressible astonishment at the purely 
 
 12 Cor, xi. 25, vuxOypepov év tT) BvOO rerotnka. 
 
PAUL THE MAN 65 
 
 physical achievement of Paul the traveller, who could 
 truly say, not without ground, that he buffeted his body 
 and brought it into subjection like a slave.! Strength 
 in weakness ! 
 
 Another of the great contradictions of his nature is 
 this: Paul is of great humility yet he is also capable 
 of uttering words of the most majestic self-confidence. 
 Especially characteristic here is the confession of first 
 Corinthians :? 
 
 I am the least of the apostles . . . But by the grace of God 
 
 Tam what Iam... I laboured more abundantly than they all ; 
 yet not I, but the grace of God which was in me. 
 
 Those are no mere phrases, but genuine confessions ; 
 with an almost Greek horror of arrogance? there is com- 
 bined a virile sense of power: before God a worm, 
 before men an eagle. 
 
 é 
 
 Dependent upon his bodily weakness, but no doubt 
 also bound up with his whole structure of soul, is the 
 alternation of times of deep inner depression with 
 wonderful moments of complete freedom and an in- 
 toxicated sense of victory in having overcome the 
 world. Out of his own experience he speaks of ‘the 
 earnest expectation of the creation’* and no less of 
 being cast down, of being straitened, of distresses, 
 anxieties, of heavy cares;° longing for death thrills 
 through his soul,° and yet the dissolution of this earthly 
 tent is to him a horrible thought.’ Out of his own 
 
 *1 Cor. ix. 27, trwridlw pov rd cOpa Kat Sovraywys. 
 
 71 Cor. xv. 9 f., eyo yap «ius 6 €Adyuoros t&v drocrddov . . 
 xapite dé Geod cipl 6 ciue . . . wepicodrepov airav mdévtwv exoriaca, odk 
 éyw dé GAAS 7 xdpis TOD Heod orv éxoi. 
 
 * Compare the frequent warnings in Paul’s letters against boasting. 
 
 4 Rom. viii. 19 ff., 7 droxapaSoxia ths Kricews. 
 
 °2 Cor. iv. 8 ff.; vi. 4 ff; 1 Cor. iv. 9 ff. and other places. 
 
 Pint 25: T2\Gor.y? abi: 
 
 5 
 
66 PAUL 
 
 personal experiences he has discovered the simplest and 
 most powerful chord expressive of all human suffering 
 in the de profundis of Romans :? 
 
 O wretched man that I am! 
 
 And the same man yet again glories in being completely 
 raised above all the troubles and perplexities of this 
 life? It is bad psychology to refer the words of depres- 
 sion entirely to Paul’s pre-Christian days, and to make 
 Paul the Christian speak only in words from the 
 heights. Even as a Christian Paul was still swallowed 
 up by the deep, just as surely as no doubt while still a 
 pious Jew he had seen the mountains from which his 
 help came. 
 
 Closely connected with this great contradiction of 
 his nature is another. Paul is by nature tender. He 
 weeps and he even speaks with antique simplicity of 
 his weeping. He enters a new place of his missionary 
 work with timidity, with ‘fear and trembling.’* He is 
 capable of the deepest feeling, calls the mother of a 
 friend in a popular good-humoured way his own mother,’ 
 writes as a father,® can even feel like a mother,’ emotion 
 and love flow from his lips. The intimate letter to the 
 Philippians and the gentle letter to Philemon are 
 monuments of this tenderness. The great thirteenth 
 chapter of first Corinthians, too, the song of songs of. 
 brotherly love, welled forth from the depths of this 
 sensitive soul. 
 
 At times, however, this tender, gently smiling Paul, 
 
 1 Rom. vil. 24, tadairwpos éyo avOpwrros. 
 
 *'To the highest degree in Rom. viii. 36 ff. 
 
 $2 Cor. 11.4; Phil 1118 + ef) Acts xxyl Jig 1 
 
 42 Cor. il. 3, &v doOevela kat ev POBw Kal ev Tpduw TOAD. 
 5 Rom. xvi. 18. 
 
 61 Thess. ii. 11; 1 Cor. iv. 14 f., ete. 
 
 i Galiiv. 193 etri hess aris, 
 
PAUL THE MAN 67 
 
 who can sometimes be so tolerant of others,! is hard; 
 he writes like a jailer, he is angry and his words of 
 wrath strike the offender like lightning.? The effect of 
 such words upon those for whom they are intended is 
 crushing, and his opponents scornfully object® that one 
 ‘whose bodily presence’ is so ‘weak,’ should when 
 absent write such ‘ weighty and powerful letters.’ Even 
 more characteristic is what Paul himself experienced of 
 the effect upon the Corinthians‘ of a letter (no longer 
 in existence) written in deep depression.® The letter’s 
 first effect was to give the church great pain; perhaps 
 the Corinthians tore it up in the first blaze, of anger, or 
 later purposely destroyed it, because there was in it so 
 much that hurt them—that would be the easiest explana- 
 tion of the disappearance of this no doubt magnificent 
 letter. 
 
 In particular he is boundlessly severe towards 
 his opponents ; not shrinking from the bitterest tone, 
 he coins polemical phrases of an absolutely fanatical 
 coarseness,” whose death-dealing sharpness is scarcely 
 to be felt, when excited aftercomers, who are not worthy 
 to unloose the latchet of his sandals, presume to take 
 his sword in hand at the present day. He sometimes 
 even doubts the genuineness of his opponents’ convic- 
 tions, thus showing a classical instance of intolerance.’ 
 
 One observation is here especially typical : Paul is 
 full of irony, of inexorable, biting irony.’ Only so are 
 many of his words to be understood ; they vibrate like 
 
 Cf. especially his attitude towards the ‘ weak’ brethren in 1 Cor. 
 vill. and Rom. xiv. 1—xv. 13. 
 
 * Compare the beginning of Galatians and many other places. 
 
 32° Cor. x. 10. 
 
 42 Cor. vii. 8 ff. 
 
 ° 2 Cor. ii. 4; cf. above p. 14. 
 
 ° Gal. v. 12; Phil. iii. 2,18; 2 Cor. xi. 13 ff., 20; Rom. xvi. 18. 
 
 Pon eee 4 <i 17 yi, 12. 
 
 § Cf. as a specially typical example 2 Cor. xi. 
 
68 PAUL 
 
 the ring of a dagger, when they are understood as 
 ironical words used in conflict. 
 
 This mixture of mildness and severity in Paul 
 reminds us, as does much else, of Luther ; compare, for 
 instance, the reformer’s delightful letter to his son 
 ‘Hansichen and his deadly words of controversy against 
 the Pope. 
 
 It is understandable that a personality containing 
 such violent contrasts has made very varied impressions 
 on people. There has probably seldom been anyone at 
 the same time hated with such fiery hatred and loved 
 with such strong passion as Paul. 
 
 He sometimes quotes things his opponents said 
 against him, which while they are no doubt caricatures, 
 are most instructive. He is, they say, humble when 
 present, but when absent full of courage ;' he can write 
 great and powerful letters, but his bodily presence is 
 weak and his speech of no account ;* he wants to talk 
 people over to his side;* he does not write what he 
 really thinks ;* he is beside himself.° They do not 
 even shrink from accusing him behind his back of deceit, 
 uncleanness and guile,®° and to whisper of dishonest 
 dealings which he has been guilty of in money matters.’ 
 In hght of this the meticulous care which Paul gave 
 to the subject of collections is understandable. These 
 
 humble people of his churches whose means of liveli- _ 
 
 hood was reckoned in obols and denarii, these envious 
 people, who themselves, as Paul once confessed with a 
 sigh,® ‘eat and devour one another,’ and who by taking 
 their miserable quarrels about matters of no account to 
 be settled by heathen judges, exposed the brotherhood 
 
 19 Cor. x. 1, 2. 292 Cor. x. 10. 3 Gali: 
 49 Cor. i. 13. 8 Cor, viele. 
 61 Thess. ii. 3 f, 72 Cor. xii. 16. 
 
 8 Gal. v. 15, dAAnAovs Saxvere Kal Kare Oiere. 
 
 . 
 “Ff 
 
 ‘ 
 
PAUL, THE MAN 69 
 
 to mockery,’ these people (and this is the reverse side 
 of the social structure of early Christianity) were ready 
 to listen to common calumnies and good-for-nothing 
 gossip against a great man. According to the Apostle’s 
 own testimony at any rate there were not lacking in the 
 Corinthian church people who formerly had been none 
 too scrupulous as to meum and tuwwm—‘ thieves’ and 
 ‘extortioners,’ says Paul bluntly.” Certain though it is 
 that Paul’s persecutors with all this gossip did him 
 bitter injustice, there yet remained in other accusations 
 perhaps a little grain of truth, though made use of in 
 an untruthful way. This can be seen particularly 
 clearly in one case: Paul’s impulsiveness, shown on one 
 occasion in sudden alteration of plans of travel, was 
 used by his opponents to put him in an unfavourable 
 light: they accused him of frivolously saying yes, yes 
 and no, no in the same breath.® 
 
 There is however no lack of evidence for an 
 absolutely enthusiastic devotion to him (a devotion 
 genuinely Oriental and southern in its naive fire). Paul 
 reminds the Galatians of the time of their first love, 
 when they received him ‘as an angel of God, even as 
 Christ Jesus’ Himself, and would have counted them- 
 selves happy if they could have ‘plucked out their own 
 eyes’ for him.* The saints in Philippi loved him more 
 deeply because with greater constancy, as the letter 
 addressed to them shows. 
 
 From all this we may draw conclusions about Paul’s 
 personality: being himself both tender and severe he 
 had made the people with whom he came into contact 
 friends: or opponents. He did not know the comfort- 
 able quietness of the ordinary man. His way in life 
 lay through the fires and tempests of love and hate. 
 
 
 
 11 Cor: vi. 1-11. : 
 2khérra. . . . dpmayes, 1 Cor. vi. 11, compare with 10. Cf. Eph. 
 iv. 28. 
 
 SA Core th 17, 4Gal. iv. 18 ff. 
 
70 PAUL 
 
 That the man Paul, who has up to now been our 
 study, was a man of the ancient world, goes without 
 saying. But as a warning against every attempt at 
 modernisation it is well to formulate the sentence 
 expressly. Nevertheless it certainly ought not to be 
 forgotten that in the great movements of the soul of 
 man the difference between the so-called modern man 
 and the man of antiquity is not so very great. But the 
 differences which are really present are recognised by 
 the eye sharpened by historical research. 
 
 The world of Paul is that ancient world, which we 
 attempted to sketch m outline, and the ancient simple 
 cosmogony with its above and below is the background 
 of his religious certainties. Genuinely ancient is his 
 belief in demons, which is to be discerned in a number 
 of places in his letters. Just as innumerable men of 
 antiquity, whose leaden tablets inscribed with bann and 
 curse are still preserved, ‘delivered’! their opponents 
 over to the gods of the underworld, so he ‘ delivers ’? the 
 blasphemers Hymeneeus and Alexander the copper- 
 smith to Satan. Similarly he advises the Corinthians 
 solemnly to ‘deliver’ an evil-doer to Satan.’ The part- 
 ing scene at Miletus * may be taken as the counterpart to 
 this, at which Paul says to the elders of the Ephesian 
 church :— 
 
 And now brethren I commend you to God and to the word 
 of His grace. 
 He has much to say of the wiles of Satan,’ but he is 
 confident that God will shortly crush the evil one under 
 the feet of the saints.° 
 We see Paul as a man of the ancient world also in 
 
 1Cf. Licht vom Osten, p. 256 f. 21 Tim. i. 20. 
 
 Sl OOr. Vy. 3-0. * Acts xx. 32. 
 
 51 Thess. ii. 18; 2 Thess. ii. 9; 1 Cor. vii. 5; 2 Cor. ii. 11; iv. 4; 
 XLS RIL 7 3/ Eph vit: Lim yeloese Linea 
 
 6 Rom. xvi. 20. 
 
PAUL THE MAN 71 
 
 _ every case where the civilisation of the ancient great 
 city appears as the background of his mission. His 
 figurative language, very different from that of Jesus, 
 the Galilean, which, fresh as the dew and gay with 
 colour, is full of country life, reflects the life of the 
 great cities of antiquity ; we see in it the games of the 
 stadium,’ military affairs,’ slavery,® legal practice and 
 the law courts,‘ then the theatre,’ home and family 
 life,° building,’ handicrafts,* commerce,’ sea voyaging.” 
 Probably it was military and legal affairs" which had 
 most interest for him. Illustrations taken from country 
 life are, on the other hand, but few and mostly more 
 conventional than the others. 
 
 From single passages in the letters, if we have learnt 
 how to look at fragments, we can reconstruct scenes 
 
 11 Cor. ix. 24; Phil. iii. 14; 2 Tim. iv. 7 £ (this passage is written 
 just in the style of an inscription recording a contest for a wager, 
 Lncht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 262), ete. 
 
 21 Thess. v. 8; Eph. vi. 10 ff.; Philemon 2; 1 Cor. ix.7; xiv. 8; 
 2 Cor. x. 3 ff; Phil. ii. 25; 2 Tim. ii. 3. The illustration of the 
 triumphal procession is especially characteristic, 2 Cor. ii, 14; 
 Col. ii. 15. 
 
 3’ Numerous passages. 
 
 *Numerous places, especially the usage of the ideas xataxpivew, 
 condemn, and dicot, justify (= acquit), When Paul (Rom. iii. 24) 
 especially emphasises the fact that God acquits us for nothing (with- 
 out our paying him anything, dwpeav) there may be behind this picture 
 the thought of some earthly judge who wished to be bribed. (Cf. 
 Acts xxiv. 26, see above, p. 46 f.) 
 
 eh Cor, iv..9; Rom. 1. 32. 6 Many places. 
 
 71 Cor. iii, 10 ff, cf. particularly the important illustration of the 
 building. 
 
 S Rom. ix. 21. 
 
 Cline 44; 2 Cor. 1. 22; v. 0; ii. 17. 
 
 UP eae ote, 1.9, 
 
 1 'This sphere has always received great interest ; cf. the collection 
 of references, Licht vom Osten, 4th Hd., p. 270 f. It may be worked 
 out to-day in a more plastic way, as the researches of Otto Lger 
 indicate. 
 
72 PAUL 
 
 from the life of the people in the great cities of an- 
 tiquity.. We can imagine the bustle in the macellum 
 at Corinth, the bazar of the butchers, where the various 
 sorts of meat offered for sale occasioned serious scruples 
 of conscience to timid Christians.” Afterwards, if the 
 meat, which had perhaps been offered to idols, was 
 roasted and served at table in the house of a heathen, 
 it might make grave difficulties for any Christians who 
 may chance to have been invited to the dinner-party.’ 
 The Gnosis-Christian, who boasted his enlightenment 
 and feasted freely with the heathen even in the heathen 
 temple, was a stumbling-block to the ascetically timid 
 ‘weak’ brother,* who as he watched him with venomous 
 glances, was indeed ‘weak in faith,’° but strong in 
 ‘judging’® and in malicious ‘evil-speaking.’’ Or we 
 almost hear the clink of tribute and custom money in 
 the office of the collectors,* amongst whom there were, 
 as Paul hints with a smile, some coarse worthies who 
 did not merely require one to pay but also to tremble.? 
 Like summer lightning Paul’s sharp irony plays over 
 the learned class: the heathen orators with their 
 ‘wisdom’ and artificial rhetoric’® and the Jewish 
 scribes, who will only do business when you offer them 
 miracles." 
 
 We have already spoken of the quarrels of those 
 who rush to the magistrate about some pitiably small 
 
 1On this point the words of Jesus are certainly very much richer ; 
 they are nothing else than classical documents for information about 
 the people of Palestine. 
 
 21 Cor. x. 25. 31 Cor. viii. 10. 41 Corsxso ian 
 5 Rom. xiv. 1. 61 Cor. x. 29. 
 il iCornx. 30; 8 Rom. xiii. 7 (a). 
 
 *Rom. xiii. 7 (0). In the original there is a pretty play upon 
 words between ¢épos, tribute, and PdBos, fear: rd tov Popov Tov Popov 
 
 . TO TOv PoBov Tov hdoBov. 
 
 eLUCOry iLO pied. 
 
 tet Gor..1.20;522: 
 
PAUL THE MAN 73 
 
 matter,’ and of the dark picture of the moral corruption 
 of the great city.” Sharp instantaneous pictures pass 
 betore us in the catalogue of domestic virtues in the 
 letters to the Colossians* and Laodiceans (Ephesians) ‘ 
 and also in the warnings of the pastoral letters which 
 suggest such a wide experience of life. They allow us 
 in particular an inner view of family life. The apostolic 
 ethos is connected with the civilisation of the world in 
 general by a broad basis of moral convictions common 
 to the whole of antiquity.’ 
 
 Paul as a man of the ancient world stands out 
 wonderfully clearly as we read his letters amid the 
 ruins of the cities he evangelised, which in our day have 
 been cleared of rubbish and again brought to light. 
 We may, for example, sit in the theatre at Ephesus, 
 which witnessed that tumult of Acts xix., oppressed with 
 the sultry loneliness of the Ephesian countryside and 
 read in a letter written at Ephesus of the Apostle’s 
 many Ephesian opponents.® Or on the heights of the 
 Acro-Corinthus, with the sea to the right of us that 
 bears the sailing-ships to Ephesus and Palestine, and 
 to the left the Gulf of Corinth pointing towards Rome, 
 we may open the Epistle to the Romans, the letter in 
 which there below in Old Corinth Paul surveyed his 
 field of work from Jerusalem to Rome and to Spain.’ 
 Then the Paul of ancient times, the subject of the 
 Emperor Nero, the contemporary of Seneca, stands out 
 a living man. 
 
 The contemporary of Seneca! The Christian of a 
 later generation who manufactured a correspondence 
 
 Cor yyi.; 1 ff. 7 Rom. i. 24 ff.; Gal. v. 19 ff, ete. 
 
 3 Col. iii. 12—iy. 1. 4 Eph. v. 15—vi. 9. 
 
 °Cf. Licht vom Osten., 4th Ed., p. 262 ff., the hints about ancient 
 popular ethics in the New Testament. The theme would repay a 
 more exact study. 
 
 Ol Cor.txvi.. 9: 7 Rom. xv. 19, 93 f, 
 
74 PAUL 
 
 between Paul and Seneca, placed the Apostle in direct 
 relations with the literary man. But as a matter of 
 fact the two men had no contact with one another. 
 Paul did once stand, an accused man, before Seneca’s 
 brother, Gallio, the Proconsul of Achaia.t The theme 
 ‘Paul and Seneca,’ * which would be more interesting 
 to a later age, may have arisen out of this occurrence 
 at Corinth. But Paul is not to be classed with the 
 philosopher. Seneca belongs to the select upper class, 
 Paul belongs to the great mass of the weary and heavy- 
 laden. To the aristocratic men of letters of his day, if 
 they ever thought of: him at all, he would have been 
 nothing more than the homo novus. But—and here we 
 must further develop a point of view already suggested * 
 —he was not particularly striking to his own age. Not 
 a single contemporary historian mentions him. This 
 ‘selentium sceculi, which has occasionally been used by 
 the bodyless doctrinaire theorists of our day as evidence 
 against the genuineness of Paul’s epistles, is the 
 perfectly natural consequence of the actual position of 
 Paul in the world of his day. He was indeed no man 
 of letters, whose works aroused interest, no man of 
 learning, with impressive theories of culture. The 
 appearance of this one religious travelling preacher 
 amongst the many apostles of other cults in the great 
 cities surrounding the Mediterranean would in those 
 days gain no more attention. than would in our day the 
 activities of an American Adventist in Hamburg or 
 Berlin. The word of his opponents, that he was 
 ‘unknown,’* which no doubt meant that he was not 
 
 1 Acts xviii. 12 ff. Cf. below in Appendix. 
 
 2 Cf. lately Rudolf v. Delius, Zur Psychologie der rom. Kaiserzett, 
 Munchen and Leipzig (1913), p. 1-20 (with several mistaken inferences), 
 and Hrnst v. Dobschiitz, Begegnungen und Briefwechsel in Geschichte 
 und Legende, in Geschichtliche Studien, presented to Albert Hauck, 
 Leipzig, 1916, p. 3. 
 
 3 Cf. above, p. 56. +2 Corsvied. 
 
PAUL THE MAN 75 
 
 recognised in the circle of the genuine apostles of Jesus, 
 contains a profound truth when applied to the position 
 of Paul in the world. 
 
 In this Paul’s position is utterly different from that 
 of Luther. From 1517 onwards Luther had a position 
 of great publicity, as a man of letters, reformer, politician 
 and organiser. Paul remained in obscurity. It was 
 only long after his death that he became a person of 
 historical importance, 
 
 Just as Paul described in glowing words in first 
 Corinthians’ the distance that separated the over- 
 whelming majority of his converts from the upper-class 
 with its culture, power and noble birth, so too in his 
 own person he was sensible of this distance and ex- 
 presses it when he speaks of himself as ‘rude in speech,’ ? 
 deals ironically with ‘the wisdom of the world,’* and, 
 in contrast with the wise, the scribes and the disputers, 
 characterises himself as the messenger of divine ‘ foolish- 
 ness, * or when he regards the wise just as much as the 
 unlearned as objects of his mission work.’ This sense 
 of contrast with the great world also is expressed in 
 the bitterness of that passionate confession that God 
 has set forth the Apostles ‘last,’ as ‘filth’ and ‘off- 
 scouring’ of humanity, fit to serve as a ‘spectacle’ to 
 the world, to angels and to men (like the beasts and the 
 criminals in the circus).° 
 
 If it be objected that Paul’s letters, which supply us 
 to-day with so many difficulties in exegesis, must have 
 been too ‘high’ for simple people, and that therefore Paul 
 must have had an eye to a circle of readers drawn from the 
 educated public, it must be answered that the difficulty 
 oi interpretation proves nothing against our contention, 
 There are contemporary papyrus letters which are 
 
 11 Cor. i, 26 ff. 22 Cor. xi. 6. 
 
 31 Cor. ii. 1 ff, 6-10; iii, 19 ff., ete. 
 41 Cor. i. 18-20. 5 Rom. i, 14. 61 Cor. iy. 9-18. 
 
~~ 
 
 76 PAUL 
 
 certainly products of the lower classes; no doubt they 
 were understood by their recipients, and in spite of that 
 (or ought I to say—because of that?) are incredibly 
 difficult for us to understand. In addition to this, 
 numerous difficulties have been artificially introduced 
 by the dogmatic misuse of Paul’s letters. ‘Some 
 things hard to be understood’ naturally remain: it was 
 not Mark Rutherford who first correctly noticed that,’ 
 but a much older reader.? But nevertheless those six 
 unknown people,’ Speratus, Nartzalus, Cittinus, Donata, 
 Secunda, and Vestia, the martyrs of Scilli, who on the 
 17th of July, 180, were obliged to state in evidence, 
 before the Proconsul, what was in their box, certainly 
 did not speak of unintelligible hieroglyphics but of the 
 treasure of their souls, when they answered :* 
 
 the books used by us, and besides these the letters of the holy 
 man Paul. 
 
 Even to-day there are numbers of Christians, un- 
 learned indeed, but knowing their Bibles and experienced 
 in life, who in the main understand Paul’s letters well. 
 Lutheran peasants, Methodist tradesmen, Anglican 
 colonists, Moravian women, Stundists of Michel Hahn, 
 Presbyterian miners join with the simple confessors of 
 Scilli in no small numbers. That Paul himself had the 
 consciousness that he was writing for simple people, 
 
 1 Letters to Three Friends (cf. The British Weekly, No. 1963, June, 
 1924, p. 232): ‘Saint Paul, I confess, is hard, and I never read him 
 without feeling that I have to stretch myself mightily in order to 
 accommodate myself to him. In fact the last time I tried the Epistle to 
 the Romans I had to give it up.’ 
 
 22 Pet. iii. 16, dvovonra twa. 
 
 3 ‘Plainly all plebians,’ says Harnack, Die Mission und Ausbreitung 
 des Christentums im den ersten dret Jahrhunderten, ii, 2nd Kd., 
 Leipzig, 1906, p. 238. English Translation: The Mission and EHa- 
 pansion of Chrostrianity, vol. ii., p. 278, note 2. 
 
 4 Akten der Scillatanischen Martyrer (Greek text edited by Usener), 
 
 ai ka? nuas BiBAo Kal ai mpocemitovrois érictoAal IlavAov Tod dciov avdpés. 
 
PAUL THE MAN 77 
 
 ‘babes’ and the ‘weak’ is shown by occasional ex- 
 pressions of his own.’ 
 
 Does Paul lose anything, when as a homo novus he 
 is contrasted with the leading classes of his day? Yes, 
 he loses something: the stilts he has been given. And 
 he is set upon his own feet, upon the value of his own 
 personality. We measure him no more by what he 
 received, or ought to have received from without, but 
 by what he was originally. Through the inexhaustible 
 springs of the power of personality that was in him, 
 this homo novus, Paul, standing in his own place, 
 amongst the common people of the ancient world, rises 
 high above the mass that surrounded him. Yes, his 
 figure rises, too, above his famous contemporaries who 
 sprang from the upper class. There is no single 
 person of Nero’s days who has left such permanent 
 marks on the souls of men as Paul the homo novus. 
 
 The cosmopolitan trait that this unknown man here 
 and there exhibits is the single silent prophecy of his 
 future influence on the history of the world. Paul of 
 Tarsus was not confined by the walls of his workshop 
 or by the narrow, gloomy courts of his Ghetto. He 
 was a citizen of the world; to the Jews a Jew, to the 
 Hellenists a Hellenist.2 His attitude was friendly to- 
 wards the Roman state of which he was a citizen; 
 he on occasion even threw out the tremendous thought, 
 that the government of the state is something divine, 
 and that power is of the essence of that government.* 
 What fruit have these few words in the tentmaker’s 
 letter borne later in the ecclesiastical and civil theories 
 of the state! 
 
 Moreover, his great soul without learned training 
 had absorbed much from the cosmopolitan civilisation 
 
 11 Cor. iii. 1 ff. ; Rom. vi. 19. 21 Cor. ix. 20 f. 
 3 Acts xxil. 20 ff. 4 Rom. xiii. 1-7. 
 
78 PAUL 
 
 of the east and west which was roaring around him, 
 and not least that common stock of ethics." What 
 might be called his secular education was not drilled 
 into him, but breathed in. Some things he had picked 
 up from the rhetoricians, he was acquainted with pithy 
 sayings of the poets and lines that live in the mouths 
 of the people;* he had no knowledge of the rhythm- 
 beating of the Asiatic prose-writers, which shows his 
 good sense.* He had his own ideas about heathenism, 
 gained from personal observation. He used indeed the 
 current controversial methods of the Jews against wor- 
 ship of idols and immorality,* but unlike the small- 
 minded dogmatic zealot he did not hold that the 
 heathen world as such was God-forsaken : 
 
 Is He the God of the Jews only ? 
 
 Is He not also of the Gentiles ? 
 Yes, of the Gentiles also.5 
 
 He finds amongst the heathen the unwritten law of 
 conscience ;° heattributes moral sense to them,’ and he 
 read upon the altars of heathenism a dedicatory in- 
 scription which he interpreted as a longing cry after the 
 One God.® 
 
 That he did not interpret such an inscription like 
 a modern student of inscriptions goes without saying. 
 Paul looked at everything from the religious stand- 
 point. . 
 
 1Cf. above, p. 73. 
 
 21 Cor. xv. 33; Acts xvii. 285 Tite1. 12: 
 
 ’Compare my thorough criticism of the hypothesis of Friedrich 
 Blass, Theol. Literaturzeitung, 31 (1906), col. 231 ff. 
 
 4Rom. i. 18-32; Gal. i. 15. 
 
 ° Rom. ili. 29, 7) “Tovdaiwy 6 Geds povov; odyt Kal eOvGv; val Kat eOvar. 
 
 6 Rom. ii. 14 f. A Ore ville 
 
 8 Acts xvii. 23. A dedication probably similar to the inscription 
 at Athens has been found in Pergamum; see below in Appendix. In 
 spite of Eduard Norden’s famous investigation, I maintain that Luke’s 
 reference to the Athenian inscription is to be accepted. 
 
PAUL THE MAN 79 
 
 With this we come to the last clear characteristic 
 in Paul’s character, to the characteristic which from 
 historical point of view was his real driving force. 
 The thing that made this significant man what he 
 became was his religious endowment. 
 
 Paul must be classed with the few people regarding 
 whom that much misused phrase ‘religious genius ’ can 
 rightly and fittingly be used. His was a mystical- 
 prophetical nature, and compared with this character- 
 istic the theological almost entirely disappears. His 
 mysticism is not acting mysticism, but reacting 
 mysticism, not a mysticism which strives after ab- 
 sorption inthe Deity but a mysticism which receives 
 communion with God as a gift of grace." He was 
 mystical-prophetical also in the exceptional sense that 
 he was capable of ecstatic experiences. True, he 
 shuddered at the wild riot of unbridled wholesale 
 ecstacies whether heathen? or Christian,? and in 
 Corinth, where it once happened that some one in 
 ecstasy cursed Jesus,* he waged war against speaking 
 with tongues, although he recognised it in theory.” He 
 himself indeed had the gift of tongues,’ and could tell 
 of datable” ecstasies and special revelations of his own. 
 Caught up into the third heaven, he had heard ‘un- 
 speakable words’ ‘which it is not lawful for a man to 
 utter.’° In hours when he was unable to pray the 
 Spirit had suddenly taken possession and had prayed 
 for him in his stead ‘with groanings which cannot be 
 uttered.’® In grace it was granted to him to hear the 
 
 ! More is to be found on this question in Chapter VI. 
 
 4*1. Cor. xii. 2: 31 Cor. xiv. 23. 
 mLACOL: X11 0, 
 51 Cor. xiv. 61 Cor. xiv. 18. 
 
 72 Cor. xii. 2; Gal. ii. 1. For dating of ecstasies cf. Isaiah vi. 1: 
 ‘In the year that King Uzziah died. . .’ 
 82 Cor. xii. 2-4. 9 Rom. viii. 26 f. 
 
80 PAUL 
 
 voices from on high in words he could understand,’ and 
 dreams became to him divine signs.? 
 
 The enlightened Philistine feels superior to the 
 delusions of the enthusiast, the dogmatic theologian 
 with his love of order mistrusts the mystical or refers 
 it to the faculty of philosophy or medicine. But the 
 historical student of religion knows that, puzzling as 
 they may be to him, the experiences of the great 
 enthusiasts are the sources of power in the history 
 of religion.? (Whoever takes away the mystical ele- 
 ment from Paul, the man of antiquity, sins against the 
 Pauline word :* 
 
 Quench not the Spirit. 
 
 Some have quenched the Spirit in putting a spirited 
 -aulinism in place of the spirit-filled Paul, and what 
 
 19 Cor. xii. 9; Acts xxii. 17 ff.:; ix. 4 ff, etc. ; xx. 23: xyinOae 
 
 2 Acts xvi. 9; xxvil. 23 f. 
 
 3 Hven Emil Brunner could know this and perhaps sometime will 
 know it. Now (Die Mystik und das Wort, Tubingen, 1924) contrast- 
 ing mysticism and ‘word’ (or even mysticism and faith), he only 
 allows value to the ‘word’ (or to ‘ faith’), and overlooks the fact that 
 the ‘word’ is the precipitate of the mystical experience of certain 
 solitary souls who have been granted God’s grace, and that ‘faith’ in 
 Paul’s use is only another expression for the living communion with 
 God ‘in’ Christ. To contrast mysticism and the word is just as 
 erroneous as for instance to contrast creative genius in music with 
 musical score, or a charitable disposition with almsgiving. Compare 
 the apposite remark of Paul Tillich, Rechtfertiqung und Zwerfel, 
 Giessen, 1924 (Vortrage der theologischen Konferenz zu Giessen, 
 39th Series), p. 27. ‘The ‘word’ which Brunner opposes to 
 mysticism is only heard by the homo mysticus, that is he who is not 
 a mystic in the actual practising sense, but who has received and 
 continues to receive the fundamental revelation.’ Here also there is a 
 valuable distinction between the ‘practising’ mystic and the ‘ revela- 
 tion-mystic’; compare my discussion of ‘acting’ and ‘reacting’ 
 mysticism, below, Chapter VI. 
 
 41 Thess. v. 19, 76 zvetya py oBéevvvte. 
 
 ‘(I have tried to preserve the play upon words. The German is 
 ‘wenn er geistreichen Paulinismus an Stelle des Geisttragers Paulus 
 
PAUL THE MAN 81 
 
 blazed and gleamed, like the tongues of fire on the heads 
 of the Apostles at Pentecost, then chills us like the 
 garish frozen light of an electrically illuminated Altar, 
 with its hollow marble candles. For our part we will 
 let the sacred fire burn, whose glow we trace in these 
 letters. Paul is in the deepest sense of the word by 
 the grace of God a homo religiosus. 
 
 And this soul predestinated to the unspeakable 
 mysteries of the most blessed communion with God 
 was born into a human communion in which the tre- 
 mendous experiences of heroic saints of bygone days, 
 although hardened into text and letter, still made itself 
 felt, a communion in which religion was everything. 
 Paul, the religious man, was born and grew up a Jew. 
 
 setzte, which is more literally ‘putting a clever Paulinism in place of 
 the Spirit-carrier Paul.’—W.E. W.] 
 
to Nevrn 
 Paar 
 mips ‘ef 1s 
 ) ee 
 yl i 
 
 
 
PAUL THE JEW 
 

 
CHAPTER IV 
 PAUL THE JEW? 
 
 ANYONE going through the streets of a great Hellenistic 
 city on the Mediterranean sea-board in the days of the 
 Emperors Augustus and Tiberius, after he had admired 
 the splendid marble temples of the ancient gods and of 
 the dieties more recently arrived from abroad, would 
 also perhaps notice in one of the less pretentious 
 quarters of the city a plainly-built place of worship 
 without an altar. At best it had for ornament a frieze 
 of vine-leaves or olive-branches, but otherwise it was 
 without outward decoration, and within the walls were 
 bare and there was no image of a god. As the visitor 
 entered his eye fell on a chest containing parchment 
 rolls, and if the attendant approached to unroll them 
 for the stranger, he saw that they were written in Greek 
 uncials. A reading desk and benches, candle-sticks and 
 lamps completed the scanty furnishing of the room. 
 
 In the cosmopolitan city of Alexandria, where the 
 congregations which assembled round those parchment 
 rolls had thousands of members, and had upon their 
 lists high officials, rich merchants and well-known 
 literary men, it may all have looked richer and more 
 imposing. But in other cities that place of worship 
 would not be better built or furnished than are the 
 
 ‘For this whole chapter see the highly interesting remarks of 
 Ludwig Blau in his comprehensive review of the first edition of my 
 Paul in Magyar-Zsid6 Szemle (Budapest), April, 1912, p. 123-139. 
 Tam indebted to Herrn Pfarrer L, Musnai of Teaca (Siebenbiirgen) for 
 a translation into German. 
 
 (85) 
 
86 PAUL 
 
 majority of the synagogues of the Oriental Jews to-day.’ 
 An inscribed stone,’ discovered some decades ago, which 
 in the imperial period stood over the entrance of a 
 Corinthian Synagogue, bears the now mutilated words 
 “Synagogue of the Hebrews” in the same extremely 
 poor-looking rude script that is familiar to us in other 
 Jewish inscriptions of the period. 
 
 These unpretentious Jewish synagogues in the 
 heathen world were a quiet, yet the history of religion 
 tells us, a very effective protest against the worship of 
 images in polytheistic heathenism. In the Mediter- 
 ranean basin, within the zone of the olive-tree, more 
 than one hundred and fifty Jewish congregations of the 
 imperial period are now known to us.* Their actual 
 number was certainly much greater.* In their Greek 
 rolls of parchment around which Sabbath by Sabbath 
 the congregation assembled to pray and to listen, they 
 possessed a centre of religious power, to which great 
 numbers of heathen were also attracted. The holy 
 scriptures of the Old Testament in the Greek translation 
 made by the Seventy brought the pious Jew of the dis- 
 persion who outwardly had become a Hellenist, and 
 
 1S$uch as I have myself visited, for example, in Constantinople, 
 Chalkis and Tiberias. 
 
 2 Copy and text in Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 13. 
 
 $The Jews of Mesopotamia, Middle and Upper Egypt, and others, 
 are not reckoned in this calculation. 
 
 4'The map which accompanied the first edition of this book 
 marked about 143 places outside Palestine where there were Jewish 
 settlements; but in several places there were various Jewish congrega- 
 tions; in Rome, for example, we know the names of nine synagogues. 
 The list given by Emil Schiirer (Geschichte des Jtidischen Volkes, iii., 
 4th Hd., Leipzig, 1909, p. 1 ff; English translation, A History of the 
 Jewish People in the time of Christ, Division II., vol. ii, p. 220 ff.) 
 and Johannes Oehler (Monatsschrift fiir Geschichte und Wissenschaft 
 des Judentums, N.F.\53 [1909], pp. 292 ff., 443 ff., 525 ff.), can be con- 
 siderably increased through discoveries, e.g. from Malta, Sicily, 
 Sardinia and Higypt. 
 
PAUL THE JEW 87 
 
 generally was no longer able to understand the Semitic 
 original, into ever-renewed contact, not merely with 
 the traditions which told of the fortunes of his 
 fathers and the divine guidance they experienced, but 
 also with the religious experiences and hopes of the 
 prophetic men who had arisen as gigantic figures in the 
 religious history of the Mediterranean world during the 
 thousand years before Christ. 
 
 The religion of the saints of old which was pre- 
 served alive in the Semitic Old Testament had not been 
 mummified in the Bible of the Seventy, yet it was not 
 offered without some interposition of Hellenistic culture. 
 The Septuagint translation represents not only a formal, 
 but also a material Hellenisation of Jewish Monotheism. 
 On some chief points this amounted to a considerable 
 alteration. This Greek Bible, in the light of universal 
 history a book of both east and west, is an accommoda- 
 tion of the faith of the east to the western world,! and 
 it made possible an extraordinarily effective propaganda 
 for the One God of the Jews amongst heathen who had 
 become weary and doubtful under polytheism. 
 
 Though apparently estranged by his Hellenistic 
 Bible from his Semitic home, the cosmopolitan Jew 
 had for all that not lost his close connection with the 
 centre of the Jewish religion, the temple in Jerusalem. 
 Everyone of full age paid his tax of two drachme 
 annually for Jerusalem, and whoever was in the least 
 able to do so made a pilgrimage to the holy city. Just 
 as to this very day in the weeks before the spring full- 
 moon Jerusalem is the goal of many thousands of Jews, 
 Christians, and Mohammedans, and just as the whole 
 
 1 Further on this point in my article dealing with the subject, Die 
 Hellenisterung des semitischen Monotheismus, Leipzig, 1903 (Re- 
 printed from the Neue Jahrbiicher fiir das klassische Altertum, etc., 
 1903). 
 
 — \ A 
 
88 PAUL 
 
 world of Islam from Constantinople to the Sunda 
 Islands, and from the African colonies to China and 
 Japan, vibrates with a continual movement towards 
 Mecca, so also in those days, according to the words of 
 a contemporary writer,’ many thousands out of many 
 ‘thousands’ of cities streamed up to Jerusalem to be 
 present at the temple at each feast. Luke’ in the 
 Pentecost narrative gives an international list of those 
 who had been pilgrims to Jerusalem and were now 
 settled down to live in the holy city. 
 
 And there in the city of the temple the Jew felt 
 himself, in spite of the foreign rule of Rome, proud as 
 one specially favoured. with great privileges. Warnings 
 in Greek and other languages inscribed in stone (one 
 of these is preserved to this day)* forbade on pain of 
 death any non-Jew from entering the holy enclosure of 
 the temple.* At this abode of grace, where the sacred 
 fire of the burnt-offerings was never extinguished, the 
 longing of the pilgrims was satisfied. Here they heard 
 the choirs of the singers and the sound of the harps; 
 here sat the far-famed teachers of the law and gave of 
 their best; here it was possible, if one was present in 
 the sanctuary on the great day of Atonement, to par- 
 ticipate, if it were but faintly, in the most solemn ritual 
 service of the whole year. And here everyone breathed 
 the sultry atmosphere of the most fervently nationalistic 
 Messianic expectation. 
 
 Strangely differmg types of Jew met one another at 
 the Temple Court, and to-day one has but to shut one’s © 
 eyes for a moment there in the broad open place before 
 the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, to see those 
 ancient figures as of old; the rich Babylonian merchant, 
 who we can scarcely think of as having undergone the 
 
 1 Philo, De Monarchia ii. 1. 2 Acts ii. 9 ff. 
 
 °'Text and copy Licht vom Osten, 4th Hd., p. 62 f. 
 4Cf. also Acts xxi. 28, 31; xxii. 22. 
 
PAUL THE JEW 89 
 
 weariness of the long caravan journey, fills the hand of 
 the poor pilgrim from Rome, who begs to get together 
 the money for his return journey ; the Cilician artisan 
 and the Alexandrian scholar talk together shudderingly 
 of the Galilean pilgrims whose ‘blood Pilate mingled 
 with their sacrifices.’ ! 
 
 Not a few of the strangers who came as pilgrims to 
 the feast stayed on permanently or remained for a con- 
 siderable time in the holy city, as the list of the day of 
 Pentecost teaches us.? So there arose in Jerusalem 
 itself synagogues whose congregations were formed of 
 foreign Jews, in which fellow-countrymen were grouped 
 together. Just as to-day in the east the Sephardim 
 Jews and the Ashkenazim Jews, the Bochara Jews and 
 the Yemenites generally, have their separate synagogues, 
 and a similar arrangement is found in New York. The 
 Book of Acts bears witness to the existence of a con- 
 gregation formed of Jews from Africa and also of one 
 made up of those from Cilicia and other parts of Asia 
 Minor.* 
 
 This synagogue of the Cilicians and those from Asia 
 Minor in Jerusalem is probably the one to which the 
 young Cilician Jew, Saul who is surnamed: Paul,» whose 
 family probably originally came from Galilee,’ was 
 attached while for a considerable time in his youthful 
 years he stayed in Jerusalem. Here he will have found 
 personal connections for those future journeys, of which 
 he had then never dreamed, and in daily conversation 
 with widely-travelled men he will have learned all about 
 the geographical distribution of the Jewish dispersion 
 along with the travel-routes. When Acts relates that 
 
 1 Luke xiii. 1. Acts dit. 
 
 * Of. Ludwig Blau, Papyri und Talmud in gegenseitiger Beleuchtung, 
 Leipzig, 19138, p. 10. 
 
 * Acts vi. 9, ek THs cwaywyns .. . Tov ard Kidixias cat Aoias. 
 
 5 Acts xiii. 9, SadAos 82 6 cat IadaAos. 
 
 6 Cf. below, p.;90 note 5. 
 
90 PAUL 
 
 the Jew born in Tarsus’ was ‘brought up’ in Jeru- 
 salem,’ it might at first sight be interpreted to mean that 
 Paul came as a small child to Jerusalem.’ But judging 
 from the general impression that Paul makes upon us 
 as we know him, it is on the whole probable that the 
 son of Tarsus spent his boyhood in the city of his birth. 
 Paul appears so very much as the Septuagint-Jew, and 
 alongside the Aramaic‘ he has such sovereign command 
 of the Hellenistic lingua franca, that we are bound to 
 assume a strong influence of the Septuagint and the 
 Hellenistic world about him asa child. 
 
 But though Palestine was his homeland, to him it 
 was not only as the land of Israel, the land of his 
 fathers in the sense it was to Jews in general, but 
 according to an as yet unbroken family tradition it had 
 been their real home: His family appears to have 
 emigrated to Tarsus from Gishala in Galilee.° 
 
 LActs xxil, 33 ixiol bel xxi.ag. 
 
 2 Acts xxii. 3, dvatreOpappévos O€ ev TH TOAcL Tatty. But see below, 
 p. 93 note 9. 
 
 3 Later Paul had relations in Jerusalem. After his arrest his 
 sister's son had put forth efforts on his behalf (Acts xxiii. 16 ff.). Did 
 Paul’s sister live with her son in Jerusalem? Or was the nephew 
 merely passing through the Holy City as a pilgrim to the feast ? 
 
 4 Acts xxi. 40. 
 
 ‘The tradition found in Jerome (In Philem. 23 and De viris 
 anlustribus, 5) which indicates the Galilean Gishala as Paul’s home, is 
 so remarkable (because not to be in any way derived from a combina- 
 tion of New Testament passages), that it cannot well be explained as 
 a fiction. It probably is derived from the tradition of the family which 
 traced back its origin to Gishala (cf. Theodor Mommsen, Zeitschrift fiir 
 die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, 2 [1901], p. 83). If Paul was 
 born in Tarsus it is probable that his family was Galilean. It is 
 strong evidence for this that he calls himself—with pride—‘a Hebrew 
 of the Hebrews’ (“EBpatos é& EBpaiwv, Phil. iii. 5, cf. 2 Cor. xi. 22). By 
 ‘Hebrews’ in the Imperial period we are to understand Jews who 
 spoke Aramaic. Cf. my remarks in Nikolaus Miller’s Die Inschriften 
 der uidischen Katakombe am Monteverde zu Rom, published by Nikos 
 A. Bees (Béys), Leipzig, 1919, p. 24 (also pp. 58, 72, 98, 106 f., 112, 173). 
 
PAUL THE JEW 91 
 
 Jesus and Paul—were they actually fellow-country- 
 men? Are the nations indebted to ‘Galilee of the 
 Gentiles’! not only for the Great Light, but also for 
 
 the light-bearer ? 
 Peter and Paul—had the Aramaic of the Apostle of 
 the Gentiles, when he spoke it in Jerusalem or Antioch,’ 
 still a Galilean accent, a Peter-accent ?* There is noth- 
 ing against the assumption, that the two protagonist- 
 antagonists were also fellow-countrymen. 
 
 About the childhood of Paul we can with a high 
 degree of probability deduce some information from 
 what he himself tells us. In his early days it must 
 have impressed him, that he belonged to the tribe of 
 Benjamin,‘ that by birth he also possessed the Roman 
 citizenship,’ and that he, a Jew in the world, bore two 
 names of different kinds,® the old Jewish famous name 
 Saul (in Greek Saulos), and a worldly name, which 
 sounded similar, was Latin in origin, and was also used 
 in the Greek form Paulos. 
 
 Even in middle life an experience of his inner life 
 in childhood remained clear in his mind, and in Romans‘ 
 
 1Cf. Matt. iv. 15 f. 
 
 2Tt is probable that in the famous Paul-Peter scene at Antioch 
 (Gal. ii. 11 ff.) Paul spoke Aramaic. For Peter was not very able in 
 Greek; he required a dragoman when he travelled in the Jewish dis- 
 persion (cf. the well-known words of Papias on Mark). 
 
 3 Matt. xxvi. 73. Phil itis-o3; Rome aiel 
 
 § Acts xxi. 28. 
 
 6 As even to-day is the case with pious Jews: cf. the information 
 by Salomon Frankfurter in my work Die Urgeschichte des Christentwms 
 im Lichte der Sprachforschung, Tubingen, 1910, p.16. The important 
 essay of Hermann Dessau, Der Name des Apostels Paulus (Hermes, 45 
 [1910], p. 347 ff.) has not convinced me. There was no change of 
 names after the experience in Cyprus (Acts xiil.), however popular that 
 idea may have become. 
 
 7Rom. vii. 9-11, éym 8 eLov xwpls vopov more. eADodons Sé rhs 
 évToAns 4 dpaptia avélnoev, eyo O aréfavov. Kal ebpéOy por} évToAy 7 
 
92 PAUL 
 
 he gives moving expression of it. We might speak of 
 it as his fall: 
 
 For I was alive without the law once: but when the com- 
 mandment came, sin revived and I died. And the commandment 
 which was ordained to life, I found to be unto death. For sin 
 taking occasion by the commandment, deceived me and by it slew 
 me. 
 
 Paul is thinking here in the first place of his earliest 
 years of childhood, which in another place’ he speaks 
 of as the time of childish irresponsibility ; then the 
 feeling of guilt was unknown to him along with the 
 idea of ‘sin.’ But there came a sorrowiul day never to 
 be forgotten: the Law, the dumb parchment rolls of 
 which he had seen from far as a child in the synagogue 
 with awe and curiosity as they lay in their embroidered 
 coverings *—that law itself entered for the first time 
 peremptorily into his conscience, with its ‘thou shalt’ 
 no doubt conveyed through the mouth of a parent. But 
 the law’s ‘thou shalt’ was closely followed by the 
 child’s ‘I will not’ and transgression. Paul does not 
 say what the occasion was. But he indicates that this 
 first conscious sin wrought terrible havoc in his sensitive 
 young soul; he felt himself deceived, it was as though 
 he had tasted death : 
 
 I died. 
 
 We do not know when this tragedy took place in 
 the soul of the young Paul. Many of us know from our 
 own experience what agony the sense of guilt can pro- 
 duce even in childhood. Jewish teachers,*® at least in 
 later times, have, it is true, assumed that up to its ninth 
 
 eis wiv avrn eis Oavarov. yap apaptia apoppyv AaBotoa dua THs évToXs 
 eEyratyoey pe kal dv adtys amexrewev. This passage has suffered much 
 at the hands of doctrinaire exegesis through misinterpreting the ‘1’. 
 LCor xii. 11: 22 Cor. iii. 14. 
 ’ Tanchuma (a late commentary on the Pentateuch) on Gen. iii. 
 22. 
 
PAUL THE JEW 93 
 
 year the child knows nothing of sin; but then with the 
 awakening of the ‘evil instinct’ sin begins. 
 
 More important than the explanation in detail of 
 that experience is the fact which can pretty certainly be 
 inferred from it, that Paul, who had experienced this 
 fall, cannot have had a sunny, cheerful youth. Law, 
 Sin and Death already in early life cast their gloomy 
 shadows in the soul of the gifted boy. Yes, even 
 following his own suggestions, slavish terror! might be 
 indicated as the prevailing tone in the mind of one who 
 ‘from a child had known the Scriptures’? and was 
 being matured more and more into a conscious Jew. 
 Terror, not only the fear of God in the old Biblical 
 sense,* but the desperate anxiety of one ‘born under the 
 law ’* about his soul’s salvation : 
 
 O wretched man that I am! 
 Who shall deliver me from the body of this death? 
 
 Even after Paul became a Christian such a cry was 
 still possible to him,° when the old struggle awoke again 
 in him. 
 
 The terror of this struggle drove Paul into the 
 sternest tendency of Judaism. Paul became a Pharisee.® 
 Perhaps this was even in Tarsus; we know that the 
 Pharisee propaganda extended over sea and land,’ and 
 his parents appear to have been Pharisees before him.* 
 But in Jerusalem, whither he had emigrated and stayed 
 for a considerable time in order to make a thorough 
 study of the law,° at the feet of the famous Rabban 
 
 1 Rom. viii. 15. 22 Tim. iii. 15. 
 
 32 Cor. vii. 1; Rom. iii. 18. *Gal. iv. 4. 
 
 ° Rom. vil. 24, TaAalmupos eye dvOpwros: ris pe pdoerat ex Tod odparos 
 Tov Oavarov Tovrov ; 
 
 6 Phil. iii. 5; Acts xxvi. 5; xxiii. 6. 7 Matt. xxiii. 15. 
 
 8 Acts xxiii. 6 must be so interpreted. 
 
 *This is probably the best interpretation of ‘brought up,’ Acts 
 xxii. 3. The greatest teachers are the ‘ fathers.’ 
 
94 PAUL 
 
 Gamaliel,t he clearly was a supporter not only of 
 Pharisean pietism, but, within that extraordinarily 
 active and precise body, of the most fanatical enthusi- 
 asts. Comparing himself with those of his own age 
 who used to sit beside him in the class-room memoris- 
 ing the Rabbinic traditions, he could justifiably speak 
 of himself as being ‘more exceedingly zealous for the 
 traditions of my fathers.’* He had in those days shared 
 to the full in the Puritanical exultation of the scribe 
 who knew the law: 
 
 A guide of the blind, 
 
 A light of them which are in darkness, 
 An instructor of the foolish, 
 
 A teacher of babes. 
 
 these words of the letter to the Romans * written decades 
 afterwards still shine with the reflected splendour of his 
 own proud self-consciousness. 
 
 On the other hand, his clear and sincere eye was not 
 blind to the contrast, which while constantly showing 
 itself in his own life in the opposition between willing 
 and doing,* was present, as everywhere in the world, in 
 his surroundings, as a contradiction between external 
 piety and inner depravity. He had detected one zealot 
 in theft,” another in immorality,° and he seems once to 
 have caught one of his co-religionists, no doubt a Jew 
 of the dispersion, a man who used to speak with scorn 
 of heathen idols, enriching himself through these idols 
 by acting as receiver of goods stolen from a temple.’ 
 
 1 Acts xxii. 3. 2Gal. i. 14, cf. Acts xxii. 3. 
 
 3 Rom. ii. 19 f., ddnyov truprGy, POs TOv ev oKdTEL, TadevTIV appdver, 
 dvddoKadov vyntiov. 
 
 4Rom. vii. 15 ff. 5 Rom. ii. 21. 
 
 6 Rom. ii. 22 (a). 
 
 “So I try to explain this obscure passage (Rom. ii. 220). In the 
 remarkable sentence ‘ thou that abhorrest idols, dost thou rob temples ?’ 
 there is probably contained a definite recollection of Paul. 
 
PAUL THE JEW 95 
 
 Such observations certainly, even in his Jewish period, 
 led Paul, the Pharisee, deep into the understanding of 
 that great thought of the prophet of old,! ‘the circum- 
 cision of the heart,’* in contrast to the merely outward 
 circumcision in which many a Jew openly gioried,® while 
 others, no doubt in fear of heathen ridicule, endeavoured 
 to hide the Jewish sign when in the bath or stadium.* 
 
 The knowledge that beside the ‘secret,’® that is the 
 genuine Jews, there were also many merely ‘ outward ’® 
 ordinary Jews, who were judged to be sinners by the 
 pious heathen,” and the deeply humiliating experiences 
 of his own often vain strivings after ‘righteousness’ by 
 personal achievement,* may well have caused thoughts 
 from time to time to flash out in the glowing soul of 
 Paul the Pharisee of the extraordinary and pre-eminent 
 achievements of religious sacrifice. At times the ideal 
 of the Maccabzean martyrs was alluring to him, it ap- 
 peared the highest degree of piety to ‘give his body to 
 be burned’® for God’s sake. He would have been 
 
 1Deut. x. 16; xxx. 6; Jer. iv. 4. 
 
 2 Rom. ii. 29, wepuropui) Kapdias. 
 
 3 Rom. ii. 28, as Cor vil to 
 
 > Rom. ii. 29, 6 év 7G Kputro “Tovdatos. 
 
 6 Rom. ii. 28, 6 év 7d davepd "lovdaios. 
 
 7 Rom. ii. 26 ff. 8 Rom. vii. 14 ff. 
 
 91 Cor, xiii. 3, éav rapadd 75 cbpd pov iva kavOyooua. In spite of 
 the thorough defence of the various reading xavxyjooua by Adolf 
 Harnack (Sitzungsberichte der Kgl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissen- 
 schaften, 1911, p. 139 ff.) I regard xavOjooua (or xavOjowma, the sub- 
 junctive of the future, also is found in the papyri) as original. I 
 cannot agree that martyrdom by fire had not occurred within Paul’s 
 horizon (p. 181 below). Even more important than the significant 
 passage Dan. iii 28 is 2 Macc. which in vii. 3 ff. exactly describes 
 a martyrdom by fire and especially 4 Macc., in Paul’s time quite a 
 modern book, which simply revels in martyrdom by fire and its details 
 Vida veer. -srvil. 4.12 viii. 13> ix; 17,19: ff. ; x. 145) xi 18 ff; 
 Sie U-20) xiii, 5,9: xiv. 9 £:;. xv,,14 f., 20/92: xvii. L: | xviii. 20, 
 Cf. on this point my notes in Kautzsch’s Apokryphen wnd Pseudepi- 
 graphen, ii, p. 149-177). That victory in martyrdom by fire was 
 
96 PAUL 
 
 capable of doing so, too, just as in after days as a 
 Christian he would gladly have sacrificed himself for 
 his people.’ 
 
 Even when a Christian Paul preserved the most 
 genuine features of his Jewish nature. ‘Therefore the 
 theme ‘Paul the Jew’ is not to be interpreted as if 
 Paul had been a Jew up to his conversion, but after 
 that was a Jew no longer. Paul remained a Jew while 
 also a Christian in spite of his passionate controversy 
 against the law. This is not intended in a merely 
 ethnological sense (naturally he did not divest himseli 
 of his race when he was baptised), but also in a relig- 
 ious sense and as a sentiment. Far from mechanically 
 separating the Jew and Christian in Paul we may con- 
 fidently call him the greatest Jewish Christian of primi- 
 tive times. He had inherited his worship of God ‘from 
 his fathers.’ We may surely assume that in his own 
 family there had been a similar continuity of earnest 
 piety generation after generation, as that which he 
 praises in Timothy’s mother Eunice, and his grand- 
 mother Lois: their ‘unfeigned faith’ had been inherited 
 by their son and grandson.* And it may especially be 
 taken for granted that a thorough appreciation of the 
 outer expression of religion ran in his blood as an in- 
 heritance from his fathers. Only a religious man whose 
 feelings were rooted in religious observances could in 
 later times so passionately feel the problem of the law, 
 
 regarded as the highest evidence of faith, is shown by Heb. xi. 34 (ef. 
 4 Mace. xvi. 21 ff; xviii. 12-14). But even Paul’s own time had 
 known public burnings of Jews in the Jewish massacres at Alexandria 
 under Caligula (Schiirer, i., 8rd Hd., p. 498, English Ed., Div. I., vol. 
 ii., p. 93 f.). And these Alexandrian sacrifices by fire were martyrs in 
 the true sense, because their cause was refusal of emperor-worship. 
 The variant from xavOyocowar may have arisen through the reflexion 
 that Paul’s own martyrdom was not a martyrdom by fire. 
 1 Rom. ix, 3. ares haere 3h 32 Tim. i. 5. 
 
PAUL THE JEW 97 
 
 which was essentially a problem of religious observances, 
 and fight it through as he did. 
 
 Paul never departed from the national and religious 
 communion of his people ;! he retained with pride the 
 name ‘Hebrew’’ and the even more significant names 
 ‘Tsraelite’* and ‘seed of Abraham,’‘ just as he also 
 certainly reckoned himself one of the ‘Israel of God.’ ® 
 He speaks of Jews in the wilderness as the ‘ Fathers’ ® 
 and ‘forefathers,’’ and to boast of ‘father’ Abraham ° 
 and ‘father’ Isaac® comes natural to him. He calls 
 even the unbelieving Jews ‘brethren, kinsmen accord- 
 ing to the flesh’ and for them he would willingly him- 
 self have received the curse if thereby he could have 
 saved them.” He boasts, too, his descent from the tribe 
 of Benjamin," which he shared with King Saul,” and 
 his circumcision on the eighth day.” And if anyone 
 had denied that he was a Jew, the scars left by his 
 frequent bloody scourgings at the hands of the syna- 
 gogue Jurisdiction ’* would have been painful proof of 
 his membership. His thinking is Jewish. So also in 
 neutral things; for example he reckons the dates of 
 journeys by the Jewish calendar of feasts.° Though 
 standing himself above the letter of the law, he yet as 
 an apostle continued to observe the hallowed customs 
 
 1 With what follows cf. also Gustav Hoennicke, Paulus als Patriot, 
 Deutsch-EHvangelisch, 6 (1915), p. 61 ff, and the chapter ‘The Patriot’ 
 by R. H. Strachan, The Individuality of St. Paul, 2nd Hd., London, 
 undated (but Preface dated 1916). Both studies are amongst the 
 few good fruits of theological war inspiration. 
 
 2Phil. iii. 5; 2 Cor. xi. 22, cf. above, pp. 90 n. 5, 91. 
 
 SOusOre si. 245. 0m, xi. 1. 4 Tbid. 
 
 5 Gal. vi. 16. RipWorkx. 1. 7 Rom. iv. 1. 
 8 Rom. iv. 16. 9 Rom. ix. 10. 10 Rom. ix. 3. 
 Phil. iii. 5; Rom. xi. 1. 12 Acts xiii. 21. 
 
 13 Phil. iii, 5, weprropyn SKranpepos. 
 142 Cor. xi. 24, cf. above, p. 61 ff. 
 15] Cor. xvi. 8; Acts xxvii. 9. 
 
 7 
 
98 PAUL 
 
 of his people: the references that point to this in Acts? 
 are not later touches by some one with a Jewish bias, 
 but indications of the actual carrying out by Paul of the 
 principle ORD Eee: by himself, his becoming ‘to the 
 Jews a Jew.’ 
 
 Also the feeling of contrast which the Jews 
 experienced towards ‘sinners of the Gentiles’* was 
 not unknown to him, and just as he, with a sense of 
 his Hellenism, occasionally emphasises the separation of 
 ‘Greek’ and ‘Barbarian,’* so feeling as a Jew he 
 frequently employs the old Jewish contemptuous 
 expression ‘heathen’® (‘Gentile’) for the non-Jews. 
 The Roman applied: the same word also no doubt 
 contemptuously to the provincials. Here too belongs 
 that metaphor which makes the Jews the cultivated 
 olive-tree and the Gentiles the wild olive.® 
 
 How greatly Paul loved the people of his own race 
 is shown in the fiery confessions of Romans.’ There it 
 is no theoretical question that torments him, but grief 
 over his people who have turned away from Jesus the 
 Messiah : the question, has God perhaps after all cast 
 aside his people, presses upon his mind.* And though 
 Paul was never able to discover an intellectual solution 
 of that problem, nevertheless in the enthusiasm of his 
 faith and through the love he bore to his people he was 
 in the end able to put the painful question aside. 
 
 The observation that Paul after his conversion 
 exhibits none of the renegade’s hatred undoubtedly 
 points to a sympathetic trait in his general portrait. 
 
 1 Acts xvi. 3; xviii. 18; xxi. 26. 
 
 71 Cor. ix. 20, cat éyevouny Trois “Iovdatous ds “Lovdaios. 
 
 3 Gal. ui. 15. 4 Col. iii. 11; Rom. i. 14. 
 
 °For €6vy = provincials, cf. for example A. von Domaszewski in 
 the Strena Helbigiana, Lipsiae, 1899, p. 53; and David Magie, De 
 Lomanorum juris publict sacrique vocabulis ..., Lipsiae, 1905, 
 
 p. 58. 
 6 Rom. xi. 17 ff. 7 Rom. ix.-xXi. 8 Rom. xi. 1. 
 
PAUL THE JEW 99 
 
 The harsh expressions against the Law, which he 
 occasionally uses, are outweighed by other passages, in 
 which he strives to do justice to the Law. Indeed he 
 not infrequently continued to use the Law as authority 
 quite in the manner of his fathers.! 
 
 Here we come to the most characteristic trait of 
 Paul, the Jew. ‘To the end Paul remained a pious Bible- 
 Jew, a Septuagint Jew. What separated him on this 
 question from other Jews of the Dispersion was the 
 recognition, that in Christ the Law had lost its binding 
 force and the promises had received their fulfilment. 
 But the general religious and ethical contents of the 
 Septuagint are for him the self-evident presupposition 
 even of his Christian piety. 
 
 Paul, the Christian, never withdrew from the divine 
 world of the Hellenistic Old Testament. To under- 
 stand the whole Paul from the point of view of the 
 history of religion one must know the spirit of the 
 Septuagint. The historical presupposition of Paul’s 
 religious life is not the Hebrew Old Testament, and 
 not necessarily what we should call ‘Old Testament 
 Theology, but the faith contained in the Greek Old 
 Testament. The task of reconstructing the Jewish 
 background of Paul’s Christianity on the basis of the 
 Septuagint conceived as a complete and uniform Bible 
 has scarcely been recognised by scholars, let alone 
 solved. It resolves itself into a number of separate 
 problems of which only a few can be mentioned: the 
 certainties about God in the Septuagint ; the Spirit and 
 Christ in the Septuagint ; faith and righteousness in the 
 ‘Septuagint and many others. 
 
 On some points of course the results of such separate 
 investigations will be closely similar to the results of 
 Old Testament theology as worked out on the basis of 
 
 Cf. e.g., 1 Cor. ix. 9; Gal. iii, 13, ete. 
 
100 PAUL 
 
 the Hebrew Bible, but on many points this will not be 
 so. Old Testament theology regards the Old Testa- 
 ment as the historical document of a complex of facts 
 in the history of religion developing gradually over a 
 stretch of many centuries in a number of separate 
 phases. The student of the Septuagint, on the other 
 hand, regards the Greek Old Testament essentially as 
 Paul regarded it, and as a pious layman to-day regards 
 the Old Testament—as something relatively uniform. 
 The Greek translation has indeed almost completely 
 removed the many lines by means of which in -the 
 original Hebrew text the stages of gradual stratification 
 and development are noticed by the historical student. 
 Bible statements from Genesis, from the Prophets and 
 from quite late Psalms, documents of several hundred 
 years apart, which perhaps in the original text cannot 
 be combined at all, are in the Septuagint Bible united 
 without difficulty, because the reader whose religious 
 life is nourished on the Septuagint in his effortless 
 simplicity hears the same unalterable Spirit speaking 
 the same revelation in every roll of his Holy Scrip- 
 tures.’ 
 
 The great place held by Septuagint piety in the 
 religious psyche of Paul is at once evident in the vast 
 number of quotations from the Greek Bible which we 
 find in his letters. It is not improbable that Paul made 
 use of a text of the Septuagint which had already 
 undergone a Jewish revision.’ 
 
 Paul’s connection with the Septuagint shows itself 
 even more strikingly in his whole religious and ethical 
 vocabulary. But it becomes clearest to us when pos- 
 
 1Compare my work mentioned, p. 87 note 1. 
 
 2 Further on this question in my work, Die Septuaginta-Papyri 
 und andere alichristliche Texte der Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammiung, 
 Heidelberg, 1905, p. 69 f. What Alfred Rahlfs has to say on the 
 matter, Z.N.T.W., 20 (1921), p. 182 ff., has not altered my opinion. 
 
PAUL THE JEW 101 
 
 sessing an accurate knowledge of Paul’s letters we read 
 the Septuagint itself, not merely a few lines quoted by 
 Paul, but the whole book, as the Hellenistic Bible. 
 Unfortunately there is still a great lack amongst us of 
 methodical reading of the Septuagint and even of what 
 should come before that, exegesis of the Septuagint. 
 But for the student of Paul there is scarcely anything 
 more interesting and instructive.! 
 
 The exegesis also, which Paul bestows upon the 
 Greek Bible, clearly indicates to us Paul, the Jew. It 
 is the exegesis of a completely authoritative document. 
 Although Paul indeed regarded one part of this docu- 
 ment, the Law, as abolished in Christ, yet, as already 
 mentioned, he occasionally quotes passages from the 
 Law with the significant words ‘it is written.’ In the 
 Hellenistic world at that time ‘it is written’ was the 
 formula used when people referred to the terms of an 
 unalterable agreement.” That: is exactly how Paul uses 
 it. What is written cannot be disputed; therefore 
 every quotation trom Scripture is a proof from Scripture. 
 God Himself speaks in Scripture, Scripture was even 
 itself personified,® and the principle is laid down :‘ 
 
 not to go beyond the things that are written. 
 
 With such an attitude to the letter of the Bible Paul, 
 as an exegete, appears slavishly bound from the outset. 
 
 ‘In preparation of my first piece of work on the formula ‘in 
 Christ Jesus’ I read rapidly through the whole Septuagint in order to 
 establish the use in construction of the preposition ‘ é&.’ (The English 
 Concordance [Hatch and Redpath] fortunately had not then reached €). 
 I am indebted to this reading for great and continuous stimulus. For 
 some years now there have been lectures and classes on the exegesis of 
 the Septuagint held in the Theological Faculty at Berlin. 
 
 * For proofs of this juridical yéyparra, see Bibelstudien, p. 109 f. 
 [English, Bible Studies, p. 112 f.]; Neue Bibelstudien, p. 77 f. [English, 
 Bible Studies, p. 249 f.]. 
 
 3 Hg. Gal. iii. 8, 22. *1 Cor. iv. 6, wi imep & yéyparran. 
 
102 PAUL 
 
 But we know that means had long ago been discovered, _ 
 in spite of the tyranny of the letter, to get beyond the 
 letter. This means, which Paul is fond of using, is 
 allegorical exegesis. It was not invented by Jews: 
 they certainly took it over from Hellenism, which in- 
 terpreted the poets allegorically, in order to get rid of 
 their religious coarseness for those who through culture 
 had become prudish. 
 
 The Jews, however, were very glad to borrow it, 
 because they needed it. It would be unjust to the 
 allegorical exegesis of Judaism and early Christianity 
 to regard it as the abortion of a wholly irrational 
 theosophical fanaticism. The mere observation that 
 so great a mind as Philo Judzus made extensive use 
 of it, should make us more cautious. As a matter of 
 fact, in an age when inspiration was construed on a legal 
 basis with mechanical lteralism, allegorical exegesis 
 was the only means open to prophetic and creative 
 minds of escaping the grip of the letter ;* and with 
 Philo, as also with Paul, allegorical exegesis, however 
 paradoxical this may sound, was more a sign of freedom 
 than of bondage, though it led both of them to great 
 violence of interpretation. 
 
 Instances of such violence are, for example in Paul’s 
 letter to the Galatians,’ the interpretation of the word 
 ‘the seed’* as singular, although the idea is actually 
 intended to have a plural sense, and elsewhere is inter- 
 preted by Paul as plural.* Or the subtle explanation 
 of the story of the fall favourably to the man.’ Or the 
 application of the words about the ox, which was not 
 to be muzzled while threshing,® to the Apostles.’ Paul, 
 
 1G. Klein also regards allegorical exegesis similarly (Der dlteste 
 christliche Katechismus und die jtidische Propaganda-Literatur, Berlin, 
 
 1909, p. 42 £). 
 2 Gal. iii, 16. 3 Gen. xiii. 15. 
 4 Rom. iv. 18; ix. 8. 51 Tim. ii. 18 £. 
 
 6 Deut. xxv. 4. 11 Cor. ix. 9.) cl 1 him sae 
 
PAUL THE JEW 1038 
 
 moreover, when in the course of this interpretation he 
 suggests that God does not care about oxen, speaks in 
 these strangely unpractical and feeble words as a man 
 from the city, who does not regard animals in a simple 
 way because he has never lived with them; and we 
 notice how far he is from the splendid and powerful 
 realism of the faith of Jesus, who from childhood 
 onward had grown up in constant contact with animals 
 and plants. Jesus cannot think that a sparrow falls 
 to the ground without God’s will,’ and sees the flowers 
 of the Galilean spring clothed by God Himself in their 
 garments of more than royal splendour.’ 
 
 On the other hand, Paul, the allegorical exegete, does 
 succeed by means of this method in producing splendid . 
 religious ideas: the parallel between Sarah and Hagar 
 and the two Covenants ;* the identification of the rock 
 that gave water in the wilderness with the Spiritual 
 Christ.* These, viewed in their ancient setting, are re- 
 velations of a great mind, and they cannot be diminished 
 by modern objections. Here the Jewish allegorical 
 method, which elsewhere lends crutches to the small 
 masters of theology, gives the religious genius wings 
 to rise up like the eagle. 
 
 In several other details the use of Scripture by 
 Paul, the Jew, is dependent on his rabbinic tradition, 
 especially on the peculiarities of the edifying legend, 
 the so-called, Haggada. | From this source comes the 
 theory mentioned in Galatians,’ and noticed in other 
 places,® that the Law was not given directly by God 
 Himself but by the angels; from this source comes the 
 number 430, also in Galatians,’ and that popularly 
 
 1 Matt. x. 29; Lk. xii. 6, ef. Matt. vi. 26; Lk. xii. 24. 
 2 Matt. vi. 28 f.; Lk. xii. 27. 
 
 * Gal. iv. 23 f. 41 Cor. x. 4. 
 
 ° Gal. iii. 19 (cf. also Col. ii. 16 combined with ii. 18). 
 6 Acts vii. 538; Heb. ii. 2. 7 Gal, tii. 17. 
 
104 PAUL 
 
 familiar touch! that the rock that gave water to the 
 fathers had followed them in their journeyings in the 
 wilderness. 
 
 The influence of his Jewish teachers is also to be 
 seen in what is generally called Paul’s dialectic, and 
 particularly the influence of the methods of teaching 
 and proof used in oral discussions in the house of 
 instruction. Paul’s letters also as we must bear in 
 mind were mostly dictated orally: and the methods of 
 oral proof are quite fitting. Apart from the proof of 
 all proofs the proof from Scripture, the proof from 
 analogy is a favourite; /for example, analogies from 
 Nature are used to ilustrate the relationship between 
 the earthly and the heavenly body ;” similarly analogies 
 from agricultural and military life illustrate the right 
 of Apostles to support.* Analogies from legal practice 
 are especial favourites, for that was of great interest 
 to Paul, the citizen of a great city:* another person 
 cannot add a clause to a testament :° the heir while a 
 minor is under guardians and stewards for as long as 
 the father has appointed. We find further the argu- 
 ment from less to greater’ (‘simple and complex,’ the 
 Rabbis called it), or also the argument from the greater 
 to the less.° The magnificent parallel drawn between 
 Adam and Christ in 1 Corinthians and Romans is also 
 typically Rabbinic.® 
 
 On the whole, however, in my opinion, too much has 
 been made of Paul’s use of Rabbinic dialectic as of his 
 dialectic in general. Logical proof in the strict sense 
 of the word, and progress in a direct line of argument, 
 
 11 Cor. x. 4. 21 Cor. xv. 30 ff. $1 Cor, ix 
 *Cf. above, p. 71 note 4. 5 Gal. iii. 15. 
 Bised ay, 710. 7H.g. Rom, xi. 12, 24, 
 
 § Hg. 1 Cor. vi. 1 ff. ; Rom. xi. 21. 
 Pi Core xy, BOL ee Rom. verkoen: 
 
PAUL THE JEW 105 
 
 are not Paul’s strong points. Exegetes have treated 
 him far too exactingly in this connection, and their 
 many attempts to ‘restore the true order of thought’ in 
 Paul’s letters merely result in turning the free creations 
 of genius into something repulsively stiff and wooden. 
 Hoping to arrive with him at the end of a straight 
 road, you often find yourself brought back to the 
 starting-point of a circle. In controversy, for instance, 
 Paul is of much too impulsive a nature to be a great 
 dialectician. Rather than refute his opponents at 
 length, he disposes of them with a flash of his irony or 
 with an angry look, and in dealing with religious 
 problems he is more successful generally on the in- 
 tuitive and contemplative side than on the purely 
 speculative. 
 
 How far this intuitive-contemplative endowment of 
 Paul is a Jewish trait, I do not venture to say. In the 
 sphere of mysticism there are not a few analogies, 
 especially amongst’ the classical mystics of the middle 
 ages. In any case the idea of contemplation seems 
 better to characterise the distinctive feature of Paul’s 
 religious contribution (as also that of the Evangelist 
 John) than the idea of theological speculation. 
 
 In speaking of Pauline contemplation I do not 
 mean an action of the man’ who, following a method 
 for the training of the soul which he has learnt, climbs 
 up the ladder to heaven rung by rung until he reaches 
 union with the Deity. Pauline contemplation is a 
 reaction to a divine visitation; the strings within 
 
 ‘Compare with this also Ernst Troeltsch, Die Soziallehren der 
 christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen, Tibingen, 1912, p. 29. The lines 
 that stand there in quotation marks are taken from my sketch in the 
 Jahrbuch des Freien Deutschen Hochstifts (Frankfurt A/M), 1905, 
 p. 86. 
 
 See above, p. 79 f. and Chapter VI. 
 
106 PAUL 
 
 vibrate at the touch of God’s fingers; the trembling 
 soul reacts to revelation, whither it comes in the form 
 of deep sorrow or in the ecstatic rejoicing of the 
 Psalmist. ‘Pass onward ye believing thoughts to the 
 broad field of Eternity !’» Contemplation consists both 
 in the believer steeping himself, being submerged, in 
 the revealed ‘deep things of God,’' and in a struggle 
 with practical problems which are not interesting from 
 the theological scientific point of view but are felt as 
 the torturing problems of religion. What can I say 
 further to describe it? In one of the greatest of his 
 confessions Paul himself described with inimitable 
 expertness the naturé of this contemplative thought 
 process, the outcome of an endowment of the Spirit, of 
 inspiration.” 
 
 But unto us God revealed them 
 
 Through the Spirit. 
 
 For the Spirit searcheth all things, 
 Yea the deep things of God. 
 
 The results of contemplation cannot be put into 
 hard and rigid sentences, they are something tender, 
 living, working inwardly like a feryent. They do not 
 fly hke a whizzing arrow straight to their mark but they 
 circle* around their booty in noiseless flight like an 
 eagle. There is often also in contemplation something 
 that causes the mind to stop and to brood; it guides 
 those who enter its school not so much into well con- 
 sidered progress in thought, as into a deepening of 
 
 11 Cor. ii. 10, ra Ban rod Geod. 
 
 2Tbid., nyiv d€ dmexdd\upev 6 Oeds Sid Tov mvevparos. 7d yap 
 Tvevpa wévTa épavva, kal Ta BAOn Tod Oeot. The whole passage, 1 Cor. 
 li. 6-16, must be the starting-point for an understanding of Paul on the 
 great scale. Richard Reitzenstein has grasped this better than many 
 in theological circles. 
 
 § Hans Leisegang, in Der Apostel Paulus als Denker, p. 9, on this 
 account speaks of ‘a circle of thought in the literal sense of the 
 word.’ On other points also this delicate study has much of value. 
 
PAUL THE JEW 107 
 
 thought. It cannot be formed into a unified system 
 because it is the tumultuous movement of a deeply 
 stirred soul. 
 
 The well-known discussion in Romans of God’s ways 
 with Israel is typical of this contemplative tumult of 
 the agitated soul.1 It is here a problem of thought 
 indeed, but much more an agonising religious un- 
 certainty that disturbs Paul, the Jew. No theoretical 
 solution is discovered ;” in spite of several attempts to 
 free himself, every time Paul becomes again entangled 
 in the net of the problem, and the answers he gives 
 are not solutions by means of speculative thought but 
 rendings of the net by the irresistible momentum of his 
 religious intuition. 
 
 The results of Paul’s contemplation flow in the clearest 
 stream in the letter to the Colossians and the nearly 
 akin letter to the Laodiceans (Ephesians so-called). 
 There were no special problems of church lite which 
 had to be discussed in these two letters; and so Paul 
 could here express himself more in solemn hymn-like 
 utterances, which even in their style strike one with 
 their tone of priestly earnestness. Here comtemplation 
 is reinforced by the inspiration of united worship and 
 streams forth in foaming rhythms, in psalmody—and 
 may I say it, in dynamically pre-existent cantatas ! ° 
 
 It must, however, again be emphasised that it is not 
 certain whether in the strongly contemplative trait of 
 Paul’s character we are in touch with the specifically 
 Jewish side of his nature. It might be said that his 
 contemplation is Jewish in its want of system and in its 
 lack of balance on the theoretical side, that its con- 
 structive aids, and especially the proofs from Scripture 
 
 1 Rom, ix-xi. 2 Cf. above, p. 98. 
 
 3J cannot claim deep knowledge of Bach, but I can claim that I 
 have received much from him. When I open the chapel door of 
 the Epistle to the Colossians it is to me as if Johann Sebastian him- 
 self sat at the organ, 
 
108 PAUL 
 
 are Jewish. Or are we to call it all ‘Semitic,’ are we 
 to call it simply ‘Oriental’? Not much depends on a 
 name.' Perhaps what is essential in this case cannot 
 be traced back further at all, but must be regarded as 
 a personal endowment of Paul which attained its full 
 development alter Damascus. 
 
 Be that as it may, Paul, the Jew, stands before us 
 clearly, with all the strength that Judaism carried with 
 it, and also with a part of the limitations that surrounded 
 Judaism. 
 
 But the characteristic features of Paul, the Jew, 
 come out even more clearly when we set him beside the 
 Jew who had world-wide fame in the Hellenistic age as 
 the Jew,” who in fact became a sort of Father of the 
 Church, Philo of Alexandria. 
 
 These two, Philo the Jew and Paul the Jew, were 
 contemporaries. Both came out of the Dispersion, 
 were men of great cities and had a strongly cosmo- 
 politan character. Both lived and moved in the 
 Septuagint. Both were capable of ecstatic-mystical 
 experiences and had many points of contact in 
 details. 
 
 And yet there is a very sharp contrast between 
 them, a contrast that reminds one of the antithesis 
 between Seneca*® and Paul, and in some of its main 
 features is repeated in the contrast between Erasmus 
 and Luther. 
 
 Philo was a writer, Paul a speaker (even his letters 
 
 1 Nor does it depend much on in what chapter of a book on Paul 
 we consider this peculiarity of the Apostle. It might be dealt with 
 just as well in Chapter III. or Chapter VI. 
 
 ? Charles Johnston—The Constructive Quarterly, 1 (1913), p. 810: 
 Paul and Philo—writes from another point of view. He discusses the 
 possible influence of Philo and Paul. The comparison, on a basis of 
 the History of Religion, by Gustay Hoennicke of Paul and Josephus, 
 is very interesting (Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift, 20 (1909), p. 650 ff.). 
 
 3 See above, p. 74. 
 
PAUL THE JEW 109 
 
 were spoken). The name of Philo probably reached 
 Paul, but Philo can scarcely have heard of Paul. Philo 
 was a professional author; Paul was not. Philo left 
 behind him literary works, Paul unliterary letters. 
 Philo was an Atticist, was careful about the dual, the 
 optative, and the use of hiatus. Paul wrote as he 
 spoke and what he spoke was the living Greek of the 
 Hellenistic world. Philo was a philosopher. Paul 
 the fool, poured out the vials of his irony upon the 
 wisdom of the world. 
 
 Philo belongs to the upper-class, Paul to the middle 
 and lower classes; Philo represents high literary 
 culture, Paul the strength that wells up from the 
 people. Philo is a Pharos, Paul a volcano. Philo isa 
 student and theologian, Paul a prophet and _ herald. 
 Philo worked at his desk for the great literary public, 
 Paul hurried from the workshop to the market-place 
 and the synagogue, to see his hearers face to face. 
 The nephew of Philo, Tiberius Julius Alexander, was 
 Procurator of Palestine and Preefect of Egypt and his 
 name is not only immortalised by Josephus, Tacitus and 
 Suetonius, but he has also a monument in stone on the 
 wall of the propylon of a temple in the Great Oasis— 
 one of the most famous inscriptions of the early imperial 
 period.! Paul’s nephew, trembling for the safety of his 
 uncle, as he was questioned by Roman officers in 
 Jerusalem,’ appeared an unknown man out of the 
 ereat crowd of the nameless and then at once dis- 
 appeared. Philo travelled as an ambassador to Rome 
 and was received by the emperor, Paul only had con- 
 nections. with the imperial slaves* and was transported 
 to Rome as a prisoner. 
 
 The whole mass of contrasts between the man of 
 
 1Dittenberger, Orientis Graect Inscriptiones Selectae, No. 669. 
 Copy in Licht vom Osten, 4th Hd., p. 305. 
 ? Acts xxiii. 16 ff. § Phil. iy. 22. 
 
110 PAUL 
 
 Alexandria and the man of Tarsus may be summed up 
 thus: Philo is a Platonist, Paul will be what he will be 
 in Another; Philo, the Jew, stands at the end of ancient 
 civilisation, Paul, the Jew, stands at the beginning of 
 the new world-religion. 
 
 It is true that before Paul, the Jew, takes his stand 
 upon the threshold of a new era, we see him as the 
 fanatical defender of the Pharisaic tradition, his face 
 turned backwards to the past. Paul, the Jew, first 
 comes upon the stage of history as the persecutor of the 
 new body of Christians. In the passionate zeal therein 
 displayed he is also a genuine Jew. ‘The picture which 
 Acts' draws of the persecutor is no doubt in the main 
 correct; in the chief features it is confirmed by the 
 painful, self-tormenting confessions of Paul’s letters.’ 
 And historically the explanation of this position of Paul 
 in his young days is simple enough. The conflict in 
 which Jesus fell a victim was a conflict with the leading 
 party, the Pharisees. Paul the persecutor is Paul the 
 Pharisee, who continued the war waged by his party 
 against Jesus by himself waging war against the group 
 of followers who reverenced the crucified.’ 
 
 VActs vi. 9; vil. 68; vit fe) rx) dis xxi foe eve 
 
 *Galli, 13 £5233 1' Cor xveOee Pn sie oo mei 
 
 ° (German, ‘ Kultgemeinde des Gekreuzigten.’ I know of no exact 
 equivalent to this in English W.. E. W.]. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 
 
ar : { ans 
 
 ein Ane 
 hot ee, 
 r , 
 
 LP 
 44) 
 A LUN 
 ue VES 
 —- 
 
 ~ 
 
 nares tebe 5 iy ; PPR, es, ‘ 2 r 
 ths ER ge eae Wear by } 
 
 WP ~ are 
 
 
 
CHAPTER V 
 PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 
 
 ‘ 
 re NEW CULT. PRINCIPAL FACTS ABOUT THE NATURE, DISTINGUISH- 
 ING MARKS, AND ORIGIN OF THE CULT. THE PRIMITIVE APOSTOLIC 
 
 ae > 
 : CULT OF JESUS (KyRioscuLT). ‘THE CONVERSION OF PAUL. 
 
 Tue death of Jesus on the cross had as its immediate 
 result the dispersion of His little band of followers out 
 of Galilee and Jerusalem. In the great religious conflict 
 with the powerful Pharisees Jesus seemed to have been 
 finally defeated, although when foretelling his martyr- 
 dom?! in prophetic words of foreboding He had also 
 spoken of His speedy return after the martyrdom.” 
 But very soon after the terrible experience of the 
 execution of Jesus, we find these fearful and despairing 
 - followers again gathered together in the holy city. And 
 though before they had scarcely been united into an 
 organised church, now they appear bound together as a 
 religious cult holding fellowship by means of breaking 
 bread and prayers, while they look forward with longing 
 hope to the great final revelation of the Messiah. The 
 “new cult had come into existence. 
 
 1The most important passages are Lk. xiii. 31 ff ; Matt. ix. 15 ; 
 Lk. xii. 50; Matt. xxvi. 12; xxi. 37 ff; xx. 95-28, and with them the 
 words at the Last Supper, Mk. xiv. 22 ff and its parallels ; to these 
 must be added the original of the words Mk. vii. 31 and its parallels 
 which have come down to us in a modified form due to their use in 
 
 ’ the Church. 
 2Mk. viii. 831 and parallels (cf. note 1) and the words certainly 
 understood by the disciples as applying to Jesus, Matt. x. 23; xvi. 28; 
 xxiv. 384; xxvi. 64. 
 
 -” 
 
 (118) 8 
 
114 i PAUL 
 
 What is a cult and how does a cult arise ?? 
 
 Here it is first of all necessary to undertake an ex- 
 planation of the meaning of the word. The word cult 
 has both a narrower and a wider meaning, and in this 
 fact lies the cause of many misunderstandings in pro- 
 nouncements about cult-history and the methods of 
 studying cult-history.2 The case is in fact similar to 
 that of the use of the word mysticism.’ 
 
 1T here wish in this new edition to draw attention, even if only in 
 passing, to the fundamental questions which in my view have to be 
 considered in dealing with Harly Christianity from the point of view 
 of cult history. In the first edition these were only touched on from 
 the methodological point of view in the preface, in contrast with Adolf 
 von Harnack’s famous formula of the ‘double gospel.’ The cult-history 
 method was itself carried out in the book. I then meant and still mean 
 the term ‘ Religious History’ in the sub-title to be understood in the 
 sense of ‘cult-history.’ That the cult-history method is a correct one 
 has since been recognised by many; I mention (cf. Karl Ludwig 
 Schmidt, Hschatologie und Mystik wm Urchristentum, Z.N.T.W., 21 
 (1922), p. 280 f.) Ernest Troeltsch, Die Soziallehren der christlichen 
 Kurchen und Gruppen, Tubingen, 1912, p.58; Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios 
 Christos, Gottingen, 19138, p. 107, 2nd Ed., 1921, p. 90; Reinhold 
 Seeberg, Der Ursprung des Christusglaubens, Leipzig, 1914, p. 1%. 
 Bousset in the above-mentioned book has carried out the cult idea on 
 the great scale. 
 
 2 The attitude taken by E. von Dobschiitz in his comprehensive 
 review of my book Licht vom Osten, 4th Hd., in the Theologische 
 Studien und Kritiken, 1923-24, p. 328 f., is exceptionally instructive. 
 He opposes my technical word ‘ Christ-cult,’ because he equates ‘ cult’ 
 with ‘cultus.’ Nevertheless he touches the real point when he says 
 emphatically ‘Here clearly, as in the cases of mysticism, it depends 
 on the use of language: If you equate veneration with cult, then it is 
 not only possible, but obligatory, to speak of the primitive Christian 
 Christ-cult, just as you can speak of primitive Christian mysticism, 
 meaning thereby piety. But in scientific study one’s endeavour should 
 be to attain as far as possible an unambiguous terminology.’ That is 
 right, and for that reason I distinguish between cult and cultus. 
 Further, I cannot agree with yon Dobschiitz who, on his part, uses 
 cult in the (narrower) sense of cultus, when he denies the presence of 
 the cult idea (in the narrower sense of the cultus idea) in early 
 Christianity before the time of Clement of Rome. He has even gone 
 
 ® See below, Chapter VI. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 115 
 
 Most people at the mention of the word cult only 
 think of the cultus, of the solemnities practised in 
 worship by an organised religious body and of the 
 formal expression of these solemnities. That is the 
 narrower idea for which in German the word Kultus is 
 used and should be retained. 
 
 Cult in the wider meaning is what lies behind the 
 cultus as its spiritual precondition: a practical depend- 
 ence upon the deity, an attitude adopted towards the 
 deity, a readiness for religious conduct, a readiness for 
 religious dealing, religious dealing itself. The popular 
 vocabulary* of many languages in its simplicity has 
 grasped the fact that it is practical dependence upon 
 the deity, that it is religious practice, which is the 
 essential feature in the idea. And this has been 
 
 so far as further to narrow down his already narrow idea of cult by 
 making temple, priest, and sacrifice the outward signs of the cultus 
 and designates the purpose of cultus as ‘exerting influence upon God.’ 
 To me this type is identical with the ‘acting’ cultus (cf. below, p. 
 117 ff.), but there is also a ‘reacting’ cultus. Such reacting cultus is 
 to be seen in its powerful beginnings even in the earliest stages of the 
 Christ-cult. Its traces in the New Testament are not even particularly 
 infrequent. Tor further discussion of the subject, what von Dobschttz 
 says on the cult question in Norsk teologisk Tidsskrift, 1922, must on 
 no account be overlooked. Hegel long ago established a narrower and 
 a wider conception of ‘cultus,’ cf. G. W. I’. Hegel, Begriff der Religion, 
 Vorlesungen wiber Philosophie der Religion, Erster Teil, neu herausg. 
 von Georg Lasson, Leipzig, 1925, p. 229. ‘Usually the expression 
 ‘Cultus’ is understood merely in the restricted meaning that brings 
 to mind only the outward, public business [of religion] and does not 
 much stress the inner business of the attitude of mind. But we shall 
 understand cultus as the action embracing both the inner life and the 
 outward phenomenon which above all endeavours to re-establish unity 
 with the Absolute, and thereby is also essentially an inner conversion 
 of the spirit and mind.’ 
 
 1Cf. the at present indispensable article ‘Kultws’ by Friedrich 
 Pfister in Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll Real-Enzyklopddie der klass, Aliertwms- 
 Wissenschaft, ii. (Stuttgart, 1922), col. 2106-2192; also Hermann Her- 
 ing in Hauck Real-Enzyklopddie, 3rd Kd., 7, p. 7. 
 
116 PAUL 
 
 theoretically formulated by the experts.! What the 
 languages call abodah (task, slave-service), Oepaveta 
 (fostering care, hence worship), O0pnaoketia (concerning 
 oneself, reverence), Nat peta (service), émupédera (watch- 
 Jul care), Nectovpyta (liturgy, official service), tepovpyta 
 (sacred rites), cultus (cult, fostering care), oficium (obliga- 
 tion), servitium (service), Verehrung (reverence, worship), 
 Gottesdienst (divine service), Dienst (service), service, wor- 
 ship, and so forth, that has been recognised by the clear 
 eye of a Schleiermacher, a Hegel, a Richard Rothe, and 
 many another, as something practical.’ 
 
 Cult is a practical dependence upon, a practical 
 attitude towards, the deity on the part of a single 
 individual or of a community. It is a modus colend 
 Deum. It is not essential that it be a formal or collec- 
 tive attitude towards the deity ; each stammering ejacu- 
 latory prayer of a single person is cult. But cult 
 becomes historically influential (and generally only can 
 be grasped at all historically) where it has developed 
 into the foundation of a church or community. When 
 that has occurred we make an objective word from the 
 subjective cult, and ‘a’ cult is seen as a particular 
 historical phenomenon, we set it alongside others similar 
 or dissimilar, and thus form the plural the cults, dis- 
 tinguish the cults from one another and examine how 
 they have arisen, how they have been developed, how 
 the cults have each formed its own cultus. 
 
 Anyone who regards primitive Christianity as a 
 phenomenon in cult-history will thereby raise a protest 
 
 1 Hven in cases where both usage and theory had perhaps only the 
 narrower use of cultus in mind. 
 
 2 These judgments (Schleiermacher uses the words ‘ Representa- 
 tive dealing’; Rothe has a similar expression ; Hegel’s phrase is, ‘ that 
 the Cultus is the highest act of the human mind’), are well known. 
 Cf. K. R. Hagenbach, Hncyklopadie und Methodologie der Theologischen 
 Wissenschaften, Leipzig, 1884, p. 444 f. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 117 
 
 against the still wide-spread doctrinaire view that in 
 the Gospel (or in the two types of the ‘double’ Gospel) 
 we are concerned chiefly with doctrines of God and of 
 divine affairs, with theories which Jesus held, and 
 theories about Jesus, with ‘ Weltanschauung,’ with a 
 chapter out of the History of Ancient Thought. This 
 protest does not overlook the fact that doctrine had an 
 important place even in the earliest times, but it does 
 not see in doctrine the main emphasis of the history. 
 It is indeed not entirely false, but it is a distortion or be- 
 fogging of the basal facts to deal with the inner history 
 of the beginnings of our religion in the two chapters 
 ‘The Teaching of Jesus’ and ‘The Teaching of the 
 Apostles. The sacred history of those early days 
 actually had the source of its inner progress in the fact 
 that the Messianic movement released through the 
 Gospel of Jesus with its thoroughly practical attitude 
 towards the approaching end of the world and the 
 immediately expected Kingdom of God, in the end was 
 historically consolidated into a cult, a cult of Jesus as 
 Lord. To put it in other words; the Gospel became 
 transformed into Christianity. 
 
 The dividing line, which goes through the whole of 
 the history of Religion by means of which we are able 
 to differentiate in particular the separate types of 
 contemplation’ and mysticism,’ of course also goes 
 through the history of the cults. Cults are either 
 ‘acting’ cults or ‘re-acting’ cults. In both cases 
 an action takes place. But in the first type the 
 action is a spontaneous performance of the individual 
 or of the community, intended to produce in response 
 to it a performance on the part of the deity, effective 
 through its own execution, effective as actio acta, 
 
 1Cf. above, p. 105. 
 2 Of, above p., 79 f., and below, Chapter Vii. 
 
118 PAUL 
 
 as opus operatum. In the second, the reacting type, 
 on the other hand, the action of the man is an 
 action in response, a reaction. Here it is God Himself 
 who is really the Lectourgos, the Theourgos in the highest 
 sense; the individual or the community only says the 
 amen. 
 
 These two types of cult behind which the battle of 
 shadowy giants, champions in the hoary strife between 
 works and faith, between man’s will and God’s Grace, 
 is fought out, were grasped with admirable clearness in 
 the Augsburg Confession when it contrasted the cult of 
 Law and the cult of the Gospel and perceived the cult 
 of the Gospel to be a reaction. 
 
 ‘The evangelical cult and service is acceptance, an 
 acceptance of good things from God. On the other 
 hand, the legal cult is an offer: we offer and present 
 our good things to God. But it is utterly impossible 
 for us to offer anything to God unless we have 
 already been reconciled and born again.’ But 
 Paul, the protagonist, himself long ago distinguished 
 the two types by inimitably sharp contrasting formule, 
 in denying self-made cult” and commending the spirztual 
 cult. He even reached the summit of cult intuition 
 when he testified of a prayer that it was no human per- 
 formance, but the gracious gift of the Spirit,* a prayer 
 that Paul did not pray, but the Spirit. 
 
 I can only here touch upon the alluring questions 
 that open out of this, concerning the mingling of the 
 
 1 Article III. (R. 126, I. T. Miller, p. 140), “ Ita cultus et Aarpeia 
 evangelii est accipere bona a Deo; econtra cultus legis est bona nostra 
 Deo offerre et exhibere. Nihil autem possumus Deo offerre nisi autea 
 reconciliati et renati.’ Luther's influence is clear here (cf. the passages 
 given in Praktische Theologie of K. Chr. Achelis, Freiburg i. B. and 
 Leipzig, 1893, p. 217). 
 
 2 Col. ii. 23, ebehoOpycxeia. 3 Rom. xii. 1, Aoyuxy Aarpeta. 
 
 * Rom. viii. 26 f., cf. above, p. 79. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 119 
 
 two types of cult which are observable in the history of 
 religion, when I say that almost all cults arose as re- 
 
 actions ; afterwards when they became established they 
 were accepted and practically worked as acting cults. ~ 
 
 This was the case in Christianity, of course. The means 
 by which it was sought to keep Christianity free from 
 the danger of disfigurement from this source are 
 
 amongst the greatest achievements of both Catholic and » 
 
 Protestant theology. The Catholic method (coarser, 
 plainer and more adapted to the mass of men) was the 
 idea of the Church. The Protestant method (simpler 
 and more profound) was the idea of Scripture and even 
 more the idea of revelation, especially when revelation 
 was not supposed to be contained within certain chrono- 
 logical boundaries. Within this precinct, however it 
 were named, it was possible to tend the holy flame 
 ignited from God’s own volcano, and there over and 
 over again as the lava became cool to re-melt it in the 
 fiery flood of the original heat. But alas when Church 
 and Scripture themselves became chilled to black stone! 
 The whole history of Christian religious life can be 
 understood from this point of view as the struggle of 
 the reacting against the acting cult, and this struggle 
 has its eternal exemplar in the conflict between Law 
 and Faith which Paul lived through and wrestled 
 through. 
 
 What is the origin of a cult? This question ought 
 not to be raised without some knowledge of the difficulty 
 of the problem which lies behind the idea of origin. 
 The difficulty lies, at least as regards the greater number 
 of cults, in the extraordinary scantiness of the sources. 
 And this being so, origin can be thought of in the sense 
 of new creation as little as in the case of most other 
 spiritual movements of history.’ Even where, in the 
 
 1 Johannes Weiss, Das Problem der Entstehwng des Christentums, 
 Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft, 16 (1913), p. 426 f., says perfectly 
 
 ” am 
 
 enn 
 
120 PAUL 
 
 case of the artificially manufactured cult, like the cult 
 of Antinous, we can observe the process fairly clearly, 
 or where humbug-cults and business-cults scream their 
 litanies, we have not to deal with a creatio ex nihilo: 
 environment supplies both the disposition to form a 
 cult and the customary usages of a cult, and these even 
 in such cults are the pre-conditions. 
 
 Thus the question of the origin of a particular cult 
 cannot be isolated any more than a newly formed 
 volcano can be examined as an isolated phenomenon 
 of Nature. Cults originate from the upward thrust 
 of energies already present. Anyone who is interested 
 in the origin of a cult, and especially in one of the great 
 cults of mankind, finds himself at once placed in the 
 midst of great world-wide contacts with primeval facts 
 of the soul’s life. In these his special problem is rooted 
 and out of them no quick and easy answer is to be 
 obtained. 
 
 Almost always the investigator, as he feels back 
 towards the limits of knowledge, will come to the twi- 
 light or the darkness of a mystery. This is not only 
 because his sources are insufficient, but above all it 
 arises from the fact that the experienced mystery of a 
 
 correctly: ‘ What is‘ origin” in the life of history altogether? The 
 question must be only raised in order to gain the answer that an 
 ‘‘origin’’ in the sense of an entirely new creation never occurs— 
 whether in History or in Nature—the “ new” is always in the broad 
 sense a re-grouping of older elements according to a new principle, 
 based upon stronger forces and unique experience of actuality. Every 
 life-phenomenon, even the strongest, at its entrance into history lies 
 under the necessity of at first using means of expressing itself already 
 in existence ; only gradually and in very modest degree can it proceed 
 to widen the conditions of tradition by new forms of expression. This 
 law prevails nowhere more definitely than in the history of religion.’ 
 Eduard Meyer, Ursprung und Geschichte der Mormonen. Mit Ex- 
 kursen tiber die Anfange des Islams und des Christentums, Halle, 1912, 
 is instructive from a methodological point of view with regard to this 
 problem. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 121 
 
 miracle is usually at the foundation of a cult. Even. 
 the artificially manufactured cults, the products of 
 ‘action’ alone, require a miraculous starting-point, 
 though it be fictitious, and this is true even of those 
 serving political and business ends. The reacting cults 
 originate, according to their own testimony, practically 
 always from miracle; according to the testimony of 
 history, which speaks another language, out of the 
 exceptionally moving religious experiences of excep- 
 tional people. 
 
 Seeing that in the investigation of the origins of a 
 cult there is as a rule something that has to remain 
 unexplained, it might be asked whether this vacuum 
 
 does not tend to bring the cult itself into question. I, _ 
 
 answer, No. For its vital influence the cult itself does 
 not stand in need of a foundation mediated through 
 history or indeed historically certain and complete. It 
 is rather a dependence of the soul upon the presence of 
 the Deity, and it has in itself the power continually to 
 transform what we in the academic classroom call 
 ‘historical’ into present fact. The cult, therefore, 
 hands down the tradition of its own beginnings in the 
 form of a Myth, or a ‘Story of Salvation’ and pushes 
 them back into the super-historical sphere, that is to 
 say, it makes them eternally present. It recognises 
 no vacuum. It has no historical reading to offer ; it 
 opens the picture-book of legends. Genuine cult is 
 never retrospective in the trivial sense of the chronicler 
 of governmental documents and the registrar of archives. 
 The memory of the cult even is not truly retrospective ; 
 it also thinks of the past as present : a thousand years 
 
 1 This thesis can be seen particularly richly illustrated in the case 
 of those cults which according to statistics are the immense majority, 
 the Filial-cults ; cf. my sketch Panagia Kapuli Die Christliche Welt, 
 20 (1906), p. 878 ff. 
 
— 122 PAUL 
 
 of the sacred past is for it a divinely hallowed to-day : 
 for it the works of God are God working, the story 
 of salvation is salvation now taking place. ; 
 
 Many amongst us have become cult-blind through a 
 modern cult, the cult of the historical. And accordingly 
 they try with historical means either to give Christianity 
 a sure foundation, or to explode it into the air as a 
 troublesome ruin. But Christianity, if it is reacting 
 Christ-cult, cannot be exploded, and requires no 
 historical justification.” Its foundations are good. It 
 stands to-day on the same basis upon which it stood 
 originally, that is, it reveals the ever present God 
 through the ever present Saviour. 
 
 Thus it is true that for science and for Christian 
 people the question of the origin of Christianity is an 
 inexpressibly important and interesting matter, but for 
 the cult itself it is not fundamental. As cult Christi- 
 anity lives till to-day by the manifestly great and 
 divinely blessed secret that was revealed to a Galilean 
 fisherman. Not that fisherman, Simon Barjona, but his 
 secret, nay rather his revelation,’ is the rock upon which 
 the church is built.’ 
 
 It was the Easter experiences of Simon Peter and 
 the others*® which formed the origin of the Jesus- 
 
 1 Matt. xvi. 17. 
 
 “That is the transparent profundity of this passage in Matt. xvi. 
 17 ff., which as it now stands has been much transformed by cult 
 influences. 
 
 ’‘The most important sources are the monumental sentences, 
 1 Cor. xv. 1 ff.; on which compare the penetrating investigations of 
 Karl Holl, Der Kirchenbegriff des Paulus in seinem Verhdltinis zu dem 
 der Urgemeinde, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss Ak. d. W., 1921, 
 p. 920 ff., and of Adolf von Harnack, ibid., 1922, p. 62 ff But also 
 in passages such as Lk. xxiv. 34 and 1 Tim. ii. 16, the old formula of 
 confession, o6y, echoes, and in 1 Cor. ix. 1 and John xx. 18, cf. 25, 
 the éwpaxa (éwpdxapev) is the primitive Haster formula of Confession, 
 somewhat in the tone of the Cowrage, ye Mystar! To my mind it is 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 123 
 
 cult, exceptionally moving religious experiences of 
 exceptional people. The content of these experiences, 
 
 which can never be fully analysed by historical means, 
 
 is described in the same way by men and women: 
 
 Jesus, they said, appeared to them as one raised up , 
 by God from the dead in divine glory, with words of 
 comfort and promise on his lips. 
 
 These apostolic experiences are the psychological 
 starting-point of the first Jesus-cult in Palestine and 
 the genuine pre-condition for the rise of the Christian 
 cult-community which now began to organise itself. 
 They transformed the Prophet of the Kingdom of God 
 into the object of apostolic piety, by setting the seal 
 upon His Messianic self-revelation. They even went 
 so far as to cast the reflection of divinity upon the 
 figure of the Messiah—Christ elevated to Kyrtos, a 
 miracle of grace made out of the tormenting problem of 
 the cross, the Holy Scriptures of old time opened and 
 confessors and prophets made to arise in a great resur- 
 rection. With all this the new cult is the classical 
 embodiment of a re-acting cult. 
 
 For the understanding of primitive Christianity | 
 from the standpoint of the history of religion it is of 
 the utmost importance that we learn to recognise these | 
 beginnings of the organised Christian Church, as the 
 beginnings of a new cult, the Jesus-Christ-cult. | 
 
 Jesus Himself established no new cult ; He foretold — 
 
 the new age. But even during His earthly life His 
 person became the centre for His faithful followers: 
 His immense consciousness of His own person had 
 
 certain that here we have very ancient primitive Apostolic cult-formule. 
 Alfred Seeberg had a fine sense for such things. That Peter was the 
 first to have the sight is unanimous tradition, but John xx, 3 ff. indi- 
 cates that the competition between Ephesus and Rome (John xx. 4, 
 érpexov dé of do du0d), between Hast and West, sought afterwards to 
 weaken the uniqueness of this sight. 
 
124 PAUL 
 
 exerted a selective and combining influence upon men. 
 So historically the consciousness of Jesus that He was 
 the Christ and the Jesus-cult of the Apostles work into 
 one another: nevertheless the cult itself first came to 
 birth as a result of the mystery of the Apostles’ Easter- 
 experiences. And if we cannot penetrate the sacred 
 morning twilight of this secret with light from the 
 torch of exact scientific study and thus reduce the whole 
 ancient mystery into modern obviousness, clear as day, 
 we yet possess in the beginnings of the Jesus-cult an 
 exemplar of the origin of a new cult probably unique in 
 the whole history of ancient religions. And this, dis- 
 regarding for the moment the real inner value of the 
 apostolic piety, is what distinguishes this new cult from 
 all others: the cult figure did not remain hidden in the 
 cloudland of mythology, but was personally known? to 
 most of the first members of the cult as a man of flesh 
 and blood and was daily present to them in imperish- 
 able and incomparable words handed down in a living 
 stream of tradition ; the possession of these words was 
 at the same time the protection against the degeneration 
 of the elements of phantasy in the cult into the — 
 phantastie. 
 
 Looking at the origin of Christianity from below 
 (the right point of view for the historian) there is 
 exposed to our view in that position a great cosmo- 
 politan mixture of races. 
 
 The Gospel of Jesus connected the beginnings of 
 our religion most closely with its mother-religion, 
 Judaism. Then the apostolic Jesus-cult cast into the 
 crucible, in the cult nature peculiar to it, an element 
 essentially foreign to Judaism, at any rate on its official 
 
 ‘Right up to the fifties of the first century several hundred eye- 
 witnesses were still alive (1 Cor. xv. 6), and blood relations of Jesus 
 lived in Palestine down to an even later date. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 125 
 
 side,! and thereby in the very moment of its origin 
 received the prophecy of its future break with Judaism 
 and of its world-wide expansion. Through the cult- 
 nature the other group of forces providentially present 
 as part of the preparatio evangelica came into creative 
 action: the ancient world of the ‘Gentiles.’ 
 
 Long before that ‘ Hellenisation’ of Christianity 
 which worked itself out in the uplands of later dogmatic 
 thought, and created new forms of expression for the 
 completed cult, the adoption of the apostolic religion 
 had been accomplished in Palestine’? by means of 
 ancient types of piety foreign to Judaism. The in- 
 heritance transmitted by this adoption is not so much 
 the cult itself, with its great content, the Lord, the 
 Kyrios Jesus Christ, but the predisposition of soul, the 
 cult feeling and sentiment, and with that a valuable 
 
 10Qn this question I have had many a conversation both in 
 Marburg and Berlin with my revered teacher Hermann Cohen, and 
 have always received the impression that the stone of stumbling is 
 even more the practice of the Christ-cult than the theory involved in 
 it (the doctrine of the deity of Christ). Cohen in 1906 gave a 
 passionate expression to this feeling of protest in an essay Gedanken 
 iiber Jugendlektiive which is now printed in Hermann Cohen's 
 Jidische Schriften, vol. ii., Berlin, 1924, p. 126 ff, Compare p. 128, 
 ‘The cult of the Hero is contrary to our deepest nature, and p. 129, 
 ‘Our religion opposes the deity of Christ.’ There was present already 
 in the popular Judaism of Palestine a tendency of thought making 
 for a cult of saints, as the cult of the graves of saints at the time of 
 Jesus shows (cf. e.g. Matt. xxiii, 29; Luke xi. 47 £.). Moreover, in 
 1909 I observed in Tiberias a cult of graves maintained by Jewish 
 immigrants which had thoroughly ancient features, features which 
 from the point of view of official J udaism were unjewish. Thus even 
 Judaism (right up to to-day) has its sediment of primitive cult- 
 religion. 
 
 2 Bousset’s thesis that the Kyrioscult arose in Syria is not illuminat- 
 ing to me. Compare against it also Ed. Meyer, Ursprung und 
 Anfange des Christentums, 3rd Ed., Stuttgart and Berlin, 1923, p. 218. 
 We ought to think of Palestine far more than we have hitherto as 
 penetrated not only with specially ‘ Hellenistic ’ influences but also 
 with a general tendency towards cosmopolitan cult ideas. 
 
126 PAUL 
 
 treasure of forms by which ancient cults expressed 
 themselves in language and ritual. 
 
 We can describe this great synthesis in religious 
 history by transforming an illustration which Paul used 
 in conscious paradox.’ Primitive Christianity, already 
 developed into a cult, was an olive-tree grown in the 
 Holy Land into which the twig of an oleaster, wild yet 
 abounding in strength, was grafted. The wild twig 
 received by this means a part of the strength derived 
 from the roots of the cultivated tree,? which on its side 
 gained an accession of fresh life, stimulating new power 
 of growth in its flow of sap. 
 
 The outer signs of the primitive apostolic Jesus-cult 
 are recognisable clearly enough in Acts. That book 
 being a pious book for popular reading naturally does 
 not speak of the earliest Church in dry tones, such as 
 would be used, for example, in the statistical tables of 
 our ecclesiastical bureaucracy, but with that depth of 
 religious feeling which one associates with annual 
 meetings of Missionary Societies. The one who told 
 this first missionary story for the community of the 
 saints kindled the enthusiasm both of himself and his 
 readers, and the whole is naturally to be seen in a 
 transfiguring glory of light. But the historical lines are 
 unmistakable. ‘THhose who shared cult membership in 
 the living Jesus Christ had already made for themselves 
 the beginnings of an organisation carried on by brother- 
 hood, not by organised communism ; possessed in Bap- 
 tism and the Lord’s Supper two sacramental cult- 
 institutions, which can be called the two primitive 
 
 1 Rom. xi. 17 ff., cf. above, pp. 88, 98; for the consciousness of 
 the paradox compare xi. 24 (against nature, tapi diow). On this 
 question see Th. Daechsel, Kultwrgeschichtliche Siretfziige durch die 
 Paulinischen Schriften, Dresden, A, 1910, p. 53 f. 
 
 4\Rom, xial7. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 127 
 
 Christian Mysteries (using the words in the antique 
 technical sense); and they had already early begun 
 within their environment in Palestine and even as far 
 as Phoenicia, Syria and Cyprus, to carry on propaganda 
 for their cause, in order to gather together the com- 
 munity that would be worthy for the Kingdom of God, 
 so soon expected with the coming of the Lord. 
 
 Historically the most remarkable document of this 
 earliest Palestine Jesus-Christ-cult is an Aramaic 
 hieroglyph, which later we find in a letter of Paul,’ 
 but which arose as a primitive Aramaic word in 
 the Aramaic-speaking primitive Church.? It was the 
 ejaculatory prayer sent up longingly to Christ by the 
 believers, perhaps at the end of the celebration of the 
 Lord’s Supper :° 
 
 Marana tha (Our Lord, Come!) 
 
 Thus the early Church sighed to its Lord for His 
 Advent in divine glory at the final Epiphany of the 
 Kingdom of God. 
 
 The self-sacrificing enthusiasm of the young com- 
 munity soon led it into the same conflict with those in 
 power which had brought Jesus to His death. The 
 first martyr blood was shed, and at the death of Stephen, 
 the first witness to give his blood, we find the zealous 
 Pharisee, Saul, who was also called Paul, sharing the 
 moral guilt. For the young man sprung from the sultry 
 
 11 Cor. xvi. 22, Mapave 6a; cf. Revel. xx. 20, Zoxou Kvpte ‘Inood! 
 Come, Lord Jesus ! 
 
 2T hold this is the correct view, contrary to Bousset, Kyrios 
 Christos, pp. 103 and 10%. 
 
 3. with this the occurrence of the ejaculation in the earliest 
 known prayer at the Lord’s Supper, see Didache, x. 6, «i Tis dyos Er, 
 épxyeoOw. i TIS OUK ETL petavoeitw. Mapava da. dpryv. He whois holy, 
 let him come! He who is not, let him repent! Marana tha. Amen ! 
 
 4 Acts vii. 58; vii. 1. 
 
128 PAUL 
 
 atmosphere of the Cilician plain must have been inspired 
 with a fanatical hatred of the followers of Jesus of 
 Nazareth, whose tremendous proclamation of woe 
 against Pharisaic type of religion was not forgotten.? 
 Step by step the propaganda of the Gospel was followed 
 by a counter-propaganda of forcible suppression. It 
 was organised by Saul Paul. In the service of the 
 same disciplinary authority whose scourgings were later 
 to lacerate his own back, he hastened—already an 
 apostle in this—northwards to Damascus,’ to extinguish 
 the fire of the new cult which was already glimmering 
 there. 
 
 It was upon this journey and close to the city of 
 Damascus itself* that there came to Paul an experience 
 which meant an entire transformation. It was his 
 conversion. 
 
 Concerning this event* which, though no heathen 
 historian has noticed, was yet of world-wide importance, 
 we have two sources: the Apostle’s own references, 
 and three sketches in Acts,’ not in all their details quite 
 in agreement with one another, which however—this is 
 in the very nature of the case—must be in some way 
 derived from accounts by Paul himself. 
 
 Here again, as in the Christophany seen by Peter 
 
 1 Matt. xxiii. and other places. 
 
 4Gal. 1. 13 ff.; Acts ix. 22, 26. 
 
 *This is derived by combination of Gal. i.13 with i.17 without 
 reference to Acts. For the chronology, which can now, on the basis 
 of the Gallio-insecription (see bélow Appendix I.), be reckoned earlier, 
 cf, Adolf Harnack in the Sitzungsberichte der Kgl. Preuss. Ak. d. W., 
 1912, p. 673 ff Here it is conjectured that the conversion took place 
 in autumn of the year 31. 
 
 * Julius Wellhausen, Kritische Analyse der Apostelgeschichte, 
 Berlin, 1914, p. 17: ‘The Christophany at Damascus is in itself an 
 unshakeable fact.’ 
 
 ° Acts ix. 1 ff. ; xxii. 3 ff.; xxvi. 10 ff. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 129 
 
 and by other members of the Easter community, we 
 shall never reach the point of completely unravelling 
 this experience psychologically, not even by the help of 
 the numerous analogous accounts of conversion in the 
 history of religion." But we can decide with a high 
 degree of certainty how Paul himself regarded the 
 occurrence. 
 
 He described it once,? with the same words which 
 he used of the Christophanies to the other Apostles,’ 
 words, be it noted, which were already technical words 
 for a divine epiphany in the Septuagint : 
 
 He appeared also to me. 
 
 He speaks of the living Christ, and hints that the ap- 
 pearance of Christ to him was the last in a series. 
 Another time‘ he says with even more of ancient 
 
 vividness : 
 I have seen Jesus our Lord, 
 
 or he confesses, using an inner mystical expression :° 
 
 I was apprehended of Christ Jesus. 
 
 In a fourth case® he uses almost modern psychological 
 terms of the experience, speaking of a revelation of 
 God’s Son produced by God ‘within him’; in a fiith 
 case’ he says in a more general way that the Christ- 
 mystery has been made known to him by revelation. 
 In the memory of that hour at Damascus there was no 
 doubt always the impression of a tremendous shining 
 light, like the light of the first day of God’s Creation 
 
 1Qn this point compare the valuable hints of Rudolf Otto, ‘Das 
 Auferstehungserlebnis als pnewmatische Erfahrung’ in his Aufsdize, 
 das Numinose betreffend, Stuttgart-Gotha, 1923, p. 159-170. 
 
 21 Cor. xv. 8, b60n Kapoor. 31 Cor. xv. 5, 6, 7, dO. 
 
 41 Cor. ix. 1, Incoty tov Kipiov jay ewpaxa. 
 
 Phil. iii. 12, careAnpPhOnv bd Xprotod ‘Inood. 
 
 6 Gal. i. 16, droxaAvWau Tov vidy adrod év éuot. 
 
 7 Eph. iii. 8, cata drroxddupey éyvwpioby jor TO LVOTHPLOV. 
 
 u 
 
130 PAUL 
 
 shining out of the darkness, as is hinted in second 
 Corinthians... So too the Book of Acts,’ using the 
 ordinary colours of antiquity, paints it all in that glorious 
 blaze of light, in which the appearance of the Divine is 
 always represented. 
 
 An experience, which Paul regarded as caused by 
 God, which meant the revelation of the living Christ or 
 Christ taking inner possession of him, and which in- 
 cluded in itself both an inner transformation and the 
 call to the Apostolate*® of the before-time persecutor,— 
 -that was the occurrence in Damascus for Paul himself. 
 And this characterisation of the conversion is amply 
 sufficient for the historian. 
 
 Linking this single experience with the whole of 
 Paul’s later mystical experience of Christ, we can obtain 
 one more important result, by combining together two 
 confessions from Galatians. For the man who describes 
 his position as a Christian with the phrase : * 
 
 Christ lives in me, 
 
 Damascus was the beginning of that indwelling of 
 Christ : | 
 
 God revealed His Son in me. 
 
 What happened at Damascus ought not to be iso- 
 lated, but it should be regarded as the basal mystical 
 experience of the religious genius to whom also in later 
 life extraordinary and even ecstatic experiences were 
 vouchsafed.® All that can be called Paul’s Christ- 
 
 12 Cor. iv. 6, 6 Geds 6 eiwv: éx oxdrous Pos Adpe, Os Caper év 
 Tais Kapdiats NuUdV mpds Puta pov THS yvdoews THS Odéys TOd Geod ev TpoTerw 
 Xpucrov. 
 
 4 Acts ix. 3; xxii. 6,/9: xxvinla: 
 
 ®Gal. i. 16, wa ebayyeAiLwpar adrov év toils COveow. 
 
 * Gal. ii. 20, 7 de év éuot Xpicros. 
 
 * Gal. i. 16 (see above, p. 129 note 6). 
 
 ° Cf. p. 79 f. above. Rudolf Otto now also emphasises this, see 
 Aufsdtze, p. 161. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 131 
 
 mysticism is the reaction to this initial experience. 
 Damascus is perhaps the clearest example of an initial 
 impulse to reacting mysticism,’ a mystical initiation 
 arising from a divine initiative. 
 
 The conversion of the persecutor into a follower and 
 of the Pharisee Apostle into the Apostle of Christ was 
 a sudden one. Yet it was no magic transformation, 
 but had its psychological preparation both negative and 
 positive. 
 
 Negative in the experiences through which the soul 
 of the young Pharisee had gone in its passionate hunger 
 for righteousness under the yoke of the law; in the 
 letters of the convert decades later we still hear the 
 echo of his sighs at that time: the terrible discovery * 
 had come to him as a curse, that even for the most 
 earnest conscience, in fact especially for the most ° 
 earnest conscience, it was impossible really to keep 
 the whole law. 
 
 The positive preparation for the conversion came, 
 on the one hand, through the prophetic inwardness of 
 the Old Revelation which had influenced Paul even as 
 a Jew; on the other hand, through a relatively close 
 touch with the genuine tradition of Jesus and with 
 the effects wrought by Him in the characters of the 
 confessors whom Paul persecuted. I do not regard it 
 as probable that the young zealot ever was personally 
 acquainted with the earthly Jesus, although weighty 
 voices have again declared recently in favour of this 
 hypothesis.’ But it is most certainly probable that the 
 Pharisee was acquainted with his opponent through — 
 
 1 Cf. on this point Chapter VI. below. 
 
 2 Gal. iii, 10, and many sad words in Romans. 
 
 ’ The phrase in 2 Cor. y. 16 is to be understood otherwise ; if ‘ we 
 have known Christ after the flesh’ (xara odpxa) refers to personal ac- 
 quaintance with the earthly Jesus, then the conclusion ‘now we know 
 him so no more’ is a triviality. 
 
132 PAUL 
 
 His words and the influence He continued to exert 
 on His disciples. 
 
 So the lightning of Damascus strikes no empty space 
 but finds deep in the soul of the persecutor plenty 
 of inflammable material. We see the flame blaze 
 upwards and after a generation we can still feel that 
 the glow then kindled has lost none of its power in the 
 man grown old: Christ is in Paul, Paul in Christ. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) 
 
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CHAPTER VI 
 
 PAUL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) 
 
 PAUL’S SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE AS CHRIST-INTIMACY (CHRIST-MYSTICISM). 
 PAUL'S EXPERIENCES OF CHRIST. I'UNDAMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS 
 ABOUT THE NATURE OF MYSTICISM AND ITS TYPES. THE PECULI- 
 ARITY OF THE PAULINE CHRIST-MYSTICISM. 
 
 WE have not merely recognised the secret of Paul’s 
 spiritual life but also described it with sacred Pauline 
 formulee when we use the two phrases : 
 
 re 
 
 Christ in Paul,! Paul in Christ.? 
 
 It is no doubt generally admitted that Paul’s religious 
 experience was Christo-centric; but how differently — 
 people view that Christo-centric Christianity of Paul! 
 Often Christo-centric has been identified with Christo- 
 logical. But Paul’s religion is Christo-centric in a much 
 deeper and more realistic sense. It is not first of all 
 the product of a number of convictions and elevated 
 
 doctrinés about Christ ; it is ‘fellowship’ with Christ,’ ' 
 
 Christ-intimacy.* Paul lives ‘in’ Christ, ‘in’ the living 
 
 1 Gal. ii. 20, ete. 
 
 2 Numerous passages. Cf. p. 139 ff. below. 
 
 31 Cor. i. 9; x. 16; Phil. iii. 10. The inimitably vivid expression 
 iS Kowwvia. 
 
 4 German, ‘ Christ-Innigkeit’—W.E.W.] With the coming of this 
 expression ‘ Christ-Innigkeit’ I hope to render a service to those who 
 in carrying on Christian work at the present day want to speak about 
 Paul’s Christ-mysticism without using a word so productive of mis- 
 understanding as ‘Christusmystik. In using this term ‘Christ- 
 Innigkeit’ I am consciously linking on to the ancient usage of annic 
 and innikeit in the German mysticism of the Middle Ages (cf. Otto 
 
 (135) 
 
136 PAUL 
 
 and present spiritual Christ, who is about him on all 
 sides, who fills him,! who speaks to him,’ and speaks 
 in and through him.’ Christ is for Paul not a person 
 of the past, with whom he can only come into contact 
 by meditating on the words that have been handed 
 from him, not a ‘historical’ personage, but a reality 
 and power of the present, an ‘energy,’ * whose life-giv- 
 ing powers are daily expressing themselves in him,’ 
 and to whom, since that day at Damascus, he has felt a 
 personal-cult dependence. 
 
 The difference between these two conceptions of 
 Paul’s Christo-centric religion can be well expressed in 
 Greek by contrasting Christologos and Christophoros.° 
 Certainly Paul was also a Christological thinker, but 
 
 Zirker, Die Bereicherung des deutschen Wortschatzes durch die 
 spdimuttelalterliche Mystik, Jena, 1923, pp. 66 f. and 12.) For me the 
 bridge was our word Gott-Innigkeit. For Zirker’s other references cf. 
 p. 297 below. | 
 
 1Gal. i. 20. 42) Cor. xing. 32 Cor. xiii. 3. 
 
 S Philo al GOL ea0 see det alge 
 
 52 Cor. xii. 9; Phil. 11.10; 1 Cor. i. 24; v. 4. I have attempted 
 more closely to describe the primitive realism of this Apostolic religion 
 of power in the essay, T'ragende und stdhlende Krafte des N.T., in the 
 Festgabe fir D. Dr. Julius Kaftan, Tubingen, 1920, pp. 44-55. French 
 authors have seriously misunderstood my term ‘ Religion of Power,’ 
 ef. Die Hiche, 12 (1924), April issue, p. 240 f. 
 | 6 XpurroAdyos and Xpicroddpos. I have no ancient document to 
 quote for the first word, but the second comes from the earliest ages 
 of Christianity. Probably the first occurrence is Ignatius, Hph. ix. 2, 
 where the Christians appear as ‘ procession of the God-bearers, and 
 temple-bearers, of Christ-bearers and bearers of holy things’ (écré ovv 
 Kal ovvodo. ravTes, Oeopdpor Kal vaohdpor, Xprrropdpor, aytopdpo.). Ancient 
 Christendom used this beautiful word still in the fourth century as a 
 technical term, for example of one specially gifted in prayer, like 
 Paphnutius, a father lately become known to us through the discovery 
 of the considerable remnants of his original writings. Cf, H. Idris 
 Bell, Jews and Christians in Egypt, London, 1924, pp. 101 and 108 f. ; 
 accordingly in my Septwaginta-Papyrt, p. 96 f., in the letter of Justinus, 
 xpnotopdp[w] should be read. From the technical term, no doubt 
 the proper name Christopher was quickly derived. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 137 
 
 above all and in everything (even in his ‘ Christology’) 
 he was a Christ-bearer.* 
 
 We must first of all try to understand the Christ of 
 the Apostle. Usually the attempt is made under the 
 title ‘The Christology of the Apostle Paul.’ But itis . 
 more accurate because more in accord with historical 
 sense to inquire about the ‘Christophory’ or ‘ Christ- 
 olatry’ of the Apostle, or, if that sounds too strange, 
 about his ‘knowledge of Christ,’ about his ‘experiences 
 of Christ’ or his ‘revelations of Christ.’ Any tendency 
 to petrify the original fellowship with Christ pulsating 
 with life into a doctrine about Christ is mischievous. 
 
 Weask what Christ did Paul know, experience, carry | ° 
 
 with him into the world and bring into the depths of 
 the souls of his churches? The answer can only be: 
 it was the spiritual, living Christ. 
 
 This certainty of Christ, nevertheless, has different 
 tendencies. In each case indeed the living, risen Christ 
 stands at the centre, but two chief, opposing tendencies 
 can be distinguished. 
 
 On the one hand, Christ to the Apostle is the Son of 
 God ‘highly exalted’? to the Father, who dwells in 
 Heaven above ‘at the right hand’* of God in glory, and 
 ‘is coming’ soon to the earth as Judge.’ 
 
 This assurance about Christ which has strong Jew- 
 ish tendencies, being especially influenced by Psalm cx., 
 might be called in doctrinaire phrase the assurance of 
 the transcendence of Christ. In more Pauline phrase, 
 and therefore historically more correctly, it is called 
 the assurance of the ‘highly exalted’ Christ. That 
 
 1This name is furthermore well fitted to mark him out as a 
 communion-mystic and to distinguish him from the unity-mystic (on 
 this distinction ef. what is said below in this chapter). 
 
 2 Phil. ii, 9, 5 Geds airov trepvpuwcer. 
 
 3 (Following Ps. ex. 1), Col. iii. 1; Hph. i. 20; Rom. viii. 34. 
 
 4 Of, the numerous references to the Parousia in Paul’s letters. 
 
138 PAUL 
 
 word ‘highly exalted’? is indeed especially Pauline, and 
 though in later days it gave very strong stimulus to 
 dogma, it was originally not a word artificially formed 
 for dogmatic use, but a simple popular expression of. 
 the assurance about Christ that sprang out of the cult. 
 Even more characteristically Pauline is the other ; 
 it exhibits more the Hellenistic-mystical tendency of the 
 experience of Christ: the living Christ is the Pneuma. 
 As Pneuma, as Spirit the living Christ is not far off, 
 above clouds and stars, but near, present on our poor 
 earth he dwells and rules in His own. Here again, 
 there is no lack of suggestion in this direction in the 
 Septuagint, and Paul himself created the significant 
 formule : 
 The Lord is the Spirit,? 
 The last Adam became a life-giving Spirit,3 
 He that is joined to the Lord is one Spirit. 
 
 and others like them. Perhaps even more important 
 than such symbolical phrases is the fact, that in a 
 number of places Paul makes precisely similar state- 
 ments of Christ and of the Spirit. This is specially to 
 be noted in the parallel use of the mystical formule 
 ‘in Christ’ and ‘in the (Holy) Spirit.’ The formula 
 ‘in the Spirit,’ which occurs in Paul’s writings only 
 nineteen times, is in almost all these places connected 
 with the same specifically Pauline fundamental ideas 
 which elsewhere he connects with the formula ‘in 
 
 1 Phil. ii. 9 (cf. John iii. 14; viii. 28; xii. 34). Certainly Isaiah 
 xxxill. 10 according to the LXX sounds like a programme of the Pauline- 
 Johannine ‘ Christology’: viv dvacrnoopar, A€yeu Kvptos, viv dogacOjoopmat, 
 viv vywOyncouo.” (‘Now will I rise up saith the Lord, now will I be 
 glorified, now will I be exalted ’). 
 
 22 Cor. iii. 17, 6 d& Kdpios TO zvedud éorw. In the first place this 
 sentence is an exegetical note on the immediately preceding quotation 
 from the Septuagint; but it is also regarded by itself ‘typical for 
 Paul’s view of Christ. 
 
 31 Cor. xv. 45, éyévero . . . 6 éyaros “Addy eis rveda Cworotodv. 
 
 *1 Cor. vi. 17, 6 8& KoANdpevos TE Kupiw ev rvedpd, ear, 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 139 
 
 Christ’: faith, righteousness,? being justified,” being 
 in,t standing,’ rejoicing and joy,’ free gift,’ love,” 
 peace,’ sanctified,” sealed," circumcised and circum- 
 cision,” testifying,” speaking,” being filled,” one body," 
 the temple of God,!’—all this is seen and experienced 
 by the Christian who is ‘in Christ,’ but also by him 
 who is ‘in the Spirit’; that means as a matter of fact 
 ‘in Christ who is the Spirit.’ Therefore also the 
 technical expressions ‘fellowship of the Son of God’ 
 and ‘fellowship of the Spirit’ are parallel in Paul’s 
 use.’ For it always refers to the same experience 
 whether Paul says that Christ lives in him,” or that 
 the Spirit dwells in us,” and whether he speaks of 
 Christ making intercession for us with the Father,” or 
 of the Spirit who helps us in prayer.” 
 
 This Christ-experience of the Apostle might be 
 
 manence of Christ ; it is more Pauline and therefore also 
 
 1 Gal. iii. 26, etc. ; 1 Cor. xii. 9. 
 
 29 Cor. v. 21, etc.; Rom. xiv. 17. 
 
 3 Gal. ii. 17; 1 Cor. vi. 11. 41 Cor. i. 30, etc.; Rom. viii. 9. 
 
 5 Phil. iv. 1, ete.; Phil. i. 27. 6 Phil. iii. 1, ete. ; Rom. xiv. 17. 
 
 Biome vias +L Cor. xi.i9. 8 Rom. viii. 39, etc.; Col. i. 8. 
 
 9Phil. iv. 7; Rom. xiv. 17. 
 
 101 Cor. i. 2; Rom. xv. 16, etc.: ef. 1 Cor. vi. 11 where the two 
 certainties are stressed together. 
 
 ll Bph. i. 18, etc. ; Eph. iv. 30. 
 
 12 Gol. ii. 11; Rom. ii. 29. 13 Fiph. iv. 17; Rom. ix. 1. 
 149 Cor. ii. 17, etc. ; 1 Cor. xii. 3. 
 15 Gol. ii. 10; Eph. v. 18. 16 Rom. xii. 5; 1 Cor. xii. 13. 
 
 17 Hiph. ii, 21; Hph. i. 22. 
 
 181 Cor. i. 9; Phil. ii. 1; 2 Cor. xiii. 13. 
 
 19 Gal. ii. 20; cf. 2 Cor. xiii. 5; Rom. vi. 10. 
 
 20 Rom. viii. 9; 1 Cor. iii. 16; vi. 19. 
 
 21 Rom. vili. 34 f. 
 
 22 Rom. viii. 26 ff. In John, who calls the Spirit (J ohn xiv. 16, 26; 
 xy. 26; xvi. 7) and Jesus Christ (1 John ii. 1) ‘advocate’ wapaxAnTos 
 this great Pauline conviction is still more clearly worked out than in 
 Romans. 
 
 # 
 ew 
 
 called in doctrinaire phrase the experience of the im- vo 
 
140 PAUL 
 
 historically more correct to speak of the experience of 
 the Spirit-Christ. 
 
 This certainty of the nearness of Christ occurs far 
 more frequently in Paul’s writings than the thought of 
 the distant Christ ‘highly exalted’ in Heaven. 
 
 Christ in me 
 
 —that is indeed a confession poured forth from the 
 depths of the soul, the confession of an assurance 
 which illuminates and holds under its sway the remotest 
 recesses of the ego. Corresponding to this assurance 
 
 is the other: 
 I in Christ. 
 
 Christ is Spirit ; therefore He can live in Paul and 
 Paulin Him. Just.as the air of life, which we breathe, 
 is ‘in’ us and fills us, and yet we at the same time live 
 in this air and breathe it, so it is also with the Christ- 
 intimacy of the Apostle Paul: Christ in him, he in 
 Christ. 
 
 This primitive Pauline watch-word ‘in Christ’ is 
 meant vividly and mystically, as is the corresponding 
 phrase ‘Christ in me.’ The formula ‘in Christ’ (or ‘in 
 the Lord’) occurs 164 times in Paul’s writings : it is 
 really the characteristic expression of his Christianity. 
 Much misunderstood by exegetes, rationalised, applied 
 to the ‘historical’ Jesus in isolation, and thereby 
 weakened, often simply ignored, this formula—so closely 
 connected in meaning with the phrase ‘in the Spirit’ — 
 must be conceived as the peculiarly Pauline expression 
 of the most intimate possible fellowship of the Christian 
 with the living spiritual Christ.1. That it is used by 
 
 Compare here and with this whole chapter my essay: Dive 
 neutestamentliche Formel ‘in Christo Jesu,’ Marburg 1892. [Now 
 published by J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), Tiibingen]}. It has taken a 
 comparatively speaking long time for the importance of this problem 
 
 to gain general recognition. At the present time, however, the ques- 
 tion is well to the front. I set down here, without any attempt at 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 141 
 
 Paul with differing shades of meaning is true ;* there 
 are, for example, places where it is already used in a 
 
 completeness, the most important contributions: E. Schrader, Dve 
 Bedeutung des lebendigen Christus fiir die Rechtfertigung nach 
 Paulus, Giitersloh, 1893, pp. 36 ff. and 52; Johannes Weiss, Paulinische 
 Probleme, 2. Die Formel év Xpicrd Inoot—Theol. Studien und Kritiken, 
 1896; Wilhelm Karl, Beitrdge zwm Verstandmis der soterwlogischen 
 Erfahrungen und Spekulationen des Apostels Paulus, Strassburg, 1896 ; 
 Julius Boehmer, Das biblische ‘im Namen,’ Giessen, 1898; Lucien 
 Delieutraz, De lV Importance de Vexpression ‘év Xpiord “Inood’ dans 
 Saint Paul (Thése), Geneva, 1899; Albrecht Dieterich, Hine Mithras- 
 liturgie, Leipzig, 1903, 2nd Kd., 1910; Wilhelm Heitmiiller, Tawfe und 
 Abendmahl bei Paulus, Gottingen, 1903: Joh. Weiss, Monatsschrift 
 fiir Pastoral theologie, 5 (1909), p. 314 f.; Monkeméller in Lehre und 
 Wehr (St. Louis), 1911; Bernhard Weiss, T’heol. Stud. wu. Krit., 1911, p. 
 531 ff.; W. Bousset, Kyrios Christos (1913), p. 142 ff. ; Eduard Norden, 
 Agnostos Theos, Leipzig, 1918, p. 19 ff. ; Traugott Schmidt, Christus in 
 uns—Wir in Christus (Dissertation), Gottingen, 1913, cf. also his 
 posthumous book: Der Leib Christi (2dpa Xpicrod), Leipzig, 1919; 
 Hans Bohlig, Ev xvpé» in Newtestamentl. Studien fiir Georg Heinrict, 
 Leipzig, 1914, p. 170 ff.; Joh. Weiss, Das Urchristentum, Gottingen, 
 1914, p. 359 ff.; Johannes Lundberg, Kristusmystiken hos Paulus, in 
 Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift, 1916 ; W. Morgan, The Religion and 
 Theology of Paul, Edinburgh, 1917, Part I; Kurt Deissner, Paulus 
 und die Mystik seiner Zeit, Leipzig, 1918, 2nd. Hd., 1921; H. A. A. 
 Kennedy, The Theology of the Epistles, London, 1919, Part I., Chap. VL. ; 
 Hans Emil Weber, Die Formel ‘in Chrisio Jesu’ wnd die paulinische 
 Christusmystik, Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift, 1920 ; J. P. Bang, Var 
 Paulus Mystiker ? Teologisk Tidsskrift, 1920; A. M. Brouwer, 
 Paulus Mysticus ? Utrecht, 1921; Rudolf Paulus, Das Christus- 
 problem der Gegenwart, Tiibingen, 1922; José M. Bover, 8.J., La 
 Union Mistica ‘en Cristo Jesus’ segun el Apdstol San Pablo, Barcelona, 
 1922; Lyder Brun, Zur Formel ‘in Christus Jesus’ vm Brief des 
 Paulus an die Philipper, Symbolae Arctoae, fasc. I., Kristiania (Oslo), 
 1922, p. 19 ff.; HE. von Dobschiitz, Zeit und Rawm im Denken des 
 Urchristentums, Journal of Biblical Literature, 41 (1922) ; Otto Schmitz, 
 in the book referred to more fully below on the use of the genitive by 
 Paul (1924), p. 238 ff.; Ernst Sommerlath, Der Ursprung des neuen 
 Lebens nach Paulus, Leipzig, 1923, p. 65 ff; Wilhelm Mundle, Das 
 religiose Leben des Apostels Paulus, Leipzig, 1928, p. 73; Wilhelm 
 Weber, Christusmystik, Leipzig, 1924, especially p. 51 ff. 
 
 1 Johannes Weiss and others have rightly drawn attention to this 
 point. 
 
 5 
 
142 PAUL 
 
 really formal sense. And it may reasonably be assumed 
 that the Christ-intimacy of the Apostle itself had also its 
 differing degrees of elevation. After the mountain 
 peak of Damascus there followed the normal life in 
 Christ moving upon a less exalted plane of personal 
 experience, then in the rare times of trouble and con- 
 secration it rose again to a passionately intensified 
 communion of prayer with the Saviour.’ 
 
 Related to this, if not identical with it, is the 
 similarly misunderstood formula ‘through Christ,’ which 
 also in far the greater number of cases is to be referred 
 to the spiritual Christ.’ 
 
 It may now be asked What was Paul’s conception 
 
 of the spiritual Christ? The answer depends upon the 
 way in which the Spirit, as Paul uses the term, is 
 defined. Here it seems best to start with the sharp 
 contrast always made between pnewma, spirit, and 
 sara, flesh. Pneuma, at any rate, is something not 
 sarkic, not earthly,* not material. True, the Spirit- 
 Christ has a soma, a body, but a spiritual body,* that is 
 a heavenly body,° a body consisting of divine effulgence.’ 
 Sharp, philosophically pointed definition of the concept 
 of ‘spiritual’ is happily absent from Paul’s writings. 
 The Apostle remains popular, and in ancient style, 
 vivid in his formulation. He probably thought of some 
 light, ethereal form of existence, such as he doubtless 
 attributed to God. But there is no binding definition. 
 We have the greatest possible latitude if we desire to 
 transplant the Apostle’s ideas of Christ into our religious 
 thinking. To Paul the Spirit, God, the living Christ is 
 
 1 Cf. e.g.; 2 Cor. xii! 8 i 
 
 “Cf. Adolph Schettler, Die paulinische Formel ‘Durch Christus,’ 
 Tubingen, 1907. 
 
 * The classical passage is 1 Cor. xv. 35 ff. 
 
 41 Cor. xv. 47 ff. 51 Cor. xv. 45 f. 
 
 61 Cor. xv. 47 ff. Phil, iii. 21. 
 
 wie See 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 143 
 
 a reality, the reality of all realities ; therefore he does 
 not puzzle about definitions. The Spirit that is living in 
 Paul searches all things, even the deep things of God’ 
 but it brings to light no definition of God. Religious 
 definitions are always attempts at salvage, but Paul 
 had not suffered shipwreck over the problem of Christ's 
 person. 
 
 If Paul had attempted a definition, he would have 
 defined like a man of the ancient world, in a manner 
 more realistic, more massive, more concrete perhaps 
 than a speculative thinker of our own times, but cer- 
 tainly not in ordinary materialistic terms. The Spirit 
 has nothing of the fleshly, nothing of the earthly; it is 
 divine, heavenly, eternal, holy, living, and life-giving— 
 these are all predicates which Paul applies to it or could 
 apply, and they can all also be applied to the spiritual 
 Christ. 
 
 But here there is a point that must not be over- 
 looked.?,/ The Spirit-Christ of Paul is no feeble, indis- 
 tinct image set up by the phantasy-producing power of 
 religious imagination, which evaporates into a boundless, 
 empty cloudland ; on the contrary, (He has his hold on 
 concrete reality at the cross. He is, and remains, the 
 crucified. That is to say, mystical communion with the 
 Spirit-Christ transforms all that we call the ‘historical ’ 
 Christ, all that found its climax on Golgotha, all that 
 had been entrusted to the Apostle as tradition about 
 Jesus, into a present reality. It is here that the mystical 
 dependence‘ of the cult religion shows itself particularly 
 clearly. The basis of facts in the past, which, when re- 
 garded only as material for christological formulations, 
 may easily become wooden and thus impossible to as- 
 similate,—this, as it is made a present reality by the 
 
 11 Cor. i. 10. 2 Cf. below, Chapter VIII. 
 3 égravpwpevos, Gal. iii. 1; 1 Cor. 1. 23; Wea 
 4See above, pp, 121, 122. 
 
144 PAUL 
 
 mystical power of the cult, receives again its flow of 
 sap. Thereby also the Christ-mystic is protected from 
 the danger that threatens him of becoming a ‘reed 
 shaken by the wind’ and ‘a man clothed in soft raiment’ 
 —the danger that the straying of ‘believing thoughts 
 into the broad fields of eternity ’* may lead to nothing 
 better than vague, stumbling wandering. 
 
 These great certainties, too, 1t must be confessed, 
 were not ‘defined’ by Paul. What he introduced into 
 Christ-mysticism was not definitions, but a rich treasure 
 of technical phrases, which express,often in popular 
 pictorial language, the spiritual communion between 
 Christ and His owh. The not unimportant problem of 
 setting forth in order this technical vocabulary of Paul, 
 a few details of which we have sketched, has not yet 
 been solved in all its bearings, and can be mentioned 
 here only as an object of research.” He who desires 
 to solve it must be at home in the atmosphere and lan- 
 guage of the mysticism both of the East and the West. 
 
 The question, What according to Paul brings about 
 the communion with Christ? is answered by the hints 
 which we have given about Paul’s conversion. It is 
 God Who brings about the communion with Christ.’ 
 He has the initiative at the mystic initiation. Not that 
 every Christian experiences anything like the occurrence 
 at Damascus, but everyone who possesses the living 
 
 ‘Cf. p. 106 above. The quotation is from the opening lines of the 
 well-known hymn of Johann Gottfried Hermann (+ 1791). 
 
 2 Cf. the hints in my lectures, The Religion of Jesus and The Faith 
 of Paul. The Selly Oak Lectures, 1923, on the Communion of Jesus 
 with God and the Communion of Paul with Christ, London, 1923, p. 
 162 ff. (Hxegetical Preliminaries). 
 
 °1 Cor. 1. 9, 80; 2 Cor. i. 21 f.; iv. 6. In this category we must 
 also place the passages in which Paul speaks of our being chosen and 
 called by God. They ought not to be isolated and made into a separate 
 piece of doctrine. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 145 
 
 Christ, or the Spirit, has received Him from God, or 
 has been ‘apprehended’ by Christ Himself."| Those 
 passages are numerous in which God is celebrated as 
 giver of the Spirit.’ 
 
 The assertion that according to Paul baptism is the 
 means of access to Christ, I hold to be incorrect. There 
 are passages which, taken in isolation, can be made to 
 prove it,’ nevertheless it is, I think, more correct to say,; —- 
 that baptism does not bring about communion with 
 Christ, but seals itt In Paul’s own case, at all events, 
 baptism was not the deciding factor, but the Christo- 
 phany at Damascus, and not baptism but preaching the 
 gospel was in his view the purpose of his apostleship.° 
 Also the Lord’s Supper is not for him the real cause of 
 communion with Christ, but an expression of that com- 
 munion. It is a peculiarly intimate contact with the 
 Lord. The Lord’s Supper does not bring about the 
 communion, it only brings it into prominence. Neither 
 baptism nor the Lord’s Supper is regarded as of magical 
 effect.’ The decisive factor in each case is God's grace. . 
 The Pauline Christian can say with Paul,° 
 
 By the grace of God I am what I am. 
 
 Powerful and original as the spiritual experience of 
 Christ was with Paul, there were not lacking other 
 stimuli, which influenced him, derived most directly, I 
 
 sit od av wap ht gal 9 
 
 2 Gal. iv. 6; 1 Cor. vi. 19; ii. 12; Rom. v. 5; viii. 10. 
 
 3 H.g. Gal. ii. 27. 
 
 4 Just as in Rom. iy. 11, circumcision is the seal (c¢payis) of the 
 righteous standing already possessed by Abraham. 
 
 Si Cori! 7. pe Clots Sarl. 
 
 71 Cor. x. 1-12. This passage is simply decisive that Paul did 
 not hold magical ideas. In this case also single passages about the 
 Lord’s Supper must not be isolated, but interpreted along with all the 
 others. 
 
 81 Cor. xv. 10, xdpure de Peod eipi 6 eip 
 
 10 
 
146 PAUL 
 
 think, from the Septuagint religion. The Greek Old 
 Testament has, and here we must recognise an important 
 Hellenisation of the original, a great number of pro- 
 minent passages in which the formule ‘in God’ or ‘in 
 the Lord’ are used in a mystical sense. The words of 
 the prophet :* 
 
 Yet I will rejoice in the Lord 
 
 sounds like the prelude of the Pauline Jubilate :’ 
 Rejoice in the Lord. 
 
 The formula ‘in God’ which is especially frequent in 
 the Septuagint Psalms is a great favourite with Paul °* 
 and is closely connected with the formula ‘in Christ.’ * 
 The confession in the speech on Mar’s Hill,” 
 
 In Him (God) we live and move and have our being, 
 
 comes from the pre-Christian Jewish ° mysticism of Paul 
 which had been inspired by the Septuagint, but Paul 
 did not understand this being-in-God in a neo-platonic 
 sense such as is presented to us in the works of 
 Dionysius the Areopagite. The watchword ‘in Christ,’ 
 inspired by the Damascus experience, seems to be a 
 more vivid substitute for the sacred formula ‘in God.’ 
 But it only seems to be so. In reality the wider mystic 
 circle ‘in Christ’ les like a concentric circle containing 
 the older circle, as though protecting it and inviting to 
 that holy of holies ‘in God,’ which from now onwards 
 
 | OXX., Hab. ii. 18, éya de év 7d kupiw d&yadAudoopmar. 
 
 2 Phil. iii, 1; iv. 4, yacpere év xupiv. 
 
 §1 Thess. ii. 2; Col, iii. 3; Eph. iii. 9; Rom. ii. 17. 
 
 41 Thess, i. 1; 2 Thess. i. 1. 
 
 ° Acts xvii. 28, év aird yap Zépev Kat xwotpeba Kal éoper. 
 
 °The question of Jewish mysticism before Paul’s time is one that 
 greatly needs to be solved. The Septuagint version of the Bible, 
 which not infrequently softened the severities of the original in a 
 mystical direction and then as the Greek Holy Scriptures had a 
 further mystical influence, and Philo are the most important sources. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 147 
 
 appears really accessible’ ‘through Christ’ and ‘in 
 Christ.’ ’ 
 
 To speak of Hellenistic influence is surely justifiable 
 here, when we remember the importance in Greek 
 mysticism of those inspired people who were filled with | 
 their God and given power by their God.’ Placed in 
 the great context of mysticism in general, Paul’s religion 
 gains the stamp which indicates its true place in the 
 history of religion. It is Christ-mysticism. 
 
 My energetic advocacy of the classification of Paul’s 
 religion as mysticism has had all sorts of results for me: 
 sharp aversion and discord, which sometimes expressed 
 itself in explosions of extreme irritation, personal 
 following, at best of a romantic sort (which was no 
 misfortune), at other times tending towards fanaticism 
 (which for many is the most painful thing that earth 
 produces), ridicule, elaborate irony, friendly caution. 
 Looking back upon these experiences, and upon thirty 
 years of most fruitful discussion with my students and 
 at theological conferences and lecture courses in 
 Germany, Sweden and England it has become pertectly 
 certain to me, that the explanation, which is certainly 
 to be desired, is only possible, as also in the cult 
 question,‘ by first of all coming to an understanding as 
 to the idea conveyed by mysticism. I ought to have 
 done this before. We talk at cross purposes and over 
 one another’s heads if we do not do it. And discussion 
 
 1 Eph. ii, 18; iii. 12; Rom. v. 2 (zpocaywy7). 
 
 2 Cf. the diagrams in the Appendix. 
 
 8Of great importance is R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen 
 Mysterienreligionen, Leipzig and Berlin, 1910 (2nd Ed., 1920), who 
 rightly indicates that Paul. was a mystic even before his conversion. 
 Kurt Deissner, Paulus und die Mystik seiner Zeit (see above, p. 141 n.), 
 gives a valuable piece of preparatory work in spite of some of his 
 results which are not very illuminating. 
 
 4 See above, p. 118 ff. 
 
148 PAUL 
 
 carried on internationally ' adds further misunderstand- 
 ing, as for example when we translate the English term 
 Mysticism (which is used in a by no means bad sense) 
 into German by Mysticismus, that word of evil associa- 
 tions.” 
 
 We must recognise that with us in the last few 
 decades the idea of Mystzk* has been employed by many 
 in a perfectly definite narrow sense, that of the Neo- 
 platonic type of deification mysticism, or to give it a 
 more fitting name mystical oneness with the diety. 
 Many even think of Mystik in even narrower ways, 
 having in mind only well-known caricatures and imita- 
 tions. But this narrowing of the idea is only a recent 
 academic usage. Even at the time when the conflict 
 over Albrecht Ritschl’s attitude to mysticism was blaz- 
 ing, Késtlin* very justly protested against the narrowing 
 of the idea of mysticism which was already clearly 
 coming into fashion, and Reinhold Seeberg?® also is on 
 
 1For our special problem the stimulating chapter ‘Is Paul a 
 Mystic’ in Robert Harvey Strachan’s The Indwiduality of St. Paul 
 (Qnd EKd., London, c. 1916) must not be overlooked. Paul Wernle 
 has repeatedly expressed regret at the confused use of language [cf. 
 e.g. Deutsche Lit. Zeitg., 33 (1912), col. 8016 ff., and Die Christliche 
 Welt, 27 (1913), col. 1063 f.] and worked out the narrower and wider 
 use: for his own part, however, he objects to the wider use. 
 
 2 It ought to be emphasised, that according to my observation the 
 numerous Hnglish words ending in -zsm have not the doctrinaire 
 stiffness of the German words in -2smus. 
 
 ’ Especially in lay circles this word plays a fatal réle. 
 
 * Religion nach dem N.T., mit besonderer Beziehung auf das 
 Verhdlinis des Srttlichen und Religidsen und auf das Mystische in der 
 Feligion, Theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 61 (1888), p. 82. 
 
 °Cf. p. 150 n. 2. It is interesting that younger scholars who 
 have grown up out of living academic contact with the older termin- 
 ology, as Friedrich Heiler and Wilhelm Koepp, reject the wider usage 
 as a peculiarity of the ‘newer’ Protestant theology (cf. Fr. Heiler, 
 Das Gebet, 2nd Hd., Miinchen, 1920, p. 249). Similarly Deissner 
 (2nd Hd., p. 184) calls the narrower usage the ‘older’ appealing to 
 Heiler. One can see how easily, even in our well-documented world, 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 149 
 
 the right line when he speaks of the confiscation of the 
 term ‘Mystik’ for the Neo-platonic type. Thus I am 
 no innovator, but seek rather to re-establish the old 
 German usage, when I understand ‘ Mystzk’ in the wider 
 sense and give the name Mystik to fevery religious 
 tendency that discovers the way to God direct through 
 inner experience without the mediation of reasoning. 
 ‘The constitutive element in mysticism is immediacy of , 
 
 contact with the diety. hes 
 
 There is a double bifurcation of the types of mysti- 
 cism according as they are judged by their origin or by 
 their results, and this leads on to a great multitude of 
 blendings and combinations in which widely differing 
 forms are often found in union. 
 
 First, when we investigate the question of origins, 
 we see that ‘great dividing’ line in the history of 
 religion, which we noted in the case of the cult,’ also 
 ‘drawn through the history of mysticism. The decisive 
 matter is the initiative: who is it that gives (or gave in 
 the first instance) the impulse to the mystical movement 
 of the soul? There is acting mysticism and re-acting 
 
 traditions can be broken. Much valuable material on this question 
 and on the use of language is given by Georg Wobbermin, Das 
 Wesen der Religion, Leipzig, 1921, pp. 147 ff, 265 ff, 291 ff, and 
 457 £.; by Rudolf Otto, Das Heilige, 11th Hd., Stuttgart, Gotha, 
 1923, pp. 21 ff., 99, and Aw/fsédtze, p. 71 ff. [English translation of Das 
 Heilige, from 9th German Ed., by J. W. Harvey, The Idea of the Holy, 
 Oxford, 1923, pp. 21 ff, 88]; Erich Schaeder, Das Geistproblem der 
 Theologie, Leipzig, 1924, p. 18 ff. Wobbermin’s concise but full notice 
 in Theol. Lit. Zeitg., 49 (1924), p. 383 f., must also be considered. The 
 therein-mentioned reference to the important British investigators 
 of mysticism, Baron Friedrich von Hiigel, William Ralph Inge, and 
 Evelyn Underhill (Mrs. Stuart Moore), I would here emphasise and 
 pass on. It is thanks to these contemporaries that in England an 
 atmosphere peculiarly adapted for the understanding of mysticism has 
 lately been produced. 
 1 See above, p. 117 ff. 
 
150 PAUL 
 
 mysticism, a@nabatic and catabattc mysticism. Man ap- 
 proaches God, or God approaches man.’ Mysticism of 
 performance or mysticism of grace!’ Striving mysticism 
 and mysticism of the divine giit.° 
 
 Secondly the aim of mysticism is either wnio or 
 communio; either oneness with God, or fellowship with 
 God; either loss of the human personality in God or 
 sanctification of the personality through the presence of 
 
 1¢The one asserts ability to contro] God, the other to be controlled 
 by God, the one to compel God, the other to be compelled by God.’ 
 (G. Mehlis, Formen der Mystik, Logos IL., p. 242 f., rightly quoted by 
 H. E. Weber (Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift, 31 (1920), p. 234) as a good 
 characterisation of the types. 
 
 2 Reinhold Seeberg (Christliche Dogmatik, vol. i., p. 42 f., Leipzig, 
 1924), with a profound knowledge of the subject, makes a similar 
 classification: ‘The specific distinguishing characteristic of religious 
 mysticism’ consists in this ‘that the human will feels itself moved by 
 the divine will without any rational intervention being recognised.’ 
 Similarly (p. 63 f.) mystical experiences consist ‘in a movement of life 
 or will directly caused by the divine energy, and this forms an inspira- 
 tion which powerfully sets in motion the whole inner life.’ He goes 
 on to describe the transformation of this ‘voluntative mysticism of 
 experience with its fresh and living religious life,’ into the ‘ mysticism 
 of knowledge’ (p. 64), in which the object ‘is the increase of knowledge 
 obtained by means of ecstatic gaze or contemplation guided by cult 
 methods.’ ‘This form of mysticism, which through Neo-platonism has 
 penetrated deeply into Christianity and for that reason has often in 
 current usage appropriated the term mysticism for itself, is really to be 
 regarded as a phenomenon of the senility of religion or of periods in 
 the history of religion threatened with scepticism’ (p. 64). This is 
 important also for the question as to the meaning of the term mysticism 
 which was touched upon above. For the distinction between acting 
 and re-acting mysticism, cf. the words of Tillich quoted in note’3 to 
 page 80 above. My distinction between acting and re-acting mysticism 
 (first made in The Religion of Jesus and the Fath of Paul, London, 
 1923, p. 196 ff.) is approved by A. E. Garvie, The Expository Times, 
 Vol. 36, No. 6 (March, 1925), p. 250. 
 
 *[In the German the word ‘charismatisch’ is used, which it 
 seemed better to paraphrase, as in English ‘charismatic’ is not in 
 frequent use.—W.H.W.]. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 151 
 
 God; either transformation into the deity, or conforma- 
 tion of the human towards the divine ; either participa- 
 tion in the deity or prostration before the deity. In 
 fact ego-centric mysticism or Theo-centric mysticism! 
 Mysticism of esthetic intoxication or mysticism of 
 ethical enthusiasm! Mysticism that denies personality, 
 or mysticism that affirms personality !° 
 
 I make no attempt to set forth in detail those 
 blendings and combinations of the different types, nor 
 to describe even for example the reaction mysticism 
 which has lost its original nature and become reduced 
 to the pure acting type, or the acting wnzo-mysticism, or 
 the peculiar form of communio-mysticism which develops 
 
 1The further development of the characterisation formulated 
 above has been the special work of Nathan Sdderblom. To his 
 writings already cited by F. Heiler in Das Gebet the following should 
 be added: Hit bidrag till den krisina uppenbarelsetrons tolkning 
 (Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift, 1911, Program 6); Oversikt av 
 allmdinna religionshistorien, 3rd Ed., Stockholm, 1919; Baron Friedrich 
 von Hiigels andliga sjdlvdeklaration in Studer tillégnade Magnus 
 Pfannenstill, Lund, 1822, p. 168 f. The Archbishop in a letter of 
 Sept. 26, 1924, referred me to his lectures at Munich on the difference 
 between practising mysticism and revelation-mysticism. This last 
 formulation is related to my own (acting and re-acting mysticism). 
 Cf. also Adalbert Merx, Idee und Grundlinien einer allgemeinen Geschichte 
 der Mystik (Academical Address), Heidelberg, 1898, p. 10: ‘The aim 
 of the endeavours of such souls is to attain complete insight into the 
 Being of God; and the progressive unity with Him that is derived 
 from that is thought of by some as losing oneself in Him, by others is 
 regarded as compatible with the retention of their own personality.’ 
 Heiler’s well-known division of personal religion into mysticism and 
 prophetic religion, is like a division of railway trains into passenger 
 trains and express trains. But no doubt he had in mind the narrower 
 type of mysticism. General-Superintendent Zoellner very correctly 
 formulates Christian communio-mysticism in the journal ‘ Das Evan- 
 gelische Deutschland, 1 (1924), p. 12: ‘Hven Christianity recognises 
 mysticism, even Christianity emphasises the irrational. But it is the 
 mysticism of fellowship with the personal God, which does not 
 extinguish personality and self-consciousness but raises them to 
 perfection.’ 
 
152 PAUL 
 
 into wnio-mysticism. Only I must obviously explain 
 one thing, namely how I classify Paul, the mystic.’ 
 
 Paul is a reacting mystic and a communio-mystic. 
 He was even as a Jew a fellowship mystic, but an 
 acting mystic at any rate as regards his longings,’ only 
 it would seem that through his action he did not reach 
 real communion with God.’ He felt the fact that he 
 remained far off from God to be the bankruptcy of 
 ‘works,’ the tragedy of. this can still be felt as we read 
 the letters he wrote as a Christian. It was Damascus 
 that transformed his acting mysticism into the reacting 
 mysticism and the soul shaken and thrown open to 
 creative energy by that impact from that time onwards 
 had its firm support ‘in Christ’: In communion with 
 Christ he found communion with God ;* Christ-intimacy 
 
 1T have referred above (p. 114 n. 2) to HE. von Dobschiitz, who in his 
 great review of my Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed. (just the sample of what 
 a critique intended to encourage a colleague should be), in denying my 
 theory of a Christ-cult, founds his argument upon too narrow a con- 
 ception of cult. The same applies to his criticism of my view 
 of Paul as a mystic (in above-mentioned review, p. 326 ff). Here also 
 he works with an entirely too narrow conception, not without letting 
 it be seen later that a wider conception of mysticism is possible, but to 
 use it is to regard all piety as mystical (p. 327, cf. p. 329). I would 
 not entirely deny the last. But for the rest there is some misunder- 
 standing, if von Dobschiitz (p. 328) thinks I class mysticism with the 
 mysteries. The mysteries are in most cases mysticism which has 
 developed into a cult, but everywhere where they have degenerated to 
 pure action they have been false to their origin and replace mysticism 
 by magic. On the other hand, there are very numerous forms of 
 mysticism which are (and remain) free from the mysteries. 
 
 * He himself would probably have spoken of it as dzoxapadoxia, 
 Rom. viii. 19. 
 
 * This can be expressed with his words of Rom. xi. 7 (though they 
 referred to something else), 6 éméyret “IopanA toto oix érérvyev, ‘ That 
 which Israel seeketh for, that he obtained not.’ 
 
 * Here I think I touch H. Weber’s more profound conception (Die 
 Formel ‘in Christo Jesu, p. 229 f.). 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 153 
 
 was experience and confirmation of God-intimacy.* 
 He was not deified nor was he transformed into spirit 
 by this communion, nor did he become Christ. _ He was 
 not like some who at a later day imagined themselves 
 Christ,? though they were only possessors of a second- 
 hand Christology and were further removed from Christ 
 than was Paul.? But he was transformed by God, he 
 became spiritual and he was one whom Christ possessed * 
 and a Christ-bearer.° 
 
 Paul himself was conscious of the difference between 
 acting and reacting mysticism. His conflict with the 
 ‘spirituals ’ at Corinth ® is the protest of reacting mysti- 
 cism against the ecstatic chaos caused by the mysticism 
 of intoxicated enjoyment developing into unrestrained 
 action. But he had also conquered in the same battle 
 
 10f. the diagram below in the Appendix. For this whole 
 section see also the valuable attempt at a general statement made by 
 Wilhelm Weber (Mannheim) in Christus-Mystik. Hine religions- 
 psychologische Darstellung der paulunischen Christusfrommigkett, Leip- 
 zig, 1924 (in H. Windisch’s Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, 
 Heft 10). | 
 
 2 Gal. ii. 20, cf. iv. 19 and other passages are not intended in this 
 sense. 
 
 3 Cf, Harnack, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, 1., p. 788 (4th Hd., 
 1909). 
 
 4Gal. iii. 29; v. 24; 1 Cor. i. 12; iil. 23; xv. 930) 2 Corex., (che 
 Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 322 f.). 
 
 5 Of. above, p. 186. Paul might also be called one who was ‘ through- | 
 Christ’ if the vivid expression were not too unusual. I saw the word 
 durchchristen (although used in an un-Pauline acting sense) first in 
 Christian Morgenstern’s Wir fanden eimen Pfad, Neue Gedichte, 
 Miinchen, 1919, p. 18: 
 
 «. . . doch wer’s ganz vollbringet, 
 siegt sich zum Stern, 
 
 Schafft, sein selbst Durchchrister, 
 Neugottesgrund— 
 
 und ihn grisst Geschwister 
 Ewiger Bund.’ 
 
 6 1 Cor. xil-xiv. 
 
154 PAUL 
 
 within his own breast, when the old mystical activism 
 had whispered to him its words of temptation, ervtzs 
 sicut Deus—‘ye shall be as God.’ No doubt it was out 
 of such a struggle that that wonderful paradox was 
 
 born: 
 I—yet not I 
 
 which repeatedly flashes out of the lines of his letters.’ 
 
 A generation ago, in my student days, a heavy hand 
 stretched out from the side of the dogmatists and 
 banished mysticism, which was forced into one narrow 
 pattern, from the German lecture-rooms.? The study 
 
 11 Cor. xv. 10 (ef. also vii. 10); Gal. ii. 20. 
 
 2For criticism of Ritschl’s position cf. Wilhelm Dilthey, Das 
 Problem der Religion, 1911, in Gesammelte Schriften, vol. vi., 2nd 
 half, Leipzig and Berlin, 1924, p. 300 f. I would like to quote 
 Dilthey’s most interesting words: ‘If Ritschl and his school thought 
 more historically, if frankly in Ritschl’s historical intuition the course 
 of historical process was more profoundly grasped in the concrete 
 example of Christian piety, if he endeavoured to understand the value 
 of the religious structure through a study of its actuality in history, 
 if he made a freer pathway for theology, by discarding with neo- 
 Kantianism every rational, metaphysical system, and so making a 
 freer broader space for the irrational character of religion, yet this 
 remarkable mind was at the same time so closely confined, that thereby 
 everyone of his fundamental conceptions were, in spite of their deriva- 
 tion from history, not true to history. The outlook on universal 
 history [typical of Schleiermacher’s] Reden, in which lay the germ 
 of the coming general science of religion, was given up by him. 
 Schleiermacher’s recognition of the importance of mysticism in religion 
 was pushed on one side owing to an unhistorical hatred of the mystical 
 element in religion. The importance of religious experiences in the 
 history of what religion has produced were beyond the comprehension 
 of this dry-as-dust mind. ‘Thus also in concentrating his studies upon 
 Christianity alone he failed to give true value to the experience which 
 lies at the basis of Christianity. For the experience of Jesus of God’s — 
 action in Him, can only be thought of as a mystical experience, that 
 is as immediate perception. And just as he did not understand the 
 importance of mysticism in the experience of Christ Himself go like 
 the experience of Paul in visions, the ecstacies of the solitaries become 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 155 
 
 of Paul suffered, along with other things, from this 
 anathema. The few scholars who then emphasised the 
 mystical element in Paul could have appealed to teachers 
 ereater than Albrecht Ritschl. Luther 1 and Calvin had 
 a sympathetic understanding of the Apostle’s Christ- 
 mysticism, and going further back we find the real Paul 
 alive in the ancient Church, especially in the Greek 
 Fathers.2 But the greatest monument of the most 
 eenuine understanding of Paul's mysticism is the gospel 
 and epistles of John. Their Logos-Christ is the Spirit- 
 Christ, once more made incarnate for the congregation 
 of the saints in a time of fierce conflict, by the evangelist 
 who was inspired in equal degree by the earthly Jesus, 
 by Paul and by the Spirit-Christ. 
 
 This also supplies the answer to the question, How 
 did Paul influence later thought? The witty saying 
 that in the second century only ove man understood 
 Paul (Marcion) and he misunderstood him, only has 
 truth in it, if the enquiry as to Paul’s influence is con- 
 fined to his ‘doctrine,’ perhaps indeed to the ‘doctrine 
 of Justification.’ But if enquiry be made about Christ- 
 mysticism, the traces of the Apostle’s influence are clear, 
 and shine through from the most ancient times down to 
 our own day, being seen not least clearly in the two 
 Catholic Churches. 
 
 There can be no doubt that Paul became influential 
 
 confused with the neo-platonic aceticism, vision and ecstacy. In 
 pantheistic mystic, in the religious life of the sects and in pietism he 
 only saw counterfeits of Christianity.’ 
 
 1Hans Emil Weber has rightly drawn our attention to the 
 pressing need of a clear light on the Christ-mysticism of Luther 
 (Das Geisteserbe der Gegenwart und die Theologie, Leipzig and Hr- 
 langen, 1925, p. 86). 
 
 2Tt is an indication of good understanding that even in the four- 
 teenth century Nikolaos Kabasilas entitled his book on Mysticism 
 ‘Life in Christ’ (wept rijs év Xpiord Cw7js). Cf. Die Mystik des Nikolaus 
 Cabasilas, edited and explained by W. Gass, Greifswald, 1849. 
 
156 PAUL 
 
 in the world’s history precisely through his Christ- 
 mysticism.’ The spiritual Christ was able to do what 
 a dogmatic Messiah could not have done. ‘The dog- 
 matic Messiah of the Jews is fettered to the country 
 of his origin. The spiritual Christ could move from 
 place to place. Coming from the East, He could be- 
 come at home in the West, and in defiance of changing 
 centuries He could spread out His arms over every 
 
 generation. 
 The Spirit bloweth where it listeth.? 
 
 Paul would certainly not have had this influence on 
 the great scale, if the fires of the mystical elements in 
 him had consumed the ethical. On the contrary, the 
 ethos in his case stood the test of fire. The Pauline 
 Christ-intimacy is no magic transformation, and it is 
 no intoxication of ecstatic enthusiasts who are left as 
 yawning sluggards when the transport is over. Paul 
 himself subordinated ecstacy to ethos.* Thus we may 
 rightly and fittingly apply to him the conception of 
 ‘voluntary ’ mysticism, which has lately come into vogue, 
 understanding thereby ‘ the inner coming of the spiritual 
 lite-energy which directs us in the depths of our own 
 being.’* Christ-mysticism is in him rather a glowing 
 fire than a flickering flame. He who was ‘apprehended ’ 
 by Christ speaks with deep humility :° 
 
 Not that I have already obtained [Him]. 
 
 But he also makes the heroic confession : ° 
 I can do all things in Him that strengtheneth me. 
 
 1 Cf. with this also Max Meinertz, Mystik und Mission, Zeitschrift 
 fir Missionswissenschaft, 13 (1923). 
 
 2 John iii. 8. $1 Cor. xiii. 1-3. 
 
 *R. Seeberg, Die Lehre Luthers (Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, 
 iv., 12/3), Leipzig, 1917, p. 310. Cf. above, p. 150 n.1. For historical 
 information on ‘ voluntary’ mysticism see Erich Seeberg, Zur Frage 
 der Mystik, Leipzig and Erlangen, 1921, p. 380 ff. 
 
 * Phil. iii. 12 ff., od dre 73 CAaBov .. . 
 
 ° Phil. iv. 18, rdvra ioxtw év 7G evdvvapodvri pe. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 157 
 
 Similarly, too, the gifts of the Spirit set the saints 
 of Paul’s churches mighty tasks: they who had ‘put 
 on Christ,’ were daily to put Him on anew,’ and ‘in’ 
 this Christ only that faith is of value whose energy is 
 proved by love.* 
 
 Let us look back for a moment! Christ the Living, 
 exalted with the Father, but by God’s Grace as Spirit 
 in Paul and Paul in Him—that is the Apostle Paul’s 
 assurance of Christ and experience of Christ. Accord- 
 ing to the doctrinaire view ‘ Paulinism’ contains at this 
 point an ‘antinomy’ through the ‘dualism’ of the trans- 
 cendence and immanence of Christ. But in fact we see 
 here two moods of Paul’s piety, which could exist side 
 by side in his great soul. They no more represent an 
 internal contradiction than do the mutually intertwined 
 experiences of the transcendent and the immanent God 
 which every believer knows. Rather it is the polar 
 contrast of these two moods that gives the inner life of 
 the Apostle its prophetic tension. 
 
 This tension finds its release in an abundance ot 
 detailed assurances, experiences, and confessions. 
 
 pCi), ili 27. 2Rom. xiii. 14. 
 3 Gal. v. 6, riotis Ov aydarns evepyousern. 
 

 
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PAUL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) 
 
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CHAPTER VII 
 
 PAUL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) 
 
 ‘Parra In CuHrist’ AS THE EXPERIENCE OF SALVATION. ‘THE UNITY 
 OF THE EXPERIENCE OF SALVATION, AND THE VARIETY OF ITS 
 FORMS OF EXPRESSION. 
 
 Wir the assurance of Damascus ‘Christ in me’ and 
 the assurance of equal content ‘I in Christ,’ an inex- 
 haustible religious ‘energy’* was concentrated in the 
 deep, and to religious impulses extremely sensitive, soul 
 of the convert. In every direction Paul now radiated 
 the ‘power of Christ’’ that ruled in him, gave out the 
 ‘riches of Christ,’* the ‘blessing of Christ,’* and the 
 ‘fulness of Christ’ ° which had come to him. 
 
 To designate this abundant ‘ power of Christ,’ which 
 flowed through him and took effect from him, Paul used 
 a well-known technical religious word, the Greek term 
 pistis, which we are accustomed to translate ‘faith.’ 
 
 Though one of the most frequently considered Pauline 
 ‘conceptions, the faith of the Apostle can perhaps be 
 more precisely formulated than it usually is. Generally 
 faith as used by Paul is defined as believing ‘ on’ Christ, 
 and thus the frequent genitival construction the ‘ faith of 
 Christ Jesus,’ ® and the prepositional constructions ‘ faith 
 
 1Cf. above, p. 136, notes 4 and 6. 
 22 Cor. xii. 9, 4 Svapus Tod Xpiorod ; cf. 1 Cor. v. 4. 
 3 Eph. iii. 8, 76 rAodros Tod Xpiorod; cf. il. 7. 
 4Rom. xv. 29, sokoyia Xpirrov. 
 : Aes: iv. 13, 76 tAjpwpa Tod XpioTov. 
 6 riotis Xpuorow "Inood, Gal. ii. 16, 20; iii. 22; Eph. ili, 12 5 Phil. 
 iii. 9; Rom. iii. 22, 26. 
 (161) im 
 
162 PAUL 
 
 in Christ Jesus,’? and ‘to believe in Christ Jesus,’? are 
 identified with belief ‘on’ Christ. 
 
 I believe that this proceeding obliterates a character- 
 istic Pauline feature on one of the most important points. 
 Faith is in Paul’s usage faith ‘in’ Christ, that is to say, 
 ’ faith is something which is accomplished in union of life 
 with the spiritual Christ. That is the meaning of those 
 passages in which Paul connects the preposition ‘in’® 
 with the words ‘ faith,’ ‘ believer,’ ‘ believe,’ and also of 
 the passages in which the genitival construction appears. 
 
 It is not yet generally recognised * that Paul uses the 
 genitive ‘of Jesus Christ’ in a wholly peculiar manner. . 
 We have numerous passages in Paul in which the usual 
 rough classification of ‘subjective genitive ’ or ‘ objective 
 genitive’ is insufficient. Later Greek (and Latin) has 
 also in addition to these a genitival use, sometimes 
 rather remarkable, which is to some extent the result 
 of the survival of an older type.’ So, too, in Paul, it 
 
 lriotis é€v Xptoro "Inood, Gal. iii. 26; v. 6; Col. i. 4; ii. 5 (eis) ; 
 Ephii 15; 1 Tim. i. 145) 132 ini se it: 
 
 * motevew eis Xptorov ‘Incotv, Gal. ii. 16; Phil. i. 29 (Eph. i. 18). 
 Cf. ‘the faithful in Christ’ [lit. believers], ruorol év Xpuor@ ‘Inood, Eph. i. 
 is SCL. | 
 
 ° év or eis, the distinction between the two prepositions is not great 
 in popular Greek. 
 
 4 Otto Schmitz, Die Christus-Gemeinschaft des Paulus im Lichte 
 seines Genetivgebrauchs, Gitersloh, 1924, has now thoroughly investi- 
 gated this problem. Here and there, perhaps, he sees genitival con- 
 structions with too indistinct lines between them, but he has raised for 
 the exegesis of many Pauline passages new questionings and new sug- 
 gestions by means of abundance of most original, detailed observations. 
 Martin Dibelius (Theologische Blatter, 3 [1924], col. 282 ff.) agrees with 
 the final outcome of Schmitz’ work, but reduces the number of these 
 genitives. His weighty hints on the Pauline final clauses ought also 
 to be noted. He rightly regards them also as an example of gram- 
 matical phenomena used as expressions of a religious phenomenon. 
 
 * Cf. EH. Nachmanson, Syntakt. Inschriftenstudien, Eranos, 9 (1909), 
 
 p. 30 ff, and Hinar Léfstedt, Genetivus Causae im Latein, Eranos, 9 
 (1909), p. 82 ff. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 163 
 
 would be possible to establish the use of a special type 
 of genitive, which might be called the ‘ genitive of fellow- 
 ship’ or the ‘mystical genitive,’* because it indicates 
 mystical fellowship with Christ. ‘Of Jesus Christ’ is 
 here in the main identical with ‘in Christ.’ 
 
 ‘The faith of Christ Jesus’ is ‘ faith in Christ,’? the 
 faith which the Christian has in fellowship with Christ. 
 
 Numerous other religious root ideas are similarly 
 bound up with the mystical genitive.* Alongside ‘ faith 
 of Christ’ we find in Paul the ‘love of Christ,’* the 
 ‘hope of Christ,’*® the ‘peace of Christ,’® the ‘meekness 
 and gentleness of Christ,’’ the ‘tender mercies of Christ,’ * 
 
 1The name of this genitive and the problem itself are both rejected 
 by several of my critics with merry irony. There is nothing to prevent 
 them making merry if they like, but I cannot give them the feeling for 
 language which they lack. It is something one either has or has not. 
 Anyone who concerns himself with Greek Syntax, a study, on the 
 whole, unaccountably neglected by our generation, knows what an 
 abundance of interesting new problems there are precisely connected 
 with the use of cases. And original expressions cannot be classified 
 by means of terms whose meaning has been worn away by technical 
 use. Also Wilhelm Havers’ ‘Dativus Sympatheticus’ (Untersuch- 
 ungen zur Kasussyntax der indogermanischen Sprachen, Strassburg, 
 1911) will raise merriment amongst the critics whose feelings are 
 dulled, but it has awakened ‘sympathetic feelings amongst linguists 
 and philologists’ (cf. A. Debrunner, Deutsche Lit. Zeitg., 33 (1912), p. 
 991). Schmitz (p. 237) thinks that there is no need to have a separate 
 name for the genitive considered above. That, of course, is a matter for 
 discussion, but there is some advantage in indicating the problem with 
 a vivid short designation. 
 
 2 Of. passages above, p. 161, note 2 ff. 
 
 [At this point the author says ‘this can best be imitated in 
 German by a compound substantive’ and writes Christ-faith, Christ- 
 love, etc. Such forms are not really adapted to our Hnglish usage, 
 so the genitival forms as they appear in our English Bible are used in 
 translation.—L.R.M.8.]. 
 
 49 Cor. v. 14; Eph. iii. 19; Rom. viii. 35, 7 &ydarn Tov Xpiarov. 
 
 51 Thess. i. 8,  éAmis tod Kuplov av "Incod Xpictov. 
 
 6 Col. iii. 15, 4 eipyvy Tod Xpuotov. 
 
 79 Cor. x. 1, 4 zpavtys Kat émveixera TOD Xpirrov. 
 
 § Phil. i. 8, crAayxva Xpicrod ‘Inood. 
 
164 PAUL 
 
 the ‘patience of Christ,’* the ‘ obedience of Christ,’? the 
 ‘truth of Christ,’ * the ‘fear of Christ,’* the ‘ circumcision 
 of Christ,’® the ‘sufferings of Christ,’° the ‘afflictions 
 of Christ,’” and other similar technical expressions.° 
 Throughout it is understood that these special experi- 
 ences or assurances of the soul in the Christian come 
 about through the mystic-spiritual fellowship with 
 Christ. 
 
 So too ‘the faith of Christ’ is faith which is alive 
 in fellowship with the spiritual Christ, and it is faith 
 ‘on’*® God, in its content identical with the faith which 
 Abraham had in the sacred past, an unconditional 
 reliance upon the living God in spite of all temptations 
 to doubt. This faith of Abraham,” heroic by its 
 ‘nevertheless,’ which afterwards was made impossible 
 by the law," has in Christ again become possible and 
 real for us. ‘Separated from Christ,’ Paul says in 
 one place,” we are ‘without God in the world’; in 
 union with Christ we have boldness to approach God.* 
 
 The faith of Paul is then the union with God which 
 
 12 Thess. ili. 5, 7 tropovy Tod Xpicrod. 
 
 22 Cor. x. 5, 7 traKor Tod Xpuctov. 
 
 32 Cor. xi. 10, dAnjbeva Xpicrod. 
 
 4 Eph. v. 21, ddBos Xpiorod ; cf. 2 Cor. v. 11. 
 
 § Col. i. 11, 4 repirouy tod Xpicrod. 
 
 6 Phil. iii. 10; 2 Cor. i. 5, ra rabyyata tod Xpicrod. 
 
 "Col. i. 24, ai OrAtWers tod Xpicrod. On these two last expressions 
 cf. Arnold Steubing, Der paulinische Begriff ‘ Christusleiden, Diss. 
 Heidelberg, Darmstadt, 1905. 
 
 SCf. eg. the conceptions mentioned above, p. 161 f., ‘the power 
 of Christ,’ ‘the riches of Christ,’ ‘the blessing of Christ,’ ‘the fulness 
 of Christ, and the complete list given by Schmitz, p. 268. 
 
 *This ‘on’ (ért) is by Paul joined with ‘God,’ Rom. iv. 5, 24 
 (ix. 33),'x, 1.1: with § Christ vis TimmuslG, , 
 
 19 Rom. iv. 12, 16 aiécris "ABpadp. Gal. iii, 12, 23. 
 2 Hph. ii. 12, pre . . . xwpls Xpucrod . . . dOeor év 7h KOT MLO. 
 
 * Hph. iii. 12, év & éxomev tiv wappyoiav Kal mpooaywyiy év TeToLOnoer 
 dua THS TicTews abrov; cf. also Hph. iii. 17. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 165 
 
 is established in fellowship with Christ. It is, like that 
 of Abraham, an unshakable confidence in the grace of 
 God. God-intimacy in Christ Jesus, God-intimacy of 
 those who are Christ-intimates,' that is Paul’s faith. 
 
 The unshakableness, which often makes faith appear 
 as something paradoxical, is just as important as the 
 other characteristic, that faith as Paul uses the term 
 is not a conviction reached by reason, but something 
 practical, an inner personal dependence, an attitude otf 
 the personality, and inner bearing. Thus Paul's con- 
 ception of faith is to be transferred out of the sphere 
 of dogma into that of mysticism and cult religion. 
 ‘Faith or consciousness of faith and mysticism belong 
 together,’ ” 
 
 And now we must try to recognise this ‘faith of 
 Christ’ of the Apostle as the centre of energy, from 
 which the many separate confessions concerning salva- 
 tion in Christ radiate. We must seek to understand 
 the rich variety of Pauline experience and testimony 
 about salvation which finds expression in the con- 
 fessions in Paul’s letters as refractions of the one beam 
 of light, ‘faith of Christ.’ 
 
 Here, in my opinion, lies the most important pro- 
 blem of the study of Paul, as far as that is concerned 
 
 1% Oeov eva ev Xpiord Inyood—thus it could be even more clearly 
 expressed in Greek. The phrase coined by Paul himself might also 
 be applied, Col. iii. 3, ‘hid with Christ in God’ if it could be divested 
 of its narrower sense (eschatological) in the place where it occurs and 
 applied in a more general sense. 
 
 2This profound sentence of Schaeder (Geistproblem, p. 118) can 
 rightly be applied to Paul. The same may be said of the term ‘ Paith- 
 mysticism’ used by E. Weber, Die Formel ‘in Christo Jesu,’ p. 235 ff. 
 (also Th. Lit. Blatt., 45 [1924], col. 89), and Schaeder, p. 120 ff. The 
 right suggestion already was made by M. Dibelius in Lietzmann’s 
 Handbuch, iii, 2nd Ed. (1912), p. 108. E. Brunner, in Die Mystik 
 und das Wort, p. 122, 1st Ed., completely misapprehends the exegetical 
 result. Further on‘ Faith-mysticism’ cf. also Mundle, Das relig. Leben 
 des Ap, Paulus, p. 71. 
 
166 PAUL 
 
 with Paul’s inner self. The solution of the problem 
 lies in the recognition that the Pauline testimonies 
 concerning salvation are psychically synonymous. 
 
 In the older study of Paul it was generally the custom 
 first to isolate the so-called ‘concepts ’ of justification, 
 redemption, reconciliation, forgiveness, and so forth, and 
 then from these isolated and thereby theologically 
 stiffened ‘concepts’ to reconstruct the ‘system’ of 
 ‘Paulinism.’ Paulinism so constructed appeared ac- 
 cording to one theologian as a triangle, according to 
 another as a square or a hexagon, and occasionally it 
 looked like the side view of a staircase—in any case it 
 was very geometrical and conventional. In our con- 
 ception of it also there are straight lines, but they do 
 not form closed geometrical figures, rather like rays of 
 light, unlimited and immeasurable, they stream in all 
 directions from the central point, the light of the 
 experience of Christ. 
 
 It was the result of that dogmatic method with its 
 isolation and imposed system, that ‘Paulinism’ ap- 
 peared so hard and cold, so calculated and scholastic, 
 so angular and complicated and so difficult to assimilate, 
 and that on account of ‘Paulinism’ Paul seemed to 
 many to be ‘the evil genius of Christianity.’ ” 
 
 Ii however we may draw conclusions as to character — 
 from historical effects, then we may say: the message 
 of Christ which the tentmaker of Tarsus preached to 
 the simple people of the great Hellenistic cities in the 
 age of the Ceesars, must have been simple—or at any 
 rate understandable by the simple—transporting and 
 
 ‘Compare the diagram below in the Appendix. 
 
 * Adolf Friedrich Graf von Schack coined this expression (see 
 above, p. 4) in 1849 in J erusalem, as he drew a contrast between the 
 teaching of the great Master, Jesus, and the fantastic ideas of Paul, 
 
 the fanatic (cf. his Autobiography, Hin halbes Jahrhundert, ii., Stuttgart, 
 1889, p. 265 ff.). 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 167 
 
 inspiring to the common people. There is a way by 
 which we can recognise even to-day the popular 
 simplicity of the Pauline gospel. We must take 
 seriously the observation, which is also to be made in 
 the case of Luther,! Paul Gerhardt,’ Herder* and most 
 other classical religious writers, that in the numberless 
 confessions about Christ which follow one another 
 without system in the letters of Paul the reference is 
 not to a diversity of many objects but to a diversity of 
 the psychological reflections of the one object of re- 
 ligion. To this one object the confessor bears witness 
 in a continually new variation of figurative words of 
 similar meaning and often with the parallelism of 
 prophetic emphasis. And it is our business to grasp 
 the figurativeness, the ancient popular pictorial charac- 
 ter of these testimonies. 
 
 We will select only those of Paul’s pictorial ex-— _, 
 
 pressions for salvation in Christ, which have most 
 seriously suffered violence at the: hands of Paulinism- 
 investigators. There are other synonyms, but the | 
 following five are the most important: justification, | 
 reconciliation, forgiveness, redemption, adoption (Luther | 
 uses the word ‘ sonship’). 
 
 These classical words have exerted such an enor- 
 mous influence upon later dogma that they have them- 
 selves in the passage of centuries become covered with 
 
 10f. eg. the so-called Autobiography of 1546 which M. Rade 
 translated ‘Die Christliche Welt,’ 29 (1915), col. 875 ff, especially 
 col. 901, where Luther gathers up ‘the same sense in other words.’ 
 G. Kawerau has here rightly indicated a great problem for investigation 
 (Theol. Lit. Zeitg., 41 (1916), col. 277). 
 
 2Hugen Aellen, Quellen und Sial der Lieder Paul Gerhardts, Bern, 
 1912. 
 
 3 Blisabeth Hoffart, Herders ‘ Gott, Halle, 1918, p. 74. 
 
 4Tt would be a valuable piece of work again to restore all of them 
 to their ancient pictorial meaning as | have endeavoured to do with 
 the five here mentioned. 
 
168 PAUL 
 
 so thick a coating of dogmatic verdegris, that for many 
 people it has become difficult to recognise their original 
 meaning. But to the pre-dogmatic simple person of 
 the ancient world the original meaning was clear 
 because he understood without difficulty that the 
 apostolic words were pictorial. 
 
 In each of these five picture-words man stands 
 before God—each time in a different guise before the 
 same God: first as an accused person, secondly as an 
 enemy, thirdly as a debtor, fourthly and fifthly as a 
 slave. He stands there before God, but he is separated 
 from God by a terrible barrier: by sin, the flesh, the 
 world, the law. ‘Transferred into the position ‘in 
 Christ’ he experiences the setting aside of this barrier 
 and finds access to God. And in accordance with the 
 particular picture which Paul uses, this access to God 
 in Christ is called acquittal, or reconciliation, or remis- 
 sion, or redemption, or adoption. Paul, the architect,’ 
 did not plan five or more doors side by side, or one after 
 the other into the royal palace of grace, but one single 
 open door. But he had many different sketches of the 
 janua vite—the doorway to life—in his mind. 
 
 As an accused person? man stands before God’s 
 judgment seat as part of the mighty complex of religious 
 imagery which surrounds the fundamental word justifi- 
 cation. This imagery has its psychological starting- 
 point in the old Jewish and old apostolic expectation of 
 judgment at the last day. In Christ this accused 
 person becomes unaccused;* he is awarded not con- 
 demnation * but liberty.’ ‘Acquittal’ is the meaning of 
 
 *I Cor. iii. 10, és codds RPL: 
 * Rom. viii. 33, ris éyxadéoes card éxAextOv Oeod. 
 dior, 11.5 -*Colia wae! dvEyKAITOUS: 
 4 Rom. viii. 1, otde & pe viv KaTdKpia Tots év Xpiora Thats 
 °6 yap vopos Tod mvedpatos THs Cons év XpicrG "Incod jrevepwcey oe | 
 a0 TOD Vopov THS dpaptias Kal Tod Gavdrov. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 169 
 
 the Pauline justification.’ And the acquittal experi- 
 enced ‘in Christ’ coincides with justification ‘out of 
 faith,’’ ‘through faith’* or ‘by faith, * because faith is 
 indeed union with Christ,° and is only realised ‘in 
 Christ.’ 
 
 Paul’s justification ‘out of’ faith or ‘through’ faith 
 or ‘by’ faith has often been misunderstood and to-day is 
 still often misunderstood by uneducated Protestantism 
 in something like this form: justification is reckoned as | 
 the reward given by God to man’s achievement of faith. — 
 Paul himself perhaps gave occasion for this misunder- | 
 standing by his strong emphasis, especially in the fourth 
 chapter of Romans, upon the phrase in the Septuagint ° 
 about Abraham’s faith.’ 
 
 In this quotation 
 
 His faith was reckoned 
 
 the word ‘reckoned’ * lends support to that mechanical 
 interpretation. 
 
 But we must not isolate this passage, and we cannot 
 look upon ‘reckon’ as the characteristic word to use 
 in connection with justification. Paul employs (the 
 thoroughly unpauline) word ‘reckon’ under compulsion 
 of the terms of his quotation. When due regard is paid 
 to the whole'of his confessions about faith and righteous- 
 ness, it must be said: faith, as he uses the term, is not 
 action, but reaction, not human achievement before God, 
 but divine influence upon man in Christ, and justification 
 ‘out of’ faith or ‘through’ faith is really justification 
 
 1Gal. ii, 17; Phil. iii. 9; 2 Cor. v. 21; Rom. iii. 24; viii. 33. 
 
 2Gal. ii. 16; iii. 8, 24; v. 5; Rom. iii. 26, 30; v. 1; ix. 10; x. 6. 
 
 SP ON SI 0: 4 Rom. iii. 22, 28, 30. 
 
 5 Cf. above, p. 161 ff. 
 
 6LXX, Gen. xy. 6 (in the form in which Paul quotes), émicrevoe 
 St "A Bpadm 7d Ged kat eAoyicby atte eis duxacoovvyv. 
 
 7Rom. iy. 8f.; 9f.; 22 ff Cf. also Gal. iii. 6. 
 
 8 €hoyioOy. 
 
170 PAUL 
 
 ‘in’ faith,’ justification ‘in Christ,’* justification ‘in the 
 name of Jesus Christ,’* justification ‘in the blood of 
 Christ.’* Faith is not the pre-condition of justification, 
 it is the experience of justification. 
 
 Being justified in Christ the believer possesses - 
 the ‘righteousness of God’ in Christ.° This frequent 
 technical expression,’ once replaced and explained by 
 the phrase ‘righteousness from God,’’ is used by Paul 
 of the normal condition conferred upon us in Christ by 
 the grace of God. But that this is nothing in the 
 nature of a magical transformation is shown by the 
 passage* which speaks of a ‘waiting for’ the desired 
 righteousness: Before all men lies the last judgment, 
 which at length will bring definitive justification. The 
 justified man is therefore not a completely righteous 
 man: he still has a goal of righteousness before him.’ 
 In the apostle’s thoughts on justification, as elsewhere, 
 we see the peculiar dynamical tension between the 
 consciousness of present possession and the expectation 
 of future full possession. 
 
 As an enemy’ man stands before God in the second 
 group of metaphors, which surrounds the idea of 
 
 1 The formula ‘in faith’ (éy [77] aioret) is used frequently by Paul, 
 Gal. ii. 20; 1 Cor. xvi. 13; Col. ii. 7; 2 Cor. xiii. 5, and even more 
 frequently in the Pastoral Epistles. That it is not united with 
 ‘justification’ in the Epistles is, so far as I can see, an accident. 
 The contrasting formula ‘in the law’ (év véuw) is so united in Gal. iii. 
 11; v. 4. 
 
 2Gal. iii. 17. TLiConiyn ol. 
 
 *Rom. v. 9. (Cf. below, Chap. VIII.) z 
 
 °2 Cor. v. 21, ducaoovvyn Oeod év aire. 
 
 62 Cor. v. 21; Rom. i. 17 (not iii. 5); iii. 21, 22, 25, 26; x. 3. 
 
 7 Phil. ili. 9, tiv éx Oeod Stxarootrny. 
 
 SGal. v. 5, jets yap mvedmare éx miatews Amida Suxavocvvys emreKdexXo- 
 pea. 
 
 * Mysticism and eschatology in Paul! 
 
 10 Col. i. 21; Rom. v. 10, éxOpo/; cf. Rom. viii. 7, Opa eis Oedv. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 171 
 
 reconciliation. In the marriage problem, as treated by' 
 Paul, which contemplates the separation and reconcilia- 
 tion of husband and wife,! we have a human example to 
 help us to understand this figure. As an enemy man is 
 estranged from God and separated from Him.’ Through 
 Christ we are again reconciled to God.* It is not to be 
 thought that God is reconciled, but it is God* who in 
 Christ brings peace to us, transforming enemies into 
 reconciled persons. Therefore we have ‘ through Christ 
 peace and communion with God’® or ‘in Christ the 
 peace of God’® or summing up the whole matter :' 
 
 Christ is our peace. 
 
 It is quite clear that the ‘concept’ of reconciliation 
 which has often been so strongly developed into dogma 
 completely coincides in Paul’s usage with the undogmatic 
 thought of ‘ peace.’ ® 
 
 As a debtor® man stands before God in the third set 
 of metaphors, in which the Apostle by use of the word 
 forgiveness clearly links on to the original Gospel’s © 
 estimate of sin as a debt. In Christ the debtor ex- 
 periences the remission of his debt." For in His grace 
 God presents us in Christ the amount of the debt 
 
 PirOor vil. tT; 
 
 2 Col. i, 21, darAAorpwpévors; Eph. ii. 18, of rote ovres paKpay. 
 3 Cor. v. 18 ff. ; Rom. v. 10. 
 
 4Col. i. 20; 2 Cor. v. 18. 
 
 5 Rom. v. 1, eipyvyv exomev mpods Tov Gedy did Tod Kupiov Nav "Inoov 
 
 Xpirrov. 
 6 Phil. iv. 7, 9 eipjvn tod Geod . . . ev Xpiorg; cf. John xyi. 33, 
 ‘in me... peace.’ 
 
 7 Eph. ii. 14, airs yap eorw 7) eipyvnnpov. 
 
 8 Cf. especially Rom. v. 1. compared with v. 11. 
 
 9 Of. Col. ii. 14, 7d Kad’ Fav xetpsypador. 
 
 10 Matt. vi. 12; Lk. xi. 4. 
 
 1 Col. i. 14, év b éyouev . . . THY ageow Tov apaprioy ; Hph. i. 7, €v 
 
 3 ae 4 a / 
 ® éxouev . . . THY ddeow TOV TapaTTHpaTov. 
 
172 PAUL 
 
 incurred through our trespasses.' ‘ Remission,’ that is 
 the meaning of the word ‘forgiveness,’ and I do not 
 believe that there is a great difference between the two 
 Greek words that Paul used here.” Anyone who has 
 seen one of the numerous records of debt on the papyri 
 that have been discovered, will realise that the meta- 
 phor, which Paul carries out so strikingly of the bond 
 nailed to the cross, after being first blotted out and so 
 cancelled,® was especially popular in its appeal. 
 
 And now comes the important series of metaphors, 
 obviously valued and loved above the others by the 
 Apostle, which gathers round the word ‘redemption.’ 
 Probably it is the most frequently misunderstood ; but 
 when it is looked at in its connection with the civilisation 
 of the surrounding world of Paul’s day there is no 
 mistaking its comforting simplicity and force. While 
 for us this circle of metaphors is not immediately 
 ‘understandable, to the Christians of ancient days, 
 amongst whom there were certainly many slaves, it 
 presented no difficulty because it was closely connected 
 with slavery, the common social institution of the ancient 
 world. Here man stands as slave before God, and 
 there are various powers who in Paul’s thought figure 
 as the ‘masters’ of the unfree man: Sin,‘ the law,’ 
 idols,” men,’ death (corruption).* In Christ the slave 
 receives freedom.’ This liberation of slaves in Christ ’° 
 is suggested in the word redemption." Just as justifica- 
 
 1 Col. ii. 13, yaprodpevos qpiv mdvra Ti TapanTépara. 
 
 * ddeous, Col. i. 14; Eph. i. 7; and wdépeous, Rom. iii, 25. 
 
 ® Col. ii. 14. Cf. Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 282 f. 
 
 * Rom. vi. 6, 17, 19, 20; Tit. iii. 3. * Galiiy. l-7saysel 
 
 6 Gal. iv. 8, 9. 7 1 Cor. vii: 23; 8 Rom. viii. 21. 
 
 °Gal. it, 4, tiv eXevOepiav yay qv exopev év Xprotd ‘Iyood; cf. Gal. 
 v. 1; John viii, 36. 
 
 10 Col. i. 14; Eph. i. 7; Rom. iii, 24. 
 
 4 dmohitpwors, Col. i. 14; Eph. i. 7,14; iv. 80; 1 Cor. i. 30; Rom. 
 ill, 24; viii, 23. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 173 
 
 tion is the acquittal of the accused, so redemption is the 
 emancipation of the slave. It is not improbable that 
 Paul had in mind a saying of Jesus,’ to which he also 
 probably alludes elsewhere :? 
 
 The Son of Man came not to be served, but to serve [as a 
 slave] and to give His life a ransom for many [slaves]. 
 
 The greatest impetus to the development of the 
 circle of metaphors of redemption came from the custom 
 of sacral manumission, widespread in the ancient world 
 (and continued also amongst Hellenistic Jews and even 
 amongst Christians), with which we have now again 
 become acquainted, chiefly thanks to inscriptions. 
 Amongst the various legal forms under which in the 
 time of Paul the manumission of a slave could be 
 effected, we find the solemn ritual purchase of the slave 
 by a deity. The owner comes with the slave to the 
 temple, sells him there to the god, and receives from 
 the temple treasury the purchase money which the slave 
 has before paid in out of his savings. By this means 
 the slave becomes the property of the god, but as 
 against men he is free. 
 
 From this point of view the -words which occur twice 
 in first Corinthians : + 
 
 Ye were bought with a price, 
 
 and the sentence in Galatians*® about Christ redeeming 
 them that were under the law, become vividly intelli- 
 gible, especially when we see that Paul uses the regular 
 
 1 Mark x. 45 = Matt. xx. 28, cal yap 6 vids rod dvOpcrov otk #dOev 
 duaxovnOjvat, GAA diaxovncar Kal Sodvar THv Wuynv aitod Avrpov dyti 
 TroANOv. 
 
 2 Phil. ii. 7, poppiv dovAov AaBav, ‘He took the form of a slave.’ 
 
 3 For full references see Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 271 f. 
 
 41 Cor. vi. 20; vii. 23, tints AyoptcOnre. Hans Lietzmann, 
 Handbuch zum N.T.,9, 2nd Hd. (Titbingen, 1923), p. 28, translates 
 Tysns appropriately by ‘ spot cash’ [German ‘bar’]. 
 
 ° Gal. iv. 5, va tods 7d vopov eLayopdacy ; cf. iii. 18. 
 
174 PAUL 
 
 formula which occurs in inscriptions relating to manu- 
 missions, and that amongst the people to whom Paul 
 wrote there were slaves who would naturally know all 
 about that particular form of law. Freed through 
 Christ (or ‘in’! Christ, as ‘in’ the temple of the god) 
 those who have hitherto been slaves of sin, slaves of 
 the law, etc., are now slaves of Christ,’ Christ’s property,’ 
 the body of Christ,* but otherwise free men,’ who must 
 not again be made slaves.° | 
 
 The same contrast between present possession and 
 future full possession, which we found in the Apostle’s 
 assurance of justification,’ can also be observed in his 
 idea of redemption: those who are already redeemed 
 still ‘wait’ for the ‘redemption of the body,’ * the ‘day 
 of redemption’ still lies before them.’ 
 
 Instead of slaves we become free men in Christ. 
 How little Paul binds himself dogmatically with this 
 metaphor is shown by the fact that he occasionally em- 
 ploys the figure of a slave in making another contrast ; 
 instead of slaves we become in Christ sons of God.” 
 This contrast is carried out by Paul through the use of 
 the ancient legal concept of adoption. Numerous in- 
 scriptions and also papyri have enabled us not only to 
 illustrate the word Paul here uses," but have also taught 
 
 1 Gal ii. 4. *Gal. i. 10; Eph. vi. 6, ete. 
 
 8 Gal, in. 29; vy. 24; 1 Cor. 1.12; ii. 23; xy. 235 2 Corixeg, 
 
 *1 Cor. xi. 27, etc., the words céua has a double meaning and 
 indicates both ‘body’ and ‘slave.’ 
 
 ' Galryalsylo. 6 Gal. 17.4; v. 1; 1 Cor. vii. 238. 
 
 7 Above, p. 170. 
 
 8 Rom. vill. 23, qets Kal atrol év éavtois orevalopev viobeciav azex- 
 dexopmevol, THY AmrohUTpWOLY TOD GHmaTOS MOV. 
 
 °Hiph. iv. 30, eis nuépav dzrodAutpocews. 
 
 10 yiot Geod, Gal. iv. 5 f.; iii. 26; Rom. viii. 14. 
 
 11 yiobecia = adoption (Luther uses sonship), Gal. iv.5; Eph. i. 5 
 Rom. vill. 15, 23. + Quotations from ancient sources in Neue Bibel- 
 studien, p. 66 £. (Bible Studies, p. 239). 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 175 
 
 us how frequent adoption was in the Hellenistic world 
 of those days, and how readily understood by the people 
 the Apostle’s metaphor must have been. This is 
 especially true of a thought which is entitled to a place 
 in this circle of metaphors, and which Paul found in the 
 Septuagint’ and in the words of Jesus,’ that God has 
 drawn up a ‘testament’*® in our favour, and that we 
 therefore are to expect an ‘inheritance’ : * 
 
 And if children, 
 
 Then heirs ; 
 
 Heirs of God, 
 
 And joint-heirs with Christ.° 
 
 How clear and comforting must these words and 
 others like them :° 
 
 Thou art no longer a slave but a son; 
 And if a son, then an heir through God, 
 
 have sounded in the heart of a man of antiquity, who, 
 without explanation, understood that the adopted son 
 was also the heir.’ 
 
 But this whole series of ideas is not made dogmati- 
 cally rigid: the adoption through God, which we have 
 
 1 Very frequent. 
 
 2Cf. particularly the words at the Last Supper in the light of 
 Lk. xxii. 29. 
 
 3 Siabn«y, Gal. iii. 15 ff. ; iv. 24; 1 Cor. xi. 25; 2 Cor. ili. 6. 
 
 4 kAnpovouia, Gal. iii. 18; iv. 1 ff; Col. 11. 24; Eph. i. 14,18; v. 5, 
 etc. 
 
 ‘Rom. viii. 17, ¢i d€ réxva, kal kAnpovopor* KAnpovopor pev Oeodt, ovy- 
 KAnpovopmor d€ Xpirorov. 
 
 6 Gal. iv. 7, dare ovKére ef SodAOs, GAAG vids+ «<i d€ vids, Kal KANpOVvojos 
 dua Peod. 
 
 7 On adoption by testament with simultaneous appointment as heir 
 ef. F. Schulin, Das griechische Testament verglichen mit dem rémischen, 
 a programme, Basel, 1882, especially p. 15 ff. and 52; Ernst Lohmeyer, 
 Diatheke, Leipzig, 1913, p. 11 ff., especially 29, 142; for later times, 
 Giannino Ferrari, Formulari Notarili inediti dell’ Hid Bizantina, 
 Rome, 1912, p. 42. ; 
 
176 PAUL 
 
 experienced in Christ,’ still remains the object of our 
 ‘expectation,’* and of our ‘inheritance’ we possess 
 through the Holy Spirit at present only ‘earnest 
 money. * 
 
 That all these ‘concepts’ of justification, reconcilia- 
 tion, forgiveness, redemption, adoption are not distin- 
 guishable from one another like the acts of a drama, 
 but are synonymous forms of expression for one single 
 thing, is proved by a peculiarity which occurs repeatedly 
 in Paul’s letters—a mark of the holy warmth of their 
 enthusiasm. The Apostle is fond of adding one con- 
 ception to another, so as to explain the one by the 
 other: adoption stands side by side with redemption,‘ _ 
 similarly justification ° and forgiveness are explained by 
 redemption,® or justification by forgiveness.’ Illegiti- 
 mate catachreses from the rhetorical point of view, 
 these pilings up of mixed metaphors were no doubt, 
 judged from the standpoint of the popular preacher, 
 very effective. Jn any case Paul’s churches did not 
 dogmatically vivisect confessions like this sentence in 
 first Corinthians °: 
 
 But of Him are ye in Christ Jesus, 
 Who was made unto us wisdom from God, 
 And righteousness and sanctification and redemption— 
 
 but entered into the feeling expressed in them as into 
 the exultation of a psalmist. 
 It is furthermore remarkable, that all five of the 
 
 1 Rom. viii. 15 ff, eAdBere avetua viobecias, év & xpalopev: "ABBE 6 
 TATHp. 
 
 2 Rom. vill. 23, viobeciav drrexdeydpevor. 
 
 ° Kiph. i. 14, ds éorw dppaBov tis KAnpovopias. 
 
 4 Gal. iv. 5; Rom. viii. 23. 5 Rom. ili. 24. 
 
 C'Coliiw la een rate 7 Rom. iy. 6-8. 
 
 81 Cor. i. 80, é& airod Se tpels eort &v Xpiot@ “Iynood, os éyevnbn 
 copia Huty dard Geod Oixarootvy Te Kal dylagpos Kal amroAUTpwots, 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 177 
 
 groups of metaphors just mentioned are taken from the 
 practice of law. We have other proof that Paul was 
 fond of legal metaphors? which would present itself 
 especially easily to the city-dweller, and would be well 
 understood by his churches. 
 
 We shall not comprehend Paul until we have heard 
 all these various testimonies concerning salvation sound- 
 ing together in harmony like the notes of a single full 
 chord.2. Once accused before God, an enemy of God, a 
 debtor, a slave—now in Christ acquitted and redeemed, 
 free from debt, the friend of God and the son of God— 
 the man who makes this confession testifies that in 
 Christ he is no longer ‘far off’ from God but has come 
 ‘near’ to God.? To raise scholastically pointed ques- 
 tions, which the controversial theology of exegesis finds 
 indispensible, such as: ‘What is the relation of justifi- 
 cation to reconciliation in Paul? or of forgiveness to 
 redemption?’ is to break the strings of the harp and to 
 twist them into a tangle that it is hopeless to unravel. 
 Such questions have surely no more value than if we 
 were to ask, what is the relation of an accused person 
 to an enemy or of a debtor to a slave, and while they 
 
 1Cf. p. 71, above. 
 2The idea often hinted at in these pages that certain passages 
 from Paul’s letters ought to be read (or listened to) like verses from 
 the Psalms, is no modern invention. Codex 108 of the Moscow 
 Synodal-Library, which was written in the year 993, has on page 
 4v the verse | 
 pvOwle, Haddc, tiv xpvrdotopov Avpay 
 Wuxds pedwdhpace moTav Hovvewv, 
 (Tune, Paul, thy golden mouthed lyre 
 To sweeten with its song the souls of the faithful.) ° 
 
 Cf. Exempla Codicum Grecorum, vol. i, Codices Mosquenses, edd. 
 G. Cereteli et S. Sobolevski Mosque, 1911, p. 8. 
 
 3Hiph. ii, 13, veri 88 ev Xpiore "Inood tpels ov mote OVTES paKpav 
 éyeriOnre eyyds &v TH aipare Tov Xpicrodv. (On the last formuia see 
 below, Chapter VIII.). if 
 
178 PAUL 
 
 may, perhaps, furnish matter for pamphlets and make 
 examination candidates uneasy, they are no help to- 
 wards understanding Paul. 
 
 It is more profitable to search in Paul himself for 
 utterances in which the harmony of that chord is com- 
 pleted. There can scarcely be found a finer line than 
 the shout of triumph in second Corinthians :' 
 
 If any man be in Christ, he is a new creature. 
 
 That is the second chapter of the Pauline Genesis, 
 upon the first page of which was written the flash of 
 light at Damascus.? Living in Christ, Paul divides his 
 life into two great periods,’ that of the old Paul and 
 that of the new created Paul. The ‘old man’* had 
 languished in the dark prison’ enclosed by the many 
 walls of the seven spheres of evil, ‘in’ the flesh,® ‘in’ 
 sins,’ ‘in’ Adam,°® ‘in’ his overhanging fate of death,’ 
 ‘in’ the Law,” ‘in’ the world," ‘in’ sufferings.” The 
 ‘new man’ lives and works ‘in’ Christ within the 
 sphere of light and holiness,“ into which all those dark 
 terrors cannot reach : 
 
 Light shall shine out of darkness ! 
 The old things are passed away 
 Behold they are become new.' 
 
 12 Cor. v. 17, ef tus €v Xpiord, xawi «rics; cf. Gal. vi. 15. 
 22 Cor. iv. 6; cf. above, p. 180. $2 Cor. v.17. 
 
 * Eph. iv. 22; Rom. vi. 6, 6 wadads (j0v) dvOpwzos. 
 
 °Cf. Gal. iii. 23; Rom. vii. 6, 23. 6 Rom. vii. 5; viii. 8, 9. 
 1A) Cor. xy; 17, 81 Cor. xv. 22. 
 *shomitv, 2b Gctl alesis 
 
 10Gal. v. 4; Rom. iii. 19; ii. 12. 
 
 Erp. i112, 129 Cor. vi. 4. 
 
 3 Col. iii, 10, tov véov (dvOpwrrov). 
 
 “Cf. the diagram below in the Appendix. 
 
 192 Cor. iv. 6. 
 
 © 2 Cor. v. 17, ra épxaia mappdOev + idod yéyovev Kawa. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 179 
 
 The jlesh has no power over the new man because 
 as one who belongs to Christ he has ‘ crucified’ it,’ 
 
 As a new creature, Paul, the Christian, is also free 
 from sin.2 He has been loosed from sin. But is he 
 also sinless, is he incapable of sinning? Paul might 
 certainly in theory subscribe to the statement that the 
 Christian does not sin.* But the awful experiences of 
 practice would give him cause to doubt. Paul in his 
 cure of souls retained a sober judgment; freedom from 
 sin is not thought of mechanically and magically. Side 
 by side with his numberless moral exhortations to 
 Christians to battle against sin, there are confessions 
 of Paul the Christian himself,‘ testimonies that even 
 one who has experienced the new creation still knows 
 at times the old deep sense of sin. But he has also 
 daily renewed visitations of the grace of God, and daily 
 anew he experiences in the new creation the trans- 
 forming influence of this grace. 
 
 The new Paul is also rid of the fellowship with 
 Adam which is a fellowship with death.’ No longer is 
 he ‘in’ Adam, but ‘in’ Christ, and ‘in’ Him no longer 
 ‘in’ death but ‘in’ life,° he has the guarantee that 
 death has been overcome.’ 
 
 But Paul, the Christian, is also a new creature, 
 because in Christ he is free from the Law ; 
 
 Christ is the end of the Law.? 
 
 The ‘letter’ has been conquered by the ‘Spirit.’° The 
 problem of the Law was to the former Pharisee an 
 
 1Gal. v. 24, of S& rod Xpicrod rv cdpxa éoravpwcay. 
 
 2 Rom. vi. 1-14. 3 Rom. vi. 2, 6, 11. 
 4 Hspecially Rom. vii. 
 51 Cor. xv. 22; Rom. v. 12 ff. 6 Rom. v. 10, 17. 
 
 71 Cor. xv. 22, dcmep yap év TO’ Adam évtes amroOvncKovaW, otTws 
 Kal év TO Xpiotd rdvtes CworroOyoovrat. 
 
 8 Rom. x. 4, réAos yap vduov Xpioros. 
 
 9 Rom. vii. 6; 2 Cor. iii. 6. 
 
 ir 
 
180 PAUL 
 
 especially tormenting one, and it occupies a great space 
 in the letters owing to Paul’s polemical position in 
 regard to the Judaisers. Its practical point was cer- 
 tainly for him, as for the churches whom agitators had 
 disturbed, the problem of circumcision, and however 
 easy this might be to solve theoretically, as a problem 
 concerning ritual and cult it was peculiarly delicate 
 and painful. But the problem of the Law was not 
 solved by one single sufficient formula; Paul, the 
 Benjamite, remained a pious Bible Christian and could 
 himself quote the words of the Law as authoritative.’ 
 The treasured Bible of the Fathers and distant ancestors 
 with its Thora, Psalter and Prophets, was too deeply 
 rooted as a part of his religious inheritance in his heart 
 from childhood onwards, and had no doubt gained too 
 firm a place in Apostolical Cultus, through the natural 
 adoption by the earliest Christian congregation of the 
 Bible-reading as practised by their fathers for genera- 
 tions, to allow the opponent of the Law to develop into 
 the destroyer of the Law. Though often a harsh® op- 
 ponent of the Law, he seeks rather to preserve for it a 
 part of its value.* Freedom from the slavery of the 
 Law is thus in no sense thought of as libertinism ;° 
 Like Jesus Himself,’ Paul proclaimed the words of the 
 Law regarding love to one’s neighbour as the quint- 
 essence of the Law.’ 
 
 1 Cf. above, pp. 96-97. In all questions in dispute concerning 
 the history of religion (even in those which appear only theoretical) we 
 ought first to ask, if we desire to grasp their real profundity, how far 
 they directly or indirectly affect the cult. It is through their de- 
 pendence on the cult that they in most cases first receive their pointed- 
 ness and passionate explosiveness. 
 
 2 See above, p. LOL. 
 
 ’The strongest instance is probably his polemic against Moses, 
 2 Cor. iii. 18 ff. 
 
 * Cf. especially Gal. iii. 21 ff. 
 
 *Gal. v. 18, pdvov py tHv édXevOepiay cis dhopyjv TH wapKi. 
 
 6 Matt. xxii. 39 and parallels. Gal. v.14; Rom. xiii. 8, 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 181 
 
 How high the new Paul felt himself to be raised 
 above the world and its satanic-demonic powers is 
 shown by many powerful words, which derive their 
 force from being combined with Christ. The mightiest 
 song of triumph is surely that in the letter to the 
 Romans :* 
 
 Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? 
 
 Shall tribulation, or anguish, or persecution ? 
 
 Or famine, or nakedness ? 
 
 Or peril, or sword ? 
 
 Even as it is written: 
 
 ‘For thy sake we are killed all the day long, 
 
 ‘We are accounted as sheep for the slaughter.’ 
 
 Nay in all these things we are more than conquerors 
 , Through Him that loved us. 
 
 For I am persuaded, 
 
 That neither death, nor life, 
 
 Nor angels, nor principalities, 
 
 Nor things present, nor things to come, 
 
 Nor powers, nor height, nor depth, 
 
 Nor any other creature 
 
 Shall be able to separate us from the love of God, 
 Which is in Christ Jesus, 
 
 Our Lord. 
 
 Finally there is one characteristically Pauline con- 
 viction, little regarded by the doctrinaire students who 
 are more interested in the theories of Primitive Christi- 
 anity than in its psychic forces, namely, the conviction 
 of being in Christ raised especially above sufering. 
 Paul has here given form to one of the profoundest 
 
 1Rom. viii. 35-39, ris ypas ywpioe amd THs ayamys TOD XpioTod ; 
 4, 70 , \ / vA \ n / va , b)) , 
 Oris ) oTevoxwpla 7) Swwypds; 7) Ads 7) yumvoTys ; 7 KivdvvOsi7) paXaLpa. 5 
 (kabas yéypamras, ore evexev ov Gavatovpcba ANY TV HLEpay, eAoyicbnwev 
 f4 4, “A 3 a9 , “A ¢ A 8 \ ~ 3 / 
 ds mpoBata chayns.) aA’ ev TovTOIS TATW VITEpVLKMpLEV OLA TOV ayarTry)- 
 TAVTOS Has. TWémTEopar Yap étt ovte Odvaros ovte Lun ovTe ayyeAor ovTE 
 > \ A > nm » ¢ / y+ / » 4 ¥ , 
 Gpxal ovre évertara ovTe peAAovTa ovTE duvdpers ovTe Vywua ovTE Bados 
 ovre Tis KTiois ETépa SuVnTETAL NGS xXwpioat amd THS ayamns TOD Jeov THs ev 
 oe? “A n sf e a 
 
 Xpict@ “Incov TO kupiw ymov. 
 
182 PAUL 
 
 conceptions that we owe to him:* since he suffers in 
 Christ, his sufferings are to him the ‘ sufferings of Christ,’ ? 
 or the ‘affiictions of Christ.’* It is not the old Paul 
 who suffers, but the new Paul, who is a member of the 
 Body of Christ, and who therefore mystically experi- 
 ences all that that Body experienced and experiences : 
 he ‘ suffers with Christ,’ * is ‘ crucified with Christ,’ ° ‘has 
 died with Christ,’° ‘been buried,’’ ‘raised up,’® and 
 ‘lives® with Christ.’ Thus suffering is no anomaly in 
 Paul’s life, but as the ‘sufferings of Christ’ a normal 
 part of his state as a Christian; and a certain fixed 
 measure of ‘afflictions of Christ’ must according to 
 God’s plan be ‘filled up’ by Paul.” 
 
 In this Pauline passion-mysticism it is easy to re- 
 cognise what I have called the undogmatic element in 
 Paul. Dogmatic exegesis, which tortures itself over 
 the problem of interpreting such passages and takes 
 away from them their original simplicity by introducing 
 into them an artificially forced ‘as 7 were,’ cannot 
 express in theological terms the intimacy of this 
 mystical contemplation of the passion. But under 
 the cross of Jesus a suffering man will be able even 
 to-day to experience for himself the depth of meaning 
 and the comfort implied by Paul’s ‘sufferings of 
 Christ.’ Similarly the ancient Christians were able 
 easily to understand the mystical meaning of the 
 
 1 Cf. above, p. 163. On Paul’s mysticism of suffering there is good 
 matter also in Mundle’s work (p. 77), mentioned above. 
 
 4 Phil ii. 10); ba Cormeivo, 3 Col. i. 24, 
 
 *Rom. viii. 17, cuprdcyoper. 
 
 *Gal. ii. 20, Xpuord cvverrarpwopat. 
 
 6 Rom. vi. 8, ameOavopev ovv Xpiord ; cf. Col. i1..20; iit. 355990 
 Ties 
 
 7 Rom. vi. 4, cvveradypev aird; cf. Col. ii, 12. 
 
 § Col. ii. 12, cuvnyépOnre; cf. iii. 8; Rom. vi. 4 f. 
 
 ° Rom. vi. 8, cwvéjoomev aird; ef. 2 Tim. i. 11. 
 
 1 Col. i, 24, dvravamdnpd Ta torepypata tov Ordbewv Tod Xpucrod. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 183 
 
 several stages of baptism’ to the death, burial and 
 resurrection with Christ, because having been baptised 
 as adults, they had an indelibly vivid recollection of 
 the ceremony performed upon them by immersion. It 
 is by no means easy for us, brought up in the practice 
 of infant baptism, to realise this vividness. The usages 
 and sentiments attached to other cults of their environ- 
 ment may have rendered the mystical interpretation of 
 their sacrament easier. But that thorough investiga- 
 tion of the Pauline passion-mysticism which is so 
 urgently needed must give the whole problem its right 
 place not only in the general history of religion,’ but 
 also in the world-wide history of that Christian piety 
 which centres upon the passion, a subject which cannot 
 yet be properly comprehended by any of us, but whose 
 memorials in written word and drama, in music and 
 pictures often give us a wonderfully sympathetic inter- 
 pretation of Paul’s profoundest meaning. 
 
 1Col. ii. 12; Rom. vi. 3 ff. 
 
 _ 2With this part of the problem cf. Johannes Leipoldt, Sterbende 
 und auferstehende Gétter, Leipzig and Erlangen, 1923. Ancient 
 material is unfortunately very fragmentary, and many of the frag- 
 ments are lacking just at the crucial point. It appears to me, however, 
 that a good deal of ancient passion-mysticism with a primitively 
 popular appeal is to be found in the Hussain-cult of the Shi‘ites, which 
 can be studied with comparative ease: Hd. Meyer, Ursprung und 
 Anfénge des Christentwms, iii., p. 570 onwards, deals with this cult. 
 
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 Sey. ee 
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 a a ’ ad oe WES Ns “Thi : a ie 4 
 
 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) 
 
Ps ale 
 4 
 vA 
 
 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 PAUL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) 
 
 THE DEVELOPMENT IN CONTEMPLATION OF THE ASSURANCE OF GOD 
 AND CHRIST 
 
 Paut in Christ, Christ in Paul! Paul is full of Christ, 
 and no matter which of his confessions we have con- 
 sidered we have found that it ultimately points to one 
 and the same assurance of salvation, to his normal 
 position with regard to God attained in fellowship with 
 Christ. 
 
 Here then would be the place in which, to speak in 
 doctrinaire terms, Paul’s ‘Theology’ and ‘ Christology ’ 
 in the narrower sense, that is his ‘doctrine’ of God and 
 of Christ, should be discussed. It is more correct to 
 speak of the development in contemplation of Paul’s 
 convictions concerning God and Christ. 
 
 Of his ideas of God Paul never attempts anything 
 that could properly be called a doctrinal statement in 
 the letters which have come down to us. ‘They 
 certainly did not stand in the forefront of any passion- 
 ate struggle, as did his assurance of Christ, because of 
 its close connection with the problem of the Law. They 
 stand rather in the background, majestically dominat- 
 ing the scene, like the snow-capped peaks of the Taurus 
 range overshadowing the Cilician plain. We can trace 
 them more through the reflection of them in occasional 
 utterances, in the harmonious expressions of contempla- 
 tion and in words of prayer than in any great doctrinal 
 
 exposition. But there is quite enough of this indirect 
 (187) 
 
188 PAUL 
 
 observation to give us an adequate impression. In this 
 impression there is no indication of any absolutely new 
 features. But Paul’s conviction of God had received a 
 new brightness and a new intensity: in Christ it had 
 become to him actual certainty, certainty in the fullest 
 meaning of the word. Paul had found a new position 
 with regard to God, not a new doctrine of God. 
 
 The presuppositions of Paul’s thoughts of God are 
 to be found in the piety of the Septuagint, in the other 
 living elements of Jewish religion and in the revelations 
 of God given by Jesus. Paul’s experience of God 
 is especially closely related to the experience of 
 God which Jesus had as it is reflected in the oldest 
 traditions. That there is here no contrast between 
 Jesus and Paul, receives outward illustration in the fact 
 of cult-usage, that Paul took over into the Hellenistic 
 world the Aramaic word Adda,' the old Jewish word for 
 Father, which Jesus used as the opening word of 
 prayer. 
 
 There are two certainties pervading in equal 
 measure the Gospel words of Jesus and the Pauline 
 letters: God the majestic Lord of heaven and earth, 
 the Holy One, whose demands upon us are infinite, and 
 God, the loving Father who enfolds us with His mercy, 
 helps us, and gladly gives His Grace, even to sinners. 
 In one saying of Paul: ? 
 
 The goodness of God leadeth thee to repentance, 
 
 the two are united into the one tremendous certainty of 
 the old Gospel: God is holy love. 
 
 Here, however, at the centre of all piety there is a 
 difference between Jesus and Paul, a difference not in 
 
 1 Gal. iv. 6; Rom. viii. 15. Cf. the similar observation on Marana 
 tha above, p. 127. 
 
 * Rom. il, 4, rd ypnorov rod Oeod cis perdvordy oe ayet. 
 
PAULSTHE CHRISTIAN 189 
 
 the idea of God, but in the independent energy of 
 apprehending God and being apprehended by God. 
 Jesus in His experience of God is self-supported : 
 
 He needs no mediation : the Son ‘knoweth ’ the Father.* - 
 Paul in his experience of God is not self-supported. As 
 a pious Pharisee he used to stand upon the bridge of 
 the Law, hoping with trembling steps to attain to God 
 by aid of his own righteousness. But apart perhaps 
 from rare moments of grace he remained far off from 
 God. The moment near Damascus brought him near 
 to God. Into his weak humanity there flowed the 
 divine power of the living Christ, and through this 
 Christ and in this Christ he received access.” Now he 
 can really say ‘ Abba.’ ® 
 
 I am persuaded : 
 
 Nothing shall be able to separate us from the love of God, 
 
 Which is in Christ Jesus, 
 Our Lord. 
 
 How great a total impression of His Lord, Christ 
 Jesus, Paul had received, we have already seen.’ But 
 springing out of fellowship with Christ, this great total 
 impression is transformed into a multitude of separate 
 assurances of Christ. The scattered reflections of these 
 assurances in the letters have been used far too much as 
 material for the Apostle’s ‘Christology’ and thus they 
 have been transposed out of the sphere in which such 
 beautiful and delicate forms of thought were originally 
 alive and powerful, into the vacuum of purely Christo- 
 logical conceptuality. They should rather be allowed 
 to remain in their own sphere, within Christ-mysticism 
 and Christolatry, thereby the more strongly to empha- 
 sise the contemplative, edifying and practical character 
 of all that the Apostle had to say Christologically. 
 
 1Matt. xi, 27. 2 Hiph. iii. 12; Rom. v. 2. 
 
 8 Gal. iv.6; Rom. vii. 15. 4Rom. vill. 38 f. 
 5 Cf. above, p. 136. 
 
190 PAUL 
 
 No doubt even before Damascus most of the 
 elements, which later became constitutive for his 
 ‘Christology,’ were in existence. In particular, power- 
 ful suggestions were given to him by the Septuagint 
 and the traditional idea of the Messiah, by the 
 testimonies of Jesus about Himself, which occur in the 
 Gospel tradition, and the primitive apostolical cult- 
 language, and beyond these by the religious ideas and 
 metaphors of the non-Jewish world of his environment, 
 both in the East and the West. 
 
 In spite of all this it is not the fact that Paul put 
 together a mosaic Christology out of the ancient cult- 
 names and titles of honour, ‘Son of God,’ ‘Spirit of God,’ 
 ‘Image of God,’ ‘Anointed,’ and ‘Judge,’ ‘Man,’ ‘Root 
 of Jesse,’ ‘Son of David,’ ‘Slave,’ ‘One that became 
 poor,’ ‘Brother,’ ‘Crucified,’ ‘Lord,’* and ‘Saviour,’ etc., 
 and that then on the foundation of this Christology the 
 doctrines of justification, reconciliation, redemption, etc., 
 were originated and developed by him. On the con- 
 trary, being filled with Christ, daily growing more and 
 more into Christ, Paul knew that he himself was justi- 
 fied, reconciled, redeemed. And out of this assurance 
 of salvation in Christ, which is fellowship with Christ 
 and develops into the Christ-cult, there grew up an 
 understanding in his contemplative soul of the mysteries 
 that were hidden in the person of Christ. He whom 
 Christ has apprehended can only try to express the 
 meaning of these mysteries with the gleaming words of 
 ancient cult language. Nor will it be otherwise at the 
 present day. We must first in some way be taken 
 possession of by Christ, then the Christology will come 
 ofits own accord. Tantum Christus cognoscitur, quantum 
 diligitur—‘ Christ is known, as much as He is loved.’ 
 
 1On this point there is plentiful material, if not always correctly 
 interpreted, in Werner Foerster’s Herr ist Jesus: Herkunft wnd 
 Bedeutung des urchristlichen Kyrios-Bekenntnisses, Giitersloh, 1924. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 191 
 
 Christology is not the way to Christ, but the reflection 
 of Christ. A merely intellectual Christology, which 
 does not spring from a religious union with Christ, is 
 of no value. But at the present day every religious 
 Christology will in some form or other be Pauline. 
 
 Pauline Christology, as it is called, is by no means 
 mainly intellectual,’ rather it is contemplative, being 
 most strongly inspired by the mystical experience of 
 Christ and by the Christ-cult.2 Hence it comes about 
 that Paul’s confessions of Christ taken all together do 
 not give the impression of a system patched up out of 
 the motley rags of tradition, but that, though they for 
 the most part make use of old cult-words, they have 
 rather the look of being Paul’s own creation, 
 
 At the same time we may notice that in the forms 
 of expression in which these confessions of Christ are 
 conveyed anything specifically Jewish is generally 
 rejected by Paul. The Apostle of the world gives us a 
 picture of Christ which is world-wide, instinct with 
 humanity throughout. The fact, so infinitely important 
 to the Jewish Christian, that Jesus was the son of David 
 is for Paul merely something external affecting the 
 flesh.’ The Jewish Apocalyptic title ‘Son of Man’ 
 never appears in his letters ; the brilliance of that star 
 is eclipsed by the dawning splendour of the ‘Son of 
 God.’* Similarly the Jewish title of Messiah falls into | 
 the background; in many, even in most places, the | 
 word ‘Christ’ has already become a proper name to | 
 Paul.’ And that title of honour ‘Lord’ which Paul 
 
 Peiow orale o,f. 
 
 “Further on the essential nature of Paul’s contemplation above, 
 p. 105 ff. 
 
 3 Rom. i. 3 f. 4 Rom. i. 4 and many other places. 
 
 * With this fact in the history of ideas compare my work (p. 31 ff.), 
 cited above, p. 91, note 6. 
 
192 PAUL 
 
 particularly loved to apply to Christ, though it was 
 used by the primitive apostles before Paul, is yet at the 
 same time world-wide ;' indeed it already carries with 
 it a prophecy of the world-conflict of the Christ-cult and 
 the Cesar-cult.2 It might be urged that ‘Lord’ as a 
 title of dignity was indeed world-wide, but only in its 
 ancient sense: Paul’s fundamental certitude that Christ 
 is ‘the Spirit’ is formulated not only for all nations but 
 for all times.’ 
 
 Only in one single point of importance has the 
 cosmopolitan Apostle’s spiritual picture of Christ 
 preserved its native Jewish characteristics. Christ 
 Jesus as the One who is to come, as the One who is 
 coming to judgment, as the One who is coming for the 
 fulfilment of the Kingdom of God, as the One to whom 
 is addressed the prayer * Marana tha—this Christ Paul 
 could not give up. So too the inseparable connection 
 of the spiritual present Christ with the historical Jesus, 
 and particularly the identity of the Living with the 
 Crucified, saved Paul’s religious contemplation from 
 dissipating itself in mythological vagueness.’ 
 
 This Jewish, this historical backbone to the figure of 
 the spiritual Christ was of great importance to the 
 popular effect of Paul’s gospel. The religion of the 
 people does not live on the stuffed specimens of the 
 dogmatic compendiums, but on the many coloured world 
 of wonders revealed to observation. 
 
 The outlines of the Pauline Christ are perhaps 
 most clearly recognisable in the second chapter of 
 
 PRIUS iag f 
 2Cf. especially the section ‘Christ and the Cesars,’ Licht vom 
 Osten, 4th Ed., p. 287 ff. 
 ° Cf. above, p. 186 ff. and p. 155 f. 
 1 Cor. xvi. 22. Cf. above, p. 127. 
 ‘Cf. above, p. 123 f. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 193 
 
 Philippians.!' In vigorous lines, but without any show 
 of mythological phantasies, Paul, the prisoner, seeks to 
 impress upon the souls of his simple converts the picture 
 of his adored object. He who had lived eternally with 
 the Father in divine spiritual glory did not strive to 
 become equal with God. Instead of ascending a stage 
 higher, He descended to a lower stage, came down to 
 earth, became man and slave, humbled Himself, was 
 obedient to the Father to death, even to death on the 
 cross, and therefore was highly exalted by God to 
 heavenly glory, where He lives as Lord of all created 
 beings and rules to the glory of God: 
 
 . . . Who being in the form of God, 
 
 Counted not equality with God a prize to be grasped, 
 
 But emptied Himself, 
 
 Taking the form of a slave ;— 
 
 Being made in the likeness of man and being found in fashion as a man, 
 He humbled Himself, becoming obedient unto death, 
 
 Yea, the death of the cross. 
 
 Wherefore also God highly exalted Him, 
 And gave Him the name which is above every name, 
 That in the name of Jesus every knee should bow, 
 Of things in heaven and things in earth and things under the earth, 
 And that every tongue should confess 
 That Jesus Christ is Lord 
 To the glory of God the Father. 
 
 These lines were not written in the hard tones of a 
 theological thesis, they are not calculated for discussion 
 by modern western Kenoticists, nor for fanatics lusting 
 
 1 Phil. ii, 6-11, ds év pophy Ocotd trdpywv odx aprraypov yynoato TO 
 nw \ / / 
 
 elvat ica 6G, GAA Eavtov exévorey popPrv Sovrov haBdv, ey dpowpare 
 dvOpdrrwv yevopevos Kal cyypats ebpebels ds avOpwros* érameivwoev EavTov 
 / ¢ / / / Q / be A 8 \ NPS \ 3 rN 
 yevopevos imHKoos pexpt Oavarov, Oavdrov d€ gtavpod. dt0 Kal 6 Geds avrov 
 : lal ‘\ “ “ 
 breptwoer Kai éxapicato aitG 7d dvopa TO brép Tav Ovopa, va ev TH 
 évépate Incod wav yovu kdpiyn érovpaviwv Kal érvyetwy Kal KataxOoviov Kad . 
 cal lat 2 , ¢ 4 > A / > / A 
 rica yaooa éfoporoyjoctar Ste Kvpios “Incods Xpucrds, cis dogav Geod 
 
 TatTpos. 
 
 13 
 
194 PAUL 
 
 for formule to promote disunion. The words we have 
 just heard have a soul of their own and that a very 
 different one. They are a confession of the primitive 
 apostolic cult, made by Paul, the prisoner, in order to 
 rally his fellow-worshippers of Jesus Christ round the 
 object of their cult, round a form divine and human and 
 again divine. This Kyrios-confession can be understood 
 only by the pious simplicity of silent devotion. Let us 
 leave all our commentaries on one side and ask an 
 Anatolian Christian to read us the original text of this 
 confession in the soft tones and psalm-like rhythm with 
 which the Christian East is accustomed to hear portions 
 of the Greek Bible read in the twilight gloom of the 
 churches,' then a part of the undertones of the old 
 psalm becomes life-like again, we are freed from our 
 pitiful dependence on history, and we come into contact 
 in worship with the poor saints of Macedonia, who were 
 the first possessors of the treasure. 
 
 In second Corinthians’ the confession is simpler, 
 but marked by the same essential lines :— 
 
 Though He was rich, yet for your sakes He became poor, 
 That ye through His poverty might become rich. 
 
 The eternity of Christ in the past—in doctrinaire 
 terms the pre-existence of Christ—is therefore abso- 
 lutely beyond question to the Apostle. This certainty, 
 
 ‘ Roland Schiitz, who has a particularly delicate understanding of 
 these things, made a successful experiment of this kind, cf. Z.N.T.W., 
 21 (1922), p. 183: ‘I remember in a service at the modern Greek 
 Church in Berlin (conducted by the Archimandrite Mawrokordatos) to 
 have heard scarcely a word that sounded like prose. All the texts 
 were recited to music, though one could not call the sound pure sing- 
 ing. They ran on in a swift even flow of sound. We can think of 
 the liturgical worship of the earliest Greek Christians as similar. 
 Through the melodious tone of recital they were removed from the 
 prose of the koiné, without the liturgy having to become elaborate.’ 
 
 *2 Cor. viii. 9, . . . érrwyevoevy trovVows dv, iva tpeis TH éxelvov 
 
 / 4 
 TTwXELa TAOUYATYTE. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 195 
 
 however, is only the result of a simple contemplative 
 inference backwards from the fact of the spiritual glory 
 of the present Christ: the Spirit (pneuma) must be and 
 must always have been eternal. The inference is 
 rendered easier by the old Bible sayings about the 
 Spirit’ and by inherited Jewish teaching concerning the 
 eternity of the most important messengers of revelation. 
 The expression is quite Pauline when later on the 
 second Epistle of Clement’? tells us that Christ the Lord 
 who saved us, was first spirit and then became flesh ; 
 and the celebrated lines of the prologue of John’s 
 Gospel*® concerning the eternity and incarnation of the 
 Word, though somewhat differently formulated, are 
 similarly as regards content thoroughly Pauline. 
 
 All further testimonies to the pre-existent Christ 
 spring from this certainty, especially the statements 
 that He took part in the creation of the world,* and 
 that He was present with the fathers in the wilderness 
 in the form of the spiritual Rock.’ 
 
 The earthly life of Jesus, then, was appreciated by 
 Paul, at least in the letters that have come down to us, 
 more for its character as a whole, than for its details.° 
 True, even in his letters a considerable number of 
 details are referred to: the Davidic descent of Jesus’ 
 and the fact that he was born as a Jew under the law.$ 
 Paul himself was acquainted with his brother, James,’ 
 and the Apostle’s celebrated prayer to Christ, thrice 
 
 1H.g. UXX, Gen. i. 2; Job xxniii. 4. 
 
 29 Clem. ix., Xpiatds 6 Kvpios 6 cwoas Has Ov pev TO TPATOV TVETWA 
 éyeveTo odpé. 
 
 3 John i. 1,14. On the incarnation, cf. Rom. viii. 3. 
 
 41 Cor. viii. 6; Col. i. 15 ff. 51 Cor. x. 4. 
 
 6On this whole question cf. especially P. Olaf Moe, Paulus und die 
 evangelische Geschichte, Leipzig, 1912. 
 
 7 Rom. i. 3; 2 Tim. ii. 8. 
 
 8 Gal. iv. 4. 9Gal.i. 19; ii. 9. 
 
196 PAUL 
 
 repeated, for the removal of the ‘thorn in the flesh °* 
 presupposes a knowledge of the abundant Gospel 
 tradition concerning the powers of healing possessed 
 by Jesus. Paul, moreover, mentions the night of the 
 betrayal,? and the Last Supper,’ along with an exact 
 quotation of the words of Jesus on that occasion.‘ 
 Other words of Jesus are also quoted as unimpeachable 
 authority. The martyr-confession ‘before Pontius 
 Pilate,’ ° the sufferings of Jesus,’ the death on the cross,° 
 and the burial’ are of course familiar. One thing is 
 particularly noticeable: Paul not only knows that the 
 death of Jesus was brought about by a conflict with the 
 authorities,’® but he also, no doubt under the influence 
 of reports of what occurred at Gethsemane, regards it 
 as a proof of the obedience of Jesus to the Father.” 
 That Paul is influenced generally by the tradition of 
 the words of Jesus, even when he does not expressly 
 quote them, is shown by the moral exhortations of his 
 letters, and by other silent adaptations of sayings of 
 Jesus.” 
 
 In his oral mission preaching “ the Apostle no doubt 
 
 D2 Cor -xil ou. 41. Cori xi 23, 
 
 $1 Cor. xi. 23 ff. 41 Cor. xi. 24 ff. 
 
 51 Thess. iv. 15; 1 Cor. vii. 10; ix. 14; Acts xx. 35; 1 Tim. v. 18. 
 
 Ce Timat pyre: 
 
 7 Cf. the passages referred to above, pp. 164, 181 ff, on the ‘ suffer- 
 ings of Christ,’ which no doubt apply to the sufferings of Paul, but are 
 only to be understood because Christ Himself had also suffered. 
 
 § Numerous passages. 
 
 91 Cor. xv. 4; Rom. vi. 4. 101 Cor, ii. 8. 
 
 1 Phil, ii. 8, yevouevos tarynxoos péxpt Gavarov, Oavatov dé cravpod; cf. 
 above, p. 67 f. 
 
 4 Gali y. 14; 1 Cory vi. 7: Romy xi-el eee Levee 
 
 131 Thess, v. 2 f.; 1 Cor. xiii. 9; 2 Cor. 1. 17 f£.; Gal. iv. 6; Rom: 
 viii. 15. 
 
 4It is generally overlooked, often under the indirect influence of 
 the theory of mechanical inspiration, that Paul’s letters, regarded as a 
 source for his teaching, are only fragments of Paul, that their testi- 
 monium é silentio must therefore be used only with caution. We 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 197 
 
 made a still more ample use of the words of Jesus than 
 was necessary in letters directed to Christians. Paul 
 can assume a certain acquaintance with the sayings of 
 Jesus in his churches.’ And even that total impression 
 that Paul had of the earthly life of Jesus as one of 
 humiliation, poverty and slavery’ is itself dominated by 
 the Gospel tradition.* How greatly this ‘poor’ man 
 Jesus must have gripped the souls of the insignificant 
 many, is shown by the success of Paul’s missionary 
 labours. 
 
 At the commanding centre, however, of Paul’s con- 
 templation of Christ stands the Living One, who is also 
 the Crucified, or the Crucified who is also alive. The 
 death on the cross and the resurrection of Christ cannot 
 in Paul be isolated as two distinct facts: rather in his 
 view they are inseparably united. Here we see in Paul 
 probably one of the strongest examples of that law of 
 mysticism and cult-religion that the past is thought of 
 as still present.* Even linguistically this can be seen ; 
 the Greek perfect participle for ‘crucified, which might 
 
 be rendered 
 He who is the Crucified,® 
 
 ought to be very sparing in using the formula, ‘ Paul is unacquainted 
 with...’ The argument from silence appears in its most objection- 
 able form in the books of noisy writers who have nothing to say 
 themselves. Neither the theologians (this applies even to the critical 
 school) nor the amateurs who lose their bearings and found new 
 religions, without having understood the old, have really freed them- 
 selves inwardly as well as outwardly of the theory of mechanical 
 inspiration. It is still an obstacle to right thinking methodologically. 
 
 1 Thess. v. If. 2 Cf. above, pp. 193 f. 
 
 3 Matt. viii. 20 (Lk. ix. 58); Mk. x. 45 (Matt. xx. 28); Lk. xxii. 27. 
 
 4Cf. above, pp. 121 and 143. The ‘work of Christ’ spoken of in 
 the past tense by dogmatic theology and isolated, is in Paul almost 
 always thought of in the present tense as Christ ‘ working.’ 
 
 5 éoravpwpevos, Gal, iii, 1; 1 Cor. i. 23; ii, 2. Also Mk. xvi. 6 
 (Matt. xxviii. 5) is spoken in cult-speech. — 
 
198 PAUL 
 
 goes a great deal further than the Aorist 
 
 He who was crucified,! 
 
 which Paul in his letters does not apply to Christ.’ 
 The perfect participle no doubt indicates that the cross 
 is not a bare fact of the past, but that its influence reaches 
 into the present. ‘The Crucified’ is a reality that can 
 be experienced daily, and the Johannine picture’ of 
 the Living One who still bears in Himself the wounds 
 of the Crucified, is as much Pauline as is the double 
 meaning in John of the word ‘lift up,’ * which suggests 
 at one and the same time the death on the lofty cross 
 and the ‘exaltation’ to spiritual glory in the sense of 
 the passage in Philippians.’ 
 
 Another observation akin to this may be added. 
 The use which Paul makes of the cult-phrase ‘the blood 
 of Christ’ corresponds with his conviction of the identity 
 of the Living One with the Crucified.° By the ‘blood 
 of Christ’ is to be understood, at least in many places, 
 not the physical blood, shed long ago in the historic 
 martyrdom, but the expression is a vivid way of realis- 
 ing the Living One who is also the Crucified, and with 
 whom we live in mystical-spiritual ‘ fellowship of blood.’ ’ 
 We need only recall the Apostle’s conviction that he 
 stands in a fellowship of suffering, a fellowship of the 
 
 1 gravpwleis. 
 
 * He only once uses the indicative of the Aorist éoravpé6y (2 Cor. 
 xii. 4), but in this case he is not speaking of the present power of 
 blessing that comes from the crucifixion. Christ was (in the past) 
 crucified in weakness. The crude materialism of later generations is 
 shown in the watchword of the Theopaschite controversy ‘God who 
 was crucified ’ (feds 6 cravpwbeis). 
 
 § John xx. 27. 4 John xii. 32, 33; ii. 14; viii. 28. 
 
  Rhilr ain; ; 
 
 °On what follows see Otto Schmitz, Die Opferanschauung des 
 spateren Judentums und die Opferaussagen des Neuen Testaments, 
 Tubingen, 1910, p. 214 ff. 
 
 71 Cor. x. 16, xowwvia Tod aiwaros rod Xpucrod. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 199 
 
 cross and a fellowship of life with the spiritual Christ.’ 
 In many passages in particular the formula ‘in the blood 
 of Christ’ borders upon the formula ‘in Christ’ and 
 may be translated appropriately : 
 
 ‘in the fellowship of the blood of Christ.’ * 
 
 If it were possible to consider the death on the cross 
 and the resurrection as two separable events in Paul’s 
 view, then we should certainly have to say : the central 
 fact to the Apostle is the resurrection of Christ, or 
 expressed more psychologically the certainty revealed 
 to him at Damascus that Christ was alive. Then and 
 not till then the cross became transfigured to him. 
 
 | Without the Living One the cross would be a stumbling- 
 block : the Living One makes the cross stand out in the 
 brightest morning splendour of transfiguration. 
 
 It is possible to collect quite a number of Pauline 
 passages in which the raising of Jesus from the dead is 
 described as of central significance amongst God’s acts.” 
 And after our strong insistence on the mystical character 
 of Paul’s religion this stands in no need of explanation, 
 for all Christ-mysticism is founded upon the conviction 
 that Christ is alive. 
 
 The following are Paul’s convictions about the re- 
 surrection of Jesus. In them old Biblical and Pharisaic 
 beliefs have amalgamated with the apostolical tradi- 
 tion‘ under the influence of his personal experience at 
 Damascus. It was the miraculous act of God and took 
 
 1Cf. above, p. 181 f. and 164. 
 
 2Rom. iii. 25 (cf. with Eph. i. 9); Rom. v. 9; (cf. with v. 10); 
 Eph. ii. 13. Quite rightly Martin Dibelius (in Lietzmanns Handbuch, 
 jii., 2nd Hd., 1912, p. 104) says on Eph. ii. 13 ‘év 7@ aipare tod Xpuorov 
 is probably simply the repetition of év Xpurr@ “Inood.’ 
 
 31 Cor. xv. 14, 17; 2 Cor. xiii. 4; Rom. i. 4; iv. 25; v. 10; 
 vi. 10; viii. 34. 
 
 SCOR XV. 0. 
 
200 PAUL 
 
 place ‘according to the scriptures’ on the third day ;° it 
 was identical with the exaltation and was the resump- 
 tion of the spiritual life of Jesus in glory with the 
 Father.’ It was not fleshly,* but it gave to the Living 
 One, probably by a process of transformation,* a spiritual 
 heavenly body.° It was the conquest of death,° and it 
 did away with the puzzle of the cross.’ 
 
 Thus we have gained the standpoint from which we 
 can understand the Apostle’s tremendous utterances 
 about the cross. The noble fervour with which he 
 hymns the solemn praises of the Crucified with ever new 
 variation and modulation, stirring most profoundly the 
 souls of the people by the popular force of his words, 
 is psychologically intelligible as the reaction from his 
 former blasphemies against the Crucified. A reminis- 
 cence of his old Pharisaic polemic against the cross is 
 the statement of first Corinthians that the Crucified was 
 ‘to the Jews a stumbling-block.’® Since Christ has. 
 now become to him the Living One, Paul can annul 
 these old slanders by the confession that the Crucified 
 is the ‘miracle of God’ and the ‘ wisdom of God.’ 
 
 Paul did not attempt and could not have attempted 
 to express this miracle of God in one poor doctrinal 
 formula. We make it impossible for ourselves ever to 
 understand his position at the foot of the cross if we 
 
 11 Cor. xv. 4, éyjyeprar 7H Huepa TH tpity Kata Tas ypadds. No 
 doubt for this the LXX, Hos. vi. 2, was in the writer’s mind: é rq 
 Npépa TH Tpityn eLavactynodpeba Kat Lnooueba évoriov airod (‘ on the third 
 day we shall arise and live before him’). 
 
 Phil. ii. 9 suggests this. 
 
 ®So one would conclude from 1 Cor. xv. 50. 
 
 *So one would conclude from 1 Cor. xv. 51. 
 
 °1 Cor. xv. 35-51; Phil. iii. 21. 61 Cor. xv. 54 f. 
 
 “1 Cor. xv. 14,17; 2 Cor. xiii. 4. Bim iy toe 
 
 °1 Cor. i. 23, Xpurrov eoravpwpévov, “lovdaious péev oxdvdadrov; cf. 
 Gal. v. 11. 
 
 1 Cor, i. 24, Xpuordv Oeod Stvapw Kat Geod codiav. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 201 
 
 _ begin by endeavouring to reconstruct ‘the’ doctrine of 
 Paul concerning the death of Christ, in such a form, for 
 instance, as to assert that ‘the’ Pauline doctrine of the 
 death of Christ is the idea of sacrifice. 
 
 The idea of sacrifice in Paul is far from having the 
 importance which has generally been assigned to it on 
 the basis of a materialistic explanation of passages re- 
 ferring to the blood of Christ, and certain other state- 
 ments.! The metaphor of sacrifice is clearly used in 
 Ephesians,? possibly also in first Corinthians,’ if the 
 passover-lamb there mentioned is thought of by Paul 
 as a sacrificial lamb. But even if the number of pas- 
 sages where sacrifice is clearly mentioned could be in- 
 creased, we should still have to say, that the thought of 
 sacrifice is one amongst many of the various lines of 
 light which radiate from Paul’s contemplation of the 
 cross, and these rays cannot be brought together into 
 a single geometrical figure. 
 
 We find, in the first place, simple historical allusions 
 to the death of Jesus. It is an act done in blindness 
 by the rulers of this world,‘ a shameful death,’ a defeat 
 ‘through weakness.’ ° 
 
 But it is also a work of God; it is according to 
 Scripture,’ it cannot have happened in vain,* it is a proof 
 of divine love,’ and came at the right time.” On the 
 part of Christ it is a confirmation of His obedience to 
 God," of His love towards us ;” its result is the discredit 
 
 1 Especially statements about justification, reconciliation, redemp- 
 tion, etc., which refer to the spiritual living Christ, and most especi- 
 ally the passage in Rom. iii. 24 ff. For the rest cf. the book by Otto 
 Schmitz referred to above, p. 198. 
 
 2 Hiph, v. 2, rapéSwxev éavrov irep ypav mpoogopav kal Guoiav TO Oe 
 eis 6opnv edvwodias. 
 
 31 Cor. v. 7, kat yap To maoxa Huadv érvOn Xpiords. 
 
 41 Cor. ii. 8. 5 Phil. ii. 8. 692 Cor. xiii. 4. 
 fis Gorexy,. 3: 8 Gal. ii. 21. 
 9Rom. v. 8 ff. 10 Rom. v. 6. 
 
 Phil. ii. 8; Rom. v. 19. 12 Gal. ii. 20; Eph. v. 2. 
 
202 PAUL 
 
 of sin,! and salvation of sinners,’ even of the individual.’ 
 And the cycles of Pauline metaphors, by which salvation 
 ‘in’ Christ is illustrated,* extend also to the contempla- 
 tion of the cross. By his death on the accursed tree 
 Christ has redeemed us from the curse of the Law;° 
 He has publicly nailed to the cross the bond of debt 
 which He blotted out ;° the enmity between Jews and 
 Gentiles, like that between them both and God, is 
 done away in the cross ;’ reconciliation and peace are 
 established.® 
 
 Moreover, from the use which he makes of these 
 cycles of metaphor we see clearly that in his contempla- 
 tion of the cross as in other things Paul was undogmatic 
 and unfettered. The cross presents itself to the soul of 
 the redeemed not as a gloomy thing of the past, wooden, 
 hard and bare, abandoned to the soteriologists and 
 Christologists, but as a mystery of the present shining 
 in its own light, which is included for him in the Living 
 One. 
 
 And this is especially clearly seen in ‘the words 
 already mentioned several times in which the Apostle 
 treats the sufferings, crucifixion, death, burial, and re- 
 surrection of Christ as processes of salvation which he 
 and other Christians share in ethically and mystically,° 
 not only in baptism but in a continuous fellowship of 
 suffering, of the cross, of blood and of life with their 
 transfigured Master. Of all the religious appreciations 
 of the cross in Paul these are probably the deepest and 
 most original: through the certainty of fellowship as a 
 
 1 Rom. vi. 10. 
 
 2 Rom. v. 6; 1 Cor. xv. 8; 2 Cor. v. 14, ete. 
 
 3 Gal. ii. 20; 1 Cor. viii. 11; Rom. xiv. 15. 
 4Cf. above, p. 167 ff. 5 Gal, iti. 13. 
 6 Col. ii. 14. 7 Hph. 1. 16. 
 8 Col. i. 20 ff.; Rom. v. 10. 
 
 9 Cf. above, pp. 164 f., 180 f., and 198. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 203 
 
 member of Christ the cross has become, instead of a 
 historical conception, altogether a spiritual, mystically 
 realised and living reality. My late father’ understood 
 Paul when he got Schmitz, the glass-painter of Cologne, 
 to put a window in the Evangelical Church at Erbach, 
 in the wine-growing country of the upper Rheingau, re- 
 presenting the crucified Saviour in conjunction with the 
 Johannine allegory of the vine.2 The cross has struck 
 root in the earth, and the dead tree of pain* has become 
 the living vine. Beneath the out-stretched arms of the 
 Saviour the mystic branches stretch down their bright 
 green leaves and heavy clusters of grapes to the com- 
 municants who are united by His sufferings : 
 
 I am the Vine! 
 Ye are the branches. 
 
 1(Adolf Deissmann, 1832-1900, pastor of Erbach and local his- 
 torian.—L.R.M.S.] 
 
 2 John xv. 1 ff. 
 
 3This artistic motiy itself, however, is early Christian. Cf. Lud- 
 wig von Sybel, BvAov fwfs, Z.N.T.W., 19 (1919), p. 85 ff For a later 
 use of this profound thought cf. below, in the appendices ‘Santa 
 Croce, Florence’ by Otto Crusius. 
 
oy AS 4 
 aaa ew 
 } 
 
 ie ty 
 A 
 
 ALA : fo. HY. . 1G te pe 
 RUB Nery RTS E Nee ONAL 
 
 ano 
 7 at rier Aiea Osh q ay Vax! ay 
 rhay PU 181} Ri ‘ bet bidet ey a i, aL Ha Vue 
 Nes | Many alae Mh Mh! Bie dak 
 ; ; } Ph, 
 
 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) 
 
‘ 
 Ui 
 
 mies 
 4 4 
 
 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 PAUL THE CHRISTIAN (Continued) 
 THE LOVE OF CHRIST AND THE HOPE OF CHRIST 
 
 Ir is out of the fellowship with Christ that we can 
 understand all the teaching of Paul that is usually 
 summed up under the headings ‘ Ethics’ and ‘ Escha- 
 tology.’ Here let it at once be said that both these 
 classifications lead to misconceptions. 
 
 Paul was neither a teacher of ethics nor an escha- 
 tologist. His whole being was fired with a world-con- 
 quering ethos, and he thirsted with his whole soul for 
 the coming day of God, but he had no ‘ethics’ and no 
 ‘eschatology,’ if by those terms rationally complete and 
 balanced systematic theories of ethics or eschatology are 
 to be understood. Furthermore, the fragmentary char- 
 acter of his utterances as they have come down to us 
 prevents in this case as in others any attempt at a full 
 and systematic statement. 
 
 Therefore we must remain simple here also and not 
 attempt to disfigure plain greatness with doctrinaire 
 Arabesques. So instead of the elaborate modern 
 scholastic terminology we use the popular watchwords 
 coined by the Apostle himself—‘ the love of Christ ’ and 
 ‘the hope of Christ.’ 
 
 The priceless treasure of ethical convictions which 
 Paul brought with him from Judaism into the 
 Hellenistic world'—a treasure greatly enriched by the 
 
 1T¢ would be a task as important as it is stimulating to gather 
 together out of authors, inscriptions, papyri, etc., everything that can 
 207 
 
208 PAUL 
 
 Gospel tradition—received its peculiar brilliance through 
 the experience of Christ which, working from within, 
 renews the entire man. The ethical element in Paul 
 is indeed anchored ‘in Christ.’ It is here that the 
 energy of his Christ-mysticism, working through the 
 will, is most clearly seen.’ ‘The love of Christ’? is the 
 power for good which the individual possesses, and the 
 power for good which permeates the whole organisation 
 of Christendom. 
 
 Especially this latter, the social-ethic, is unmistak- 
 ably religious in tone. Paul is most fond of regarding 
 the community of believers under three aspects—as a 
 family, as a body, as a temple. Each of these meta- 
 phors has its centre in the living Christ. 
 
 Christians are a family, because God is their Father,’ 
 and Christ, as the first-born Son of God, is their 
 Brother,* whose rights to inheritance they share.’ 
 Differences of nation, class and sex ‘in Christ’ are no 
 longer of account :° 
 
 There is neither Jew nor Greek, 
 
 There is neither slave nor free, 
 
 There is no male and female: 
 
 For ye are all one man in Christ Jesus. 
 
 be called the popular morality of late antiquity. This would be a 
 reconstruction of a but little recognised piece of the great praeparatio 
 evangelica. Material of all sorts towards this is given in Licht vom 
 Osten, 4th Ed., p. 262 ff. 
 
 1Cf. above, p. 156 f. 
 
 22 Cor. v. 14; Hph. iii. 19 (Rom. viii. 352). Cf. on this point 
 Schmitz, Die Christusgemeinschaft, p. 184 ff., who tellingly designates 
 ‘the love of Christ,’ the living power which constantly impels Paul, 
 as ‘the outcome of experience which is based upon spiritual unity with 
 the Crucified’ (p. 136). 
 
 * Numerous passages. 
 
 4 Rom. viii. 29. ° Rom. viii. 17. 
 
 ° Gal. iii. 28, ov ev Iovdatos ob8t"EAAny, otk eve Sods OddE eAevOepos, 
 ovuK evi dpoev Kat OnAv* dravres yap bucis els Eore ev XpioTS “Inood. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 209 
 
 The religious gulf also between Jews and non-Jews 
 is bridged over :? 
 Where there is no Greek and Jew, 
 Circumcision and uncircumcision, 
 
 Barbarian, Scythian, slave, freeman, 
 But Christ is all and in all. 
 
 Yes even the racial hatred between Jew and non-Jew, 
 the ‘enmity’ between the nations, is done away in 
 Christ Jesus. The passage in Ephesians’? in which 
 these gigantic certainties tower aloft, shedding their 
 light about them, is the Magna Charta of the idea of 
 Christian Internationalism,? and a programme for a 
 divine Millennium, of which we to-day indeed can 
 scarcely see the very first glint of dawn slowly breaking 
 out of the gloomy confusion of mankind’s awtul night. 
 Paul took the name of brother very seriously : 
 
 The brother for whose sake Christ died,* 
 Him for whom Christ died.° 
 
 With such irresistible words he stamps even the most 
 insignificant brother with a value for eternity and 
 impresses upon the enlightened indifference of the saints 
 in Corinth and in Rome the duty of tender brotherly 
 consideration, making all Christians together collectively 
 responsible for the mutual care of souls." 
 
 1Col. iii, 11, daov od é “EAAnv kal “lovdatos, mepitopn Kat &Kpo- 
 Bvoria, BapBapos, SKvOns, dovAos, cAevGepos, GANG mavTa Kal év Tacw 
 Xpictds. 
 
 2 Wiph. ii. 11-22. 
 
 3T have dealt more fully with this subject in an address given at 
 Whitefield’s Central Mission in London to a men’s meeting at the 
 beginning of holy week in 1923 (The Cross of Christ and the Kecon- 
 ciliation of the Nations, printed in ‘The Christian World Pulpit,’ 
 1923). . 
 
 41 Cor. viii. 11, 6 ddeddpos dv dy Xprords dwreGavev. 
 
 5 Rom. xiv. 15, éxefvov, iwép ov Xpioros dwréaver. 
 
 6 Gal. vi. 1, 2, ddeAdoi, giv Kal mpodnuhOy dvOpwros ev tur Trapa- 
 rTopatl, iets ot TvevpariKxol KatapTilere TOV TOLOUTOV eV TVEU[LATL TPAUTYTOS, 
 
 14 
 
210 PAUL 
 
 Brethren, even if a man be overtaken in any trespass, ye 
 which are spiritual, restore such a one in a spirit of meekness ; 
 looking to thyself lest thou also be tempted. Bear ye one 
 another’s burdens, and so fulfil the law of Christ. 
 
 But the most sublime evidence of Paul’s sense of 
 brotherhood is the ‘way’! which he showed to the 
 Corinthians, the Song of Songs on brotherly love :” 
 
 If I speak with the tongues of men and of angels, 
 But have not love, 
 
 I am become sounding brass 
 
 Or a clanging cymbal. 
 
 And if I have the gift of prophecy, 
 
 And knew all mysteries and all knowledge, 
 And if I had all faith, 
 
 So as to remove mountains, 
 
 But have not love, 
 
 IT am nothing. 
 
 lal \ ss \ \ al 3 / \ / / \ 
 oKoTav ceavTov py Kal ov mepacOns. adAnAwy Ta Bapy Baordere, Kat 
 oUTws avamAnpdcete TOV Vopov TOV Xpicrov. 
 11 Cor, xii. 31. | 
 21 Cor. xili, éay tats yAdoous trav avOpiruv AadAG Kal Tov ayyédov, 
 ey WA be 4 ed / \ Wal ice v , , > , be bat + 
 ayamrnv O€ LN EXW, yeyova xaAkos NXov y KiuPadrov drdadalov. Kal é€av EXW 
 ad \ A“ lal 
 mpopyteiav Kal cidO TA PUOTHPLA TaVTA Kal TacaV THV yvOoUW, Kal eav exw 
 Tacav THv TioTW Wate Opn peOioTaval, aydryny Sé ur) Exw, OVO cit. Kal 
 civ Ywpicw Tavra TA trdpxovTa pov, Kal edv mapado TO Goud pov wa 
 / 3 / \ \ 7 > \ > Le) ¢ 3 / “a 
 KavOnocopat, aydrnv dé py exw, ovGev ddeAoTua, Y aydrn pakpoOupel, 
 / la A 
 Xpynoreverar y aydmrn, od Lnrot 7 aya, ov TeprepeveTat, 00 Pvg.ovtat, OVK 
 3 a a a / 
 aoxnmovel, ov Cytet Ta EauTHs, ov Taposvverat, od AoyiLetar Tov KaKOV, OV 
 7, aN a 10 / / be a 3 / , 4 , A 
 Xaiper ert TH adikia, cvyxaiper O€ 77 GAnOeia. TavTa oTEeyEl, TdvTA TLOTEVEL, 
 / 
 mavta éAriler, wévtTa vropever, % Ayaan ovderote wimtea, ite Se rpopy- 
 Gus , a + a 
 Tela, KatapynOycovTa: cite yAOooal, TavoovTaL* ETE Yyvaous, KaTapyn- 
 / / 
 Ojoetar. €k péepovs yap ywooKomev Kal ex péepous tpopyrevonev. Stav Oe 
 XO \ aN \ ] / Ay 4 4 / 2X. aN 
 eAGn TO TéAELOV, TO EK pEpoUs KaTapynOnoeTaL. OTE NuUNV VHTLOS, éAdAovV 
 ¢ f > / € ik 2 U e / oY ; ey 
 @S vyTLOS, éPpdvovy ws vymios, eLoyiLounv ws vyTLoS* OTE yéyova avy, 
 / aA 3 / 
 KaTHpynka Ta TOU vytiov. PBA€ropev yap apre du eodrtpov ev aiviypart, TOTE 
 \ 4 \ / 
 d€ zpdcwrov mpos tpdcwrov* apte ywwoKw ek pepos* Tdre Se ervyvocropat 
 Kaba Kat 2 , 6 : \ be / / 2). 7 2 <7 \ U a 
 S ereyvooOnv: vuvi d€ péver Tiotis, éAmis, yarn, TA Tpia TATA, 
 / lal 
 pelo 8 rodtwv 4 ayarn. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 
 
 And if I share out all my goods morsel by morsel, 
 And if I give my body to be burned, 
 
 But have not love, 
 
 It profiteth me nothing. 
 
 Love suffereth long, 
 Kind is love, 
 
 Not envious is love, 
 It boasteth not, 
 
 Is not puffed up, 
 
 Ts not unseemly. 
 
 It seeketh not its own, 
 Is not provoked, 
 Taketh no account of evil. 
 It rejoiceth not in unrighteousness, 
 But rejoiceth with the truth. 
 It covereth all things, 
 Believeth all things, 
 Hopeth all things, 
 Endureth all things. 
 
 Love never faileth. 
 But whether there be prophecies, they shall be done away ; 
 Whether there be tongues, they shall cease ; 
 Whether there be knowledge, it shall be done away. 
 For we know in part, 
 And we prophesy in part: 
 But when that which is perfect is come, 
 That which is in part shall be done away. 
 
 When I was a child, 
 
 I spake as a child, 
 
 I felt as a child, 
 
 I thought as a child: 
 
 Now I am become a man 
 
 I have put away childish things. 
 
 Yes it is thus: now we see 
 
 Only mirror reflections, 
 
 Only a riddle— 
 
 But then face to face: 
 
 Now I know in part; 
 
 But then I shall know fully 
 
 Hyen as also I have been fully known. 
 
 211 
 
212 PAUL 
 
 But now abideth 
 
 Faith, hope, love, 
 
 These three, 
 
 But the greatest of these is love. 
 
 Christians are a ‘body’ and Christ is the head, or 
 Christ is the body and Christians are the members.’ 
 Here Paul has taken a well-known metaphor of which 
 the ancients were fond, from his Christ-intimacy has 
 infused it with mystical life, and thereby Christianised 
 it. His corporative-idea, profound in its simplicity, was 
 passed on by him to assist the progress of the future 
 Church. 
 
 The figure is no less popular when both the in- 
 dividual Christian? and the Church® are spoken of as 
 a temple which is still building, and which, though in- 
 habited by God, requires to be more and more ‘ edified.’ 
 Paul had seen such unfinished temples in his journeys 
 in Jerusalem and Asia Minor.* The temple of Herod 
 was only finished in the sixties of the first century, a 
 short time before its destruction. Like the cathedrals 
 of the Middle Ages, these ancient temples needed the 
 work of one generation after another for their building. 
 This is the explanation of Paul’s favourite thought of 
 
 141 Gor. xii. 12; Col. i. 18, 24; i. 19; Hph. iv. 16; ve2aeom: 
 xii. 4 ff. Cf. on this point the work of Traugott Schmidt mentioned 
 above, p. 141. 
 
 oan Wn Oey ein 7 Pa Re 
 
 SA Cor) ii Ot Eph. ii, 20 ff. ; 2 Cor. vi. 16. 
 
 4When we were in Asia Minor we repeatedly saw in the ex- 
 cavations of ancient temples unfinished stones from those old times, 
 which had not yet received the final strokes of the mason’s hammer. 
 And on a glorious spring morning (April 18th, 1906) as we were being 
 taken by boats to the Turkish steamer across the bay of Panormus, 
 which lies between Miletus and Didyma, we saw in the shallow water 
 along the coast the gigantic capitals of marble columns, which had been 
 waiting two thousand years for the team which was to take the building 
 materials, brought so far by ship, up the hill to their destiny at the 
 Didymaion. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 213 
 
 ‘edification ’—‘ building up,’ which is emphasised par- 
 ticularly in first and second Corinthians. We see the 
 work going forward once more on the site where the 
 new Christian community is being built up :! 
 
 According to the grace of God which was given unto me, as 
 a Wise master builder I laid a foundation; and another buildeth 
 thereon. But let each man take care how he buildeth thereon. 
 For other foundation can no man lay than that which is laid, which 
 is Jesus Christ. But if any man buildeth on the foundation gold, 
 silver, costly stones, wood, hay, reed; each man’s work shall be 
 manifest; for the day? shall declare it, because it is revealed in 
 fire; and the fire shall prove each man’s work of what sort it is. 
 
 There are incapable persons, who, instead of a temple 
 built of fine squared stones, decorated with gold and 
 silver, can only manage to erect light wooden sheds or 
 even miserable huts of straw and reed.‘ Paul, the city- 
 dweller, who may often have seen in his journeys such 
 
 11 Cor. iii. 10-13, cara rv yapw rod Oeod tiv dobeiady por ds copds 
 dpxitéxtwv Oeuediov €Oynka, adAos Se rorxodomel. Exactos dé BAerérw TOs 
 éroixodomet. Oenédiov yap dAdXov ovdcis Svvatat Oeivar Tapa Tov KEtpEvOV, OS 
 éotw “Inoots Xpiotos. i S€ tis eroixodopet emi Tov Oepédvov XpvCtor, 
 dpy’piov, Aiovs Tiytovs, EiAa, x6ptov, KaAdpnv, Exdotov Td épyov Pavepov 
 yevnoetat* 4 yop Hpépa dnAdoe, OTe ev Tupt arroxaimrTeTaL, Kal ExdoTOU TO 
 epyov drotov éoti TO Tip SoKiace.. 
 
 We ought to consider here whether the sentence (v. 11) ‘another 
 foundation can no man lay . . .’ contains a polemical allusion to the 
 Cephas-party at Corinth (1 Cor. i. 12, etc.), who had perhaps raised 
 opposition to Paul by referring to the saying about the foundation 
 applied to Peter, which now stands in Matt. xvi. 18. 
 
 2 The last day. 
 
 3 Otto Eger, Rechtsgeschichtliches zum Neuen Testament, Basel, 
 1919, p. 87 ff., has explained this passage (down to v. 15) wonderfully 
 by means of the customs used in building which have now become 
 known from inscriptions. 
 
 4Such as Herodotus mentions among the inhabitants of Sardis, 
 such as until a few decades ago were to be found amongst the Yuruks 
 on the plains of Ephesus (forschungen in Ephesos verdffentlicht vom 
 
 “Osterreichischen Archaeologischen Institute, Vienna, 1906, vol. 1, 
 p. 12 f.), and such as we ourselves also visited on the banks of the 
 Maeander near the ruins of Magnesia. 
 
214 PAUL 
 
 wretched dwellings reduced to ashes in a moment, does 
 not wish that the churches of Christ should be like 
 them. The solid foundation, the like of which had 
 never been seen, demanded a massive and noble super- 
 structure. 
 
 Nevertheless, Paul was far from formulating a fixed 
 ‘conception of the Church’ which would satisfy a 
 lawyer." The Apostle cannot be called the father of 
 the constitutional Church. His churches were ‘as- 
 semblies’? summoned by God—God’s levy. All of 
 them together are spoken of as the ‘assembly’*® and 
 the single assembly sometimes possessed also ‘house- 
 assemblies,’ * that is smaller fellowship-circles meeting 
 for edification in certain houses. Through all these 
 brotherhoods, larger or smaller, breathes the Spirit, 
 perceptible in the wondrous effects produced, and be- 
 stowing on every brother the special grace (charisma) 
 that the assembly needs. First Corinthians is the 
 classical evidence for this charismatic age before the 
 days of the Church.° 
 
 The modest beginnings of an external organisation 
 were suggested by the needs themselves, but could also 
 be adopted from the various forms of organisation of 
 associations which existed in antiquity, in particular 
 from the synagogues amongst the Jews and from the 
 religious clubs of the surrounding heathen world.® 
 
 *The very valuable study of Karl Holl, Der Kirchenbegriff des 
 Paulus in seinem Verhdltnis zu dem der Urgemeinde, Sitzungsberichte 
 der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1921, p. 920 ff. (cf. 
 above, p. 122, note 3), has not yet convinced me on all points. } 
 
 2 éxxAnolat. 
 
 4 éxxAnoia, 1 Cor, x. 32; xii. 28; Col. i. 18, 24, ete. 
 
 “ Kar otkov éxxAnoia, 1 Cor. xvi. 19; Col. iv. 15; Philem. 2; 
 Rom. xvi. 5. 
 
 °Cf. especially 1 Cor. xii. 27 ff., also Rom. xii. 4 ff. 
 
 ° We are indebted to the work of Georg Heinrici for this valuable 
 analogy. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 215 
 
 These two analogies with their motley variety of offices 
 and names of offices (very clearly illustrated by inscrip- 
 tions) are a sufficient hint that we had better not look 
 to find forms of ‘constitution,’ and names of officers 
 quite uniform in all the Pauline churches. What held 
 together the churches of Paul scattered over the Medi- 
 terranean world was in the last resort, not their ‘ con- 
 stitution, but the personality behind them all, which 
 ‘burned’* with sympathy at their every trouble—the 
 personality of the Apostle. It was his prayer and self- 
 sacrificing manual labour, his messengers, letters and 
 visits, as well as his sharing in the common work of 
 love, which kept the saints together. 
 
 His letters are a witness how wide and how manly 
 his ethical ideal was. They are full of detached moral 
 exhortations. Problems of the day in plenty were 
 settled by this great pastor, always on the basis of the 
 certainty of his fellowship with Christ and always in 
 the light of the Gospel. But we should not attempt to 
 make a Pauline ‘system of ethics’ out of all these 
 scattered sayings, and above all we must avoid the 
 mistake of saying that things which happen not to be 
 mentioned in his letters were ‘beyond his ethical 
 horizon.’ Here again we have to remember that the 
 letters are fragments.” Moreover, Paul is no professed 
 ethical theorist. Like other great spiritual guides, in 
 important questions of ethical principle, he felt no 
 necessity to harmonise his principles with one another: 
 everything comes from God, from Christ, through the 
 Spirit ; yet Paul also believes man is capable of every- 
 thing. Therefore determinists and indeterminists alike 
 
 19 Cor. xi. 29, ris cxavdariLerat, Kal ovk éy@ rupodpat ; 
 
 2On this point, important for critical method, cf. above, pp. 4 ff. 
 and 196 f. 
 
 3 Cf. above, p. 5 f. and p. 207. 
 
216 PAUL 
 
 claim his authority: Paul himself was neither one nor 
 the other ; to him the oar was as valuable as the sail : 
 
 So then, my beloved, even as ye have always obeyed, work 
 out not in my presence only, but now much more in my absence, 
 your own salvation with fear and trembling. For it is God 
 which worketh in you both to will and to work, for His good 
 pleasure. 
 
 Perhaps the greatest thing about this practical 
 ethical ideal is the fact that its energy was in no way 
 paralysed by the mighty hopes that were at work in 
 Paul’s soul. 
 
 The ‘hope in Christ,’* the ‘ hope of Christ,’* which 
 we find in Paul is not a comparatively outlying portion 
 of his ‘system,’ like a section on eschatology which is 
 hurried through at the end of a term’s lectures on 
 dogmatics. Rather it is one of the motive forces of his 
 life in Christ. This could be demonstrated merely from 
 the importance he attaches to the ideas of ‘ testament,’ 
 ‘promise, and ‘inheritance’ which all point to the 
 future. For Paul salvation is not a thing of the past, 
 but of the present and future. 
 
 To elaborate Paul’s hope systematically as ‘escha- 
 tology’ is to deprive it of its perennial freshness and 
 does not in the end enable one to reconstruct a uniform 
 
 1 Phil. ii. 12, 13, dcre, dyamrnrol pov, kabws mavtote trynKovcarTe, pH 
 as é TH mapovoia pov povov GAA viv TOAA@ padXov év TH Gzrovoia pov, 
 peta. PbBov Kal tTpdpov THY EavTdv cwrypiav KaTepydlecbe. Geos yap éorw 
 5 évepyav &v tyiv Kal 7d Oédew Kal 76 evepyetv trép THs evdoxias. The 
 difficult izép rhs eidoxias stands, probably like the frequent formula 
 of Egyptian inscriptions of the Imperial period from Tehnéh, tzép 
 ebxapiorias, indicating that the offering has been made as an expression 
 of ‘thanks’ to the gods (see Annales du Service des Antiquités, 1905, 
 p. 150 ff). 
 
 21 Cor. xv. 19, év Xpior@ HAruKOTes. 
 
 31 Thess. i. 3, 7 éAmis rod Kupiov Huav “Inootd Xpiorod. Cf. on this 
 point, M. Dibelius in Lietzmanns Handbuch, iii., 2 (1911), p. 3, and O. 
 Schmitz, Die Christus gemeinschaft, p. 140 ff. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 217 
 
 system from the fragmentary statements in the letters, 
 for they are strongly influenced by the writer's mood 
 and point in different directions.1 Paul himself said of 
 the hope that it must not be confused with sight,’ and 
 although his own hope reaches a high degree of personal 
 certainty (‘we know,’ says Paul when he is hoping’), we 
 see on the whole a marked psychological polarity in 
 his expectation of the future. J am by no means sure 
 that we can assume that instead of this polar relation 
 there was a gradual ‘evolution’ from one extreme to 
 the other. 
 
 The polarity of Paul’s hope of Christ is to be seen 
 in two points. 
 
 Relying implicitly on the prophetic words of Jesus, 
 the Apostle is certain that the ‘coming’* of Christ to 
 complete the Kingdom of God on earth will soon take 
 place—so certain that he himself hopes to witness the 
 coming.’ But alongside this vivid hope, that Christ will 
 come to us, ahope entirely native Jewish in spirit, there 
 is also the more tender longing that we may go to 
 Christ :° 
 
 ‘I have the desire to depart and be with Christ.’ 
 
 This ‘with Christ’” isa higher stage than the ‘in 
 Christ’ which can be experienced here on earth. He 
 who is united ‘with Christ’ ‘face to face’* will have 
 
 1 Cf. above, p. 207. 
 
 2 Rom. viii. 24, édmls 8¢ Breropevyn od« eorw emis. 
 
 3 ofSapev, 2 Cor. v. 1. 
 
 4TIapovcia. For history of the idea of the Parousia see Licht vom 
 Osten, 4th. Ed., p. 314 f. 
 
 51 Thess. iv. 17; 1 Cor. xv. 51 f. 
 
 6 Phil. i. 23, tiv eriOvplav éxwv eis TO dvaddorat Kat ovv XpioT@ civar. 
 
 Totv Xpioro, 1 Thess. iv. 17; v. 10; Phil. i. 23; 2 Cor. xili. 4; 
 Rom. viii. 32; probably also Col. iii. 3. 
 
 > eee \ / 
 8] Cor. xiii. 12, tpdcwrov rpos TPOTwTOV. 
 
218 PAUL 
 
 put off all that is fleshly and will possess a spiritual 
 body,’ similar to Christ’s own body of light.” The 
 Apostle’s hope did not however dogmatically fix the 
 time of this metamorphosis. At one time it tends 
 towards the more Jewish and Pharisaic conviction of ‘ the 
 resurrection ’: the dead will rest for some time in their 
 graves and will be awakened at the parousia of Christ 
 and along with those who are still alive ‘changed’ into 
 the spiritual. At another time his prophetic gaze is 
 more Hellenistic and is-directed towards the immortality 
 of the soul: 
 
 For we know: 
 
 If our earthly tent-house be dissolved, 
 
 We have a building from God, 
 
 A house not made with hands, 
 Eternal in the heavens.* 
 
 Thus in Paul there run side by side Eastern (native- 
 Jewish) and Western (Hellenistic-cosmopolitan) expres- 
 sions of the hope, and the great popular preacher feels 
 no necessity to harmonise them theoretically. The 
 sacred stream which rolls its waters towards eternity 
 shows for a long time the double colouring due to its 
 two tributaries. The artless realism of the popular 
 imagination is shown in the fact that Paul mcorporated 
 in his ‘mystery’® of hope, as something taken for 
 granted, features adopted from the ancient popular 
 expectation of his fathers—the dramatic character of 
 the events expected, the voice of the archangel,° the 
 
 1 gGpa arvevparikov, 1 Cor. xv. 36 ff. 
 
 * Phil. iii. 21, ciupopdov 76 coHparte tHs Sdéys adrod. 
 
 31 Cor. xv. 51 ff. 
 
 42 Cor. v. 1, ot8apev yap dru éav % ériyevos jay oikia Tod oKHvous 
 KatavO7, oikodopnvy ék Oeod exopev, oikiav dxeipoTointov aidviov év Tots 
 ovpavots. (See above, p. 60.) . 
 
 51 Cor. xv. 51, dod pvorypiov tpty rEyo. 
 
 61 Thess. iv. 16. 
 
PAUL THE CHRISTIAN 219 
 
 trumpet-blast,! the ‘descent’? of Christ from heaven 
 and the ascent of the faithful ‘into the air,’ ‘to the 
 clouds,’ ‘to meet the Lord,’* and the fiery glow of the 
 last judgment lighting up the whole picture.* 
 
 / The effectual certainties in it all are these: the Last 
 Judgment by Christ® and His saints,’ the annihilation 
 of all the Satanic and demonic powers hostile to God,’ 
 the conquest of the last enemy, thanatos* (death), the 
 reign of Christ,’ the salvation already experienced on 
 earth ‘in Christ,’ finally completed ‘with Christ,’ that 
 is to say, in personal fellowship face to face,” and at 
 last the giving up of the Kingdom by the Son to the 
 Father", But at the remotest distance of the horizon 
 swept by the Apostle’s prophetic vision we still see the 
 glory of the unfathomable, immeasurable certainty :” 
 
 God is all in all. 
 
 The eye that was privileged to take this last look 
 was not blinded by the lightning” of the day of the 
 Lord. Paul for himself drew many practical inferences 
 from the nearness of the end of the world (e.g. that it 
 was better for him not to marry), but his longing in 
 Christ for the new world, though enthusiastic and. 
 ardent to an extent that makes the comfortable paper 
 eschatology of our dogmatic shrivel up to nothing in 
 
 11 Thess. iv. 16; 1 Cor. xv. 22. 
 21 Thess. iv. 16, xatraByoerar dm ovpavov. 
 31 Thess. iv. 17, dpraynodpcba ev vedédais «is aravrnaw Tov Kupiov 
 
 eis dépa. 
 49 Thess. i. 8; 1 Cor. iii. 13 ff. 
 59 Cor. v. 10, ete. 61 Cor. vi. 2 f. 
 71 Cor. xv. 24 f. 81 Cor. xv. 26. 
 91 Cor. xv. 25, etc. 10 Cf, above, p. 217. 
 
 111 Cor. xv. 24, 28. 
 
 121 Cor. xv. 28, 6 Ocds Ta mavta év TacW. 
 13 Matt. xxiv. 27 (Lk. xvii. 24). 
 
 14] Cor. vii. 7, 8, 26. 
 
220 PAUL 
 
 comparison, did not degenerate into an unhealthy and 
 barren chiliasm or quietism. On the contrary, it set 
 free moral forces to act on this passing! world. Cer- 
 tainly without the hope of Christ Paul would not have 
 become famous in history as the man of action, the 
 Apostle of Christ. 
 
 11 Cor. vii. 31,\rapaye: yap 76 cyjpa Tod Kdcpov TovTOV. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 
 
a i 
 
 ~~ & 
 
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 ue 
 as ae | 
 
 
 
CHAPTER X 
 PAUL THE APOSTLE 
 
 Born in the borderland between the Hellenistic and 
 Semitic world, on one of the great international roads 
 connecting East and West, Saul, the Semitic-Hellenist, 
 who was also called Paul, felt a vast compelling impulse 
 to traverse the world from East to West: 
 
 Necessity is laid upon me; yea, woe is me if I preach not the 
 gospel.! 
 From Jerusalem and round about even unto Illyricum I have 
 fully preached the gospel of Christ.? 
 I must also see Rome.? 
 Whensoever I go unto Spain.* 
 
 The sick man buffeted by the messenger of Satan,° 
 spent almost a generation in travelling.© The Jew, who 
 came from Cilicia, Jerusalem, and Syria to Ephesus and 
 Corinth, looked towards Rome and beyond Rome longly 
 towards the end of the world, to Spain.’ The mystic, 
 filled with the Spirit, who, on the coast of Asia Minor, 
 heard in a vision the voice of the West :° 
 
 Come over and help us, 
 
 11 Cor, ix. 16, dvayxn ydp pot érixertar oval yap pot éotw, dv py 
 evayyeAtCwpar. 
 
 2 Rom. xv. 19. 
 
 8 Acts xix. 21, det pe cat ‘Pony idetv. 
 
 4Rom. xv. 24. 
 
 CG i ap ah ay & 
 
 62 Cor. xi. 26. 
 
 7 Rom. xv. 22 ff. 
 
 8 Acts xvi. 9, duaBas . . . BonOnoov npyiv. 
 
 (223) 
 
224 PAUL 
 
 is a man whose practical performance is almost un- 
 paralleled :* 
 I have laboured more abundantly than they all. 
 
 He who with prophetic vision saw the coming of 
 Christ and the new Heaven and the new Earth, had, in 
 preparing for the coming of the new world, spread over 
 the old a network of organisation which was destined 
 to prove effective in the history of the world for 
 thousands of years. 
 
 It was as a missionary that Paul had the most 
 definite influence upon subsequent history.’ 
 
 This does not mean, of course, that the world con- 
 temporary with him observed, or had the remotest con- 
 ception of the mighty influence vouchsafed to the work 
 of his life. His own age saw nothing remarkable in the 
 travelling tent-maker.* To the Roman official, before 
 whose tribunal he was brought by the denunciation of 
 malicious adversaries, he was an obscure Jew, or per- 
 haps a mad enthusiast.* 
 
 No doubt occasionally, as in Cyprus,’ Paul made an 
 impression even on a distinguished Roman, and by the 
 power of his personality he often had great influence 
 over simple people. In the interior of Asia Minor he 
 was once taken for the god Hermes,° another time the 
 
 11 Cor. xv. 10, wepicodrepov aitév ravtwy éxoriacga. This statement 
 can be taken literally and established by statistics. The map shows 
 about twenty places where Christianity was established by the primi- 
 tive Apostles to thirty where it was established by Paul. 
 
 2Further on the subject of the following paragraphs, cf. the ex- 
 cellent studies of Paul Wernle, Paulus als Heidenmissionar, 2nd Kd., 
 Tibingen, 1909, and of Georg Heinrici, Paulus als Seelsorger, Gross- 
 Lichterfelde, 1910, but most of all those profound works, the fruit of 
 the authors’ own work in the mission-field, J. Warneck’s Paulus im 
 Inchte der heutigen Hetdenmission, 2nd Hd., Berlin, 1914, and Albrecht 
 Oepke’s Die Missionspredigt des Apostels Paulus, Leipzig, 1920. 
 
 3 Cf. above, p. 06 and p. 74. 4 Acts xxvi. 24. 
 
 5 Acts xiii, 12. 6 Acts xiv. 12. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 225 
 
 Anatolians received him as an angel of God, even as 
 Jesus Christ Himself! So, too, the natives of the 
 island of Malta, who had at first suspected the prisoner 
 Paul to be a murderer, afterwards, when they saw him 
 throw into the fire the poisonous snake that hung on his 
 hand, were ready to pronounce him a god.” And before 
 that, in the terrible storm which ended in the shipwreck 
 at Malta, Paul was the only person amongst the 276 
 people on board the Alexandrian corn-ship who kept 
 his self-possession and by his exhortation saved the 
 others from despair.’ 
 
 But on the whole, the leading men of his time, 
 especially the literary leaders, took no notice of the 
 traveller, and when he did on occasion, as in Athens, 
 come into contact with philosophers they either put him 
 off with the phrases of the worldly wise * or abused him ° 
 and regarded him as a ridiculous personage :° 
 
 What has this miserable babbler to say ? 
 
 Paul himself felt the distance that separated him 
 from the leading men of letters. Not from any feeling 
 of weakness, but with a strong consciousness of superi- 
 ority, he speaks of himself as a layman and a person 
 
 1 Gal. iv. 14. 2 Acts xxviii. 3-6. 
 
 3 Acts xxvii. 33 ff. This scene has a remarkable parallel in an 
 experience of Goethe’s in May, 1787, at Capri, on the journey back 
 from Messina: in a calm his ship came into a sea-current and was 
 threatened with destruction on the rocks of the coast. Then the 
 worldling encouraged the despairing passengers to pray to the Mother 
 of God. But the strength and naiveté (and in religion that means 
 
 everything) was on the side of the apostolic voyager on the Mediter- 
 ranean. Of. also the experience of Albrecht Direr in December, 1520, 
 at Arnemuiden (Armuyden) given on p. 71 f. of the book mentioned 
 above, p. 9, note. The Goethe parallel has now been used by Edward 
 Meyer in Ursprung und Anfénge des Christentums, ili. (1923), p. 39. 
 4 Thid. 5 Acts xvil. 32. 
 6 Acts xvii, 18, 7é dv Oéd0 5 omeppoddyos bros AEyew ; 
 
 15 
 
226 PAUL 
 
 unknown.’ To the world at large Paul, the missionary, 
 was just one of the many travelling speakers who then 
 went up and down in the world in the service of some 
 philosophical or religious idea : * 
 
 A setter forth of strange demons.® 
 
 We know something of the popular preacher of 
 philosophy who gathered an audience about him from 
 the people of the great cities. In particular the dis- 
 ciples of the Stoa and of the Cynic philosophies were 
 energetic in itinerant propaganda. 
 
 But there was also no lack of religious emissaries. 
 The age of Paul was an age of missions and that not 
 simply on account of his work, but also through the 
 great migration of heathen deities, which transplanted 
 eastern cults into the West and North and Greco- 
 Roman cults into the East. 
 
 We have important proofs of missionary work 
 before Paul in the immediate surroundings of Paul 
 himself. On the one hand, Judaism in general, and 
 especially the Pharisees, made propaganda for their 
 cause. Jesus said in His controversial utterances 
 against the Pharisees : * 
 
 Ye compass sea and land to make one proselyte. 
 
 Thus the very tendency in Judaism to which Paul 
 as a young man gave his adhesion had already given 
 practical effect to the impulse of expansion and that 
 gloriously living language of Romans® reflects the 
 Jewish feeling of religious superiority, which was 
 psychologically the basis of the missionary impulse. 
 
 1Cf. above, p. 75. 
 
 2Cf. on this point E. von Dobschiitz, Die Thessalonicher-Briefe 
 (Meyer X"), Gottingen, 1909, p. 2 ff. 
 
 3 Acts xvii. 18, f€vwv dapoviwv Katayyedevs. 
 
 4Matt, xxiii. 15, wepudyere tov Oddacoav Kai THY Enpdv Tovnoas Eva 
 
 TpoonAvtov. 
 
 Rom. ii. 19f. Cf. above, p. 93 f. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 227 
 
 On the other hand, we find at the time of Paul’s 
 mission in Ephesus a church of twelve Baptists.! 
 These Ephesian disciples of John the Baptist surely 
 suggest the conclusion that there had been some sort of 
 Baptist propaganda. 
 
 The whole contemporary religious world was thus in 
 a state of vigorous movement even before Paul, and 
 the roads on which Paul the missionary travelled were 
 also trodden by the emissaries of Isis and Serapis,’ of 
 the God of the Jews and of the Great Mother of 
 Phrygia. 
 
 Yet it would surely be impossible to mention any 
 other missionary of that period whose journeys can 
 have led him so far as did Paul’s. Paul’s journeys are 
 lines drawn from the most important city centres of 
 culture in the East to the most important centres of 
 commerce in the West. Any one who, with the map of 
 the Roman Empire before him, merely hears the names 
 of Paul’s stopping-places, will be bound to wonder at 
 the world-wide extent of his field of work. Tarsus, 
 Jerusalem, Damascus, Antioch, Cyprus, Iconium, 
 Galatia, Phrygia, Ephesus, Troas, Philippi, ‘Thes- 
 salonica, Athens, Corinth, Illyricum, Rome, perhaps 
 also Crete and Spain—the sower who ploughed the 
 furrows and scattered the seed over this area deserves 
 to have the words of the Master applied to him : 
 
 The field is the world. # 
 
 The cosmopolitan cities were especially his sphere 
 of work. Paul the city-dweller evangelised in the 
 ereat cities. Therefore churches dedicated to St. Paul 
 ought not to be built ‘before the walls,’ but in the 
 
 1 Acts xix. 1 ff. 
 
 20f. Zoilos the servant of Serapis and his propaganda, above, 
 p. 12. 
 
 3 Matt. xiii. 38. 
 
228 | PAUL 
 
 forum ; where in an ancient city stood the temple of 
 Hermes,! the god whom the people of Lystra took 
 Paul to be. Amid the bustle and hurry of labour, 
 there where the waves of the human sea roar and 
 break, while high in the air the wire of the talking 
 giant-city vibrate as they link up church tower with 
 hospital, market hall and Parliament, it is right that 
 to-day there should be pulpits in churches of St. Paul 
 from which the Crucified is preached. 
 
 The maps of the Roman Empire, being generally on 
 a small scale, can only indicate the most important 
 places. Almost without exception the places connected 
 with Paul are such as are marked on even the smallest 
 map. Names of villages and small towns such as 
 appear out of the mists of oblivion in the Gospel 
 records and cause such terrible annoyance to the 
 philosophical writers, who at the present day en- 
 deavour to prove that Jesus was a myth and never 
 lived, because their names never occur in the Talmud 
 or in Tacitus, are almost completely absent from the 
 records of Paul. The Market of Appius and the Three 
 Taverns* are only mentioned as stations on the road 
 from Puteoli to Rome. 
 
 It is only another way of expressing the same 
 observation when I add that, since the modernisation 
 of the means of communication in the Mediterranean 
 world almost all the important places visited by Paul 
 can be reached either by steamer or railway or by 
 both means of communication. Disregarding those 
 which the Apostle merely touched in passing, the 
 following places connected with Paul are to-day on the 
 railway: Tarsus, Jerusalem, Damascus and ‘ Arabia,’ 
 Iconium (Konieh), Phrygia, Galatia, Ephesus (Ayaso- 
 
 1 Vitruvius i. 7, Mercurio autem in foro. 
 
 2 Acts xiv. 12. 
 ’ Appii Forum and the Three Taverns (A.V.), Acts xxviii. 15. 
 
 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 229 
 
 luk), Laodicea (Gonjeli) with Colossee and Hierapolis, 
 Beroea (Verria), Rome. We find ports for steamers 
 in Cyprus, Ake Ptolemais, Neapolis in Macedonia 
 (Kavala), Nicopolis (Paleo-Prevesa), Crete, Malta. 
 There are approaches by both rail and steamer to 
 Thessalonica (Salonika), Athens-Pirzeus and Corinth. 
 The only place of first-rate importance in Paul’s life 
 which is still wanting on these lists is Antioch on the 
 Orontes; but without doubt this ancient centre will 
 also soon be linked up with the modern lines of com- 
 munication. 
 
 Of course the European companies who invested 
 their capital in these means of communication, did not 
 speculate on the few scholars who might wish to follow 
 the footsteps of Paul, but steamer lines and railways 
 have to obey the geographical conditions which deter- 
 mine the lines of communication, and these are essenti- 
 ally the same as they were when the ancient routes by 
 water and land accommodated themselves to them. 
 
 In looking at the evangelist of the great ancient 
 cities, one thing alone seems peculiar, that Paul should — 
 never have gone to Egypt, especially to Alexandria the 
 international head-quarters of the Jews of the Dis- 
 persion. Apart from voyages in Alexandrian ships ‘— | 
 one of which bore the name ‘The Dioscuri’’—the 
 only connection of which we know between Paul 
 and Alexandria is very indirect. The Alexandrian, 
 Apollus, after Paul had left Corinth, worked in the 
 church there,? and Paul thankfully recognised this 
 work as the continuation of his own gardener’s work 
 there.* 
 
 I have no perfectly clear explanation to offer why 
 Paul, who was once taken for an Egyptian,’ did not go 
 
 1 Acts xxvii. 6; xxviii. 11. 2 Acts xxviii. J1. 
 3 Acts xix. 1. 41 Cor. iii. 6. 5 Acts xxi. 38. 
 
230 PAUL 
 
 as a missionary to Egypt. Did he regard Alexandria— 
 which would have been ‘Egypt’ to him just as in the 
 main Corinth with its environs was ‘Achaia’? and 
 Ephesus with its environs was ‘ Asia’*—did he regard 
 Alexandria on account of its enormous Jewish popula- 
 tion, as belonging not to Gentile countries, but to the 
 ‘circumcision, * and thus as Peter’s mission field ?* 
 He is jealously concerned that every missionary should 
 have his own province and not go beyond it,’ and in 
 particular he had no doubt faithfully kept to his com- 
 pact with the ‘pillar apostles.’° Or had other Christian 
 missionaries already been in Egypt at an early date ? 
 Unfortunately we are quite in the dark about the 
 beginnings of Egyptian Christianity. 
 
 The most probable answer seems to me to be as 
 follows: The Jewish persecutions in Alexandria’ 
 which broke out and culminated in a bloody pogrom 
 in the year 38, just at the time when Paul’s missionary 
 work was beginning, made a mission in Egypt to begin 
 with an actual impossibility * and drove Paul towards 
 
 19 Cor. ix. 2, ete. 2Rom. xvi. 5. 
 3 Gal. ii. 9. 4 Tohid. 
 62 Cor. x, Lowes Om Xk Venue 6 Gal. ii. 9. 
 
 7Cf. on this point Schiirer, Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes, i., 
 3rd and 4th Hd. (1901), p. 495 ff; A. von Premerstein, Zu den 
 sogenannten alexandrinischen Mdrtyrerakten, Philologus, Additional 
 Volume 16, Part II. (1923), pp. 4 f. and 11 f.; and H. I. Bell on 
 p- 16 ff. of the work mentioned in the next note. 
 
 8This guess has now risen to be a certainty tome. The newly 
 discovered letters of the Emperor Claudius to the Alexandrians 
 (A.D. 41), London, Papyrus No. 1912, 96 f. (published by H. Idris 
 Bell in Jews and Christians in Egypt, London (1924), p. 25, contains 
 a direct warning to the Alexandrian Jews, that they were not to ally 
 with themselves or welcome Jews who came from Syria or Egypt (unde 
 éerdyeo Oat ) tpoceleo Oar ard Supias 7 Aiyir(r)ov KatarAéovras “Iovdaious). 
 This is equivalent to an imperial prohibition of the entry of Syrian 
 Jews. That it still seemed necessary in the year 4.D. 41, shows how 
 long the dangerous situation in Egypt lasted. Thus Paul had no 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 231 
 
 the North and West, even if he had intended to do 
 missionary work in the South. Later on, when Egypt 
 was again quiet, no doubt other persons’ evangelised 
 there. 
 
 But even without Egypt Paul’s sphere of work is of 
 unparalleled extent. 
 
 What was it that drove this man out into the 
 world @ 
 
 The experience at Damascus was fundamental for 
 Paul, as a missionary, as for much else. ‘The con- 
 version was not only the transformation of an enemy of 
 Christ into a friend of Christ but also the transforma- 
 tion of an apostle of Pharisaic-Judaism * into an apostle 
 of Christ. It was the revulsion not only of a religious 
 consciousness, but also of a special consciousness of a 
 mission, whose content is reflected in the proud words 
 of the Epistle to the Romans to which reference has 
 been already made.* Paul himself confided to the 
 Galatians‘ that Damascus had this double meaning for 
 him: the revelation of the living Christ within him, and 
 the obligation to preach that Christ as a gospel to the 
 nations. 
 
 Elsewhere too we have numerous proofs of his 
 powerful consciousness of a mission. His language 
 
 ‘open door’ (1 Cor. xvi. 9; 2 Cor. ii. 12 [Col. iv. 3]). v. Premerstein, 
 p. 6 f., furthermore thinks that already at that time a passport (which 
 was called the émdéaroAos!) was required for the outward journey from 
 Alexandria to the sea. Intercourse with Alexandria was in other ways 
 also made difficult for a private person. ; 
 
 11 may be concluded from 1 Cor. ix. 6, that Barnabas continued 
 to work as a missionary till the middle of the fifties. The later tra- 
 dition in the Clementine Homilies makes Barnabas go to Alexandria. 
 Apart from that as a missionary to the heathen he had not much 
 ‘place’ (Rom. xv. 23). 
 
 2 Cf. above, p. 128 ff. 
 
 3 Rom. ii. 19, 20; cf. above, p. 93 f. and p. 226 f. 
 
 4Gal. i. 16; cf. Eph. iii. 1-7; 1 Tim.i. 11. 
 
232 PAUL 
 
 becomes solemn with the tone of a religious cult when 
 he speaks of his mission. He is the ‘slave’ who works 
 in the service of his Master. He is, because of grace 
 given to him, 
 
 a minister of Christ Jesus to the Gentiles, ministering the 
 
 Gospel of God, that the offering up of the Gentiles might be made 
 acceptable.? 
 
 He is one of the evangelists of good things foreseen 
 by the prophet whose footsteps are beautiful ;* he is a 
 ‘herald and apostle, a teacher of the Gentiles.’* He 
 can even say : 
 
 We are ambassadors therefore on behalf of Christ, 
 As though God were intreating by us: | 
 We beseech you on behalf of Christ, 
 
 Be ye reconciled to God.° 
 
 Against opponents who attacked his mission he especi- 
 ally defended himself as an apostle who was in no wise 
 behind the others.° Even the remorseful thought that 
 he was ‘the least of the apostles,’ ‘not worthy to be 
 called an apostle,’ because he persecuted the church of 
 God,’ could be overcome by the certainty : ° 
 
 By the grace of God I am what I am. 
 
 11 Cor. iv. 1; ix.17; Col. i. 23% 2 Cor. y. 18; vi04: Bom. aedeenes 
 
 “Rom. xv. 15 £,, dia rv xdpw rv Sobcicdy por dard Tod Ge08, cis 7d 
 civat pe Aetroupyov Xpictod ‘Incod cis rd Ovy, tepovpyodvra 75 evayyéhwov 
 Tod Geod, wa yévntar 7 tpoopopa Tov ébvaev edrpdabeKTos. 
 
 * Rom, x. 15 (UXX, Isa. lii. 7), ds dpator of rédes rv edaryyeAcLopévew 
 Ta ayaba, 
 
 *1 Tim. ii. 7, éya «ppv cat dardéatodos . . . diddoKados ebvav. Of. 
 Aylin sill’ 
 
 °2 Cor. v. 20, ixép Xpicrod oty rperBevomev, ds TOD Oeod wapaKxadodv- 
 Tos Ov nudv. dedpeba brép Xpiorod KataA\dynre TO O6. 
 
 ° specially in Galatians and second Corinthians. 
 
 "1 Cor. xv. 9, ey yap eis 6 €tdyuotos tov drooTdAwr, bs ovK eit 
 ixavos KadetoOar drdatodos, didte ediwka THV éxkAnaiav TOD Oeod. 
 
 © 1 Cor. xv. 10, xdpure 8 Oeod eiul 6 ctu. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 233 
 
 Most moving of all are those words to the Corinth- 
 
 lans :* 
 Necessity is laid upon me! 
 Woe is unto me if I preach not the Gospel. 
 
 The Apostle’s consciousness of his mission is strength- 
 ened by his hope of the end ; the time is short,’ salvation 
 is at the door ;* now is the time to prepare the world 
 for the new state of things. 
 
 Nevertheless the ‘debtor both to Greeks and to 
 Barbarians, both to the wise and to the foolish ’* 
 occasionally confesses that he entered a new field of 
 work with anxiety: 
 
 And I was with you in weakness, and in fear, and in much 
 trembling.® 
 
 And what depth of feeling there is in the picture con- 
 jured up by the words 
 
 At Athens alone.® 
 
 So that even Paul’s consciousness of his mission had 
 its ebb and flow. 
 
 By combining the occasional references in Paul’s 
 letters with the narrative in the Acts we can gain a very 
 incomplete,” but in the main trustworthy picture of 
 Paul’s missionary labours. Some of the gaps can be 
 filled up from the material for social history furnished by 
 the world of his day, and if we travel in Paul’s footsteps 
 to-day we find that in some things this remains still 
 
 11 Cor. ix. 16; cf. above, p. 223. 
 
 BIRUOr AVI 29, 3 Rom, xiii. 11 f. 
 
 4Rom. i, 14, "EAAnow te cat BapBapo.s, copots te Kal dvonros ddet- 
 Nerys cipi. 
 
 °1 Cor. ii. 3, Kayo év dobeveia kat &v PdBw Kal év Tpduw TONG eye- 
 VOUNV pos buas. 
 
 61 Thess. iii. 1, ev “A@jvaus povor. 
 
 7Cf. especially the references in 2 Cor. xi. 23-33 for only a small 
 part of which we have other evidence. 
 
234 PAUL 
 
 unchanged. Even the apocryphal Acts of Apostles, 
 though often valueless as history, give us material for 
 social history, illustrating the manner of travelling and 
 its difficulties, adventures on the road and at inns—in 
 short, the light and atmosphere of the ancient East. 
 For example, the excellent Acts of John portray in a 
 direct and vivid manner the wandering life of a primitive 
 Christian missionary, and enable the modern traveller, 
 if he possesses a sense of humour, to smile even at the 
 discomforts of the worst night-quarters. 
 
 Our knowledge of the Apostle’s sea voyages is 
 especially imperfect. The Gospel which first sounded 
 forth on the sunny sea of Gennesareth for fishermen 
 and boatmen, continued to love the rhythm of oars and 
 the wind-filled sail. And where at other times the rude 
 religion of seamen had confided in Asclepius and Serapis 
 or even in the God of Abraham,' now the youthful 
 Christ the Lord made hearts strong in the midst of the 
 howling storms of the Mediterranean,’ and called for 
 the fervent blessing on the hard ship’s bread.’ Paul 
 must often have been on the sea; even before his last 
 voyage to Jerusalem * he was able to look back on three 
 shipwrecks, of which we have no knowledge from other 
 sources. Of so much the more value to us is the one 
 picture of the voyage to Rome in the two last chapters 
 of Acts. With its lively description of what is purely 
 nautical and the wonderful adventures of the ship- 
 wrecked party it is a little apostolic Odyssey, only it is 
 
 1Cf. for instance the fine inscriptions put up by sailors in the 
 ‘Harbour of Letters’ on the island of Syros, beginning with the 
 Imperial period (Inscriptiones Grecae, xii., 5, No. 712). The heathen 
 inscriptions are followed by Jewish and finally by Christian, a unique 
 exhibition of the continuity of ancient religious feeling in the Mediter- 
 ranean. On Serapis as a rescuer from perils of the sea, cf. also the 
 letter of Apion, a soldier in the marine service, Licht vom Osten, 
 4th Ed., p. 145 ff. 
 
 * Acts xxvii. 21 ff. 3 Acts xxvil. 30. 42 Cor. xi. 25. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 235 
 
 certainly no fiction but the product of real experiences 
 in the soul of a man of the ancient world, a companion 
 of Paul, and for that reason a unique document for the 
 social history of the Roman imperial period. 
 
 In describing the experiences of Paul, the missionary, 
 on land the writer of the Acts of the Apostles also 
 shows a happy and as arule trustworthy touch, although 
 he is less fond of a sober white light than of the play of the 
 seven colours. The popular tumult in the theatre at 
 Ephesus,’ the events connected with the arrest of Paul at 
 Jerusalem,” these and other scenes, in which the crowd 
 was roused to blood-thirsty passions, are set forth in sharp 
 relief when we view them in the light of present-day 
 religious conditions in the Orient. The same fanaticism 
 what once made Paul a persecutor, and afterwards 
 caused him to be stoned himself,? has smouldered on 
 there till to-day and breaks out again and again in 
 bloody massacres. 
 
 The financial basis of the missionary journeys was 
 the simplest imaginable. Paul had few wants, and the 
 Master’s divinely plain words of instruction concerning 
 the equipment of His messengers* were doubtless not 
 unknown to him. 
 
 Probably he travelled as a rule on foot ;° only once 
 
 1 Acts xix. 23 ff. 2 Acts xxi. 27 ff. 
 
 3 Acts xiv. 19; 2 Cor. xi. 25. 
 
 4 Mark vi. 8 ff. and parallels, cf. note 5 below, and as contrast the 
 caravans of the beggar-apostles of the Syrian goddess, Licht vom Osten., 
 4th Ed., p. 87. 
 
 5 Only once indeed, Acts xx. 18, is it expressly mentioned, cf. 
 below, p. 237. But also it is the natural thing, especially in the light 
 of the words of Jesus at the sending out of the twelve. His command 
 (Matt. x. 14, cf. Lk. ix. 5; x. 11), which Paul and Barnabas literally 
 followed after their banishment from Pisidian Antioch (Acts xiii. 51), 
 presupposes that the Apostles went on foot, similarly that they went 
 staff in hand (though the testimony for this is uncertain, Mark vi, 8, 
 against it Matt. x. 10 and Lk. ix. 3). Gregory, the well-remembered, 
 
236 PAUL 
 
 do our authorities tell us that he rode, namely, when he 
 was taken from Jerusalem to Caesarea on the sea-coast.* 
 The painters who were fond of giving an aristocratic air 
 to primitive Christianity have given Paul—mistakenly 
 I think—a proud steed in the Damascus scene,” just as 
 on Mar’s Hill they delight to depict him clothed in 
 classical drapery—as though that were necessary. The 
 real Paul had the simple coat and the rough sandals of 
 the pedestrian ; if he needed an inn, no roomy caravan- 
 sary had to open its doors for his hungry saddle horses ; 
 the simplest shelter sufficed, and the wearied traveller 
 was thankful if hospitable hands were ready to wash 
 his dusty feet.* He seems even to have preferred going 
 on foot to travelling by sea: on his last journey to 
 Jerusalem he left the ship at (Alexandria) Troas and 
 went on foot to Assos where his travelling companions 
 then welcomed him on board ship again.* His luggage 
 would be of the smallest ; once indeed he left with a 
 friend Carpus at (Alexandria) Troas, not only his Bible- 
 rolls and papers, but also the cloak, which is often so 
 necessary even for summer nights in Anatolia.’ 
 
 He travelled also without any family. While other 
 Apostles, including the brothers of Jesus and Peter, 
 were accompanied on these journeys by their wives,’ 
 Paul for his own part, without wishing to impose a 
 
 travelled in thoroughly apostolic style (cf. above, p. 29, note 1), as most 
 visitors to Bible lands have done. | 
 
 1 Acts xxi. 24, 31 f. 
 
 2The words of the Acts point directly against this. While the 
 ring of the horse’s hoof sounds through the whole (aristocratic) O.T., 
 there are no horses in the N.T. (with the exception of the Roman 
 escort of Paul, Acts xxiii. 23, 32, and the common-place reference in 
 James iii. 3), but those in the visions of the Revelation of John. Jesus 
 rode on an ass. On this subject cf. 8. Krauss, Revue des études 
 juives, 63 (1912), p. 67 f£.; correct and incorrect in Origen, cf. von 
 Harnack, Texte und Untersuchungen, 42-3, p. 49. 
 
 Simian. * Acts xx. 18, 14. 
 
 6.2) Tim, iy: 13. 6/1 Gor, 1x20. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 237 
 
 prohibition on others, renounced marriage,’ no doubt to 
 some extent under the influence of his hopes of the end 
 of the world. Moreover, he abstained of his own free 
 will from exercising a right that was by others generally 
 admitted * and was backed by the authoritative words 
 of Jesus,* the right of a missionary to be supported by 
 the churches.’ 
 
 What he needed he earned by his own work as 
 journeyman tent-maker. He was the first artisan 
 missionary, and was proud of his independence : 
 
 It were good for me rather to die, than that any man should 
 
 make my glorying void.® 
 
 His churches were poor, and he would not be a burden 
 to them.’ He retorts with cuttingly sharp sarcasm 
 when his opponents accuse him of basely seeking his 
 own advantage.* Only from those who were very near 
 to him did he, making an exception to his rule, receive 
 charitable gifts.° 
 
 It was through his handicraft, too, that he occasion- 
 ally gained his first acquaintanceship and perhaps lodging 
 in a strange city. His association at Corinth, and after- 
 wards at Ephesus, with the family of Aquila and 
 Priscilla, tent-makers, is typical.’ These two apostolic 
 Christians, widely travelled like himself, were of the 
 greatest possible service to Paul, the missionary ; they 
 once rescued him from a most desperate situation at the 
 risk of their own lives.” 
 
 PMOL vil, 3: 21 Cor. vii. 26; cf. above, p. 219. 
 > 1 Gore ix: 4: ff. 4 Matt, x. 10; Lk. x. 7; also 1 Cor. ix, 14 
 See Gorsik. LO, 6 Ibid. 
 
 71 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Cor. xi. 9, ete. 
 
 89 Cor. xi. 7 ff.; xii. 13 ff.; cf. above, p. 68 ff 
 
 Eevee LOL. 18: 2 Cor. xi. 9. 
 
 10 Acts xviii. 2; cf. below in Appendix I. 
 
 11 Rom. xvi. 3 f., cf. on this point, Licht vom Osten., 4th Hd., 
 p. 94 £ 
 
238 PAUL 
 
 From the house in which he found lodging, Paul no 
 doubt as a rule’ went on the Sabbath to the synagogue 
 in order to effect something by the spoken word. The 
 Acts of the Apostles, which reports many such visits 
 to the synagogue,’ is here certainly not incredible. If 
 Paul had not worked within the organisation of the 
 synagogue, how otherwise could the frequent punish- 
 ments* be explained which he suffered at the hands 
 of the synagogue authorities ? 
 
 In the synagogue Paul found the Septuagint and 
 people who were under the influence of the religion of 
 the Septuagint, Jews, Gentiles and proselytes. The 
 ‘Gentiles’ whom Paul won over, came no doubt largely 
 from those circles who were already under Jewish 
 influence, from the proselytes or half-proselytes. The 
 alternative which has often been formulated in con- 
 nection with the question of the composition of his 
 churches: ‘Jewish Christians or Gentile Christians,’ 
 is too narrow. ‘There were also Gentile Jewish Chris- 
 tians who had been originally Gentiles, then became 
 Jews and finally Christians. 
 
 But it was not only in the synagogue that Paul 
 sought for converts. In the streets; in the market- 
 place,* in the lecture halls, for example ‘in the school 
 of Tyrannus’ at Ephesus,’ and even in prison, ‘in bonds,’ 
 he on occasion did successful mission work : ° 
 
 The word of God is not bound.’ 
 
 1 Acts xvii. 2, ‘as his custom was.’ 
 
 2 Acts xiii. 5 (Salamis in Cyprus), 14 (Antioch in Pisidia); xiv. 1 
 (Iconium); xvii. 2 (Thessalonica), 10 (Beroea), 17 (Athens); xviii. 4 
 (Corinth), 19 (Ephesus) ; xix. 8 (Ephesus). 
 
 32 Cor. xi. 24; cf. above, p. 61 f. 
 
 4 Acts xvii. 17. 
 
 5 Acts xix. 9, év tH cxoAH Tupavvov. 
 
 6 Philem. 10; Phil. i. 12 f.; cf. Acts xvi. 33; and above, p. 19, 
 
 72 Tim. ii. 9, 6 Adyos Tod Geod od déderar. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 239 
 
 In quiet times he was naturally also at people’s 
 disposal in his dwelling,’ and he must often enough 
 have been pressed by business and surrounded with 
 visitors.” Where he worked for any length of time the 
 news quickly got about that the preacher of the Gospel 
 could work miracles: cloths which he had touched 
 were credited with the power of healing diseases and 
 driving out demons,’ and he himself occasionally can 
 recall acts of power—he calls them ‘the signs of an 
 apostle ’*—-which accredited him as a genuine apostle.’ 
 
 He gathered around himself gradually quite a 
 number of helpers for his missionary work. While 
 his first companion, Barnabas,°® was at least his equal 
 in authority, the later associates were distinctly 
 subordinate to him. They shared his great work as 
 fellow travellers (Paul says pleasantly ‘companions 
 abroad’’), letter-writers,* letter-carriers,’ personal re- 
 presentatives,”” and of course, also as evangelists and 
 teachers." In difficult situations he was able to rely 
 upon them; the unreliability of John Mark in Pam- 
 phylia” or that of Demas, who once, obviously against 
 the will of the Apostle, went to Thessalonica,” was no 
 doubt a rare exception. What an attractive personality, 
 
 1 Acts xxviii. 30 f. 2 COL xt 40. # Acts xix. LUM. 
 
 49 Cor. xii. 12, ra onpeta Tod adrroorodov. 
 
 5In Galatia (Gal. iii. 5), in Corinth (2 Cor. xii. 12 and 1 Cor. ii. 4) ; 
 generally, Rom. xv. 19. No doubt the references are to healing of 
 diseases most especially. 
 
 6 Acts 1x.-xv. 72 Cor. viii. 19, cvvéxdypos. 
 
 8 For example Tertius, Rom. xvi. 22. 
 
 ®Titus probably took a letter—now lost—to Corinth (2 Cor. vii. 
 6-9), probably also our second letter to the Corinthians (2 Cor. viii. 
 MADE 
 
 101 Cor. xvi. 10; 2 Cor. viii. 23. 
 
 at Cokin’ ; 2:Cor. i. 19. 
 
 12 Acts xiii, 138; xv. 37 ff. 139 Tim. iv. 10. 
 
240 PAUL 
 
 for example, is that of Titus, who in a time of passion- 
 ately strained relations, by his tactful and firm inter- 
 vention, brought the Corinthian Church back into order 
 after its disturbance by agitators.’ 
 
 Paul was fond of coining expressive names full of 
 personal feeling for these helpers—Timothy, Tychicus, 
 Titus (who has just been mentioned), Silvanus, Aquila 
 and Priscilla, Urbanus, Epaphroditus, Euodia, Syntyche, 
 Clemens, Philemon, Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke 
 the physician, and others. He calls them familiarly 
 ‘fellow-workers,’ 2a term borrowed from the workshop ; 
 in a spirit of comradeship the champion of Christ speaks 
 to them as ‘fellow-soldiers,’ * or using a rougher meta- 
 phor he calls them ‘yokefellows,* with a playful 
 reference perhaps to the words about oxen treading out 
 the corn, which he had applied to the Apostles. 
 Looking to the one Master in common, his helpers are 
 his ‘fellow-slaves,’® but just because they are in the 
 service of that Master they are to the churches the 
 reflected ‘glory of Christ.’ The recollection of im- 
 prisonment suffered together, causes him to coin the 
 honourable title of ‘fellow-captive’* for Aristarchus * 
 and Epaphras,”” Andronicus and Junias." Phoebe, the 
 Christian woman of Cenchree, the port of Corinth, 
 who had done much for his welfare, is singled out for 
 distinction as his ‘patroness,’” and the mother of his 
 friend Rufus, he calls his ‘mother,’* a plain hearty 
 way of showing his respect. 
 
 1'Traces of this are to be seen all through, 2 Cor. ii., vil., viii. 
 
 2 cyvepyds, 1 Cor. iii. 9; Phil. ii, 25; iv. 3; Philem. 1, 24; 2 Cor. 
 Vill. 235, Rom. xvi. 9, 9, 21. 
 
 3 svorpariworys, Phil. ii. 25; Philem. 2. 
 
 4 ovévyos, Phil. iv. 3. 
 
 51 Cor. ix. 9 f.; 1 Tim. v.18; cf. above, p. 102. 
 
 6 givdovAos, Col. i. 7; Iv. 7. 7 §6€a, Xprorod, 2 Cor. viii. 23. 
 8 cuvatxpudrwros, 9 Col. iv. 10. 
 10 Philem. 23. 11 Rom. xvi. 7. 
 
 2 rpootatis, Rom, xvi. 2, 13 Rom. xvi. 13. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 241 
 
 What a vast deal lies hidden behind these brief 
 names! How many experiences, how much endurance, 
 how much brotherhood! The emotional strength 
 especially which pulses in these names was one of the 
 magic charms wielded by Paul, the leader of men. His 
 influence upon the common people depended not least 
 on his ability to arouse the slumbering forces in the 
 souls of the simplest by the hearty directness of his 
 appeal as man to man. 
 
 All these associates in the Apostle’s work were, like 
 himself, men of exceptional activity. If we were to 
 mark on the map the routes of all their journeys which 
 are known to us, the lines would almost make a laby- 
 rinth, but we should feel all the more clearly how the 
 Anatolian world was set thrilling by the trumpet blasts 
 of the evangelists : 
 
 The word of the Lord runneth. 4 
 
 The people whose souls were moved by the mission 
 of Paul and his faithful companions were—the over- 
 whelming majority at least—men and women from the 
 middle and lower classes : 
 
 Not many wise after the flesh, 
 
 Not many mighty, 
 
 Not many noble ! 
 
 But the foolish things of the world 
 Hath God chosen, 
 
 To put to shame them that are wise. 
 And the weak things of the world 
 Hath God chosen, 
 
 To put to shame the things that are strong. 
 And the. base things of the world, 
 And the things that are despised, 
 Hath God chosen. 
 
 And the things that are not, 
 
 To bring to nought the thing that are. 
 
 12 Thess, iii. 1, va 6 Adyos Tod Kupiov TpExy. 
 
 16 
 
242 PAUL 
 
 In these lines,’ ringing like a song of defiance and in- 
 spired by the defensive pride which longs for the fray, 
 Paul sufficiently well described the social structure of 
 the church of Corinth. It has already been hinted’ 
 that even the holes and corners of the slums of this 
 cosmopolitan city had witnessed conversions. It 
 appears from the scenes at the Lord’s Supper depicted * 
 by Paul that some of the poor saints at Corinth 
 occasionally ‘had nothing’* at all: instead of sharing 
 the food which they had brought with them in a 
 brotherly way, and waiting to eat till all were supplied, 
 _many devoured their own supplies with greedy haste, 
 and those who had nothing were obliged to go hungry. 
 The terrible seriousness of Paul’s way of dealing with 
 this desecration of the Lord’s Supper’ enables us to 
 divine that his sympathy was with the hungry. 
 
 Paul also speaks of the ‘deep poverty’ of the 
 churches of Macedonia (Philippi, Thessalonica,B ercea).° 
 And the advice he gives to the assemblies of the 
 Galatian Christians to raise the collection for the 
 brethren at Jerusalem gradually in small amounts every 
 Sunday’ (the touching prototype of the copper col- 
 lections for missions which have been so richly blessed 
 amongst us), is a proof that in the interior of Asia 
 Minor, where money was even rarer than in the coast 
 cities, in spite of their better earnings, the churches 
 were still poor. Even in places where Paul had not per- 
 
 11 Cor. i. 26-28, 0d zoAXoi codot Kara cdpKa, ov ToAXOl Suvaroé, ov 
 ToAAot edvyevets* GAAG TA pupa TOD Kdapov e&eAeato 6 Heds, va KaTaocxivy 
 Tovs copovs: kal Ta dobevn Tod Kdcpov eeAeEato 6 Oeds Wa Kataicxvvy Ta 
 ioxupa* Kal TA ayevn TOD Kdapov Kal TA eEovdevnpeva eLerACEaTo 6 eds, Ta 
 py) ovTa va Ta OvTa Katapynoy. One of Paul’s greatest creations, an 
 echo of Mati. xi. 25. 
 
 4 Above, p. 69. 31 Cor. xi. 20-22, 33 ff. 
 
 41 Cor, xi. 22, rods x exovras. 51 Cor. xi. 20-84. 
 
 62 Cor. viii. 2, 7 kata Badous rrwyela adrav. 
 
 “1 Cor. xvi. 1 f. Cf. Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 309. 
 
PAUL“THE APOSTLE 243 
 
 sonally conducted a mission it is probable that the slave 
 element, for instance, was more strongly represented 
 than that of the slave-owning freemen: In Colosse 
 and Laodicea ‘masters’ receive only one short exhor- 
 tation,’ while the slaves, on the other hand, have a 
 whole string of commands and promises ;” in this there 
 is a reflection of the social structure of these churches.* 
 
 On the other hand, Paul mentions by name certain 
 fairly well-to-do Christians. Those who possessed a 
 room so large that ‘house churches’ could assemble 
 there for edification as was the case with Aquila at 
 Ephesus,* Nymphas and others at Laodicea,> Philemon 
 at Colosse,® cannot have been poor, and Gaius at Corinth 
 who even offered the hospitality of his house to the 
 whole church,’ must, along with his fellow-citizen, 
 Erastus,® the city treasurer, have belonged to the 
 middle class. It is noteworthy that several women 
 whose names are honourably mentioned in connection 
 with Paul’s missionary labours, appear to have been 
 possessed of means: Chloé apparently in Corinth,’ 
 Phoebe at Cenchrez, the port of Corinth,’? Lydia in 
 Philippi, who came from Asia Minor." Other Mace- 
 donian women of the upper clases, considerable numbers 
 of whom seem at first to have been enthusiastic for the 
 Gospel (at Thessalonica women of the ‘first’ circles,” 
 and in Beroea ‘Greek women of honourable estate ’*), 
 seem later on to have lost their ‘first love’*; otherwise 
 
 gocobatva Ls tp. vi. 9, 
 
 2 Col. iii, 22-25; Eph. vi. 5-8. 
 
 8On this whole subject cf. my work, Das Urchristentum und die 
 unteren Schichten, Gottingen, 1908. 
 
 Secor. xvi, 195: Kom. xyi..d: 5 Col. iv. 15. 
 
 6 Philem. 2. 7 Rom. xvi. 23. 
 8 Thid. 2 Corsi UL 
 10 Rom. xvi. 1 f.; cf. above, p. 240. 
 
 1 Acts xvi. 4. 12 Acts xvii. 4. 
 
 18 Acts xvii. 12. 14 Rey. i. 4. 
 
244 PAUL 
 
 it is difficult to understand the ‘deep poverty’ of the 
 Macedonian churches later on.!’ In Antioch in Pisidia, 
 it is to be noted, that it was the honourable women 
 who allowed themselves to be degraded as the instru- 
 ments of persecution against Paul and Barnabas.’ 
 
 The subject matter of Paul’s mission preaching is 
 Christ exalted on the Cross,’ the living Christ, the 
 Crucified,* with an especial emphasis on the near 
 approach of the completed Kingdom of God, and with 
 strong ethical demands.’ Everything was presented at 
 first with the greatest possible simplicity : 
 
 I fed you with milk, not with meat; for ye were not able} to 
 
 bear it.6 
 
 But then the treasures of those ‘riches in Christ’? of 
 which we spoke in an earlier chapter were gradually 
 opened out, and those unknown people, whom chance 
 had thrown together in the slums of the cosmopolitan 
 city, became members of ‘the body of Christ,’ ’ 
 
 enriched in Him, in all utterance and in all knowledge.® 
 
 To some extent they appear to have been true 
 revival churches, zealously held together by Paul, if 
 necessary by sharp discipline,’ but also by showing 
 that he had great confidence in them." <A letter sent 
 
 12 Cor. viii. 2. 2 Acts xiii. 50. 
 *John xii. 32, 33; iii. 14; viii, 28; cf. above, p. 197. 
 4Gal. ui. 1, ete. °Cf. Gal. v. 21, apoetrov. 
 
 ° 1 Cor. iii, 2, ydAa duels érdrica, 0d Bpdua: obra yap edvvacde. 
 
 " Hph. ii. 8 (cf. above, p. 161 f.). 
 
 ®1 Cor, xii. 27 (etc.), duets dé ore Bua Xprorod. 
 
 °1 Cor. i. 5, &y wavri éwAouricbyre év aita, ev ravrt Aoyw kal racy 
 yore. . 
 
 Of. especially 1 Cor. v. 1 ff., devoting the incestuous person to 
 Satan (Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 256 ff.), or 2 Cor. xiii. 2, or 1 Cor. 
 xvi. 22. On the other hand, after he has been very severe Paul 
 counsels a return to the right path, 2 Cor: ii. 5-11. 
 
 “ Cf. e.g. 1 Thess. iv. 9 ff, the words addressed to those who are 
 ‘taught by God’ at Thessalonica. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 245 
 
 to Corinth, but now lost, proves what an effect his 
 personal authority had upon them :! 
 
 For behold this self-same thing, that ye were made sorry? after 
 a godly sort, what earnest care it wrought in you, what clearing 
 of yourselves, yea, what indignation, yea, what fear, yea, what 
 longing, yea, what zeal, yea, what avenging ! 
 
 One reflects with astonishment, on hearing words 
 like these, so delicate in their psychological discrimina- 
 tion, what extraordinary confidence Paul must have 
 had in the receptiveness and responsiveness of the poor 
 people of Corinth. 
 
 In preaching Christ to Jews, no doubt the appeal 
 was made to proof from Scripture (the Septuagint), so 
 to Pagans there was an occasional allusion to the divine 
 wisdom enshrined in the words of the poets: both 
 methods are vouched for by doubtless trustworthy 
 records in the Acts of the Apostles. 
 
 The effect of this mission preaching must have been 
 powertul and often even sudden. Paul’s own descrip- 
 tion of the impression made by prophetic utterance 
 upon the hearers* undoubtedly reflects the personal 
 experiences of the prophet missionary and revivalist 
 preacher. A stranger, perhaps an unbeliever, comes 
 into the assembly and hears what is being said by the 
 prophet who speaks in the spirit. Suddenly he sees his 
 own inner life, the most secret thoughts of his heart 
 unveiled by the spirit-filled preacher’s exhortation to 
 repentance, and as if struck by lightning he falls down 
 before God confessing as he falls: 
 
 God is among you indeed ! 
 
 19 Cor. yii. 11, id0b yap airo rotro 76 Kata Oedv AvTYPHVaL ToonV 
 KaTnpydcato tyiv orovdiy, dAAG arodoylay, GAAG ayavdxtnow. 4rd hdoBov, 
 GANG érimdbnow, GAG Cirov, GAAG exdiknow. Cf. above, p. 67. 
 
 *« Made sorry’ by the letter above mentioned. 
 
 $1 Cor.:xiv. 24 f. 
 
246 PAUL 
 
 When detained in Galatia by sickness the Apostle’s 
 reception had been nothing short of enthusiastic.’ 
 
 On the other hand, Paul encountered the most 
 serious obstacles, chiefly from the agitation stirred up 
 by Jewish-Christian apostles of legalistic bent, who 
 followed him on his journeys and tried to set his 
 churches against him both by personal efforts and by 
 letter.2 To these ‘false brethren, * these ‘dogs and 
 evil workers, * who shrank from no malicious action, 
 Paul was indebted for some of his most anxious hours. 
 We are indebted to them for occasioning several of 
 Paul’s most valuable letters. But he also suffered 
 much at the hands of Jews whose devotion to the Law 
 led to denunciations and infliction of punishment in the 
 synagogues, and even the business instincts of heathen 
 religion were roused against him, as shown by the riot 
 provoked by Demetrius the silversmith at Ephesus.’ 
 
 The missionary journeys were not anxiously planned 
 out beforehand in every detail.° Of course Paul did 
 not travel at haphazard; his aim was naturally the 
 districts opened up by the ancient main roads, and 
 especially the cities with Jewish colonies. He had in 
 his head a map of the Jewish Dispersion. In some 
 cities he had no doubt family’ or tribal * connections 
 and he availed himself of them. But he willingly 
 allowed himself to be turned aside from the regular 
 
 1 Gal. iv. 13 ff. 29 Thess. ii. 2,15; 2 Cor. iii. 1. 
 
 § Gal. ii. 4, rods WevdadeAgous. 
 
 4 Phil. ili. 2, rods Kivas, Tods Kakovs épyaras. 
 
 5 Acts xix. 23 ff. 
 
 6 Cf. Erich Stange, Pawlinische Reiseplane, Gitersloh, 1918. 
 
 7In Jerusalem Paul had a nephew, Acts xxii. 16 (cf. above, p. 89 
 and p. 109). 
 
 8Cf. the cvyyevets Andronicus, Junias, and Herodion in Ephesus, 
 Rom. xvi. 7, 11, and the cvyyevets Lucius, Jason, and Sosipater, who 
 were with him in Corinth, Rom. xyi. 21. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 247 
 
 route by a sudden inspiration’ and driven on towards 
 new goals. No doubt he often experienced what he 
 bade his faithful followers pray for :* 
 
 A great door and effectual is opened * unto me! 
 
 The great lines of his missionary Journeys are com- 
 paratively speaking clear. 
 
 After the Damascus-experience he first went to 
 ‘Arabia.’ Whether he actually began his missionary 
 work there is not certain. That he then sketched out 
 the system of Paulinism is quite improbable! What is 
 likely is that he earnestly desired a time of quiet re- 
 
 collection. Then, after a short stay in Jerusalem, he | 
 
 worked as missionary in Syria and Cilicia, that is for the 
 most part in Antioch on the Orontes and in his native 
 city of Tarsus, and after that in company with Barnabas 
 in Cyprus, in Pamphylia, Pisidia and Lycaonia. 
 
 Then there follows, after another short visit to Jeru- 
 salem, the most important of his journeys as judged by 
 its effects: from Antioch on the Orontes via Tarsus 
 through the Cilician Gates of the Taurus mountains to 
 Lycaonia, Phrygia, and Galatia. Here in the ancient 
 country of Galatia, according to my opinion, the churches, 
 to which the letter to the Galatians was addressed, are 
 to be located.t The intention of evangelising western 
 Asia Minor and Bithynia, where there was a large Jewish 
 population, was overruled by the Spirit. The Apostle 
 felt that he was guided to cross the sea, and he went 
 from (Alexandria) Troas by ship to Macedonia, where 
 
 1Gal. ii. 2; Acts xvi. 6, 7, 9f. (xvii. 15; xix. 1 in Codex D). 
 
 2 Col. iv. 3. 31 Cor. xvi. 9, cf. 2 Cor. ii. 12. 
 
 4The account of the origin of the Galatian churches given in Gal. 
 iy. 13-19 simply does not fit with the data in Acts about the evangelisa- 
 tion of Antioch in Pisidia, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, in which cities 
 many would place ‘the churches of Galatia.’ Other data of Acts also 
 do not fit to this South-Galatian hypothesis. A mention of the founda- 
 tion of the South-Galatian churches might be expected in Gal. i. 21. 
 
248 PAUL 
 
 he succeeded in founding churches in Philippi, Thessa- 
 lonica, and Bercea. After an unsuccessful attempt at 
 Athens he came to Corinth,’ where he secured a success 
 that is all the more significant. 
 
 A sea-voyage took him via Ephesus to Palestine, an 
 overland journey to Syrian Antioch, and again through 
 the Cilician Gates into the interior of Asia Minor to 
 Galatia and Phrygia, till he reached Ephesus, which be- 
 came for a considerable time the centre of his labours. 
 We know extremely little of this Ephesian period, but 
 during that time Paul must have gone through much 
 more than is recorded in our fragmentary authorities. 
 Some of his most important letters were written from 
 Ephesus, some perhaps while he was imprisoned.2, From 
 Ephesus Paul made journeys by land and sea as shown 
 especially by his letters to Corinth, At Ephesus he 
 underwent great suffering for his faith, and he met with 
 the most loyal and self-sacrificing devotion. 
 
 After a journey which led him ‘ through ’* Macedonia 
 to Illyricum there followed a peaceful sojourn in Co- 
 rinth. Paul then intended to take with him the collec- 
 tion which he had gathered for the saints in Jerusalem 
 to the Holy City and from thence to start for Rome and 
 Spain. He did indeed journey via Macedonia and Asia 
 Minor by land and water to Palestine, but was arrested 
 in Jerusalem, and being taken via Ceesarea and thence by 
 sea, reached Rome as a prisoner. Whether Paul after 
 the two years of work there,‘ actually carried out the 
 Spanish journey as planned,® remains an open question, 
 but I reckon on the probability of an affirmative answer. 
 
 ‘This arrival of Paul in Corinth can now, so I believe, be fixed 
 chronologically with great probability (ef. Appendix I.). 
 
 2 Cf. above, p. 16 f. 
 
 ° When Paul at Ephesus speaks of a journey ‘through’ Macedonia 
 (1 Cor. xvi. 5), we ought in the first instance to think of a journey from 
 Hast to West, that is no doubt along the Via Hgnatia. 
 
 * Acts xxviii. 30 f, ° Rom. xv. 24, 28, 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 249 
 
 These are, of course, no more than hints. The mis- 
 sionary’s own letters and the Acts of the Apostles enable 
 us to illustrate the missionary work of Paul with a series 
 of bright and lively pictures familiar to us all, the church 
 that stands out most realistically being that of Corinth. 
 
 I should like to call attention to just three pictures 
 which are comparatively little noticed in the long series. 
 
 First the collection for the poor saints of the mother 
 church at Jerusalem. As a cause especially dear to the 
 Apostle it is mentioned repeatedly in several of his 
 letters,! and its characteristics become clearer when 
 viewed against the background afforded by the practice 
 of collections in the contemporary world.” The warmth 
 of Paul’s brotherly affection, his businesslike prudence, 
 his loyal observance of an agreement,’ and his delicate 
 tact are all revealed in his treatment of this one matter, 
 and so too the readiness of his newly founded churches 
 to take action even at a sacrifice to themselves, appears 
 in the best light. 
 
 Next there is the case of the runaway slave, Onesi- 
 mus,‘ which is treated in the letter to Philemon—a 
 typical instance of the Apostle Paul's care for the indi- 
 vidual soul. This one case teaches us better than long 
 investigations could do what the secret of this mission- 
 ary’s influence was. It was the suggestive power of his 
 entirely trustful and entirely brotherly personality which 
 bound people to him.’ 
 
 Finally the little letter to the Christians at Ephesus, 
 preserved in the sixteenth chapter of Romans, shows 
 what Paul, the missionary, made of these people. There 
 he stands amidst his faithful friends, united with them 
 
 1Tn the two Corinthian letters and in Romans. 
 
 2 Cf. Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 83 ff. and 86 f. 
 
 3 Gal. ii. 10. 4Cf. above, p. 19 ff. 
 5 Cf. above, p. 239 ff. 
 
250 PAUL 
 
 in the faith of Christ and in the sufferings of Christ, 
 knowing each one, and exchanging with all a pressure 
 of the hand or a friendly look—with men and women— 
 from the self-sacrificing couple Priscilla and Aquila to 
 Rufus and his mother, whom the Apostle thankfully 
 calls his own mother.’ In all these unpretentious greet- 
 ings we feel what is implied though not spoken. In 
 these lines the unknown and forgotten inhabitants of 
 the great city of antiquity, some by their names re- 
 cognisable as slaves, are striving upwards from the dull, 
 vegetating multitude, upward to the light, having be- 
 come personalities, saints in Christ, Christ-intimates 
 through Paul the missionary. To such souls with their 
 unimpaired and sanctified powers the future belongs. 
 
 A peculiarly kind fate has preserved for us in the 
 record a ‘relic of one of these unknown persons. Paul 
 had dictated that little letter to his companion Tertius, 
 and then allowed him to add a line from himself. The 
 permission is as characteristic of Paul as of Tertius. 
 And just as we find in other letters of the ancient 
 world such lines written by one who is not the sender 
 —as, for example, in a letter from an Egyptian woman, 
 Helena, to her brother Petechon,’ this postscript by her 
 father :— 
 
 I also, Alexander, your father, salute you much... . 
 
 So Tertius writes :? 
 
 I salute you, I, Tertius, who have written this letter in the 
 Lord. 
 
 In whatever way we take the words ‘in the Lord’ here 
 appended like a seal—whether we construe it with ‘I 
 
 1Cf. above, p. 240. 
 
 2'The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, No. 1067, 3rd century A.D.: «aya 
 "Ar€Eavdpos 6 r[lalrnp tudv domalopar buds ToAAG .. . 
 
 ® Rom. xvi. 22, domalomou tuds eya Téprios 6 ypdwas tiv eructoAnv év 
 
 Kuplo. 
 
PAUL THE APOSTLE 251 
 
 salute you’ or with ‘have written ’—in any case this 
 
 line of Tertius contains the confession which may 
 be described as the most fundamental in Paul’s 
 vocabulary :” 
 
 in the Lord. 
 
 It may be called a formula repeated by a pupil—I 
 am disposed to value more highly the contribution 
 which Tertius unwittingly made to the New Testament. 
 I see behind this line, as it were, the impress of the 
 great man’s creative soul on the soul which the great 
 man had awakened in the insignificant brother. Tertius 
 stands before us as a type of the people who were raised 
 up by Paul, the missionary, out of their dull existence in 
 the mass to the One exalted upon the Cross, into the 
 sphere of grace that makes all things new, into the 
 hallowing fellowship with Jesus Christ the Lord. 
 
 It is certain that Paul, the missionary, carried out 
 his work with the prospect of martyrdom before his 
 eyes. Once he allowed his most trusted friends, the 
 Christians of eel to have a glimpse of his thoughts 
 about this :° 
 
 Yea, and if I am poured out as a drink-offering at the 
 sacrifice which I minister as a priest * by the work of your faith, 
 I joy and rejoice with you all. 
 
 The presentiment was fulfilled. Paul did in fact ‘give 
 his body’*® as a sacrifice of first-fruits in the great con- 
 flict of world history between the Christ-cult and the 
 
 1That is probably the more likely, cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 19. 
 2 Cf. above, p. 140. 
 8 Phil. ii. 17, dAAG ei Kal omTevoopaL em TH Ouoia Kai Aetoupyia THS 
 TIF TEWS ULOV, Xalpw Kat ovyxaipw TACLW DLV. Cf. 2 Tim. iv. 6, and Rom. 
 xv. 30 f. 
 4On this cf. Rom. xy. 16 (above, p. 232). 
 I 5 Cor. xii. 3. 
 
252 PAUL 
 
 Ceesar-cult," in a martyr’s death he finally experienced 
 the literal fulfilment of his fellowship with the suffer- 
 ings and death of the Crucified. 
 
 ‘For the Jewish and apostolic emotional background of this 
 conflict cf. the chapter ‘Christus und die Caesaren,’ Licht vom Osten, 
 pp. 287-324. 
 
PAUL IN THE WORLD’S RELIGIOUS HIS- 
 TORY 
 
sy aL y 
 se | HM 
 ei | 
 
 oan be 
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 aa 
 a 
 ‘ 
 af 
 
 
 
CHAPTER. XI 
 PAUL IN THE WORLD’S RELIGIOUS HISTORY 
 
 Pau the apostle’s ‘work of Christ’’ culminates in a 
 martyrdom like Christ’s. Recorded with blood in the 
 annals of Christianity, and mirrored to the historian in 
 letters covering only a few pages, what he accomplished 
 in his life irradiates the thought of the patristic and 
 scholastic writers whose folios fill our libraries. 
 
 How are we to determine (what he himself never \ 
 entiipata his importance for the history of the 
 world ? | 
 
 Behind his enormous work of propagating and 
 organising the Christ-cult, which all eyes can see, we 
 can trace back to Paul these forces that are at work in 
 the world. 
 
 Though he was not the founder of the new cult—the 
 origin of the Christ-cult is the secret of the mother 
 church of Palestine—Paul entered into the mystical 
 experience of Christ, which is the psychological pre- 
 condition for the Christ-cult, in the primitive intensity 
 of its power, and also was practically the creator of far 
 the larger part of its classical forms of expression. 
 
 His Christ-mysticism, which was in its origin a | 
 reaction to revealed grace, and in its nature Christ- 
 intimacy, a mysticism of fellowship, not of oneness with 
 its object, ethical, not indifferent, but in the highest 
 degree active—this mysticism, though centred in Christ, 
 did not exclude the living God, but rather disclosed 
 
 1 Phil. ii. 80, 76 epyov Xpucrov. 
 (255) 
 
256 PAUL 
 
 ‘Him as Holy Love, and secured access to His 
 redemptive and re-creative grace. 
 
 Paul made this religion of Christ world-wide by 
 going beyond the old Messianic, that is the specifically 
 Jewish and national, appreciation of the Person of 
 Jesus. Christ the Lord, Christ the Spirit—with these 
 confessions made central by Paul, the ancient Aramaic 
 reverence for a Messiah, transformed into a cult and at 
 last separated from the Law, struggles forward to the 
 position of the world religion of all nations and all 
 times. 
 
 This Christ, the Spirit and the Lord, however, 
 retains the essential features of the Man Jesus, the 
 poor, humiliated Jesus of the Gospel tradition, who 
 served in love, who commanded with power, and at. 
 last obediently suffered and was crucified. With the 
 eternal wound-prints of His passion the Exalted Christ 
 is ever present in the Church of His saints, and through 
 the rich treasure of His living words is powertully at 
 work in the individual, in the cult and in propaganda. 
 Thus was Pauline Christ-intimacy, and through it 
 Christianity, protected from the excesses of mytho- 
 logical and theosophical imaginings, as well as from 
 being hardened and deadened by dogmatic speculation. 
 During well-nigh two thousand years of Christian — 
 thinking upon Christ, the words of Jesus and the cross 
 of Jesus have constantly been the .sign-posts visible 
 from afar, which have prevented the all-to-subtle 
 Christologists from completely losing their way. The 
 identity insisted upon by Paul of the Crucified with the 
 Living One and of the Living One with the Crucified, 
 of the earthly with the heavenly and of the heavenly 
 with the earthly, imparts to Christ-mysticism and the 
 Christ-cult two things: ethical sobriety and enthusiastic 
 fervour. 
 
 The mere spiritual Christ, so easily liable to become 
 
PAUL IN THE WORLD’S RELIGIOUS HISTORY 257 
 
 attenuated to a Christ idea, would have created neither 
 a religion of the people nor a religion of the peoples, 
 but would have remained a rapidly worn out thesis for 
 discussion among a narrow circle of Christologists. The 
 mere historical Jesus would certainly have had greater 
 carrying power as the foundation of the new church, 
 but would have made Christianity retrospective, bound 
 by the Law like Judaism, rigid like Islam. The Pauline 
 Christ-intimacy with its decisive confession to the Christ 
 present and coming, who is the crucified Jesus, made 
 both past and future present. It was capable of creat- 
 ing a cult fellowship both popular and of world-wide 
 historic effect, which, filled with ethical power, was no 
 book religion looking backward to the Law, but a 
 Spiritual religion with face set forward. 
 
 In all this Paul united Christian piety inseparably || 
 
 with the Person of Jesus Christ, and that is his achieve- 
 ment in the world’s history. 
 
 Jesus of Nazareth stood, with His experience of 
 God and with His mighty confidence in the nearness of 
 the Kingdom of God, entirely self-supported. Paul 
 placed himself and mankind, with all their hopes and 
 troubles, where grace alone had placed him, in Christ. 
 Where Jesus in lonely consciousness of His mission 
 stands face to face with the Father, Paul stands before 
 God, and with him stand the others, ‘through Christ’, 
 and ‘in Christ.’ — 
 
 Was Paul tampering with the old Gospel of Jesus 
 concerning God and the nearness of His Kingdom when 
 he thus incorporated with it religious faith in Christ # 
 
 No! He secured to the many thé experience of 
 God which had been the possession of the One. 
 
 For the mass of the weary and heavy-laden it is 
 impossible to emulate the heroic independence of the 
 
 religious experience of Jesus. They need the Paraclete 
 17 
 
958 PAUL 
 
 (Comforter) and the Mediator. Laboriously they climb 
 the heavenly ladder rung by rung hand in hand with 
 their Helper: but over each one of their uncertain steps 
 there is greater joy in heaven than over the titanic 
 knowledge which still thinks itself able to take the 
 firmament by storm, when already its downward plunge 
 has ended in tragic ruin. 
 
 The Christ-centred Christianity of Paul is the neces- 
 sary form in which alone the Master’s revelation could 
 be assimilated by mankind, and which alone was capable 
 of fashioning a perennial religion for the people and a 
 religion of the peoples powerful enough to mould the 
 history of the world. Paul did not invent a Christology 
 
 Yi intellectually adapted to the wisdom of the intellectual. 
 
 What he did was out of the depths of his own mystical 
 spiritual experience of Christ to bring to the poor and 
 lowly and to those who felt themselves inwardly poor 
 and lowly, the holy figure of the Divine-Human 
 Redeemer—that figure which was folly to earth’s 
 wisdom—in order that in fellowship with Him even the 
 poorest and most helpless soul might be granted access 
 to the living God. 
 
 The Christ-centred Christianity of Paul is therefore 
 neither a breach with the Gospel of Jesus nor a 
 sophistication of the Gospel of Jesus. It secures for 
 the many the Gospel experience of God which had been 
 the possession of the One, and it does so by anchoring 
 these many souls in the Soul of the One. 
 
APPENDICES 
 
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 oe as AW htt ; 
 
 , yb 
 
 asta 
 
 Ln wo 
 
 ——— 
 
 Sh”, 
 
 
 
APPENDIX I 
 
 THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 
 
 AN EPIGRAPHICAL STUDY TOWARDS THE ABSOLUTE CHRONOLOGY OF 
 PAUL. (See the Photographed Facsimile facing the title page.) 
 
 In my book Light from the Ancient Hast, written in 
 1909, I used the following sentence :* 
 
 No tablets have yet been found to enable us to date exactly 
 the years of office of the Procurators Felix and Festus, or of the 
 Pro-consul Gallio, which would settle an important problem of 
 early Christian history. 
 
 The problem of primitive Christianity, which I hoped 
 might be solved by tablets still resting beneath the 
 accumulated rubbish of centuries, is the chronology oi 
 the Apostolic age and especially of the Apostle Paul. 
 We were not in a position to name one tolerably certain 
 date that would place the relative chronology of Paul, 
 which is in the main determinable, on a firm basis and 
 thus bring us nearer to the absolute chronology.” There 
 always remained a margin of uncertainty amounting to 
 at least five years. 
 
 From the historians of the Imperial period, unless 
 surprising fresh discoveries of lost texts should be made, 
 there is scarcely anything to be expected. Even such 
 
 1 Tight from the Ancient Hast, p. 5. 
 
 2This fact is to be explained from the general character of the 
 primitive Christian tradition concerning Paul, which has often been 
 emphasised in the foregoing pages of this book. Being a popular 
 tradition it had no interest in fixing facts chronologically. It is not 
 calculated for the interests of scholars. As a whole it is the more 
 historically trustworthy because so artless. 
 
 (261) 
 
262 PAUL 
 
 ingenious combinations of data as Eduard Schwartz * 
 published concerning the years of office of Felix and 
 Festus are not so convincing as to meet with general 
 acceptance. Any real advance is rather to be expected 
 from unliterary texts. Should it prove possible, for 
 instance, to fix the date of the proconsulship of Gallio 
 in Achaia, which is mentioned in Acts xvii. 12, we 
 should have gained a starting-point of special importance, 
 because clear statements of the narrator make it possible 
 to make further calculations backwards and forwards 
 from this point. 
 
 Let us glance rapidly at the facts narrated in Acts 
 xviii. Paul comes to Corinth from Athens.’ He finds 
 there Aquila, the Jewish tent-maker, husband of Pris- 
 cilla, who had ‘lately’* come to Corinth from Athens, 
 having been banished with the other Jews from Rome * 
 in consequence of an edict of Claudius. Paul is given 
 lodging and employment in the house of his fellow- 
 craftsmen.’ Every Sabbath he goes out evangelising, 
 first in the Jewish synagogue before Jews and Greeks," 
 then after strong opposition from the Jews,’ in the 
 house of the proselyte Titius Justus, hard by the syna- 
 gogue,® with the highly successful result that Crispus, 
 the ruler of the synagogue, with his family and many 
 Corinthians, came over to the faith and accepted baptism.” 
 
 1Zur Chronologie des Paulus, Nachrichten von der Kgl. Gesell- 
 schaft der Wissenschaften zu Gdttingen, philol.-histor. Klasse, 1907, 
 p. 264 ff I mistrust Schwartz’s paper partly on exegetical grounds. 
 Compare now the thorough criticism of his expositions by Eduard 
 Meyer, Ursprung und Anfange des Christentwms, iii., Stuttgart and 
 Berlin, 1923, p. 42 ff. 
 
 2 Acts xviii. 1. 3 rpoopdrus, Acts xviii. 2. 
 
 4 Acts xviil. 2. 5 Acts xviii. 3. 6 Acts xviii. 4 f. 
 
 7 Acts xviii. 6. It is probably this opposition that Paul himself 
 alludes to in letters written at Corinth, 1 Thess. ii. 15 f. and 2 Thess. 
 iil, 2. 
 
 § Acts xviii. 7. ® Acts xvill. 8 ff. 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 268 
 
 This whole period of missionary work lasted a year and 
 a half :? 
 
 And he dwelt there a year and six months, teaching the word. 
 of God among them. 
 
 After this clear statement of time the narrator con- 
 —tinues :” 
 But when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews with one 
 
 accord rose up against Paul, and brought him before the judgment- 
 seat, saying: ‘ This man seduces people to an unlawful religion.’ 
 
 The proconsul, however, refuses to be drawn into a trial ; 
 he declares that the dispute is an internal quarrel within 
 the Jewish community and orders the Jews away from 
 the tribunal.’ Enraged by their failure the disappointed 
 Jews fall upon the ruler of their own synagogue, 
 Sosthenes, and maltreat him before the tribunal of the 
 proconsul, who does not interfere.” But Paul remains 
 in Corinth for a considerable number of days® after 
 this episode, and then sails for Syria by way of 
 Ephesus.° 
 
 Anyone reading this account for the first time, and 
 knowing that the governors of the senatorial provinces, 
 the proconsuls, normally held office for a period of 
 one year,” would arrange the succession of events as 
 follows :— 
 
 1. Edict of Claudius against the Jews: emigration 
 of Aquila and Priscilla from Rome to Corinth. 
 
 2. Very soon afterwards *® Paul's arrival in Corinth. 
 
 8. One and a half year’s missionary work in Corinth. 
 
 1 Acts xviii. 11. 
 
 2 Acts xviii. 12 £., TadAdwvos S& dvOurdtov dvtos THs "Axatas Karem- 
 éxtncav dpmobvpaddy of ‘lovdator To HavAw. Gallio was, as is well 
 known, the brother of Seneca, the philosopher. 
 
 3 Acts xviii. 14 ff 4 Acts xviii. 17. 
 
 5 Huepas ikavas. 6 Acts xviii. 18 f. 
 
 7 Cf. below, p. 278. 8 Cf. rpocdarus, Acts xviii. 2. 
 
264 PAUL 
 
 4. Arrival of the proconsul, Gallio, in Corinth. 
 
 5. The Jews accuse Paul before Gallio without 
 SUCCESS. 
 
 6. Paul continues his stay in Corinth for a consider- 
 able number of days. 
 
 7. Departure of Paul for Ephesus and Syria. 
 
 The salient point of this series is the fourth. The 
 phrase, ‘but when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia,’ can 
 only mean, that, as Luke understood, after Paul had 
 evangelised for a year and a half at Corinth, a new 
 proconsul arrived, Gallio, with whom the Jews then 
 tried their luck.1. The passage has been thus, and rightly 
 I think, explained by H. Lehmann’ and Oskar Holtz- 
 mann,’ not to mention other authorities. 
 
 If Gallio entered upon his proconsulship in the month 
 y of the year 2, the arrival of Paul at Corinth is to 
 be dated approximately eighteen months earlier ;* still 
 earlier (but not much) would be the arrival of Aquila 
 and Priscilla in Corinth, and the edict of Claudius 
 against the Jews. In the same way we should be able 
 with some certainty to reconstruct the later chronology 
 of Paul’s life, starting from this year 2. 
 
 1 The case is exactly the same as in Acts xxiv. 27—xxy. 2, where 
 Luke tells us that after two years a new procurator came and the 
 Jews then renewed proceedings against Paul. 
 
 2 Qlaudius und Nero und thre Zeit. : Vol. 1., Claudius und serne 
 Zeit, Gotha, 1858, p. 354: when Gallio ‘arrived at Corinth the Jews 
 immediately brought an accusation against Paul who had been working 
 for eighteen months in the city.’ 
 
 3 Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2nd Hd. Tubingen, 1906, 
 p. 132, ‘Paul’s first residence in Corinth lasted a year and a half 
 (Acts xviii. 11). Towards the end if not after the expiry of this time 
 (Acts xviii. 12 f., 18), Gallio became proconsul of Achaia.’ 
 
 4In making the calculation, of course, we must be generous 
 enough not to insist on the ‘eighteen months’ down to the last 
 minute; but we may employ that number as a clear approximate 
 determination. 
 
 —S 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 265 
 
 Now what about this year w? With the aid of a 
 stone found at Delphi we can now calculate it with 
 greater probability than has been possible hitherto. 
 
 For my first knowledge of this stone I am indebted 
 to P. Thomsen, who in a bibliography of the year 1909 re- 
 ferred to Joseph Offord’s account’ of the four fragments 
 of a Delphic inscription published by Emile Bourguet.’ 
 I may as well add at once the other references to the 
 inscription which are known tome. Alexander Nikitsky * 
 was, I believe, the first to publish a drawing of a frag- 
 ment of the stone, but, so far as I can see, without 
 detailed discussion and without gaining any further at- 
 tention to the fragment. H. Pomtow, however, had 
 already among his papers, which he kindly allowed me 
 to see in December, 1910, for the purposes of the pres- 
 ent work, a copy of the main portion of the inscription, 
 with which he had been acquainted for more than twenty 
 years. In the autumn of 1910 he obtained for me, 
 through the kind offices of his collaborator in epigraphy, 
 Dr. Riisch, an accurate photograph of the published 
 fragments, together with a paper squeeze.’ Before this 
 
 1 Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, 
 1909, p. 31. 
 
 2 St. Paul at Corinth, Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly 
 Statement, April, 1908, p. 168 (cf. also January, 1908, p. 9). 
 
 3 De rebus Delphicis imperatorie etatis capita duo [Paris Thesis], 
 Montepessulano, 1905, p. 63 f. Bourguet does not go into Pauline 
 chronology; he contented himself with stating Gallio’s year of office 
 as A.D. 52, on the authority of the Prosopographia (cf. below, p. 281, 
 note 2). 
 
 4In his Russian work brought to my notice by H. Pomtow on 
 Epigraphical Studies at Delphi, 1.-VI., Odessa, 1894-1895, Plate 
 VII., No. xlvii. It is the large fragment which stands second in our 
 facsimile. 
 
 ‘From which the photographed facsimile (reproduced in Plate L,, 
 facing the title-page of the present volume), was made by Albert 
 Frisch in the Art Institute, Berlin, W. 35. In order to secure a 
 sharper reproduction of what has been preserved, the under surface 
 of the squeeze was photographed. 
 
266 PAUL 
 
 A. J.-Reinach, in his review of Bourguet’s work, had 
 pointed out the importance of this inscription in deter- 
 mining Paul’s chronology, and so far as I can see he 
 was the first to do so:! ‘ce texte fixe définitivement 
 , 52 le séjour de saint Paul a Corinthe.’ 
 
 Offord, then, in the article already mentioned * placed 
 the entry of Gallio on his proconsulship in the year 52, 
 the arrival of Paul in Corinth in the autumn of the year 
 50, his departure from Corinth in the beginning of the 
 year 53. 
 
 Sir W. M. Ramsay ® calculated on the basis of this 
 stone that Gallio’s proconsulship ran from April, 52, to 
 April, 53, and that Paul arrived in Corinth in October, 
 Die 
 
 H. Coppieters* made no calculation of numbers, but 
 only remarked that the inscription made it possible to 
 fix the date of the proconsulship, while Louis Jalabert ° 
 described Bourguet’s statement (Gallio’s year of office, 
 52) as important for the determination of Pauline chron- 
 ology. 
 
 Carl Clemen,° who also adopted Bourguet’s date A.D. 
 52 for Gallio’s proconsulship,’ believed that this date 
 confirmed his own earlier calculation.* 
 
 After having for some time been occupied with the 
 Delphic inscription, in a short notice * of J alabert’s ‘ Epi- 
 
 1 Revue des Etudes grecques, 20 (1907), p. 49. Iam indebted to 
 Louis Jalabert for the reference. 
 
 2 Toc. ctt., p. 164. 
 
 ’The Expositor, May, 1909, p. 468 f. 
 
 4 Dictionnaire apologétique de la Foi catholique, Tome I. (Paris, 
 1910), col. 268. 
 
 5 Tbid., col. 1428 (article ‘ pigraphie’). 
 
 6 Theologische Literaturzeitung, 35 (1910), col. 656. 
 
 7* |. that Gallio was proconsul of Achaia in the year 52.’ 
 
 8 Paulus, i., p. 896,‘ ... that Gallio arrived at Corinth in the 
 spring of 52.’ 
 
 ? Theologische Literaturzeitung, 35 (1910), col. 796. 
 
 
 
 | 
 ; 
 7 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 267 
 
 graphie’ I announced my intention of publishing a closer 
 investigation of the text.’ 
 
 A few months later there appeared an article written 
 jointly by E. C. Babut and Alfred Loisy* who had no 
 knowledge of the earlier discussion of the question." 
 Babut calculated that the proconsulship of Gallio lasted 
 from the first third of 52 till the first third of 53,* and 
 in accordance with this Loisy, whose hypertrophied 
 critical mistrust of the above analysed report in the 
 Acts of the Apostles makes him very suspicious, was of 
 opinion that the accusation of Paul before Gallio, if his- 
 torical, must be placed in the year 52 or the beginning 
 of the year 53.° 
 
 Finally, William P. Armstrong,’ who refers to part 
 at least of the preceding discussion, including Jalabert’s 
 note and my own, reprinted Bourguet’s text, and calcu- 
 lated Gallio’s time from spring or early summer of 51 
 to 52, or (and this he thought more probable), from 52 
 to 53. 
 
 The important fact of this whole discussion, apart 
 from Bourguet’s original publication, was the statement 
 of Babut’ that since the publication of the four frag- 
 ments, three new fragments of the Delphic inscription 
 had been discovered. Just as I was about to have my 
 own manuscript printed, I received from Babut a photo- 
 graph of these fragments* which he had very kindly sent 
 
 1] finished the main part of my investigation in March, 1911, and 
 on May 2, 1911, spoke of it in the Archeological Society at Berlin. 
 
 2Le proconsul Gallion et saint Paul, Revue d’histoire et de lit- 
 térature religieuses, 2 (1911), March-April, 1911, p. 139-144. 
 
 8 Of. their expression of astonishment that no student of Paul had 
 noticed the document though it had been published five years (p. 139). 
 
 4 Loe. cit., p. 142. 5 Thid., p. 144. 
 
 6The Princeton Theological Review, April, 1911, p. 293-298. 
 
 7 Loc, cit., p. 139. 
 
 8 With a letter dated Montpellier, April 23, 1911. 
 
268 PAUL 
 
 at my request, and shortly afterwards Bourguet sent me 
 with the same scholarly courtesy, also at my request, the 
 squeeze of two of those fragments and a copy of all 
 three.’ 
 
 On the 30th of April, 1911, Pomtow had very kindly 
 given me a squeeze which he had made in 1887 of the 
 middle fragment of the three.* This had already been 
 published by Nikitsky.* Even in 1887 Pomtow, as 1s 
 clear from his MS. papers, had been led by the simi- 
 larity of the lettering to compare his fragment with those 
 which Bourguet afterwards published, as far as they 
 were accessible. He decided, however, on account of 
 the differences of spaces between the lines, that it could 
 not be united with them. Even to-day Pomtow is of 
 opinion * that the ‘new’ fragments, while certainly carved | 
 by the same stonemason as the old ones, did not form 
 part of the text of the same rescript, but were probably 
 the conclusion of another rescript. In further proof of 
 this he refers to differences in the height of the letters 
 in the two groups of fragments. 
 
 In Berlin I am not able to decide whether the ‘new ’ 
 fragments really belong to the old. To do so I should 
 be obliged in the first place to examine the tablets 
 myself at Delphi. Pomtow’s argument, based on the 
 spacing and size of the letters, does not entirely convince 
 me, because the old fragments are in neither respect 
 quite uniform in their workmanship. Here, however, I 
 may be content to let the question remain open. For 
 
 1 With a letter dated Athens, May 8,1911. There were the two 
 Delphic fragments, Nos. 728 and 500. Bourguet also most kindly 
 added a new squeeze of the greater part of the old fragments already 
 published by him. 
 
 2This is the fragment No. 2311. I have seen squeezes of all 
 three of the ‘new’ fragments. 
 
 3Plate VII., No. xlvi. 
 
 ‘Therefore he published the rescript of Claudius in the third 
 edition of Dittenberger’s Sylloge (see below), without these fragments. 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 269 
 
 however important the ‘new’ fragments may be for 
 reconstructing the rescript of Claudius, if they are 
 really a part of it, they seem to me to throw no new 
 light so far on our particular chronological problem. 
 
 I have respected the wish expressed to me in 1911 
 by Bourguet that I would use with discretion the 
 unpublished fragments which he sent me. Therefore I 
 did not publish them and refrained from making 
 facsimiles. However, Bourguet told me after he had 
 received my Paul' that if he could have known how 
 much importance I attached to the rescript of Claudius, 
 he would have begged me to share with him in publish- 
 ing the ‘new’ fragments. Thereupon I was able to 
 lend the material to my friend Dr. Plooij (Leiden), who 
 has given in the plate facing the title-page of his 
 Chronology” a good facsimile of all the seven frag- 
 ments. Brassac* has also previously submitted a 
 facsimile. Itis not necessary, therefore, for me to have 
 fresh facsimiles made of the new fragments, but I can 
 at least give a transcription of their text. Parts of it 
 are easily filled out, but it does not appear to me 
 possible to restore the whole at present :— 
 
 1, TIES 
 
 oh.) ce aaeatat oe IMENTAPE ... 
 
 de» HIS laa ee eee TOHOY > KP ea: 
 SOPRA eels NITANTOSE... 
 
 Spy Ut AA rR Rea @HOITINE.. 
 
 Caepee Ner ert. is IKAITOSYNA .. 
 
 (et ae ene wee OTD ee aes 
 Sieh s5, 9, ME OUSMENGW a ees 
 
 The literature dealing with this rescript of Claudius 
 which has appeared since the first edition of my Paul 
 
 1 Letter dated Delphi, August 26th, 1911. 
 2 See below, p. 270, note 1. 3 Ibid. 
 
270 PAUL 
 
 is very considerable. So far as it is known to me I 
 refer to it in the note below.! No doubt it is fragment- 
 
 1 Hans Lietzmann, Hin newer Fund zur Chronologie des Paulus, 
 Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Theologie, 53 (1911), pp. 345-354; 
 Réné Dussaud, Revue de histoire des religions, 64 (1911), p. 268; H. 
 Dubowy, Paulus und Gallio, Bibl. Zeitschrift, 10 (1912), pp. 143-1658 ; 
 Schafer, Zur Chronologie des Lebens Pauli, Der Katholik, 92 (1912), 
 pp. 149-153 ; Bares, Hin interessanter Fund von Delphi, Pastor Bonus, 
 24 (1912), pp. 219-223 ; M. Goguel, Revue de l’histoire des religions, 65 
 (1912), p. 315; G. Wohlenberg, Hine Claudius-Inschrift von Delpha mn 
 ihrer Bedeutung fiir die paulinische Chronologie, Neue Kirchl. Zeitschrift, 
 93 (1912), pp. 380-396; Adolf Harnack, Chronologische Berechnung 
 des ‘ Tags von Damaskus,’ Sitzungsberichte der Kgl. Preusz. Ak. d. W., 
 1912, phil.-hist. Klasse, pp. 673-682; Ferd. Prat, La chronologie de Vdge 
 apostolique, Recherches des sciences religiewses (Paris), 1912, p. 374 ff ; 
 Lorenzo Coccolo, L’anno del proconsolato di Gallione e data della prima 
 missione di S. Paolo a Corinto, in the Journal Didascaleion, 1 (1912), pp. 
 985-294, and La cronologia paolina, Didascaleion, 2 (1913), pp. 261-306 ; 
 J. Offord, Archeological notes, Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly 
 Statement, 1913, pp. 146-149 ; van der Kar, Hen delphisch opschrift en de 
 chronologie van St. Paulus, Ned. Kath. Stemmen, 1913, pp. 282-287 ; C. 
 Bruston, La date du proconsulat de Gallion, Revue de théologie et de 
 questions religieuses, 22 (1913), pp. 362-366 ; A. Brassac, Une inscription 
 de Delphes et la chronologie de Saint Paul, Revue Biblique, 10 (1913), 
 pp. 86-53 and 207-217; H. Pomtow in Guil. Dittenberger, Sylloge 
 Inscriptionum Gracarum®, 2, Lipsiae, 1917, No. 801, pp. 492-494; D. 
 Plooij, De chronologie van het leven van Paulus, Leiden, 1918; in 
 addition Hans Windisch in Theologisch Tijdschrift, 53 (1919), p. 167 
 ff: B. W. Bacon, The Chronological Scheme of Acts, The Harvard 
 Theological Review, 14 (1921), pp. 137-166; Adolf Jilicher, Review 
 of Plooij in Gétt. gel. Anzeigen, 184 (1922), pp. 200-209 ; cf. also Theol. 
 Lit.-Zeitg., 49 (1924), col. 340 f.; [Wilhelm] Larfeld, Die delphische 
 Gallioinschrift und die paulinische Chronologie, Neue kirchl. Zeitschrift, 
 34 (1923), pp. 638-647; Eduard Meyer, Ursprung und Anfange des 
 Christentums, iii. (1923), p. 87 f. Luigi Cantarelli, Gallione proconsole 
 di Acaia e San Paolo, Rendiconti of the Reale Accademia Nazionale dei 
 Lincei, Vol. 32 (1923), pp. 157-175 ; Otto Stiahlin, Die altchristl. griech. 
 Initeratur (Christ ®), Miinchen, 1924, p. 11384. In addition the com- 
 mentaries on Acts and Handbooks and Introductions to the New 
 Testament, which have appeared since then. Cantarelli cites further 
 the following works : Pirot, Actes des apétres, pp. 172 and 174; Christ, 
 Geschichte der Griech Litteratur, II.5, 2, p. 931 ff.; Omodeo, Origins 
 cristiane, ii., pp. 18 ff, 110, 372 ff; i., p. 264. 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 271 
 
 ary, as the years we have passed through have made 
 any complete knowledge of international literature 
 — impossible. 
 
 I proceed first to the description and text of the 
 four old fragments. For details of the description I 
 am indebted to Pomtow’s MS. papers. 
 | The material is whitish-gray limestone from the 
 - Hagios Elias quarries near Delphi. The four fragments 
 now preserved in the Museum at Delphi are numbered 
 in the collection ! 3883, 2178, 2271,” 4001. 
 
 Our facsimile*® gives these four fragments in what is 
 supposed to be their original positions,* on a reduced 
 scale of about 1:32. The height of the letters amounts 
 to 18-20 millimetres (i.e. about three-quarters of an 
 inch). Pomtow is confident that the inscription was 
 originally set up on an outer wall of the south side of 
 the temple of Apollo at Delphi.’ 
 
 The text seems to be horribly mutilated and it really 
 is so. But nevertheless, as regards those portions 
 which concern our problem, we may say that chance 
 has for once behaved reasonably and _ benevolently. 
 Just those passages which are of most importance to us 
 are clearly legible and quite usable. 
 
 The length of the lines is, I think, certainly under- 
 estimated by Bourguet, who by restoration brought the 
 first line up to a total of 54 letters. The title of 
 
 1 These numbers are here given in order according to the sequence 
 of the text. 
 
 2 Bourguet, p. 63, gives this as number 59, the number it formerly 
 was known by. 
 
 3 Above, Plate I., facing title-page. 
 
 4 There is no doubt according to the judgment of the archeologists, 
 who have investigated the originals (Pomtow, Bourguet and Riisch) 
 that the four fragments really all belong to one another. 
 
 ‘ Bourguet, pp. 59, 67, 69, has already fixed upon the south wall of 
 the temple as the position of the imperial inscription. 
 
272 PAUL 
 
 pontifer maximus forms part of the full style of 
 Claudius,! I have therefore inserted dpytepevs péyvotos, 
 thus making a line of 71 letters. The original line 
 of the inscription must have been about 1:40 metre 
 long (i.e. 55 inches). In the first line the letters seem 
 to be somewhat farther apart than in the following 
 lines. 
 
 The text with probable restorations is given op- 
 posite.’ 
 
 In ordinary script and with a few additional re- 
 storations which I have essayed merely for the sake 
 of illustration,’ and for which I must refer to the 
 commentary, I would now give the text as follows :— 
 
 1. TiBép[ios KAavdvos K]atolap S<Baor]os T[eppavixds, dpxrepeds pé- 
 yuotos, Onpapxixns efov-| 
 
 9. alas [rd 8, abroxpdérwp t]d xs’, alatnp tlatpi[dos, traros 76 €, 
 Tintys, AeAboyv THe wore Xatpew]. 
 
 3. Tldd[ae pev] the w[dAe tlov AcAd[Gv wrpdllupols eyevounv.... . 
 MAPS ALES, Bork ct Kal evvous e& ap-| 
 
 4. yijs, det [8°] erypy[oa tHlv Opyckellay t]od Amd[AXwvos Tod TvGiov 
 
 ese is a Uae Chay Gas eae doa Oe] 
 
 5. viv A€yerau kal [roA]erOv epi[des élketvar W. 2... ee ee ees 
 HPO Ry ven Ri [xafws Aovkuos Iov-| 
 
 6. vos Taddwv 6 d[idos] pou Kalt dvOv|raros [rns Ayatas eypapev 
 Maasai) dua TOUTO avyxupS buas] 
 
 7. éru eEew tov mpo[reploly ..... © |e [vel . re he 
 
 ROO Ra in he els) Tov GA-] 
 
 1 Groag in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddie der klassischen Alter- 
 tumswissenschaft, 3 (Stuttgart, 1899), col. 2787. For pontifex maxumus 
 we sometimes find simply dpyvepeds (David Magie, De Romanorum 
 juris publict sacrique vocabulis solemnibus in Grecum sermonem con- 
 versis, Lipsiae, 1905, p. 64). I have preferred the longer formula, 
 because it seems to preponderate in other inscriptions of Claudius 
 which are known to me. But of course the shorter translation, 
 dpy.epe’s alone, is also possible. 
 
 2The imperfect letters are indicated by dots beneath them ; 
 probable restorations of lacune are printed in small type. 
 
 ’ Partly after Pomtow and Hiller von Gaertringen in Ditten- 
 berger’s Sylloge.? 
 
c1.G abod anf o7,| 
 ‘NOILGIMOSNY OITIVD AHL dO XH], AHL dO NOLLVUOLSEY ATavaoug 
 
 TOLL 2 
 
 0 9 [MO DLAINT VL 
 AVOLUZONO® OF 
 
 Ou TO LIMASTOLIV 
 
 VUNOAVOLNOV 
 iy oe a eS Looe mapa ete ee a : TI co en ears 40 031 0qUNOLNIDEILLA 
 So hia ca tas ene Spanky $2 ZOLVILACt 1VMIOW 5°Y 1 DONOIVVVISOIN 
 
 BVOMoOniOOV 2 gupta s eA ae GIVNIAM? $2 9TTANOLIZY XIV MIVIGIAVNIN 2 
 
 POCO Se aoigar aor SoamyyOIV LO? a] [MRHAON " POHAHLIVAVEHX 
 
 -0O” 33 SAULOQO LID ee Se et alnioa3d3 SOMTR00u AODVAV NO 1,173 if O UTIL azn MV FIL 
 
 ai2010% azyou ia amdy3g9 Salar 12. 02 Soinua $00 [GEV u Olvnqp TM: Q1 6M100%010D |g. 01 RVIK 
 -20$2 Slxidnrlig Sor01h3n Sazdaitdn Soxmnndazy KQ1090929 On wlTyu 50719anYX 50 1 JAIL 
 
 “AI HLVId 
 

 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 2738 
 
 8. Awv woA\cwv Ka — — — (about 60 letters) 
 9. avrots éritpe[tw — — (about 58 letters) 
 10. dav as tole — — — (about 62 letters) 
 11. rau petoxi[ca — — — (about 62 letters) 
 12, [ro|vrov — — — — — (about 65 letters) 
 
 Cee ee 
 
 In commenting on this text we may start from the 
 undoubted fact, that we have here before us one of 
 the imperial letters such as have been preserved by 
 ancient authors and especially by inscriptions.’ It is 
 no less evident that it is a letter from the Emperor 
 Claudius to the city of Delphi, although the name of 
 the addressee in the preescript has been lost. We may 
 assume from the first—and this is of importance in 
 attempting the restoration of the mutilated text—that 
 the contents of this letter must have been something 
 favourable to Delphi.2 The Emperor Claudius perhaps 
 guaranteed anew some ancient privileges of the sacred 
 city, just as he confirmed to the Jews of Alexandria 
 their old privileges in a letter written at the beginning 
 of his reign,* and in a letter to the authorities of 
 Jerusalem written in the year 45 graciously settled a 
 question that strongly excited the religious sensibilities 
 of the Jews.* Other inscriptions, some of them newly 
 
 1Of. Licht vom Osten, 4th Ed., p. 321 f. 
 
 2 Otherwise the document would hardly have been recorded in 
 stone and set up in the temple of Apollo. 
 
 3 This letter of Claudius has been preserved by Josephus, Ant. xix. 
 6, 2 On the other hand, it must not be overlooked that Claudius 
 even early in his reign sharply reproved the Jews of Alexandria, cf. 
 the newly discovered letter of the year 41 published by Bell, p. 1 ff. 
 (see above p. 230). 
 
 4 This letter of Claudius has also been handed down by Josephus, 
 Antt. xx. 1,2. Further on the letters of Claudius handed down by 
 Josephus, cf. T. Kindlmann, Utrum littere, que ad Claudiwm Tiberium 
 imperatorem apud Josephum referuntur, ad eum referend@ sint nec ne, 
 queritur, Cremsirii, 1884. 
 
 18 
 
274. PAUL 
 
 published by Bourguet,* prove that the relations of this 
 very Emperor Claudius to the city of Delphi were of 
 long standing and friendly. Excellent analogies are 
 also furnished by numerous letters from other emperors 
 to the city of Delphi. Recorded, like the letter of 
 Claudius, in the form of an inscription, a good proportion 
 of them have come down to us in considerable trag- 
 ments.” 
 
 We come now to details. Line 1 has already been 
 discussed as regards the probable number of letters it 
 contained. The restoration of the name Claudius is 
 certain. 
 
 Line 2 is the most important as bearing on our 
 problem because it contains the decisive date. The 
 12 denoting the number of times Claudius had been 
 invested with the tribunician power (Snmapxexy é€oveta) 
 is only restored, but the 26 (xs) denoting the number 
 of times he had been acclaimed imperator (adroxparwp) 
 which is of far greater importance to us, is above all 
 doubt. At my request Hermann Dessau most oblig- 
 ingly put together for me in January, 1911, the materials 
 available for calculating the 26th acclamation of Clau- 
 dius as imperator. These materials had already mostly 
 been given by Groag * :— 
 
 ‘Altogether Claudius was acclaimed imperator 27 
 times. As imperator XXVII. he appears for the first 
 time on a monument of the 12th year of his tribunician 
 
 1De rebus Delphicis, p. 62 £.; cf. Dittenberger, Sylioge, 3rd Hd., 
 No. 801, A-C, and Plooij, p. 32. 
 
 2 Cf. Bourguet, p. 59-93. 
 
 3 Cf. Groag, op. cit., col. 2812 f.; cf. also Ermanno Ferrero in 
 De Ruggiero Dizionario epigrafico, ii, p. 297, 300. I give the 
 materials in extenso because hitherto in discussion mistaken state- 
 ments have repeatedly been made; in particular the expositions of 
 Cagnat, Cours d’épigraphie latine, Supplément a la trowieme édition, 
 Paris, 1904, p. 478, have been in part misunderstood by some 
 investigators. 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 275 
 
 power (which ran from January 25th, a.p. 52, till the 
 same date in 53) viz.,a monumental arch of the Aqua 
 Claudia at Rome inscribed :—* 
 
 Ti. Claudius Drusi f. Caisar Augustus Germanicus pontif. 
 maxim., tribunicia potestate XII., cos. V., imperator XXVIL., 
 pater patrize. 
 
 ‘As the aquaduct was dedicated,’ on August Ist, 52, 
 the inscription would give the style of Claudius as it 
 was on August Ist, 52. 
 
 ‘Claudius appears as imperator XX VJ. in several 
 inscriptions besides the one from Delphi. To begin 
 with there is C.I.L. VIIL., Suppl. No. 14727 (Africa) and 
 XIII, No. 254 (Aquitania).? The year of his tribunician 
 power, wanting in both these instances, is given in an 
 inscription from the Carian city of Cys * :— 
 
 TiBépiov KAavdiov Kaicapa Veppavxoy atroxpdtopa Geov <eBacrov 
 dpyvepea, peyrotov, OnpapxiKns eSovatas 76 bwdéxarov, Urarov TO TEevTTOY, 
 avToKpaTopa TO €(KOOTOV Kal EKTOV, TATepa Tatpioos. 
 
 ‘This inscription certainly belongs to the period 
 between the beginning of the 12th tribunician power 
 and the first appearance of the 27th imperatorial accla- 
 mation, i.e. between January 25th and August Ist., 52. 
 
 ‘It is highly probable that the imperial letter 
 contained in the Delphi inscription is also to be placed 
 in this period, although it is not altogether impossible 
 that Claudius received his 26th imperatorial acclama- 
 tion during his 11th tribunician power.’ He certainly 
 
 1 Corpus Inscriptionwm Latinarum, vi., No. 1256 = Dessau, Inserip- 
 tiones selecte, No. 218. Only the beginning of the inscription is quoted 
 above. 
 
 2Frontinus, De aquis, i. 13. 
 
 ’ For this passage, which is not mentioned in Dessau’s materials, 
 I am indebted to Lehmann (Clawdiws, Bk. IV., p. 43), who quoted 
 it from Muratori. 
 
 4 Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, 11 (1887), p. 306 f. 
 
 5 We should then have to read 7d va’ instead of 70 18" in line 2 of 
 the Gallio inscription. 
 
276 PAUL: 
 
 received his 22nd and 24th imperatorial acclamations 
 during his 11th tribunician year,’ and, of course, also 
 his 28rd, though that has not yet been found recorded. 
 The 25th has also not yet been found but it might fall 
 likewise in the 1ith tribunician year, ie. before 
 January 25th, 52. If the 26th also occurred in the 
 11th year it could only be towards the end of that 
 year, ie. at the end of 51 or in January, 52. But 
 this assumption cannot be regarded as at all pro- 
 bable.’ 
 
 The small margin of uncertainty in dating the 26th 
 imperatorial acclamation does not matter as far as our 
 question is concerned. Claudius addressed his letter to 
 Delphi at some time between (the end of 51, or more 
 probably) the beginning of 52 and August., 52. 
 
 In line 2 I have supplied conjecturally the titles of 
 consul (vzaros) and censor (rTysyr7s). The formula 
 Ackdav TH TOdEL Yaipew agrees in the order of its words 
 with the usage of the preescripts in other imperial 
 letters.’ 
 
 Bourguet in 1905 took line 3 as part of the pre- 
 script,’ restoring it thus: aaA[uw ? 7 |He w| odev 7 |Ov Aehd| ov 
 tpo0|updltara yatpev|. As regards both form and 
 contents this restoration seems to me to be open to 
 grave objection ; tpodupdzata yatpew would, I think, be 
 quite unusual. Bourguet, however, as he informed me 
 in the letter mentioned above,* has since discovered 
 another restoration: ... 77 madlavoral|rne ml oder T lov 
 Aehd[ ov, which Baron Hiller von Gaertringen ® had also 
 conjectured independently. Attractive as this restora- 
 tion is, it seems unusual to me if it is to form part of 
 
 1 References are given in Groag, col. 2812. 
 
 2 Cf. now also the letter of Claudius written in the year 41, see 
 Bell, op. cit., p. 23, 15 f. "AAeEavdpéwv TH woAEL xarpev. 
 
 5 De rebus Delphicis, p. 63. 4 Above, p. 269, note 1. 
 
 ° Letter dated, Westend, April 29th, 1911. 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 277 
 
 the preescript of the letter; cf. the remarks on line 2 
 above. For my conjecture waka... , which would 
 be the beginning of the Emperor’s reference to his old 
 feelings of friendly interest in Delphi, cf., for instance, 
 the beginning of the edict of Gn. Vergilius Capito * 
 (A.D. 48), Kat mada prev QKovor. 
 
 In line 4, judging from the squeeze taken by Riisch 
 
 in 1911 I thought yyoa more probable than Bourguet’s 
 
 ..uca. The restoration [evrd|ynoa which I then 
 suggested did not fit badly with what one would expect 
 the thought to be. The Emperor would say with con- 
 descending hyperbole that it had been his happiness 
 hitherto to give the city of Delphi signs of his favour. 
 But I now prefer the restoration given above. An 
 exact parallel to the sentence which then follows,’ ‘I 
 have observed the worshipping of Apollo,’ * is furnished 
 by a letter of Hadrian to Delphi:* kat es Hv 
 ap[xaudTnTa TH|s Toews Kal Eis THY TOU KaTEXOVTOS alUTHY 
 Beod Opna|keiav’ adopov. So, too, Claudius speaks of 
 the wdrp.os Opnoxeia in his letter to the Jews of Alex- 
 andria® and similarly in his letter to the authorities 
 at Jerusalem.’ 
 
 In lines 5 and 6 I have now adopted the restoration 
 proposed by Hiller von Gaertringen, ép:[ des], although it 
 
 1Tn the inscription given by Dittenberger, Orientis Graect Inscrip- 
 tiones Selectae, No. 665, 15. 
 
 2 Hiller von Gaertringen in 1911 attempted a quite different 
 restoration: dx’ dplyjs de[r or y] érnpyloare rH]v, etc. But with 
 Pomtow in Dittenberger’s Sylloge, 3rd Hd., he decided for érjpy[ca ; 
 rightly. I have prefered this reconstruction on account of the parallel 
 from the letter of Hadrian which is about to be mentioned ; in the main 
 it is Bourguet’s. 
 
 3Instead of rtlod “Amd[AAwvos] we might also conjecture Ge]od 
 "Azo[AAwvos]. 
 
 4 Bourguet, p. 78. 7 
 
 ’For the genitive after Opyoxeia, cf. also Col. ii. 18, Opnoxeia trav 
 ayyérwv. 
 
 6 Cf. above, p. 273, note 3. 7 Ibid., note 4. 
 
278 PAUL 
 
 gives the letter a very peculiar tone, which is certainly 
 a daring thing to do when making a restoration. The 
 restored reading |’Iov|vios is certain, AovKuos iS pro- 
 bable.’ 
 
 In line 6 6 [tos] pov kali avOvl|mraros is also 
 unexceptionable. ‘My dearest friends’? is the term 
 applied to King Agrippa and King Herod by Claudius in 
 his edict of toleration for the Jews.* The expression 
 ‘friend’ seems to have been in official use with special 
 reference to provincial governors. ‘Trajan in a letter to 
 the city of Delphi speaks of [a|pOurdar@ Kai dite pov 
 “Epevr[t|o Latopveivw;* and in a letter from Marcus 
 Aurelius to the Synodus of Smyrna the Proconsul 
 T. Atilius Maximus is called 6 kpdtictos avOvmatos Kal 
 dios nav.’ The whole form of expression tends to 
 show that Gallio was the Proconsul in office at the 
 time of the letter.° 
 
 We may here at once discuss the question of the 
 dating of his proconsulship.’ The governors of the 
 senatorial provinces, the proconsules (avOv7aro.), Whom 
 the Senate as a rule appointed by lot, held the office 
 for a year.. It was an exception for a proconsul to 
 remain longer in office. It is on record that the ex- 
 ception of a proconsulship lasting for two years occurred 
 in some cases under Claudius.’ But I consider it very 
 
 1Cf. below, p. 285, the Gallio inscription from Plataea. 
 
 2On the expression ‘friend of the Emperor,’ cf. Licht vom Osten, 
 4th Hd., p. 324. 
 
 ’ Josephus, Anit. xix. 5, 3, rév diAtarev po. 4 Bourguet, p. 70. 
 
 * Dittenberger, Sylloge, 2nd Hd., No. 406 (= 3rd Ed., No. 851). 
 
 6 Numerous examples of the mention of the proconsul in office in 
 imperial letters will be found in Léon Lafoscade, De epistulis (aliisque 
 titulis) imperatorum magisiratuumque Romanorum... (a Paris 
 thesis), Insulis, 1902, p. 127, under av6vzaros. 
 
 7 Here, too, I am indebted for kind assistance to Dessau. 
 
 § Theodor Mommsen, Rdmisches Staatsrecht, i., 3rd Ed., p. 255. 
 
 ® Dio Cassius, lx. 25, 6, kairou cal ét dvo érn twas édv adrdy d.pxewv 
 
 (A.D. 44-45). 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 279 
 
 probable that in this particular case of the proconsuls 
 of Achaia the rule was observed. 
 
 In the year 44 the province of Achaia, which had 
 previously for some time been combined with Mace- 
 donia and had been under a legatus Augusti pro pretore, 
 was given back to the Senate by Claudius. Was he 
 likely, in this special case of a province restored to the 
 Senate, so soon afterwards to disregard the privilege 
 of the Senate, which lay in the annual nomination of 
 the governors of its provinces? Moreover, there is the 
 fact that Gallio fell ill with fever in Achaia, and himself 
 attributed the disease to the climate ;? it is therefore not 
 exactly credible that he should have remained there any 
 longer than necessary. In any case, however, it seems 
 to me that in chronological calculations what we have 
 to do is to take the normal condition of things as our 
 basis, not the remotely possible exception.» We must 
 assume that the proconsulship of Gallio lasted one year 
 until it has been proved to have lasted longer. 
 
 Now if Gallio, on the evidence of the Delphi in- 
 scription, was in office in the period of the 26th 1m- 
 peratorial acclamation of Claudius, it is possible to 
 calculate with great probability the date of his entry 
 upon his duties. Gallio’s entry upon office is the salient 
 point of the problem. The mistaken notion occurs not 
 infrequently that the date in the calendar year at which 
 a proconsulship began was somewhere about April Ist." 
 
 1Dio Cassius, lx., 24, 1, ri re ’Ayatav xal tiv Maxedoviay aiperots 
 &pxovewv, @ odzep 6 TiBépios Hp&e, diopevas arédwxev 6 KAavdios téTe TO 
 Khnpe. 
 
 2 Seneca, Hp. Mor., 104, 1. ‘Illud mihi in ore erat domini mei 
 Gallionis, qui cum in Achaia febrim habere coepisset, protinus navem 
 adscendit clamitans non corporis esse sed loci morbum.’ 
 
 3 This is rightly insisted on by Sir W. M. Ramsay, The Expositor, 
 May, 1909, p. 469. 
 
 4 For instance, Carl Clemen in his excellent Paulus, i., Giessen, 
 1904, p. 396, says that the office had ‘to be entered on before the 
 
280 PAUL 
 
 A more inconvenient date, however, could hardly 
 be imagined, because it would compel the proconsuls, 
 if their province were at a great distance from Rome, 
 to travel at a most unfavourable time of the year. We 
 possess, moreover, positive information. Tiberius in 
 A.p. 15 had decreed that the officials should leave Rome 
 ‘within’ the new moon of the month of June;’ this 
 would point to July 1st as the day of entry upon office, 
 a date that would in many respects be a favourably 
 chosen one. Obviously, however, the time was not 
 exactly ample for reaching some provinces, and it must 
 have been recognised that the date had not been happily 
 chosen. Claudius, therefore—no doubt also because he 
 was annoyed by the length of time that the new dig- 
 nitaries hung about the Capital—gave orders in A.D. 42 
 that they must start before the April new moon.? In 
 the following year he reduced this very early date to the 
 time before the middle of April.’ 
 
 We may therefore say that the date of the entry 
 upon office was about the middle of the calendar year— 
 at any rate sometime in summer.* The account in the 
 
 beginning of April by a law of Claudius,’ and refers to Dio Cassius, 
 Ix., 18, 17. But there is no such passage; the reference probably 
 comes from Gustav Hoennicke, Die Chronologie des Lebens des Apostels 
 Paulus, Leipzig, 1903, p. 28, where, however, it is said more correctly 
 that by a law of Claudius the new proconsuls had to leave Rome before 
 the beginning of April. The intended reference is to Dio Cassius, 
 xe aL a0: 
 
 1Dio Cassius, lvii., 14, 5, éxéXeveé cdiow évros THs Tod ‘Iovviov vov- 
 pnvias apoppacba. That is, of course, to be understood as the last 
 possible date of departure. 
 
 2 Tbid., Ix., 11, 6, xarédeée Se Kat rade, Tovs TE KANpwTods apxovTas 
 Tpo THS TOD AmptAiov vovpnvias, érednep eri TOAD ev TO Gore evexpovicov, 
 apoppacbat. 
 
 3 Ibid., lx., 17, 3, mpds & eri tots dpyovar Trois KAynpwrots, Bpadéws 
 rt Kal TOTE €K THS TOAEWS ESOPUMUEVOLS, TpoElTE Tply werovy Tov AmpidLov 
 amaipe.v. 
 
 *Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii, 3rd Ed., p. 256, assumes July Ist 
 as the normal date. 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 281 
 
 Acts of the Apostles seems to me to harmonise with 
 this conjecture. If, as seems to me beyond doubt, 
 Acts xviii. 12 speaks of the new proconsul, we obtain 
 for Paul’s voyage to Syria (Acts xviii. 18 ff.) the very 
 best time of year :— 
 
 about July beginning of the new proconsulship, 
 
 soon after unsuccessful accusation brought by the 
 J OWS, 
 
 further residence of Paul in Corinth, 
 
 departure for Syria (say) in August or September 
 of the same year.’ 
 
 If, then, the letter of Claudius to Delphi was written 
 between (the end of 51 or, more probably) the beginning 
 of 52 and August Ist, 52, and Gallio was then’ in office, 
 he entered on his proconsulship in the summer (nominally 
 
 July 1st) of a.vd. 51° 
 Line 6 f. The restoration of the remainder of line 
 
 1 There is an interesting parallel in the date at which Festus, the 
 imperial procurator, happened to enter his office. Harnack (Die 
 Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur bis Husebiws, vol. i, 
 Leipzig, 1897, p. 237) very rightly conjectures, from the statement 
 in the Acts of the Apostles concerning Paul’s departure for Rome, that 
 Festus entered on’ his duties in summer. Of course no decisive weight 
 is to be attached to this parallel, because it is not concerned with a 
 proconsulship lasting for one year. 
 
 2In the Prosopographia Impertt Roman, i, Berolini, 1897, 
 p. 288, Dessau gave 52 as the date of Gallio’s proconsulship, and 
 Bourguet (p. 64), obviously regarded it as an established fact. In 
 1897, however, it was only a conjecture, though a happy one. ‘The 
 fact that the date now proves to be right is no justification for having 
 assumed it then,’ Dessau wrote to me on January 20th, 1911. 
 
 The purely logical possibility that he entered on his official 
 duties on July 1st, 52, and that the letter of Claudius was written 
 between July 1st and August Ist, 52, suggests itself for a moment, but 
 only to be rejected as altogether improbable. August Ist, 52, is not 
 the day on which Claudius received his 27th imperatorial acclamation, 
 but only the terminus ad quem for this title. For a criticism of the 
 above exposition, cf. Cantarelli, p. 14. 
 
282 PAUL 
 
 6 is of course not certain; ovyywpe is however in any 
 case the technical word for ‘to approve,’' especially 
 when referring to the bestowal of imperial favours.’ 
 The words eu efew rdov mpd rep |o[v] suggest, what was 
 a priori probable, that some earlier privileges of Delphi 
 were to be confirmed. 
 
 Line 7 f. might of course be restored as [od ]\av 
 TONEwD.” 
 
 In line 9 I should conjecture with Pomtow [Ae\]¢éav 
 ws. Bourguet’s [ovp|dadves is, however, just as well 
 possible. 
 
 In line 12 considerations of space make [7olvrou 
 more probable than Bourguet’s [a ]irod. 
 
 The conclusions as regards the chronology of Paul 
 are easily drawn. If Gallio entered on his office in the 
 middle of the summer of 51, and if the accusation of 
 Paul by the Jews took place soon afterwards, then, 
 since he had already been working for approximately 
 eighteen months in Corinth, Paul must have come to 
 Corinth m the first months of the year 50, and left 
 Corinth in the late summer of the year 51. 
 
 I refrain from comparing this calculation with the 
 more or less divergent results obtained by others above- 
 named who have made use of the Gallio inscription. I 
 have given all the materials, and every one can make 
 this examination for himself. Still less is there any 
 need for me to show seriatim the incorrectness of 
 earlier attempts to find a merely hypothetically possible 
 
 ‘Cf. the letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians in the year 41, 
 Bell, op. cit., p. 23.32, and 24.46, also that to the authorities of 
 Jerusalem in the year 45, Josephus, Anztt., xx. 1, 2. 
 
 * Cf the letter of Claudius in Josephus, Antt., xix. 5, 3, for Delphi, 
 Trajan’s letter in Bourguet, p. 70 (which I assume is rightly restored), 
 and also Lafoscade, p. 110 f. 
 
 * But cf. rai[s] dA[Aas] réAcow in a letter of Hadrian’s, Bourguet, - 
 D. (a, 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 283 
 
 date, varying from aA.p. 48 to A.D. 54 for Gallio’s pro- 
 consulship. I would rather note that as early as 1858 
 H. Lehmann,’ whose knowledge of the sources for the 
 time of Claudius was very exact, got at the truth (and 
 at the same time stated the problem in the true way) 
 when he placed Gallio’s entry on office in the summer 
 of 51. 
 
 I should like, however, at least to refer to the con- 
 firmation which my calculation of the time of Paul’s 
 stay at Corinth receives from a statement which has 
 often been noted in Orosius. On the authority of 
 ‘Josephus,’ Orosius says that Claudius in the ninth year 
 of his reign expelled the Jews from Rome.’ That 
 would mean the year which ran from January 25th, 49, 
 to the same date in 50. And since Paul on arriving at 
 Corinth met Aquila the tentmaker there, who had 
 ‘lately ’’* arrived from Italy after his expulsion from 
 Rome by the edict of Claudius, from this we could also 
 conclude that, if the Apostle reached Corinth at the 
 beginning of the year 50, the year 49 would be approxi- 
 mately the date of the edict of Claudius against the 
 Jews. 
 
 Ramsay,* it is true, maintains that Orosius is always 
 a year behind in his chronology of Claudius; but that 
 does not dispose of the remarkable coincidence between 
 our calculation and Orosius, for in this case Orosius is 
 
 1 Claudius, p. 354. It ig true, he places the arrival of Paul at 
 Corinth as early as the end of the year 49 (p. 332); but even this is 
 not impossible. 
 
 2 Orosius, vii., 6, 15, ‘Anno eiusdem nono expulsos per Claudium 
 urbe Iudzos Iosephus refert.’ The same statement in Beda, De 
 temporum ratione a. 4007, is certainly taken from Orosius. 
 
 3 Acts xvili. 2, rpooddtws éAnAvOdra amd THs “Iradias . . . dua TO 
 tetaxevat Kravdvov ywpilerGar mavras Tos ‘lovdaious aro tis Popys. 
 
 4 St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen, 11th Ed., pp. 254 and 
 68; The Expositor, May, 1909, p. 468. He therefore places the 
 expulsion of the Jews ‘according to Orosius’ in the year 50. 
 
284 PAUL 
 
 giving not his own chronology but that of his authority, 
 ‘Josephus,’ and (this is very important to observe) with- 
 out attaching much importance to Josephus.! In our 
 texts of Flavius Josephus the statement, it must be 
 admitted, is wanting. It is possible that Orosius means 
 some other ‘ Josephus,’* or that he has made a mistake 
 in the name of his authority; but the statement itself for 
 which he does not profess any particular respect ‘cannot 
 be his own invention’ ;? that I take to be obvious.‘ 
 
 The inscription at Delphi does not exhaust the epi- 
 graphical material referring to Gallio. There isa tablet 
 from Pompeii’ inscribed with a receipt which bears on 
 the question of his consulship, and has often® been 
 
 ‘In vii. 6, 15 he continues: ‘Sed me magis Suetonius movet qui 
 ait hoc modo: Claudius Judwos impulsore Christo adsidue tumultu- 
 antes Roma expulit.’ 
 
 *This conjecture is not so remote as it may seem at first sight. 
 In the ancient Church there was current a collection of facts com- 
 mitted to memory, probably chiefly for catechetical purposes, large 
 portions of which are preserved in the Hypomnesticon of the so-called 
 ‘Christian Josephus,’ and which is to some extent much older than 
 the Hypommesticon. In the list of high priests in this ‘ Josephus,’ 
 il. 80 (Migne, Patrologia Greeca, 106), which still awaits investigation, 
 the beginning of the war of the Jews against the Romans is dated 
 érous dyddou KXavdiov, the reference perhaps being to the Jewish re- 
 bellion under Ventidius Cumanus (Schtirer, i, 8rd Ed., p. 568 f.; 
 English translation, History of the Jewish People, Division I., vol. ii., 
 pp. 171-173). Here it seems is a ‘Josephus’ who gives us a date in 
 the reign of Claudius similar to the one found in Orosius. 
 
 *Schiirer, iii, 4th Ed., p. 62 (passage not in the English transla- 
 tion). Above in his text he dates the edict « probably a.p. 49,’ 
 
 *Harnack, Die Chronologie, i., p. 236, also considers this statement 
 worthy of notice. Cf. also his penetrating remarks in the essay 
 (mentioned above, p. 270, note 1) Chronolog. Berechnung, p. 647 ff. 
 Kduard Meyer, Ursprung wnd Anfénge des Christentums, p. 38, also 
 speaks for the notice of Orosius. 
 
 ° Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, iv., Suppl. No. 45. 
 
 ® Hg. by Hoennicke, Die Chronologie des Lebens des Apostels 
 Paulus, p. 26. 
 
THE PROCONSULATE OF L. JUNIUS GALLIO 285 
 
 made use of, though it still unfortunately offers some 
 puzzles. Besides this there is a Bceotian inscription! 
 which certainly mentions Gallio, but without a date. 
 The inscription is found on a pedestal in an abandoned 
 chapel of Hagios Taxiarches not far from Platza :? 
 
 HITOATSITAATAIEQNAOYK / / / // 
 NIONTAAATIONAANIANON — /// 
 ITIATONTONEAYTHSEYEP [// 
 
 1 a 
 
 It was published by Dittenberger, who thus re- 
 
 stored it : 
 9 ods TAataréwy Aovx(cov) [Tov] 
 viov addwva “Avavov ® [i] 
 TaTov, Tov éavTns evep[y] 
 
 ér[ qv] 
 and referred it to the consulship of Gallio. There is no 
 material impossibility in this view, but is it probable ? 
 When a Greek city erects a statue in honour of Gallio, 
 its benefactor, our first thoughts are of the proconsul of 
 Greece. I should therefore prefer this restoration : 
 
 n TOMS TXataéwv Aovx[tov Iov-] 
 viov addtwva “Aviavov [avOv-] 
 TatTov, TOV éavTHs Evep|y-| 
 ér[nv]. 
 But I will not deny that Platzaa may have shown her 
 gratitude to Gallio after he had been Proconsul and 
 had become Consul. 
 
 Whether my restoration is possible can be decided 
 by an inspection of the stone. Even a squeeze would 
 enlighten us as to the length of the lines and the size, 
 etc., of the letters. In 1911 Michael Gasis‘ of Berlin 
 
 1] am indebted to Dessau for referring me to this inscription. 
 
 2 Inscriptiones Grece, vii., No. 1676. 
 
 3See Dittenberger’s note at this remarkable form of the name. 
 
 * Dr. Michael Gasis of Athens was at that time a member of the 
 Berlin University New Testament Seminar and was engaged upon a 
 
286 PAUL 
 
 very kindly went to some trouble in the matter. At 
 his request M. A. Keramopulos, his brother-in-law, 
 twice (in July and September, 1911) investigated the 
 ruins of the church of Hagios Taxiarches, but without 
 having been able to find the inscription again. One of 
 his workmen told him then that the inhabitants of the 
 neighbouring village, Kapareli, had taken away stones 
 from Hagios Taxiarches about 1900 to build their church 
 of the Transfiguration, and again about 1905 to build 
 their church of Hagios Panteleémon. M. Keramopulos 
 then most kindly investigated both of these new buildings 
 _and thoroughly cross-examined the peasants, but with- 
 out success. (The letter of M. Keramopulos to Gasis 
 is dated ‘Eremokastro 29.9.1911’). A re-examina- 
 tion planned late in the autumn of 1924 by M. Oiko- 
 homos at the request of my friend, Baron Hiller von 
 Gaertringen, had to be given up owing to the unfavour- 
 able weather. We must unfortunately reckon with the 
 possibility that the church of Hagios Taxiarches has lost | 
 its valuable inheritance from antiquity through the zeal 
 of the Kapareliots for church building. 
 
 great work, an interpretation of the New Testament from the stand- 
 point of modern Greek as a living language. After his return home 
 he was not able personally to concern himself about the inscription. 
 He fell in Macedonia fighting for his country in the Balkan War of 
 1912, an dzapy7 (first-fruits) of the European War of 1914-18, 
 
PLATE V. 
 
 
 
 ALTAR FROM THE SACRED PRECINCTS OF THE TEMPLE OF DEMETER 
 IN PERGAMUM. 
 
 Imperial Period. 
 
 (Front, first dedication.) 
 (T'o face page 286. 
 
PLATE VI, 
 
 
 
 ALTAR FROM THE SACRED PRECINCTS OF THE TEMPLE OF DEMETER 
 IN PERGAMUM. 
 
 Imperial Period. 
 
 (Left side, second dedication.) 
 [To face page 287. 
 
 
 
APPENDIX II. 
 
 ON THE ALTAR TO THE UNKNOWN GOD 
 (See the Autotype Plates V. and VI.) 
 
 THe Greek inscription which Paul read on an altar 
 at Athens, 
 
 To an unknown God, 
 
 and which he viewed and interpreted with the eyes of 
 a monotheistic missionary, has often been illustrated by 
 literary evidence culled from Pausanias, Philostratus, 
 and Diogenes Laértes.2, We must conclude from this 
 that in Greek antiquity cases were not altogether rare 
 in which ‘anonymous’ altars’ 
 
 To unknown gods, 
 or 
 To the god whom it may concern,? 
 
 were erected when people were convinced, for example 
 after experiencing some deliverance, that a deity had 
 been gracious to them, but were not certain of the 
 
 1 Acts xvii. 23, ayvdotw Ocd. On p. 78, note 8, I have already 
 indicated that I regard the statement of Acts about the Athenian 
 inscription as credible. However tempting it would be to defend this 
 passage against Eduard Norden (Agnostos Theos, Leipzig and Berlin, 
 1913), I must not attempt it here, but refer the reader to Eduard 
 Meyer, who in Ursprung und Anfdnge, iii., p. 92 ff., says on all the 
 chief questions raised by this great problem very much what I would 
 myself have said. For further literature on Norden’s hypothesis see 
 Otto Staihlin, Die alichristl. griech. Literatur, p. 1179. 
 
 2Hduard Norden gives the best collection of materials (cf. note 1 
 above). 
 
 3 Bupors avwvijpovs. 4 dyvworots Peots. 
 
 570 mpoonkovte Geo (Diogenes Laértes, i. 110). 
 
 (287) 
 
288 PAUL 
 
 deity’s name. Altars to ‘unknown gods’ on the way 
 from Phalerum to Athens,! at Athens? and at Olympia 
 are specially mentioned by Pausanias (second century 
 A.D.) and Philostratus (third century <.p.), 
 
 Hitherto there has been no epigraphical evidence 
 forthcoming to confirm these statements of ancient 
 writers, and I have not infrequently heard the view ex- 
 pressed that their testimony counts for little. Now an 
 inscription from Pergamum has come to light which 
 perhaps gives ground for saying with a little greater. 
 probability that Pausanias and Philostratus deserve 
 credence. 
 
 On February ist, 1910, Wilhelm Dérpfeld and two 
 of his collaborators gave a report before the Berlin 
 Archeological Society of the excavations at Pergamum 
 during the autumn of 1909. The most valuable result 
 of a campaign rich in brilliant discoveries was the clear- 
 ing of the sacred precinct and temple of Demeter, which 
 from about the end of the fourth century B.c. until late 
 in the imperial period must have been an important 
 shrine, as shown by the architectural remains and in- 
 scribed stones. The most remarkable epigraphical dis- 
 covery, next to the inscription recording the foundation 
 of the building, was brought forward at the meeting by 
 Hugo Hepding, and has since been published by him in 
 the report of the excavations,‘ viz., the altar which is 
 reproduced in our plates V. and VI. 
 
 1 Pausanias, i., 1, 14. 
 
 2 Philostratus, Vita Apollonti, vi., 3. 
 
 * Pausanias, v., 14, 8. 
 
 * Athenische Mitteilungen, 35 (1910), pp. 454-457. Hepding had 
 before this very kindly allowed me to call attention to the inscription 
 in a provisional notice in Die Christliche Welt, 24 (1910), cols. 218 ff. 
 T am algo indebted to Hepding for his courtesy in supplying a fellow- 
 student with the photograph of the two sides of the stone. For a 
 detailed description of the altar I refer to the report of the excava- 
 tions. The most important fact is that the altar was inscribed with 
 
ON THE ALTAR TO THE UNKNOWN GOD 289 
 
 The text of the older votive inscription (Plate V.) 
 on the altar which is probably of the second century 
 A.D. 18 unfortunately mutilated. Hepding thinks it 
 should be thus restored, in what appears to me also to 
 be the most probable form :— 
 
 eotsiayv[dorous] 
 Kazit[ov]| 
 dadodxo[s]. 
 
 Symmetry requires that about six letters should be 
 restored at the end of linel; therefore dyy[édous] is 
 not probable, although shown to be a material possibility 
 by a Latin inscription, dizs angelis,! of the second or 
 third century a.p. from Viminacium in Serbia. dyi[ous], 
 ay wrarows|, ayvlots| are improbable restorations for 
 material and partly for formal reasons. Hepding? 
 considered it possible that dy] wrdrais| should be read, 
 because ina Peloponnesian inscription ® there is mention 
 of Demeter and Kore (Persephone) as roty aywwrdrow 
 Geotv, and 7 Meds is often found at Pergamum. But, on 
 the other hand, he points out that it would be hardly in 
 keeping with Greek religious feeling to change after a 
 short time the dedication of an altar to the two chief 
 deities of the holy precinct—and we know from the 
 inscription on the left side of the stone, also reproduced 
 in our Plate VI., that the dedication of this altar was so 
 changed. It would be less remarkable that an altar to 
 unknown gods should receive no particular attention 
 and then should be annexed to another cult. We 
 should also expect to find on the stone some trace still 
 a dedication first on the front and then on the left side. The second 
 dedication [rots ’A]lvéwos Kaolyvyros ériBopios, for which I refer to 
 
 Hepding, is also reproduced here in autotype (Plate VI.). 
 1 Jahreshefte des Oesterreichisch. Archaol. Institutes, 8 (1905), 
 
 Supplement, col. 5. 
 2 Athenische Mitteilungen, 35 (1910), p. 456. Cf. also Martin 
 Dibelius, Theol. Lit.-Ztg., 836 (1911), col. 413. 
 3 Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, i., No. 1449. 
 9 
 
290 PAUL 
 
 remaining of the horizontal beginning! of the O if 
 
 aywratars were the original reading. Moreover, the 
 adoration of ‘unknown’ gods harmonises well with the 
 religious thought of the priests of the mysteries of 
 Demeter at Pergamum in the second century <.p., as 
 known to us from other inscriptions.’ 
 
 These arguments of Hepding’s are illuminating, even 
 if absolute certainty remains unattainable? I may add, 
 however, that if Demeter and Persephone were intended 
 we should expect the definite article and perhaps the 
 dual, as in the Peloponnesian inscription. The mere 
 fact that a ‘torch-bearer’ of Demeter dedicates the 
 altar does not entitle us to conclude that he must have 
 dedicated it to Demeter. We have at Pergamum un- 
 doubted examples to the contrary,‘ and this very Capito 
 of our inscription is perhaps identical with the man who 
 dedicated another altar at Pergamum to Zeus Megistos 
 Soter.° 
 
 If rightly restored, the inscription 
 
 To unk[nown] Gods 
 Capit[on] 
 torch-beare[r] 
 tells us that about a century after the foundation of the 
 Christian church in Pergamum® Capito, a priest of 
 
 ‘Cf. in line 2 of the autotype the beginning of the O after the T. 
 
 * Cf. e.g., the dedication to the Pantheion by M. Aurelius Menogenes 
 a hierophant and prytanis at Pergamum (Hepding, p. 454, and his 
 remarks, p. 404 ff.). 
 
 * Hepding’s restoration is advocated even more decidedly than by 
 me also by Otto Weinreich, Deutsche Lit.-Ztg., 34 (1913), col. 2958. f., 
 also in his Habilitation Thesis, De dis wgnotis, Halis Sax., 1914, p. 29 
 ff, and by Eduard Meyer, iii., p. 96. 
 
 ‘Hig. a dedication to Helios by Cl. Nicomedes, a torch-bearer 
 (Hepding, p. 453). 
 
 ° Hepding, p. 457. 
 
 ° The earliest evidence of Christianity in Pergamum is the letter 
 of Christ in Rev. ii. 12 ff The foundation of the church may very 
 likely go back to the time of Paul. 
 
 = ee, <3 
 eS aaa 
 
 
 
ON THE ALTAR TO THE UNKNOWN GOD 291 
 
 Demeter of Pergamum, who officiated as ‘ torch-bearer’ 
 at her mysteries, dedicated the altar to ‘unknown’ gods. 
 In some way or other—it may easily be imagined from 
 many analogous dedications that a hint had _ been 
 received in a dream—Capito had become convinced 
 that he was under obligation to gods whose names were 
 not revealed to him. He showed his appreciation by 
 giving them an ‘anonymous’ altar. 
 
 No doubt the Athenian altar which made so deep 
 an impression on the Apostle Paul also originated in 
 the same sort of way—in gratitude to ‘an’ unknown 
 god, the gift of an Athenian whose name stood perhaps 
 beneath the line that Paul quoted. The missionary 
 of the ancient world does not of course interpret the 
 words as a modern epigraphist would.’ He interprets 
 them with a strong interest for their deeper meaning, 
 the same that he afterwards extracts from the poet’s 
 
 words. 
 For we are also his offspring. 
 
 And so that which according to the letter applied to 
 ‘an’ unknown god becomes to the Apostle an un- 
 conscious * anticipation of ‘the’ unknown God. 
 
 1 Paul, however, himself hints that the sense he extracts from the 
 inscription was not present to the consciousness of the person (or 
 persons) who had dedicated the altar (Acts xvii. 23b.). 
 
 2 dyvoowvtes, Acts xvii. 23. 
 
APPENDIX IIL. 
 
 SANTA CROCE, FLORENCE. 
 
 Amonast the most gratifying experiences that have come to me as a 
 result of the publication of my Paul are letters from my friend Otto 
 Crusius, now long departed, to whom since our time together at 
 Heidelberg I have been bound with the strong bonds of fundamentally 
 similar temperament and thoughts. In particular the importance of 
 the idea of ‘originality’ was recognised by us. As an illustration of 
 the Cross as a tree of miracle (above, p. 203) Crusius sent me from 
 Oberammergau (31.8.11) the following poem, which he had written 
 when strangely moved by a Florentine fresco. At my request he 
 kindly gave me permission to print it. The subject, as the director 
 of the Institute for the History of Art in Florence, Dr. Walther Heil, 
 informed me, is a wall painting of the school of Giotto, perhaps a 
 product of the studio of Taddeo Gaddi, in the old refectory of the 
 Convent of Santa Croce (now the Museum of Santa Croce). For my 
 part I reminded Crusius of the crucifixion scene in the Convent of 
 the Passionist Fathers at Rome, as depicted in Immermann’s Hpi- 
 gonen, so different yet of equal value for the understanding of the 
 Crucified who is also the Living One. 
 
 Before the Altar kneeled the saint in prayer, 
 
 Fixed on the Crucified his steadfast gaze— 
 
 How hard his way with danger and contempt! 
 
 Sudden, with rapture thrilled, his heart beat stayed. 
 
 Was it a miracle or but a dream? 
 
 The chapel walls dissolved and heav’n appeared, 
 
 The cross of shame became a growing tree, 
 
 Raising its branches sun-ward fair and tall— 
 
 See how each twig is weighted down with fruit ! 
 
 The close air of the church no more he breathes— 
 
 A gentle breeze bears scents of summer fruit. 
 
 He sees the Glorified with arms outstretched, 
 
 ‘Thou in a holy hour hast gazed on Heaven. 
 
 Thy dream is true. This earthly life is dream, 
 
 The holy cross, it is the tree of life.’ 
 
 Now God be praised for pain that veiled His face. 
 (292) 
 
APPENDIX IV. 
 
 DIAGRAMS. 
 
 Ir will strike many people as a strange idea to 
 attempt to make Paul’s teaching understandable by 
 means of diagrams. This will especially be so in the 
 case of those who fail to recognise along what simple 
 and vigorous lines Pauline thought moves. When first I 
 
 thought over the synonymity of early Christian ideas, , 
 
 in setting forth (above, pp. 166-178) somewhat fully Paul’s 
 central convictions, I did not, it is true, give diagrams, 
 but I described them clearly in order to explain the 
 various methods of regarding the subject.t In every 
 instance I then said, when endeavouring to represent 
 this synonymity, the circle which is to enclose the related 
 ideas must first be drawn; and the radii, which within 
 each circle separate those related ideas from one 
 another, must be drawn afterwards. The next question 
 was whether one should make the line of the circle or 
 that of the radii the heavier. The dogmatic method 
 which isolated the ‘concepts’ would draw the radial 
 lines thick and the circumference thin. The psy- 
 chological method, which emphasises the close relation- 
 ship in meaning of religious metaphor, would make the 
 circumference heavy and the radii light. 
 
 1Cf. my preface to Heinrich Werner’s translation of Trench’s New 
 Testament Synonyms (Synonyma des Neuen Testaments, ausgewahlt 
 und tibersetzt, von H. Werner, Tiibingen, 1907), p. iv. f. and before 
 that in Theol. Lit.-Ztg., 25 (1900), col. 74 ff In his able essay, Zevt 
 und Raum im Denken des Urchristentwms (Journal of Biblical Litera- 
 
 ture, 41, 1922, p. 222), H. von Dobschiitz has illustrated a fundamental 
 
 idea of the Epistle to the Hebrews by means of a diagram. 
 (293) 
 
 < 
 % 
 
294 PAUL 
 
 On that basis I have very easily shown the difference 
 between the various Pauline conceptions, as is indicated 
 in diagrams 1 and 2; with which what is said above on 
 p. 166 ff. should be compared. Here there are set side by 
 side a strongly marked circle, which in spite of several 
 faintly marked radii, is at once recognisable as a simple 
 unity, and a circle with faintly marked circumference, 
 the area of which is divided up by strongly marked 
 radial lines. 
 
 This scheme of Anes for elucidating our way of look- 
 ing at Paul’s teaching can also be specialised to explain 
 one particular important distinction that comes to light 
 
 
 
 DIAGRAMS 1 AND 2. 
 
 through that new view, namely the contrast between 
 Paul’s faith in Christ and his so-called ‘Christology’ 
 (cf. above, p. 165). 
 
 The one view is that of lines going out on all sides 
 like rays of light, unlimited and immeasurable, from the 
 one central point of light, the experience of Christ (dia- 
 gram 3). The other is rather of lines measurableiand in 
 some way to be fitted together geometrically, perhaps like 
 a polygon or like the side view of a staircase. This also 
 could be easily portrayed graphically in different ways. 
 
 More important than these methodological schemes 
 are the possibilities of making Paul’s religious ideas 
 themselves clear by graphic methods. It was very in- 
 
DIAGRAMS 295 
 
 teresting to me to see how Hans Leisegang* very cleverly 
 sought to exhibit the more important lines of the 
 Apostle’s methods of thought in a pictorial scheme.’ 
 When I had come to an end of my reflections, I got 
 to know of that remarkable undertaking ‘the graphic 
 interpretation’ of the thought of Angelus Silesius by 
 Hans Haffenrichter, about which the editor*® writes as 
 follows :— 
 
 ‘Hans Haffenrichter (one of the group of ex- 
 pressionist artists ‘‘Der Sturm”) has made the attempt 
 
 
 
 Diagram 3. 
 
 to make the thought of the “ Cherubinischer Wanders- 
 mann ” visible to the eye by means of graphic representa- 
 tion. The statement needs no justification that only 
 
 1 Der Apostel Paulus als Denker, pp. 9, 18, 22 (cf. also p. 106 n. 
 3 above). 
 
 2 Leisegang (p. 18) even believes that Augustine himself in his 
 statement (made after becoming acquainted with Paul), tanta se miha 
 philosophiae facies aperuit, hints that he had received a pictorial im- 
 pression of Paul’s general scheme of thought. He also holds the 
 opinion that Augustine’s thought itself is similarly capable of being 
 represented pictorially. 
 
 ’ Innenwelt-Biichereii: Des Angelus Silesius Cherubinischer Wan- 
 dersmann, herausg. von Walter Ehrenstein, 2nd HKd., Dresden, 1920, 
 p. Vi. 
 
296 PAUL 
 
 an expressionist can feel the call to such a task.) The 
 pictures here produced, which attempt the expression of 
 such movings of life in the soul, as pass the power of 
 speech, prove that it has been possible for an artist of 
 like experience to represent pictorially even the thoughts 
 of a mystic.’ 
 
 What I want to do is something less ambitious than 
 this interpreting by expressionism (which perhaps itself 
 stands in need of interpretation). I am satisfied with 
 the simplest of diagrams. But I feel strongly that one 
 has a right to use them. For Paul’s world of thought 
 on religion is very strongly dominated by the category 
 of space, which constantly finds expression in metaphor 
 and is therefore graphically reproducible. Like the 
 thought-world of mysticism in general : 
 
 ‘I dearly love two little words; their names are out and in, 
 Out of Babel, out of me: in God and Jesus in.’ 
 
 This confession of Angelus Silesius,? with its 
 spatial orientation, thoroughly and originally Pauline as 
 it is, may be taken as typical of unnumbered other 
 statements of the mystical consciousness in general. 
 The understanding of Paul’s mystically local in and its 
 aiter effects in classical German mysticism is peculiarly 
 instructive. 
 
 "Here I may also indicate that Erich Seeberg, Zur Frage der 
 Mystik, p. 10) not infrequently is reminded of Expressionist art by 
 the so-called emblematic mysticism (which needs a chapter for itself, 
 but it is for all that in a certain sense in place in the above considera- 
 tion). 
 
 “I cannot here agree with v. Dobschiitz, who denies this (Zest 
 und Raum, p. 221). Hereall turns on the understanding (local inter- 
 pretation) of év XpucrS “Inood. But on the other hand it is just as 
 clear that Paul is fond of combining the space-category with the time- 
 category, especially in drawing the contrast between the ‘ once’ and 
 the ‘now’ (cf. Eph. ii. 12 f. and many other places). 
 
 * Op. ctt.,.p. 101. 
 
DIAGRAMS 297 
 
 In place of that doctrinaire misconstruction of the 
 mystically-local 7m in the formule ‘in God,’ ‘in Christ 
 Jesus, and which at one time dominated the com- 
 mentaries, we are now offered a wonderful and 
 thoroughly sympathetic understanding of it in the light 
 of later mysticism. Without fear of schoolmasterish 
 criticism * mystical can be used as a grammatical category, 
 and we may speak of a mystical in. This mystical in (the 
 saint in God or God in the saint) has its greatest influence, 
 
 
 
 DiaGRam 4, DIAGRAM 5. 
 
 The seven spheres of evil apart from The one sphere of salvation in the ex- 
 salvation in the experience of the ‘old’ perience of the ‘new’ Paul. 
 Paul. 
 
 where, in the technical expressions of German classical 
 mysticism, 77 is used as a prefix.’ 
 
 This ‘mystical’ im, to which the German language 
 owes such a wealth of beautiful creations both in ideas 
 and words, while in origin it is pre-Pauline, has yet 
 through the Pauline im Christ become the one great 
 
 1Cf. above, pp. 163 note 1. 
 
 *[Here Dr. Deissmann gives a list of such German words com- 
 pounded with the prefix in—drawn from Otto Zirker’s Die Bereicher- 
 ung des deutschen Wortschatzes durch die spdtmittelalterl. Mystik, 
 Jena, 1923, and points out that many of them are Germanisations of 
 Latin or Greek words similarly compounded.—W. E. W.] 
 
298 PAUL 
 
 watchword of Christian Mysticism. And what a wealth 
 of pictorial imagery also! Almost all these noble words 
 (which for us to-day have largely lost their original vivid 
 pictorial sense) can have their meaning displayed graphi- 
 cally. 
 
 But the same is true also of their original prototype, 
 the Pauline certainty 7 Christ. All that is essential to 
 the religion of the Apostle, in so far as it is definable in 
 that phrase, can be set forth clearly in the contrasting 
 
 Without God 
 
 
 
 Diaaram 6. DriaGRAM 7. 
 Without God in the World! God-intimacy in Jesus Christ ! 
 &beo. ey TE ndopy | evOeot ev Xpict@ 'Inoov! 
 Separated from Christ, without hope ! Hidden with Christ in God! 
 
 diagrams 4 and 5. Here are the ‘old’ Paul’s seven 
 spheres of evil, and the ‘new’ Paul’s one sphere of 
 salvation (cf. also p. 177 £., above). 
 
 Here in one glance it can be seen what the essence 
 of Pauline Christianity is: the certainty that one has 
 been released from that dark many-walled prison of 
 the seven’ spheres of evil, and rescued into the place 
 
 1 There is nothing important about the number seven; but in any 
 case these seven spheres are mentioned repeatedly in Paul’s letters. 
 The order in which they stand in the diagram could be other than 
 that here represented; this also is only a detail not an essential 
 matter. 
 
DIAGRAMS 299 
 
 of light and freedom, the one sphere of salvation in 
 Christ. 
 
 The greatest of all the concentric spheres of evil, 
 which surrounds and closes in the others is the cosmic 
 circle. When that alone is realised in its naked terror, 
 the depth of wretchedness enclosed in it is indicated by 
 the words of Eph. ii. 12: 
 
 Separate from Christ in the world, without Hope, without God! 
 
 (Xwpis Xpiorod . . . édrida pur) Exovres Kal \dOeou ev TO Koo pw.) 
 
 When, on the other hand, the one sphere of salvation, 
 Christ, is realised, all that can be experienced of 
 Salvation is summed up in the confession &Oeo év 
 Xpio7@® “Inoov, or (formulated in Pauline words) ‘hid 
 with Christ in God,’ Col. iii. 3. The normal condition 
 in the world of being god-forsaken is changed in Christ 
 in fellowship with God. ‘The purpose of figures 6 and 7, 
 (p. 298) is to illustrate this (cf. also pp. 146 and 164, 
 above). 
 
 Diagram 7 also shows how simply for Paul the 
 immense problem of the relationship of ‘Christ- 
 mysticism’ and ‘God-mysticism’ received its solution. 
 _ In Christ we are given ‘access’ to God (Eph. ii. 13, iu. 
 12; Rom. v. 2), for the gates of the sanctissimum are 
 thrown open. God-intimacy in Christ-intimacy : 
 
 Hier ist ein Ring, 
 Der nie anfing. 
 
 Und stille schwebt. 
 Sein innrer Punkt.! 
 
 1/I have left this in the original German, as in a translation most 
 of its charm would disappear. Literally it is: ‘“ Here is a ring, 
 which never began. And itsinner point remains at rest.” —W. H. W.] 
 
A, ar 
 
 at Mar 
 
 pred 
 4, AN 
 
 
 
INDICES 
 
 PLACES, PERSONS, SUJBECTS 
 
 Abba, 188 f. 
 
 Abraham, 97, 164 f., 169 
 
 * Access ’ to God, 299 
 
 Achaia, 37, 74, 230, 262, 263, 279 
 
 Acquittal, 168 f. 
 
 Acro-Corinthus, 73 
 
 Acts of John, 234 
 
 Acts of the Apostles, 5, 7, 26, 73, 89, 
 98, 126, 235, 238, 245, 249, 281 
 
 Adam, 57, 178 f. 
 
 Adana, 30, 63 
 
 Adoption, 167-178 
 
 Africa, 32, 89 
 
 Agape, 22 (see Love) 
 
 Agrippa, 278 
 
 Ake Ptolemais, 229 
 
 Alexander, the coppersmith, 70 
 
 Alexander the Great, 33, 40 
 
 Alexandretta, 33 
 
 Alexandria, 10, 229, 230, 273 
 
 (Troas), 40, 236 
 
 Allegorical exegesis, 102 ff. 
 
 Amanus Mountains, 30, 34 
 
 Amos, 6 
 
 Anatolian Railway, 32, 63 
 
 Ancyra (Angora), 41 
 
 Angelus Silesius, 295 f. 
 
 Angora (Ancyra), 31, 41, 36 
 
 Andronicus, 240 
 
 Antinous, cult of, 120 
 
 Antioch (in Pisidia), 33, 40, 63, 244 
 (in Syria), 24, 32, 40 f., 64, 227, 
 229, 247 f. 
 
 Antipatris, 40 
 
 Apollus, 229 
 
 Appius, Market of, 228 
 Aquila, 48, 237, 240, 243, 250, 262 ff. 
 Aquinas, Thomas, 6 
 Arabia, 228, 247 
 Aramaic, 41, 91 
 Aristarchus, 240 
 Aristeas, Epistle of, 11 
 Aristotle, 11 
 Armenian Christians, 32 
 Armstrong, W. P., 267 
 Asclepius, 42, 234 
 Asia Minor, 29, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 44, 
 89, 212, 223, 242, 243 
 ,» Western, 37 
 Asphodel, 31 
 Assos, 236 
 Athens, 10, 40, 225, 227, 233, 248, 262, 
 288 
 Athens-Pireus, 229 
 Atonement, day of, 88 
 Attalia, 40 
 Augsburg Confession, 118 
 Augustine, Confessions of, 25 
 Augustus, 85 
 Aurelius, Marcus, 278 
 Avignon, 38 
 Ayasoluk. See Ephesus 
 
 Babut, E. C., 267 
 Baptism, 183 
 
 , a cult institution, 126 
 Baptist propaganda, 227 
 Barbarian, 35 
 Barnabas, 239, 244, 247 
 Baur, Ferdinand Christian, 57 
 
 (301) 
 
302 
 
 Bismarck, 25 
 
 Bithynia, 247 
 
 Bercea, 229, 242, 243, 248 
 Bourguet, E., 265 ff. 
 Brotherly love, 210 f. 
 Busch, Moritz, 25 
 
 Cesar, 33 
 Cesar-cult, 192 
 Cesarea, 236, 248 
 Caligula, 63 
 Calvin, 155 
 Capito, a torchbearer, 290 f. 
 , Gn. Vergilius, 277 
 Carpus, 236 
 Cenchreer, 21, 240, 243 
 “Cherubinischer Wandersmann,’ 
 295 
 Chloé, 243 
 CurRist. See JESUS. 
 at right hand of God, 137 
 , blessing of, 161 
 » Cross of, 200 ff. 
 crucified, 192, 196 ff., 244, 256 
 , the body, 212 
 , blood of, 198 ff. 
 coming as Judge, 137 
 , eternity of, 194 
 exalted on the cross, 244 
 exalted, 137, 193 
 , faith of, 161 fff. 
 
 ; fellowship with, 135 f., 139, 144 f., 
 
 152, 199 
 » fulness of, 161 
 the head, 212 
 , the hope of, 207 ff. 
 , humiliation of, 193 f. 
 , immanence of, 139 
 ‘in,’ 138, 140 
 in Paul, 130, 135, 139 ff., 187, 231 
 » Kyrios, 194 
 , the living, 192, 197 ff., 244 
 living, the centre of Paul’s religion, 
 197 
 » Lord, 193 
 , the Lord, 234, 256 
 , the love of, 207 ff. 
 , meaning of word, 39 
 » parousia of, 218 f. 
 
 INDEX I 
 
 Christ. See Jesus (continued) :— 
 the Pneuma (Spirit), 138 
 » power of, 161 
 » pre-existent, 195 
 a present energy, 136, 137 
 , proper name, 191] 
 risen appears to Paul, 128 ff. 
 , the Rock, 195 
 , Son of God, 137 
 the Spirit, 192, 195, 256 
 , the Spiritual, Paul’s conception of, 
 142 f. 
 , riches of, 161 
 , sufferings of, 182 f. 
 , through, to God, 256 f. 
 » with, 217 f. 
 -cult, 56, 122 ff., 190 f., 251, 255 
 -intimacy, 156, 163, 212, 256 f., 299 
 -mysticism, 24, 147-157, 189, 208, 
 255 f., 299 
 Christologos, 136 
 Christology, 6, 189 ff. 
 Christophanies, 129 
 Christophorus, 136 
 Christian mysteries, 127 
 Christianity, a cult, 122 f., 255 f. 
 Christians, a body, 212 
 , a family, 208 f. 
 , members of Christ, 212 
 Church, 214 
 , idea of, 119 
 Cicero, 11 
 Cilicia, 37, 40, 50, 89, 223, 247 
 Cilician gates, 247, 248 
 plain, 30, 31 
 Claudius, edict of, 261-284 
 Clemen, Carl, 266 
 Clemens, 240 
 Colossx, 229 
 Colosse, 20, 24, 55, 243, 247 
 ‘ Colossians,’ 73, 107 
 Coppieters, H., 266 
 Corinth, 6, 13, 37, 40, 48, 55, 72, 73, 
 79, 227, 229, 230, 237, 240, 242, 
 243, 245, 248, 262, 263, 264, 281 
 » Gulf of, 73 
 Corinthian Church, 240 
 Corinthians, 14 
 » lost letter to, 67 
 
PLACES, PERSONS, SUBJECTS 
 
 ‘ Corinthians,’ First, 22, 66, 104 
 ‘ , Second, 23, 35, 194 
 Crete, 227, 229 
 Crispus, 262 
 Cross of Christ, 143, 197-203 
 , a living reality, 203 
 Crusaders, 33 
 Crusius, O., 292 
 Cult, 165 
 and community, 116 
 -history, 114, 116 
 , meaning of word, 114 
 myth, 121] 
 , origin of, 119 
 -propaganda, 226 
 Cults, acting or reacting, 117 f. 
 Cultus and cult, 115 
 Cydnus, 32 
 Cyprus, 37, 40, 127, 224, 227, 229, 247 
 
 Damascus, 26, 34, 40, 49, 227, 228 
 
 , Paul’s conversion, 128, 129, 130, 
 
 136, 144, 145, 146, 152, 161, 189, 
 190, 199, 231, 247 
 
 Death, 93, 179 
 Debtor, 171 
 Delphi, inscription at, 265-284 
 Demas, 239, 240 
 Demeter, temple of, 288 ff. 
 Demetrius, 246 
 Demons, 42 
 
 , belief in, 70 
 Dessau, H., 274 
 Diagrams, 293 ff. 
 Didyma, 44 
 Diogenes Laertes, 287 
 Dionysius, the Areopagite, 146 
 Dispersion, Jewish, 39, 42, 47, 246 
 Doctrinaire Paulinism, 157, 181, 187 
 Dogmatic method, 293 
 Dogmatists banned mysticism, 154 f. 
 Dérpfeld, W., 288 
 ‘Double’ Gospel, 117 
 
 Kaster experiences, 122, 124 
 Edification, 212 f. 
 Egypt, 40, 45, 46, 109, 229 
 
 , why not visited by Paul, 230 f. 
 Epaphras, 240 
 
 303 
 
 Epaphroditus, 240 
 
 Kpicurus, 11 
 
 Epidaurus, 42 
 
 Ephesus, 10, 13, 20, 21, 24, 29, 31, 34, 
 36, 37, 40, 42, 55, 73, 223, 227, 
 228, 235, 237, 238, 243, 246, 248, 
 249, 263, 264 
 
 Ephesian elders, 70 
 
 ‘ Ephesians.’ See Laodiceans. 
 
 * ,’ letter to (so-called), 16, 24 
 
 Erastus, 243 
 
 Erbach, 203 
 
 Eschatology, 6 
 
 Ethics of ancient world, 78 
 
 Eunice, 96 
 
 EKuodia, 240 
 
 Europe, 32 
 
 Kutychus, 6 
 
 Evil, seven spheres of, 298 
 
 Faith, 119, 161 
 of Christ, 165 ff. 
 False brethren, 246 
 Felix, 261, 262 
 Fellow-captive, 240 
 -slaves, 240 
 -soldiers, 240 
 -workers, 240 
 Festus, 261, 262 
 Fig-tree, 38 
 Flesh, 179 
 and spirit, 142 
 Florence, 292 
 Food offered to idols, 72 
 Forgiveness, 167-178 
 
 Gaius, 243 
 
 Galatia, 227, 228, 246, 247-248 
 Gasis, Michael, 285 
 
 Galatian Christians, 242 
 
 ‘ Galatians,’ 22, 102, 103 
 Galilee, 34, 41, 89 
 
 Gallio, 74, 261-286 
 
 Gamaliel, 94 
 
 Genitive of fellowship, 163 
 Gentiles, 238 
 
 Gerhardt, Paul, 167 
 Gethsemane, 39, 196 
 
 Gishala, ancestral home of Paul, 90 
 
504 
 
 Gnosis-Christian, the, 72 
 God-intimacy, 165, 299 
 
 -mysticism, 299 
 Gonjeli. See Laodicea. 
 Gospel of Jesus and of Paul, 257 f. 
 Great city, moral corruption of, 73 
 Greece, 44 
 Greek, the international language, 41 
 Groag, 274 
 
 Hadrian, 277 
 
 Haffenrichter, H., 295 
 
 Haggada, 103 
 
 Hamartiology, 6 
 
 Handicrafts, ancient, 49 
 
 Hegel, 116 
 
 Heidelberg, 38 
 
 Helena to Petechon, 250 
 
 Heligoland, 38 
 
 Hepding, H., 288 ff. 
 
 Heraclitus, 58, 59 
 
 Herder, 167 
 
 Hermes, 224, 228 
 
 Herod, 212, 278 
 
 Hierapolis, 229 
 
 Hiller von Gaertringen, Baron, 276 f., 
 286 
 
 Holtzmann, O., 264 
 
 Homer, 38 
 
 Hope of Christ, 216 ff. 
 
 Horace, 11 
 
 ‘ House churches,’ 243 
 
 Hymeneus, 70 
 
 Iconium, 6, 227, 228 
 
 Illyricum, 35, 40, 223, 227, 248 
 
 Immortality, 218 
 
 Imperator, 274 ff. 
 
 ‘In Christ (Jesus),’ 138-142, 146 f., 
 162 ff., 168 ff., 187, 199, 208 f., 
 219, 297 f. 
 
 ‘In God,’ 146 
 
 In God, 297, 299 
 
 ‘In’ mystical, 297 
 
 Inheritance, 175, 216 
 
 Internationalism, Christian, 209 
 
 Isis, 227 
 
 Israel, fate of, 107 
 
 INDEX I 
 
 Jalabert, 266 f. 
 James, brother of Jesus, 195 
 , Epistle of, 12 
 Jeremiah, Epistle of, 11 
 Jericho, 34 
 Jerusalem, 35, 40, 41, 73, 87, 88, 89, 
 93, 212, 223, 227, 228, 235, 236, 
 247, 248, 249 
 , Paul brought up in, 90 
 JEsuS. See CHRIST 
 , artisan family of, 48 
 , brothers of, 236 
 Christ, ‘ of,’ 162-165 
 -cult, the, 113-127 
 , death of, 110, 113, 201 
 , earthly life of, 195 f. 
 , Lord, 191 
 , the Messiah, 113, 191 
 , obedience of, 196 
 and Paul compared, 3 
 and Paul, fellow-countrymen ?, 91 
 personality not easily grasped, 4 
 , resurrection of, 123, 199 ff. 
 , son of David, 191, 195 
 , Son of Man, 191 
 , Spiritual body of, 200 
 , woes to Pharisees, 128 
 , work of, 123 
 Jews, as sinners, 94 
 Johannine writings, 7 
 John, 198 
 , Gospel and Epistles of, 155 
 , interpreter of Paul, 7 
 Mark, 239 
 Jordan, 32, 34 
 Josephus, 109 
 , ‘Christian Josephus,’ 284 
 Judaism, 124 
 Judas-tree, 31 
 Judgment day, 168 
 Junias, 240 
 Justification, 167-178 
 by faith, 155 
 Justus, Titius, 262 
 
 Kant, 34 
 
 Kavala. See Neapolis, 229 
 Kenoticists, 193 
 Keramopulos, A., 286 
 
PLACES, PERSONS, SUBJECTS 
 
 Kingdom of God, 217, 219, 244 
 Konia, 31, 36 
 
 Konieh. See Iconium 
 
 Kore (Persephone), 289 
 Késtlin, 148 
 
 Laodicea, 24, 55, 229, 243 
 Laodiceans, letter to (Ephesians), 73, 
 107 
 
 Laodicia, 40 
 
 Latin in Paul's world, 41 
 
 Law, 93, 99, 119, 179 f. 
 
 Lehmann, H., 264 
 
 Leisegang, H., 295 __ 
 
 Letter and Epistle contrasted, 9 ff. 
 , the literary, in Hellenistic world, 8 
 
 Logos, 34 
 -Christ, 155 
 
 Lord’s Supper, 242 
 , the, a cult institution, 126 
 
 Lois, 96 
 
 Loisey, Alfred, 267 
 
 Luke, 26, 88, 240, 264 
 
 Luke, author of Acts, 7 
 
 Luther, 18, 22, 48, 75, 108, 155, 167 
 compared with Paul, 68 
 
 Lycaonia, 247 
 
 Lydia, 243 
 
 Lysias, 11 
 
 Lystra, 228 
 
 Maccabean martyrs, 95 
 Macedonia, 37, 242, 247, 248, 279 
 Makkoth (Mishna tractate), 61 
 Malta, 225, 229 
 Marana tha, 192 
 
 —cult phrase, 127 
 Marcion, 155 
 Mark, 240 
 Marseilles, 38 
 Mars Hill, 236 
 
 , Paul’s speech on, 46 
 Massacres, 32 
 Meander, 31 
 Mediterranean, 34 
 
 world, 4, 6, 26, 29, 34, 35, 38, 39, 
 
 42, 215, 228 
 
 Messiah, 156, 190, 256 
 
 , Kyrios, 123 
 
 305 
 
 Messiah, meaning of word, 39 
 Messina, 29, 30, 31 
 Miletus, 44, 70 
 Miracle, place of in cult, 121 
 Monotheism, 87 
 Mystical genitive, 163 
 Mysticism, 147-157, 165, 295 ff. 
 , acting and reacting, 79, 149 ff. 
 , ego-centric v. Theo-centric, 151 
 , German, 296 
 ,» initiative in, 149 
 , Neo-platonic, 149 
 , types of, 149 ff. 
 Mysticismus and Mystik, 148 
 Myth, place of in cult, 121 
 
 Neapolis, 229 
 
 Nero, 73 
 
 New creation, 1'78 ff. 
 Nicopolis (in Epirus), 40, 229 
 Nikitsky, A., 265, 268 
 Noderney, 38 
 
 Nymphas, 243 
 
 Oberammergau, 292 
 Offord, 266 
 Oikonomos, 286 
 Old man, 178 
 Olives, Mount of, 39 
 Olive-tree, 38 ff. 
 Olympia, 288 
 Onesimus, 19, 249 
 Orange-tree, 38 
 Origen, 6 
 
 Orontes, 229 
 Orosius, 283 f. 
 Ovid, 11 
 
 Oxford, 38 
 
 Paleo-Prevesa. See Nicopolis 
 Palestine, 37, 41, 73, 90, 127, 248 
 Pamphylia, 40, 247, 239 
 Papyri, 7, 11, 19, 44, 45, 75, 172, 
 174 
 
 Parousia, 218 f. 
 
 hope, 13 
 Pastoral letters, 73 
 
 20 
 
306 
 
 PAUL. 
 
 (i) The man, his personality :— 
 
 ailing body and physical powers, 60 
 
 ancient description of, 55 
 
 biography, 6 
 
 characteristic pictures of, 249 
 
 compared with Jesus, 3, 71, 103, 
 
 188 
 
 Luther, 18, 68, 75 
 Philo, 108-110 
 
 contrasts in him, 60-72 
 
 energy of, 60 
 
 genuine humanity, 57 
 
 gloomy ?, 4 
 
 a hero of religion, 6 
 
 a homo novus, 74 
 
 a homo religiosus, 81 
 
 humble yet self-confident, 65, 68 
 
 impulsiveness of, 69 
 
 a man of the ancient world, 70-73 
 
 outer man of, 57 
 
 personality of, 55-81 
 
 not a philosopher, 74 
 
 physical weakness of, 60 
 
 no picture of, 56-57 
 
 pictured in his letters, 25 
 
 powers of work, 60 
 
 religious endowment of, 79-81 
 energy, 161 
 
 the religious genius, 6 
 
 a religious genius, 79 
 
 and Seneca, 73 ff. 
 
 social class of, 47-51, 74 
 
 tender and hard, 66-68, 69 
 
 an unusual man, 58 
 
 weak bodily presence, 67, 68 
 
 (ii) Facts and incidents in his 
 life :— 
 
 apostle, signs of, 239 
 
 the artisan, 50 
 
 at Athens, 287 ff. 
 
 born at Tarsus, 90 
 
 brought up at Jerusalem, 90 
 chronology, 7, 261 
 
 and church dissentions, 68 
 his collections, 68, 242, 248 f. 
 companions, 239 ff. 
 
 INDEX I 
 
 Paul (Continued) :— 
 contemporary, not mentioned by 
 
 historians, 74 
 conversion, Acts account of, 128 
 » own account of it, 129 
 his converts of lower classes, 241 ff. 
 at Corinth, 261-286 
 the cosmopolitan, 77 
 Damascus, escape from, 26 
 devotion to him, 69 
 earned his own living, 48, 237 
 * fellow-workers,’ 240 
 forty stripes save one, 61-62 
 guidance in missionary work, 247 
 handicraft, 237 
 heathenism, his ideas on, 78 
 the Hellenist, 77 
 the homo novus, 77 
 journeys of, 39 
 journeys, extent of, 63-65 
 » hardships on, 236 
 » length of, 227 ff. 
 , travelled afoot, 236 
 by sea, 234 
 labours, 3, 224 
 loved and hated, 68 
 martyr death, 251 f., 255 
 missionary, 6, 51, 224 ff., 231 
 labours, 233-252 
 work, financial basis of, 235 
 persecuted at Antioch, 244 
 prisoner, 238, 248 
 at Ephesus, 17 
 punished in synagogues, 246 
 renounced marriage, 237 
 renounced support, 237 
 a Roman citizen, 50, 91 
 Roman state, attitude towards, 77 
 his scourgings, 61, 97 
 shipwreck, 225 
 speech on Mars Hill, 46 
 at Stephen’s martyrdom, 127 
 sufferings, 61-63 
 in synagogue on Sabbath, 238 
 thorn in the flesh, 60 
 of Tarsus, 34 , 
 tentmaker, 6, 48 
 the theologian, 5 
 wages, his thought of, 49 
 
 a 
 
PLACES, PERSONS, SUBJECTS 307 
 
 Paul (continued) :— 
 world of, 29-51 
 , culture of, 42 
 , languages of, 41 
 of, uniform, 40 ff. 
 
 (iii) Jewish elements :— 
 a Benjamite, 91, 97 
 childhood of, 91 
 the Christian still a Jew, 96 
 Gentiles, attitude to, 98 
 the Hebrew, 97 
 the Jew, 55, 77, 81, 85-110 
 Jew, glories in being a, 95 
 his Jewish name Saul, 91 
 Jewish in thought, 97 
 the Law, his attitude to, 99 
 a Septuagint-Jew, 90, 99 
 of the Septuagint, his use, 99-104 
 own people, his grief over his, 98 
 persecutor, 110, 128, 131 
 the Pharisee, 93, 110 
 and ideal of martyrdom, 95 
 , Strives for righteousness, 95 
 » yoke of law, 131 
 » his zeal, 94 
 
 (iv) Language and style :— 
 
 analogy, use of, 104 
 dialectic, 104 
 
 figurative language, 71 
 gloomy view of world, 43, 45 
 intolerance, 67 
 
 irony, 67 
 
 opponents’ view of, 68, 69 
 powerful letters, 67, 68 
 ‘rude of speech,’ 75 
 severe to opponents, 67 
 tolerance, 67 
 
 unliterary, 74, 109, 225 
 
 vivid expressions of thought, 58 f. 
 
 (v) Letters :-— 
 
 letters, 5, 7, 55 
 
 collected into Corpus, 15 
 compared with papyri, 12 
 dictated, 13 
 
 difficulty of, 75-77 
 fragmentary, 58 
 hyper-criticism of, 16 
 
 Paul (continued) :— 
 
 genuineness of, 18, 74 
 
 give picture of Paul, 58 
 
 letters of imprisonment, 17 
 
 lost letters, 14 
 
 references to life of Jesus, 195 f, 
 to sending out of twelve, 236 
 
 understood by simple people, 76 
 
 unliterary, 8, 15, 50 
 
 (vi) Paulinism :— 
 
 doctrinaire study of, 4, 5, 42 
 
 ‘doctrine’ of, 47, 155 
 
 nineteenth-century interest in, 4 ff. 
 
 really no such thing, 4, 5, 6, 18, 
 23, 80, 161 f., 166, 247 
 
 Pauline ‘ System,’ 5 
 
 ‘theology ’ of, 47 
 
 (vii) His Christianity :-— 
 
 acting and reacting mysticism, 152, 
 153 
 the Apostle, 223-252 
 baptism, view of, 145 
 blessing of Christ, 161 
 brotherhood, sense of, 210 f. 
 Christ in Paul, 161, 187 
 -intimacy, 135, 152 
 -mysticism, 24, 131, 147-157 
 Christo-centric religion, 135, 258 
 the Christian, 113-220 
 the Christ-bearer, 136 
 not Christology but Christophony, 
 137 
 church not fixed concept, 214 
 and his churches, 215 
 communion with God, 152 
 with Christ, 144, 152 
 connection of conversion and mysti- 
 cism, 130 
 conception of Spiritual Christ, 142 
 his contemplation, 105-107 
 conversion. See also Damascus 
 convictions about God, 187 ff. 
 about Christ, 189 ff. 
 and the two Covenants, 103 
 Cross of Christ, 143 
 depression and exaltation, 65-66 
 doctrine of the death of Christ, 201 
 
308 
 
 Paul (continued) :— 
 does not define, 142 f. 
 ecstatic experiences of, 79 
 eschatology, 207 
 ethics, 207, 215 
 experience of the Spiritual Christ, 
 136 
 his fall as a child, 92-93 
 fulness of Christ, 161 
 his gospel simple, 167 
 God-intimacy, 153 
 God’s grace, 145 
 in Christ, 135, 161 ff., 187 
 his influence in history, 255 ff. 
 influenced by words of Jesus, 196 
 Jesus a present reality to, 143 
 Lord’s Supper, view of, 145 
 mission, consciousness of, 231-233 
 his mysticism, 79, 143 ff., 152, 295 ff. 
 obligation to preach, 231 
 his passion mysticism, 182 f. 
 the power of Christ, 161 
 reacting mystic, 152 
 his reaction to divine visitation, 
 105 f. 
 riches of Christ, 161 
 simplicity of his preaching, 244 
 Spirit-Christ, his view of, 143 
 the spirit-filled, 80 
 strength in weakness, 61 
 subject of his preaching, 244 
 synonymity of * concepts,’ 166 ff. 
 teaching illustrated by diagrams, 
 293 ff. 
 testimonies concerning salvation, 
 166 ff. 
 his ‘ work of Christ,’ 255 
 Pausanias, 287 f. 
 Pentecost, 81, 88, 89 
 Pergamum, 44, 288 ff. 
 Persephone (Kore), 289 f. 
 Peter, 230, 236 
 Pharisee propaganda, 93 
 Phalerum, 288 
 Philemon, 240, 243, 249 
 , letter to, 19, 66 
 Philip of Macedon, 40 
 Philippi, 37, 40, 69, 227, 242, 243, 248, 
 251 
 
 INDEX I 
 
 ‘Philippians,’ 25, 193, 198 
 
 ‘ , letter to, 66 
 Philo Judzus, 102, 108 
 Philostratus, 287 f. 
 Pheebe, 21, 240, 243 
 Phoenicia, 127 
 Phrygia, 40, 227, 228, 247, 248 
 
 , Great Mother, 227 
 Pilgrim steamers, 29 
 Pisidia, 247 
 Pistis (faith), 161 
 Platza, 285 
 Pleroma, age of, 46 
 Plooij, Dr., 269 
 Pneuma and sarxz, 142 
 Pompeii, 49, 284 
 Pomtow. H., 265, 268, 271, 282 
 Pontifex maximus, 272 
 Pontius Pilate, 196 
 Popular preachers of Paul’s day, 226 
 Potsherds, letters on, 11, 44 
 Poverty of the churches, 242, 244 
 Priscilla, 48, 237, 240, 250, 262, 263, 
 
 264 
 
 Proconsuls, 262 f., 278 f. 
 Promise, 216 
 Proselytes, 238 
 Psychological method, 293 
 Ptolemais, 40 
 Puteoli, 228 
 
 Rabbinic dialectic, 104 
 
 Rabbinism, 6, 43 
 
 Railways, 228 f. 
 
 Ramsay, Sir W. M., 266, 283 
 
 Reconciliation, 167-178 
 
 Redemption, 167-178 
 
 Reinach, A. L.-, 266 
 
 Rhodes, 29 
 
 Rhone valley, 38 
 
 Religion, uniform basis of in Paul’s 
 
 world, 42 
 
 Resurrection, 218 
 
 Righteousness, 95, 170 
 
 Ritschl, Albrecht, 148, 155 
 
 Rome, 10, 13, 35, 40, 73, 223, 227, 
 229, 234, 248, 263 
 
 ‘Romans,’ 19, 23, 91, 94, 98, 104, 
 LOT AS 
 
PLACES, PERSONS, SUBJECTS 
 
 Romans xvi. a separate letter, 21 
 Rothe, Richard, 116 
 
 Rufus, 240, 250 
 
 Riisch, Dr., 265 
 
 Russian pilgrims, 29 
 
 Rutherford, Mark, 76 
 
 Sabbath, 86, 262 
 Sacrifice, 201 
 Salonika. See Thessalonica 
 Salvation in Christ, 202 
 Samos, 29 
 Santa Croce (Florence), 292 
 Sarus, 32 
 Satan, 70, 223 
 Saul, who is surnamed Paul, 89 
 Schleiermacher, 6, 116 
 Schmitz, glass-painter, 203 
 Schwartz, E., 262 
 Scilli, martyrs of, 76 
 Scripture, idea of, 119 
 Seeberg, Reinhold, 148 
 Seleucia, 40 
 Senatorial provinces, 278 
 Seneca, 11, 73 f., 108 
 Septuagint, 11, 86 f., 90, 99-104, 108, 
 129, 146, 169, 175, 188, 190, 238, 
 245 
 -Jew, 90 
 Serapis, 227, 234 
 Silvanus, 240 
 Simon-Barjona, 122 
 Simon Peter, 122 
 Sin, 93, 179 
 Sinai, 35 
 Slaves, manumission of, 172 ff. 
 in Pauline churches, 243 
 Social classes, lower and middle, 7 
 Soli-Pampeiopolis, 31 
 Sonship, 167-178 
 Sophocles, 38 
 Sosthenes, 263 
 Sources, for Paul’s life, 7 
 Spain, 35, 40, 73, 223, 227, 248 
 Spirit, 79 
 -Christ, 140, 155 
 and flesh, 142 
 guides Paul, 247 
 , Paul’s view of, 143 
 
 309 
 
 Sporades, 29 
 Steamers, 229 
 Stephen-martyrdom, 63, 127 
 Storks, 32 
 Sturm, der, 295 
 Suetonius, 109 
 Suffering, 181 
 Synagogue, 238, 262 
 of the Olive-tree, 39 
 Synagogues, 85 f., 89 
 Syncretism, religious, 46 
 Synthesis in religion, 126 
 Syntyche, 240 
 Syria, 33, 34, 37, 127, 223, 247, 263, 
 264, 281 
 Syrian Gates, 64 
 Sythian, 35 
 
 Tacitus, 109, 228 
 Talmud, 228 
 Tarsus, 4, 6, 31, 33, 34, 36, 40, 41, 50, 
 63, 90, 93, 228, 247 
 , Paul’s gate, 33 
 , St. Paul’s Institute, 34 
 Taurus, 30, 33, 34, 187, 227, 247 
 Temple at Jerusalem, 88 
 , a figure, 212 
 Tersteegen, 6 
 Tertius, 250 f. 
 Testament, 175, 216 
 Thessalonica, 6, 37, 40, 48, 227, 229, 
 239, 242, 243, 248 
 ‘ Thessalonians,’ Second, 16, 22 
 +), Hirst, 22 
 Thomsen, P., 265 
 Thorn in the flesh, 196 
 Three Taverns, the, 228 
 Through Christ, 142 
 Tiberius, 81, 280 
 Julius Alexander, 109 
 Timothy, 62, 96, 240 
 , letters to, 16 
 Titus, 240 
 , letter to, 16 
 Tongues, gift of, 79 
 Transjordania, 41 
 Tribunican power, 276 f. 
 Troas, 6, 37, 227, 247 
 (Alexandria), 40 
 
310 
 
 Troy, plains of, 31 
 Tychicus, 240 
 Tyrannus, 238 
 
 Urbanus, 240 
 
 Valence, 38 
 Viminacium, 289 
 
 INDEX I 
 
 Vine, Johannine allegory, 203 
 Verria, 229. See Beroea 
 
 Weak brother, the, 72 
 With Christ, 217, 219 
 World-war, the, 63 
 Yokefellows, 240 
 
 Zoilos, 12 n. 
 
II 
 GREEK WORDS 
 
 Only a few are noted here; anyone familiar with the Greek New Testament 
 will easily be able with the help of the other indices to find most of the other 
 Pauline words. 
 
 admodvtpeots, 172 n. 11 Aarpeia, 116, 118 n. 1 
 amodotoXos, 230 n. 8 Necroupyia, 116 
 dpxepevs, 272 
 adpeows, 172 n. 2 oikodopy, 71 nu. 7 
 yéyparra, LOL n. 2 mapakAntos, 139 n. 22 
 mapeots, 172 n. 2 
 diabnkn, 175 n. 3 mapovoia, 217 n. 4 
 dixavdo, 71 un. 4 miotis, 161 ff. 
 dwpeav, V1 n. 4 mpecBeuTns, 55 n. 3 
 
 mpeaBurns, 55 n. 3 
 ‘EBpaios, 90 f. 
 
 €Ovn (Gentiles), 98 oravpobeis, 198 nn. 1, 2 
 €Ovn (Provincials), 98 n. 5 ovyxopa, 282 
 
 eis and ev, 162 n. 3 avv xpiore, 217 n, 7 
 exxAnoia, 214 nn. 2, 3, 4 odppayis, 145 n. 4 
 
 ev and eis, 162 n. 3 capa, 174 n. 4 
 
 emi, 164 n. 9 
 
 emipedca, 116 tiyuns, 173 n. 4 
 
 ecravpopévos, 143 n. 3, 197 n. 5 
 viodecia, 174 n. 11 
 Geparreia, 116 imep ths evdoxias, 216 n. 1 
 Opnokeia Tivds, 116, 277 n. 5 
 opos and PdBos, 72 n. 9 
 iepoupyia, 116 
 het xprcroddyos, 136 n. 6 
 
 karakpive, 71 n. 4 xpioropdpos, 136 n. 6 
 KAnpovopia, 175 n. 4 
 kowevia, chap. vii, 135 n. 3 HPbn, 122 n. 3 
 
 (311) 
 
Gen. i. 2 
 iii. : 
 Ki 1Di 0. 
 xv. 6 
 Deut. x. 16 
 xxv. 4. 
 xxvii. 26 
 
 xxviii. 56 f. 
 
 <xx Oe 
 Job xxxiii. 4 . 
 Pavctes 
 Isa. vi. 1 
 Xxxlii. 10 
 Lie7 
 Jer. iv. 4 
 Dan. iii. 28 
 Hos. vi. 2 
 Hab. iii. 18 
 2 Mace. vii. 3 ff. 
 4 Mace. v. 32 
 vi. 24 ff. 
 vii. 4 
 vii. 12 
 viii. 13 
 ix ely 
 ix. 19 ff. 
 x. 14 
 xi. 18 ff. 
 xii. 1-20 
 xii. 9 
 xii. 5 
 xiv. 9 f. 
 ey CS 
 xv. 20 
 XV. 22 
 
 Xvi. 21 ff. 
 
 [TI 
 
 PASSAGES CITED 
 
 A. FROM GREEK BIBLE 
 195 | 4 Macc. xvii. 1 
 
 92 2. 
 102 
 
 Xvili. 12-14 
 
 XViii. 20 
 Matt. iv. 15 £. 
 Viet lS 
 Winco we 
 vi. 28 f. 
 viii. 20 . 
 ix. 15 
 x. 10 
 x. 14 
 x. 23 
 x. 29 
 xi 
 xi. 25 
 <7 
 xiii. 38 . 
 Viel ee 
 xvi. 18. 
 XVLiZc.. 
 xx. 25-28 
 ». ©. OPAL LS » 
 XXL 'p1 &. 
 xxii. 39 
 Xxiii. 
 xxiii. 15 
 Xxili, 29 
 XXIVne 
 xxiv. 34 
 xxv. 36 
 xxvi. 12 
 Xxvi. 64 
 xxvi. 73 
 XXVili. 5 
 Mark vi. 8 ff. 
 viii. 31. 
 
 (312) 
 
 . 235 n., 237 
 
 . 95n. 
 a9 Th: 
 9D Tl: 
 91 
 171 
 103 
 103 
 197 
 Bes! 
 
 235 n. 
 113 
 AS 
 . 20 n. 
 242 n. 
 189 
 
 122 
 213 
 113 
 113 
 173, 197 
 113 
 180 
 CLS 
 93, 226 
 .125 n. 
 219 
 113 
 
 . 20n. 
 113 
 113 
 
 91 
 
 197 
 235 
 113 
 
PASSAGES CITED 313 
 
 Mark x.45 . : VO LiOg LOL | CACts ass Bilas. ; ; . 130 
 
 xiv. 22 ff. “ : “0 WRB: ix. 4 ff. . ‘ 4 Je. O8U 
 Sei , , Ley 1x. 22 7 : , . 128 
 Luke ii. 1 ; : : eG ix, 24f, . : F ao 
 os ee : " 235 n. iXUZ6 E ; ules 
 oe ee 235 n. IX.-X Vi) ve : : . 239 
 VS’ « ; ‘ Led Seo +, ; : eo eG 
 » oly | : : . 2ST xiii. < : ; . 91n. 
 9a eS e F 235 n. Si han : : . 238 
 xia, < 3 : me Lik xi 9s. : : an ue 
 mi47.f. , ; 125 n. Siltoloee : : . 224 
 mote o: : ; LOS Milos ; : 239 
 xii. 24 . : i cana xii, 14 . : , ee ae 
 xis : ‘ wes DG bh Pye | ‘ ; eet 
 Rito. : : 5 AWTS xiii. 50 . : . . 244 
 SIL) : : ESD <1 SL: : 235 n. 
 xiii. 31 ff. E - ark Rive be, : ; . 238 
 Xvii. 24 , : . 219 Siva ’ A AD? Be Ds. 
 xxi. 27 . : : dix ed xiv. 19 . : : + 235 
 xxii. 29 : ; we LeD XV; oui ; : #239 
 xxiv. 34 : : 122 n. <SVioe wee , : 1 98 
 John i. 1 : ‘ : t 1O5 Viale : ” Reis ke. 
 5A: : : cited xvi. 6, 7 : : a,.780 
 Hise. : i . 156 xvi. 6 f. ; : tree 
 Hise. -. , 138, 198, 244 VIG OMT ie : 2 80, 223 
 Wisebr é A : 3 xvi. 9 f. : ‘ nae Br 
 Whiize . : 138, 198, 244 S Vino : : COL 
 viii. 36 : : patlia x Visas. : : on eae 
 il. oo f. . 198, 244 RVil 2 : 4 2) 205 
 xii. 34 . : BO Ns3s) SV 4 : é o, 243 
 xiv. 16 : ; ela AED PHA Soy) : : 2. OF 
 xiv. 26 : ; aloe Vit os : : Jurgos 
 SV leihe ; * S PA0s3 x Vil Lo : / 1 24d 
 xv. 26 . A ; . 189 xvii. 15 . ” ‘ . 247 
 tag ee Cae ; . 139 Vill jae , ‘ eos 
 xvLI33 . : : ek va! xvii. 18 . : te 2202226 
 aaa. P ; 122 n. Xvi. 22). ; : 7140 
 2 5 Pe : - 122 n. Vil eee ; 78, 287, 291 
 oo oie ‘ : 122 n. Xvii. 28 . A : 78, 146 
 ee) a é : 122 n. pqishb BPA . 7 eae 
 eS bles : : . 198 pa glib d bee ; : . 262 
 Acts ii. 9 ff. . : : 88, 89 xXvil. 2. : 237, 262, 263 
 vi. 9 ; } j 89, 110 Vie. d : 48, 262 
 ee ak ee ; ; ati; Xvill. 4 . : ; eas 
 vii. 58 ; 4 AAs wy Xviii, 4 f. . 5 may 
 viii. 1 ff. ; ; eeLLU Tv. : 3 eGe 
 vil. 1: . - : A PAT xviii. 12 2 . Geel 
 bot | : : : ot hitches yqisiieay pf : : wezoe 
 
 +a) idee : eek lao XVileo : 7 . 262 
 
o14 
 
 Acts xviii. 11 
 xviii, 12 f. 
 xviii. 14 ff. 
 xviii. 17 
 xviii. 18 
 XViii. 18 f, 
 Xvili. 19 
 nebey lhet yt 
 Kixivieir: 
 
 Sab Oy tek 3 
 
 EXO eis 
 Rix ues 
 Xie Lae 
 xix. 23 ff. 
 Xix.020:f. 
 xx. 9 ff. 
 SKALG ee 
 XK 1ST: 
 vee NEY) 
 xx, 23 
 50. aN 
 bt. Ve 
 Ro eer. 
 xxi. 26 
 RLV T ff. 
 2. by Meh 
 2.0.4 BW 
 XxL 38) 3 
 XXLioU gs: 
 0.4 mar. 
 xxit. 3 
 XR 
 Xxil. 6 
 Xxli. 9 
 pednby ENE 
 Kx 2213 
 xxii. 25 ff. 
 XSi 
 = Xi Gir 
 xxiii. 16 
 xxiii. 16 ff. 
 Xxiil. 23 
 xxiii. 24 
 xxiii. 3] f. 
 Xxiiil. 32 
 KXiv. 6. 
 xxiv. 26 
 xxiv. 27-xxv..2 
 xxvi. 4 ff. 
 
 INDEX ITI 
 
 263, 264 | Acts xxvi. 5 . 
 
 74, 263, 264 
 - 263 
 263, 264 
 
 : . 238 
 36, 229, 247 
 227 
 238 
 238 
 239 
 223 
 235 
 246 
 
 41, 90 
 
 90, 93, 94 
 110, 128 
 130 
 
 130 
 
 80 
 
 88 
 
 mW BE 
 
 45 ne, 50, 91 
 93 
 
 246 
 
 90 n., 109 
 236 n. 
 
 “45 n., iT n. 
 264 
 110 
 
 xxvi. 10 ff. 
 2.69 belt ba) 
 XXvi. 24 
 xxvi. 26 
 XxVil.' 6. 
 XXvii. 9 
 
 xxvii. 21 ff. 
 
 SXvil. 25:f. 
 
 xxvii. 33 ff. 
 
 XXvVii. 35 
 
 XXvili. 3-6 
 xxviii. 11 
 xxviii. 15 
 
 xxviii. 30 f. 
 Rom. i. 1 
 
 1. 3 
 r 
 
 228 
 
 239, 248 
 
 232 
 
 195 
 
 191 
 
 191, 199 
 
 - | 56 
 
 35, 75, 98, 233 
 
 Bares We: 
 
 : 161, 169 
 71 n., 169, 172, 176 
 201 n. 
 
 172, 199 
 
 161, 169 
 
 169 
 
PASSAGES CITED 315 
 
 Rom. iv. 6-8 . 176 | Rom. viii. 10 139 
 iv. 9 f. 169 viii. 14 ‘ 174 
 iv. 11 145 viii. 15 93, 145, 174, 188, 189, 
 iv. 12 . 164 196 
 iv. 16 97, 164 viii. 15 fi. Ss E116 
 72S... 102 viii. 17 175, 182, 208 
 iv. 22 fi. 169 viii. 19 152 n. 
 iv. 24 164 viii. 19 ff. 65 
 iv. 25 199 viii. 21 ; fo AVE? 
 a AS 169, 171 viii. 23 172, 174, 176 
 Mees : 147, 189, 299 viii. 24 ee 
 v. 5 . 145 viii. 26 f. 79, 118 
 WeiGe os 201, 202 viii. 26 ff. 139 
 Worst. . 201 viii. 29 208 
 Vay, : 170, 199 viii. 32 nu PAL 
 v.10 170, 171, 179, 199, 202 viii. 33 168, 169 
 wWeLl> ; 171 viii. 34 137, 199 
 v. 12 fi. : 57, 104, 179 viii. 34 f. 139 
 eek as pe ; 179 viii. 35 163, 208 
 Talis lg 4 viii. 35 f. 63 
 v. 19 201 Vill oD tion ee 66 
 aes Eigee 178 viii. 35-39. 18] 
 vi. 1-14 179 viii. 38 f. 189 
 ie te, 179 viii. 39 139 
 vi. 3 ff. 183 Ixy pea 
 vi. 4 182, 196 ixeo 96, 97 
 Wiedil. : 182 ix. 8 102 
 Win Gs F VR2R1TS 3179 ix. 10 97, 169 
 wus. -: ; . 182 ix. 21 71 
 vi. 10 199, 202 isaoo . 164 
 vi. 11 179 1x.-xi. 98, 107 
 vi. 17 172 x. 4 179 
 vi. 19 717, 172 x. 6 169 
 vi. 20 172 ras BE 164. 
 vi. 23 139 x. 15 232 
 vii. 179 mab At © 1 DOAOTEOT 9S 
 vii. 5 178 Xie “ PLZ 
 vii. 6 178 xi. 12 104 
 vii. 9-11 91 <ihhe 38, 39 
 vii. 14 ff 95 pa UN ea 98, 126 
 vii. 15 ff 94 pa yA | 104 
 vii. 23 178 xi. 24 104. 
 vii. 24 66, 93 Niele: 118 
 vin. Lb .. 168 xii. 4 ff. 212, 214 
 Mills. 195 ana) 4 139 
 viii. 6. 179 xii. 14 196 
 Vil. 7 « 170 xiii. 1-7 rir 
 viii. 8 . . 178 xiii. 7 72 
 viii. 9 . 139, 178 xiii. 8 180 
 
316 
 
 Rom. xiii. 8 f. 
 xii, 14 
 xIV.i 
 xiv. I-xv. 13 
 xiv. 15 
 xiv. 17 
 xv. 16 
 xv. 19 
 xv. 19-24 
 xv. 20 
 Xv. 22 ff. 
 Vere. 
 Vio 
 xv. 24 
 xv. 28 
 xv. 29 
 XV O i: 
 XVL ut. 
 Vi 
 XVieis 
 xvi tf. 
 SVicoive 
 aie ROPE ee 
 Vi On 
 Xvi. 11 
 XViALS 
 xvi. 18 
 
 RVioe 
 1 Cor. 
 
 INDEX III 
 196 | 1 Cor. ii. 2 
 157 ie 
 72 Ry: bys) 0 
 67 ii. 6-10 
 202, 209 li. 6-16 
 + E89 ii. 8 
 139,251 Of s, 
 73, 223, 239 li. 10 
 35 iL? 
 230 ii, 13 
 223 iii. 1 ff, 
 is] lita? 
 231 Dn. ili. 6 
 223, 248 ili. 9 
 248 110". 
 161 ini. 10 ff. 
 251 ii. 10-13 
 243 ATR AN Leo. 
 240 iti. 13 ff. 
 240 iii, 16. 
 237 ii. 19 f. 
 214, 230, 243 lil. 237. 
 240, 246 n. iv. 1 
 . 240 iv. 6 
 246 n iv. 9 
 66, 240 iv. 9-13 
 67 iv. 9 ff. 
 196 iviize. 
 70 iv. 14 f, 
 " 240, 246 n. iV.20 
 13, 239 n., 250 Ad beso 
 243 Vous 
 139 v. 3-5 
 244. v. 4 
 168 v. 7 
 135, 139, 144 v. 9 ff. 
 EZAS Wie bith, 
 153, 174, 213 vi. 1-11 
 t 145 Vi? fi 
 ; A Sa ¥ fs’ vi. 7 
 72 ura a Bho 
 Ae eB Vie a Tae 
 4 59, 72 vi. 19 . 
 143, 197, 200 ViIZOne 
 136, 200 vii. 1 
 75 vii. 5 
 $577 Y4 Vii. 7 
 139, 144, 172, 176 vii. 8 . 
 75 vii. 10 
 
 143, 197 
 . 2a 
 72, 239 
 
 75 
 
 . 106 
 
 196, 201 
 
 : - Eee 
 59, 106, 143 
 145 
 
 72 
 
 re 
 
 244 - 
 
 229 
 
 240 
 
 168 
 
 7] 
 
 213 
 
 213 n, 
 
 219 
 
 139 
 
 Seay ts” 
 
 153, 174 
 
 ps Ne} 
 
 : - 196 
 69, 139, 170 
 : Loe 
 139, 145, 212 
 
 219, 237 
 154, 196 
 
 
 
PASSAGES CITED 317 
 
 1 Cor. vii. 11 , : . 171 | 1 Cor. xii. 28 : : opal4 
 vii. 18 : : . 95 xii. 31 : ; SPAN 
 vii. 23 ; 172, 173, 174 Xii.-xiv. ; : LOS 
 vii. 26 ; ean. Zor mille: : ; eA 
 vii. 29 : , yu2oa xili. 1-3 : i - 156 
 vii. 31 : : rer 4b xiii. 3 : P re eda 
 Wile. ; : ere G/ xili. 9 = : Beret 
 viii. 1 : : De <i ; ; Wa 02 
 Vili. 6 : ‘ 3, 195 saith be bye : : ae 
 viii. 10 : : ary. Sivaten: . Pgs oui k 
 viii. 11 . LE ZUz, 200 xiv. 8 : : abe yal 
 ‘se 3 Pe ; 122 n., 129 X1Vourd . : i as 
 ix. 4 ff. : ; OS xiv. 18 ; Tb Chad 
 IZeoH : E - 236 xiv. 23 : : sale 
 ix7 6 231n xiv. 24 f. 245 
 chert 71, 104 Vac 199, 201, 202 
 ix. 9 eo = 99 xvi 4:1. 196, 200 
 ix. 9 f. 102, 240 KvVcor Ge »* 129 
 ix. 14. : mee Loon ad t xvodees ; : 124 n. 
 ho A : eat XV. Our: t F . 129 
 ix, 16. . : Wi (22a. 200 ZV : og 1107-282 
 be : : WP e-Rye xv AU tT: ; ; ee OD 
 isu. 2 : 5 oe Ribs xv. 10 3, 145, 154, 224, 232 
 1x2) f. : é 41, 77 xv. 14 . 199, 200 
 ix. 24 . ‘ : os ard} SVoLe 178, 199, 200 
 ce fae : : cn OD xv. 19 : ; eka 
 sod Bae : ; fe xv. 22 . STALIS CEO RAL 
 x. 1-12 : ; rae lad RV us tier. ; . 104 
 oot a : . 103, 195 xv. 23 153, 174 
 SPELO) ,« - 135, 145, 198 xveue it ‘ ; Ve2Lg 
 Ze) v6 : - Ae De xv. 25 * P . 219 
 See 1 iit - ‘ Te xv. 26 , f . 219 
 SA2U : r a) ee fs xv. 28 , ; Ey Alt 
 TEU). A : al ey? XVitaLiie : ; Dwi cs 
 iiahoy f< ; : . 214 XV. do p ‘ Soweis 
 oe ay ae A : we xv. 35 f. ; : ae 
 xi. 20-34 : F o) 242 SVD tise be 2, LOA 2TH 
 ra Mer : : . 196 SS Eb Ll lite : . 200 
 mia it. : - A Ad xv. 45 : ; Poy, a Pte) 
 xi. 24 ff. : : . 196 xv. 45 f. . . 142 
 xi.'25. : ‘ al ds SV iAd ns : . 142 
 > at hype < 3 79, 196 xv. 49 5 : wn 
 Paik we : : 79, 139 xv. 50 : > Pit 
 xii. 8 f. : : . 142 xv. 51 : : . 200 
 Rio Oe os : ; eds tt xv. 51 f. : ? A AY, 
 xii. 12 : : abe xv. 51 ff. : : wi ees 
 Zito ; ; WwW 3 xv. 54 f. : : . 200 
 xii. 27 ; . 174, 244 xvi. 1 f. : é 242 
 
 Ste) Le : , Pe ALS xvi. 5 i uy 248 n, 
 
318 
 
 1 Cor. xvi. 8 
 
 2 Cor. i. 
 
 Xvi. 9 
 xvi. 10 
 
 INDEX III 
 PO Coe WOOL. eWeek 
 73, 230 n., 247 vi. 4 
 .- 239 vi. 4 ff. 
 : : 170 n. vi. 5 
 . 214, 248, 251 n. vi. 9 
 é : ; 13 '¢ bad Repl 
 - 127, 192, 244 n. Wile ene. 
 164, 182 vii. 6-9 
 63 vii. 8 ff. 
 232 vii. 11 
 68 viii. 2 
 69 viii. 6 
 196 Vili. 9 
 239 viii. 17 
 144 viii. 19 
 71 Vili. 23 
 66 1x12 
 14 PAID Py 
 66, 67 p odk Ney PA 
 244 n Keto cee 
 5 ste) Xfoul: 
 230 n., 247 x0 
 A 71 owe! 
 v0 ae B33!) x. 10 
 : . 246 +e Be 
 59, 175, 179 ree, 
 180 1.6) ee 
 92 <isec) oe 
 138 xi Ole 
 170 <ILO Re 
 170 Kibo dt. 
 170 Xiel4e, 
 170 xraZOin 
 ED xis oa 
 130, 144, 178 Xs Diet 
 60 Kio it. 
 63 xi, 23-33 
 : ; 65 xi. 24 ; 
 49, 60, 217, 218 Lazo 
 65 Kin 2O-07 
 ‘A xi, 26 
 219 xi. 26 f 
 164 > ee vdet 
 68 Xi. 200. 
 163, 202, 208 Xi. ost: 
 131 xii. 2-4 
 232 abr f 
 171 Xii1S ae 
 232 xii. 8 f. 
 
 139, 169, 170 
 178, 232 
 
 63, 65 
 
 62 
 
 74 
 
 212 
 
 . +93 
 239 n. 
 14, 67 
 . 245 
 242, 244 
 239 n. 
 . 194 
 239 n. 
 . 239 
 239, 240 
 
 164 
 
 . 1538, 174 
 67, 68 
 
 230 
 
 67 
 
 75 
 
 237 
 
 237 
 
 164 
 
 67 
 
 70 
 
 iy 
 
 55, 90 n., 97 
 62 
 
 63 
 
 7 233 
 
 61, 97, 238 
 61h 64, 234, 235 
 
 79 
 "60, 70, 223 
 60 
 
2 Cor. 
 
 Gal. i. 
 
 Pe ee ee 
 ° . . e . . 
 
 ee late tens 
 . . . 
 
 PASSAGES CITED 
 
 23 
 24 
 
 . 26 
 rial 
 
 28 
 
 20 
 iv. 1, 2 
 
 Vet 
 iv. 1-7 
 iv. 4 
 
 5 
 
 iv. 5 f. 
 
 xii. 9 . 55, 61, 80, 135, 136, | Gal. iii. 
 161 lii. 
 
 <1yL0 63 iii 
 xii. 12 239 ili 
 sin is ff. 237 iii. 
 xii. 16 : ‘ pA he: iii 
 xii. 2 4 : 244 n. iv 
 xili. 3 : ; : 1286 iv 
 xii. 4 . 55, 198, 199, 200, iv 
 ZO 217 iv 
 
 xiii. 5 : rou LU te iv. 
 ein, 13 139 iv 
 7 FOL iv. 
 a0 68, 174 iv. 
 13 £. ey LLG iv. 
 13 ff. 128 iv. 
 14 : . 94 iv. 
 16 129, 130, 231 iv. 
 17 128 n. iv. 
 19 195 iv. 
 . 21 247 n. iv. 
 mae 110 iv. 
 1 79 iv. 
 2 ; , 247 iv. 
 4. 67, 172, 174, 246 Vv. 
 9 195, 230 Vv. 
 10 154, 248 Vv. 
 1] . 91n. Vv. 
 15 : 78, 98 Vv. 
 16 161, 162, 169 Vv. 
 17 : 103, 139, 169 Vv. 
 20 ~=: 1180, 135, 136, 139, 153, Us 
 161, 170 n., 182, 201, 202 Vv. 
 
 21 ; ‘ : oe 201 v. 
 1 143, 197, 244. Vv. 
 5 104, 239 Vv. 
 6 169 Vv. 
 8 101, 169 vi. 
 10 62.n., 131 Vi. 
 11 170 n. vi. 
 12 : . 164 vi. 
 Lee. 99, 173, 202 vi. 
 15 fi. : oe U7 Ds | ph. i 
 16 102 x 
 17 170 , 
 18 175 1 
 TOR): 103 i. 
 al ti. : - SG iL 
 22 : ol OL i 
 
 319 
 
 : . 164,178 
 : 169 
 139, 162, 174 
 145, 157 
 
 . ‘208 
 
 153, 174 
 
 104. 
 
 175 
 
 172 
 
 46, 93, 195 
 
 173, 174, 176 
 
 : ren yy y:* 
 145, 188, 189, 196 
 175 
 
 172 
 
 172 
 
 : : Te LOU 
 : ; 69, 246 
 247 n. 
 
 225 
 
 ANE 
 
 66, 153 
 
 103 
 
 175 
 
 172, 174 
 
 170 n., 178 
 
 169, 170 
 
 157, 162 
 
 200 
 
 yard) 
 
 174, 180 
 
 180, 196 
 
 68 
 
 244 
 
 209 
 
 174 
 
 171, 172, 176 
 199 
 
 139, 162 
 
 71, 172, 175, 176 
 162 
 
320 INDEX III 
 
 Eph. i. 18 175 | Phil. ii. 12 
 i. 19 136 iL] 
 1.20 137 ii. 18 
 nv. 161 1520 
 ii. 11-22 A . 209 ii. 30 
 ii, 2 164, 178, 299 lii. 1 
 1.128. } . 296 iii. 2 
 ii. 13 171, 177, 199, 299 iii. 5 
 li, 14 171 ili. 6 
 li. 16 202 iii. 9 
 ii. 18 147 iii. 10 
 li. 20 ff 212 LiALS 
 8674 | 139 ili. 12 ff 
 li. 22 139 lil. 14 
 lii. 1-7 231 lii. 18 
 hh es 129 iii. 21 
 iii. 8 161, 244 iv. it 
 411310 ew ; ARG voce 
 Tap ES AL YR 161, 164, 189, 299 iv. 4 
 iii. 17 PL Ot reer) 
 li. 19 163, 208 iv. 10 
 iv. 13 161 iv. 12 
 iv. 15 wie ivais 
 IV.4h 1 139 iv. 15 
 12122 178 iv. 18 
 lv. 28 69 iv. 22 
 iv. 30 139, 172, 174 | Col. i. 2 
 Vie 201 4. 
 v. 5 175 1. 6 
 v. 15-vi. 9 73 br 
 v.18 139 i. 8 
 Ven 164. i, 14 
 V. 23 212 i. 15 ff 
 vi. 6 174 i. 18 
 vi. 9 243 i. 20 
 vi. 10 ff qi i. 20 ff 
 VEEL t 70 12) 
 vi. 20 55 hig 
 
 Phil. i. 8 d 163 eos 
 He ae 238 1. 24 
 eas: 65, 217 i. 29 
 yaad 139 ii. 1 
 i. 29 162 11. 5 
 li. 1 139 rhb | 
 li. 6-11 193 li. 10 
 17 173 ii. 11 
 i. 8 196, 201 li. 12 
 i. 9 137, 138, 198, 200 i. 13 
 li. 9 f. 192 ii. 14 
 
 216 
 
 + Ge 
 
 71, 240 
 
 255 
 
 139, 146 
 
 , 67, 246 
 
 55, 90 n., 91, 93, 97 
 ; .) a 
 
 161, 169, 170 
 135, 136, 164, 182 
 129. 145 
 
 156 
 
 71 
 
 : > ea 
 136, 142, 200, 218 
 4 : » Bo 
 240 
 
 - 136 
 
 139, 171 
 
 237 
 
 - 63 
 
 3, 156 
 
 237 
 
 237 
 
 109 
 
 162 
 
 162 
 
 ers aS 
 
 56 © 
 
 239, 240 
 
 : » 139 
 171, 172, 176 
 - 195 
 
 212, 214 
 
 171 
 
 202 
 
 170, 171 
 
 168 
 
 : - 232 
 164, 182, 212, 214° 
 136 
 
 - 139 
 139, 164 
 182, 183 
 
 «i 172 
 171, 202 
 
Col. ii. 15 71 
 ii. 16 103 
 ii. 18 103 
 ii. 19 212 
 ii. 20 182 
 ii. 23 118 
 iG | ‘ : 137 
 ii. 3 146, 165 n., 182, 217, 299 
 iii. 10 eiris 
 iii. 11 ; 35, 98, 209 
 iii. 12-iv. 1. Rebar Bs) 
 TiO, se 163 
 iii. 22-25 243 
 lil. 24 175 
 woe 243 
 Weea 230 n., 247 
 iv. 7 240 
 iv. 10 240 
 iv. 15 214, 243 
 iv. 18 : 13 
 
 1 Thess.i.1 . ~ 146 
 
 Pie 163, 216 
 icon. 56 
 cf pee 146 
 Heo: 68 
 tid 4 . 66 
 10. 48, 49, 237 
 are ae G6 
 gic ft. 262 
 ii. 18 70 
 iii. 1 233 
 iv. 9 ff 244 
 iv. 15 196 
 iv. 16 218, 219 
 Fi iv. 17 217, 219 
 Wet: 197 
 Wee i: 196 
 Yoo: 71 
 v. 10 O17 
 v. 19 80 
 2 'Thess.11  . 146 
 ra: Mae 56 
 i2do 219 
 i. 2. 246 
 ta ae 70 
 iii. 1 241 
 iii. 2 262 
 il. 5 164 
 ii. 8 48, 49 
 
 2 Thess. iii. 10 f. 
 
 1 Tim. 
 
 De Lim. 
 
 PASSAGES CITED 
 
 ii. 17 
 Lut 
 gal 4 
 i. 14 
 i. 16 
 i. 19 
 i. 20 
 hay 
 Take 
 Nisls, 
 ried tier 
 volO. 
 Wella 
 Fil Site 
 
 11.15. 
 
 Iv. lor 
 Tit. 1. ] oD, 
 ill. 
 
 Philem. 1 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 9 
 10 
 ll 
 23 
 24 
 
 Heb. ii. 2 
 
 x1. 34 
 
 James ii. 3 
 2 Pet. iii. 16 . 
 1 John ii. 1 
 
 iil. 14 
 
 Rev. ii. 4 
 
 ii. 
 
 12 fi. 
 
 xx. 20 
 
 71, 214, 240, 243 
 
 321 
 
 48 
 
 13 
 231 
 110, 200 
 162 
 164 
 71 
 
 70 
 232 
 102 
 162 
 122 n. 
 236 
 70 
 
 102, 196, 240 
 
 62 
 
 55 
 238 
 20 
 240 
 240 
 103 
 
 eh ts ae se 
 236 n. 
 76 
 139 
 178 
 243 
 290 
 127 
 
322 INDEX III 
 B. PAPYRI. 
 
 Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung— Griechische Texte aus Aegypten, 
 Bipaorort 2 : . 45 I. Papyri des Neutesta- 
 4,p.174 . ‘ ! . 465 mentlichen Seminars Ber- 
 
 4,p. 558. : , eG lin— 
 6, p. 204 ff. : 21 No. 20 : ; ; a 
 
 H. I. Bell, Jews and Christians Oxyrhynchus Papyri— 
 
 in Egypt— HoNoe LO gue ; : ae 
 pi ee 8273 1 No, 744. 4 
 p. 23,15. ; - 276} No. 903. } . ae 
 P, 23,3200. 1 © ee 282) No. 1067, . 
 DSP irume hic! dah ace sPape Class Phlol nies 
 p. 25. ; ; . 230 No. 5 45 
 pp. 101 and 108 f. ‘ seal 6 : : ; : ; 
 
 Berliner Griechische Urkunden-— Paris Papyri— 
 
 Noml1040 0. ; a No. 10 : ; : . Va 
 
 Flinders Petrie Popa a iii.— No. 51 . . . - 21 
 No. 35aandb. ' . 20 | Septuaginta-Papyri— 
 No. 364  . : : 5 P48 p06 diag ar : : «AEG 
 No. [144] . ; ; 2G 
 
 C. INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 Annales du Service des Anti- Corpus Inscriptionum Latin- 
 quités— arum— 
 1905, p. 150 ff. . : CeO IV., Supp. No. 45 : . 284 
 Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung— VI., No. 1256. . - 275 
 5, D. 169 : ; : 56 VLE Supp. No. 14,727 Re 7 (5° 
 Bourguet, De Rebus Delite aN het oie + rn aa 
 Dittenberger, Orientis Greeci In- 
 Pea: ; i cue scriptiones Selecte— 
 DGD EME cate he ete ens O74. y | 
 63 265 No. 665, 15 : : Mae 27 
 is BOM at ted Bes «rong | ENO. 660)1) 2. 2 
 p. 78 ; "on | Dittenberger, Sylloge*— 
 79 289 No. 406 (= 3, No. 851) . 278 
 Lhe ate ac MURR UG AA No. 801 2°.) Soe 
 Corpus Inscriptionum Greca- Inscriptiones Grece— 
 PELL ses VIL., No. 1676. : . 285 
 I, No. 1449. s) (288 |) XTT., 5, No. 712. : 0 ee 
 I., No, 9904 . . - 39] Jahreshefte des Oesterr. Archdol. 
 
 Instituts— 
 8 (1905), Beiblatt, col. 5 . 200 
 
 i 
 
 S52 eS 
 
Acts of Paul, iii. 
 Beda— 
 
 De temporum ratione, a. 4007 283 
 
 2 Clement ix. 
 Didache,x.6 . 
 Dio Cassius— 
 
 lvii. 14, 5 
 
 EXE ULO 
 
 ike 
 
 lx. 24, 1 
 
 lx. 25, 6 
 Diogenes Laertes— 
 
 i. 110 
 Frontinus— 
 
 De aquis, i. 13 
 Herodotus— 
 
 Vv, 10} 
 {gnatius— 
 
 Ephesians ix. 2 
 Jerome— 
 
 De viris inl., 5 
 
 In Philem. 23 
 
 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS LTD., ABERDEEN. 
 
 PASSAGES CITED 
 
 
 
 D. AUTHORS. 
 55 | Josephus— 
 Antt. xix. 5, 2 
 Rite Doo 
 195 Sxe lois 
 127 | “ Josephus ”— 
 Hypommnesticon, ii. 80 . 
 280 | Makkoth— 
 280 § 14 
 280 | Orosius— 
 279 vii. 6, 15 
 278 | Pausanius— 
 i Loid 
 287 v., 14,8 
 Philo— 
 275 De monarchia, ii. 1 
 Philostratus 
 213 Vita Apolloni, vi. 3 
 Seneca— 
 136 Ep. Mov., 104, 1 
 Tanchuma on Gen. iii. 22 
 90 | Vitruvius— 
 ou ite! 
 
 323 
 
 273 
 
 278, 282 
 273, 282 
 
 284 
 
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