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Inman, Samuel Guy, 1877- 1965. ventures in inter-American friendship if he heft rani Sate. ne A .* ae, i ha ae a ae Me Wie : by . San a Pei i 7 _ 3 By o ‘ 4 ; be i my ¥ aha i im " ‘i "h ne ms, a a a i a Bivins we ies oa al teh j ih _ Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2022 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https ://archive.org/details/venturesinintera00inma VENTURES IN — INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP By SAMUEL GUY INMAN Author of Problems in Pan Americanism, Intervention in Mexico, ete. MISSIONARY EDUCATION MOVEMENT OF THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA NEW YORK PuBLISHER’S NOTE Samuel Guy Inman is Secretary of the Committee on Coopera- tion in Latin America with headquarters in New York, but for the period of ten years during which he has occupied this position he has made five extended trips through Latin America and has vis- ited one or more of the Latin American countries each year. Prior to his affiliation with the Committee Mr. Inman served for ten years as a missionary in Mexico. He has been invited to give courses of lectures in a number of the prominent universities of the Southern republics and is now, in addition to his other duties, Instructor in International Relations in Columbia University. Besides the many books and reports that he has written in English interpreting the problems of Latin America to the United States he is the author of a book entitled Hacia la Solidaridad Americana which was written in Spanish and published by one of the prin- cipal houses in Madrid for circulation in Latin America. In planning Ventures in Inter-American Friendship the pub- lishers asked Mr. Inman to provide a short book for discussion groups that would show the trends of thought on social, political, and religious problems in Latin America today in their relationship to the Evangelical movement, and, so far as possible, by the selec- tion of significant statements from the writings and speeches of Latin American leaders themselves to reflect their attitudes on these questions. The Congress on Christian Work in South America, held in Montevideo in April, 1925, illustrated in its plan, its method of dis- cussion, and its reports so many important aspects of the present situation facing the Evangelical forces that a part of the book is given to a summary and an interpretation of this important gath- ering. The full reports of the Commissions of the Congress form a most valuable source of fresh and reliable information on South America today. They are published in two volumes by the Flem- ing H. Revell Company, New York, under the title Christian Work in South America. Copyright, 1925, by the MISSIONARY EpucATION MovEMENT OF THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA Printed in the United States of America CONTENTS CHAPTER i, II. . THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART THE VENTURE AT MONTEVIDEO SoME FRUITS OF THE VENTURE . CHANGING SouTH AMERICA POLITICAL AND Economic RELATIONS . BASES FOR INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP 121 QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION CHAPTER I . If you were called upon to attend an international conference in South America, as several North Americans were asked re- cently to attend the Montevideo Congress, with what preconcep- tions would you set out, regarding the civilization, the govern- ment, the culture, the social and religious conditions of South America? criticism, do more good than harm? . Should North Americans seek to suppress criticism of their | country or should they welcome it? . Do North American missionaries in Latin America strengthen the commercial and financial influence of their country in South America? If so, is that to be desired? | . Is the United States making a deliberate attempt to direct the policies of Latin America and draw it away from Europe? If so, is such a policy right? . Is it possible for “the Protestants of the North and the Catho- lics of the South” to work together against materialism which threatens all America? . Does religion occupy the same place in North and South Ameri- can life? . What is the status of Pan-Americanism today? . Should the United States favor or oppose an American League of Nations? . Are the questions raised by the Latin Americans in the opening of the Montevideo Congress vital to the North American mis- sionary program? III THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART It was the “Night of the Open Heart”? in the cultured and cosmopolitan city of Montevideo. In the assembly hall of the Hotel Pocitos, situated by the side of the sea and removed from the traffic of the city, there were gath- ered the representatives of eighteen nations—South Americans, North Americans, and Europeans, Protes- tants and Catholics, nationals and foreigners, Anglo- Saxons and Latins. With all of our differences in his- tory, in environment, in psychology, in ideals, we were all there on a great venture in international friendship. Such a conglomerate representation of different nations, different schools of thought, and different theologies may _ have met before on the American continent but certainly none had ever met with such a full determination of mak- ing the great venture of the “Open Heart.” With fear and trembling, with anticipation and with a certain joy, the meeting of the “Open Heart” was called to order. At the invitation of the North Americans the program had been prepared by a half dozen of the South Americans, who took part in the meeting. Two of these were not in any way connected with the North American missionary enterprise. The others were not dependent financially or otherwise on North American organization, neither were they members of a Protestant church. The presiding officer was Professor Erasmo Braga 1 The Montevideo Congress opened on Sunday, March 29, 1925, and the Monday evening following was set aside as the “Night of the Open Heart.” At this meeting a number of South Amer- ican leaders were invited to speak to the Congress freely and frankly of what was in their hearts to say to North Americans. 45 46 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP of Brazil. On the morning of the first day of organized meeting, Professor Braga had been elected President of the Congress on Christian Work in South America. He is a fine type of Brazilian gentleman, representative of the very best in the Protestantism of South America. He stands high in his own country, being a member of the Brazilian Academy of Letters, an author of note. For many years he was professor of modern languages in one of the secondary institutions of the State of Sao Paulo. | While holding this position, he contributed, voluntarily, his services as professor in the theological seminary of the Presbyterian churches. Some five years ago he was called to be the Secretary of the Committee on Coopera- tion in Brazil, which represents all the Evangelical forces © in that country. At the Panama Congress in 1916, when the Evangelical forces met for the first time to consider the social, educational, and religious problems of Latin America, Professor Braga was asked to write a volume describing this movement. That volume he called Pan- Americanism: Its Religious Aspects. On opening this remarkable meeting, Professor Braga declared that if he were going to write such a book again, he would not use that title. “‘Pan-Americanism,” he said, “is a depreciated term. It has lost any spiritual signifi- cance it may have had and has come to signify only com- mercial relations. It is most unfortunate that the repre- sentatives of the United States have generally referred to Pan-Americanism only as important because of com- — mercial relations and have therefore gradually eliminated the cultural and spiritual aspects of the subject. This has meant that the word has come to signify the com- mercial dominance of our countries by the United States.” The following are further résumés of sentiments ex- THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART 47 pressed to the Congress in the same frank way. Profes- sor Braga was followed by Dr. Ernesto Nelson, a grad- uate of Columbia University, New York, an Argentine educator who has filled many high positions in his own country. He has published a number of books on North American and South American educational problems. Social questions are of particular interest to him, and _he is now giving part of his time to various activities of that nature under the auspices of the Young Men’s Chris- tian Association in Buenos Aires. He has frequently been introduced as “the leading educator of South America.” The following paragraphs are quoted from Professor Nelson’s speech: “Every traveler who goes from North America to South America, and vice versa, is another Columbus set- ting out to discover a new world. “Hitherto Pan-American relations have been cen- tered around commerce. But commerce, being an expres- sion of material interest, cannot very well serve as the vehicle of higher ideals. It is necessary today more than ever before that Pan-Americanism be translated into a more complete understanding of the sources of idealism, of that moral strength with which every American coun- try is gifted; and this is especially true of the United States inasmuch as she is the country in America against which there are most prejudices born of ignorance. “As to the Latin countries of the continent, they are passing through a period of intense restlessness. Educa- tion in all its forms—primary, secondary, university, vo- 1Two addresses included in this chapter were delivered on other days, but inasmuch as they are along the same line of thought, they are included here. 48 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP cational, and agricultural, the extension of culture by means of libraries and social centers, the associations formed for philanthropic purposes, those institutions which exist for the public good, etc., are today uncertain in regard to the new paths which they ought to follow. The idea of surveys which have acquired such wide ac- ceptance in the United States have not yet been adopted by us. “It may be said that as yet not even the first step has been taken in the sense of bringing about an interchange © of experiences for the solution of identical problems in North and South America. “The press and the book have not yet begun to carry out an important part of their mission on the continent. . It is a shame to confess it, but after so many years of Pan-American theory, there is not today a book of any importance in which some phase of social life in the United States is described in order to serve the readers of Latin America who are interested from a practical point of view in the solution of this or that social prob- lem. “A constructive Pan-Americanism should create some agencies or means whereby our countries might learn from the experience of each other. Inasmuch as you mission- aries are ready to face an enormous expense connected with your work here, I do not see why you could not find the means to carry out this kind of peaceful penetration. The production of such a series of books in Spanish would be a missionary task of the highest character. “And now, with some misgivings, I want to tell you of a few impressions which may be useful in the develop- ment of the Evangelical work in these countries. You come from a land where morality has always been identi- THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART 49 fied with religion. In these southern lands religion, in the popular mind, is largely identified with immorality. Our people have seen so much immorality connected with the church, with the life of the clergy, in prayer, in the religious attitude toward education, in charity, in the lives of so-called religious people, that I cannot but feel that you are marching under a much discredited banner. “You come from lands where religious faith may be taken as the mark of Christian character. With us the very opposite is often true. To save itself, morality has had to sever its religious connections and look for the support of science. But in doing this, we eagerly try to discover those scientific principles furthest removed from | the supernatural in religion. “Out of ten thousand leaders in these countries whose help you need, out of ten thousand men and women who have gained moral authority with the people, out of ten thousand educators of the youth of these countries, 9,999 have tried to organize their moral convictions aside from any touch with religious principles, which in their minds are associated with superstition and deception. The pro- cess is too far advanced to be stopped. Dr. Mackay told you of the young Peruvian professor to whom the name of God was hateful. The case of the young Peruvian can be duplicated any number of times among the people |of these lands. These Latin American societies are mor- tally sick of performances and beliefs that have been used for tyranny and oppression. They shudder at the word God, they shudder at the sound of religious hymns, they look for the clear sky when they hear the murmur of a prayer. “But after all, religion is a natural fact. If we could compare the quality of the feelings and motives that 50 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP prompt our moral actions, without attempting to dress them with words or to express them through ceremonies, I am sure we could find that we live on common ground. “Another point to which I should like to refer is the lack of interest that your missionaries generally show in discovering those forces in our life that sustain our moral fabric. I have indicated how far we of the South and of the North seem to be from agreement in religious doc- trine. Yet there are many individual Christians among us ready to lead a life of sacrifice for the common good. What is the fountain of their inspiration? You ought to discover it and help them quench their thirst. You should study our great men of the past, for in them you would often find the moral explanation of the meaning of our present institutions. You might be ready to prove that your love for us is sincere by loving the things we love and revering the things we revere. I should like to see as a part of the program of your seminaries and technical . schools a course devoted to the study of agencies which have been and are at present the great inspirations of our life. I should like to see the young men studying the ideas of the Chilean, Francisco Bilbao; of the Peruvian, ‘Gonzales Prada; of the Uruguayans, Varela and Rodd; of the Argentines, Sarmiento, Alberdi, or Echeverria. If there is need of an agreement in ideals among us, it can-_ not be reached without taking into serious consideration — the moral ideas of South America, for we have great moral forces on this continent.” The next speaker was Professor Eduardo Monteverde, often called the most beloved man of Montevideo. Don Eduardo is particularly a favorite with the students and all classes of young men. He has been professor of THE NIGHY OF THE OPEN. HEART © ‘51 ‘mathematics in the University for many years. He is in every good work in the city of his nativity. For many years he has given a large part of his time to the Young Men’s Christian Association. Unlike Professor Nelson, who since he left the Catholic Church has never identified himself with any religion, Don Eduardo has for many years been a loyal and enthusiastic member of the Meth- odist Episcopal Church. Professor Monteverde repre- ‘sented his country at the Pan-American Scientific Con- gress in Washington in 1915, was President of the Con- gress on Christian Work in Latin America at Panama in 1916, and has occupied some of the highest positions within the gift of his fellow citizens. “At times we say what we do not think when we are asked to speak,” said Professor Monteverde, “but tonight we are to say what we think. I have been a Christian for forty-five years without interruption. I have been a mem- ber of the church and the Sunday school and have filled almost every position in each of these organizations. I have watched the work of the churches very carefully during all these years. Many times I have asked myself, “Where are all these thousands that have been listening to the preaching and to the teaching of the Bible in the Sunday school all these years? Where are the results of the sacrifices of the missionaries that have come from foreign lands?’ I have learned in the Sunday school that Christ is power. Here we are in a great congress where representatives of Christ have come from many nations, and yet the press of this city is giving scarcely any atten- tion to this great meeting. What is the difficulty? Have the methods used in the past been mistaken ones? Have our good ministers been bad interpreters of the Christ? How did Christ preach? Did he confuse his pupils with 4 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP the doctrine of the Trinity? Did he make them tremble with descriptions of the punishment of hell-fire? Did he spend much time in differentiating between the various denominations and advocating one as against the other? “The theologians have complicated the teachings of Jesus. In our Sunday schools we ought to concentrate on teaching the life of Christ. We would get many stu- dents if we did this. A young boy is induced to come to Sunday school. His father, who knows nothing about the Sunday school and has never read the Bible, asks the boy on his return about what they taught him. The child replies that he was taught about how Jeroboam killed many of his enemies. The father decides that he does: not care to have his boy learn about some ancient king: killing his enemies. In our Sunday schools we ought to explain Christ. Without Christ there is no Christianity —the Christ of power, the Christ who is here tonight, the Christ I came to know when I became a Christian.” Don Julio Navarro Monzo, a distinguished Argentine, formerly one of the editors of the Buenos Aires daily paper, La Nacion, but now a lecturer on spiritual themes under the auspices of the Young Men’s Christian Asso- ciation, spoke on the “Religious Problem as Related to Latin America Culture.” He said, in part: “The essential difference between Anglo-Saxons and Latins is found in the fact that the former carry on continually a struggle between the forces of right and wrong, while for the latter these forces do not exist or are recognized only in a small way. Yet an observer in Great Britain and the United States sees that today the people are losing interest rapidly in traditional forms of Christianity. Recent investigations made in Great Brit- THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART 53 ain by the National Union of Schools for Adults have demonstrated that only seventeen per cent of the popula- tion are found to have effective and permanent relations with the churches. It is possible that the same kind of investigations in the United States would give the same results. “Seemingly the greatest tragedy of Latin America is its struggle for a century to obtain a real democracy. But in reality the greatest of all tragedies, although less ap- parent, has been that, confronting such a problem, the leaders of these nations have not had any consciousness of its moral and religious aspects. Men like Alberdi and Sarmiento, great Argentine leaders, believed that all that was necessary was to translate the constitution of the United States from English into Spanish and to study carefully the juridical antecedents of English law. Time has shown how blind they were in this. In the light of history and sociology it is evident that it is not sufficient to copy the institutions and the laws of a people. The Latin Americans would like to have the democracy of the Anglo-Saxons without their historical precedents, without their culture and their emphasis on religion. It is an im- possible absurdity! “The real problem is a religious problem. Without a real and profound Christianity which signifies a funda- mental respect for all law, for the rights of individuals, for human fraternity, it is impossible to have a democ- racy. But this the spiritual leaders of Latin America have never been able to understand. “Let no one think, however, that this signifies an as- sertion that the people of Latin America ought to turn Protestant, that is to say, Lutherans, Calvinists, Wes- leyans, etc., in order to have democracy. If the Latin 34 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP peoples should copy the religious institutions of Anglo- Saxons or Germans developed four centuries ago, they would make as great a mistake as when we copied their political institutions.” The next speaker was Professor Salas Marchan, Di- rector of the Government Normal School at Santiago, Chile, one of those quiet men who, with few pretensions, has gone to the very bottom of the educational problems and stands in his country for the very highest type of education and moral development. “The greatest help that I ever had in my life as a teacher and as a man was in visiting the schools of the, United States,” said Professor Marchan. “It is an in- spiration that will always be with me, and I know many South Americans who have had this privilege that count it as one of the great transforming experiences of their lives. “Let me appeal to you tonight to send us the very best teachers that you have. We need your best. Latin America cannot do with any other kind. I want also to appeal for a closer contact between the Evangelical and the Government schools. Your teachers too often stay off by themselves. They are cumbered about with many details. They are busy with their own problems and they do not associate with the teachers in the Government schools. We could help one another a great deal if we would have more contacts. Often I have heard Chilean teachers wonder why the North American teachers that come to our country do not become members of our teachers’ associations and take a more active part in our social and professional activities. Let us mingle together more. I am sure that your teachers can help us and you THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART 55 might find it possible to get help also from us if you would come to know us better.” Sr. Juan Francisco Pérez, the editor of El Diario, a daily paper of Asuncion, Paraguay, strong friend of the International Institute supported by the Disciples of Christ in Asuncion, said: “On my visit to North America I saw how many reli- gious groups worked together for the moral development of the youth. If North Americans come to help us teach our children and strengthen our moral and spiritual pur- poses, you will find that Catholics like myself will wel- come you; but if you come in the spirit of propaganda, you will scarcely find such a welcome. By working for moral reform, you will awaken the Catholics and do good in many ways. I believe that there should be a federa- tion of all the sects of Christianity in order that the great problems of today may be solved with a Christian spirit.” Don Enrique Molina, Director of the University of Concepcion, Chile, is one of those fine personalities that breathes idealism and spiritual acumen. After long ser- vice in the capital city of Santiago, with considerable time spent in Europe and the United States, studying educa- tional problems, he decided to make an experiment in Chile which would put to the test private initiative. He founded what is known as the Free University of Con- -cepcion in the city of Concepcion, about two hundred ‘miles south of Santiago. This institution has grown until it now has some fifteen hundred students and is sup- ported almost entirely by private contributions of Chileans themselves. Professor Molina has_ studied closely North American educational life and has written 56 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP two books as a result—From Harvard to Califorma and The Two Americas. He is probably further away from anything like orthodox Christian belief than any of the others who spoke on this memorable evening. In the afternoon of this day he had opened a series of addresses under the auspices of the Committee on Cooperation in Latin America at the Ateneo on the subject, “Spiritual Problems of Today.” But this evening he was speaking from the profound depths of his heart on the relations - between North and South America. | “Pan-Americanism,” he said, “is a beautiful ideal. We would not do our duty if we did not seek for closer relations between all the Americas. But unfortunately , people today look at Pan-Americanism with skepticism. In its origin it had something of the idea of the hegemony of the United States by means of commercial dominance. The sad history of Haiti, Santo Domingo, Panama, and Nicaragua have augmented the suspicions of the United States’ desire to dominate her weaker neighbors. When I returned from the United States, an enthusiastic be- liever in that country’s idealism, and told my people how much we could learn from her, especially concerning moral ideals, honesty of purpose, etc., they suffered through my lectures with an attitude of ‘how long must we listen to all this talk about the Yankees?’ “There is a very decided tendency today toward Ibero-Americanism, a getting together of all the Latin American countries. It is particularly strong in Mexico, Argentina, and Chile. In Mexico it has assumed an ag- gressive form. It is incorporated within the very school system itself and in much of the cultural life of the coun- try during these recent years. The University of Mexico has on its seal a map of that America beginning at the THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART 57 Rio Grande and stretching south to the Straits of Ma- gellan. And these words are engraved on its seal, ‘For my race, my spirit will speak.’ “In Argentina a strong sentiment has been developed during the last few years for this Latin American union. A magazine is published, backed by some of the best- known intellectuals of that country, in order to develop this union. We cannot reject this idea of a Latin Ameri- can union. Nor can we reject the idea of an all-Ameri- can cooperation. We must accept both of them. Let us frankly realize, however, that Pan-Americanism and the Monroe Doctrine are opposed to each other. Pan-Ameri- canism means fraternity and equality. The Monroe Doc- trine puts the United States above all other countries. This attitude Latin America cannot accept. The Monroe Doctrine has accomplished its mission. It was promul- gated in the time of the Holy Alliance when there was some danger that Europe would impose her monarchical system on America. That time has passed. Europe no longer threatens us. Neither Germany nor any other country is now a danger. The Monroe Doctrine is a corpse; let it be forgotten. Pan-Americanism is so far only a hope; let us work for its realization.” Dr. Baltasar Brum is a world citizen. In idealism for world brotherhood and in enthusiasm for international friendship and in advocacy of international organization, he is to South America what Woodrow Wilson was to North America. Not yet forty years of age, he has com- pleted a term as President of his nation. Before being elected to this honor he had won the confidence of his countrymen as a teacher of renown, a lawyer of distinc- tion, a member of the National Assembly, and Minister 58 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP of Foreign Relations. When he speaks on international questions, a perfect torrent of eloquence pours forth. He carries everyone with him by his enthusiasm. With his vast knowledge of international affairs, with his pene- trating intellect, with his profound conviction of the unity of humanity, he presents his argument and puts forth his proposition with a daring that challenges the admiration of the most ardent isolationist. Dr. Brum asked: “What has happened in North Amer- ica, my dear friends? People everywhere are asking me that these days. Are the North Americans idealists or are they materialists? Many believe that Pan-American- ism means to you only commercial relations, but I am con- vinced that they do not know the United States. Ever since the day that I had the honor of being at the head of the Foreign Relations of my government, I have con- sidered it a privilege to interpret the better side of your country to others. “T knew that country when she was defending not only her sons and daughters, but ours as well. Such a soul as was displayed in those days is worthy of the friendship of Hispanic America. “May I dare to say also that the Latin peoples are worthy of the friendship of North America, for we too have often shown ourselves capable of great sacrifices for the principles of right and justice. Why, then, do these two great peoples stand aloof from each other? The fault lies both in the North and in the South. The United States is traditionally opposed to alliances. She believes that standing aloof from the rest of the nations means peace. We in South America believe that the isolation of the United States under present world con- ditions means war. We in the South believe that all : THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART = 59 America ought unitedly to help Europe to new ideals of peace. “How will world peace be brought about? Only by a society of nations through which the peoples of the world may organize themselves for the pursuit of peace and the adjudication of difficulties and the enforcement of justice. In America we need our own society of na- tions! Well aware are we of the difficulties in the organi- zation of such a society. Let us remember, however, that in the United States great and small states exist side by side. Rhode Island and Texas have found a way of liv- ing together in one great federation. So in South Amer- ica the great country of Brazil, occupying half of the continent, and the little nation of Uruguay, not one tenth of the size of its big neighbor, live side by side in har- mony and mutual help. So the federation of the world must come. A great world league we must have to treat all of the great world questions; then regional leagues that will treat their own problems. Even the United States, which so far has not seen fit to accept a world league, need not fear to join an American League of Na- tions. The United States, through the Monroe Doctrine, has already obligated itself to defend America from Eu- rope and could not be any more committed if it were to enter into a practical arrangement with the other Ameri- can states. “But, says some North American, how can we enter into an agreement with any other nation when our Con- gress is the only one that can pass on questions of war and peace or questions that limit in any way our sover- eignty? Is that true? Is it not a fact that the United States and every other nation that signs a treaty thereby limits to a certain degree its sovereignty and rights? In 60 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP any American society it would be stipulated, of course, that only with the approval of the national congresses should anything like war be begun. Someone else ob- jects, ‘How is it possible for the United States to unite with little countries like Uruguay and Haiti in a League of Nations?’ It is possible by the counterbalance of au- thority and representation just as this has been accom- plished in the great and small states in any federated gov- ernment, “There are five great questions which today concern Inter-American relations: Pan-Americanism, the Monroe: Doctrine, monetary claims, nationality of children of the foreign-born, and Inter-American conflicts. If the power- ful nation of the North decides to carry on a policy of justice and equality with its American sisters, it should be our duty to cooperate with her intentions. “Pan-Americanism implies the equality of all sovereign- ties, large or small, the assurance that no country will attempt to diminish the possessions of others, and that those who have lost any possessions will have them rightly returned to them. It is, in short, an exponent of deep brotherly sentiment, and of a just aspiration for the material and moral aggrandizement of all the peoples of America. “The Monroe Doctrine has constituted on the whole an efficacious safeguard to the territorial integrity of many American countries. Owing to the state in which the European countries remain after the War, it may be said that fear of conquests by them in America has been re- moved for many years. But, is that sufficient reason for us to take no interest in future Inter-American relations, repudiating all that the Monroe Doctrine legitimately stands for? JI think not. Today, more than ever, we THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART 61 shonid revezl our foresight, searchme for formule that May assure forever peace and the full mdependence of America countries. “Americas countries have enjoyed territorial imdepend- ence Get not zlweys am absofate soveraenty, because the lecger moffoms offes coriaded it by means of monetary cizams me fever of ther civens who, mstead of tak- me thes clams te the local comrss, m@ accordance with the ews of the coontry, went te the Lecotions of ther @ refuse! of fostee =p tits wey spece! privileges were granted te the foresters. m prejudice of the nationals. “Ts the moferests of afl, if ts necessary thet those mone tasy clams Giszppeer from America for ail te, and to Concert of America is organized, tham t refuse to recoe- mize fe mehts of the Powers fo remove any ordmary case from fhe safione! perisdictem reporimg tt to the Leegoe. should sock am aifempt be made The definite teaitzation of such em object would complete the work of eur ifersfors. becamse. thanks t it mdependence would free of the Seeotitetom witch some erect Powers heve ee= accustomed ip Empose on i “No intervention of offer countries m miermal ques- amd tiat there wes mo meferm! mferest m the mafier, two thirds of the assecaied countries decide to mfervene. These are soll impertent questions of boundaries winch emfterrass mamy Americas countries, amd even though these countries eve already jomed the Lezeue of N2- Gens, wick morally binds them to accept its mediation, 62 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP such disputes could be dealt with much more satisfac- torily through an American League. “The organization of the American League is, in my opinion, a logical sequence to the Versailles Treaty of Peace, which, in recognizing and expressly accepting the Monroe Doctrine, seems to be desirous of limiting its sphere of action as far as American affairs are con- cerned. This makes necessary an organization in this continent that will look after American interests in the League of Nations. “The American League would, therefore, have the fol- lowing double purpose: first, to occupy itself with ques- tions in connection with the extra-continental powers; and second, to deal with questions that affect Inter-Ameri- can relations.” From international, social, and ecclesiastical questions, the Congress was brought to the deepest spiritual con- sideration by the following letter from Gabriela Mistral, the remarkable Chilean poetess, who has recently come to be recognized as one of the most influential writers on spiritual and social questions in the Latin world: “T am with you these days in your Assembly, as well as in your evening meetings, as you are thinking of two themes equally dear to you and to me: the School, and the Religious Character of our People. From the other side of the line, among the Catholics, there are a few voices which mingle with yours, and one of them is mine. “May God Himself preside over your Assembly and enrich you with great and clear thoughts. In these ob- scure and vacillating times we have great need of the Divine Grace. As yet we are often afraid of many ideas which, like enthusiastic youth, seem to us too lively. But THE NIGHT: OF ‘FHE OPEN HEART © 63 it is necessary that we admit them to our counsels and permit them to present their case. Some of them are: the social ideals which as yet find no place in our legisla- tion; daring pedagogical ideas which bring with them a new scale of values. “Referring to your religious discussions, I beg of you, with respect but with vehemence, that you try to bring about an approximation with Catholicism, in order that we may undertake a common task. There are no less than ten general ideas in which we are in complete agree- ment. We work, Protestants and Catholics, around the vertebral column of Christianity; let us seek more ar- dently our common points than our differences. In these days when some are talking of presenting a common formidable front against such debatable questions as the yellow peril, let us think of the great Christian opposition to materialism. “The philosophic doctrine of materialism does not cause us much uneasiness; that which troubles us and challenges us to unity is materialism as a norm of con- duct, materialism loosening sanctions, lowering educa- tion to the level of an economic training, sinking its teeth into international relationships, counseling the oppression of the weak, and even reaching out to our religions, to kill the mystic element in order to leave only tradition; materialism in the woman who flees from maternity as an economic burden and regards childhood as high-priced merchandise; materialism in wealth, when it takes refuge in its pagan right to deny a living wage; and finally, ma- terialism in the State, when it hides behind the idea of liberty in order to maintain such institutions as legalized prostitution. “The Spirit exists although we tread it under foot. 64 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP Seek ideas with which to defend the culture which is born of the Spirit; study arguments with which to defend reli- gion as the vital breath of nations; disentangle, so far as you may, the net of deception which is weaving itself about our youth, in order to relegate religion to the corner of worn-out rubbish. Seek relationships between the gospel and the present hour, making clear the fact that it is yet full of power to purify human life. Defend also, my friends, the Spirit which exists in Art, and try to create a kind of international legion against the unclean- ness which clings to the exhibition of beauty in the cinematograph, in the novel, and in the painter’s brush.” Here we have the heart of South America opened to us by some of the greatest representatives of its present- day educational, social, and spiritual life, friends of North America, sympathetic with our ideals and our Christian program to help South America. Severer critics and more fulsome praisers could easily be found, but the more fully North Americans come to know representa- tive South Americans of all classes and of all countries, the more fully persuaded are they that here is the repre- sentation of the thought of the great body of our neigh- bors in the South, from whom we may expect much cooperation. The questions that trouble honest friendly South Americans in regard to the missionary work of North Americans in their lands are: Why do North Americans not do something in a large way to put Inter-American relations on a spiritual basis and cease putting so much emphasis on purely commercial exchange? Can a Chris- tian program from North America be carried out in South America without its being identified with the in- THE NIGHT OF THE OPEN HEART 65 dustrial and political “peaceful penetration” of a great country, which threatens gradually to dominate all the life of its smaller neighbor? Will the United States help guide South America in the solution of her great educa- tional problems by putting into Spanish and Portuguese frank discussions of how she is working on these various matters ? Will North Americans really study South American psychology, history, and sociology and take these into ac- count in any work they may undertake in South America —associating more largely with the South Americans as friends and fellow workers? The friends who frankly expressed their opinions on that ““Night of the Open Heart” would not expect all to -agree with them. If some of us actually resent such frankness, we might remember the explanation made by Sr. Monzo for his frankness, when he said: “Since the North American delegates to the Congress have come to help us solve our problems, we hope they will not take it amiss that we mention some of the problems which they themselves are facing.” FOR FURTHER READING “First International Congress of Social Economy.” Bulletin of the Pan-American Union. April, 1925. Gulf of Misunderstanding. T. Prnocuet. Boni & Liveright, New York. Hispanic Anthology. THomMas WatsH. Putnam, New York. 1920. Imperialism and Nationalism. Kirpy Pace. Doran Co., New York. 1925. “Inter-American Spiritual Understanding.” GaprreLA MISTRAL. Bulletin of the Pan-American Union. July, 1924. Understanding South America. C. S. Cooper. Doran Co., New York, 1918. World Tomorrow. Latin American issue. Nov., 1924. New York. 10. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION CHAPTER IV . What differences and what similarities do you think will be found in the promised development of South America as com- pared with the development of North America? What are the historic conditions which make the present so- cial movements in South America so significant? What changes, for better or for worse, does the labor move- ment promise for Latin America? . What seems to be the social and moral significance of the present student movement? Does it offer any suggestions for service to Evangelicals? Do sex problems in Latin America resemble more those of Europe or of North America? In what way can outsiders help South America in solving these problems? What South American countries seem most advanced in so- cial movements? Why? What other social movements, besides those mentioned in the text, would you hope to see developed in South America? What problems does a greatly increased immigration—which seems likely—suggest for South America? What elements in the “formation of a strong people” seem to you to be omitted by Dr. Alfaro and what is the significance of these omissions? How can the Christian forces of North America best cooperate with South Americans to develop the social movement along the lines of largest service? IV CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA When Colonel Roosevelt returned from his trip to South America, he said that just as the most remarkable developments of the nineteenth century had taken place in North America, so the most wonderful developments of the twentieth century would take place in South America. To the discerning traveler of recent years it would seem that this prophecy is already being fulfilled. Where else are such remarkable changes taking place? This does not mean, of course, that South America has solved all her problems. From forty to eighty per cent of her people are still illiterate, and some ten millions of native Indians are not yet assimilated into national life. She still has great landed estates on which peons by the millions are even now in bondage. The questions of a stable political life, a strong middle class as a balance wheel, a readjustment of the old social order to new democratic forms, immigration, public health, and the founding of a proper moral and spiritual basis to assure permanence in national life—these and many other prob- lems are still pressing for solution. But the interesting and encouraging thing is that there is a renaissance movement which is fairly startling in the way that is challenging the old intrenched order. Physically, great stretches of territory that have been far removed from access are being opened up. Rapid steam- ship connections with Europe, North America, and Japan are making easier the exchange of life between South America and the rest of the world. 67 68 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP There seems to be every indication that South America is headed for large developments. In the first place, she has the physical basis for such growth. Beginning at the Rio Grande and stretching on down through Mexico, over Central America, beyond Panama, through Colombia and Venezuela, the Andean countries, Brazil, Chile, down through the abounding plains of Argentina to the Straits of Magellan, is the largest expanse of undeveloped, fer- tile land in the whole world. During the War these countries began to make a most determined effort to develop their own resources, to di- versify their crops, and to manufacture their own goods. In exportation Chile leads the world in nitrates, Ar- gentina in wool, Mexico in oil, Brazil in coffee, Cuba in sugar, Bolivia in tin, Costa Rica in bananas,—in fact, every one of the Latin American countries is especially noted for at least one product upon which the world is ab- solutely dependent. The old idea in the United States was that Latin America, being so largely made up of Indians and illit- erates, offered little opportunity for commerce. Business men are gradually awakening to the great error of such an opinion. With all their millions of people, Asia and Oceania bought less from the United States last year than did Latin America. Our foreign commerce with the whole world was thirteen billion dollars in 1920. It would have been seventy-five billions had the business trans- acted with the rest of the world been in the same pro- portion as our trade with Latin America. Latin America, with three times more territory than the United States, has at present about the same popula- tion as the United States numbered in 1900 (80,000,000). But her foreign commerce today is twice what ours was ¢ CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 69 twenty years ago. A hundred years after the United States had won her independence, we had a population of fifty millions and foreign commerce of one and one half billions. Latin America has just celebrated the centennial of her independence and her population is eighty millions, with a foreign commerce of five billions. Can anyone doubt that with more rapid transportation, more scientific machinery, and greater economic efficiency, and with three times the territory, Latin America will, in the next forty years, make a record at least equal to that of the United States from 1880 to 1920? This would mean in 1960 a population of one hundred sixty millions and a foreign commerce exceeding forty billions. It is doubtful if anywhere else in the world the good results of the World War were so preponderant over the evil as here. These nations, said by Ugarte a few years ago to be on “the margin of international life,” have gained by the War a definite place at the council table of the nations. The world at large has a new appreciation of them, both for what they are and for what they may become. THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION A few years ago Latin America was quite removed from the rest of the world so far as modern social move- ments were concerned. Her geographical position had kept her out of the great current of modern life as de- veloped in Europe and the United States. But today all is different. The World War brought Latin America to the attention of the rest of the world as a great store- house of raw materials, and, on the other hand, caused Latin America to begin to partake of the modern social 70 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP developments with enthusiasm. Today political revolu- tion in Latin America is being succeeded by a great social revolution. Remarkable transformations are taking place in the social structure of the continent. Formerly there were only two classes, the rich and the poor, the highly edu- cated and the illiterate. While that condition existed there was little hope for the solution of South America’s many social and political problems. With the gradual de- velopment of a middle class, with the introduction of a new consciousness of their rights among the laboring people, and with a new appreciation of social problems by | the educated classes, most of which came about during and after the World War, there is a breaking up of the old fixed castes, and today the social system of South America is in solution. In former times university stu- dents were, for the most part, sons of government offi- cials and members of the privileged classes, preparing themselves to continue the ruling and exploiting of the great mass of peon labor. Recently many of this same class of students have changed their attitudes and are giving themselves to the education of the laborers, work- ing out with them a new and democratic conception of national life. In order to understand clearly the social movements now beginning in South America, much study should be given to historical conditions in that continent. Pro- fessor E. A. Ross, in South of Panama says: South America is the victim of a bad start. It was never settled by whites in the way that they settled the United States. All the European blood from the Caribbean to Cape Horn probably does not exceed that to be found within the area en- closed by lines connecting Washington, Buffalo, Duluth, and St. CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 7M Louis. The masterful whites simply climbed upon the backs of the natives and exploited them. Thus, pride, contempt for labor, caste, social parasitism, and authoritativeness in Church and State fastened upon South American society and characterize it still. It would be unpardonable for us ever to be puffed up because ) we enjoy better social and civic health than is usual in South America. If our forefathers had found here precious metals and several millions of agricultural Indians, our social development would have resembled that of the people that grew up in New Spain. Not race accounts for the contrast in destiny between the two Americas, nor yet the personal virtues of the original settler, but circumstances. Social revolution is expressed especially in four marked -movements which are ushering in the break from that con- servatism which even yesterday seemed destined to pre- serve for many years its strong hold. These are the labor movement, the student movement, the feminist move- ment, and the temperance movement. Leading statesmen of these southern countries have recently given voice to utterances which show the probability that these move- ments will grow very rapidly. THE LABOR MOVEMENT The pitiable condition of labor in the past in Latin America is generally well known. The two words used to describe the laborer are sufficient to indicate his state: “peon,” denoting a financial obligation to an employer not possible to shake loose; and “roto,” a broken, ragged fellow. Historically, these conditions were established when the Spanish hidalgos were given grants of land and allowed to force the Indians to labor for them. Country labor was always kept in debt, and town labor consisted 72 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP largely of personal servants of rich families. Such pub- lic work as was carried on was generally done by pris- oners. The relationship between “amo” and “peon’ was more or less patriarchal. No such thing as “labor un- rest” was ever heard of. The idea of social revolt and of securing better conditions through revolt was absent. But sooner or later the industrial age had to invade Latin America. The personal relationships between em- ployer and employee were severed. Workmen began to- come together in large numbers in cities where they saw a new life, and they began to hear of the outside world and its economic problems. When workmen first heard , of the strike as practised by their brothers in Europe and North America, and essayed to invoke it, they were met with a show of military force and compelled to de- sist. A strike was a revolution. But today the strike is recognized as legitimate in almost all of these countries. The awakening of the working-man has not been equally marked in all countries of South America. Labor in the tropical part of the continent is still far from grasp- ing any idea of organization for the purpose of forcing better conditions. One hears about labor organizations in certain industrial centers and mining districts near Lima, but these are really mutual societies for insurance and social purposes. Faint signs of an approaching awakening are seen, however, in the little news sheets which these organizations are publishing. The following, translated freely from one of the pitiable little labor papers purchased at a news-stand in Lima, shows their keen de- sire for a deliverance of which they have heard some- thing but understand nothing. “Listen, Brother, to my notes of red with which my song is vibrating. I sing to life; death to death! I go CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 73 planting roses made of love and truth. Anarchism is my liberating thought. I am the Word which rises in hu- manity’s darkest night and scatters all its pain. Listen, Sister, it is time to rise and greet the morning light which kisses our darkest suffering!” Far different from these incoherent cries, heard in the night in Peru, are the strong voices in some of the other countries, threateningly demanding new rights and privi- _ leges. There has been a welter of strikes on every hand, _ accompanied usually by violence and stressing the recog- nition of the union to a greater extent than more money or shorter hours. The cost of living has been a source of discontent everywhere. For the South American - countries no reliable index numbers exist, but price levels in a number of countries are probably slightly above those in the United States. Depreciated currency, fluctuating exchange values, and the refusal of the propertied classes to pay their fair share of the taxes have even more in- creased the pressure upon the lower classes. In Para- guay even the storekeepers shut up shop and joined the population of workers, many of whom, before the War, came and went between Europe and the East Coast coun- tries in a regular seasonal flux. The governments, par- ticularly in Argentina and Brazil, have arrested literally hundreds of suspected foreign leaders, usually Spaniards or Russians, deporting or holding them indefinitely in jail. Not one of these leaders, however, has become an outstanding figure to which a personality or even a name can be attached. Their success must have been due in large part to a discontent lying everywhere close to the surface, which flared up in the wheatfields and the back reaches of the quebracho forests as easily as along the crowded waterfronts of the cities. 74 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP Argentina has been the center of the strongest radical influence. Not only the workmen but the students and professors of the universities seem largely to have gone over to the soviet position. The most important labor organization of the country is the “Federacion Obrera Regional Argentina,” or, as it is known by its initials, the “F.O.R.A.” This remarkable organization has now some 300,000 members. | Chile has had almost as many labor difficulties as Ar- gentina. The country has been ruled largely by an oh- garchy of about a hundred families who have been both the owners of the land and the directors of the political , and commercial life of the country. The Chilean “roto” has been showing a great deal of restlessness for the last decade. Many people have expected the laboring classes to lead in a revolution which would overthrow the capi- talistic régime. The shedding of blood has happily been averted by a recent political uprising which is a remark- able demonstration of the power of Latin Americans to accomplish reforms by civic means. The laboring classes joined the Liberal Party in its nomination of Arturo Alessandri for presidential candi- date. Their platform advocated currency reform, the in- come tax, protection of national industries from foreign aggression, various solutions for social evils, the educa- tion of women and children, prohibition, parliamentary reforms, and the separation of Church and State. The power to awaken a popular interest in politics and to draw the ardent support of his party must be attributed first of all to the personality of Alessandri himself. He is “fearless and resolute, generous and eloquent.” He is encountering great opposition from the oligarchy which has been accustomed to exploit the laboring classes and CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 70 is now going as far as it dares toward checking the presi- dent’s proposed reforms. There is probably no other country in the world where at the present time the daily press is giving so much space to labor movements as in Chile. Uruguay has had her share of labor troubles, but she has escaped some of the violence experienced by her sister republic across the river by adopting liberal economic legislation. Industrial insurance, old age pensions, pro- tection of women and children in industry, provision for laborers on strike, and many other social laws advocated by the most advanced social workers have been success- fully put into operation recently. In Brazil labor disturbances have not been as general as in Argentina and Chile, but by no means have they been absent. The most violent troubles recently occurred in the state of Sdo Paulo. To appreciate the difficult sit- ‘uation it should be noted that, besides the native Brazilian population, one third of the population of the state of Sao Paulo is composed of Italians, numbering one million, and that there are also a large number of Germans and ‘many small colonies composed of at least a dozen other nationalities. THE STUDENT MOVEMENT The Student Movement is probably the most spectacu- lar of all the agencies attempting to revolutionize the life of South America. In the universities organization and curriculum follow French standards rather than North American. Most of the lectures are given by professional men or govern- ment officials. Consequently there is little personal con- 76 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP tact between students and professors. No roll is kept of the students; there are no campus life, no dormitories, no intercollegiate athletics, and very little of what we in the North call “college spirit.” Usually professors and students are hostile to religion, although there are, of course, notable exceptions to this general statement. Latin American students are very well organized, but — their organizations are based on the advancement of the interests of students as against the too often politically controlled direction of the institutions. The students pur- pose also thus to express forcibly their opinion on public © questions and to contribute student aid in solving social problems. The local student federations make use of two special ways to enforce their demands. They parade through the streets with banners announcing the object of their demonstration ; this is called a manifestacion. The strike, or huelga, is used as an expression of grievance against the interior administration of the school, or against the Department of Education. The dismissal of a favorite professor or the appointment of one who is considered incompetent, an unfavorable ruling or the use of too much politics in educational matters, may call forth such a strike. The combination of students and workmen is one of the most interesting social phenomena noticeable in Latin America. In 1910 students and workmen came into open conflict in the streets of Buenos Aires with serious results. To see them now working side by side for the forcing of reforms is, therefore, little less than miraculous. It is in Argentina that both the students and the workmen have carried their demands to revolutionary proportions. Stu- CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 77 dent riots and strikes have by no means been amusing pranks or diversions. They have resulted in serious fight- ing and deaths on both sides. In La Plata the police found themselves unable to handle the situation, and soldiers had to be called out. These instituted a siege of the build- ings where the students, armed with modern rifles, de- fended themselves for days. During one of the strikes a student who dared to go to his examination, was shot down in cold blood by his fellow students. In Buenos Aires the rector of the Law School, one of the best-known publicists of South America, was barricaded recently in the Law Building by students, who kept him there until he was rescued by the police reserves. As a demonstration of sympathy with the students of Cordova, the entire university student body of Argentina went on a three-days’ strike, parading the streets and call- ing long and vociferously for their rights. Following that demonstration, the Argentine University Federation was organized, and a convention was held in July, 1919, to study student problems. As a result of this move- ment the students have forced the authorities to revise the university system, at least to the extent of giving them a vote in the election of the members of the facul- ties that are to teach them. In Chile again and again students and working-men have made common cause. For example, when in 1920, there was a mobilization of government troops on the Peruvian border, the students and working-men stood to- gether in opposition to it. It was the students with the working-men in Peru who recently stood out against the Government dedicating the republic to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. - At San Marcos University is found an illustration not 78 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP only of what students are doing for reform but of what young professors—among them, often, those who have been educated in the United States—are contributing to the new day in education. Three departments have been most remarkably changed during the last few years—the library, the museum, and the gymnasium. And the best part of their development rests in the fact that in each case the renovation has been accomplished under the di- rection of a Peruvian. The gymnasium is not a development, but an entire innovation. In fact, San Marcos is today the proud pos- sessor of the only gymnasium in a state university in all South America. It is directed by a young Peruvian who was educated in the Young Men’s Christian Association College at Springfield, Massachusetts. The physical di- rector of the Association in Lima works very closely with him. The gymnasium is run on the most approved lines of college gymnasia in the United States and is adapted at the same time to the idiosyncrasies of the Latin uni- versity. There are now four hundred students enrolled in the department. Everyone must have a thorough physical examination and must follow the types of exer- cise prescribed for his peculiar case. Not only have some very remarkable physical transformations taken place, but students have been entirely re-made mentally and morally. | The reorganization of the library of San Marcos has been a most remarkable work, carried on by a young Peruvian, of part Chinese blood, who was educated at Yale University. The premature death of this brilliant student is lamented by all who knew him and all who pass through this remarkably transformed department of old San Marcos. In former days the list of works in the CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 79 library was kept in ponderous tomes with little reference to classification. If the lists were scarcely classified, much ‘less so were the books themselves. Today every book and magazine is listed and cross-referenced in up-to-date card catalogs. A large amount of fresh material has been added to the library. The Carnegie Endowment for In- ternational Peace has contributed some five thousand vol- umes of the best American literature. These are placed ‘In a separate section. The collection of magazines pub- lished in the various countries of America and Europe is one of the best to be found on the continent. In passing, it is interesting to note that in answer to the question as to what magazine was most sought after by the students, the librarian replied, La Nueva Democracia, the maga- zine published in Spanish by the Committee on Coopera- ‘tion in Latin America. _ Another side of student life in South America is shown in the New International Student Camp conducted at Piriapolis, Uruguay, by the Young Men’s Christian Asso- ciation. The governments of Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay for several years past have paid the travel- ing expenses of a part or of all the delegates going from their schools, colleges, or universities. The highest diplo- ‘matic representatives of these and other nations make official visits to the encampment and speak to the stu- dents in behalf of what the camp stands for. The Secre- tary of State for Uruguay furnished round-trip railroad tickets from his capital for all delegates to the camp. The ‘Minister of War loaned from the Army Department all tents and other needed equipment. Both these officials came in a Uruguayan cruiser to visit the camp. The lat- ter declared the camp to be making a larger contribution to international peace among the South American nations 80 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP than any other agencies now at work there. The Chilean Minister in an extensive State paper to his Government reported his observations to such good effect that urgent invitations have come from students and State to extend formal organization to Chilean students. The student delegates come to the camp largely unac- quainted with one another and with the principles to be considered. Before the ten days of Christian companion-— ship, united sport, and serious thought are ended, preju- dices are disarmed. The last evening is called “The night of the open heart,” with opportunity and an atmosphere for perfectly free expression. One law student voiced the sentiment of many by saying: “Men, I have a confession to make. When my fellow students asked me to represent them at this camp, I de- clined in anger at the thought that they should consider me willing to attend a meeting held under religious aus- pices. They pressed the invitation a third time before I accepted. My father and mother have been fighters of religion, and I have thought it my patriotic duty to do what I could against religion in my country. But I must confess that I never heard of religion as you men inter- preted it—something inside a man which makes him happy and useful. This has opened up to me a new world.” THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT Women are now coming to take prominent place in all the social movements. The first cause of the remark- able awakening of women in South America is found in the growing interest in the outside world, an interest — which all South Americans are rapidly developing. CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 81 The woman’s movement first took form in a simple coming together of the higher class women for charitable purposes under the auspices of the State Church. In countries like Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile, where the ‘woman’s movement is the strongest, they have been grad- ually developing an independence of the Church and are now found to be working out their own problems. These ‘women are more largely concerned with social better- ment, community service, the education of the poor, etc., than they are in the securing of suffrage for women, al- though the latter is the principal platform in the organi- zation of several feminist societies. Large numbers of women, heretofore prohibited from participating in the solution of great social and educa- tional problems because of their seclusive limitation to their own families and social circles, have begun to take a part in the discussion of the great surging questions stirring their nations. Many women have entered indus- trial occupations. THE TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT The temperance movement is felt in every country of Latin America at the present time, and it is especially strong in Chile, Uruguay, Argentina, Peru, and Brazil. It had reached such strong proportions in 1923 that at the Pan-American Conference held in Santiago that year, the official representatives of the American governments took cognizance of it. The Conference recommended that the governments forming the International Ameri- can Union should bring about a gradual diminishing of the consumption of alcoholic drinks until the problem of alcoholism has been finally solved. This is to be brought 82 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP about by the adoption of a policy which shall introduce: — (1) A system of progressive taxation on the traffic and sale of alcoholic drinks; of hygienic and sanitary meas- ures, fines, and penalties tending to the repression of fraud in the manufacture and sale of alcoholic drinks. (2) Measures looking toward the establishment in the public schools and colleges of compulsory teaching of hygiene, physiology, and temperance, so illustrated as to show graphically the consequences of the use of intoxi- cating liquor. (3) A study of the influence of nutrition in its relation to the consumption of alcohol. (4) A restriction of the consumption of alcoholic liq- uors by the closing of saloons on holidays and the pro- hibition of the sale of such drinks in the vicinity of © schools, workshops, and naval and military establish- ments. (5) The promotion through the cooperation of national and municipal authorities of propaganda along the line of social hygiene, demonstrating the consequences of in- — temperance, and promoting likewise the creation of anti- alcohol reformatories. SOCIAL WELFARE MOVEMENTS There has been a remarkable development in the last few years in social welfare movements throughout the continent. The increase in the number of hospitals and dispensaries and the promotion of institutions for the training of nurses have been very marked in most of the Latin American countries. The movement that most markedly arrests one’s atten- tion, however, is the movement toward child welfare that CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 83 seems to have taken root in every Latin American re- public. The Mothers’ Clubs of Buenos Aires are now celebrating a Baby Week every year. Brazil organized a child welfare exhibit in connection with the first National Congress on Child Welfare. National child welfare or- ‘ganizations have been reported in various centers in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Peru, and Ecuador, and at least in the larger cities of Colombia and Paraguay there are child welfare associations. Four international child welfare congresses have been held, the most recent in September, 1924, with the object of discussing child welfare from the standpoint of medicine, hygiene, soci- | ology, and legislation. Perhaps most attention has been given to the physical side of child welfare, as indicated by the increased number of milk stations, public dis- -pensaries, maternity clinics, and day nurseries. However, by no means all the attention has been given to this phase of child life. Public playgrounds are being established in many of the republics. Perhaps Uruguay leads in this activity, which was, in the first instance, brought about by the work of the Young Men’s Christian Association. Argentina is also well advanced in its play- ground program. The Boy Scout movement has had an unparalleled de- velopment throughout the continent. Complete statistics are not available, but according to a report at the recent international gathering of Boy Scouts in Copenhagen over thirty thousand Scouts were reported in only six of the South American republics. While the movement among girls has not been so ex- tensive, there has been in a number of the South Ameri- can republics a corresponding effort to organize girls’ clubs, such as the Camp Fire Girls, Girl Reserves, etc. 84 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP There are indications of an interest in the study of | juvenile delinquency, and some slight progress has been — made, particularly in Argentina, toward the separation of © juvenile from adult delinquents. But the movement has — not yet made appreciable headway. In a number of the republics there are special depart- — ments in the government itself charged with the promo- tion of child welfare; as, for example, in Brazil, which © maintains a government council of assistance and pro- tection to minors. Dr. Max J. Exner, after a recent visit to South Amer- ica, says: The sex social problems with which social hygiene concerns itself are found in aggravated form and extent in all South American countries which I visited. Prostitution is prevalent and deeply intrenched in all the cities visited. It is taken for granted by the public as a social necessity or at least as inevita- ble. There is as yet little conviction that it can be eliminated or greatly minimized. Venereal diseases are very prevalent. There is a high rate of illegitimacy and there is little social stigma attached to it.... In spite of this general situation, the outlook for progress toward more wholesome conditions for the future is more hope- ful than I had thought possible. This is true for the reason that in all the countries visited I found a few informed and progressive leaders who were seeing the necessity of attacking these problems on more modern and constructive lines than were being followed up to the present, and certain progressive movements, forces, and programs were found to be under way.... It is significant that the leaders of most of these countries are studying closely the programs and methods which have been de- veloped in the United States and are copying them. ... It is obvious that as a basis of real progress in bringing about more wholesome sex social conditions there needs to be an eleva- CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 85 tion of the status of womanhood in South America. In my opinion the progress of the feminist movement in these countries is one of the most important factors in the attack upon social ygiene problems... . “THE FORMATION OF A STRONG PEOPLE” The following résumé of an address by Dr. Gregorio Araoz Alfaro, one of the outstanding men of Argentina, the President of the National Department of Hygiene, is an illustration of what South Americans are thinking. _ I desire for my country only preeminence in the pacific realm of hard work, of happiness, and of culture. I desire that great- ness which is found in the perfection of beneficent hearts in a larger economic development, in the development of health and happiness in general. A country’s power is not denoted by its ‘armies and its navies. It is, above all, the result of general force in culture, in health, and in riches. Not only Argentina but all the Latin nations are in their formative period. Some of us who are more advanced have developed with a certain appearance of giants, but we are often too tall for our splendid bodies, and we are exposed to many dangers. As Alberdi once said: “South _America places all her hopes of a great future in the fertility of her soil and beauty of her climate. This is a great error. Poor soil often makes strong men because poverty obliges a man to be a son of his own efforts.” Let us not boast, then, of our great natural riches. These are not valuable in the hands of any but honorable men. Riches are not found in the soil. They are found in the men who work the soil. One of the first things that Argentina needs is a larger popu- lation. There are two things which we must study if immigra- tion is to be improved. Immigrants must be selected. Only strong and healthy people should be welcomed. The second need is a reform in our present land laws in order that the immigrant may be able to secure land. It is easy today, as in the past, to buy a thousand hectares of land, but it is almost impossible to buy four or five hectares, and this is our curse. 86 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP We need to eliminate disease. The most common is malaria. In certain periods of the year seventy, eighty, and ninety per cent of the population of some parts of the country have been attacked by malaria. This means at least the complete incapacity for work of these people for days at a time, which, calculated on the lowest basis, means a tremendous economic loss. Alcoholism and tuberculosis are other tremendous handicaps to the development of a strong nation. These bring about espe- cially infantile mortality. There are certain movements against those two forms of degeneracy which ought to have our help. Typhoid fever may be taken as a representative of a whole group of diseases which is undermining the strength of our nation. Infantile mortality, while greatly reduced in Buenos Aires, is very high in the provinces. In fact, on the average two or three times as many children die in some of those provinces as in Buenos Aires, because of a lack of sanitary provisions. We need very much a special department of the government for the pro- tection of childhood. We need also a strong educational program. In our primary education we have developed a system which gives entirely too much attention to the appearance of things, loading down the child with exaggerated courses, paying little attention to his phys- ical culture. In our desire to pay honor to certain people and to impress the foreigners, we have multiplied school palaces. And yet there are still about half a million analphabets in the city of Buenos Aires. In secondary instruction even the most optimistic recognize grave dangers. The mania for graduating doctors by the thou- sands has led to the creating of many national colleges which do not encourage the practical studies destined to create useful men of initiative. We need fewer doctors, fewer bachelors, fewer authors and orators, but many more industrial and agricultural schools, many more rural schools. The Commission on Social Movements for the Monte- video Congress closed its report with this challenge: Great social forces are at work in the South American nations. Out of the vast interplay of these forces something new in the CHANGING SOUTH AMERICA 87 world is to emerge. What shall it be? Out of the mixture of the surplus populations of the East and the West in a land prodigal 'in its natural resources and hospitable to all the sons of earth, what kind of a culture, a civilization, is to come? Will it be a _materialistic world, or will it be Christian? We do not ask so much will it be Catholic or Protestant, but will it be Christian? The Commission cannot escape the conviction that the ultimate answer to these questions will depend very much on the forces that are set in operation in these earlier, more formative years of South American development. Some definite questions that should be faced are these: “(1) How can the consciousness of their social mission be more fully impressed upon the Christian forces at work in South America? “(2) How can the Christian groups best cooperate with social _movements already operating in the different countries? (3) How can competent social workers be found and pre- _ pared for their work? Can this training be given in each coun- | try or should there be an international Faculty of Theology and _ Social Sciences? _ “(4) What can the Christian forces do in helping toward a solution of the land problem, the peonage problem, the immigra- tion problem, the labor problem, the alcoholic problem, the prob- lem of the status of women, and the problem of international _ relationships?” FOR FURTHER READING Bulletin of the Pan-American Union. “Saving of Babies in Buenos Aires.” July, 1924. “Activities of Chilean Labor Of- fice.” Sept., 1924. “The Feminist Movement in Latin America.” | (April, 1922. _ Men, Maidens and Mantillas. Stetta B. May. Century Co., New i wmork,, 1923, _ New Latin America, The. J. WarsHaw. Crowell Co., New York. — Social Revolution in Mexico, The. E. A. Ross. Century Co., | New York. 1923. _ South America Today. S. G. INMAN. Committee on Cooperation. in Latin America, New York.. 10. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION CHAPTER V . What are some of the principal reasons why North Americans and Latin Americans have so largely misunderstood one an- other in the past? Was there justification for the suspicions concerning the mo- tives of the United States that were aroused among Latin Americans following the Mexican and Spanish-American wars? - Should the Pan-American Union (a) be continued with a emphasis on commercial interchange; or (b) should it be en- larged to include political questions; or (c) should an Ameri- can League of Nations be organized? Is it advisable for the United States to send military and naval missions to Latin American countries? Should the Monroe Doctrine (a) be continued as the policy of the United States alone; or (b) should it be made a joint declaration of all American countries; or (c) should it be abandoned ? Is it wise for Latin American countries to contract loans for the payment of which they must allow foreigners to collect their customs or otherwise limit their sovereignty? Should the United States Government assist its nationals, either by diplomatic or military pressure, in collecting their claims in foreign countries? Is it necessary for the United States to assume the duty of “international police power,’ as President Roosevelt said, over the smaller countries of America? Is it right to use military force to secure treaties, as in Haiti, which give the United States the opportunity of clean- ing up that country in the way we think is needed? Are we in the grip of economic forces which compel the United States to dominate the rest of America; or can we find a way to make economic exchange the servant of spiritual forces and a way to brotherhood? V POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS _ Future historians will wonder at nothing more than the fact that we Americans have lived on this hemisphere for so many years without understanding one another. It is true that there are certain basic reasons for North American and Latin American misunderstandings. In the first place, we have a different psychology; we are a different people as far as historic background is con- | cerned, and, to a certain extent, as far as ideals are con- cerned. North Americans are predominantly Anglo- Saxons; Americans in the South are predominantly Latin. But we have this in common, that we are all look- ing forward to the day when, through the development _of our young nations, we shall become great leading demo- cratic powers in the world. This sentiment in the early days united North and South America. | _ When the Latin Americans won their independence from Spain, they looked to the United States as their example. Most of them practically copied our Constitu- tion. They referred to us as the “great sister nation of the North” and as the “great model republic of the world.” Simon Bolivar called the first conference of American nations to meet at Panama in 1826 for the for- mation of a League of Nations. Our own Henry Clay _also saw the great necessity of uniting all American coun- tries. This spirit of friendship went forward until the Mexican War. When, after this war, the United States came into possession of nearly half of Mexico’s territory, _a feeling of suspicion spread over Latin America concern- 89 : 90 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP ing what they had heretofore believed to be our idealism. However, during our Civil War we perceived the very | : great danger that any republic might be parted asunder — and became, therefore, more sympathetic with the Latin Americans, who had suffered so acutely from internal — difficulties. In 1889 Secretary of State Blaine called to- — gether the first Pan-American Conference. The next important epoch in relations between the — United States and Latin America was the Spanish- — American War. That war made the United States a © world power. It also gave us predominant influence in — the Caribbean. The war, of course, was undertaken for the purpose of freeing Cuba from Spain. When that was accomplished, we withdrew our forces from Cuba, — after having pressed upon them the Platt Amendment. — This amendment gave the United States the right to in- | tervene when it was considered necessary in the affairs of Cuba, and it prohibited that country from increasing its © foreign debt or transferring any territory without the per- — mission of the United States. From this we soon acquired the habit of intervening in — the affairs of these small Caribbean countries “for pro- — tection of life and property.” The building of the © Panama Canal added the strategic reason to the ever-in- — creasing commercial reasons for this dominance. Then — came the World War, which increased enormously both — the strategic and commercial reasons for the United — States’ control of this region. The War also changed very markedly our relations to many countries of South America that had been securing their capital largely from Europe, for after hostilities began, they were compelled — to borrow from the United States. While during the War the idealism of the United States POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 91 raised the stock of this country immensely in Latin America and seemed destined to heal many of the sore ‘spots felt by those countries, the lapse of the United | States after the War into a spirit of isolation and exag- -gerated nationalism at the same time that it increased so largely its financial and political influence in the southern countries, has placed again in the very forefront of in- ternational questions our relations with Latin America. _ This most pressing of our governmental relations may be discussed under four heads: (1) Pan-American Con- ferences; (2) The Monroe Doctrine; (3) Inter-Ameri- can Finances; (4) Hegemony of the United States. } PAN-AMERICAN CONFERENCES The first Pan-American Conference had as its prime object the development of the commercial relations be- tween the American countries. The one practical result of that conference was the organization of what was then called “The Bureau of American Republics,” which was later expanded into the Pan-American Union. The sole object of this bureau at first was the promotion of com- mercial relations. But in the agenda for the last Con- ference, held at Santiago, Chile, in 1923, Latin America insisted that there should be included such important questions as an American League of Nations, a definition of America’s attitude toward extra-continental powers (a joint declaration of the Monroe Doctrine), etc. The ‘Latin Americans have few trademarks to register, few in- ternational claims to collect, few books to copyright, but they do have their sovereignty to protect, their relations ‘to Europe as well as to North America to define, and problems between themselves to settle. 92 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP The outstanding victories of the Conference were in — three subjects—International American Law, Hygiene, — and Social Questions. In the first two a distinct pro- gram was worked out. In the third, the Conference called for studies concerning the problems of women and | labor and for their representation in future conferences, and made certain recommendations with regard to agri- culture, education, and anti-alcoholism. Thus, social questions have been definitely incorporated in the program of Pan-Americanism. During the entire Santiago meeting two views of the | purposes of the Pan-American movement seemed to be struggling against each other: one was desirous of main- taining the status quo of the Pan-American Union, re- garding it as primarily for the promotion of business re- lations, while the other desired to enlarge the movement to function in settling Inter-American problems and to promote cultural, social, and political cooperation between © all American countries. The first indication that the Latin Americans would not be satisfied with the old arrangements was the pro- posal made by Costa Rica, that the members of the gov- erning board of the Pan-American Union be appointed by the member States, leaving them free to name either — their ministers in Washington, as now provided, or other | representatives if they desired. The United States dele- gation opposed this. A final compromise on the subject was reached after some three weeks of struggle. It was provided that the governing board shall be composed of the diplomatic representatives of the American States in Washington and the Secretary of State of the United States, but that any country not having a diplomatic rep- resentative in Washington may appoint a special repre- POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 93 sentative to the Pan-American Union. The full signifi- cance of this proposal is not appreciated unless it is taken ‘in connection with another, made also by Costa Rica, which called for the organization of an American Court of Justice. Thus a complete machinery for handling American questions would be created, with the Pan- American conferences as the legislative body, the Pan- American Union as the executive, and the American : Court of Justice as the judicial branch. Besides the enlargement of the Pan-American Union, another way was proposed to bind the American na- tions together in a closer union. President Brum of ‘Uruguay advocated an American League of Nations. Just as the United States had opposed the Costa Rican proposals, so it now frowned upon this. It was finally referred to the Pan-American Union, to be reported on at the next conference, which will meet in Havana, probably in 1927. _ Another important question considered at Santiago was the limitation of armaments. The failure to agree on dis- ‘armament caused bad feeling between Argentina and Brazil, and the former began immediately to improve her ‘army and navy in order to equal Brazil’s program. The presence in Brazil of a large naval mission from the United States was strongly criticized by Argentina. In this connection, the New York Evening Post said editorially : _ “Argentina’s law for the expenditure of 100,000,000 gold pesos upon military armaments, promulgated by President de Alvear the other day, follows legislation for ‘strengthening the Argentine navy passed a few months ago. No one has any doubt as to the reason for these appropriations. A great new barracks system is to be 94 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP erected along the northern frontier of Argentina, facing the thirty thousand Brazilian troops which are posted opposite the Argentine province of Corrientes. The pol- icy of Argentina has been peaceful, and she vigorously advocated disarmament at the Santiago conference. To her, $98,000,000 is an enormous sum, for her total esti- mated revenues under the 1922 budget were only $225,- 000,000, and left a deficit. She would not take the step unless she were alarmed by the action of Brazil... . . “Tt is high time that this naval mission was recalled. The United States should not only correct the blunder, but make its repetition impossible by asking South Americans to agree with us to call in no foreign missions of the kind whatever.” In Argentina the press and people were much stirred by the Naval Mission, believing, as La Prensa said: “What Brazil has secured with the official United States mission is that South America, especially the River Plate countries, which inspire the Brazilian naval policy, know that Brazil can count on the decided moral aid of the United States, which Brazil calls her ‘old and loyal friend.’ This moral authority has been indisputably given, and it strengthens Brazilian militarization, both within Brazil and abroad.” An Argentine lawyer, Dr. Enrique Gil, writing in Our © World (October, 1923) under the title, “Is Uncle Sam Fomenting a New War?” said: “In the case of the Ar-— gentine-Brazilian controversy over disarmament, a certain — act of the United States has unwittingly become the key- stone of the situation. In December, 1922, the United States sent to Brazil, in addition to the commission al- — ready detailed there, a mission of sixteen commissioned ; 4 q : : and nineteen non-commissioned officers of the navy. The | : . ; POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 95 opportunity was seized immediately by those unfriendly to the United States. The major charge was that of in- , consistency. You have Mr. Hughes, on the one hand, preaching peace and disarmament to the big powers, and on the other fostering an unfortunate rivalry between Argentina and Brazil. Many critics further argued: Does the United States expect that the sending of such a ‘mission to Brazil will reduce the size of that country’s navy? Is it not likely that American manufacturers of arms will be favored with orders from a new and willing customer ? _ “Many who justify Washington say that if Argentina wishes, the United States could send her just as good a ‘mission. But they miss the point, because they do not relieve the United States of the charges either of incon- sistency or of using a commission to foster the interests of the manufacturers of arms. . . . Those who know the understanding between the United States and England regarding American affairs believe that had Washington been in earnest in extending the benefits of disarmament to the South Atlantic, it would have been a relatively easy matter to present to England the true facts and to secure her deferring any action.” _ Secretary Hughes defended the sending of the Mission, saying: “Tn response to the request of Brazil, we sent them our naval mission. It was a request which could not well hhave been refused, or the refusal of which would not have precluded a similar mission from elsewhere. If such a mission were to be had, there was no reason why we should not furnish it; not that our influence should be thrown in the direction of competition in armament or in the stirring up of strife, but, decidedly to the contrary, 96 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP that our influence should be most helpful in avoiding waste and provocative outlays and in having necessary training conducted in accord with the aims of peace. The influence of the United States is always exerted to that end and this, despite the efforts of those who would stir up anti-American sentiment, is fully realized in Latin America. We acted in connection with the request from Brazil as we should act in response to a similar request from any other country. While I cannot fail to express regret that at the recent conference at Santiago some provision was not made for the limitation of armament, the subject should be viewed in its true light and the mat- ter should not be distorted or its importance exaggerated.” The United States delegation to the Santiago Confer- ence made a favorable report to its government as to the accomplishments of the Santiago Conference. Therefore, at this time, Dr. Estaneslao Zeballo, former Minister of Foreign Affairs in Argentina created a sensation by an address made at the Institute of Politics at Williamstown, - Mass., in which he declared, among other things, the fol- lowing: “What occurred in Santiago and the inexact, the in- complete, exaggeratedly optimistic report made to the Government of the United States demands a rectification in the interest of Pan-Americanism which today is facing — a profound crisis. ... The Conference has perturbed : the tranquillity of the situation in general and especially — among certain groups like the Rio de la Plata group. . . - Do the good people of the United States know these © things which so profoundly affect their interests? ... The United States has a great mission in favor of Pan- American friendship, but the government must reorganize its work on another basis, taking into account the discon- ROLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 97 tent which exists in the greater part of the Latin Ameri- can countries.” The Santiago Conference put up to the United States _the biggest program in Pan-Americanism that this coun- try has ever faced. But the United States delegation at Santiago was opposed to this program. It was Latin _ America who pushed an American League of Nations, an American Court of Justice, an American Labor Bureau, a codification of American International Law, and a con- tinentalizing of the Monroe Doctrine. These matters were all referred to the Pan-American Union and therefore to the American governments. The Latin Americans left Santiago with the firm determina- tion that the Pan-American Union should not be the graveyard of these subjects, but that it would be forced to a real consideration of them, and that the North _American people themselves should pronounce on the fol- lowing questions: Is this negative policy toward all ma- -chinery for political cooperation, for the adjustment of disputes, and for the solution of the larger Inter-Ameri- can problems representative of the sentiment of the ma- jority of the people of the United States? Are they opposed to an American League of Nations? Are they opposed to an American Court of Justice? Are they op- posed to the arbitration of pecuniary claims? Are they opposed to any cooperative declaration concerning the Monroe Doctrine, claiming that it is entirely unilateral? Do they really wish to dominate the Pan-American Union? These questions Latin America is insistently asking. _ Opponents of an American League of Nations or to the Pan-American Union exist in Latin America as well as 98 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP in the United States, but for opposite reasons. A move- ment for the formation of a Latin American League has been given new impetus by such leaders as Dr. José Ingenieros of Buenos Aires, who began the publication of a paper for its advocacy; by Dr. Alfredo Palacios of the University of La Plata, who lectured at universities in Mexico and South America on the subject; and by Sr. José Vasconcelos, Minister of Education in Mexico. This movement is largely sponsored by the intellectuals. Regarding it Dr. Alfredo Palacios says: “My attitude is frankly one of opposition toward the Pan-American movement; because I know that in a uniom of that sort the weak and separated peoples of South America must become the satellites and servants... . The only salvation for these democracies of the South lies in the mutual identity of race and their inevitable unity in destiny, thus bringing about a confederation of all of them to constitute a great power, like the Republic — of the North, with which it might deal thus, in analogous © conditions.” In reviewing these questions in the magazine, Nosotros, (Oct. 1922), Dr. José Ingenieros, the most widely read author of Argentina, said: ““We do not desire to be, nor could we continue being, Pan-Americanist. The famous Monroe Doctrine which appeared for a century to be our guarantee of political independence against European conquest has revealed itself gradually as a right of the North Americans to intervene in our affairs. The power-— ful neighbor has developed to the highest extent the ré- gime of capitalistic protection. .. . “Let us make it clear that we are citing facts without - condemning their authors. We are not slandering or scoffing at the North Americans. The danger of the POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 99 United States does not come from her inferiority, but from her superiority. She is to be feared because she is great, rich, and strenuous. The thing that interests us is the possibility of our balancing her power in order that the independence and sovereignty of our nationalities shall be saved.” The great question facing America is, what is the best form of Inter-American political organization in order - to bring about the best results for all the continent? Or is it better to have none except the present loosely or- _ ganized Pan-American Union, devoted largely to com- _ mercial exchange? NEW PHASES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE The declaration by the United States delegation at the Santiago Conference that the Monroe Doctrine was uni- lateral, and the celebration on December 2, 1923, of the one-hundredth anniversary of the pronouncement of the Doctrine, were the signal for a widespread discussion of the meaning of the Doctrine, both in the United States and in Latin America. An epitome of the two different _ points of view is brought out well by the two following _ quotations. Secretary of State Hughes, speaking on the Monroe Doctrine before the American Bar Association, at Minne- _apolis, in October, 1923, said: We have established a waterway between the Atlantic and _ Pacific Oceans—the Panama Canal. Apart from obvious com- mercial considerations, the adequate protection of this canal—its complete immunity from any adverse control—is essential to our | peace and security. We intend in all circumstances to safeguard the Panama Canal. We could not afford to take any different 100 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP position with respect to any other waterway that may be built between the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans... . As the policy embodied in the Monroe Doctrine is distinctly the policy of the United States, the Government of the United States reserves to itself its definition, interpretation, and applica- tion. This implies neither suspicion nor estrangement. It simply means that the United States is asserting a separate national right to self-defense, and that in the exercise of this right it must have an unhampered discretion. So far as the region of the Caribbean Sea is concerned, it may be said that if we had no Monroe Doctrine, we should have to create one, and this is not to imply any limitation on the scope of the Doctrine as originally proclaimed and as still maintained, but simply to indicate that new occasions require new applica- tions of an old principle which remains completely effective. Among many answers to these words of Mr. Hughes, an article by the Venezuelan publicist, Jesus Semprum, published by a number of the leading Latin American magazines, stated: The Monroe Doctrine is as abstruse as elastic. The proof of it is that today Secretary Hughes, instead of giving a precise and definite interpretation, desired by all Central and South Amer- ica, has given an elasticity and a mysterious character more amplified and threatening than ever. General opinion is that the unexpected declarations of Mr. Hughes are due to the recrudes- cence of lack of confidence and prejudices of the other American republics in recent times, above all since the Santiago Conference. So the declaration of Secretary Hughes evidently indicates that the White House has felt so much irritation because of the failure of the Santiago Conference that it has renounced its moderation and the apparent sweetness of diplomacy and has resolved to assume once for all the truculent attitude of the big man of the neighborhood who, club in hand, cries out for the benefit of his neighbors his insolent intentions. If, in tropical America, there were a powerful nation, conscious POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS - 101 of its duties, of its situation, and of its dangers, Mr. Hughes’ discourse would inevitably plant a casus belli. For that which Mr. Hughes declares so openly, in precise and significant lan- - guage, without leaving the least doubt, is that the United States _ will intervene as sovereign in the rest of America and especially in the Caribbean region whenever it so desires; that whenever they like, they will occupy by force American territories which they desire; they will enforce on other peoples the necessary _ obedience to carry out their own designs, to foment their own interests, and to impose their unquestionable economic and po- litical sovereignty in the New World. _ It is not possible to interpret in any other way the declaration that the only judge of the rights of the United States in America _ in relation to the large number of neighboring nations is the United _ States itself, LOANS TO LATIN AMERICA Before the World War the United States was a debtor nation to the extent of about three and a half billion dol- lars. But now the figures are entirely reversed. The United States Government reports that at the end of 1923 American investments abroad exclusive of war loans were eight billion dollars. Another billion dollars was loaned to foreign governments in 1924, and financiers estimate that this will be an average for the next ten years at least. Even in little Cuba our investments are now amounting to the enormous sum of $1,360,000,000, a little more than the United States’ investments in Mex- ico. This means that we are becoming the bankers of the world. Today we go out frankly and necessarily from the economic standpoint to battle with the rest of the world for world markets. We need the raw products that less developed countries have in order to carry on our immense industrial civilization. 102 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP In June, 1924, the Department of Commerce announced that “there are 610,000,000 American dollars invested in Latin American public securities and $3,150,000,000 more in Latin American industries. Besides this great amount, we did a trade with Latin America last year (1923) amounting to $1,844,000,000.” Among these recent loans which have involved criticism are those to Haiti, $15,- 000,000; to Bolivia, $24,000,000; to Cuba, $50,000,000 ; to El Salvador, $6,000,000; to Peru, $7,000,000. The Haitian loan, arranged through the Department of State, was protested by the Haitian-Dominican Independence Society as illegal because it was based on “military in- vasion of United States military forces, . . . imposition | of Treaty through ‘military pressure’ (words of Admiral Caperton), etc.” As to the Cuban loan, the bankers an- nounced it was “issued with the acquiescence of the United States Government” and press dispatches re- ported, that “while the executive department of the Cuban Government in trying to straighten out its finances was considering a foreign loan, most of the Havana papers charged that American financiers were attempting to force on Cuba another $15,000,000 obligation in order to bring the country completely under their control, open the way to fiscal intervention, and place the island in the same category as Haiti, Santo Domingo, Nicaragua, and Panama. Party leaders of both houses of the Cuban Con- gress were greatly opposed to the loan, denouncing it as ‘another link in the golden chain binding Cuba to the chariot of the United States.” (New York Times, July 15, 1922.) The Bolivian loan not only pledged customs to pay the loan, but put the collection of all the taxes and revenues POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 103 of the country under the supervision of a Fiscal Com- mission of three persons, two of whom are North Ameri- cans, representatives of the bankers. The Salvadorian loan provided for the collection of the customs by an American agent of the. New York bankers, and the referring of any differences between the _ lender and the borrower to the Secretary of State of the United States, who, in turn, agreed to refer the question for final arbitration to a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. The bankers in advertising the loan stated: “Tt is simply not thinkable that, after a Federal Judge has decided any question or dispute between the bond holders and the Salvador Government, the United States - Government should not take the necessary steps to sustain such decision. There is a precedent in a dispute between Costa Rica and Panama, in which a warship was sent to carry the verdict of the arbitrators.” (The Nation, Vol. 117, No. 3042.) United States citizens, either government officials or representatives of bankers, are now collecting revenues in Santo Domingo, Haiti, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Peru, and Bolivia. North American financial advisers are per- manently employed or financial missions have recently visited Cuba, Panama, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Colombia, Ecuador, and Chile. While no one could question the splendid, scientific service rendered by many North American specialists who are giving disinterested help along these lines, neither can one ignore the increasing expressions of fear by experienced people both in this country and abroad as to the dangers to international peace involved in this tremendous control over other nations. 104 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP At the Institute of Politics at Williamstown, Mass., August 18, 1924, there was a discussion concerning for- eign loans, reported by the New York Times the next day as follows: Mr. Strauss discussed the various requirements insisted upon by bankers making foreign loans. He said that in some cases the political instability of the borrowing Government made it abso- lutely necessary to make the collection of revenue by a foreign collector generally appointed by or with the approval of the lenders. He admitted that small nations disliked this require- ment more than any others. Critics in this country, Mr. Strauss declared, should recognize that underlying all participation, direct and indirect, of the United States Government in such agree- ments was the necessity imposed on the United States by the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine. “If European nations are to respect our policy, which keeps them from applying physical force to recalcitrant debtors in the Americas,” he said, “they will naturally expect us to see that the engagements of such debtors are met, and our Government must, therefore, in appropriate cases, be prepared to assume re- sponsibilities to that end or be content to let foreign Governments apply such pressure as they see fit in their own way. ‘This neces- sity involved theoretical contradictions between our party plat- forms and the stern facts of an actual situation. On the whole, our Government has sustained this dual part with some tact and some firmness, and always for the benefit of the country in question.” In dealing with American bankers’ loans to Latin America, Dr. Rowe urged that such loans be subject to Government control and conform to standards designed to prevent irritation and mis- understandings between private parties; for if the conditions of the loan were onerous, it was inevitable that the Latin American masses would view the exactions as those of the people of the United States. He advocated that every such loan be submitted to this Government for careful scrutiny of its terms. In taking issue with Dr. Rowe, Mr. Crosby said that as bankers went into this business, they would learn to guard against the POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 105 dangers cited, and that neither investors nor reputable bankers would want to have anything to do with the kind of loans Dr. Rowe feared. _ “Among the arguments against governmental control of foreign loans,” Mr. Crosby went on, “was the danger of an indirect icontrol by the United States Government over Latin American countries borrowing from American bankers.” Mr. Crosby joined Dr. Rowe in taking issue with Mr. Strauss’ statement that this 'Government should help collect debts from Latin America for the European investor. The Christian Century (June 25, 1925) says: _ The world owes us some twenty billion dollars. If we should endeavor to increase our holdings in foreign enterprises for another decade, it is quite within the range of possibility that America would become the most feared and envied and therefore the most hated nation of the world. ... All this may outrage the good American citizen who cannot understand why nations should hate us just because we are good enough to lend them money. But this naive attitude of the average citizen is precisely what makes the whole situation so ominous. ...It simply shows that we are in the precarious position of exerting more power than we know we possess and exerting it through the logic of economic law and not by the free decision of public opinion. WHAT LATIN AMERICANS THINK Latin American papers are filled with dark forebodings because of these ever-increasing loans. As Jesus Semprum says in a widely copied article: Today the principal arm of imperialism in capitalistic America is the loan, its accompanying technical mission, collector of cus- toms, and the consequent direct intervention of foreigners in the domestic business of the debtor. These weak states know this and yet they continue to solicit loans from the bankers. It is said that these loans are indispensable for the exploitation of the 106 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP natural riches of the country. Yet many of these countries are poorer than they have been before the loans were made. The United States Senate has recently taken cognizance of the growing relationships between the United States Government and loans made by our bankers to Latin America and, following addresses by Senator Borah and others, Senator Ladd introduced a bill (December -2, 1924) providing that United States Government officials be prohibited from (1) “engaging the responsibility of the Government of the United States to supervise fulfillment of financial arrangements between citizens of the United States and foreign governments or (2) giving official rec- ognition to any arrangement which may commit the Gov- ernment of the United States to military intervention in order to compel the observance of alleged obligations, or to deal with any such arrangement, except to secure settle- ment of claims through ordinary channels of law.” ‘This bill is still pending. HEGEMONY OF UNITED STATES The fact that the United States is richer and stronger than all the other countries of America combined neces- sarily gives her a predominant influence on this continent. Secretary of State Olney stated the extreme conception of this when he said, “The United States is practically sovereign on this continent.” President Roosevelt prob- ably stated a more widely accepted view when he said that the Monroe Doctrine forces, in cases of “chronic wrong doing or impotence in America, the exercise of an international police power.” In support of this idea the United States has, since the Spanish-American War, sent POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 107 military forces for brief or protracted occupation to Cuba, Santo Domingo, Haiti, Nicaragua, Panama, Honduras, Guatemala, and Mexico. Of the various Latin American countries occupied by fmilitary forces of the United States, more data is availa- ble about Haiti than about the others because of an in- vestigation made by the United States Senate. During a revolution in Haiti in 1915, that country was occupied by the military forces of the United States. The United States Senate Investigating Committee in acknowledging that the United States authorities had forced an unwilling treaty on Haiti, said: “The American representatives in the opinion of your committee influenced the majority of the Assembly in the choice of a president. Later they exercised pressure to induce the ratification by Haiti of a treaty with the United ‘States, precisely as the United States had exercised pres- sure to induce the incorporation of the Platt Amendment in the Constitution of Cuba.” The following official dispatches indicate some of the means employed to secure the signature of the treaty, along with special privileges to the United States and a new constitution giving Americans the right to hold prop- erty, a right which Haitians withheld and were still op- posed to granting. The Senate Investigating Committee report shows that Admiral Caperton, in charge of the United States forces landed in Haiti, cabled Washington as follows: “Successful negotiation of treaty is predominant part of present mission. After encountering many difficulties, treaty situation at present looks more favorable than usual. This has been effected by the exercising of mili- tary pressure at propitious moment in negotiations.” 108 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP The Haitians continued to resist strongly acquiescence to the treaty, however, so Secretary Daniels cabled the following to Admiral Caperton: “Call on President Dartiguenave before the session of Senate which will pass upon ratification of treaty and re- quest that you be permitted to appear before that meet- ing to make a statement to the President and to mem- ' bers of the Cabinet. On your own authority state the following before these officers: ‘I have the honor to in- form the President of Haiti and the members of his Cabinet that I am personally gratified that public senti-— ment continues favorable to the treaty; that there is a strong demand from all classes for immediate ratification and that the treaty will be ratified Thursday. Jl am sure that you gentlemen will understand my sentiment in this matter, and I am confident if the treaty fails of ratifica- tion that my Government has intention to retain control in Haiti until the desired end is accomplished, and that it will forthwith proceed to the complete pacification of Haiti so as to insure internal tranquillity necessary to such development of the country and its industry.’ ” In a message from General Eli K. Cole to the Secre- tary of the Navy, June 17, 1916, showing the difficulty of substituting the constitution proposed by the United States, which would give Americans the right to hold property, for one which Haitians proposed, denying this right, he said: “Antagonism National Assembly to foreign ownership of land such that no endeavor short of dissolution will prevent passage Constitution along lines reported my 13107.” On June 18, General Cole notified Washington: ‘Un- less contrary instructions received, if necessary to prevent POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 109 passage proposed Constitution, I intend dissolve National Assembly, through President, if possible, otherwise di- rect.’* In reply the Navy Department vested General Cole “with full discretionary power.” The next day General Butler, acting under instructions from General Cole, dis- solved the Assembly. The Haitian newspapers were or- dered strictly by General Cole to omit all comment on this action. A debate in the United States Senate, as reported in the Congressional Record of January 21, 1925 (pp. 2269- 72) gives an insight into both sides of the question about whether this increasing intervention in the affairs of Latin America ought to continue or not. The following are abstracts : Mr. Oppre. The intervention of the United States into the in- ternal affairs of the Republic of Haiti in July, 1915, was unavoid- able. The President of Haiti had been brutally murdered, his government overthrown, and the steadying presence of a foreign military force was imperatively necessary. Obviously there was only one foreign State that should, in view of the international understandings in force over that region, land troops—the United States. The intervention of the United States was fully justified and was undertaken as a matter of duty. Mr. President, this morning (January 21, 1925) the Washington Post carried an editorial which gives a very clear and concise history of the occupation of Haiti, as follows: The “Invasion” of Haiti “When American marines took over the island in 1915, condi- tions were fast relapsing into savagery in the interior country, while on the coast the breakdown of the native government left the population open to a reign of terror. The United States authorities first restored order and made it safe for an unarmed 110 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP person to appear in public. By vigorous rule they instilled some- thing of respect for person and property into the better-clas Haitian. “They then invited the native officials from the old régime to sit in with them while they organized a government. They passed laws and explained to the Haitians what these meant. They built or helped to build schools. They established hospitals | and taught native ‘doctors’ the principles of medicine and surgery. They built roads into the wilderness of the interior and routed out the bloodthirsty bandits who haunted the forests. They sterilized pest districts and disinfected polluted waters. “They took over the native constabulary, drilled it, armed it, and organized it into an effective military body with a patriotic morale. They preached through it the necessity that Haitians should love their country, obey their government, and protect helpless foreigners. Finally, they reorganized the finance and commerce of the island. “Should the United States have done all this or not? There can be no doubt about it. Under the obligations of the Monroe Doctrine, supplemented by the Root corollary wherein this Gov- ernment formally recognized the duty to remove conditions in — Latin America which might give cause for European intervention, — this country faced an unescapable task.” The Haitian people are better off a thousand times because of our occupation than they had been for over a hundred years. They had revolution after revolution and changes in their form of government innumerable until our occupation in 1915. Since then there has been peace and security; the people have been able to cultivate their little tracts of land and raise livestock in se- curity; and they have confidence in us. ... Mr. King. ... With all due respect to the Senator, I venture | to assert that the record will not support all of the positions which he has taken, and I cannot assent to the conclusions which he has reached... . The Senator states that we have been actuated by “humani- tarian motives” in our occupation of the island. Mr. President, that is always the plea of the strong nation when it oppresses the weak. Haiti does not belong to the United States. It is inhabited by people who are different from the great majority of POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 111 this Republic. They want their independence.... The Haitian people have at times had bad and vicious rulers, and injustices have been perpetrated for which no defense can be made. The | same may be said of other nations... . We had no right to invade Haitian territory, and we certainly had no right to impose-a hard and cruel treaty upon the Haitian people under which we have claimed the right to occupy the Haitian state and control the government which we established. The Senator said there was an international understanding. What governments had the right to join with the United States in an “agreement” to place Haiti under the dominion of the United States? The Monroe Doctrine, Mr. President, may not be perverted and used as a pretext to justify aggression by our Government or the infringement of the sovereign rights of states upon the Western Hemisphere. The misinterpretation of the Monroe Doctrine has been the occasion of anxieties and fears upon the part of some of our Latin neighbors. It is important that it be justly and properly interpreted, otherwise it will be a recurring cause of offense and a haunting specter threatening the amicable relations which should exist between this Republic and the Republics to the south of us. The Senator says that the Haitian people are a thousand times better off now than before the United States sent its military forces to the island. I do not know the standard adopted by the Senator to measure their progress from the low and degraded position which he attributes to them at the time of American occupation and the high state of felicity which he would have us believe they now enjoy under the military control of the United States. Does he mean that their feelings toward the United States are more friendly now than before? Does he mean they are better off financially or physically? Mr. President, I think the Senator did not speak in terms of moderation. There are many Haitians of culture devoted to their country who are competent to hold high official position and discharge with fidelity the duties which such positions would entail. I frankly admit that neither they nor others within the Haitian state could give the Haitian people as progressive and as liberal 112 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP a form of government as that which we enjoy, or which may be found in many other countries in the world. But whatever government they maintain would be their own. Every act of conquest has been accompanied by pious protesta- tions upon the part of the conquering nation, that it sought the ~ physical and moral well-being of the subjugated people. In my opinion, our duty is clear. We should announce to the people of Haiti that on the first of July we shall withdraw from the island. Mr. Oppiz. Mr. President, if the Senator from Utah will exam- ine the records of the Navy Department proceedings during 1915, at the time the occupation started, he will find, I think, an answer to his question in regard to the international understanding. The French and German forces were there at the start. It is a well- known fact that if the United States had not acted, one of the foreign nations would have taken charge of Haitian finances, their customs and revenues, in a very short time. Mr. Kine. Mr. President, I shall not ask for a division, because I know the temper of the Senate. I shall not say the Senate is imperialistic. That would be unparliamentary. It might be untrue. I shall say, however, with due respect to my colleagues, that I think they fail to appreciate the great opportunity which we have in this particular instance to emphasize the high pur- — poses of this Government. I think we are losing an opportunity to bring to the United States the friendship and the love of the Latin American republics. Mr. Bruce. I should like to ask the Senator whether he can recall just how many of the rulers of Haiti have died peacefully © in their own beds? Mr. Kinc. Many of the Haitian Presidents were assassinated. I believe that if we should withdraw from the island there would be sporadic outbreaks, factional strife, and possible revolution. Revolutions, even though they have been accompanied by blood- shed and often by atrocities and assassinations, have been struck at autocratic government and have laid the foundations of more liberal government, though such foundations have been laid in blood. Even in our own Republic, dedicated to liberty, there was a mighty conflict, appalling in its magnitude, which destroyed hundreds of thousands of the flower of American manhood and POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 113 mposed financial burdens upon the people which persist even intil this day. ... Mr. Bruce. I should like to ask the Senator how many roads there were in Haiti when the American occupation took place. My information is that there was nothing there but bridle yaths.... Mr. Kine. I concede that the roads were limited, ... that many of the Haitian rulers were cruel and imposed upon the people anjust laws which deprived many of them of their liberty. But conceding all that and more, I still insist that the United States las no right to control the Haitian people by military force... . Mr. Bruce. I assume that the point of view of the Senator is that it is much better for Haitians to be free than civilized. Mr. Kine. I want the Haitians both free and civilized and free- dom and civilization will the sooner be realized if they are not geld under the control of another power. ...If they are not sivilized, how long will it take us to civilize them? Shall we remain until they reach the standards of civilization which fas- idious Americans prescribe? . I am pleading only for the right of self-government, for the “ight of the people, whether white or black, to have their own freedom in their own way, to work out their own problems, iwnafraid and undeterred by the power and might of a great aation. This Nation has not been made the policeman for the The National Catholic Welfare Council recently made in investigation of conditions in Haiti and recommends is follows: The United States Government should close the door it has ypened in Haiti to the establishment there of a network of Amer- can owned plantations through which Haitian small farm owners will be turned into peons and day laborers. It should do all ossible to retain and extend ownership by Haitian farmers of the land they till, American influence in other West Indian slands has meant the growth of the plantation system and the radual expropriation of the people’s land, says the report. The 114 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP masses of the people are changed into landless, low-paid laborers © and peons, working on plantations that are owned principally by Americans. It is declared that this same process has been begun in Haiti since the occupation through permission laws which © the American Government dictated and through the establishment of plantations in sugar, pineapples, and cotton by Americans. Be-— cause the plantation system has only begun in Haiti, there is time yet for another policy to be pursued successfully. The United States can change the policy it initiated. It still holds its power ‘ over the Haitian Government. | SOME HOPEFUL MOVEMENTS ‘ Several important recent actions by the United States Government have shown a desire to better Pan-American relations. Foremost among these was the withdrawal of the Marines from Santo Domingo and the announcement of their withdrawal from Nicaragua, where improved financial conditions had enabled the Government to buy back the railroad and the national bank. Negotiations for the withdrawal of the Marines from Santo Domingo were begun by President Wilson, but agreement on terms was not then reached. However, in the summer of 1923, a provisional government, agreeable to the heads of the three leading political parties, was set. up, and in March, 1924, a permanent president and con- gress were elected. This was part of the plan agreed upon by the two countries, which also called for the rati- fication of most of the acts of the United States Military Government which had ruled the country since 1916, and the continuance of the collection of the customs by United States officials. The gradual adoption, after much discussion, of the various peace pacts proposed by the Second Central POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 115 American Peace Conference, held in Washington in the fall of 1922, also produced numerous favorable results. The Tacna and Arica dispute, the Alsace-Lorraine question of South America, which had been presented to the League of Nations to arbitrate, was referred to Presi- dent Harding when the Monroe Doctrine prevented ac- tion by the League. Both Chile and Peru presented their arguments in good spirit before the President, and this resulted—at least before the decision has been rendered— in a better feeling among all concerned. The decision rendered calls for a plebiscite of the inhabitants of these provinces, and General Pershing left the United States on July 20, 1925, to preside at such a voting. The recognition of Mexico by the United States, Au- gust 30, 1923, held up for three years because of Ameri- can property questions, caused a distinct relief all through Latin America. The prompt adoption by the United States Senate of the conventions signed at the Santiago Conference was no doubt significant of our desire to gain the good-will of Latin America. Four of these conventions were com- mercial, applying to bettering relations as to customs, trade marks, etc. The fifth was the treaty proposed by Sr. Gondra of Paraguay, providing for a commission of inquiry to be set up when any two nations of America might find themselves in disagreement, with the promise that they would delay at least a year before beginning hostilities. A number of important Pan-American conferences were held during 1924: in May the Pan-American Con- ference on Electrical Communication, in Mexico City; in October, the Pan-American Child Welfare Conference, in Santiago; in November, the Pan-American Sanitary Con- 116 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP ference, in Havana; in December, the Pan-American Scientific Congress, in Lima. Besides representative North American delegations attending these gatherings, a number of commercial delegations have visited Latin America—the most important being one to Mexico in October. Also United States government officials, for example, Secretary of Labor Davis and General Persh- ing, have gone on special missions of courtesy and investi- gation. Secretary of State Hughes took occasion to set down several times during the period under review his assur- ance that Pan-American relations have been greatly im- proved, regretting the “hopeless twist of mind of those who accuse us of cherishing an imperialistic policy.” Speaking at the Republican State Convention of New York on April 16, 1924, he reviewed recent events and added: “In short, during the last three years, we have been able to convince the Governments and the peoples of the American Continent, not only by our declarations, but by outstanding example, that ours is a Government respect- ful of their rights, as well as regardful of our own, and that we are always willing to join with them in the furtherance of those larger purposes of international right and fair dealing upon which, in the last analysis, the peace and progress of the entire continent must depend.” Is Mr. Hughes right or is the other view, expressed by so many others, right? A widely known North American who has lived and traveled in Latin America for twenty-five years recently wrote the author: “My last year in South America was embittered by just such suspicions among the people and expressed in the newspapers. We ‘Yankees’ are not liked in Latin | | | | POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 117 America, but worse than that, we are feared and sus- pected. . . . The United States is, blindly and not of de- liberate policy—Fate, let’s call it, advancing by material- ‘istic imperialism. I see no way to a successful opposi- tion. The path is that of Rome, and Spain, final crash— when, let us hope, there will come what I may call a real spiritual democracy. But you and I cannot hope to live to see it!” Are we, then, in the grip of a cold economic law? Do we not believe that spiritual forces are superior to ma- terial forces? We believe that the heart of our nation beats right; that it is not cant when we profess idealism and real willingness to share, with no ulterior motives, the best of our life with less fortunate peoples, assisting them to attain strength and justice and to protect their proper sovereignty. Would one of the practical ways to solve these rela- tions with our Southern neighbors be to organize, as they suggest, an American League of Nations and an Ameri- can Court of Justice? Could we go the second mile, by trusting ourselves in an organization with the weaker countries of Latin America? Could loans to small Ameri- can nations be made by concert of powers, just as loans to Austria, Germany, and other countries have recently been floated ? Should we hold to the more strict one-sided interpreta- tion of the Monroe Doctrine, or should it be shared by all America? Can we not find a way that will benefit both parties, where in exchange for capital and manufactured goods, there is given only just and proportionate amount of raw materials in return? Is it not possible to reduce somewhat at least the profit motive, putting in its place the friendship motive? Can we go on taking mortgages 118 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP on these countries, without piling up trouble for ourselves as well as trouble for them? Is it not up to the Christian business men and Christian statesmen to work out Chris- tian relations with the people who are bound to them economically? If it is true that we are now so rich that we have a mortgage on the world, is it also true that the world has a mortgage on our soul? It is most encouraging to see that the leading men in the United States Government are advocating a new ap- proach to our Latin American neighbors. President Coolidge said in a recent message to Congress: “While we are desirous of promoting peace in every quarter of the globe, we have a special interest in the peace of this hemisphere. It is our constant desire that all causes of dispute in this area may be tranquilly and satisfactorily adjusted. Along with our desire for peace is the earnest hope for the increased prosperity of our sister republics of Latin America, and our constant pur- pose to promote cooperation with them which may be mutually beneficial and always inspired by the most cor- dial friendships.” Adding to the words of our President the following declaration of Sr. Cesar Zumeta of Venezuela, the im- portance of Inter-American relations is clear: “We are either on the eve of another Dark Age or we are facing a great new epoch in human history. A united America can bring this new epoch into the world. The government at Washington has the power to say whether we will have this American unity, with its consequent blessings, or whether we will have the divisive and ruin- ous elements of Europe enter this continent, with the con- sequent ruin of civilization.” POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS 119 FOR FURTHER READING Caribbean Interests of the United States, The. C. L. Jones. D. Appleton & Co., New York. 1916. Congressional Record. W.E. Boraw. Vol. 62, Chaps. XV-XXI. Destiny of a Continent, The. Manure. Ucarte. Knopf, New York. 1925. Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America. J. H. Latan&é. Doubleday Page & Co., Garden City, N. Y. 1920. Foreign Loans. United States Senate Hearings on S. Con. Reso- lution 22, Washington. Government Printing Office. 1925. This embodies the most complete statement in print of the recent financial relations between the United States and Latin America. “Imperialistic America.” S. G. Inman. Alflantic Monthly. July, 1924. “Inquiry into Occupation of Haiti and Santo Domingo.” U. S. Senate, Hearings of Select Committee, 67th Congress, Ist Ses- sion, Part 2. “Ts America Imperialistic.” SUMNER WeEtts. Atlantic Monthly. Sept., 1924. Mexico; an Interpretation. CARLTON BEALS. Chaps. 4, 5, 6, 7, 17, 18, 19. Huebsch, New York. 1923. Mexico and the Caribbean. Clark University Addresses. Steckert & Co., New York. 1920. Mexico on the Verge. E. J. Ditton. Doran Co., New York. Missions and World Problems. C. H. Fans. Chap. IV. Asso- ciation Press, New York. 1925. Monroe Doctrine, The. AtryANDRO ALVAREZ. Oxford University Press, New York. 1924. One Hundred Years of the Monroe Doctrine. H. C. Tuomas. Macmillan Co., New York. 1923. “Pan American Conferences and Their Results.” S. G. INMAN. Southwestern Political and Social Science Quarterly. March, 1924. Senate Report on Haiti. Syllabus on International Relations. Parker T. Moon. The Mac- millan Co., New York. 1925. For full bibliography see Chap- ter XIV on Imperialism in Latin America. “Through Santo Domingo and Haiti.” S.G. Inman. Committee on Cooperation in Latin America, New York. 1919, QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION CHAPTER VI . Do you personally regard the Latin American as your equal? If not, in what respects do you consider him inferior or su- perior? Why? | . What are the sources from which the average citizen of North America receives his ideas of Latin America and vice versa? . What position do you consider Latin America will hold in fu- ture world life? Why? In what ways can the social and educational idealists of the United States share their experiences with Latin America? How is it that North Americans have done so much more in developing philanthropic institutions in other parts of the world than they have in Latin America? How can North American business men who get profits out of Latin America be more largely interested in helping these coun- tries in solving their educational and moral problems? . What results can be expected by North America if her ma- terial influence in South America continues to multiply so rapidly and only feeble efforts are made to increase her spiritual influence ? How can we multiply our spiritual ambassadors to South America? . What are some practical things that you and your group can do toward building a real spiritual fellowship between the American peoples? SE —————eeeoeoree,rl VI BASES FOR INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP The experiences of fifty North Americans during the spring of 1925 and many other ventures in friendship with South Americans seem to justify the setting down of a few principles which North Americans in their pursuit of closer understanding might well adopt. No doubt the South Americans with whom these friendships have been cultivated could speak equally frankly concerning things which it would be well if they were to practise if South Americans are to eliminate their prejudices and do their part in the formation of this friendship. We also hope that some South Americans will write as frankly and critically of the attitudes they themselves ought to hold as we are trying to do here in regard to such North American attitudes as will build this friendship. South Americans who honestly face the misunderstandings of the past recognize that blame is to be found on their side as well as on ours, and that only as both peoples make the effort, can they find the desired harmony. | From the standpoint of North Americans the follow- ing would seem to be at least some of the bases for this friendship. First, equality. There is nothing that quite aggravates the Latin American so much as the patronizing attitude which is often assumed toward him. President Wilson showed his clear understanding of this when he said: “We must prove ourselves their friends and champions 121 122 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP upon terms of equality and honor. You cannot be friends upon any other terms.” There is probably no more difficult thing in the world for the Anglo-Saxon than to keep from showing his feeling of superiority to other peoples. This is likely to be especially true of North Americans dealing with Latin Americans. A North American lady who was living in Santo Domingo, when showing some presents she had received, said that they had been presented to her by some of the “foreign ladies.” It developed that she meant Dominican ladies. She regarded them as “foreigners” in their own land. Cabbages and Kings, by O. Henry, and a thousand other writings of this burlesque character have done more, probably, than all our real study of the history of Latin America, of its great writers, and of its life of culture, to shape our ideas concerning these countries. Even some missionary propaganda in its strong emphasis on the il- literacy, illegitimacy, immorality, and lack of character of the South American may have given a disproportionate emphasis to the worst side of Latin American life, and failed to reveal the best. The Commission on Literature, reporting to the Monte- video Congress, said: “The United States sends to Latin America bankers and commercial agents but few educators and critics who can appreciate its marvelous literary development. That ignorance was strikingly set forth recently by Prof. Wil- liam R. Shepherd, of Columbia University, when, in his words of welcome to Dr. Manuel Gamio, of Mexico, one of the greatest anthropologists of the present generation, he said something like this: ‘I am sorry that you are a Latin American and a Mexican—and do not misinterpret my words. What I mean is, that if you were a French- BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 123 man, a German, an Italian, or an Englishman, your place as an anthropologist would be recognized and your works would be read by the majority of cultured North Ameri- cans. But of you North America will say what the Pharisees said of Christ: “Can anything good come from Nazareth ?”’” A South American Ambassador in Washington said not long ago, in complaining of the critical spirit of Americans visiting his country: “You will not find every- thing there just as you have it in the United States, and you must not expect more than we have for ourselves. We are very glad to share what we have with anyone who comes to us in good faith, but you should not be too critical of what we have to offer. Our countries are new countries, and we welcome your interest in their develop- ment, but we don’t like to be told that we are backward and slow. If you don’t like our hospitality, you should stay at home.” That is a rather general complaint against North Americans who visit South America for the first time. The traveler usually knows very little Spanish, and he is likely to be annoyed because all the nations do not speak his language. If he is very provincial in his point of view, he is likely to conclude that everything is done wrongly because it is done differently from the way he is used to at home. Many North American tourists, and even some of them residents of many years in South America, see none of the good traits of the people, none of the wonder- ful public and private charities conducted by them, noth- ing of the beautiful spirit of refinement and culture that captivates the open-minded. At times one finds in the cities North Americans who spend their free time malign- ing the good people of that city and putting wrong im- 124 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP pressions into the heads of tourists who come to them for information. Even if the traveler is fortunate enough to have pointed out to him some of these things which are hid from the ordinary tourist, he is likely to forget their charm or value when he finds himself unable to get a room with a bath. How much of our North American life revolves around a porcelain bath tub, and how far this shapes our thinking on international relations when we travel abroad, is often a revelation. And if the “pri- vate-bath complex” does not get us, the “fork-complex” rises up to feed our race superiority. How many North American tourists would vote any country a “success” in which every room had a private bath and every citizen gave preference to the fork? How many would be more impressed with these things than with a Mistral, a Braga, or a Gandhi? It was interesting to hear each member of the re- turning North American delegation, at a meeting in the salon of the Santa Luisa before arrival at Panama, men- tion especially the deep impression he had received in re- gard to the South Americans as the peers of people in any other part of the world. As Bishop Francis J. McConnell put it: “Nobody who has traveled to this conference from the North will return to his home without feeling a vast debt of gratitude for the quickening of insight and zeal which has come from contact with the South Americans. I hope to see the day when Christian relationships between the countries to the North and those to the South shall be upon a basis of mutual influence, with only such reliance upon official authority anywhere as will keep open the channels for that mutual influence. “One of the reports here adopted recommends that BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 125 special lecturers, of proved ability, be set apart to bring from Europe and the United States the latest phrasings of Christian thought in those countries. Why should such enterprises be one-sided? We of Europe and the United States on our part need profoundly the light which South American Christians can throw upon the Gospel Truth. The fineness of the Spanish and Portuguese languages as instruments contributes to a peculiar fineness of mind on the part of those who use those instruments. The Latin quality of mind in the service of the gospel is a gift to be used under a sense of trusteeship for Christians everywhere. A language reveals not merely a peculiarity of expressing truth but of seizing truth as well. We need every ray of light which can break forth from the word of God, and some rays, or some colors, can first break better upon the Latin type of understanding than upon any other.” Second, granting the right of self-expression. South Americans will not express themselves in theological or- ganization, in their political life, in their social reform, or in their moral emphasis exactly as North Americans have expressed themselves. This does not mean that they will not make their special contributions to all these realms of life. The late Ambassador from Brazil to the United States, Sr. Nebuco, speaking of what North and South America might learn from one another, said: “T do not mean that we would ever attain your speed. Nor do we wish it. You have broken the record of hu- man activity without breaking the rhythm of life. You have made a new rhythm for yourselves. We could never do that. For the Latin races, festina lente is the rule of 126 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP health and stability. And let me say that it is good for mankind that all its races do not go at the same step, that they do not all run. Dignity of life, culture, happi- ness, freedom, may be enjoyed by nations moving slowly, provided they move steadily forward.” Gabriela Mistral says: “Some believe that the only means of accord between nations is through a unification of customs, of forms of economic life, of the criteria of truth. Others believe that each group of human beings can progress, can even reach the apex of perfection, each in its own way... . I had, until a short time ago, a certain disdain for the languid Orient and that which in our Latin countries is most like the Orient—the Indian. But seeing a Mexican mixteco at work on his lacquer, my mind was illuminated by the truth. The man... worked with a calm delight which was pure love. The work that a machine might have ac- complished in a brief moment cost the Mexican an hour’s labor; but his work did not suggest something ill-con- ceived. Laboring almost with tenderness, his was the calm of the workman who loves his work. The same desire which the poet has in choosing the right adjective was to be found in the slow, skilled hand of the Indian worker in lacquer. Then I understood that though this man had no highly developed faculties . . . the Indian workman and I were equals—not because of the charity of the Christian mandate, nor because of the potentially false equality of citizenship, but in the very essence of things. ... “The friendship of the different peoples sought by the Pan-American Union would be easily attained if we were all imbued, to the farthest limit of consciousness, with the concept of dissimilarity without inferiority. .. . BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 127 “To stamp the relations between the countries of the North and South with the standards of Christianity, to place conscience, individual and national, above material and personal interests: that is the task. The more or less purely immediate political relations of today must be replaced by a spiritual movement in which the coopera- tion of a great State will not be looked upon as the domi- nation of the weak by the strong, but as the immensely human helpfulness of a great and prosperous nation which has found itself and which has already reached maturity toward other states which are slowly and pain- fully striving toward the same goals.” As for the attitude of the North American missionary agencies, the Commission on the Church and the Com- munity of the Montevideo Congress says: “The second influence in shaping the sentiment of a community is the power of the missionary to free himself from all prepossessions favorable to his own type of na- tional life or culture.’ There has been, in the past few years, a very general recognition of the truth that Chris- tianity in the United States, for example, is not to be identified too closely with the social institutions of the United States. With the Latin American peoples coming to a new national and racial sensitiveness, the wise worker from abroad will substitute the idea of a fatherly contact with the people by that of a brotherly contact with them.” Third, a new advocacy of liberty of thought. So much has been said about conservatism, fanaticism, and dicta- torships in Latin America that many people think of these as conservative lands. They are so in many senses. But the leaders of thought both in government and in the educational world are today advanced liberals. It is 128 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP strange to find them looking upon the United States as reactionary in its intellectual attitudes. The dismissal of professors from the universities of North America because of their liberal thought has not been understood by South American university men. There is a general feeling in these liberal circles that - North America has become reactionary during the last few years. These circles were very much surprised when told about the work of such papers as The New Republic and organizations like the Foreign Policy Association, the Social Service Commission and The Commission on In- ternational Justice and Good-Will of the Federal Coun- cil of Churches, the new movement for the Christian Way of Life, the inquiries concerning relations between capital and labor, and the steel strike investigation by the Inter- church World Movement. If South American liberal thought is to become friendly to North America, it must be made more aware of these movements and of the atti- tude assumed by the broad-minded Christian and social leaders of the United States. There must be a larger willingness on our part to discuss frankly with them the great problems which are facing the world. We remember that while the great Reformation of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries was going on in Europe, South America remained isolated. A simi- lar thing is happening today with some North Americans in that continent. Great reformations have taken place in their home country, but they have been out of touch with them and so, for one of their fellow countrymen to bring in these new social ideas means sharp criticism. How far is Sr. Navarro Monzo right, when he says: “The Latin countries in America, along with the Latin countries in Europe, need to pass through a reform, but BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 129 this reformation must be their own, a reformation of the twentieth century, not of the sixteenth. “The modern world, especially the Latin world, be- lieves little in churches. This is the truth and we might as well face it. Any ecclesiastical organization which involves a clergy, a professionalism of life and preaching, -arouses suspicion. Therefore, any attempt to introduce into Latin America an exotic church can only count ona partial success. “But I firmly believe that the religious, ethical, and so- cial principles of Jesus will stand. The future belongs to them. But Christianity is destined to stand as an ideal, not as a doctrine or as an organization. Christianity ought to be founded in the command of the Master, “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.’ From the beginning Christians have felt the necessity of meeting together for mutual exhortation, for collective prayer, and to partici- pate from a single cup and to eat the same bread, sym- bols of love. This necessity will always be felt by the disciples of Christ; the church of tomorrow will . .. be composed probably of small homogeneous groups of peo- ple who, because of like tendencies, will enjoy meeting together in common prayer, in mutual council, in speak- ing to one another concerning the things of the soul; and, when they face the most profound things, to keep silent. “When shall we see here such groups which would help save our culture and solve our problems? I confess that I do not know. The only thing that I do know is that its appearance does not depend on an intellectual movement, but on a great spiritual revival. This, men may in a certain way prepare for, but they cannot pro- duce. For those who have not passed through a religious experience to speak of the presence of God in the soul, of 130 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP intimate communion with Him, is the same as for the — blind to speak of the varied colors and for the deaf to © speak of music. How shall we make them understand — these things? Such understanding does not depend on an intellectual effort but on moral purity. This I know well, and because I know it, I have no illusions about — the efficacy of all kinds of activities, and of preaching which only affects the intelligence. The man who shall save Latin America, must be not a wise man, but a saint.” Fourth, the sacrifice of institutional life for its own sake. One of the central ideas in most mission work in © South America has been to build up the organization, — since it was believed that membership in this organiza- tion was the way to cultivate in individuals the Christian life. The Christian way of life as such without any par- — ticular reference to organization has not been primal. Most missionaries would favor social work, but with many this would be only for the sake of getting people into the church—a point of contact in order that the real message might be delivered. Few, probably, think of so- cial service itself as Christian work. South Americans > recognize this and are often suspicious of it as fish get Suspicious of the bait. They have had long years of watching jesuitical methods and have become exceedingly wary of service rendered which means the contracting of certain obligations. A study of the life of Christ would be of great help in EE ——- ee deciding this fundamental question. Is a hospital a good | thing only because it helps, by curing the body, to get people to listen to your preaching message? Isa school a good thing only because it wears away prejudice and gives — a more direct avenue for the minister? Is social service BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 131 good only because it predisposes people to come to your church? How many quotations already made from South Americans can you recall that show the desira- bility of pure, unselfish service without any quid pro quo, if we are to win any large confidence among the people? The persistency of denominationalism in spite of the earnest and honest desires of denominational leaders for cooperation is one of the strange anomalies of the mis- sionary situation in South America today. Much is spoken in interdenominational meetings of the _ power of unity and the desire for closer cooperation. It is surprising, however, when denominations come into di- rect contact with a question which necessitates some sac- rifice of their denominational program, how difficult it is for them to make such sacrifices. In Montevideo, if there was one thing more evident than any other, it was the need of a better prepared ministry among the Spanish-speak- ing people. Yet when the practical question of opening the International Faculty of Theology and Social Sci- ences was put up directly to the denominational boards, they failed to endorse it because their denominational programs did not seem to lend themselves to it. The sacrifice of the institutional life for the purpose of serving the people, the placing of the real needs of a Christian program before denominational pride, is abso- lutely necessary if North American Christians are to win the friendship of South American liberals. Should we not study ways of mingling with and serv- ing South Americans without expecting them to adopt our organizations? A certain number of Christian work- ers might be set aside to live among groups of people, students, laborers, etc., who would not be expected to report each year concerning the progress made in tying 132 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP these people in a definite way to an organization. The idea recently advanced by the Quakers of sending young men to live among people of foreign lands to get their point of view and to make friends with them, with no other results expected, would be a splendid one for Chris- tian forces to carry out in South America. If college professors from North America would spend sabbatical years in South America, if retired business men of the international mind, artists, literary men, social workers, and others would spend considerable periods of time with our Southern neighbors, carrying forward a deliberate program of cultivation of friendship and service, it would have large effect. Are such things possible or are they too idealistic for a practical people like us to carry out? Fifth, an improvement of the whole North American impact on South American life. One of the experienced women members of the recent South American tour, who spent a good deal of time with her fellow Americans liv- ing South, spoke often of how far separated the three groups of North Americans seemed to be, the business group, the diplomatic corps, and the missionaries. And yet all these are equally representative of North America before the South Americans. When they bear a very widely differing testimony as to what our life means, what are the people among whom they live to think? Should we work to get all our fellow citizens to unite in a common Christian impact to gain friendship, or should we admit this as too difficult and frankly state our disapproval of certain diplomatic and commercial policies of some of our countrymen and emphasize the spiritual phases of life which struggle against our materialistic side? BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 133 The North Americans attending the Montevideo Con- gress were impressed with the importance of this prob- lem. Said Dr. Robert E. Speer: “How are we to sustain our proper friendly relationships with all groups who go out to make impacts on these countries and at the same time retain our purely spiritual character? In China to- day our missions are all snarled up with antipathy against the Western world. The same, if not greater, problem exists in South America, and it is nearer and more closely _ related to us. In the last ten years we have trebled our holdings in Latin American securities, according to Mr. Julius Klein of the Department of Commerce. There are forces at work with which we seem to have no influ- ence. We must study the question very carefully. How _ far can we or ought we to go in this matter of dealing with our political and commercial relationships? Ought _ we to go into this matter at all, or should we hold our- _ selves to the strictly evangelistic view of our work? We have different minds among us in this matter. Most of _ the missionaries would probably advise a more conserva- tive attitude. But there would be others whose con- sciences would not be satisfied in any such way. We must certainly be careful in this field of relationships without any shirking of real responsibilities.” The Commission on Special Religious Problems says: The Evangelical movement has been criticized as a tool of imperialistic politicians. This leads us to make one or two remarks. (1) The term Pan-American should be abolished from all con- nection with Evangelical propaganda in South America. It is a term distasteful, even in its political acceptation, to many of the best minds on the continent. (2) It is difficult for the popular mind in South America to 134 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP appreciate the fact that men belonging to a powerful sister nation can work in other countries without being inspired by selfish or national interests. Service rendered for the pure love of God, of truth, and of human beings is difficult to grasp. For that very reason the Evangelical missionary should avoid all entangling associations with commercial or political interests in order that he may stand forth in the full light of day as God’s representative and no other’s. The Commission on The Church and the Community said: It would be folly not to recognize the obstacle to foreign mis- sionary work in Latin America created by the real or supposed policies of the United States toward her neighbors to the south. The facts themselves are rather embarrassing, with or without explanation. The seizure of Panama by President Roosevelt, the taking over of Santo Domingo’s custom-houses to ensure the pay- ment of debts to foreign creditors, the actual occupation of Santo Domingo by United States troops, the practical conquest of Haiti by United States marines, the seizure of Vera Cruz by the United States Navy in 1914, the punitive expedition into Mexico under General Pershing in 1916—these are facts open before all the world. We who know the United States are thoroughly clear in our own minds that the people of our country have no hostile de- signs against any Latin American nation. Yet all through the speech of the citizen of the United States is likely to run an assumption of superiority based on physical force. An article in a recent issue of The Federal Council Bulletin said: It is a fair question for the churches of the United States to ask themselves how far they may expect results from the work of the missionaries they send to Latin America so long as the overwhelming conviction among Latin Americans is that the United States Government is inclined to be materialistic in its BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 135 relations with its Southern neighbors. At least it is good strategy in the advancement of the Kingdom of God to raise the question whether greater progress can be made in Latin America by send- ing more missionaries to preach a message of Good-will in those lands, or whether more advance would be made by helping those that are already there by clearing up some of the difficulties that our own official and commercial attitudes have placed as stumbling blocks to the work of these missionaries. Fortunately there are found among the North Ameri- can and other foreign colonies in South America some of the very finest Christian men and women, who are exert- ing great influence for Christian ideals and are doing much by their lives as well as by their contributions to help the missionary. But others of the fellow citizens of the missionary discredit the cause of Christ both by work and by action. In most of the capitals of South America church services are held in English for the benefit of the foreign residents. In some of these cities well organized, union churches make every effort to serve the English- speaking community. Their support, however, is too often dependent on a few most zealous and generous ones, rather than on the majority of the colony. If these Eng- lish-speaking union churches could be enlarged and made strong influential centers through which the foreign col- onies would function in building Christian relations with the nationals, immense good would be done. The foreign firms which take enormous profits out of these countries sometimes show most commendable spirit in providing social welfare activities for their own em- ployees. But they rarely ever contribute anything to the great social and educational enterprises of the land, which would mean so much to the building of international fellowship. 136 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP Sixth, a larger emphasis on the spiritual side of Inter- American relations. The visit of fifty North American Christian leaders to South America in connection with the Montevideo Congress was one of the most important gestures that North America has made toward the spiritual life of the southern continent. The eagerness of South America to know about the inner life of North America was shown wherever these visitors went. “You make great efforts to build up commercial relations with us. Give us of your rich accretions in the realm of educa- tion, social philosophy, ethics, and soul culture,” said South Americans over and over again. A recent visitor to Argentina reports: “There is no one here to talk of this spiritual and in- tellectual side of Inter-American relations. We could render a large service not only for Argentina, but for the betterment of our own relations with South America by fostering a real program of intellectual and spiritual ex- change between the two countries. Italy, Spain, and France are sending mission after mission to South America these days. These are not commercial missions, but are composed of the most representative authors, uni- versity professors, and scientists, who are received with tremendous enthusiasm as they lecture on the literature, art, and educational life of their countries. We should have from three to six of our best university men in Buenos Aires continuously, acting in various capacities, as exchange professors, as technical advisers, and public lecturers.” On a recent visit to Lima, Peru, the author was met by a delegation of students who made an appeal that the United States send to Peru representatives of the best elements of her life that would teach Peru the secret of BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 137 the educational, social, and moral progress of the United States. “Our country is perishing for the lack of moral stam- ina, sacrificial service, and practical idealism,” they said. “Send us men to lead us into this new life. If you only come to develop our material resources, to work our mines, and to cultivate our rich soil, Peru itself will remain poor in the real values of life. We have been trusting for a hundred years in literature and professionalism to save us. We are now disillusioned as to this. But we believe that to go to the other extreme of materialism will bring results just as disappointing. We call on your universi- ties, your great foundations in social sciences, your lead- ers in moral and spiritual movements, to reach out a hand to the young men of Peru.” North American philanthropists have built great col- leges and contributed large sums to cultural and spiritual enterprises, not only in China, India, Japan, and the Near East, but even in the most advanced countries of Europe. Not counting the institutions supported by mission boards, how many institutions are supported by North Americans out of pure free will, taking, for example, Yale in China, Peking Medical, Robert College, the American University Union of Europe, the American-Scandinavian Founda- tion, and special efforts like the restoration of the Lou- vain Library, all undertaken purely on the spiritual basis of friendship? How many similar institutions are sup- ported by North Americans in Latin America? The only North American school of college rank in all the twenty republics of Latin America is MacKenzie College of Sao Paulo, and this is now almost self-supporting. Prac- tically the only large North American philanthropic agency working to any extent in Latin America, with the 138 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP exception of occasional scientific expeditions sent to re- mote sections, is the Rockefeller Institute, which works especially for the extinction of hookworm. More than a - decade ago a group of educators in the United States was formed to develop in Mexico City a North American college somewhat similar to Robert College of Constanti- nople. But despite all the agitation, that institution is no nearer being built today than it was ten years ago. In the meantime, North American industry has taken out hundreds of millions of dollars from Mexico’s soil. Bishop Wilbur P. Thirkield, writing in the Christian Century, March 27, 1924, says: “Tt is interesting to contemplate the contribution to Pan-American confidence, security, and peace that would have been made if the United States had said to Brazil, in response to her request for an American naval com- mission: ‘Under the terms of the Monroe Doctrine you are assured of protection from all foreign aggression, and with our program for Pan-American peace, cooperation, and good-will, no neighboring republic will invade or molest you. What you need is not ships, but schools, and we'll help you build them. What you need is not mil- lions in armament, but millions in railways to develop your wasted imperial resources.’ ... It would appear that instead of such a consistent and pacific program the United States has encouraged a big military budget in a nation already with strained credit and undeveloped re- sources and has provided for the education of her youth in the arts of modern warfare and in the methods of ag- gressive military strategy.” The great question raised by Mr. James McDonald, of the Foreign Policy Association, will be answered by the United States in its relations to Latin America. He says: =f at BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 139 China and Mexico show themselves but two aspects of a single challenge—can modern industrial civilization cooperate harmoni- ously with weaker and less industrialized peoples for the common good of all? Or, must contacts between machine civilizations and those more primitive peoples be marred by exploitation, some- times harsh and tending toward domination, to be answered first by sullen suspicion, then by impassioned resentment, and finally by violent revolt? The events of the last few weeks thrust these issues upon us with dramatic imperativeness. Europe and the United States not less than China and Mexico are now on trial before the world. The Guatemala newspaper El Diario published the fol- lowing editorial recently : More important than political treaties, than the solemn promises of friendship and love, than congresses and conferences, the great cultural endeavors of North America could contribute to the drawing together of the Americas. The truth of what we say is proven by the great work done in all parts of the continent by the Rockefeller Institute and Evangelical missions. No one ignores the positive benefit which the Rockefeller Insti- tute has brought about. Its work has not been unilateral. In combating the hookworm and penetrating to the most remote parts of the tropics, it has propagated the truth concerning popu- lar hygiene everywhere, Although less in evidence, but not for this reason less impor- tant, especially for our mental and moral progress, has been the work of Evangelical missions. By means of ministers splendidly educated and really moral, American Protestantism, giving itself to the humanitarian endeavor of liberating our masses from their ignorance, has carried forward the splendid good news of a pure and human-hearted religion to a large part of our people. Thanks to heroic patience Protestant missions have attained notable triumphs. Today seed sown is beginning to bear fruit. In many humble people a real religious sentiment, reflective and tolerant, is beginning to be substituted for the absurdities of fanaticism and the intolerance of the past. The Sunday preach- 140 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP ings of the Evangelical pastors have been, at the same time, happy means of propagating ideas against crime and vice. Latin America knows how to appreciate all that has come from these humanitarian institutions. How the whole of the North American impact on South America can be made more certainly Christian is one of our great problems in the development of Inter- American friendship. North American help in increasing the power of the Christian movement in South America is, of course, the first way which presents itself to a thoughtful disciple of Jesus. The Montevideo Congress made a large appeal to North American Christians for such help. Brotherly service to South America in helping her to secure the in- stitutions and the workers which the Montevideo Con- gress alone called for would advance the cause enor- mously. But we need to employ many different means of spiritualizing this impact. We need a number of spiritual ambassadors going up and down this America of ours, cultivating understand- ing and friendship by interpreting to all the people the great truth that God has made of one blood all the na- tions and has called each and every one to make its own particular contribution to the work of the world. We have had such ambassadors in the past. Dr. Hor- ace Lane went from the United States to Brazil to estab- lish himself in business. But he fell so deeply in love with the Brazilians that he gave himself to helping them educate their youth. As the founder and president of Mackenzie College, he probably did more to endear North Americans to Brazilians than any governmental agent ever sent to that country. His funeral was the largest ever held in the city of Sao Paulo. As one travels Se Eee eee eee BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 141 through Brazil today, he finds the name of Mackenzie College to be the key that everywhere unlocks the doors. The graduates of the school are found occupying the highest positions in official and commercial life. What Dr. Lane was to Sao Paulo, H. C. Tucker, an- other North American, is to Rio de Janeiro. Going to Brazil forty years ago as the agent of the American Bible Society, he has so identified himself with the community that it may be said that he occupies a unique position of influence both with Brazilians and foreigners. He has so largely won the confidence of the municipality that it follows his ideas in putting in municipal playgrounds, in developing public clinics and hospitals, and in introducing modern means of sanitation and social betterment into the city’s life. It was at his suggestion that the government decided to apply modern methods to the elimination of yellow fever from Rio de Janeiro. John M. Silliman, a classmate of President Wilson at Princeton, was another of these ambassadors. For twenty or more years he lived as a “gentleman farmer” and American vice-consul at Saltillo, Mexico. His up- to-date agricultural and dairying methods were used more to help his Mexican neighbors to improve their crops than to add to his own possessions. He was first in every movement for community betterment. He was equally popular among Mexicans and Americans. On Sundays, if there was no minister to speak to the little American congregation, he would hurry from his large men’s Bible class which he conducted in Spanish at the Mexican church to read one of Beecher’s sermons to the Ameri- cans. And he found not only his American friends there, but a good sprinkling of Mexicans wishing to try out their English, and to be near the big man they loved. 142 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP Like these there are many other North Americans, busi- ness men, government representatives, educators, scien- tific experts, as well as the missionaries, who are con- . tributing by their Christian life and contagious friendli- ness to a real drawing together of the Americans of the North and the South. It is difficult to refrain from men- tioning by name a long list of such friends in various realms of life, who are known to be making these invalu- able contributions. There are such organizations as the Rotary Clubs, now rapidly growing in South America, where Anglo-Saxons and Latins are brought together in the finest fellowship and where these spiritual ambassadors find opportunities for large service. How can they be increased ? How much it would mean if both the governmental world and the business world should keep in mind this idea of spiritual ambassadors as they select their repre- sentatives to these countries! This does not mean that they must all be “preachers,” or necessarily loud in their religious professions, but ministers, real evangelists of good-will, whether business men, government agents, or representatives of philanthropic or missionary organiza- tions. They would take very seriously the work of in- terpreting the best of North American life to the Latin Americans, and would bring back to their own people a realization of the lovable traits as well as the serious needs of our fellow Americans. As we give ourselves to building a united America, we find that, fortunately, the North and the South are com- plements, the one to the other. This is true in the physi- cal realm, where precisely the things that one is rich in are things the other lacks and vice versa. In the moral realm, while the North American is energetic, inventive, BASES FOR FRIENDSHIP 143 resourceful, and practical, the South American is cour- teous, refined, open-hearted, and idealistic. But up to the present time the moral realm has largely been obscured by the dominance of the physical. The least attractive phase of the life of the two peoples has been most generally presented to each other. The tremendous force of a great nation, the unorgan- ized helplessness of the small countries; the economic drive of a great industrial people and the shiftlessness and often dishonest officialdom of undeveloped countries; the natural dominance of the strong, with the equally natu- ral suspicion of the weak; the big stick and the sullen re- sentment; the purely economic, materialistic forces, and the raw, unchristianized passions—these have been the elements which have been playing the largest part in Inter-American relations. The fact that these elements have been the most prominent in all international rela- tions in the past does not excuse us in America. Here, at least, on this new continent, unhampered by all the cross-currents of the Old World, we have the largest op- portunity of making spiritual forces supreme. The whole question regarding future ventures in Inter- American friendship may be summed up thus: Shall such ventures be made on the basis of economic determinism, or on the basis of the principles of Jesus Christ? The one road leads to division, to despair, to chaos; the other leads to unity, to hope, to victory. FOR FURTHER READING Ariel. Jos& E. Ropo. Tr. by Stimson. Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston. Hispanic American Relations with the United States. W.S. Ros- ERTSON. Oxford University Press, New York. 1923. 144 INTER-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP Literary History of Spanish America. A. E. Corster. Mac- millan Co., New York. 1916. Of One Blood. Ropert E. Speer. Missionary Education Move- ment, New York. 1924. “Some Contemporary Latin American Poetry in English Verse.” Bulletin of the Pan-American Union. July, 1924. South America from a Surgeons Viewpoint. F. H. Martin. Revell Co., New York. “Toward a Better Pan American Understanding.” Jost VASCONE- Los. Bulletin of the Pan-American Union. August, 1924. Two Americas, The. RAFAEL Reyes. Stokes Co., New York. 1914. ay ¥ . AY oh by ‘ ay, ae. ae * Tf eal 4’ ys 3 hee i Nie ¥ te a + 7 AG ' “mv DATE DUE e a ; b : te * ; )- 27-01 a GAYLORD #3523P\ Printed in USA — : ) ; f : . — = r ~ : kent enn Wo oe mia N vy en poy aa Pa si oo ae nv A ne ; art o i y A } 7 7 > 2 ; J vs ; uh eee trifsarpacpeceneet Lin eoeniae eres po bene . 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