i, eth i = 2" ind A oe or ay rh es Unconscious Memory Digitized by the Internet Archive In 2022 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https://archive.org/details/unconsciousmemorOObutl_0 Unconscious Memory With an Introduction by Professor Hartog by | Samuel Butler New York FE, P. Dutton & Company 681 Fifth Avenue Made and printed in Great Britain Dbhis/ Book Is inscribed to RicHARD GarneTT, Esa. (Of the British Museum) In grateful acknowledgment of the unwearying kindness with which he has so often placed at my disposal his varied store of information. “‘As this paper contains nothing which deserves the name either of experi- ment or discovery, and as it is, in fact, destitute of every species of merit, we should have allowed it to pass among the multitude of those articles which must always find their way into the collections of a society which is pledged to publish two or three volumes every year. . . . We wish to raise our feeble voice against innovations, that can have no other effect than to check the progress of science, and renew all those wild phantoms of the imagination which Bacon and Newton put to flight from her temple. ”— Opening Paragraph of a Review of Dr, Young’s Bakerian Lecture, Edinburgh Review, January 1803, p. 450. *““Young’s work was laid before the Royal Society, and was made the 1801 Bakerian Lecture. But he was before his time. ‘The second number of the Edinburgh Review contained an article levelled against him by Henry (after- wards Lord) Brougham, and this was so severe an attack that Young’s ideas were absolutely quenched for fifteen years. Brougham was then only twenty- four years of age, Young’s theory was reproduced in France by Fresnel. In our days it is the accepted theory, and is found to explain all the phenomena of light,” — Times Report of a Lecture by Professor Tyndall on Light, April 27, 1880, Contents NoTE. By R.A. Streatfeild INTRODUCTION AND POSTSCRIPT. By Professor Marcus Hartog : : : ; J AUTHOR’S PREFACE CHAPTER I. Introduction—General ignorance on the sub- ject of evolution at the time the “Origin of Species” was published in 1859 . ; : CHAPTER II. How I came to write “ Life and Habit,” and the circumstances of its completion ‘ , CHAPTER III. How I came to write “ Evolution, Old and New ”—Mr. Darwin’s “brief but imperfect” sketch of the opinions of the writers on evolution who had pre- ceded him—The reception which “ Evolution, Old and New” met with : : : , ; CHAPTER IV. The manner in which Mr. Darwin met “ Evolution, Old and New” : : : CHAPTER V. Introduction to Professor Hering’s Lecture. CHAPTER VI. Professor Ewald Hering “On Memory” CHAPTER VII. Introduction to a translation of the chap- ter upon instinct in Von Hartmann’s “ Philosophy of the Unconscious” ; : : CHAPTER VIII. Translation of the chapter on “The Unconscious in Instinct,” from Von Hartmann’s “ Philo- sophy of the Unconscious” CHAPTER IX. Remarks upon Von Hartmann’s position in regard to instinct j : : ' ; CHAPTER X. Recapitulation and statement of an objection CHAPTER XI. On Cycles CHAPTER XII. Refutation— Memory at once a promoter and a disturber of uniformity of action and structure CHAPTER XIII. Conclusion vil 26 38 52 63 87 92 137 146 156 161 173 Note to Second Edition | Pap many years a link in the chain of Samuel Butler’s bio- logical works has been missing. ‘‘ Unconscious Memory ” was originally published thirty years ago, but for fully half that period it has been out of print, owing to the destruction of a large number of the unbound sheets in a fire at the premises of the printers some years ago. The present reprint comes, I think, at a peculiarly fortunate moment, since the attention of the general public has of late been drawn to Butler’s biological theories in a marked manner by several distinguished men of science, notably by Dr. Francis Darwin, who, in his presidential address to the British Associa- tion in 1908, quoted from the translation of Hering’s address on ‘‘ Memory as a Universal Function of Original Matter,”’ which Butler incorporated into ‘‘ Unconscious Memory,’’ and spoke in the highest terms of Butler himself. It is not neces- sary for me to do more than refer to the changed attitude of scientific authorities with regard to Butler and his theories, since Professor Marcus Hartog has most kindly consented to contribute an introduction to the present edition of “Unconscious Memory,’’ summarising Butler’s views upon biology, and defining his position in the world of science. A word must be said as to the controversy between Butler and Darwin, with which Chapter IV is concerned. I have been told that in reissuing the book at all I am committing a grievous error of taste, that the world is no longer interested in these “old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago,” and that Butler himself, by refraining from republishing “ Unconscious Memory,”’ tacitly admitted that he wished the controversy to be consigned to oblivion. This last suggestion, at any rate, has no foundation in fact. Butler desired nothing less than that his vindication of himself against what he considered unfair treatment should be forgotten. He would have republished ‘‘ Unconscious Memory ’’ himself, had not the latter years of his life been devoted to all-engrossing work in other fields. In issuing the present edition | am fulfilling a wish that he expressed to me shortly before his death, R. A. STREATFEILD. A pril, 1910. aes a ean : eS ee ee « oad Introduction By Marcus Hartog, M.A, D.Sc, F.L.S., F.R.HS. N reviewing Samuel Butler’s works, ‘‘ Unconscious Memory ” gives us an invaluable lead ; for it tells us (Chaps. II, III) how the author came to write the Book of the Machines in ‘‘ Erewhon ”’ (1872), with its foreshadow- ing of the later theory, “‘ Life and Habit ”’ (1878), “ Evolu- tion, Old and New” (1879), as well as ‘‘ Unconscious Memory ”’ (1880) itself. His fourth book on biological theory was “‘ Luck, or Cunning ? ”’ (1887).? Besides these books, his contributions to biology comprise several essays: ‘‘ Remarks on Romanes’ Mental Evo- lution in Animals,” contained in ‘‘ Selections from Previous Works” (1884) incorporated into ‘‘ Luck, or Cunning?” ; “The Deadlock in Darwinism” (Universal Review, April-June, 1890), republished in the posthumous volume of “Essays on Life, Art, and Science’ (1904) ; and, finally, some of the ‘‘ Extracts from the Notebooks of the late Samuel Butler,” edited by Mr. H. Festing Jones, now in course of publication in the New Quarterly Review. Of all these, ‘‘ LIFE AND HABIT ” (1878) is the most important, the main building to which the other writings are buttresses or, at most, annexes. Its teaching has been summarised in “ Unconscious Memory” in four main principles : ‘‘ (1) the oneness of personality between parent and offspring ; (2) memory on the part of the offspring of certain actions which it did when in the persons of its 1 This is the date on the title-page. The preface is dated October 15, 1886, and the first copy was issued in November of the same year. All the dates are taken from the Bibliography by Mr. H. Festing Jones prefixed to the “‘ Extracts’ in the New Quarterly Review (1909). xi X1l Unconscious Memory forefathers ; (3) the latency of that memory until it is re- kindled by a recurrence of the associated ideas ; (4) the unconsciousness with which habitual actions come to be performed.” To these we must add a fifth : the purposive- ness of the actions of living beings, as of the machines which they make or select. Butler tells (‘‘ Life and Habit,” p. 33) that he some- times hoped “that this book would be regarded as a valuable adjunct to Darwinism.” He was bitterly dis- appointed in the event, for the book, as a whole, was received by professional biologists as a gigantic joke— a joke, moreover, not in the best possible taste. True, its central ideas, largely those of Lamarck, had been pre- sented by Hering in 1870 (as Butler found shortly after his publication); they had been favourably received, developed by Haeckel, expounded and praised by Ray Lankester. Coming from Butler, they met with con- tumely, even from such men as Romanes, who, as Butler had no difficulty in proving, were unconsciously inspired by the same ideas—Nur mit ein bischen ander’n Worter. It is easy, looking back, to see why “ Life and Habit ” so missed its mark. Charles Darwin’s presentation of the evolution theory had, for the first time, rendered it possible for a “sound naturalist’ to accept the doctrine of common descent with divergence; and so given a real mean- ing to the term “ natural relationship,” which had forced itself upon the older naturalists, despite their belief in special and independent creations. The immediate aim of the naturalists of the day was now to fill up the gaps in their knowledge, so as to strengthen the fabric of a unified biology. For this purpose they found their actual scientific equipment so inadequate that they were fully occupied in inventing fresh technique, and working there- with at facts—save a few critics, such as St. George Mivart, who was regarded as negligible, since he evidently held a brief for a party standing outside the scientific world. Butler introduced himself as what we now call ‘“ The Introduction Xili Man in the Street,”’ far too bare of scientific clothing to satisfy the Mrs. Grundy of the domain: lacking all recog- nised tools of science and all sense of the difficulties in his way, he proceeded to tackle the problems of science with little save the deft pen of the literary expert in his hand. His very failure to appreciate the difficulties gave greater power to his work—much as Tartarin of Tarascon ascended the Jungfrau and faced successfully all dangers of Alpine travel, so long as he believed them to be the mere “ blagues de réclame ” of the wily Swiss host. His brilliant qualities of style and irony themselves told heavily against him. Was he not already known for having written the most trenchant satire that had appeared since “ Gulliver's Travels’? ? Had he not sneered therein at the very foun- dations of society, and followed up its success by a pseudo- biography that had taken in the “ Record ” and the “Rock”? In “ Life and Habit,” at the very start, he goes out of his way to heap scorn at the respected names of Marcus Aurelius, Lord Bacon, Goethe, Arnold of Rugby, and Dr. W. B. Carpenter. He expressed the lowest opinion of the Fellows of the Royal Society. To him the pro- fessional man of science, with self-conscious knowledge for his ideal and aim, was a medicine-man, priest, augur— useful, perhaps, in his way, but to be carefully watched by all who value freedom of thought and person, lest with opportunity he develop into a persecutor of the worst type. Not content with blackguarding the audience to whom his work should most appeal, he went on to depre- ciate that work itself and its author in his finest vein of irony. Having argued that our best and highest know- ledge is that of whose possession we are most ignorant, he proceeds: “‘ Above all, let no unwary reader do me the injustice of believing in me. In that I write at all I am among the damned.” His writing of ““EVOLUTION, OLD AND NEW es (1879) was due to his conviction that scant justice had X1V Unconscious Memory been done by Charles Darwin and Alfred Wallace and their admirers to the pioneering work of Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck. To repair this he gives a brilliant exposition of what seemed to him the most valuable portion of their teachings on evolution. His analysis of Buffon’s true meaning, veiled by the reticences due to the conditions under which he wrote, is as masterly as the English in which he develops it. His sense of wounded justice ex- plains the vigorous polemic which here, as in all his later writings, he carries to the extreme. As a matter of fact, he never realised Charles Darwin’s utter lack of sympathetic understanding of the work of his French precursors, let alone his own grandfather, Erasmus. Yet this practical ignorance, which to Butler was so strange as to transcend belief, was altogether genuine, and easy to realise when we recall the position of Natural Science in the early thirties in Darwin’s student days at Cambridge, and for a decade or two later. Catas- tropharianism was the tenet of the day: to the last it commended itself to his Professors of Botany and Geology, for whom Darwin held the fervent allegiance of the Indian scholar, or chela, to his guru. As Geikie has recently pointed out, it was only later, when Lyell had shown that the breaks in the succession of the rocks were only partial and local, without involving the universal catastrophes that destroyed all life and rendered fresh creations thereof necessary, that any general acceptance of a descent theory could be expected. We may be very sure that Darwin must have received many solemn warnings against the dangerous speculations of the ‘‘ French Revolutionary School.” He himself was far too busy at the time with the reception and assimilation of new facts to be awake to the deeper interest of far-reaching theories. It is the more unfortunate that Butler’s lack of appre- ciation on these points should have led to the enormous proportion of bitter personal controversy that we find in the remainder of his biological writings. Possibly, as Introduction XV suggested by George Bernard Shaw, his acquaintance and admirer, he was also swayed by philosophical resent- ment at that banishment of mind from the organic uni- verse, which was generally thought to have been achieved by Charles Darwin’s theory. Still, we must remember that this mindless view is not implicit in Charles Darwin’s presentment of his own theory, nor was it accepted by him as it has been by so many of his professed disciples, “UNCONSCIOUS MEMORY” (1880).—We have already alluded to an anticipation of Butler’s main theses. In 1870 Dr. Ewald Hering, one of the most eminent phy- siologists of the day, Professor at Vienna, gave an Inaugural Address to the Imperial Royal Academy of Sciences: ‘‘ Das Gedachtniss als allgemeine Funktion der organisirten Materie” (“Memory as a Universal Function of Organised Matter’). When “Life and Habit ’’ was well advanced, Francis Darwin, at the time a frequent visitor, called Butler’s attention to this essay, which he himself only knew from an article in “ Nature.” Herein Professor E. Ray Lankester had referred to it with admiring sympathy in connection with its further develop- ment by Haeckel in a pamphlet entitled ‘‘ Die Perigenesis der Plastidule.”’ We may note, however, that in his collected Essays, “‘ The Advancement of Science ”’ (1890), Sir Ray Lankester, while including this Essay, inserts on the blank page!—we had almost written ‘“‘the white sheet ’’—at the back of it an apology for having ever advocated the possibility of the transmission of acquired characters. ‘“‘ Unconscious Memory ”’ was largely written to show the relation of Butler’s views to Hering’s, and contains an ex- quisitely written translation of the Address. Hering does, indeed, anticipate Butler, and that in language far more suitable to the persuasion of the scientific public. It con- tains a subsidiary hypothesis that memory has for its 1 i.e. after p. 285 : it bears no number of its own ! XVI Unconscious Memory mechanism special vibrations of the protoplasm, and the acquired capacity to respond to such vibrations once felt upon their repetition. I do not think that the theory gains anything by the introduction of this even as a mere formal hypothesis ; and there is no evidence for its being anything more. Butler, however, gives it a warm, nay, enthusiastic, reception in Chapter V (Introduction to Professor Hering’s lecture), and in his notes to the transla- tion of the Address, which bulks so large in this book, but points out that he was “‘ not committed to this hypothesis, though inclined to accept it on a prima facie view.”’ Later on, as we shall see, he attached more importance to it. The Hering Address is followed in ‘‘ Unconscious Memory ”’ by translations of selected passages from Von Hartmann’s ‘‘ Philosophy of the Unconscious,” and anno- tations to explain the difference from this personification of “ The Unconscious” as a mighty all-ruling, all-creating personality, and his own scientific recognition of the great part played by unconscious processes in the region of mind and memory. These are the essentials of the book as a contribution: to biological philosophy. The closing chapters contain a lucid statement of objections to his theory as they might be put by a rigid necessitarian, and a refutation of that interpretation as applied to human action. But in the second chapter Butler states his recession from the strong logical position he had hitherto developed in his writings from ‘‘ Erewhon ”’ onwards ; so far he had not only distinguished the living from the non-living, but dis- tinguished among the latter machines or tools from things at large.* Machines or tools are the external organs of living beings, as organs are their internal machines: they are + The distinction was merely implicit in his published writings, but has been printed since his death from his ‘‘ Notebooks,’ New Quarterly Review, April, 1908. I had developed this thesis, with- out knowing of Butler’s explicit anticipation in an article then in“ the press: ‘Mechanism and Life,’ Contemporary Review, May, 1908, Introduction XVI fashioned, assembled, or selected by the beings for a pur- pose, so they have a future purpose, as well as a past history. ‘‘ Things at large”’ have a past history, but no purpose (so long as some being does not convert them into tools and give them a purpose): Machines have a Why ? as well as a How?: “things at large’ have a How ? only. In ‘‘ Unconscious Memory ”’ the allurements of unitary or monistic views have gained the upper hand, and Butler writes (p. 15 post) :— The only thing of which I am sure is, that the distinction between the organic and inorganic is arbitrary; that it is more coherent with our other ideas, and therefore more acceptable, to start with every molecule as a living thing, and then deduce death as the breaking up of an association or corporation, than to start with inanimate molecules and smuggle life into them; and that, therefore, what we call the inorganic world must be regarded as up to a certain point living, and instinct, within certain limits, with consciousness, volition, and power of concerted action. J? 7s only of late, however, that I have come to this opinion. I have italicised the last sentence, to show that Butler was more or less conscious of its irreconcilability with much of his most characteristic doctrine. Again, in the closing chapter, Butler writes (p. 177 post) :— We should endeavour to see the so-called inorganic as living in respect of the qualities it has in common with the organic, rather than the organic as non-living in respect of the qualities it has in common with the inorganic. We conclude our survey of this book by mentioning the literary controversial part chiefly to be found in Chapter IV, but cropping up elsewhere. It refers to interpolations made in the authorised translation of Krause’s “ Life of Erasmus Darwin.” Only one side is presented ; and we are not called upon, here or elsewhere, to discuss the merits of the question. “ LUCK, OR,CUNNING ? as the Main Means of Organic b XVI Unconscious Memory Modification ? an Attempt to throw Additional Light upon the late Mr. Charles Darwin’s Theory of Natural Selection ”’ (1887), completes the series of biological books. This is mainly a book of strenuous polemic. It brings out still more forcibly the Hering-Butler doctrine of continued personality from generation to generation, and of the working of unconscious memory throughout ; and points out that, while this is implicit in much of the teaching of Herbert Spencer, Romanes, and others, it was nowhere— even after the appearance of “‘ Life and Habit ’’—explicitly recognised by them, but, on the contrary, masked by in- consistent statements and teaching. Not Luck but Cunning, not the uninspired weeding out by Natural Selection but the intelligent striving of the organism, is at the bottom of the useful variety of organic life. And the parallel is drawn that not the happy accident of time and place, but the Machiavellian cunning of Charles Darwin, succeeded in imposing, as entirely his own, on the civilised world an uninspired and inadequate theory of evo- lution wherein luck played the leading part ; while the more inspired and inspiring views of the older evolutionists had failed by the inferiority of their luck. On this controversy I am bound to say that I do not in the very least share Butler’s opinions ; and I must ascribe them to his lack of personal familiarity with the biologists of the day and their modes of thought and of work. Butler everywhere undervalues the important work of elimination played by Natural Selection in its widest sense. The “‘ Conclusion’ of ‘‘ Luck, or Cunning ?’’ shows a strong advance in monistic views, and a yet more marked development in the vibration hypothesis of memory given by Hering and only adopted with the greatest reserve in “Unconscious Memory.”’ Our conception, then, concerning the nature of any matter depends solely upon its kind and degree of unrest, that is to say, on the characteristics of the vibrations that are going on within it. The exterior object vibrating in a certain way Introduction X1X imparts some of its vibrations to our brain; but if the state of the thing itself depends upon its vibrations, it [the thing] must be considered as to all intents and purposes the vibra- tions themselves—plus, of course, the underlying substance that is vibrating. . . . The same vibrations, therefore, form the substance remembered, introduce an infinitesimal dose of it within the brain, modify the substance remembering, and, in the course of time, create and further modify the mechanism of both the sensory and the motor nerves. Thought and thing are one. I commend these two last speculations to the reader’s charitable consideration, as feeling that I am here travelling beyond the ground on which I can safely venture. . . . I believe they are both substantially true. (‘‘ Luck, or Cunning ? ”’ Ed. 1920, pp. 261-263). In 1885 he had written an abstract of these ideas in his notebooks (see New Quarterly Review, 1910, p. 116), and as in ‘‘ Luck, or Cunning? ”’ associated them vaguely with the unitary conceptions introduced into chemistry by Newlands and Mendelejeff. Judging himself as an outsider, the author of ‘‘ Life and Habit ”’ would certainly have considered the mild expression of faith, ‘‘ I believe they are both substantially true,’’ equivalent to one of extreme doubt. Thus “the fact of the Archbishop’s recognising this as among the number of his beliefs is conclusive evidence, with those who have devoted attention to the laws of thought, that his mind is not yet clear” on the matter of the belief avowed (see “ Life and Habit,”’ pp. 24, 25). To sum up: Butler’s fundamental attitude to the vibration hypothesis was all through that taken in ‘Unconscious Memory ’”’; he played with it as a pretty pet, and fancied it more and more as time went on; but instead of backing it for all he was worth, like the main theses of ‘‘ Life and Habit,” he put a big stake on it— and then hedged. The last of Butler’s biological writings is the Essay, “ THE DEADLOCK IN DARWINISM,” containing much XX Unconscious Memory valuable criticism on Wallace and Weismann. It is in allu- sion to the misnomer of Wallace’s book, ‘‘ Darwinism,” that he introduces the term “ Wallaceism ’’! for a theory of descent that excludes the transmission of acquired characters. This was, indeed, the chief factor that led Charles Darwin to invent his hypothesis of pangenesis, which, unacceptable as it has proved, had far more to recommend it as a formal hypothesis than the equally formal germ-plasm hypothesis of Weismann. The chief difficulty in accepting the main theses of Butler and Hering is one familiar to every biologist, and not at all difficult to understand by the layman. Everyone knows that the complicated beings that we term “‘Animals ”’ and ‘‘ Plants,’ consist of a number of more or less indi- vidualised units, the cells, each analogous to a simpler being, a Protist—save in so far as the character of the cell unit of the higher being is modified in accordance with the part it plays in that complex being as a whole. Most people, too, are familiar with the fact that the complex being starts as a single cell, separated from its parent ; or, where bisexual reproduction occurs, from a cell due to the fusion of two cells, each detached from its parent. Such cells are called “‘ Germ-cells.’’ The germ-cell, whether of single or of dual origin, starts by dividing repeatedly, so as to form the primary embryonic cells, a complex mass of cells, at first essentially similar, which, however, as they go on multiplying, undergo differentiations and migra- tions, losing their simplicity as they do so. Those cells that are modified to take part in the proper work of the whole are called tissue-cells. In virtue of their activities, their growth and reproductive power are limited—much more in Animals than in Plants, in Higher than in Lower beings. It is these tissues, or some of them, that receive the impressions from the outside which leave the imprint 1 The term has recently been revived by Prof. Hubrecht and by myself (Contemporary Review, November 1908). Introduction XX1 of memory. Other cells, which may be closely associated into a continuous organ, or more or less surrounded by tissue-cells, whose part it is to nourish them, are called ‘ secondary embryonic cells,” or ‘‘ germ-cells.”” The germ- cells may be differentiated in the young organism at a very early stage, but in Plants they are separated at a much later date from the less isolated embryonic regions that provide for the Plant’s branching ; in all cases we find embryonic and germ-cells screened from the life pro- cesses of the complex organism, or taking no very obvious part in it, save to form new tissues or new organs, notably in Plants. Again, in ourselves, and to a greater or less extent in all Animals, we find a system of special tissues set apart for the reception and storage of impressions from the outer world, and for guiding the other organs in their appropriate responses—the “‘ Nervous System ”’ ; and when this system is ill-developed or out of gear the remaining organs work badly from lack of proper skilled guidance and co-ordina- tion. How can we, then, speak of ‘“‘ memory ” in a germ- cell which has been screened from the experiences of the organism, which is too simple in structure to realise them if it were exposed to them? My own answer is that we cannot form any theory on the subject, the only question is whether we have any right to infer this “ memory ” from the behaviour of living beings; and Butler, like Hering, Haeckel, and some more modern authors, has shown that the inference is a very strong presumption. Again, it is easy to over-value such complex instruments as we possess. The possessor of an up-to-date camera, well instructed in the function and manipulation of every part, but ignorant of all optics save a hand-to-mouth knowledge of the properties of his own lens, might say that a prior no picture could be taken with a cigar-box perforated by a pin-hole; and our ignorance of the mechanism of the psychology of any organism is greater by many times than that of my supposed photographer. We know that Plants XX11 Unconscious Memory are able to do many things that can only be accounted for by ascribing to them a “ psyche,” and these co-ordinated enough to satisfy their needs; and yet they possess no central organ comparable to the brain, no highly specialised system for intercommunication like our nerve trunks and fibres. As Oscar Hertwig says, we are as ignorant of the mechanism of the development of the in- dividual as we are of that of hereditary transmission of acquired characters, and the absence of such mechanism in either case is no-reason for rejecting the proven fact. However, the relations of germ and body just described led Jager, Nussbaum, Galton, Lankester, and, above all, Weismann, to the view that germ-cells or “ stirp”’ (Galton) were 7m the body, but not of it. Indeed, in the body and out of it, whether as reproductive cells set free, or in the developing embryo, they are regarded as forming one continuous homogeneity, in contrast to the differentiation of the body ; and it is to these cells, regarded as a con- tinuum, that the terms stirp, germ-plasm, are especially applied. Yet on this view, so eagerly advocated by its supporters, we have to substitute for the hypothesis of memory, which they declare to have no real meaning here, the far more fantastic hypotheses of Weismann: by these they explain the process of differentiation in the young embryo into new germ and body ; and in the young body the differentiation of its cells, each in due time and place, into the varied tissue cells and organs. Such views might perhaps be acceptable if it could be shown that over each cell-division there presided a wise all-guiding genie of trans- cending intellect, to which Clerk-Maxwell’s sorting demons were mere infants. Yet these views have so enchanted many distinguished biologists, that in dealing with the subject they have actually ignored the existence of equally able workers who hesitate to share the extremest of their views. The phenomenon is one well known in hypnotic practice. So long as the non-Weismannians deal with matters outside this discussion, their existence and their Introduction XX1il work is rated at its just value ; but any work of theirs on this point so affects the orthodox Weismannite (whether he accept this label or reject it does not matter), that for the time being their existence and the good work they have done are alike non-existent. Butler founded no school, and wished to found none. He desired that what was true in his work should prevail, and he looked forward calmly to the time when the recog- nition of that truth and of his share in advancing it should give him in the lives of others that immortality for which alone he craved. Lamarckian views have never lacked defenders here and in America. Of the English, Herbert Spencer, who however, was averse to the vitalistic attitude, Vines and Henslow among botanists, Cunningham among zoologists, have always resisted Weismannism ; but, I think, none of these was distinctly influenced by Hering and Butler. In America the majority of the great school of paleontologists have been strong Lamarckians, notably Cope, who has pointed out, moreover, that the trans- formations of energy in living beings are peculiar to them. We have already adverted to Haeckel’s acceptance and development of Hering’s ideas in his ‘“‘ Perigenesis der Plastidule.’ Oscar Hertwig has been a consistent La- marckian, like Yves Delage of the Sorbonne, and these occupy pre-eminent positions not only as observers, but as discriminating theorists and historians of the recent progress of biology. We may also cite as a Lamarckian— of a sort—Felix Le Dantec, the leader of the chemico- physical school of the present day. But we must seek elsewhere for special attention to the points which Butler regarded as the essentials of “‘ Life and Habit.” In 1893 Henry P. Orr, Professor of Biology in 1 See Fortnightly Review, February 1908, and Contemporary Review, September and November 1909. Since these publications the hypnosis seems to have somewhat weakened. XX1V Unconscious Memory the University of Louisiana, published a little book entitled ‘A Theory of Heredity.”” Herein he insists on the ner- vous control of the whole body, and on the transmission to the reproductive cells of such stimuli, received by the body, as will guide them on their path until they shall have acquired adequate experience of their own in the new body they have formed. I have found the name of neither Butler nor Hering, but the treatment is essentially on their lines, and is both clear and interesting. In 1896 I wrote an essay on ‘‘ The Fundamental Prin- ciples of Heredity,’ primarily directed to the man in the street. This, after being held over for more than a year by one leading review, was ‘‘ declined with regret,’ and again after some weeks met the same fate from another editor. It appeared in the pages of “‘ Natural Science ” for October, 1897, and in the “‘ Biologisches Centralblatt ’”’ for the same year. I reproduce its closing paragraph :— This theory [Hering-Butler’s} has, indeed, a tentative character, and lacks symmetrical completeness, but is the more welcome as not aiming at the impossible. A whole series of phenomena in organic beings are correlated under the term of memory, conscious and unconscious, patent and latent. . . . Of the order of unconscious memory, latent till the arrival of the appropriate stimulus, is all the co-operative growth and work of the organism, including its development from the reproductive cells. Concerning the modus opevandt we know nothing: the phenomena may be due, as Hering suggests, to molecular vibrations, which must be at least as distinct from ordinary physical disturbances as Roéntgen’s rays are from ordinary light; or it may be correlated, as we ourselves are inclined to think, with complex chemical changes in an intricate but orderly succession. For the present, at least, the problem of heredity can only be elucidated by the light of mental, and not material processes. It will be seen that I express doubts as to the validity of Hering’s invocation of molecular vibrations as the mechanism of memory, and suggest as an alternative rhythmic chemical changes. This view has recently been Introduction XXV put forth in detail by J. J. Cunningham in his essay on the ‘‘ Hormone! Theory of Heredity,” in the Archiv fir Entwicklungsmechanik (1909), but I have failed to note any direct effect of my essay on the trend of biological thought. Among post-Darwinian controversies the one that has latterly assumed the greatest prominence is that of the relative importance of small variations in the way of more or less “ fluctuations,”’ and of ‘‘ discontinuous variations,” or ‘‘ mutations,’’ as De Vries has called them. Darwin, in the first four editions of the ‘‘ Origin of Species, at- tached more importance to the latter than in subsequent editions ; he was swayed in his attitude, as is well known, by an article of the physicist, Fleeming Jenkin, which appeared in the North British Review. The mathematics of this article were unimpeachable, but they were founded on the assumption that exceptional variations would only occur in single individuals, which is, indeed, often the case among those domesticated races on which Darwin especially studied the phenomena of variation. Darwin was no mathematician or physicist, and we are told in his biography that he regarded every tool-shop rule or optician’s thermometer as an instrument of precision : so he appears to have regarded Fleeming Jenkin’s demon- stration as a mathematical deduction which he was bound to accept without criticism. Mr. William Bateson, late Professor of Biology in the University of Cambridge, as early as 1894 laid great stress on the importance of discontinuous variations, collecting and collating the known facts in his “ Materials for the Study of Variations’; but this important work, now become rare and valuable, at the time excited so little interest as to be ‘“‘ remaindered ” within a very few years after publication. 1 A “hormone” is a chemical substance which, formed in one part of the body, alters the reactions of another part, normally for the good of the organism. XXVI1 Unconscious Memory In 1901 Hugo De Vries, Professor of Botany in the University of Amsterdam, published ‘‘ Die Mutations- theorie,’’ wherein he showed that mutations or dis- continuous variations in various directions may appear simultaneously in many individuals, and in various directions. In the gardener’s phrase, the species may take to sporting in various directions at the same time, and each sport may be represented by numerous speci- mens. De Vries shows the probability that species go on for long periods showing only fluctuations, and then suddenly take to sporting in the way described, short periods of mutation alternating with long intervals of relative con- stancy. It is to mutations that De Vries and his school, as well as Luther Burbank, the great former of new fruit- and flower-plants, look for those variations which form the material of Natural Selection. In ‘‘ God the Known and God the Unknown,” which appeared in the Examiner (May, June, and July), 1879, but though then revised was only published posthumously in 1909, Butler anticipates this distinction :— Under these circumstances organism must act in one or other of these two ways: it must either change slowly and continuously with the surroundings, paying cash for every- thing, meeting the smallest change with a corresponding modification, so far as is found convenient, or it must put off change as long as possible, and then make larger and more sweeping changes. Both these courses are the same in principle, the differ- ence being one of scale, and the one being a miniature of the other, as a ripple is an Atlantic wave in little; both have their advantages and disadvantages, so that most organisms will take the one course for one set of things and the other for another. They will deal promptly with things which they can get at easily, and which lie more upon the surface; those, however, which ave move troublesome to veach, and lie deeper, will be handled upon more cataclysmic principles, being allowed longer periods of vepose followed by short periods of greater activity . . . it may be questioned whether what is called a Introduction XXVI1 sport is not the organic expression of discontent which has been long felt, but which has not been attended to, nor been met step by step by as much small remedial modification as was found practicable: so that when a change does come it comes by way of revolution. Or, again (only that it comes to much the same thing), it may be compared to one of those happy thoughts which sometimes come to us unbidden after we have been thinking for a long time what to do, or how to arrange our ideas, and have yet been unable to come to any conclusion (pp. 14, 15).? We come to another order of mind in Hans Driesch. At the time he began his work biologists were largely busy in a region indicated by Darwin, and roughly mapped out by Haeckel—that of phylogeny. From the facts of develop- ment of the individual, from the comparison of fossils in successive strata, they set to work at the construction of pedigrees, and strove to bring into line the principles of classification with the more or less hypothetical “ stem- trees.’”’ Driesch considered this futile, since we never could reconstruct from such evidence anything certain in the history of the past. He therefore asserted that a more complete knowledge of the physics and chemistry of the organic world might give a scientific explanation of the phenomena, and maintained that the proper work of the biologist was to deepen our knowledge in these respects. He embodied his views, seeking the explanation on this track, filling up gaps and tracing projected roads along lines of probable truth in his “ Analytische Theorie der organischen Entwicklung.” But his own work convinced him of the hopelessness of the task he had undertaken, and he has become as strenuous a vitalist as Butler. The most complete statement of his present views is to be found in ‘“‘ The Philosophy of Life ” (1908-9), being the Gifford Lectures for 1907-8. Herein he postulates a quality (“‘ psychoid ”’) in all living beings, directing energy 1 Mr. H. Festing Jones first directed my attention to these passages and their bearing on the Mutation Theory. xxvill Unconscious Memory and matter for the purpose of the organism, and to this he applies the Aristotelian designation “ Entelechy.” The question of the transmission of acquired characters is re- garded as doubtful, and he does not emphasise—if he accepts—the doctrine of continuous personality. His early youthful impatience with descent theories and hypo- theses has, however, disappeared. In the next work the influence of Hering and Butler is definitely present-and recognised. In 1906 Signor Eugenio Rignano, an engineer keenly interested in all branches of science, and a little later the founder of the inter- national review, Rivista di Scienza (now simply called Scientia), published in French a volume entitled “ Sur la transmissibilité des Caractéres acquis—Hypothése d’une Centro-épigenése.”’ Into the details of the author’s work we will not enter fully. Suffice it to know that he accepts the Hering-Butler theory, and makes a distinct advance on Hering’s rather crude hypothesis of persistent vibrations by suggesting that the remembering centres store slightly different forms of energy, to give out energy of the same kind as they have received, like electrical accumulators. The last chapter, “Le Phénoméne mnémonique et le Phénomeéne vital,’’ is frankly based on Hering. In “ The Lesson of Evolution ” (1907, posthumous, and only published for private circulation) Frederick Wollaston Hutton, F.R.s., late Professor of Biology and Geology, first at Dunedin and after at Christchurch, New Zealand, puts forward a strongly vitalistic view, and adopts Hering’s teaching. After stating this he adds, ‘“‘ The same idea of heredity being due to unconscious memory was advocated by Mr. Samuel Butler in his ‘Life and Habithe: Dr. James Mark Baldwin, Stuart Professor of Psychology in Princeton University, U.S.A., called attention early in the go’s to a reaction characteristic of all living beings, which he terms the ‘‘ Circular Reaction.” We take his Introduction XX1X most recent account of this from his ‘“ Development and Evolution ’’ (1902) :—? The general fact is that the organism reacts by concen- tration upon the locality stimulated for the continuance of the conditions, movements, stimulations, which ave vitally beneficial, and for the cessation of the conditions, movements, stimulations which are vitally depressing. This amounts to saying in the terminology of Jennings (see below) that the living organism alters its ‘ physio- logical states” either for its direct benefit, or for its in- direct benefit in the reduction of harmful conditions. Again :— This form of concentration of energy on stimulated locali- ties, with the resulting renewal through movement of con- ditions that are pleasure-giving and beneficial, and the consequent repetition of the movements is called “ circular reaction.” Of course, the inhibition of such movements as would be painful on repetition is merely the negative case of the circular reaction. We must not put too much of our own ideas into the author’s mind ; he nowhere says explicitly that the animal or plant shows its sense and does this because it likes the one thing and wants it repeated, or dislikes the other and stops its repetition, as Butler would have said. Baldwin is very strong in insisting that no full explanation can be given of living processes, any more than of history, on purely chemico-physical grounds. The same view is put differently and independently by H. S. Jennings,2 who started his investigations of living 1 He says in a note, ‘This general type of reaction was de- scribed and illustrated in a different connection by Pfluger in ‘Pfliiger’s Archiv. f.d. ges. Physiologie,’ Bd. XV.” The essay bears the significant title ‘“‘ Die teleologische Mechanik der lebendigen Natur,’ and is a very remarkable one, as coming from an official physiologist in 1877, when the chemico-physical school was nearly at its zenith. 2 “ Contributions to the Study of the Lower Animals ’’ (1904), “‘Modifiability in Behaviour’? and ‘“‘ Method of Regulability in Behaviour and in other Fields,” in Journ. Experimental Zoology, vol. li. (1905). XXX Unconscious Memory Protista, the simplest of living beings, with the idea that only accurate and ample observation was needed to enable us to explain all their activities on a mechanical basis, and devised ingenious models of protoplastic movements. He was led, like Driesch, to renounce such efforts as illusory, and has come to the conviction that in the behaviour of these lowly beings there is a purposive and a tentative character—a method of “ trial and error ’—that can only be interpreted by the invocation of psychology. He points out that after stimulation the “‘state”’ of the organism may be altered, so that the response to the same stimulus on repetition is other. Or, as he puts it, the first stimulus has caused the organism to pass into a new “‘ physiological state.’ As the change of state from what we may call the “primary indifferent state’ is advantageous to the or- ganism, we may regard this as equivalent to the doctrine of the “circular reaction,’ and also as containing the essence of Semon’s doctrine of ‘‘ engrams” or imprints which we are about to consider. We cite one passage which for audacity of thought (underlying, it is true, most guarded expression) may well compare with many of the boldest flights in ‘‘ Life and Habit ” :— It may be noted that regulation in the manner we have set forth is what, in the behaviour of higher organisms, at least, is called intelligence [the examples have been taken from Protista, Corals, and the Lowest Worms]. If the same method of regulation is found in other fields, there is no reason for refusing to compare the action to intelligence. Comparison of the regulatory processes that are shown in internal physio- logical changes and in regeneration to intelligence seems to be looked upon sometimes as heretical and unscientific. Yet intelligence is a name applied to processes that actually exist in the regulation of movements, and there is, a priori, no reason why similar processes should not occur in regulation in other fields. When we analyse regulation obj ectively there seems indeed reason to think that the processes are of the same character in behaviour as elsewhere. If the term in- telligence be reserved for the subjective accompaniments of such regulation, then of course we have no direct knowledge Introduction XXX1 of its existence in any of the fields of regulation outside of the self, and in the self perhaps only in behaviour. But in a purely objective consideration there seems no reason to suppose that regulation in behaviour (intelligence) is of a fundamentally different character from regulation elsewhere. (‘‘ Method of Regulation,” p. 492.) Jennings makes no mention of questions of the theory of heredity. He has made some experiments on the trans- mission of an acquired character in Protozoa ; but it was a mutilation-character, which is, as has been often shown,} not to the point. One of the most obvious criticisms of Hering’s exposi- tion is based upon the extended use he makes of the word ‘“Memory ”: this he had foreseen and deprecated. We have a perfect right [he says] to extend our con- ception of memory so as to make it embrace involuntary [and also unconscious] reproductions of sensations, ideas, perceptions, and efforts; but we find, on having done so, that we have so far enlarged her boundaries that she proves to be an ultimate and original power, the source and, at the same time, the unifying bond, of our whole conscious life. (“‘ Unconscious Memory,’’ p. 68.) This sentence, coupled with Hering’s omission to give to the concept of memory so enlarged a new name, clear alike of the limitations and of the stains of habitual use, may well have been the inspiration of the next work on our list. Richard Semon is a professional zoologist and anthropologist of such high status for his original observa- tions and researches in the mere technical sense, that in these countries he would assuredly have been acclaimed as one of the Fellows of the Royal Society who were Samuel Butler’s special aversion. The full title of his book is ‘‘ Diz MNEmE als erhaltendes Prinzip im Wechsel 1 See ‘The Hereditary Transmission of Acquired Characters ” in Contemporary Review, September and November 1908, in which references are given to earlier statements. XXX Unconscious Memory des organischen Geschehens ”’ (Munich, Ed. 1, 1904; Ed. 2, 1908). We may translate it “‘ MNEME, a Principle of Conservation in the Transformations of Organic Exist- ence. From this I quote in free translation the opening passage of Chapter IT :-— We have shown that in very many cases, whether in Protist, Plant, or Animal, when an organism has passed into an indifferent state after the reaction to a stimulus has ceased, its irritable substance has suffered a lasting change: I call this after-action of the stimulus its ‘‘ imprint ” or ‘‘ engraphic ” action, since it penetrates and imprints itself in the organic substance ; and I term the change so effected an ‘‘ imprint ’’ or “‘engram ”’ of the stimulus; and the sum of all the im- prints possessed by the organism may be called its “ store of imprints,’’ wherein we must distinguish between those which it has inherited from its forbears and those which it has acquired itself. Any phenomenon displayed by an organism as the result either of a single imprint or of a sum of them, I term a ‘“‘mnemic phenomenon”; and the mnemic possi- bilities of an organism may be termed, collectively, its ““ MNEME.”’ I have selected my own terms for the concepts that I have just defined. On many grounds I refrain from making any use of the good German terms ‘ Gediachtniss, Erinnerungs- bild.”” The first and chiefest ground is that for my purpose I should have to employ the German words in a much wider sense than what they usually convey, and thus leave the door open to countless misunderstandings and idle controversies. It would, indeed, even amount to an error of fact to give to the wider concept the name already current in the narrower sense—nay, actually limited, like ‘“‘ Erinnerungsbild,’”’ to phe- nomena of consciousness. . . . In Animals, during the course of history, one set of organs has, so to speak, specialised itself for the reception and transmission of stimuli—the Nervous System. But from this specialisation we are not justified in ascribing to the nervous system any monopoly of the function, even when it is as highly developed as in Man. . . . Just as the direct excitability of the nervous system has progressed in the history of the race, so has its capacity for receiving imprints; but neither susceptibility nor retentiveness is its monopoly ; and, indeed, retentiveness seems inseparable from susceptibility in living matter. Introduction XXXII Semon here takes the instance of stimulus and imprint actions affecting the nervous system of a dog who has up till now never experienced aught but kindness from the Lord of Creation, and then one day that he is out alone is pelted with stones by a boy. . . . Here he is affected at once by two sets of stimuli: (1) the optic stimulus of seeing the boy stoop for stones and throw them, and (2) the skin stimulus of the pain felt when they hit him. Here both stimuli leave their imprints ; and the organism is permanently changed in relation to the recurrence of the stimuli. Hitherto the sight of a human figure quickly stooping had produced no constant special reaction. Now the reaction is constant, and may remain so till death. . . . The dog tucks in its tail be- tween its legs and takes flight, often with a howl [as of] pain. Here we gain on one side a deeper insight into the imprint action of stimuli. It reposes on the lasting change in the conditions of the living matter, so that the repetition of the immediate or synchronous reaction to its first stimulus (in this case the stooping of the boy, the flying stones, and the pain on the ribs), no longer demands, as in the original state of indifference, the full stimulus a, but may be called forth by a partial or different stimulus, 6 (in this case the mere stooping to the ground). I term the influences by which such changed reaction are rendered possible, ‘‘ out- come-reactions,’’ and when such influences assume the form of stimuli, ‘‘ outcome-stimuli.”’ £ They are termed “ outcome” (‘‘ecphoria’’) stimuli, because the author regards them and would have us regard them as the outcome, manifestation, or efference of an imprint of a previous stimulus. We have noted that the imprint is equivalent to the changed “ physiological state’’ of Jennings. Again, the capacity for gaining imprints and revealing them by outcomes favourable to the individual is the “‘ circular reaction ’’ of Baldwin, but Semon gives no reference to either author.! 1 Semon’s technical terms are exclusively taken from the Greek, but as experience tells that plain men in England have a special dread of suchlike, I have substituted ‘‘imprint’’ for ‘‘ engram,’’ “outcome ”’ for “ ecphoria’’; for the latter term I had thought of ‘‘efference,”’ ‘‘ manifestation,” etc., but decided on what looked more homely, and at the same time was quite distinctive enough to avoid that confusion which Semon has dodged with his Grecisms. c XXXIV Unconscious Memory In the preface to his first edition (reprinted in the second) Semon writes, after discussing the work of Hering and Haeckel :— The problem received a more detailed treatment in Samuel Butler’s book, ‘‘ Life and Habit,’’ published in 1878. Though he only made acquaintance with Hering’s essay after this publication, Butler gave what was in many respects a more detailed view of the coincidences of these different phe- nomena of organic reproduction than did Hering. With much that is untenable, Butler’s writings present many a brilliant idea; yet, on the whole, they are rather a retrogression than an advance upon Hering. Evidently they failed to exercise any marked influence upon the literature of the day. This judgment needs a little examination. , Butler claimed, justly, that his “‘ Life and Habit’ was an advance on Hering in its dealing with questions of hybridity, and of longevity, puberty and sterility. Since Semon’s extended treatment of the phenomena of crosses might almost be regarded as the rewriting of the corre- sponding section of “‘ Life and Habit ” in the ‘‘ Mneme ” terminology, we may infer that this view of the question was one of Butler’s “ brilliant ideas.”” That Butler shrank from accepting such a formal explanation of memory as Hering did with his hypothesis should certainly be counted as a distinct “‘advance upon Hering,” for Semon also avoids any attempt at an explanation of ‘“‘Mneme.” I think, however, we may gather the real meaning of Semon’s strictures from the following passages :— I refrain here from a discussion of the development of this theory of Lamarck’s by those Neo-Lamarckians who would ascribe to the individual elementary organism an equip- ment of complex psychical powers—so to say, anthropo- morphic perception and volitions. This treatment is no longer directed by the scientific principle of referring complex phenomena to simpler laws, of deducing even human intellect and will from simpler elements. On the contrary, they follow that most abhorrent method of taking the most complex and Introduction XXXV unresolved as a datum, and employing it as an explanation. The adoption of such a method, as formerly by Samuel Butler, and recently by Pauly, I regard as a big and dangerous step backward (ed. 2, pp. 380-1, note). Thus Butler’s alleged retrogressions belong to the same order of thinking that we have seen shared by Driesch, Baldwin, and Jennings, and most explicitly avowed, as we shall see, by Francis Darwin. Semon makes one rather candid admission, “‘ The impossibility of interpreting the phenomena of physiological stimulation by those of direct reaction, and the undeception of those who had put faith in this being possible, have led many on the backward path of vitalism.’’ Semon assuredly will never be able to complete his theory of ““Mneme”’ until, guided by the experience of Jennings and Driesch, he forsakes the blind alley of mechanisticism and retraces his steps to reasonable vitalism. But the most notable publications bearing on our matter are incidental to the Darwin Celebrations of 1908-9. Dr. Francis Darwin, son, collaborator, and biographer of Charles Darwin, was selected to preside over the Meeting of the British Association held in Dublin in 1908, the jubilee of the first publications on Natural Selection by his father and Alfred Russel Wallace. In this address we find the theory of Hering, Butler, Rignano, and Semon taking its proper place as a vera causa of that variation which Natural Selection must find before it can act, and recognised as the basis of a rational theory of the develop- ment of the individual and of the race. The organism is essentially purposive: the impossibility of devising any adequate accounts of organic form and function without taking account of the psychical side is most strenuously asserted. And with our regret that past misunderstand- ings should be so prominent in Butler’s works, it was very pleasant to hear Francis Darwin’s quotation from Butler’s xxxv1 Unconscious Memory translation of Hering! followed by a personal tribute to Butler himself. In commemoration of the centenary of the birth of Charles Darwin and of the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of the “‘ Origin of Species,” at the suggestion of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, the University Press published during the current year a volume entitled “Darwin and Modern Science,’”’ edited by Mr. A. C. Seward, Professor of Botany in the University. Of the twenty-nine essays by men of science of the highest dis- tinction, one is of peculiar interest to the readers of Samuel Butler: ‘“‘ Heredity and Variation in Modern Lights,” by Professor W. Bateson, F.R.s., to whose work on “ Dis- continuous Variations’ we have already referred. Here once more Butler receives from an official biologist of the first rank full recognition for his wonderful insight and keen critical power. This is the more noteworthy be- cause Bateson has apparently no faith in the transmission of acquired characters ; but such a passage as this would have commended itself to Butler’s admiration :— All this indicates a definiteness and specific order in heredity, and therefore in variation. This order cannot by the nature of the case be dependent on Natural Selection for its existence, but must be a consequence of the fundamental chemical and physical nature of living things. The study of Variation had from the first shown that an orderliness of this kind was present. The bodies and properties of living things are cosmic, not chaotic. No matter how low in the scale we go, never do we find the slightest hint of a diminution in that all-pervading orderliness, nor can we conceive an organism existing for one moment in any other state. We have now before us the materials to determine the problem of Butler’s relation to biology and to biologists. * “ Between the ‘me’ of to-day and the ‘me’ of yesterday lie night and sleep, abysses of unconsciousness; nor is there any bridge but memory with which to span them.’—Unconscious Memory, p. 71. Introduction XXXVIl He was, we have seen, anticipated by Hering; but his attitude was his own, fresh and original. He did not hamper his exposition, like Hering, by a subsidiary hypo- thesis of vibrations which may or may not be true, which burdens the theory without giving it greater carrying power or persuasiveness, which is based on no objective facts, and which, as Semon has practically demonstrated is needless for the detailed working out of the theory. Butler failed to impress the biologists of his day, even those on whom, like Romanes, he might have reasonably counted for understanding and for support. But he kept alive Hering’s work when it bade fair to sink into the limbo of obsolete hypotheses. To use Oliver Wendell Holmes’s phrase, he ‘‘ depolarised’’ evolutionary thought. We quote the words of a young biologist, who, when an ardent and dogmatic Weismannist of the most pronounced type, was induced to read “‘ Life and Habit’’: ‘‘ The book was to me a transformation and an inspiration.” Such learned writings as Semon’s or Hering’s could never produce such an effect: they do not penetrate to the heart of man ; they cannot carry conviction to the intellect already filled full with rival theories, and with the unreasoned faith that to-morrow or next day a new discovery will obliterate all distinction between Man and his makings. The mind must needs be open for the reception of truth, for the re- jection of prejudice ; and the violence of a Samuel Butler may in the future as in the past be needed to shatter the coat of mail forged by too exclusively professional a training. MARCUS HARTOG. Cork, April, 1910. Postscript T had been my intention to complete this Introduction by a I survey of the chief references to Butler’s biological work that have appeared recently; unfortunately the dislocation of the book trade, due to the war, has so far prevented my doing so in xxxviil Unconscious Memory anything like a satisfactory manner. But it would appear unreason- able not to cite the titles of the more important of them. In 1911 appeared a pamphlet ‘‘Charles Darwin and Samuel Butler : a Step towards Reconciliation’ by Henry Festing Jones (Tifield, London). From Mr. Jones’ recent Memoir of Butler we learn that this pamphlet was published at the joint expense of Sir Francis Darwin and himself; it does much to clear up the circum- stances of the misunderstanding which had left unpleasant feelings in the minds of those who felt their great debt to both Darwin and Butler. The circumstances, so far as they were known to Butler, are set forth in chapter iv. of this volume, pp. 38-51. The Memoir Shows too that Butler’s indignation was largely justified by the attack made on him. by Professor Ernst Krause in preparing his “Erasmus Darwin” for translation under Darwin’s auspices, an attack repeated and aggravated in ‘‘ Charles Darwin ”’ by Ernst Krause (Leipzig, 1885). I have been informed that in the second volume of “‘ Geschichte der Biologischen Theorien seit dem Ende des Siebzehnten Jahrhunderts ” by Dr. Em. Radi (Leipzig, Engelmann, 1909) there is a chapter headed ‘Samuel Butler.”” So far I have been unable to procure a copy of this work, the author of which is one of the most original thinkers among present-day biologists. “ Form and Function,” by E. S. Russell appeared in 1916 and contains a chapter entitled ‘‘ Samuel Butler.” In “An Introduction to Biology and other Papers” (Cassell, 1917), the posthumous work of Arthur D. Darbishire, one of the victims of the war, it is stated that ‘‘ the main constructive thesis of the book is the idea, which we owe to Samuel Butler, that the details of evolution can be studied most minutely in man.’ Darbi- shire was the ‘ young biologist” referred to in my Introduction (p. xxxv.), to whom it befell that the reading of ‘‘ Life and Habit’”’ was “a transformation and an inspiration.” In this year’s Hunterian Oration, Dr. Landon Brown not only shows that he is fully imbued with Butler’s teaching, he also gives due credit to his teacher. For this hurried and scrappy Postscript I hope to be able to substitute on some future occasion a better survey of the position wherein all the important references to Butler’s views on evolution Shall be included under their most recent descriptions. In the preceding Introduction are references to extracts from Butler’s “‘ Note-Books’”’ which in 1910 were appearing in the New Quarterly Review; they have since been collected into the volume “ The Note-Books of Samuel Butler” (1912). And the volume referred to as ““ Essays on Life, Art and Science ” has since been reissued with additions as ‘‘ The Humour of Homer, and other Essays ’’ (1913). Marcus Hartoac. April 16, 1920. Author’s Preface to First Edition OT finding the “well-known German scientific journal Kosmos ’’! entered in the British Museum Catalogue, I have presented the Museum with a copy of the number for February 1879, which contains the article by Dr. Krause of which Mr. Charles Darwin has given a translation, the accuracy of which is guaranteed—so he informs us—by the translator’s “ scientific reputation together with his knowledge of German.’’? I have marked the copy, so that the reader can see at a glance what passages have been suppressed and where matter has been interpolated. I have also presented a copy of “ Erasmus Darwin.” I have marked this too, so that the genuine and spurious passages can be easily distinguished. I understand that both the “‘ Erasmus Darwin ”’ and the number of Kosmos have been sent to the Keeper of Printed Books, with instructions that they shall be at once catalogued and made accessible to readers, and do not doubt that this will have been done before the present volume is published. The reader, therefore, who may be sufficiently interested in the matter to care to see exactly what has been done will now have an opportunity of doing so. October 25, 1880. 1 Preface by Mr. Charles Darwin to “‘ Erasmus Darwin.” The Museum has copies of a Kosmos that was published 1857-60 and then discontinued ; but this is clearly not the Kosmos referred to by Mr, Darwin, which began to appear in 1878. 2 Preface to ‘ Erasmus Darwin.”’ XXX1X “4 SI + * Dats: 7, 7 J ; faer ie ap we. ty Fil Ht Sule, Unconscious Mem ory Chapter I Introduction—General ignorance on the subject of evolution at the time the “‘ Origin of Species ”’ was published in 1859. HERE are few things which strike us with more sur- prise, when we review the course taken by opinion in the last century, than the suddenness with which belief in witchcraft and demoniacal possession came to an end. This has been often remarked upon, but I am not acquainted with any record of the fact as it appeared to those under whose eyes the change was taking place, nor have I seen any contemporary explanation of the reasons which led to the apparently sudden overthrow of a belief which had seemed hitherto to be deeply rooted in the minds of almost all men. As a parallel to this, though in respect of the rapid spread of an opinion, and not its decadence, it is probable that those of our descendants who take an interest in ourselves will note the suddenness with which the theory of evolution, from having been generally ridiculed during a period of over a hundred years, came into popularity and almost universal acceptance among educated people. It is indisputable that this has been the case; nor is it less indisputable that the works of Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace have been the main agents in the change that has been brought about in our opinions. The names of Cobden and Bright do not stand more prominently forward in B 2 Unconscious Memory connection with the repeal of the Corn Laws than do those of Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace in connection with the general acceptance of the theory of evolution. There is no living philosopher who has anything like Mr. Darwin’s popu- larity with Englishmen generally ; and not only this, but his power of fascination extends all over Europe, and in- deed in every country in which civilisation has obtained a footing : not among the illiterate masses, though these are rapidly following the suit of the educated classes, but among experts and those who are most capable of judging. France, indeed—the country of Buffon and Lamarck—must be counted an exception to the general rule, but in England and Germany there are few men of scientific reputation who do not accept Mr. Darwin as the founder of what is commonly called ‘‘ Darwinism,’ and regard him as per- haps the most penetrative and profound philosopher of modern times. To quote an example from the last few weeks only, I have observed that Professor Huxley has celebrated the twenty-first year since the ‘‘ Origin of Species *’ was pub- lished by a lecture at the Royal Institution, and am told that he described Mr. Darwin’s candour as something actually “ terrible’’ (I give Professor Huxley’s own word, as reported by one who heard it) ; and on opening a small book entitled “‘ Degeneration,” by Professor Ray Lankester, published a few days before these lines were written, I find the following passage amid more that is to the same purport :— Suddenly one of those great guesses which occasionally appear in the history of science was given to the science of biology by the imaginative insight of that greatest of living naturalists—I would say that greatest of living men—Charles Darwin.—‘‘ Degeneration,”’ p. Io. This is very strong language, but it is hardly stronger than that habitually employed by the leading men of science when they speak of Mr. Darwin. To go farther afield, in February 1879 the Germans devoted an entire 1 May 1880, Introduction 3 number of one of their scientific periodicals } to the celebra- tion of Mr. Darwin’s seventieth birthday. There is no other Englishman now living who has been able to win such a compliment as this from foreigners, who should be disinterested judges. Under these circumstances, it must seem the height of presumption to differ from so great an authority, and to join the small band of malcontents who hold that Mr. Darwin’s reputation as a philosopher, though it has grown up with the rapidity of Jonah’s gourd, will yet not be per- manent. I believe, however, that though we must always gladly and gratefully owe it to Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace that the public mind has been brought to accept evolution, the admiration now generally felt for the “ Origin of Species ” will appear as unaccountable to our descendants some fifty or eighty years hence as the enthusiasm of our grandfathers for the poetry of Dr. Erasmus Darwin does to ourselves; and as one who has yielded to none in respect of the fascination Mr. Darwin has exercised over him, I would fain say a few words of explanation which may make the matter clearer to our future historians. I do this the more readily because I can at the same time explain thus better than in any other way the steps which led me to the theory which I afterwards advanced in “ Life and Habit.” This last, indeed, is perhaps the main purpose of the earlier chapters of this book. I shall presently give a translation of a lecture by Professor Ewald Hering of Prague, which appeared ten years ago, and which contains so exactly the theory I subsequently advocated myself, that I am half uneasy lest it should be supposed that I knew of Professor Hering’s work and made no reference to it. A friend to whom I submitted my translation in MS., asking him how closely he thought it resembled “ Life and Habit,’’ wrote back that it gave my own ideas almost in my own words. As far as the ideas are concerned this is 1 Kosmos, February 1879, Leipsic. 4 Unconscious Memory certainly the case, and considering that Professor Hering wrote between seven and eight years before I did, I think it due to him, and to my readers as well as to myself, to explain the steps which led me to my conclusions, and, while putting Professor Hering’s lecture before them, to show cause for thinking that I arrived at an almost identical conclusion, as it would appear, by an almost identical road, yet, nevertheless, quite independently. I must ask the reader, therefore, to regard these earlier chapters as in some measure a personal explanation, as well as a contribution to the history of an important feature in the developments of the last twenty years. I hope also, by showing the steps by which I was led to my conclusions, to make the conclusions themselves more acceptable and easy of comprehension. Being on my way to New Zealand when the “ Origin of Species’ appeared, I did not get it till 1860 or I86T. When I read it, I found “‘ the theory of natural selection ”’ repeatedly spoken of as though it were a synonym for “the theory of descent with modification ’’ ; this is especi- ally the case in the recapitulation chapter of the work. I failed to see how important it was that these two theories —if indeed “ natural selection ’”’ can be called a theory— should not be confounded together, and that a “ theory of descent with modification ’’ might be true, while a “ theory of descent with modification through natural selection ’’.? might not stand being looked into. If any one had asked me to state in brief what Mr. Darwin’s theory was, I am afraid I might have answered “natural selection,’ or ‘‘ descent with modification,” whichever came first, as though the one meant much the same as the other. I observe that most of the leading writers on the subject are still unable to catch sight of the distinction here alluded to, and console myself for my want of acumen by reflecting that, if I was misled, I was misled in good company. 1 “ Origin of Species,’ ed.i., p. 459. Introduction 5 I—and I may add, the public generally—tfailed also to see what the unaided reader who was new to the subject would be almost certain to overlook. I mean, that, according to Mr. Darwin, the variations whose accumulation resulted in diversity of species and genus were indefinite, fortuitous, attributable but in small degree to any known causes, and without a general principle underlying them which would cause them to appear steadily in a given direction for many successive generations and in a con- siderable number of individuals at the same time. We did not know that the theory of evolution was one that had been quietly but steadily gaining ground during the last hundred years. Buffon we knew by name, but he sounded too like ‘‘ buffoon” for any good to come from him. We had heard also of Lamarck, and held him to be a kind of French Lord Monboddo; but we knew nothing of his doctrine save through the caricatures promulgated by his opponents, or the misrepresentations of those who had another kind of interest in disparaging him. Dr. Erasmus Darwin we believed to be a forgotten minor poet, but ninety-nine out of every hundred of us had never so much as heard of the ‘‘ Zoonomia.’”’ We were little likely, there- fore, to know that Lamarck drew very largely from Buffon, and probably also from Dr. Erasmus Darwin, and that this last-named writer, though essentially original, was founded upon Buffon, who was greatly more in advance of any predecessor than any successor has been in advance of him. We did not know, then, that according to the earlier writers the variations whose accumulation results in species were not fortuitous and definite, but were due to a known principle of universal application—namely, “sense of need ’—or apprehend the difference between a theory of evolution which has a backbone, as it were, in the tolerably constant or slowly varying needs of large numbers of individuals for long periods together, and one which has no such backbone, but according to which the progress 6 Unconscious Memory of one generation is always liable to be cancelled and obliterated by that of the next. We did not know that the new theory in a quiet way professed to tell us less than the old had done, and declared that it could throw little if any light upon the matter which the earlier writers had endeavoured to illuminate as the central point in their system. We took it for granted that more light must be being thrown instead of less; and reading in perfect good faith, we rose from our perusal with the impression that Mr. Darwin was advocating the descent of all existing forms of life from a single, or from, at any rate, a very few primordial types; that no one else had done this hitherto, or that, if they had, they had got the whole subject into a mess, which mess, whatever it was—for we were never told this—was now being removed once for all by Mr. Darwin. The evolution part of the story, that is to say, the fact of evolution, remained in our minds as by far the most prominent feature in Mr. Darwin’s book; and _ being grateful for it, we were very ready to take Mr. Darwin’s work at the estimate tacitly claimed for it by himself, and vehemently insisted upon by reviewers in influential journals, who took much the same line towards the earlier writers on evolution as Mr. Darwin himself had taken. But perhaps nothing more prepossessed us in Mr. Darwin’s favour than the air of candour that was omnipresent throughout his work. The prominence given to the arguments of opponents completely carried us away ; it was this which threw us off our guard. It never occurred to us that there might be other and more dangerous opponents who were not brought forward. Mr. Darwin did not tell us what his grandfather and Lamarck would have had to say to this or that. Moreover, there was an unobtrusive parade of hidden learning and of difficulties at last over- come which was particularly grateful to us. Whatever opinion might be ultimately come to concerning the value of his theory, there could be but one about the value Introduction 7 of the example he had set to men of science generally by the perfect frankness and unselfishness of his work. Friends and foes alike combined to do homage to Mr. Darwin in this respect. For, brilliant as the reception of the “ Origin of Species ”’ was, it met in the first instance with hardly less hostile than friendly criticism. But the attacks were ill-directed ; they came from a suspected quarter, and those who led them did not detect more than the general public had done what were the really weak places in Mr. Darwin's armour. They attacked him where he was strongest ; and above all, they were, as a general rule, stamped with a disingenuousness which at that time we believed to be peculiar to theological writers and alien to the spirit of science. Seeing, therefore, that the men of science ranged themselves more and more decidedly on Mr. Darwin's side, while his opponents had manifestly—so far as 1 can remember, all the more prominent among them—a bias to which their hostility was attributable, we left off look- ing at the arguments against “ Darwinism,’ aS we now began to call it, and pigeon-holed the matter to the effect that there was one evolution, and that Mr. Darwin was its prophet. The blame of our errors and oversights rests primarily with Mr. Darwin himself. The first, and far the most important, edition of the “ Origin of Species ’’ came out as a kind of literary Melchisedec, without father and with- out mother in the works of other people. Here is its opening paragraph :— When on board H.M.S. “ Beagle” as naturalist, I was much struck with certain facts in the distribution of the inhabitants of South America, and in the geological rela- tions of the present to the past inhabitants of that con- tinent. These facts seemed to me to throw some light on the origin of species—that mystery of mysteries, as it has been called by one of our greatest philosophers. On my return home, it occured to me, in 1837, that something might be made out on this question by patiently accumulating 8 Unconscious Memory and reflecting upon all sorts of facts which would possibly have any bearing on it. After five years’ work I allowed myself to speculate on the subject, and drew up some short notes ; these I enlarged in 1844 into a sketch of the conclusions which then seemed to me probable: from that period to the present day I have steadily pursued the same object. I hope that I may be excused for entering on these personal details, as I give them to show that I have not been hasty in coming to a decision. In the latest edition this passage remains unaltered, except in one unimportant respect. What could more completely throw us off the scent of the earlier writers ? If they had written anything worthy of our attention, or indeed if there had been any earlier writers at all, Mr. Darwin would have been the first to tell us about them, and to award them their due meed of recognition. But no ; the whole thing was an original growth in Mr. Darwin’s mind, and he had never so much as heard of his grandfather, Dr. Erasmus Darwin. Dr. Krause, indeed, thought otherwise. In the number of Kosmos for February 1879 he represented Mr. Darwin as in his youth approaching the works of his grandfather with all the devotion which people usually feel for the writings of a renowned poet.2 This should perhaps be a delicately ironical way of hinting that Mr. Darwin did not read his grandfather’s books closely ; but I hardly think that Dr. Krause looked at the matter in this light, for he goes on to say that “ almost every single work of the younger Darwin may be paralleled by at least a chapter in the works of his ancestor: the mystery of heredity, adaptation, the protective arrangements of animals and plants, sexual selection, insectivorous plants, and the analysis of the emotions and sociological impulses ; nay, even the studies on infants are to be found already dis- cussed in the pages of the elder Darwin.’’? * “ Origin of Species,” ed.i., p. 1. * Kosmos, February 1879, p. 397. 3 “ Erasmus Darwin,” by Ernst Krause, pp. 132, 133. Introduction 9 Nevertheless, innocent as;Mr. Darwin’s opening sen- tence appeared, it contained’enough to have put us upon our guard. When he informed us that, on his return from a long voyage, “it occurred to”’ him that the way to make anything out about his subject was to collect and reflect upon the facts that bore upon it, it should have occurred to us in our turn, that when people betray a return of consciousness upon such matters as this, they are on the confines of that state in which other and not less elementary matters will not “occur to”’ them. The introduction of the word “ patiently’ should have been conclusive. I will not analyse more of the sentence, but will repeat the next two lines :—‘‘ After five years of work, I allowed myself to speculate upon the subject, and drew up some short notes.” We read this, thousands of us, and were blind. If Dr. Erasmus Darwin’s name was not mentioned in the first edition of the ‘‘ Origin of Species,” we should not be surprised at there being no notice taken of Buffon, or at Lamarck’s being referred to only twice—on the first occasion to be serenely waved aside, he and all his works ; } on the second,? to be commended on a point of detail. The author of the ‘‘ Vestiges of Creation ’’ was more widely known to English readers, having written more recently and nearer home. He was dealt with summarily, on an early and prominent page, by a misrepresentation, which was silently expunged in later editions of the ‘‘ Origin of Species.” In his later editions (I believe first in his third, when 6000 copies had been already sold), Mr. Darwin did indeed introduce a few pages in which he gave what he designated as a ‘‘ brief but imperfect sketch” of the progress of opinion on the origin of species prior to the appearance of his own work; but the general impression which a book conveys to, and leaves upon, the public is conveyed by the first edition—the one which is alone, with rare exceptions, reviewed ; and in the first edition 1 ‘* Origin of Species,” ed.i., p. 242. 2 Ibid., p. 427. IO Unconscious Memory of the “ Origin of Species ’’ Mr. Darwin’s great precursors were all either ignored or misrepresented. Moreover, the “brief but imperfect sketch,’’ when it did come, was so very brief, but, in spite of this (for this is what I suppose Mr. Darwin must mean), so very imperfect, that it might as well have been left unwritten for all the help it gave the reader to see the true question at issue between the original propounders of the theory of evolution and Mr. Charles Darwin himself. That question is this: Whether variation is in the main attributable to a known general principle, or whether it is not ?>—whether the minute variations whose accumulation results in specific and generic differences are referable to something which will ensure their appearing in a certain definite direction, or in certain definite directions, for long periods together, and in many individuals, or whether they are not ?—whether, in a word, these variations are in the main definite or indefinite ? It is observable that the leading men of science seem rarely to understand this even now. I am told that Pro- fessor Huxley, in his recent lecture on the coming of age of the “ Origin of Species,’ never so much as alluded to the existence of any such division of opinion as this. He did not even, I am assured, mention “‘ natural selection,” but appeared to believe, with Professor Tyndall,+ that “evolution ’”’ is ‘‘ Mr. Darwin’s theory.” In his article on evolution in the latest edition of the “ Encyclopedia Britannica,’ I find only a veiled perception of the point wherein Mr. Darwin is at variance with his precursors. Professor Huxley evidently knows little of these writers beyond their names ; if he had known more, it is impossible he should have written that “‘ Buffon contributed nothing to the general doctrine of evolution,’’? and that Erasmus Darwin, ‘ though a zealous evolutionist, can hardly be 1 Nineteenth Century, November 1878; ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New,” pp. 360, 361. 2 “Encyclopedia Britannica,’ ed.ix., art. ‘‘ Evolution,” p. 748. Introduction II said to have made any real advance on his predecessors.” 4 The article is in a high degree unsatisfactory, and betrays at once an amount of ignorance and of perception which leaves an uncomfortable impression. If this is the state of things that prevails even now, it is not surprising that in 1860 the general public should, with few exceptions, have known of only one evolution, namely, that propounded by Mr. Darwin. As a member of the general public, at that time residing eighteen miles from the nearest human habitation, and three days’ journey on horseback from a bookseller’s shop, I became one of Mr. Darwin’s many enthusiastic admirers, and wrote a philosophical dialogue (the most offensive form, except poetry and books of travel into supposed unknown countries, that even literature can assume) upon the ‘Origin of Species.” This production appeared in the Press, Canterbury, New Zealand, in 1861 or 1862, but I have long lost the only copy I had. 1 Tbid. Chapter II How I came to write “‘ Life and Habit,’’ and the circumstances of its completion. T was impossible, however, for Mr. Darwin’s readers to leave the matter as Mr. Darwin had left it. We wanted to know whence came that germ or those germs of life which, if Mr. Darwin was right, were once the world’s only in- habitants. They could hardly have come hither from some other world; they could not in their wet, cold, slimy state have travelled through the dry ethereal medium which we call space, and yet remained alive. If they travelled slowly, they would die ; if fast, they would catch fire, as meteors do on entering the earth’s atmosphere. The idea, again, of their having been created by a quasi- anthropomorphic being out of the matter upon the earth was at variance with the whole spirit of evolution, which indicated that no such being could exist except as himself the result, and not the cause, of evolution. Having got back from ourselves to the monad, we were suddenly to begin again with something which was either unthink- able, or was only ourselves again upon a larger scale—to return to the same point as that from which we had started, only made harder for us to stand upon. There was only one other conception possible, namely, that the germs had been developed in the course of time from some thing or things that were not what we called living at all; that they had grown up, in fact, out of the material substances and forces of the world in some manner more or less analogous to that in which man had been developed from themselves. Te How I wrote “Life and Habit” 13 I first asked myself whether lifer might not, after all, resolve itself into the complexity of arrangement of an inconceivably intricate mechanism. Kittens think our shoe-strings are alive when they see us lacing them, because they see the tag at the end jump about without under- standing all the ins and outs of how it comes to do so. ‘Of course,” they argue, “‘if we cannot understand how a thing comes to move, it must move of itself, for there can be no motion beyond our comprehension but what is spontaneous; if the motion is spontaneous, the thing moving must be alive, for nothing can move of itself or without our understanding why unless it is alive. Every- thing that is alive and not too large can be tortured, and perhaps eaten; let us therefore spring upon the tag " ; and they spring upon it. Cats are above this; yet give the cat something which presents a few more of those appearances which she is accustomed to see whenever she sees life, and she will fall as easy a prey to the power which association exercises over all that lives as the kitten itself. Show her a toy-mouse that can run a few yards after being wound up; the form, colour, and action of a mouse being here, there is no good cat which will not con- clude that so many of the appearances of mousehood could not be present at the same time without the presence also of the remainder. She will, therefore, spring upon the toy as eagerly as the kitten upon the tag. Suppose the toy more complex still, so that it might run a few yards, stop, and run on again without an addi- tional winding up; and suppose it so constructed that it could imitate eating and drinking, and could make as though the mouse were cleaning its face with its paws. Should we not at first be taken in ourselves, and assume the presence of the remaining facts of life, though in reality they were not there? Query, therefore, whether a machine so complex as to be prepared with a correspond- ing manner of action for each one of the successive emer- gencies of life as it arose, would not take us in for good T4 Unconscious Memory and all, and look so much as if it were alive that, whether we liked it or not, we should be compelled to think it and call it so; and whether the being alive was not simply the being an exceedingly complicated machine, whose parts were set in motion by the action upon them of exterior circumstances ; whether, in fact, man was not a kind of toy-mouse in the shape of a man, only capable of going for seventy or eighty years, instead of half as many seconds, and as much more versatile as he is more durable? Of course I had an uneasy feeling that if I thus made all plants and men into machines, these machines must have what all other machines have if they are machines at all —a designer, and some one to wind them up and work them ; but I thought this might wait for the present, and was perfectly ready then, as now, to accept a designer from without, if the facts upon examination rendered such a belief reasonable. If, then, men were not really alive after all, but were only machines of so complicated a make that it was less trouble to us to cut the difficulty and say that that kind of mechanism was “ being alive,’ why should not machines ultimately become as complicated as we are, or at any rate complicated enough to be called living, and to be indeed as living as it was in the nature of anything at all to be? If it was only a case of their becoming more complicated, we were certainly doing our best to make them so. I do not suppose I at that time saw that this view comes to much the same as denying that there are such qualities as life and consciousness at all, and that this, again, works round to the assertion of their omnipresence in every molecule of matter, inasmuch as it destroys the separation between the organic and inorganic, and main- tains that whatever the organic is the inorganic is also. Deny it in theory as much as we please, we shall still always feel that an organic body, unless dead, is living and con- scious to a greater or less degree. Therefore, if we once How I wrote “ Life and Habit” 15 break down the wall of partition between the organic and inorganic, the inorganic must be living and conscious also, up to a certain point. I have been at work on this subject now for nearly twenty years, what I have published being only a small part of what I have written and destroyed. I cannot, therefore, remember exactly how I stood in 1863. Nor can I pretend to see far into the matter even now ; for when I think of life, I find it so difficult, that I take refuge in death or mechanism; and when I think of death or mechanism, I find it so inconceivable, that it is easier to call it life again. The only thing of which I am sure is, that the distinction between the organic and inorganic is arbitrary; that it is more coherent with our other ideas, and therefore more acceptable, to start with every molecule as a living thing, and then deduce death as the breaking up of an association or corporation, than to start with inanimate molecules and smuggle life into them; and that, therefore, what we call the inorganic world must be regarded as up to a certain point living, and instinct, within certain limits, with consciousness, volition, and power of concerted action. It is only of late, however, that I have come to this opinion. One must start with a hypothesis, no matter how much one distrusts it ; so I started with man as a mechanism, this being the strand of the knot that I could then pick at most easily. Having worked upon it a certain time, | drew the inference about machines becoming animate, and in 1862 or 1863 wrote the sketch of the chapter on machines which I afterwards rewrote in “‘ Erewhon.”’ This sketch appeared in the Press, Canterbury, N.Z., June 13, 1863 ; a copy of it is in the British Museum. I soon felt that though there was plenty of amusement to be got out of this line, it was one that I should have to leave sooner or later; I therefore left it at once for the view that machines were limbs which we had made, and carried outside our bodies instead of incorporating them 16 Unconscious Memory with ourselves. A few days or weeks later than June 13, 1863, I published a second letter in the Press putting this view forward. Of this letter I have lost the only copy I had ; I have not seen it for years. The first was certainly not good ; the second, if I remember rightly, was a good deal worse, though I believed more in the views it put forward than in those of the first letter. I had lost my copy before I wrote “‘ Erewhon,” and therefore only gave a couple of pages to it in that book; besides, there was more amusement-in the other view. I should perhaps say there was an intermediate extension of the first letter which appeared in the Reasoner, July 1, 1865. In 1870 and 1871, when I was writing “ Erewhon,”’ I thought the best way of looking at machines was to see them as limbs which we had made and carried about with us or left at home at pleasure. I was not, however, satisfied, and should have gone on with the subject at once if I had not been anxious to write “The Fair Haven,’ a book which is a development of a pamphlet I wrote in New Zealand and published in London in 1865. As soon as I had finished this, I returned to the old subject, on which I had already been engaged for nearly a dozen years as continuously as other business would allow, and proposed to myself to see not only machines as limbs, but also limbs as machines. I felt immediately that I was upon firmer ground. The use of the word “organ” for a limb told its own story ; the word could not have become so current under this meaning unless the idea of a limb as a tool or machine had been agreeable to common sense. What would follow, then, if we regarded our limbs and organs as things that we had ourselves manufactured for our convenience ? The first question that suggested itself was, how did we come to make them without knowing anything about it? And this raised another, namely, how comes anybody to do anything unconsciously ? The answer “ habit ” was not far toseek. But can a person be said to do a thing How I wrote “ Life and Habit” 17 by force of habit or routine when it is his ancestors, and not he, that has done it hitherto? Not unless he and his ancestors are one and the same person. Perhaps, then, they are the same person after all. What is sameness ? I remembered Bishop Butler’s sermon on “ Personal Identity,” read it again, and saw very plainly that if a man of eighty may consider himself identical with the baby from whom he has developed, so that he may say, “ I am the person who at six months old did this or that,”’ then the baby may just as fairly claim identity with its father and mother, and say to its parents on being born, ‘““T was you only a few months ago.’ By parity of reason- ing each living form now on the earth must be able to claim identity with each generation of its ancestors up to the primordial cell inclusive. Again, if the octogenarian may claim personal identity with the infant, the infant may certainly do so with the impregnate ovum from which it has developed. If so, the octogenarian will prove to have been a fish once in this his present life. This is as certain as that he was living yesterday, and stands on exactly the same founda- tion. I am aware that Professor Huxley maintains otherwise. He writes: “It is not true, for example, ... that a reptile was ever a fish, but it is true that the reptile em- bryo ”’ (and what is said here of the reptile holds good also for the human embryo), “‘ at one stage of its development, is an organism, which, if it had an independent existence, must be classified among fishes.” 4 This is like saying, ‘‘ It is not true that such and such a picture was rejected for the Academy, but it is true that it was submitted to the President and Council of the Royal Academy, with a view to acceptance at their next forthcoming annual exhibition, and that the President and Council regretted they were unable through want of space, &c., &c.”—and as much more as the reader 1 “Encycl, Brit.,” ed. ix., art. “‘ Evolution,” p. 750. (&; 18 Unconscious Memory chooses. I shall venture, therefore, to stick to it that the octogenarian was once a fish, or if Professor Huxley prefers it, ‘‘ an organism which must be classified among fishes.”’ But if a man was a fish once, he may have been a fish a million times over, for aught he knows; for he must admit that his conscious recollection is at fault, and has nothing whatever to do with the matter, which must be decided, not, as it were, upon his own evidence as to what deeds he may or may not recollect having executed, but by the production of -+his signatures in court, with satisfactory proof that he has delivered each document as his act and deed. This made things very much simpler. The processes of embryonic development, and instinctive actions, might be now seen as repetitions of the same kind of action by the same individual .in successive generations. It was natural, therefore, that they should come in the course of time to be done unconsciously, and a consideration of the most obvious facts of memory removed all further doubt that habit—which is based on memory—was at the bottom of all the phenomena of heredity. I had got to this point about the spring of 1874, and had begun to write, when I was compelled to go to Canada, and for the next year and a half did hardly any writing. The first passage in ‘‘ Life and Habit ’’ which I can date with certainty is the one on page 52, which runs as follows:— It is one against legion when a man tries to differ from his own past selves. He must yield or die if he wants to differ widely, so as to lack natural instincts, such as hunger or thirst, and not to gratify them. It is more righteous in a man that he should “‘ eat strange food,” and that his cheek should “so much as lank not,’ than that he should starve if the strange food be at his command. His past selves are living in him at this moment with the accumulated life of centuries. ‘‘ Do this, this, this, which we too have done, and found our profit in it,” cry the souls of his forefathers within him. Faint are the far ones, coming and going as the sound of bells wafted on toa high mountain ; loud and clear are the near ones, urgent as an alarm of fire. How I wrote “ Life and Habit” . 19 This was written a few days after my arrival in Canada, June 1874. I was on Montreal mountain for the first time, and was struck with its extreme beauty. It was a mag- nificent summer’s evening; the noble St. Lawrence flowed almost immediately beneath, and the vast expanse of country beyond it was suffused with a colour which even Italy cannot surpass. Sitting down for a while, I began making notes for ‘‘ Life and Habit,” of which I was then continually thinking, and had written the first few lines of the above, when the bells of Notre Dame in Montreal began to ring, and their sound was carried to and fro ina remarkably beautiful manner. I took advantage of the incident to insert then and there the last lines of the piece just quoted. I kept the whole passage with hardly any alteration, and am thus able to date it accurately. Though so occupied in Canada that writing a book was impossible, I nevertheless got many notes together for future use. I left Canada at the end of 1875, and early in 1876 began putting these notes into more coherent form. I did this in thirty pages of closely written matter, of which a pressed copy remains in my commonplace-book. I find two dates among them—the first, “‘ Sunday, Feb. 6. 1876’ ; and the second, at the end of the notes, ““ Feb. 12. 1876.” From these notes I find that by this time I had the theory contained in “ Life and Habit ’’ completely before me, with the four main principles which it involves, namely, the oneness of personality between parents and offspring ; memory on the part of offspring of certain actions which it did when in the persons of its forefathers ; the latency of that memory until it is rekindled by a recurrence of the associated ideas ; and the unconsciousness with which habitual actions come to be performed. The first half-page of these notes may serve as a sample, and runs thus :— Those habits and functions which we have in common with the lower animals come mainly within the womb, or are 20 Unconscious Memory done involuntarily, as our [growth of] limbs, eyes, &c., and our power of digesting food, &c. . . We say of the chicken that it knows how to run about as soon as it is hatched, . but had it no knowledge before it was hatched ? It knew how to make a great many things before it was hatched. It grew eyes and feathers and bones. Yet we say it knew nothing about all this. After it is born it grows more feathers, and makes its bones larger, and develops a reproductive system. Again we say it knows nothing about all this. What then does it know ? Whatever it does not know so well as to be unconscious of knowing it. Knowledge dwells upon the confines of uncertainty. When we are very certain, we do not know that we know. When we will very strongly, we do not know that we will.”’ I then began my book, but considering myself still a painter by profession, I gave comparatively little time to writing, and got on but slowly. I left England for North Italy in the middle of May 1876 and returned early in August. It was perhaps thus that I failed to hear of the account of Professor Hering’s lecture given by Professor Ray Lankester in Nature, July 13, 1876; though, never at that time seeing Nature, I should probably have missed it under any circumstances. On my return I continued slowly writing. By August 1877 I considered that I had to all intents and purposes completed my book. My first proof bears date October 13, 1877. At this time I had not been able to find that anything like what I was advancing had been said already. I asked many friends, but not one of them knew of anything more than I did ; to them, as to me, it seemed an idea so new as to be almost preposterous ; but knowing how things turn up after one has written, of the existence of which one had not known before, I was particularly careful to guard against being supposed to claim originality. I neither claimed it nor wished for it ; for if a theory has any truth How I wrote “ Life and Habit” 21 in it, it is almost sure to occur to several people much about the same time, and a reasonable person will look upon his work with great suspicion unless he can confirm it with the support of others who have gone before him. Still I knew of nothing in the least resembling it, and was so afraid of what I was doing, that though I could see no flaw in the argument, nor any loophole for escape from the conclusion it led to, yet I did not dare to put it forward with the seriousness and sobriety with which I should have treated the subject if I had not been in continual fear of a mine being sprung upon me from some unexpected quarter. I am exceedingly glad now that I knew nothing of Pro- fessor Hering’s lecture, for it is much better that two people should think a thing out as far as they can inde- pendently before they become aware of each other’s work ; but if I had seen it, I should either, as is most likely, not have written at all, or I should have pitched my book in another key. Among the additions I intended making while the book was in the press, was a chapter on Mr. Darwin’s provisional theory of Pangenesis, which I felt convinced must be right if it was Mr. Darwin’s, and which I was sure, if I could once understand it, must have an important bearing on “ Life and Habit.’ I had not as yet seen that the principle | was contending for was Darwinian, not Neo-Darwinian. My pages still teemed with allusions to “ natural selection,” and I sometimes allowed myself to hope that “ Life and Habit ’’ was going to be an adjunct to Darwinism which no one would welcome more gladly than Mr. Darwin himself. At this time I had a visit from a friend, who kindly called to answer a question of mine, relative, if I remember rightly, to ‘‘ Pangenesis.”’ He came, September 26, 1877. One of the first things he said was, that the theory which had pleased him more than anything he had heard of for some time was one referring all life to memory. I said that was exactly what I was doing myself, and inquired where he had met with his theory. He replied 2'2 Unconscious Memory that Professor Ray Lankester had written a letter about it in Nature some time ago, but he could not remember exactly when, and had given extracts from a lecture by Professor Ewald Hering, who had originated the theory. I said I should not look at it, as I had completed that part of my work, and was on the point of going to press. I could not recast my work if, as was most likely, I should find something, when I saw what Professor Hering had said, which would make me wish to rewrite my own book ; it was too late in the day and I did not feel equal to making any radical alteration ; and so the matter ended with very little said upon either side. I wrote, however, afterwards to my friend asking him to tell me the number of Nature which contained the lecture if he could find it, but he was unable to do so, and I was well enough content. A few days before this I had met another friend, and had explained to him what I was doing. He told me I ought to read Professor Mivart’s ‘‘ Genesis of Species,” and that if I did so I should find there were two sides to “natural selection.’”” Thinking, as so many people do— and no wonder—that “ natural selection ’’ and evolution were much the same thing, and having found so many attacks upon evolution produce no effect upon me, I declined to read it. I had as yet no idea that a writer could attack Neo-Darwinism without attacking evolution. But my friend kindly sent me a copy ; and when I read it, I found myself in the presence of arguments different from those I had met with hitherto, and did not see my way to answering them. I had, however, read only a small part of Professor Mivart’s work, and was not fully awake to the position, when the friend referred to in the preceding paragraph called on me. When I had finished the ‘ Genesis of Species,’”’ I felt that something was certainly wanted which should give a definite aim to the variations whose accumulation was to amount ultimately to specific and generic differences, and that without this there could have been no progress in How I wrote “ Life and Habit” 23 organic development. I got the latest edition of the “Origin of Species ’’ in order to see how Mr. Darwin met Professor Mivart, and found his answers in many respects unsatisfactory. I had lost my original copy of the ‘‘ Origin of Species,’ and had not read the book for some years. I now set about reading it again, and came to the chapter on instinct, where I was horrified to find the following passage :— But it would be a serious error to suppose that the greater number of instincts have been acquired by habit in one generation and then transmitted by inheritance to the succeeding generations. It can be clearly shown that the most wonderful instincts with which we are acquainted, namely, those of the hive-bee and of many ants, could not possibly have been acquired by habit. This showed that, according to Mr. Darwin, I had fallen into serious error, and my faith in him, though somewhat shaken, was far too great to be destroyed by a few days’ course of Professor Mivart, the full importance of whose work I had not yet apprehended. I continued to read, and when I had finished the chapter felt sure that I must indeed have been blundering. The concluding words, “ I am surprised that no one has hitherto advanced this demonstrative case of neuter insects against the well- known doctrine of inherited habit as advanced by Lamarck,”2 were positively awful. There was a quiet consciousness of strength about them which was more convincing than any amount of more detailed explanation. This was the first I had heard of any doctrine of inherited habit as having been propounded by Lamarck (the passage stands in the first edition, “‘ the well-known doctrine of Lamarck,” p. 242); and now to find that I had been only busying myself with a stale theory of this long-since exploded charlatan—with my book three parts written and already in the press—it was a serious scare. On reflection, however, I was again met with the over- 1 “ Origin of Species,’’ 6th ed., 1876, p. 206. 2 Ibid., p. 233. 24 Unconscious Memory whelming weight of the evidence in favour of structure and habit being mainly due to memory. I accordingly gathered as much as I could second-hand of what Lamarck had said, reserving a study of his ‘“‘ Philosophie Zoologique ’’ for another occasion, and read as much about ants and bees as I could find in readily accessible works. In a few days I saw my way again; and now, reading the “ Origin of Species ’’ more closely, and I may say more sceptically, the antagonism between Mr. Darwin and Lamarck became fully apparent to me, and I saw how incoherent and unworkable in practice the later view was in comparison with the earlier. Then I read Mr. Darwin’s answers to miscellaneous objections, and was met, and this time brought up, by the passage beginning “In the earlier editions of this work,’’! &c., on which I wrote very severely in “ Life and Habit’? for I felt by this time that the difference of opinion between us was radical, and that the matter must be fought out according to the rules of the game. After this I went through the earlier part of my book, and cut out the expressions which I had used in- advertently, and which were inconsistent with a teleo- logical view. This necessitated only verbal alterations ; for, though I had not known it, the spirit of the book was throughout teleological. I now saw that I had got my hands full, and abandoned my intention of touching upon “‘ Pangenesis.”’ I took up the words of Mr. Darwin quoted above, to the effect that it would be a serious error to ascribe the greater number of instincts to transmitted habit. I wrote chapter xi. of “ Life and Habit,” which is headed “ Instincts as Inherited Memory’; I also wrote the four subsequent .chapters, “ Instincts of Neuter Insects,”’ ‘‘ Lamarck and Mr. Darwin,” “Mr. Mivart and Mr. Darwin,’’ and the concluding chapter, all of them in the month of October and the early part of November 1877, the complete book leaving the binder’s * “ Origin of Species,’’ 6th ed} Pl 7ls 1970: 2 pp. 258-260. How I wrote “‘Life and Habit” 25 hands December 4, 1877, but, according to trade custom, being dated 1878. It will be seen that these five concluding chapters were rapidly written, and this may account in part for the directness with which I said anything I had to say about Mr. Darwin; partly this, and partly I felt I was in for a penny and might as well be in for a pound. ~ I therefore wrote about Mr. Darwin’s work exactly as I should about any one else’s, bearing in mind the inestimable services he had undoubtedly—and must always be counted to have—rendered to evolution. Chapter II] How I came to write ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New ’’—Mr. Darwin’s “ brief but imperfect ”’ sketch of the opinions of the writers on evolution who had preceded him—The reception which ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New ”’ met with. HOUGH my book was out in 1877, it was not till January 1878 that I took an opportunity of looking up Professor Ray Lankester’s account of Professor Hering’s lecture. I can hardly say how relieved I was to find that it sprung no mine upon me, but that, so far as I could gather, Professor Hering and I had come to pretty much the same conclusion. I had already found the passage in Dr. Erasmus Darwin which I quoted in “‘ Evolution, Old and New,’ but may perhaps as well repeat it here. It runs— Owing to the imperfection of language, the offspring is termed a new animal ; but is, in truth, a branch or elonga- tion of the parent, since a part of the embryon animal is or was a part of the parent, and, therefore, in strict language, cannot be said to be entirely new at the time of its production, and, therefore, it may retain some of the habits of the parent system.! When, then, the Atheneum reviewed “‘ Life and Habit ”’ (January 26, 1878), I took the opportunity to write to that paper, calling attention to Professor Hering’s lecture, and also to the passage just quoted from Dr. Erasmus Darwin. The editor kindly inserted my letter in his issue of February g, 1878. I felt that I had now done all in the way of acknowledgment to Professor Hering which it was, for the time, in my power to do. I again took up Mr. Darwin’s “‘ Origin of Species,”’ this * “ Zoonomia, ’’vol.i. p. 484; ‘ Evolution, Old and New,” p. 254: 26 How I wrote ‘‘ Evolution,” etc. 27 time, I admit, in a spirit of scepticism. I read his “ brief but imperfect ’’ sketch of the progress of opinion on the origin of species, and turned to each one of the writers he had mentioned. First, I read all the parts of the “ Zoo- nomia,” that were not purely medical, and was astonished to find that, as Dr. Krause has since said in his essay on Erasmus Darwin, “ he was the first who proposed and per- sistently carried out a well-rounded theory with regard to the development of the living world”? } (italics in original). This is undoubtedly the case, and I was surprised at finding Professor Huxley say concerning this very eminent man that he could ‘“‘ hardly be said to have made any real advance upon his predecessors.” Still more was I surprised at remembering that, in the first edition of the “ Origin of Species,’ Dr. Erasmus Darwin had never been so much as named; while in the “ brief but im- perfect ”’ sketch he was dismissed with a line of half- contemptuous patronage, as though the mingled tribute of admiration and curiosity which attaches to scientific prophecies, as distinguished from discoveries, was the utmost he was entitled to. ‘“‘It is curious,’ says Mr. Darwin innocently, in the middle of a note in the smallest possible type, ‘“‘ how largely my grandfather, Dr. Erasmus Darwin, anticipated the views and erroneous grounds of opinion of Lamarck in his ‘ Zoonomia ’ (vol. 1. pp. 500-510), published in 1794’; this was all he had to say about the founder of ‘‘ Darwinism,” until I myself unearthed Dr. Erasmus Darwin, and put his work fairly before the present generation in “ Evolution, Old and New.” Six months after I had done this, I had the satisfaction of seeing that Mr. Darwin had woke up to the propriety of doing much the same thing, and that he had published an interesting and charmingly written memoir of his grandfather, of which more anon. Not that Dr. Darwin was the first to catch sight of a complete theory of evolution. Buffon was the first to point 1 ‘“‘Rrasmus Darwin,’’ by Ernst Krause, p. 211, London, 1879. 28 Unconscious Memory out that, in view of the known modifications which had been effected among our domesticated animals and culti- vated plants, the ass and the horse should be considered as, in all probability, descended from a common ancestor ; yet, if this is so, he writes—if the point ‘‘ were once gained that among animals and vegetables there had been, I do not say several species, but even a single one, which had been produced in the course of direct descent from another species ; if, for example, it could be once shown that the ass was but a degéneration from the horse, then there is no further limit to be set to the power of Nature, and we should not be wrong in supposing that, with sufficient time, she has evolved all other organised forms from one primor- dial type ”’ 4 (et Von n’auroit pas tort de supposer, que d’un seul étre elle a su tivey avec le temps tous les autres étres organtsés). This, I imagine, in spite of Professor Huxley’s dictum, is contributing a good deal to the general doctrine of evolu- tion ; for though Descartes and Leibnitz may have thrown out hints pointing more or less broadly in the direction of evolution, some of which Professor Huxley has quoted, he has adduced nothing approaching to the passage from Buffon given above, either in respect of the clearness with which the conclusion intended to be arrived at is pointed out, or the breadth of view with which the whole ground of animal and vegetable nature is covered. The passage referred to is only one of many to the same effect, and must be connected with one quoted in “ Evolution, Old and New,” # from p. 13 of Buffon’s first volume, which appeared in 1749, and than which nothing can well point more plainly in the direction of evolution. It is not easy, therefore, to understand why Professor Huxley should give 1753-78 as the date of Buffon’s work, nor yet why he should say that Buffon was “at first a partisan of the * See “Evolution, Old and New,” p. 91, and Buffon, tom. iv. Pp. 383, ed. 1753. ? “ Evolution, Old and New,” p. 104. How I wrote “ Evolution,” etc. 29 absolute immutability of species,’ + unless, indeed, we suppose he has been content to follow that very unsatis- factory writer, Isidore Geoffroy St. Hilaire (who falls into this error, and says that Buffon’s first volume on animals appeared 1753), without verifying him, and without making any reference to him. Professor Huxley quotes a passage from the “ Palin- génésie Philosophique ”’ of Bonnet, of which he says that, making allowance for his peculiar views on the subject of generation, they bear no small resemblance to what 1s understood by ‘“‘ evolution’ at the present day. The most important parts of the passage quoted are as follows :— Should I be going too far if I were to conjecture that the plants and animals of the present day have arisen by a sort of natural evolution from the organised beings which peopled the world in its original state as it left the hands of the Creator? ... In the outset organised beings were probably very different from what they are now—as different as the original world is from our present one. We have no means of estimating the amount of these differences, but it is possible that even our ablest naturalists, if transplanted to the original world, would entirely fail to recognise our plants and animals therein. ? But this is feeble in comparison with Buffon, and did not appear till 1769, when Buffon had been writing on evolution for fully twenty years with the eyes of scientific Europe upon him. Whatever concession to the opinion of Buffon Bonnet may have been inclined to make in 17609, in 1764, when he published his ‘‘ Contemplation de la Nature,’’ and in 1762 when his ‘“‘ Considérations sur les Corps Organisés ” appeared, he cannot be considered to have been a supporter of evolution. I went through these works in 1878 when I was writing ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New,” to see whether I could claim him as on my side; but Meiencycl, Brit.,.-oth ed.:art.,) 1: Evolution,’ p. 748. 2 “ Palingénésie Philosophique,” part x. chap. il, (quoted from Professor Huxley’s article on ‘‘ Evolution,”’ ‘““Encycl; Brit.,”’ oth ed., P- 745). 30 Unconscious Memory though frequently delighted with his work, I found it impossible to press him into my service. The pre-eminent claim of Buffon to be considered as the father of the modern doctrine of evolution cannot be reasonably disputed, though he was doubtless led to his conclusions by the works of Descartes and Leibnitz, of both of whom he was an avowed and very warm admirer. His claim does not rest upon a passage here or there, but upon the spirit of forty quartos written over a period of about as many years. Nevertheless he wrote, as I have shown in “ Evolution, Old and New,’ of set purpose enigmatically, whereas there was no beating about the bush with Dr. Darwin. He speaks straight out, and Dr. Krause is justified in saying of him “ that he was the first who proposed and persistently carried out a well-rounded theory ’’ of evolution. I now turned to Lamarck. I read the first volume of the “ Philosophie Zoologique,” analysed it and translated the most important parts. The second volume was beside my purpose, dealing as it does rather with the origin of life than of species, and travelling too fast and too far for me to be able to keep up with him. Again I was astonished at the little mention Mr. Darwin had made of this illus- trious writer, at the manner in which he had motioned him away, as it were, with his hand in the first edition of the “ Origin of Species,’’ and at the brevity and imperfec- tion of the remarks made upon him in the subsequent historical sketch. I got Isidore Geoffroy’s ‘‘ Histoire Naturelle Générale,” which Mr. Darwin commends in the note on the second page of the historical sketch, as giving ‘‘ an excellent history of opinion’ upon the subject of evolution, and a full account of Buffon’s conclusions upon the same subject. This at least is what I supposed Mr. Darwin to mean. What he said was that Isidore Geoffroy gives an excellent history of opinion on the subject of the date of the first publication of Lamarck, and that in his work there is a How I wrote “ Evolution,” etc. 31 full account of Buffon’s fluctuating conclusions upon the same subject.) But Mr. Darwin is a more than commonly _ puzzling writer. I read what M. Geoffroy had to say upon Buffon, and was surprised to find that, after all, according to M. Geoffroy, Buffon, and not Lamarck, was the founder of the theory of evolution. His name, as I have already said, was never mentioned in the first edition of the ‘ Origin Of Species.” M. Geoffroy goes into the accusations of having fluctuated in his opinions, which he tells us have been brought against Buffon, and comes to the conclusion that they are unjust, as any one else will do who turns to Buffon himself. Mr. Darwin, however, in the “ brief but imperfect sketch,” catches at the accusation, and repeats it while saying nothing whatever about the defence. The following is still all he says: “‘ The first author who in modern times has treated ”’ evolution “in a scientific spirit was Buffon. But as his opinions fluctuated greatly at different periods, and as he does not enter on the causes or means of the transformation of species, I need not here enter on details.” On the next page, in the note last quoted, Mr. Darwin originally repeated the accusation of Buffon’s having been fluctuating in his opinions, and appeared to give it the im- primatur of Isidore Geoffroy’s approval ; the fact being that Isidore Geoffroy only quoted the accusation in order to refute it; and though, I suppose, meaning well, did not make half the case he might have done, and abounds with misstatements. My readers will find this matter particu- larly dealt with in ‘ Evolution, Old and New,” chapter X. I gather that some one must have complained to Mr. Darwin of his saying that Isidore Geoffroy gave an account of Buffon’s “ fluctuating conclusions ’”’ concerning evolu- 1 The note began thus: ‘‘I have taken the date of the first publication of Lamarck from Isidore Geoffroy St. Hilaire’s (‘‘ Hist. Nat. Générale,’”’ tom. ii. p. 405, 1859) excellent history of opinion upon this subject. In this work a full account is given of Buffon’s fluctuating conclusions upon the same subject.”—“ Origin of Species,” 3rd. ed., 1861, p. xiv. B2 Unconscious Memory tion, when he was doing all he knew to maintain that Buffon’s conclusions did not fluctuate ; for I see that in the edition of 1876 the word “ fluctuating ’’ has dropped out of the note in question, and we now learn that Isidore Geoffroy gives “‘a full account of Buffon’s conclusions,”’ without the “ fluctuating.’’ But Buffon has not taken much by this, for his opinions are still left fluctuating greatly at different periods on the preceding page, and though he still was the first to treat evolution in a scientific spirit, he still does not enter upon the causes or means of the transformation of species. No one can understand Mr. Darwin who does not collate the different editions of the ‘“ Origin of Species ’’ with some attention. When he has done this, he will know what Newton meant by saying he felt like a child playing with pebbles upon the seashore. One word more upon this note before I leave it. Mr. Darwin speaks of Isidore Geoffroy’s history of opinion as “excellent,” and his account of Buffon’s opinions as “ full.”” I wonder how well qualified he is to be a judge of these matters? If he knows much about the earlier writers, he is the more inexcusable for having said so little about them. If little, what is his opinion worth ? To return to the “ brief but imperfect sketch.” I do not think I can ever again be surprised at anything Mr. Darwin may say or do, but if I could, I should wonder how a writer who did not “ enter upon the causes or means of the transformation of species,’ and whose opinions “fluctuated greatly at different periods,’ can be held to have treated evolution “ in a scientific spirit.”’ Neverthe- less, when I reflect upon the scientific reputation Mr. Darwin has attained, and the means by which he has won it, I suppose the scientific spirit must be much what he here implies. I see Mr. Darwin says of his own father, Dr. Robert Darwin of Shrewsbury, that he does not consider him to have had a scientific mind. Mr. Darwin cannot tell why he does not think his father’s mind to have been fitted for advancing science, “‘ for he was fond How I wrote “ Evolution,” etc. 33 of theorising, and was incomparably the best observer ” Mr. Darwin ever knew.! From the hint given in the “brief but imperfect sketch,” I fancy I can help Mr. Darwin to see why he does not think his father’s mind to have been a scientific one. It is possible that Dr. Robert Darwin’s opinions did not fluctuate sufficiently at different periods, and that Mr. Darwin considered him as having in some way entered upon the causes or means of the transformation of species. Certainly those who read Mr. Darwin’s own works attentively will find no lack of fluctua- tion in his case ; and reflection will show them that a theory of evolution which relies mainly on the accumulation of accidental variations comes very close to not entering upon the causes or means of the transformation of species.? I have shown, however, in ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New,” that the assertion that Buffon does not enter on the causes or means of the transformation of species is absolutely without foundation, and that, on the contrary, he is continually dealing with this very matter, and devotes to it one of his longest and most important chapters,?® but I admit that he is less satisfactory on this head than either Dr. Erasmus Darwin or Lamarck. As a matter of fact, Buffon is much more of a Neo- Darwinian than either Dr. Erasmus Darwin or Lamarck, for with him the variations are sometimes fortuitous. In the case of the dog, he speaks of them as making their appearance ‘‘by some chance common enough with Nature,’ 4 and being perpetuated by man’s selection. This is exactly the “if any slight favourable variation happen to arise” of Mr. Charles Darwin. Buffon also speaks of the variations among pigeons arising par hasard.’’ But these expressions are only slips; his main cause of the variation is the direct action of changed condi- 1 “ Life of Erasmus Darwin,” pp. 84, 85. 2 See “ Life and Habit,” p. 264 and pp. 276, 277. 8 See ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New,” pp. 159-165. “ Ibid., p. 122. 34 Unconscious Memory tions of existence, while with Dr. Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck the action of the conditions of existence is in- direct, the direct action being that of the animals or plants themselves, in consequence of changed sense of need under changed conditions. I should say that the sketch so often referred to is at first sight now no longer imperfect in Mr. Darwin’s opinion. It was “‘ brief but imperfect ’’ in 1861 and in 1866, but in 1876 I see that it is brief only. Of course, discovering that it was no longer imperfect, I expected to find it briefer. What, then, was my surprise at finding that it had become rather longer? JI have found no perfectly satisfactory explanation of this inconsistency, but, on the whole, incline to think that the “ greatest of living men ”’ felt him- self unequal to prolonging his struggle with the word “ but,”’ and resolved to lay that conjunction at all hazards, even though the doing so might cost him the balance of his adjectives; for I think he must know that his sketch is still imperfect. From Isidore Geoffroy I turned to Buffon himself, and had not long to wait before I felt that I was now brought — into communication with the master-mind of all those who have up to the present time busied themselves with evolution. For a brief and imperfect sketch of him I must refer my readers to “ Evolution, Old and New.” I have no great respect for the author of the “ Vestiges of Creation,’’ who behaved hardly better to the writers upon whom his own work was founded than Mr. Darwin himself has done. Nevertheless, I could not forget the gravity of the misrepresentation with which he was assailed on page 3 of the first edition of the “ Origin of Species,’ nor impugn the justice of his rejoinder in the following year, when he replied that it was to be regretted Mr. Darwin had read his work ‘“‘ almost as much amiss as if, like its declared opponents, he had an interest in mis- 1 See “‘ Evolution, Old and New,” pp. 247, 248. How I wrote ‘‘ Evolution,” etc. 35 representing it.””1 I could not, again, forget that, though Mr. Darwin did not venture to stand by the passage in question, it was expunged without a word of apology or explanation of how it was that he had come to write it. A writer with any claim to our consideration will never fall into serious error about another writer without hasten- ing to make a public apology as soon as he becomes aware of what he has done. Reflecting upon the substance of what I have written in the last few pages, I thought it right that people should have a chance of knowing more about the earlier writers on evolution than they were likely to hear from any of our leading scientists (no matter how many lectures they may give on the coming of age of the “ Origin of Species ’’) except Professor Mivart. A book pointing the difference between teleological and non-teleological views of evolution seemed likely to be useful, and would afford me the oppor- tunity I wanted for giving a résumé of the views of each one of the three chief founders of the theory, and of con- trasting them with those of Mr. Charles Darwin, as well as for calling attention to Professor Hering’s lecture. I accordingly wrote “‘ Evolution, Old and New,” which was prominently announced in the leading literary periodi- cals at the end of February, or on the very first days of March 1879,” as “a comparison of the theories of Buffon, Dr. Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck, with that of Mr. Charles Darwin, with copious extracts from the works of the three first-named writers.”’ In this book I was hardly able to conceal the fact that, in spite of the obliga- tions under which we must always remain to Mr. Darwin, I had lost my respect for him and for his work. I should point out that this announcement, coupled with what I had written in “ Life and Habit,’’ would enable Mr. Darwin and his friends to form a pretty shrewd guess 1 “* Vestiges of Creation,’’ ed. 1860, ‘‘ Proofs, illustrations, &c.,’’ p. lxiv. 2 The first announcement was in the Examiner, February 22,1879. 36 Unconscious Memory as to what I was likely to say, and to quote from Dr. Erasmus Darwin in my forthcoming book. The announce- ment, indeed, would tell almost as much as the book itself to those who knew the works of Erasmus Darwin. As may be supposed, “ Evolution, Old and New,” met with a very unfavourable reception at the hands of many of its reviewers. The Saturday Review was furious. “When a writer,’ it exclaimed, “‘ who has not given as many weeks to the subject as Mr. Darwin has given years, is not content to air his own crude though clever fallacies, but assumes to criticise Mr. Darwin with the supercilious- ness of a young schoolmaster looking over a boy’s theme, it is difficult not to take him more seriously than he deserves or perhaps desires. One would think that Mr. Butler was the travelled and laborious observer of Nature, and Mr. Darwin the pert speculator who takes all his facts at second-hand.” } | The lady or gentleman who writes in such a strain as this should not be too hard upon others whom she or he may consider to write like schoolmasters. It is true I have travelled—not much, but still as much as many others, and have endeavoured to keep my eyes open to the facts before me ; but I cannot think that I made any reference to my travels in “ Evolution, Old and New.’ I did not quite see what that had to do with the matter. A man may get to know a good deal without ever going beyond the four- mile radius from Charing Cross. Much less did I imply that Mr. Darwin was pert: pert is one of the last words that can be applied to Mr. Darwin. Nor, again, had I blamed him for taking his facts at second-hand ; no one is to be blamed for this, provided he takes well-established facts and acknowledges his sources. Mr. Darwin has generally gone to good sources. The ground of complaint against him is that he muddied the water after he had drawn it, and tacitly claimed to be the rightful owner of the spring, on the score of the damage he had effected. 1 Saturday Review, May 31, 1879. How I wrote “‘ Evolution,” etc. 37 Notwithstanding, however, the generally hostile, or more or less contemptuous, reception which “ Evolution, Old and New,” met with, there were some reviews—as, for example, those in the Field,1 the Daily Chronicle,” the Atheneum, the Journal of Science,* the British Journal of Homeopathy,® the Daily News,® the Popular Science Review 7—which were all I could expect or wish. IMay 26,1879 *# May 31,1879 3 July 26,1879. 4 July 1879. 5July 13879. 6 July 29, 1379. 7 January 1880. Chapter IV The manner in which Mr. Darwin met ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New.” Y far the most important notice of ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New,” was that taken by Mr. Darwin himself ; for I can hardly be mistaken in believing that Dr. Krause’s article would have been allowed to repose unaltered in the pages of the well-known German scientific journal, Kosmos, unless something had happened to make Mr. Darwin feel that his reticence concerning his grandfather must now be ended. Mr. Darwin, indeed, gives me the impression of wishing me to understand that this is not the case. At the beginning of this year he wrote to me, in a letter which I will presently give in full, that he had obtained Dr. Krause’s consent for a translation, and had arranged with Mr. Dallas, before my book was “announced.” ‘‘I remember this,” he continues, “‘ because Mr. Dallas wrote to tell me of the advertisement.’’ But Mr. Darwin is not a clear writer, and it is impossible to say whether he is referring to the announcement of “‘ Evolution, Old and New ’—in which case he means that the arrangements for the translation of Dr. Krause’s article were made before the end of Feb- ruary 1879, and before any public intimation could have reached him as to the substance of the book on which I was then engaged—or to the advertisements of its being now published, which appeared at the beginning of May ; in which case, as I have said above, Mr. Darwin and his friends had for some time had full opportunity of knowing what I was about. I believe, however, Mr. Darwin to 38 Mr. Darwin and ‘ Evolution,” etc. 39 intend that he remembered the arrangements having been made before the beginning of May—his use of the word ‘“‘ announced,” instead of “‘ advertised,” being an accident ; but let this pass. Some time after Mr. Darwin’s work appeared in Novem- ber 1879, I got it, and looking at the last page of the book, I read as follows :— They (the elder Darwin and Lamarck) explain the adaptation to purpose of organisms by an obscure impulse or sense of what is purpose-like ; yet even with regard to man we are in the habit of saying, that one can never know what so-and-so is good for. The purpose-like 1s that which approves itself, and not always that which is struggled for by obscure impulses and desires. Just in the same way the beautt- ful is what pleases. I had a sort of feeling as though the writer of the above might have had “ Evolution, Old and New,” in his mind, but went on to the next sentence, which ran— Erasmus Darwin’s system was in itself a most significant first step in the path of knowledge which his grandson has opened up for us, but to wish to revive it at the present day, as has actually been seriously attempted, shows a weakness of thought and a mental anachronism which no one can envy. “That’s me,” said I to myself promptly. I noticed also the position in which the sentence stood, which made it both one of the first that would be likely to catch a reader’s eye, and the last he would carry away with him. I therefore expected to find an open reply to some parts of “Evolution, Old and New,” and turned to Mr. Darwin’s preface. To my surprise, I there found that what I had been reading could not by any possibility refer to me, for the preface ran as follows :— In the February number of a well-known German scientific journal, Kosmos,! Dr. Ernest Krause published a sketch of 1 How far Kosmos was a “ well-known” journal, I cannot determine. It had just entered upon its second year. 40 Unconscious Memory the ‘‘ Life of Erasmus Darwin,” the author of the ‘‘ Zoonomia,”’ ** Botanic Garden,’’ and other works: This article bears the title of a ‘‘ Contribution to the History of the Descent Theory ”’ ; and Dr. Krause has kindly allowed my brother Erasmus and myself to have a translation made of it for publication in this country. Then came a note as follows :— Mr. Dallas has undertaken the translation, and _ his scientific reputation, together with his knowledge of German, is a guarantee for its accuracy. I ought to have suspected inaccuracy where I found so much consciousness of accuracy, but I did not. However this may be, Mr. Darwin pins himself down with every circumstance of preciseness to giving Dr. Krause’s article as it appeared in Kosmos,—the whole article, and nothing but the article. No one could know this better than Mr. Darwin. On the second page of Mr. Darwin’s preface there is a small-type note saying that my work, ‘“‘ Evolution, Old and New,” had appeared since the publication of Dr. Krause’s article. Mr. Darwin thus distinctly precludes his readers from supposing that any passage they might meet with could have been written in reference to, or by the light of, my book. If anything appeared condemnatory of that book, it was an undesigned coincidence, and would show how little worthy of consideration I must be when my opinions were refuted in advance by one who could have no bias in regard to them. Knowing that if the article I was about to read appeared in February, it must have been published before my book, which was not out till three months later, I saw nothing in Mr. Darwin’s preface to complain of, and felt that this was only another instance of my absurd vanity having led me to rush to conclusions without sufficient grounds,— as if it was likely, indeed, that Mr. Darwin should think what I had said of sufficient importance to be affected by it. It was plain that some one besides myself, of whom I Mr. Darwin and ‘“‘ Evolution,” etc. 41 as yet knew nothing, had been writing about the elder Darwin, and had taken much the same line concerning him that I had done. It was for the benefit of this person, then, that Dr. Krause’s paragraph was intended. I returned to a becoming sense of my own insignificance, and began to read what I supposed to be an accurate translation of Dr. Krause’s article as it originally appeared, before ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New,” was published. On pp. 3 and 4 of Dr. Krause’s part of Mr. Darwin's book (pp. 133 and 134 of the book itself), I detected a sub- apologetic tone which a little surprised me, and a notice of the fact that Coleridge when writing on Stillingfleet had used the word “ Darwinising.” Mr. R. Garnett had called my attention to this, and I had mentioned it in “ Evolution, Old and New,” but the paragraph only struck me as being a little odd. When I got a few pages farther on (p. 147 of Mr. Darwin’s book), I found a long quotation from Buffon about rudimentary organs, which I had quoted in “ Evolu- tion, Old and New.” I observed that Dr. Krause used the same edition of Buffon that I did, and began his quota- tion two lines from the beginning of Buffon’s paragraph, exactly as I had done; also that he had taken his nomi- native from the omitted part of the sentence across a full stop, as I had myself taken it. A little lower I found a line of Buffon’s omitted which I had given, but I found that at that place I had inadvertently left two pair of inverted commas which ought to have come out,! hav- ing intended to end my quotation, but changed my mind and continued it without erasing the commas. It seemed to me that these commas had bothered Dr. Krause, and made him think it safer to leave something out, for the line he omits is a very good one. I noticed that he trans- lated ‘“‘ Mais comme nous voulons toujours tout rapporter 4 un certain but,” ‘‘ But we, always wishing to refer,” &c., while I had it, “‘ But we, ever on the look-out to refer,”’ 1 “ Evolution, Old and New,”’’ p. 120, line 5. 4.2 Unconscious Memory &c. ; and “‘ Nous ne faisons pas attention que nous altérons la philosophie,”’ ‘‘ We fail to see that thus we deprive philosophy of her true character,’ whereas I had “‘ We fail to see that we thus rob philosophy of her true character.” This last was too much ; and though it might turn out that Dr. Krause had quoted this passage before I had done so, had used the same edition as I had, had begun two lines from the beginning of a paragraph as I had done, and that the later resemblances were merely due to Mr. Dallas having compared Dr. Krause’s German translation of Buffon with my English, and very properly made use of it when he thought fit, it looked frimda facie more as though my quotation had been copied in English as it stood, and then altered, but not quite altered enough. This, in the face of the preface, was incredible ; but so many points had such an unpleasant aspect, that I thought it better to send for Kosmos and see what I could make out. At this time I knew not one word of German. On the same day, therefore, that I sent for Kosmos I began to acquire that language, and in the fortnight before Kosmos came had got far enough forward for all practical purposes —that is to say, with the help of a translation and a diction- ary, I could see whether or no a German passage was the Same as what purported to be its translation. When Kosmos came I turned to the end of the article to see how the sentence about mental anachronism and weakness of thought looked in German. I found nothing of the kind, the original article ended with some innocent thyming doggerel about somebody going on and exploring something with eagle eye; but ten lines from the end I found a sentence which corresponded with one six pages from the end of the English translation. After this there could be little doubt that the whole of these last six English pages were spurious matter. What little doubt remained was afterwards removed by my finding that they had no place in any part of the genuine article. I looked for the passage about Coleridge’s using the word “‘ Darwinising ”’ ; Mr. Darwin and “Evolution,” etc. 43 it was not to be found in the German. I looked for the piece I had quoted from Buffon about rudimentary organs ; but there was nothing of it, nor indeed any reference to Buffon. It was plain, therefore, that the article which Mr. Darwin had given was not the one he professed to be giving. I read Mr. Darwin’s preface over again to see whether he left himself any loophole. There was not a chink or cranny through which escape was possible. The only in- ference that could be drawn was either that some one had imposed upon Mr. Darwin, or that Mr. Darwin, although it was not possible to suppose him ignorant of the interpola- tions that had been made, nor of the obvious purpose of the concluding sentence, had nevertheless palmed off an article which had been added to and made to attack ‘“‘ Evolution, Old and New,” as though it were the original article which appeared before that book was written. I could not and would not believe that Mr. Darwin had condescended to this. Nevertheless, I saw it was necessary to sift the whole matter, and began to compare the German and the English articles paragraph by paragraph. On the first page I found a passage omitted from the English, which with great labour I managed to get through, and can now translate as follows :— Alexander Von Humboldt used to take pleasure in recounting how powerfully Forster’s pictures of the South Sea Islands and St. Pierre’s illustrations of Nature had provoked his ardour for travel and influenced his career as a scientific imvestigator. How much more impressively must the works of Dr. Erasmus Darwin, with their reiterated fore- shadowing of a more lofty interpretation of Nature, have affected his grandson, who in his youth assuredly approached them with the devotion due to the works of a renowned poet.’ I then came upon a passage common to both German and English, which in its turn was followed in the English by the sub-apologetic paragraph which I had been struck with on the first reading, and which was not in the German, 1 Kosmos, February 1879, p. 397. A4 Unconscious Memory its place being taken by a much longer passage which had no place in the English. A little farther on I was amused at coming upon the following, and at finding it wholly transformed in the supposed accurate translation :— How must this early and penetrating explanation of rudimentary organs have affected the grandson when he read the poem of his ancestor! But indeed the biological remarks of this accurate observer in regard to certain definite natural objects must have produced a still deeper impression upon him, pointing, as they do, to questions which have attained so great a prominence at the present day; such as, Why is any creature anywhere such as we actually see it, and nothing else ? Why has such and such a plant poisonous juices ? Why has such and such another thorns ? Why have birds and fishes light-coloured breasts and dark backs, and, Why does every creature resemble the one from which it sprung ?} I will not weary the reader with further details as to the omissions from and additions to the German text. Let it suffice that the so-called translation begins on p. 131 and ends on p. 216 of Mr. Darwin’s book. There is new matter on each one of the pp. 132-139, while almost the whole of pp. 147-152 inclusive, and the whole of pp. 211- 216 inclusive, are spurious—that is to say, not what they purport to be, not translations from an article that was published in February 1879, and before “‘ Evolution, Old and New,” but interpolations not published till six months after that book. Bearing in mind the contents of two of the added passages and the tenor of the concluding sentence quoted above,? I could no longer doubt that the article had been altered by the light of and with a view to ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New.” The steps are perfectly clear. First Dr. Krause pub- lished his article in Kosmos and my book was announced (its purport being thus made obvious), both in the month * Kosmos, February 1879, p. 404. 2 Page 39 of this volume. Mr. Darwin and “Evolution,” etc. 45 of February 1879. Soon afterwards arrangements were made for a translation of Dr. Krause’s essay, and were completed by the end of April. Then my book came out, and in some way or other Dr. Krause happened to get hold of it. He helped himself—not to much, but to enough ; made what other additions to and omissions from his article he thought would best meet “‘ Evolution, Old and New,” and then fell to condemning that book in a finale that was meant to be crushing. Nothing was said about the revision which Dr. Krause’s work had undergone, but it was expressly and particularly declared in the preface that the English translation was an accurate version of what appeared in the February number of Kosmos, and no less expressly and particularly stated that my book was published subsequently to this. Both these state- ments are untrue; they are in Mr. Darwin’s favour and prejudicial to myself. All this was done with that well-known “ happy sim- plicity ’ of which the Pall Mall Gazette, December 12, 1879, declared that Mr. Darwin was “a master.” The final sentence, about the “‘ weakness of thought and mental anachronism which no one can envy,’ was especially successful. The reviewer in the Pall Mall Gazette just quoted from gave it in full, and said that it was thoroughly justified. He then mused forth a general gnome that the “confidence of writers who deal in semi-scientific para- doxes is commonly in inverse proportion to their grasp of the subject.” Again my vanity suggested to me that I was the person for whose benefit this gnome was intended. My vanity, indeed, was well fed by the whole transaction ; for I saw that not only did Mr. Darwin, who should be the best judge, think my work worth notice, but that he did not venture to meet it openly. As for Dr. Krause’s con- cluding sentence, I thought that when a sentence had been antedated, the less it contained about anachronism the better. Only one of the reviews that I saw of Mr. Darwin's 46 Unconscious Memory “ Life of Erasmus Darwin” showed any knowledge of the facts. The Popular Science Review for January 1880, in flat contradiction to Mr. Darwin’s preface, said that only part of Dr. Krause’s article was being given by Mr. Darwin. This reviewer had plainly seen both Kosmos and Mr. Darwin’s book. In the same number of the Popular Science Review, and immediately following the review of Mr. Darwin’s book, there is a review of ‘“ Evolution, Old and New.” The writer of this review quotes the passage about mental anachronism as quoted by the reviewer in the Pall Mall Gazette, and adds immediately: ‘‘ This anachronism has been committed by Mr. Samuel Butler in a... . little volume now before us, and it is doubtless to this, which appeared wiile his own work was in progress {italics mine], that Dr. Krause alludes in the foregoing passage.” Con- sidering that the editor of the Popular Science Review and the translator of Dr. Krause’s article for Mr. Darwin are one and the same person, it is likely the Popular Science Review is well informed in saying that my book appeared before Dr. Krause’s article had been transformed into its present shape, and that my book was intended by the passage in question. Unable to see any way of escaping from a conclusion which I could not willingly adopt, I thought it best to write to Mr. Darwin, stating the facts as they appeared to myself, and asking an explanation, which I would have gladly strained a good many points to have accepted. It is better, perhaps, that I should give my letter and Mr. Darwin's answer in full. My letter ran thus :— January 2, 1880. CHARLES Darwin, EsgQ., F.R.S., &c. DEAR S1r,—Will you kindly refer me to the edition of Kosmos which contains the text of Dr. Krause’s article on Dr. Erasmus Darwin, as translated by Mr. W. S. Dallas ? I have before me the last February number of Kosmos, which appears by your preface to be the one from which Mr. Dallas has translated, but his translation contains long and Mr. Darwin and “ Evolution,” etc. 47 important passages which are not in the February number of Kosmos, while many passages in the original article are omitted in the translation. Among the passages introduced are the last six pages of the English article, which seem to condemn by anticipation the position I have taken as regards Dr. Erasmus Darwin in my book, ‘“‘ Evolution, Old and New,” and which I believe I was the first to take. The concluding, and therefore, perhaps, most prominent sentence of the translation you have given to the public stands thus :-— ‘Erasmus Darwin’s system was in itself a most significant first step in the path of knowledge which his grandson has opened up for us, but to wish to revive it at the present day, as has actually been seriously attempted, shows a weak- ness of thought and a mental anachronism which no man can envy.” The Kosmos which has been sent me from Germany con- tains no such passage. As you have stated in your preface that my book ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New,’’ appeared subsequently to Dr. Krause’s article, and as no intimation is given that the article has been altered and added to since its original appearance, while the accuracy of the translation as though from the February number of Kosmos is, as you expressly say, guaran- teed by Mr. Dallas’s “‘ scientific reputation together with his knowledge of German,” your readers will naturally suppose that all they read in the translation appeared in February last, and therefore before ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New,” was written, and therefore independently of, and necessarily without reference to, that book. I do not doubt that this was actually the case, but have failed to obtain the edition which contains the passage above referred to, and several others which appear in the translation. I have a personal interest in this matter, and venture, therefore, to ask for the explanation, which I do not doubt you will readily give me.—Yours faithfully, 5. BUTLER. The following is Mr. Darwin’s answer :— January 3, 1880. My Dear Sir,—Dr. Krause, soon after the appearance of his article in Kosmos, told me that he intended to publish it separately and to alter it considerably, and the altered MS. was sent to Mr. Dallas for translation. This is so common a practice that it never occurred to me to state that the article had been modified ; but now I much regret that I did not doso. 48 Unconscious Memory The original will soon appear in German, and I believe will be a much larger book than the English one ; for, with Dr. Krause’s consent, many long extracts from Miss Seward were omitted (as well as much other matter), from being in my opinion superfluous for the English reader. I believe that the omitted parts will appear as notes in the German edition. Should there be a reprint of the English Life, I will state that the original as it appeared in Kosmos was modified by Dr. Krause before it was translated. I may add that I had obtained Dr. Krause’s consent for a translation, and had arranged with Mr. Dallas before your book was announced. I remember this because Mr. Dallas wrote to tell me of the advertisement.—I remain, yours faithfully, C. DARWIN. This was not a letter I could accept. If Mr. Darwin had said that by some inadvertence, which he was unable to excuse or account for, a blunder had been made which he would at once correct so far as was in his power by a letter to The Times or the Atheneum, and that a notice of the erratum should be printed on a flyleaf and pasted into all unsold copies of the ‘‘ Life of Erasmus Darwin,” there would have been no more heard about the matter from me; but when Mr. Darwin maintained that it was a common practice to take advantage of an opportunity of revising a work to interpolate a covert attack upon an opponent, and at the same time to misdate the interpolated matter by expressly stating that it appeared months sooner than it actually did, and prior to the work which it attacked; when he maintained that what was being done was “so common a practice that it never occurred ” to him—the writer of some twenty volumes—to do what all literary men must know to be inexorably requisite, I thought this was going far beyond what was permissible in honourable warfare, and that it was time, in the interests of literary and scientific morality, even more than in my own, to appeal to public opinion. I was particularly struck with the use of the words “‘ it never occurred to me,” and felt how completely of a piece it was with the opening paragraph of the “‘ Origin of Species.”’ It was not merely Mr. Darwin and ‘‘ Evolution,” etc. 49 that it did not occur to Mr. Darwin to state that the article had been modified since 1t was written—this would have been bad enough under the circumstances—but that it did occur to him to go out of his way to say what was not true. There was no necessity for him to have said anything about my book. It appeared, moreover, inadequate to tell me that if a reprint of the English Life was wanted (which might or might not be the case, and if it was not the case, why, a shrug of the shoulders, and I must make the best of it), Mr. Darwin might perhaps silently omit his note about my book, as he omitted his misrepresentation of the author of the “ Vestiges o Creation,’ and put the words “ revised and corrected by the author ”’ on his title-page. No matter how high a writer may stand, nor what services he may have unquestionably rendered, it cannot be for the general well-being that he should be allowed to set aside the fundamental principles of straightforwardness and fair play. When I thought of Buffon, of Dr. Erasmus Darwin, of Lamarck, and even of the author of the “‘ Ves- tiges of Creation,’ to all of whom Mr. Darwin had dealt the same measure which he was now dealing to myself ; when I thought of these great men, now dumb, who had borne the burden and heat of the day, and whose laurels had been filched from them; of the manner, too, in which Mr. Darwin had been abetted by those who should have been the first to detect the fallacy which had misled him; of the hotbed of intrigue which science has now become ; of the disrepute into which we English must fall as a nation if such practices as Mr. Darwin had attempted in this case were to be tolerated ;—when I thought of all this, I felt that though prayers for the repose of dead men’s souls might be unavailing, yet a defence of their work and memory, no matter against what odds, might avail the living, and resolved that I would do my utmost to make my countrymen aware of the spirit now ruling among those whom they delight to honour. E 50 Unconscious Memory At first I thought I ought to continue the correspondence privately with Mr. Darwin, and explain to him that his letter was insufficient, but on reflection I felt that little good was likely to come of a second letter, if what I had already written was not enough. I therefore wrote to the Atheneum and gave a condensed account of the facts contained in the last ten or a dozen pages. My letter appeared January 31, 1880. The accusation was a very grave one; it was made in a very public place. I gave my name; I adduced the strongest prima facie grounds for the acceptance of my statements ; but there was no rejoinder, and for the best of all reasons—that no rejoinder was possible. Besides, what is the good of having a reputation for candour if one may not stand upon it at a pinch? I never yet knew a person with an especial reputation for candour without finding sooner or later that he had developed it as animals develop their organs, through “ sense of need.’’ Not only did Mr. Darwin remain perfectly quiet, but all reviewers and littévateurs remained perfectly quiet also. It seemed —though I do not for a moment believe that this is so— as if public opinion rather approved of what Mr. Darwin had done, and of his silence than otherwise. I saw the “Life of Erasmus Darwin” more frequently and more prominently advertised now than I had seen it hitherto— perhaps in the hope of selling off the adulterated copies, and being able to reprint the work with a corrected title- page. Presently I saw Professor Huxley hastening to the rescue with his lecture on the coming of age of the “ Origin of Species,’ and by May it was easy for Professor Ray Lankester to imply that Mr. Darwin was the greatest of living men. I have since noticed two or three other controversies raging in the Atheneum and Times ; in each of these cases I saw it assumed that the defeated party, when proved to have publicly misrepresented his adversary, should do his best to correct in public the injury which he had publicly inflicted, but I noticed that in none of Mr. Darwin and ‘‘Evolution,” etc. 51 them had the beaten side any especial reputation for can dour. This probably made all the difference. But however this may be, Mr. Darwin left me in possession of the field, in the hope, doubtless, that the matter would blow over— which it apparently soon did. Whether it has done so in - reality or no, is a matter which remains to be seen. My own belief is that people paid no attention to what I said, as believing it simply incredible, and that when they come to know that it is true, they will think as I do concern- ing it. From ladies and gentlemen of science I admit that I have no expectations. There is no conduct so dishonourable that people will not deny it or explain it away, if it has been committed by one whom they recognise as of their own persuasion. It must be remembered that facts cannot be respected by the scientist in the same way as by other people. It is his business to familiarise himself with facts, and, as we all know, the path from familiarity to contempt is an easy one. Here, then, I take leave of this matter for the present. If it appears that I have used language such as is rarely seen in controversy, let the reader remember that the occasion is, so far as I know, unparalleled for the cynicism and audacity with which the wrong complained of was committed and persisted in. I trust, however, that, though not indifferent to this, my indignation has been mainly roused, as when I wrote “‘ Evolution, Old and New,” before Mr. Darwin had given me personal ground of com- plaint against him, by the wrongs he has inflicted on dead men, on whose behalf I now fight, as I trust that some one—whom I thank by anticipation—may one day fight on mine. Chapter V Introduction to Professor Hering’s lecture. FTER I had finished ‘‘ Evolution, Old and New,” I wrote some articles for the Examiner,! in which I carried out the idea put forward in “ Life and Habit,” that we are one person with our ancestors. It follows from this, that all living animals and vegetables, being—as appears likely if the theory of evolution is accepted—de- scended from a common ancestor, are in reality one person, and unite to form a body corporate, of whose existence, however, they are unconscious. There is an obvious analogy between this and the manner in which the component cells of our bodies unite to form our single individuality, of which it is not likely they have a conception, and with which they have probably only the same partial and imperfect sympathy as we, the body corporate, have with them. In the articles above alluded to I separated the organic from the inorganic, and when I came to rewrite them, I found that this could not be done, and that I must reconstruct what I had written. I was at work on this—to which I hope to return shortly—when Dr Krause’s “ Eras- mus Darwin,’ with its preliminary notice by Mr. Charles Darwin, came out, and having been compelled, as I have shown above, by Dr. Krause’s work to look a little into the German language, the opportunity seemed favourable for going on with it and becoming acquainted with Professor Hering’s lecture. I therefore began to translate his lecture at once, with the kind assistance of friends whose patience 1 Since published as ‘‘ God the Known and God the Unknown.”’ Fifield, 1909. 52 Introduction to Hering’s Lecture 53 seemed inexhaustible, and found myself well rewarded for my trouble. Professor Hering and I, to use a metaphor of his own, are as men who have observed the action of living beings upon the stage of the world, he from the point of view at once of a spectator and of one who has free access to much of what goes on behind the scenes, I from that of a spectator only, with none but the vaguest notion of the actual manner in which the stage machinery is worked. If two men so placed, after years of reflection, arrive indepen- dently of one another at an identical conclusion as regards the manner in which this machinery must have been invented and perfected, it is natural that each should take a deep interest in the arguments of the other, and be anxious to put them forward with the utmost possible prominence. It seems to me that the theory which Pro- fessor Hering and I are supporting in common, is one the importance of which is hardly inferior to that of the theory of evolution itself—for it puts the backbone, as it were, into the theory of evolution. I shall therefore make no apology for laying my translation of Professor Hering’s work before my reader. Concerning the identity of the main idea put forward in “Life and Habit”? with that of Professor Hering’s lecture, there can hardly, I think, be two opinions. We both of us maintain that we grow our limbs as we do, and possess the instincts we possess, because we remember having grown our limbs in this way, and having had these instincts in past generations when we were in the persons of our forefathers—each individual life adding a small (but so small, in any one lifetime, as to be hardly appreci- able) amount of new experience to the general store of memory ; that we have thus got into certain habits which we can now rarely break ; and that we do much of what we do unconsciously on the same principle as that (what- ever it is) on which we do all other habitual actions, with the greater ease and unconsciousness the more often we 54 Unconscious Memory repeat them. Not only is the main idea the same, but I was surprised to find how often Professor Hering and I had taken the same illustrations with which to point our meaning. Nevertheless, we have each of us left undealt with some points which the other has treated of. Professor Hering, for example, goes into the question of what memory is, and this I did not venture to do. I confined myself to saying that whatever memory was, heredity was also. Professor Hering adds that memory is due to vibrations of the molecules of the nerve fibres, which under certain circumstances recur, and bring about a corresponding recurrence of visible action. This approaches closely to the theory concerning the physics of memory which has been most generally adopted since the time of Bonnet, who wrote as follows :— The soul never has a new sensation but by the inter- position of the senses. This sensation has been originally attached to the motion of certain fibres. Its reproduction or recollection by the senses will then be likewise connected with these same fibres.1 . . . And again :— It appeared to me that since this Memory is connected with the body, it must depend upon some change which must happen to the primitive state of the sensible fibres by the action of objects. I have, therefore, admitted as probable | that the state of the fibres on which an object has acted is not precisely the same after this action as it was before. I have conjectured that the sensible fibres experienced more or less durable modifications, which constitute the physics of memory and recollection. . . .? Professor Hering comes near to endorsing this view, and uses it for the purpose of explaining personal identity. This, at least, is what he does in fact, though perhaps hardly in words. I did not say more upon the essence of *“ Contemplation of Nature,”’ Engl. trans., Lond. 1 776. Preface, Pp. XXXvi. Ibid., p. xxxviii. Introduction to Hering’s Lecture 55 personality than that it was inseparable from the idea that the various phases of our existence should have flowed one out of the other, “‘in what we see as a continuous, though it may be at times a very troubled, stream ”’ ; } but I maintained that the identity between two successive generations was of essentially the same kind as that existing between an infant and an octogenarian. I thus left personal identity unexplained, though insisting that it was the key to two apparently distinct sets of pheno- mena, the one of which had been hitherto considered in- compatible with our ideas concerning it. Professor Hering insists on this too, but he gives us farther insight into what personal identity is, and explains how it is that the phenomena of heredity are phenomena also of personal identity. He implies, though in the short space at his command he has hardly said so in express terms, that personal identity as we commonly think of it—that is to say, as confined to the single life of the individual—consists in the uninterruptedness of a sufficient number of vibrations, which have been communicated from molecule to molecule of the nerve fibres, and which go on communicating each one of them its own peculiar characteristic elements to the new matter which we introduce into the body by way of nutrition. These vibrations may be so gentle as to be imperceptible for years together ; but they are there, and may become perceived if they receive accession through the running into them of a wave going the same way as themselves, which wave has been set up in the ether by exterior objects and has been communicated to the organs of sense. As these pages are on the point of leaving my hands, I see the following remarkable passage in Mind for the current month, and introduce it parenthetically here :— I followed the sluggish current of hyaline material issuing from globules of most primitive living substance. 1 “ Tife and Habit,” p. 97. 56 Unconscious Memory Persistently it followed its way into space, conquering, at first, the manifold resistences opposed to it by its watery medium. Gradually, however, its energies became ex- hausted, till at last, completely overwhelmed, it stopped, an immovable projection stagnated to death-like rigidity. Thus for hours, perhaps, it remained stationary, one of many such rays of some of the many kinds of protoplasmic stars. By degrees, then, or perhaps quite suddenly, help would come to it from foreign but congruous sources. It would seem to combine with outside complemental matter drifted to it at random. Slowly it would regain thereby its vital mobility. Shrinking at first, but gradually completely restored and reincorporated into the outward tide of life, it was ready to take part again in the progressive flow of a new ray.! To return to the end of the last paragraph but one. If this is so—but I should warn the reader that Professor Hering is not responsible for this suggestion, though it seems to follow so naturally from what he has said that I imagine he intended the inference to be drawn,—if this Is so, assimilation is nothing else than the communication of its own rhythms from the assimilating to the assimilated substance, to the effacement of the vibrations or rhythms heretofore existing in this last ; and suitability for food will depend upon whether the rhythms of the substance eaten are such as to flow harmoniously into and chime in with those of the body which has eaten it, or whether they will refuse to act in concert with the new rhythms with which they have become associated, and will persist obstinately in pursuing their own course. In this case they will either be turned out of the body at once, or will disconcert its arrangements, with perhaps fatal conse- quences. This comes round to the conclusion I arrived at in “Life and Habit,” that assimilation was nothing but the imbuing of one thing with the memories of another. (See “ Life and Habit,” pp. 136, TAT LAOH ORD It will be noted that, as I resolved the phenomena of heredity into phenomena of personal identity, and left the an eThe Unity of the Organic Individual,” by Edward Mont- gomery, Mind, October 1880, p. 466, Introduction to Hering’s Lecture 57 matter there, so Professor Hering resolves the phenomena of personal identity into the phenomena of a living mechanism whose equilibrium is disturbed by vibrations of a certain character—and leaves it there. We now want to understand more about the vibrations. But if, according to Professor Hering, the personal identity of the single life consists in the uninterruptedness of vibrations, so also do the phenomena of heredity. For not only may vibrations of a certain violence or character be persistent unperceived for many years in a living body, and communicate themselves to the matter it has assimi- lated, but they may, and will, under certain circumstances, extend to the particle which is about to leave the parent body as the germ of its future offspring. In this minute piece of matter there must, if Professor Hering is right, be an infinity of rhythmic undulations incessantly vibrating with more or less activity, and ready to be set in more active agitation at a moment’s warning, under due ac- cession of vibration from exterior objects. On the occur- rence of such stimulus, that is to say, when a vibration of a suitable rhythm from without concurs with one within the body so as to augment it, the agitation may gather such strength that the touch, as it were, is given to a house of cards, and the whole comes toppling over. This toppling over is what we call action ; and when it is the result of the disturbance of certain usual arrangements in certain usual ways, we call it the habitual development and instinctive characteristics of the race. In either case, then, whether we consider the continued identity of the individual in what we call his single life, or those features in his offspring which we refer to heredity, the same explanation of the phenomena is applicable. It follows from this as a matter of course, that the continuation of life or personal identity in the individual and the race are fundamentally of the same kind, or, in other words, that there is a veritable prolongation of identity or oneness of personality between parents and offspring. Professor 58 Unconscious Memory Hering reaches his conclusion by physical methods, while I reached mine, as I am told, by metaphysical. I never yet could understand what ‘‘ metaphysics’ and “ meta- physical’? mean; but I should have said I reached it by the exercise of a little common sense while regarding certain facts which are open to every one. There is, however, so far as I can see, no difference in the conclusion come to. . The view which connects memory with vibrations may tend to throw light upon that difficult question, the manner in which neuter bees acquire structures and instincts, not one of which was possessed by any of their direct ancestors. Those who have read “‘ Life and Habit ” may remember, I suggested that the food prepared in the stomachs of the nurse-bees, with which the neuter working bees are fed, might thus acquire a quasi-seminal character, and be made a means of communicating the instincts and structures in question. If assimilation be regarded as the receiving by one substance of the rhythms or undula- tions from another, the explanation just referred to receives an accession of probability. If it is objected that Professor Hering’s theory as to continuity of vibrations being the key to memory and heredity involves the action of more wheels within wheels than our imagination can come near to comprehending, and also that it supposes this complexity of action as going on within a compass which no unaided eye can detect by reason of its littleness, so that we are carried into a fairy- land with which sober people should have nothing to do, it may be answered that the case of light affords us an example of our being truly aware of a multitude of minute actions, the hundred million millionth part of which we should have declared to be beyond our ken, could we not incontestably prove that we notice and count them all with a very sufficient and creditable accuracy. 1 “ Life and Habit,” p. 237. Introduction to Hering’s Lecture 59 “ Who would not,’! says Sir John Herschel, “ ask for demonstration when told that a gnat’s wing, in its ordinary flight, beats many hundred times in a second? or that there exist animated and regularly organised beings many thousands of whose bodies laid close together would not extend to an inch ? But what are these to the astonishing truths which modern optical inquiries have disclosed, which teach us that every point of a medium through which a ray of light passes is affected with a succession of periodical movements, recurring regularly at equal intervals, no less than five hundred millions of millions of times in a second; that it is by such movements com- municated to the nerves of our eyes that we see; nay, more, that it is the difference in the frequency of their recurrence which affects us with the sense of the diversity of colour ; that, for instance, in acquiring the sensation of redness, our eyes are affected four hundred and eighty-two millions of millions of times ; of yellowness, five hundred and forty-two millions of millions of times ; and of violet, seven hundred and seven millions of millions of times per second? ? Do not such things sound more like the ravings of madmen than the sober conclusions of people in their waking senses? They are, nevertheless, con- clusions to which any one may most certainly arrive who will only be at the pains of examining the chain of reasoning by which they have been obtained.”’ A man counting as hard as he can repeat numbers one after another, and never counting more than a hundred, so that he shall have no long words to repeat, may perhaps count ten thousand, or a hundred a hundred times over, in an hour. At this rate, counting night and day, and allowing no time for rest or refreshment, he would count one million in four days and four hours, or say four days 1 Discourse on the ‘‘ Study of Natural Philosophy.” Lardner’s ‘Moa. Cyclo: i -volexcix./p. 24: 2 Young’s ‘‘ Lectures on Natural Philosophy,” ii. 627. See also ‘Phil. Trans.,’’? 1801-2 60 Unconscious Memory only. To count a million a million times over, he would require four million days, or roughly ten thousand years ; for five hundred millions of millions, he must have the utterly unrealisable period of five million years. Yet he actually goes through this stupendous piece of reckoning unconsciously hour after hour, day after day, it may be for eighty years, often in each second of daylight; and how much more by artificial or subdued light 1 do not know. He knows whether his eye is being struck five hundred millions of millions of times, or only four hundred and eighty-two millions of millions of times. He thus shows that he estimates or counts each set of vibrations, and registers them according to his results. If a man writes upon the back of a British Museum blotting-pad of the common nonpareil pattern, on which there are some thousands of small spaces each differing in colour from that which is immediately next to it, his eye will, never- theless, without an effort assign its true colour to each one of these spaces. This implies that he is all the time counting and taking tally of the difference in the numbers of the vibrations from each one of the small spaces in question. Yet the mind that is capable of such stupendous computations as these so long as it knows nothing about them, makes no little fuss about the conscious adding together of such almost inconceivably minute numbers as, we will say, 2730169 and 5790135—or, if these be con- sidered too large, as 27 and 1g. Let the reader remember that he cannot by any effort bring before his mind the units, not in ones, but in millions of millions of the pro- cesses which his visual organs are undergoing second after second from dawn till dark, and then let him demur if he will to the possibility of the existence in a germ, of currents and undercurrents, and rhythms and counter-rhythms, also by the million of millions—each one of which, on being overtaken by the rhythm from without that chimes in with and stimulates it, may be the beginning of that unsettlement of equilibrium Introduction to Hering’s Lecture 61 which results in the crash of action, unless it is timely counteracted. If another objector maintains that the vibrations within the germ as above supposed must be continually crossing and interfering with one another in such a manner as to destroy the continuity of any one series, it may be replied that the vibrations of the light proceeding from the objects that surround us traverse one another by the millions of millions every second yet in no way interfere with one another. Nevertheless, it must be admitted that the difficulties of the theory towards which I suppose Professor Hering to incline are like those of all other theories on the same subject—almost inconceivably great. In “Life and Habit” I did not touch upon these vibrations, knowing nothing about them. Here, then, is one important point of difference, not between the con- clusions arrived at, but between the aim and scope of the work that Professor Hering and I severally attempted. Another difference consists in the points at which we have left off. Professor Hering, having established his main thesis, is content. I, on the other hand, went on to maintain that if vigour was due to memory, want of vigour was due to want of memory. Thus I was led to connect memory with the phenomena of hybridism and of old age ; to show that the sterility of certain animals under domestication is only a phase of, and of a piece with, the very common sterility of hybrids—phenomena, which at first sight have no connection either with each other or with memory, but the connection between which will never be lost sight of by those who have once laid hold of it. [I also pointed out how exactly the phenomena of development agreed with those of the abeyance and recurrence of memory, and the rationale of the fact that puberty in so many animals and plants comes about the end of development. The principle underlying longevity follows as a matter of course. I have no idea how far Professor Hering would agree with me in the position I have taken in respect of 62 Unconscious Memory these phenomena, but there is nothing in the above at variance with his lecture. Another matter on which Professor Hetine has not touched is the bearing of his theory on that view of evolu- tion which is now commonly accepted. It is plain he accepts evolution, but it does not appear that he sees how fatal his theory is to any view of evolution except a teleo- logical one—the purpose residing within the animal and not without it. There is, however, nothing in his lecture to indicate that he does not see this. It should be remembered that the question whether memory is due to the persistence within the body of certain vibrations, which have been already set up within the bodies of its ancestors, is true or no, will not affect the position I took up in “ Life and Habit.’”’ In that book I have maintained nothing more than that whatever memory is heredity is also. I am not committed to the vibration theory of memory, though inclined to accept it on a prima facie view. All lam committed to is, that if memory is due to persistence of vibrations, so is heredity ; and if memory is not so due, then no more is heredity. | Finally, I may say that Professor Hering’s lecture, the passage quoted from Dr. Erasmus Darwin on p. 26 of this volume, and a few hints in the extracts from Mr. Patrick Mathew which I have quoted in “ Evolution, Old and New,” are all that I yet know of in other writers as pointing to the conclusion that the phenomena of heredity are phenomena also of memory. Chapter VI Professor Ewald Hering “ On Memory.” WILL now lay before the reader a translation of Pro- fessor Hering’s own words. I have had it carefully revised throughout by a gentleman whose native language is German, but who has resided in England for many years past. The original lecture is entitled ““On Memory as a Universal Function of Organised Matter,’ and was de- livered at the anniversary meeting of the Imperial Academy of Sciences at Vienna, May 30, 1870.1 It is as follows :— When the student of Nature quits the narrow workshop of his own particular inquiry, and sets out upon an excursion into the vast kingdom of philosophical investigation, he does so, doubtless, in the hope of finding the answer to that great riddle, to the solution of a small part of which he devotes his life. Those, however, whom he leaves behind him still working at their own special branch of inquiry, regard his departure with secret misgivings on his behalf while the born citizens of the kingdom of speculation among whom he would naturalise himself, receive him with well-authorised distrust. He is likely, therefore, to lose ground with the first, while not gaining it with the second. The subject to the consideration of which I would now solicit your attention does certainly appear likely to lure us on towards the flattering land of speculation, but bearing in mind what I have just said, I will beware of quitting the department of natural science to which I have devoted myself hitherto. I shall, however, endeavour to attain 1 The lecture is published by Karl Gerold’s Sohn, Vienna. 63 64 Unconscious Memory its highest point, so as to take a freer view of the surround- ing territory. It will soon appear that I should fail in this purpose if my remarks were to confine themselves solely to physiology. I hope to show how far psychological investigations also afford not only permissible, but indispensable, aid to physiological inquiries. Consciousness is an accompaniment of that animal and human organisation and of that material mechanism which it is the province of physiology to explore ; and as long as the atoms of the brain follow their due course according to certain definite laws, there arises an inner life which springs from sensation and idea, from feeling and will. We feel this in our own cases; it strikes us in our con- verse with other people ; we can see it plainly in the more highly organised animals; even the lowest forms of life bear traces of it ; and who can draw a line in the kingdom of organic life, and say that it is here the soul ceases ¢ With what eyes, then, is physiology to regard this two- fold life of the organised world? Shall she close them entirely to one whole side of it, that she may fix them more intently on the other ° So long as the physiologist is content to be a physicist, and nothing more—using the word “ physicist ’’ in its widest signification—his position in regard to the organic world is one of extreme but legitimate one-sidedness. As the crystal to the mineralogist or the vibrating string to the acoustician, so from this point of view both man and the lower animals are to the physiologist neither more nor less than the matter of which they consist. That animals feel desire and repugnance, that the material mechanism of the human frame is in close connection with emotions of pleasure or pain, and with the active idea-life of con- sciousness—this cannot, in the eyes of the physicist, make the animal or human body into anything more than what it actually is. To him it is a combination of matter, Translation from Hering 65 subjected to the same inflexible laws as stones and plants —a material combination, the outward and inward move- ments of which interact as cause and effect, and are in as close connection with each other and with their surround- ings as the working of a machine with the revolutions of the wheels that compose it. Neither sensation, nor idea, nor yet conscious will, can form a link in this chain of material occurrences which make up the physical life of an organism. If I am asked a question and reply to it, the material process which the nerve fibre conveys from the organ of hearing to the brain must travel through my brain as an actual and material process before it can reach the nerves which will act upon my organs of speech. It cannot, on reaching a given place in the brain, change then and there into an immaterial something, and turn up again some time afterwards in another part of the brain as a material process. The traveller in the desert might as well hope, before he again goes forth into the wilderness of reality, to take rest and refreshment in the oasis with which the Fata Morgana illudes him ; or as well might a prisoner hope to escape from his prison through a door reflected in a mirror. So much for the physiologist in his capacity of pure physicist. As long as he remains behind the scenes in painful exploration of the details of the machinery—as long as he only observes the action of the players from behind the stage—so long will he miss the spirit of the performance, which is, nevertheless, caught easily by one who sees it from the front. May he not, then, for once in a way, be allowed to change his standpoint? True, he came not to see the representation of an imaginary world ; he is in search of the actual; but surely it must help him to a comprehension of the dramatic apparatus itself, and of the manner in which it is worked, if he were to view its action from the front as well as from behind, or at least allow himself to hear what sober-minded spec- tators can tell him upon the subject. F 66 Unconscious Memory There can be no question as to the answer ; and hence it comes that psychology is such an indispensable help to physiology, whose fault it only in small part is that she has hitherto made such little use of this assistance; for psychology has been late in beginning to till her fertile field with the plough of the inductive method, and it is only from ground so tilled that fruits can spring which can be of service to physiology. If, then, the student of nervous physiology takes his stand between the physicist and the psychologist, and if the first of these rightly makes the unbroken causative continuity of all material processes an axiom of his system of investigation, the prudeht psychologist, on the other hand, will investigate the !as of conscious life according to the inductive method, @nd will hence, as much as the physicist, make the existence of fixed laws his initial assumption. If, again, the most superficial introspection teaches the physiologist that his conscious life is dependent upon the mechanical adjustments of his body, and that inversely his body is subjected with certain limitations to his will, then it only remains for him to make one assumption more, namely, that this mutual interdependence between the spiritual and the material 1s itself also dependent on law, and he has discovered the bond by which the science of the matter and the science of consciousness are united into a single whole. Thus regarded, the phenomena of consciousness become functions of the material changes of organised substance, and inversely—though this is involved in the use of the word ‘“‘ function ’’—the material processes of brain sub- stance become functions of the phenomena of consciousness. For when two variables are so dependent upon one another in the changes they undergo in accordance with fixed laws that a change in either involves simultaneous and corre- sponding change in the other, the one is called a function of the other. This, then, by no means implies that the two variables Translation from Hering 67 above-named—matter and consciousness—stand in the relation of cause and effect, antecedent and consequence, to one another. For on this subject we know nothing. The materialist regards consciousness as a product or result of matter, while the idealist holds matter to be a result of consciousness, and a third maintains that matter and spirit are identical; with all this the physiologist, as such, has nothing whatever to do; his sole concern is with the fact that matter and consciousness are functions one of the other. By the help of this hypothesis of the functional inter- dependence of matter and spirit, modern physiology is enabled to bring the phenomena of consciousness within the domain of her investigations without leaving the terra firma of scientific methods. The physiologist, as physicist, can follow the ray of light and the wave of sound or heat till they reach the organ of sense. He can watch them entering upon the ends of the nerves, and finding their way to the cells of the brain by means of the series of undulations or vibrations which they establish in the nerve filaments. Here, however, he loses all trace of them. On the other hand, still looking with the eyes of a pure physicist, he sees sound waves of speech issue from the mouth of a speaker ; he observes the motion of his own limbs, and finds how this is conditional upon muscular contractions occasioned by the motor nerves, and how these nerves are in their turn excited by the cells of the central organ. But here again his knowledge comes to an end. True, he sees indications of the bridge which is to carry him from excitation of the sensory to that of the motor nerves in the labyrinth of intricately interwoven nerve cells, but he knows nothing of the inconceivably complex process which is introduced at this stage. Here the physiologist will change his standpoint ; what matter will not reveal to his inquiry, he will find in the mirror, as it were, of consciousness ; by way of a reflection, indeed, only, but a reflection, nevertheless, which stands in intimate 68 Unconscious Memory relation to the object of his inquiry. When at this point he observes how one idea gives rise to another, how closely idea is connected with sensation and sensation with will, and how thought, again, and feeling are inseparable from one another, he will be compelled to suppose corresponding successions of material processes, which generate and are closely connected *with one another, and which attend the whole machinery of conscious life, according to the law of the functional interdependence of matter and consciousness. After this explanation I shall venture to regard under a single aspect a great series of phenomena which apparently have nothing to do with one another, and which belong partly to the conscious and partly to the unconscious life of organised beings. I shall regard them as the outcome of one and the same primary force of organised matter— namely, its memory or power of reproduction. The word ‘“‘ memory ” is often understood as though it meant nothing more than our faculty of intentionally reproducing ideas or series of ideas. But when the figures and events of bygone days rise up again unbidden in our minds, is not this also an act of recollection or memory ? We have a perfect right to extend our conception of memory so as to make it embrace involuntary reproductions of sensations, ideas, perceptions, and efforts ; but we find on having done so, that we have so far enlarged her bound- aries that she proves to be an ultimate and original power, the source, and at the same time the unifying bond, of our whole conscious life. We know that when an impression, or a series of im- pressions, has been made upon our senses for a long time, and always in the same way, it may come to impress itself in such a manner upon the so-called sense-memory that hours afterwards, and though a hundred other things have occupied our attention meanwhile, it will yet return Translation from Hering 69 suddenly to our consciousness with all the force and freshness of the original sensation. A whole group of sensations is sometimes reproduced in its due sequence as regards time and space, with so much reality that it illudes us, as though things were actually present which have long ceased to be so. We have here a striking proof of the fact that after both conscious sensation and percep- tion have been extinguished, their material vestiges yet remain in our nervous system by way of a change in its molecular or atomic disposition, that enables the nerve substance to reproduce all physical processes of the original sensation, and with these the corresponding psychical processes of sensation and perception. Every hour the phenomena of sense-memory are present with each one of us, but in a less degree than this. We are all at times aware of a host of more or less faded recollections of earlier impressions, which we either summon intentionally or which come upon us involuntarily. Visions of absent people come and go before us as faint and fleeting shadows, and the notes of long-forgotten melodies float around us, not actually heard, but yet perceptible. Some things and occurrences, especially if they have happened to us only once and hurriedly, will be repro- ducible by the memory in respect only of a few conspicuous qualities ; in other cases those details alone will recur to us which we have met with elsewhere, and for the reception of which the brain is, so to speak, attuned. These last recollections find themselves in fuller accord with our consciousness, and enter upon it more easily and energeti- cally ; hence also their aptitude for reproduction is en- hanced ; so that what is common to many things, and is therefore felt and perceived with exceptional frequency, becomes reproduced so easily that eventually the actual presence of the corresponding external stimuli is no longer necessary, and it will recur on the vibrations set up by 1 See quotation from Bonnet, p. 54 of this volume. 70 Unconscious Memory faint stimuli from within.t Sensations arising in this way from within, as, for example, an idea of whiteness, are not, indeed, perceived with the full freshness of those raised by the actual presence of white light without us, but they are of the same kind ; they are feeble repetitions of one and the same material brain process—of one and the same conscious sensation. Thus the idea of whiteness arises in our mind as a faint, almost extinct, sensation. In this way those qualities which are common to many things become separated, as it were, in our memory from the objects with which they were originally associated, and attain an independent existence in our consciousness as ideas and conceptions, and thus the whole rich super- structure of our ideas and conceptions is built up from materials supplied by memory. On examining more closely, we see plainly that memory is a faculty not only of our conscious states, but also, and much more so, of our unconscious ones. I was conscious of this or that yesterday, and am again conscious of it to-day. Where has it been meanwhile? It does not remain continuously within my consciousness, neverthe- less it returns after having quitted it. Our ideas tread but for a moment upon the stage of consciousness, and then go back again behind the scenes, to make way for others in their place. As the player is only a king when he is on the stage, so they too exist as ideas so long only as they are recognised. How do they live when they are 1 Professor Hering is not clear here. Vibrations (if I understand his theory rightly) should not be set up by faint stzmuli from within. Whence and what are these stimul1? The vibrations within are already existing, and it is they which are the stimuli to action. On having been once set up, they either continue in sufficient force to maintain action, or they die down, and become too weak to cause further action, and perhaps even to be perceived within the mind, until they receive an accession of vibration from without. The only ‘‘ stimulus from within ’”’ that should be able to generate action is that which may follow when a vibration already established in the body runs into another similar vibration already so established. On this consciousness, and even action, might be supposed to follow without the presence of an external stimulus. Translation from Hering 71 off the stage ? For we know that they are living some- where ; give them their cue and they reappear immediately. They do not exist continuously as ideas; what is con- tinuous is the special disposition of nerve substance in virtue of which this substance gives out to-day the same sound which it gave yesterday if it is rightly struck." Countless reproductions of organic processes of our brain connect themselves orderly together, so that one acts as a stimulus to the next, but a phenomenon of consciousness is not necessarily attached to every link in the chain. From this it arises that a series of ideas may appear to disregard the order that would be observed in purely material processes of brain substance unaccompanied by consciousness ; but on the other hand it becomes possible for a long chain of recollections to have its due develop- ment without each link in the chain being necessarily perceived by ourselves. One may emerge from the bosom of our unconscious thoughts without fully entering upon the stage of conscious perception ; another dies away in unconsciousness, leaving no successor to take its place. Between the ‘“‘ me ”’ of to-day and the “‘ me”’ of yesterday lie night and sleep, abysses of unconsciousness ; nor is there any bridge but memory with which to span them. Who can hope after this to disentangle the infinite intricacy of our inner life? For we can only follow its threads so far as they have strayed over within the bounds of con- sciousness. We might as well hope to familiarise ourselves with the world of forms that teem within the bosom of the sea by observing the few that now and again come to the surface and soon return into the deep. The bond of union, therefore, which connects the indi- vidual phenomena of our consciousness lies in our un- 1 This expression seems hardly applicable to the overtaking of an internal by an external vibration, but it is not inconsistent with it. Here, however, as frequently elsewhere, I doubt how far Pro- fessor Hering has fully realised his conception, beyond being, like myself, convinced that the phenomena of memory and of heredity have a common source. 72 Unconscious Memory | conscious world ; and as we know nothing of this but what investigation into the laws of matter teach us—as, in fact, for purely experimental purposes, ‘‘ matter’? and the ‘“ unconscious ’’ must be one and the same thing—so the physiologist has a full right to denote memory as, in the wider sense of the word, a function of brain substance, whose results, it is true, fall, as regards oné part of them, into the domain of consciousness, while another and not less essential part escapes unperceived as purely material processes. The perception of a body in space is a very complicated process. I see suddenly before me, for example, a white ball. This has the effect of conveying to me more than a mere sensation of whiteness. I deduce the spherical character of the ball from the gradations of light and shade upon its surface. I form a correct appreciation of its distance from my eye, and hence again I deduce an inference as to the size of the ball. What an expenditure of sensations, ideas, and inferences is found to be necessary before all this can be brought about; yet the production of a correct perception of the ball was the work only of a few seconds, and I was unconscious of the individual processes by means of which it was effected, the result as a whole being alone present in my consciousness. The nerve substance preserves faithfully the memory of habitual actions.1 Perceptions which were once long and difficult, requiring constant and conscious attention, come to reproduce themselves in transient and abridged guise, without such duration and intensity that each link has to pass over the threshold of our consciousness. We have chains of material nerve processes to which eventually a link becomes attached that is attended with conscious perception. This is sufficiently established from ' See quotation from Bonnet, p. 54 of this volume. By ‘“ pre- serving the memory of habitual actions ’”’ Professor Hering probably means, retains for a long while and repeats motion of a certain character when such motion has been once communicated to it. Translation from Hering Lo the standpoint of the physiologist, and is also proved by our unconsciousness of many whole series of ideas and of the inferences we draw from them. If the soul is not to slip through the fingers of physiology, she must hold fast to the considerations suggested by our unconscious states. As far, however, as the investigations of the pure physicist are concerned, the unconscious and matter are one and the same thing, and the physiology of the un- conscious is no ‘‘ philosophy of the unconscious.” By far the greater number of our movements are the result of long and arduous practice. The harmonious co- operation of the separate muscles, the finely’ adjusted measure of participation which each contributes to the working of the whole, must, as a rule, have been laboriously acquired, in respect of most of the movements that are necessary in order to effect it. How long does it not take each note to find its way from the eyes to the fingers of one who is beginning to learn the pianoforte ; and, on the other hand, what an astonishing performance is the playing of the professional pianist. The sight of each note occasions the corresponding movement of the fingers with the speed of thought—a hurried glance at the page of music before him suffices to give rise to a whole series of harmonies ; nay, when a melody has been long practised, it can be played even while the player’s attention is being given to something of a perfectly different character over and above his music. The will need now no longer wend its way to each individual finger before the desired movements can be extorted from it ; no longer now does a sustained attention keep watch over the movements of each limb; the will need exercise a supervising control only. At the word of command the muscles become active, with a due regard to time and proportion, and go on working, so long as they are bidden to keep in their accustomed groove, while a slight hint on the part of the will, will indicate to them their further journey. How could all this be if every part of f 7 4. Unconscious Memory the central nerve system, by means of which movement is effected, were not able! to reproduce whole series of vibrations, which at an earlier date required the constant and continuous participation of consciousness, but which are now set in motion automatically on a mere touch, as it were, from consciousness—if it were not able to reproduce them the more quickly and easily in proportion to the frequency of the repetitions—if, in fact, there was no power of recollecting earlier performances? Our per- ceptive faculties must have remained always at their lowest stage if we had been compelled to build up con- sciously every process from the details of the sensation- causing materials tendered to us by our senses ; nor could our voluntary movements have got beyond the helplessness of the child, if the necessary impulses could only be im- parted to every movement through effort of the will and conscious reproduction of all the corresponding ideas—if, in a word, the motor nerve system had not also its memory,” though that memory is unperceived by ourselves. The power of this memory is what is called “ the force of habit.”’ It seems, then, that we owe to memory almost all that we either have or are; that our ideas and conceptions are its work, and that our every perception, thought, and movement is derived from this source. Memory collects the countless phenomena of our existence into a single whole ; and as our bodies would be scattered into the dust of their component atoms if they were not held together by the attraction of matter, so our consciousness would 1 It should not be “‘if the central nerve system were not able to reproduce whole series of vibrations,’’ but ‘‘if whole series of vibra- tions do not persist though unperceived,’’ if Professor Hering intends what I suppose him to intend. * Memory was in full operation for so long a time before any- thing like what we call a nervous system can be detected, that Professor Hering must not be supposed to be intending to confine memory to a motor nerve system. His words do not even imply that he does, but itis as well to be on one’s guard. Translation from Hering Pe be broken up into as many fragments as we had lived seconds but for the binding and unifying force of memory. We have already repeatedly seen that the reproductions of organic processes, brought about by means of the memory of the nervous system, enter but partly within the domain of consciousness, remaining unperceived in other and not less important respects. This is also confirmed by numer- ous facts in the life of that part of the nervous system which ministers almost exclusively to our unconscious life processes. For the memory of the so-called sympathetic ganglionic system is no less rich than that of the brain and spinal marrow, and a great part of the medical art consists in making wise use of the assistance thus afforded us. To bring, however, this part of my observations to a _ Close, I will take leave of the nervous system, and glance hurriedly at other phases of organised matter, where we meet with the same powers of reproduction, but in simpler guise. Daily experience teaches us that a muscle becomes the stronger the more we use it. The muscular fibre, which in the first instance may have answered but feebly to the stimulus conducted to it by the motor nerve, does so with the greater energy the more often it is stimulated, pro- vided, of course, that reasonable times are allowed for repose. After each individual action it becomes more capable, more disposed towards the same kind of work, and has a greater aptitude for repetition of the same organic processes. It gains also in weight, for it assimilates more matter than when constantly at rest. We have here, in its simplest form, and in a phase which comes home most closely to the comprehension of the physicist, the same power of reproduction which we encountered when we were dealing with nerve substance, but under such far more complicated conditions. And what is known thus certainly from muscle substance holds good with greater or less plainness for all our organs. More especially may 76 Unconscious Memory we note the fact, that after increased use, alternated with times of repose, there accrues to the organ in all animal economy an increased power of execution with an increased power of assimilation and a gain in size. This gain in size consists not only in the enlargement of the individual cells or fibres of which the organ is composed, but in the multiplication of their number ; for when cells have grown to a certain size they give rise to others, which inherit more or less completely the qualities of those from which they came, and therefore appear to be repetitions of the same cell. This growth and multiplication of cells is only a special phase of those manifold functions which characterise organised matter, and which consist not only in what goes on within the cell substance as alterations or undulatory movement of the molecular disposition, but also in that which becomes visible outside the cells as change of shape, enlargement, or subdivision. Reproduction of performance, therefore, manifests itself to us as reproduction of the cells them- selves, as may be seen most plainly in the case of plants, whose chief work consists in growth, whereas with animal organism other faculties greatly preponderate. Let us now take a brief survey of a class of facts in the case of which we may most abundantly observe the power of memory in organised matter. We have ample evidence of the fact that characteristics of an organism may descend to offspring which the organism did not inherit, but which it acquired owing to the special circumstances under which it lived ; and that, in consequence, every organism imparts to the germ that issues from it a small heritage of acquisitions which it has added during its own lifetime to the gross inheritance of its race. When we reflect that we are dealing with the heredity of acquired qualities which came to development in the most diverse parts of the parent organism, it must seem in a high degree mysterious how those parts can have any kind of influence upon a germ which develops itself in an Translation from Hering a7 entirely different place. Many mystical theories have been propounded for the elucidation of this question, but the following reflections may serve to bring the cause nearer to the comprehension of the physiologist. The nerve substance, in spite of its thousandfold sub- division as cells and fibres, forms, nevertheless, a united whole, which is present directly in all organs—nay, as more recent histology conjectures, in each cell of the more important organs—or is at least in ready communication with them by means of the living, irritable, and therefore highly conductive substance of other cells. Through the connection thus established all organs find themselves in such a condition of more or less mutual interdependence upon one another, that events which happen to one are repeated in others, and a notification, however slight, of a vibration set up? in one quarter is at once conveyed even to the farthest parts of the body. With this easy and rapid intercourse between all parts is associated the more difficult communication that goes on by way of the circulation of sap or blood. We see, further, that the process of the development of all germs that are marked out for independent existence causes a powerful reaction, even from the very beginning of that existence, on both the conscious and unconscious life of the whole organism. We may see this from the fact that the organ of reproduction stands in closer and more important relation to the remaining parts, and especially to the nervous system, than do the other organs ; and, inversely, that both the perceived and unperceived events affecting the whole organism find a more marked response in the reproductive system than elsewhere. We can now see with sufficient plainness in what the material connection is established between the acquired 1 It is from such passages as this, and those that follow on the next few pages, that I collect the impression of Professor Hering’s meaning which I have endeavoured to convey in the preceding chapter, 78 Unconscious Memory peculiarities of an organism, and the proclivity on the part of the germ in virtue of which it develops the special characteristics of its parent. The microscope teaches us that no difference can be perceived between one germ and another; it cannot, however, be objected on this account that the determining cause of its ulterior development must be something immaterial, rather than the specific kind of its material constitution. The curves and surfaces which the mathematician conceives, or finds conceivable, are more varied and infinite than the forms of animal life. Let us suppose an infinitely small segment to be taken from every possible curve ; each one of these will appear as like every other as one germ is to another, yet the whole of every curve lies dormant, as it were, in each of them, and if the mathematician chooses to develop it, it will take the path indicated by the elements of each segment. It is an error, therefore, to suppose that such fine dis- tinctions as physiology must assume lie beyond the limits of what is conceivable by the human mind. An infinitely small change of position on the part of a point, or in the relations of the parts of a segment of a curve to one another, suffices to alter the law of its whole path, and so in like manner an infinitely small influence exercised by the parent organism on the molecular disposition of the germ + may suffice to produce a determining effect upon its whole farther development. What is the descent of special peculiarities but a re- production on the part of organised matter of processes in which it once took part as a germ in the germ-containing organs of its parent, and of which it seems still to retain a recollection that reappears when time and the occasion serve, inasmuch as it responds to the same or like stimuli * That is to say, ‘ an infinitely small change in the kind of vibra- tion communicated from the parent to the germ.” Translation from Hering 79 in a like way to that in which the parent organism re- sponded, of which it was once part, and in the events of whose history it was itself also an accomplice ? 1 When an action through long habit or continual practice has become so much a second nature to any organisation that its effects will penetrate, though ever so faintly, into the germ that lies within it, and when this last comes to find itself in a new sphere, to extend itself, and develop into a new creature—(the individual parts of which are still always the creature itself and flesh of its flesh, so that what is reproduced is the same being as that in company with which the germ once lived, and of which it was once actually a part)—all this is as wonderful as when a grey- haired man remembers the events of his own childhood ; but it is not more so. Whether we say that the same organised substance is again reproducing its past experi- ence, or whether we prefer to hold that an offshoot or part of the original substance has waxed and developed itself since separation from the parent stock, it is plain that this will constitute a difference of degree, not kind. When we reflect upon the fact that unimportant acquired characteristics can be reproduced in offspring, we are apt to forget that offspring is only a full-sized reproduction of the parent—a reproduction, moreover, that goes as far as possible into detail. We are so accustomed to consider family resemblance a matter of course, that we are some- times surprised when a child is in some respect unlike its parent ; surely, however, the infinite number of points 1 It may be asked what is meant by responding. I may repeat that I understand Professor Hering to mean that there exists in the offspring certain vibrations, which are many of them too faint to upset equilibrium and thus generate action, until they receive an accession of force from without by the running into them of vibra- tions of similar characteristics to their own, which last vibrations have been set up by exterior objects. On this they become strong enough to generate that corporeal earthquake which we call action. This may be true or not, but it is at any rate intelligible ; whereas much that is written about “‘ fraying channels’’ raises no definite ideas in the mind. 80 Unconscious Memory in respect of which parents and children resemble one another is a more reasonable ground for our surprise. But if the substance of the germ can reproduce charac-. teristics acquired by the parent during its single life, how much more will it not be able to reproduce those that were congenital to the parent, and which have happened through countless generations to the organised matter of which the germ of to-day is a fragment? We cannot wonder that action already taken on innumerable past occasions by organised matter is more deeply impressed upon the recollection of the germ to which it gives rise than action taken once only during a single lifetime. We must bear in mind that every organised being now in existence represents the last link of an inconceivably long series of organisms, which come down in a direct line of descent, and of which each has inherited a part of the acquired characteristics of its predecessor. Everything, furthermore, points in the direction of our believing that at the beginning of this chain their existed an organism of the very simplest kind, something, in fact, like those which we call organised germs. The chain of living beings thus appears to be the magnificent achievement of the reproductive power of the original organic structure from which they have all descended. As this subdivided itself and transmitted its characteristics 2 to its descendants, these acquired new ones, and in their turn transmitted them—all new germs transmitting the chief part of what had happened to their predecessors, while the remaining part lapsed out of their memory, circumstances not stimu- lating it to reproduce itself. An organised being, therefore, stands before us a product * I interpret this, “‘ We cannot wonder if often-repeated vibra- tions gather strength, and become at once more lasting and requir- ing less accession of vibration from without, in order to become strong enough to generate action.”’ 2 “Characteristics”? must, I imagine, according to Professor Hering, resolve themselves ultimately into ‘‘ vibrations,” for the characteristics depend upon the character of the vibrations. Translation from Hering Sy of the unconscious memory of organised matter, which, ever increasing and ever dividing itself, ever assimilating new matter and returning it in changed shape to the inor- ganic world, ever receiving some new thing into its memory, and transmitting its acquisitions by the way of reproduc- tion, grows continually richer and richer the longer it lives. Thus regarded, the development of one of the more highly organised animals represents a continuous series of organised recollections concerning the past development of the great chain of living forms, the last link of which stands before us in the particular animal we may be con- sidering. Asa complicated perception may arise by means of a rapid and superficial reproduction of long and labori- ously practised brain processes, so a germ in the course of its development hurries through a series of phases, hinting at them only. Often and long foreshadowed in theories of varied characters, this conception has only now found correct exposition from a naturalist of our own time. For Truth hides herself under many disguises from those who seek her, but in the end stands unveiled before the eyes of him whom she has chosen. Not only is there a reproduction of form, outward and inner conformation of body, organs, and cells, but the habitual actions of the parent are also reproduced. The chicken on emerging from the eggshell runs off as its mother ran off before it; yet what an extraordinary complication of emotions and sensations is necessary in order to preserve equilibrium in running. Surely the supposition of an inborn capacity for the reproduction of these intricate actions can alone explain the facts. As habitual practice becomes a second nature to the individual during his single lifetime, so the often-repeated action of each generation becomes a second nature to the race. + Professor Hartog tells me that this probably refers to Fritz Miiller’s formulation of the “recapitulation process’”’ in ‘‘ Facts for Darwin,’ English edition (1869), p. 114.—WNote by R. A. Streatfeild in Edition of 1910. G 8 2 Unconscious Memory The chicken not only displays great dexterity in the performance of movements for the effecting of which it has an innate capacity, but it exhibits also a tolerably high perceptive power. It immediately picks up any grain that may be thrown to it. Yet, in order to do this, more is wanted than a mere visual perception of the grains ; there must be an accurate apprehension of the direction and distance of the precise spot in which each grain is lying, and there must be no less accuracy in the adjustment of the movements of the head and of the whole body. The chicken cannot have gained experience in these respects while it was still in the egg. It gained it rather from the thousands of thousands of beings that have lived before it, and from which it is directly descended. The memory of organised substance displays itself here in the most surprising fashion. The gentle stimulus of the light proceeding from the grain that affects the retina of the chicken,! gives occasion for the reproduction of a many-linked chain of sensations, perceptions, and emotions, which were never yet brought together in the case of the individual before us. We are accustomed to regard these surprising performances of animals as manifestations of what we call instinct, and the mysticism of natural philosophy has ever shown a predilection for this theme ; but if we regard instinct as the outcome of the memory or reproductive power of organised substance, and if we ascribe a memory to the race as we already ascribe it to the individual, then instinct becomes at once intelligible, and the physiologist at the same time finds a point of contact which will bring it into connection with the great series of facts indicated above as phenomena of the reproductive faculty. Here, then, we have a physical 1 This is the passage which makes me suppose Professor Hering to mean that vibrations from exterior objects run into vibrations already existing within the living body, and that the accession to power thus derived is his key to an explanation of the physical basis of action. Translation from Hering 83 explanation which has not, indeed, been given yet, but the time for which appears to be rapidly approaching. When, in accordance with its instinct, the caterpillar becomes a chrysalis, or the bird builds its nest, or the bee its cell, these creatures act consciously and not as blind machines. They know how to vary their proceedings within certain limits in conformity with altered circum- stances, and they are thus liable to make mistakes. They feel pleasure when their work advances and pain if it is hindered ; they learn by the experience thus acquired, and build on a second occasion better than on the first ; but that even in the outset they hit so readily upon the most judicious way of achieving their purpose, and that their movements adapt themselves so admirably and automatically to the end they have in view—surely this is owing to the inherited acquisitions of the memory of their nerve substance, which requires but a touch and it will fall at once to the most appropriate kind of activity, thinking always, and directly, of whatever it is that may be wanted. Man can readily acquire surprising kinds of dexterity if he confines his attention to their acquisition. Special- isation is the mother of proficiency. He who marvels at the skill with which the spider weaves her web should bear in mind that she did not learn her art all on a sudden, but that innumerable generations of spiders acquired it toilsomely and step by step—this being about all that, as a general rule, they did acquire. Man took to bows and arrows if his nets failed him—the spider starved. Thus we see the body and—what most concerns us—the whole nervous system of the new-born animal constructed before- hand, and, as it were, ready attuned for intercourse with the outside world in which it is about to play its part, by means of its tendency to respond to external stimuli in the same manner as it has often heretofore responded in the persons of its ancestors. We naturally ask whether the brain and nervous system 84 Unconscious Memory of the human infant are subjected to the principles we have laid down above? Man certainly finds it difficult to acquire arts of which the lower animals are born masters ; but the brain of man at birth is much farther from its highest development than is the brain of an animal. It not only grows for a longer time, but it becomes stronger than that of other living beings. The brain of man may be said to be exceptionally young at birth. The lower animal is born precocious, and acts precociously; it resembles those infant prodigies whose brain, as it were, is born old into the world, but who, in spite of, or rather in addition to, their rich endowment at birth, in after life develop as much mental power as others who were less splendidly furnished to start with, but born with greater freshness of youth. Man’s brain, and indeed his whole body, affords greater scope for individuality, inasmuch as a relatively greater part of it is of post-natal growth. It develops under the influence of impressions made by the enviroment upon its senses, and thus makes its acquisitions in a more special and individual manner, whereas the animal receives them ready made, and of a more final, stereotyped character. Nevertheless, it is plain we must ascribe both to the brain and body of the new-born infant a far-reaching power of remembering or reproducing things which have already come to their development thousands of times over in the persons of its ancestors. It is in virtue of this that it acquires proficiency in the actions necessary for its existence—so far as it was not already at birth pro- ficient in them—much more quickly and easily than would be otherwise possible ; but what we call instinct in the case of animals takes in man the looser form of aptitude, talent, and genius. Granted that certain ideas are not 1 Tinterpret this: ‘‘ There are fewer vibrations persistent within the bodies of the lower animals ; those that there are, therefore, are stronger and more capable of generating action or upsetting the status in quo, Hence also they require less accession of vibration Translation from Hering 85 innate, yet the fact of their taking form so easily and certainly from out of the chaos of his sensations, is due not to his own labour, but to that of the brain substance of the thousands of thousands of generations from whom he is descended. Theories concerning the development of individual consciousness which deny heredity or the power of transmission, and insist upon an entirely fresh start for every human soul, as though the infinite number of genera- tions that have gone before us might as well have never lived for all the effect they have had upon ourselves,— such theories will contradict the facts of our daily ex- perience at every touch and turn. The brain processes and phenomena of consciousness which ennoble man in the eyes of his fellows have had a less ancient history than those connected with his physical needs. Hunger and the reproductive instinct affected the oldest and the simplest forms of the organic world. Itis in respect of these instincts, therefore, and of the means to gratify them, that the memory of organised substance is strongest—the impulses and instincts that arise hence having still paramount power over the minds of men. The spiritual life has been superadded slowly ; its most splendid outcome belongs to the latest epoch in the history of organised matter, nor has any very great length of time elapsed since the nervous system was first crowned with the glory of a large and well-developed brain. Oral tradition and written history have been called the memory of man, and this is not without its truth. But there is another and a living memory in the innate re- productive power of brain substance, and without this both writings and oral tradition would be without signifi- cance to posterity. The most sublime ideas, though never from without. Manis agitated by more and more varied vibrations ; these, interfering, as to some extent they must, with one another, are weaker, and therefore require more accession from without before they can set the mechanical adjustments of the body in motion.” 86 Unconscious Memory so immortalised in speech or letters, are yet nothing for heads that are out of harmony with them: they must be not only heard, but reproduced ; and both speech and writing would be in vain were there not an inheritance of inward and outward brain development, growing in correspondence with the inheritance of ideas that are handed down from age to age, and did not an enhanced capacity for their reproduction on the part of each succeed- ing generation accompany the thoughts that have been preserved in writing. Man’s conscious memory comes to an end at death, but the unconscious memory of Nature is true and ineradicable: whoever succeeds in stamping upon her the impress of his work, she will remember him to the end of time. Chapter VII Introduction to a translation of the chapter upon instinct in Von Hartmann’s ‘‘ Philosophy of the Unconscious.” AM afraid my readers will find the chapter on instinct from Von Hartmann’s “ Philosophy of the Uncon- scious,” which will now follow, as distasteful to read as I did to translate, and would gladly have spared it them if I could. At present the works of Mr. Sully, who has treated of the ‘Philosophy of the Unconscious ” both in the Westminster Review (vol. xlix. N.S.) and in his work “‘ Pessimism,” are the best source to which English readers can have recourse for information concerning Von Hartmann. Giving him all credit for the pains he has taken with an ungrateful, if not impossible subject, I think that a sufficient sample of Von Hartmann’s own words will be a useful adjunct to Mr. Sully’s work, and may perhaps save some readers trouble by resolving them to look no farther into the ‘ Philosophy of the Unconscious.” Over and above this, I have been so often told that the views concerning unconscious action contained in the foregoing lecture and in ‘“ Life and Habit”? are only the very fallacy of Von Hartmann over again, that I should like to give the public an opportunity of seeing whether this is so or no, by placing the two contending theories of unconscious action side by side. I hope that it will thus be seen that neither Professor Hering nor I have fallen into the fallacy of Von Hartmann, but that rather Von Hartmann has fallen into his fallacy through failure to grasp the principle which Professor Hering has insisted upon, and to connect heredity with memory. Professor Hering’s philosophy of the unconscious is of 87 88 Unconscious Memory extreme simplicity. He rests upon a fact of daily and hourly experience, namely, that practice makes things easy that were once difficult, and often results in their being done without any consciousness of effort. But if the repetition of an act tends ultimately, under certain circumstances, to its being done unconsciously, so also is the fact of an intricate and difficult action being done unconsciously an argument that it must have been done repeatedly already. . As I said in “‘ Life and Habit,” it is more easy to suppose that occasions on which such an action has been performed have not been wanting, even though we do not see when and where they were, than that the facility which we observe should have been at- tained without practice and memory (p. 56). There can be nothing better established or more easy, whether to understand or verify, than the unconsciousness with which habitual actions come to be performed. If, however, it is once conceded that it is the manner of habitual action generally, then all 4 priori objection to Professor Hering’s philosophy of the unconscious is at an end. The question becomes one of fact in individual cases, and of degree. How far, then, does the principle of the convertibility, as it were, of practice and unconsciousness extend? Can any line be drawn beyond which it shall cease to operate? If not, may it not have operated and be operat- ing to a vast and hitherto unsuspected extent? This is all, and certainly it is sufficiently simple. I some- times think it has found its greatest stumbling-block in its total want of mystery, as though we must be like those conjurers whose stock in trade is a small deal table and a kitchen-chair with bare legs, and who, with their parade of “no deception” and ‘“‘ examine everything for yourselves,’’ deceive worse than others who make use of all manner of elaborate paraphernalia. It is true we require no paraphernalia, and we produce unexpected results, but we are not conjuring. Introduction to Von Hartmann 89 To turn now to Von Hartmann. When I read Mr. Sully’s article in the Westminster Review, I did not know whether the sense of mystification which it produced in me was wholly due to Von Hartmann or no ; but on making ac- quaintance with Von Hartmann himself, I found that Mr. Sully has erred, if at all, in making him more intelligible than he actually is. Von Hartmann has not gota meaning. Give him Professor Hering’s key and he might get one, but it would be at the expense of seeing what approach he had made to a system fallen to pieces. Granted that in his details and subordinate passages he often both has and conveys a meaning, there is, nevertheless, no coherence between these details, and the nearest approach to a broad conception covering the work which the reader can carry away with him is at once so incomprehensible and repulsive, that it is difficult to write about it without saying more, perhaps, than those who have not seen the original will accept as likely to be true. The idea to which I refer is that of an unconscious clairvoyance, which, from the language continually used concerning it, must be of the nature of a person, and which is supposed to take possession of living beings so fully as to be the very essence of their nature, the promoter of their embryonic development, and the instigator of their instinctive actions. This approaches closely to the personal God of Mosaic and Christian theology, with the exception that the word ‘clairvoyance’! is substituted for God, and that the God is supposed to be unconscious. Mr. Sully says :— When we grasp it [the philosophy of Von Hartmann] as a whole it amounts to nothing more than this, that all or nearly all the phenomena of the material and spiritual world rest upon and result from a mysterious, unconscious being, though to call it being is really to add on an idea not immediately contained within the all-sufficient principle. 1 1 am obliged to Mr. Sully for this excellent translation of ‘* Hellsehen.”’ gO Unconscious Memory But what difference is there between this and saying that the phenomena of the world at large come we know not whence ?... . The unconscious, therefore, tends to be a simple phrase and nothing more... . . No doubt there are a number of mental processes .... of which we are un- conscious, . . . . but to infer from this that they are due to an unconscious power, and to proceed to demonstrate them in the presence of the unconscious through all nature, is to make an unwarrantable saltus in reasoning. What, in fact, is this ‘‘ unconscious ” but a high-sounding name to veil our ignorance? Is the unconscious any better explanation of phenomena we do not understand than the ‘“‘ devil-devil,” by which Australian tribes explain the Leyden jar and its phe- nomena ? Does it increase our knowledge to know that we do not know the origin of language or the cause of in- stinct ? ... . Alike in organic creation and the evolution of history ‘‘ performances and actions ’’—the words are those of Strauss—are ascribed to an unconscious, which can only belong to a conscious being.} The difficulties of the system advance as we proceed.? Subtract this questionable factor—the unconscious—from Hartmann’s ‘“‘ Biology and Psychology,” and the chapters remain pleasant and instructive reading. But with the third part of his work—the Metaphysic of the Unconscious—our feet are clogged at every step. We are encircled by the merest play of words, the most unsatisfactory demonstra- tions, and most inconsistent inferences. The theory of final causes has been hitherto employed to show the wisdom of the world ; with our Pessimist philosopher it shows nothing but its irrationality and misery. Consciousness has been generally supposed to be the condition of all happiness and interest in life ; here it simply awakens us to misery, and the lower an animal lies in the scale of conscious life, the better and the pleasanter its lot. e Thus, then, the universe, as an emanation of the uncon- scious, has been constructed.* Throughout it has been marked by design, by purpose, by finality; throughout a wonderful adaptation of means to ends, a wonderful adjust- ment and relativity in different portions has been noticed— * Westminster Review, New Series, vol. xlix. p. 143. * 1 Did A Dildos a) Tie Dk 5 te Introduction to Von Hartmann 9g1 and all this for what conclusion ? Not, as in the hands of the natural theologians of the eighteenth century, to show that the world is the result of design, of an intelligent, bene- ficent Creator, but the manifestation of a Being whose only predicates are negatives, whose very essence is to be un- conscious. It is not only like ancient Athens, to an unknown, but to an unknowing God, that modern Pessimism rears its altar. Yetsurely the fact that the motive principle of existence moves in a mysterious way outside our consciousness no way requires that the All-one Being should be himself un- conscious. I believe the foregoing to convey as correct an idea of Von Hartmann’s system as it is possible to convey, and will leave it to the reader to say how much in common there is between this and the lecture given in the preceding chapter, beyond the fact that both touch upon unconscious actions. The extract which will form my next chapter is only about a thirtieth part of the entire ‘‘ Philosophy of the Unconscious,” but it will, I believe, suffice to sub- stantiate the justice of what Mr. Sully has said in the pass- ages above quoted. As regards the accuracy of the translation, I have submitted all passages about which I was in the least doubtful to the same gentleman who revised my transla- tion of Professor Hering’s lecture ; I have also given the German wherever I thought the reader might be glad to see it. Chapter VIII Translation of the chapter on ‘“‘ The Unconscious in Instinct,”’ from Von Hartmann’s “‘ Philosophy of the Unconscious.” ON HARTMANN’S chapter on instinct is as follows:— Instinct is action taken in pursuance of a purpose, but without conscious perception of what the purpose is.* A purposive action, with consciousness of the purpose, and where the course taken is the result of deliberation, is not said to be instinctive; nor yet, again, is blind, aimless action, such as outbreaks of fury on the part of offended or otherwise enraged animals. I see no occasion for disturbing the commonly received definition of instinct as given above; for those who think they can refer all the so-called ordinary instincts of animals to conscious deliberation 1fso facto deny that there is such a thing as instinct at all, and should strike the word out of their vocabulary. But of this more hereafter. Assuming, then, the existence of instinctive action as above defined, it can be explained as— I. A mere necessary consequence of bodily organisation. ? II. A mechanism of brain or mind contrived by nature. III. The outcome of an unconscious activity of mind. In neither of the two first cases is there any scope for the idea of purpose ; in the third, purpose must be present immediately before the action. In the two first cases, 1 “Instinct ist zweckmassiges Handeln ohne Bewusstsein des Zwecks.’’—‘‘ Philosophy of the Unconscious,’’ 3d ed., Berlin, 1871, Pp. 70. 2 “7, Eine blosse Folge der kérperlichen Organisation. “2, Ein von der Natur eingerichteter Gehirn oder Geistes- mechanismus. “3. Eine Folge unbewusster Geistesthatigkeit.’’—‘‘ Phil- osophy of the Unconscious,” 3d ed., p. 70. 92 Translation from Von Hartmann 93 action is supposed to be brought about by means of an initial arrangement, either of bodily or mental mechanism, purpose being conceived of as existing on a single occasion only—that is to say, in the determination of the initial arrangement. In the third, purpose is conceived as present in every individual instance. Let us proceed to the consideration of these three cases. Instinct is not a mere consequence of bodily organisation ; for— (a.) Bodies may be alike, yet they may be endowed with different instincts. All spiders have the same spinning apparatus, but one kind weaves radiating webs, another irregular ones, while a third makes none at all, but lives in holes, whose walls it overspins, and whose entrance it closes with a door. Almost all birds have a like organisation for the con- struction of their nests (a beak and feet), but how infinitely do their nests vary in appearance, mode of construction, attachment to surrounding objects (they stand, are glued on, hang, &c.), selection of site (caves, holes, corners, forks of trees, shrubs, the ground), and excellence of workmanship ; how often, too, are they not varied in the species of a single genus, as of pavus. Many birds, more- over, build no nest at all. The differences in the songs of birds are in like manner independent of the special con- struction of their voice apparatus, nor do the modes of nest construction that obtain among ants and bees depend upon their bodily organisation. Organisation, as a general rule, only renders the bird capable of singing, as giving it an apparatus with which to sing at all, but it has nothing to do with the specific character of the execution... . The nursing, defence, and education of offspring cannot be considered as in any way more dependent upon bodily organisation; nor yet the sites which insects choose for the laying of their eggs; nor, again, the selection of deposits of spawn, of their own species, by male fish for impregnation. The rabbit burrows, the hare does not, 94 Unconscious Memory though both have the same burrowing apparatus. The hare, however, has less need of a subterranean place of refuge by reason of its greater swiftness. Some birds, with excellent powers of flight, are nevertheless stationary in their habits, as the secretary falcon and certain other birds of prey ; while even such moderate fliers as quails are sometimes known to make very distant migrations. (0.) Like instincts may be found associated with unlike organs. Birds with and without feet adapted for climbing live in trees; so also do monkeys with and without flexible tails, squirrels, sloths, pumas, &c. Mole-crickets dig with a well-pronounced spade upon their fore-feet, while the burying-beetle does the same thing though it has no special apparatus whatever. The mole conveys its winter pro- vender in pockets, an inch long and half an inch wide, within its cheeks; the field-mouse does so without the help of any such contrivance. The migratory instinct. displays itself with equal strength in animals of widely different form, by whatever means they may pursue their journey, whether by water, land, or air. It is clear, therefore, that instinct is in great measure independent of bodily organisation. Granted, indeed, that a certain amount of bodily apparatus is a sine gua non for any power of execution at all—as, for example, that there would be no ingenious nest without organs more or less adapted for its construction, no spinning of a web without spinning glands—nevertheless, it is impossible to maintain that instinct is a consequence of organisation. The mere existence of the organ does not constitute even the smallest incentive to any corresponding habitual activity.