SS . ay SS RAN Ss RIV AAS . SASS SONS . WY WS \\ \ WS \\ SS est gt the Gheolagicns Semin, gir t aa PRINCETON, N. J. 4, BT 1101 .H35 1883 Harris, John Andrews, 1834-| NHS raga | Principles of agnosticism Shel. ARRLLEd to evidences of PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM Applied to Bvidences of Christianity NINE SERMONS TO WHICH IS ADDED A TENTH, ON THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY BY / JOHN ANDREWS”HARRIS RECTOR OF ST. PAUL’S CHURCH, CHESTNUT HILL, PHILADELPHIA New Pork THOMAS WHITTAKER Nos. 2 & 3 BIBLE HOUSE 1883 Copyright, 1883, By THomas WHITTAKER, TO MY FATHER, THE REVEREND N. SAYRE HARRIS, THIS VOLUME IS REVERENTLY DEDICATED. PREFACH. Tux only apology for publishing these sermons is the fact that many who heard them have thought they might be published with advantage to some who did not hear them. ‘The first sermon was in large meas- ure extemporaneous, and was written out afterward from the notes used in its delivery. The others are printed substantially as they were preached. The only claim for originality is in the arrangement of material already worked out by others. They quarried and squared the stones. I have simply put them together into a building differing in shape from any I have seen. The works which have been used in collecting material are the following, as will readily be noted by those who are familiar with them : Bishop Temple’s essay on ‘‘ The Education of the World ;”? ‘‘ The Ancient City,’’ by Fustel de Coulan- ges ; ‘“‘ Yahveh Christ, or the Memorial Name,”’ by Alexander McWhorter; Dr. Ewald’s ‘‘ History of Israel ;”? Dr. C. P. Tiele’s ‘‘ History of Religion ;”’ Dr. A. Kuenen’s ‘‘ National Religions and Universal Religions ;”’ ‘‘ The Greek Testament ;” ‘‘ The Psalms, Chronologically Arranged, by Four Friends ;”’ ‘‘ The Vi PREFACE, Book of Isaiah, Chronologically Arranged,” by T. K. Cheyne, M.A. The sermon on the Christian Doctrine of the Trinity was suggested by two very remarkable papers entitled, ‘‘ A Familiar Mystery,’’ by Marston Miles, in the New Jerusalem Magazine, (January and March, 1881). Those who have read these papers will see how entirely Mr. Miles’s illustrations have furnished the idea of the sermon. Last, but by no means least, must be mentioned the Bampton Lectures for 1874, entitled ‘‘ The Religion of the Christ,’’ by the Rev. Stanley Leathes, M.A. It was this book (largely quoted in one of the ser- mons), which gave me the idea of the course, and which every one should read who desires to see the argument fully worked out in one special line. It will also be seen by those who take the trouble to read these sermons, and who are familiar with the Rev. Henry Formby’s ‘‘ Monotheism the Primitive Religion of Rome,” and ‘‘ Mythology among the Hebrews and its Historical Development,” by Ignaz Goldziher, Ph.D., member of the Hungarian Acade- my of Sciences, that I have ventured not to accept their views. Mr. Formby’s conclusion I regard as not proven— at any rate by his argument; while, at the same time some of his premises are, in my opinion, true. Hlis promised larger work, of which the volume men- tioned is confessedly but ‘‘a chip,’? will doubtless furnish much interesting and valuable matter. But his present volume deals too largely with a voluble ‘* when”? adroitly substituted for an avowed ‘ if,” PREFACE. vil As to Dr. Goldziher, the sane verdict of ‘* not prov- en’’ seems to me to adhere to his conclusions ; and, with all humility, in common with Hebrews and Christians, 1 venture to hold that Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Leah, Rachel, Bilhah, Zilpah, Samson, Jeph- thah, and others contemporaneous with or subsequent to them, are historical personages and not characters of the ‘‘Sun-myth.’’ Perhaps philosophical writers four thousand years hence may gravely argue, after a diligent study of what is to us contemporaneous American literature, that ‘‘ Red Cloud,”’ ‘‘ Sitting Bull,’”? ‘‘ Hole-in-the-day,’’ ‘‘White Hat,” ‘‘ Long Hair,” ete., etc., are evidently not names of in- dividuals among the Indian tribes, but are plainly mere characterizations of phases of an American Sun-myth. ‘“ Oredat Judeeus Apella! Non ego.”’ Between the avowed ancestors of a race surviving to the present day, whose history is attested by vari- ous monuments, physical and literary—(ancestors who are by the early records of the race claimed only as human beings actuated by impulses divine or human)— and the alleged demi-gods and heroes of a poetical Ary- an antiquity, the parallel does not seem to hold. The conditions of the two differ toto ccelo. One word more. Truth has many sides. What has claimed to be God’s truth through many ages has been assailed by many denials, many and many-sided. Much that has been claimed to be divine truth has been proven to be simply man’s idea of what divine truth is, and has in time been shown to be full of hu- man imperfection. The heresy of one age has been Vill ; PREFACE. accepted as the truth of the next, when men have had a clearer light in which to see. Let us be scientific in our searches after truth : and until some better reason can be given for believing the religion of the Christ to be merely human in its origin than for believing it superhuman, it seems to me that a true science must accept it as essentially divine. I am not speaking of the many miserable travesties of it which imay claim the. name of Christianity, nor of the many elaborate schemes of dogma which may claim to be the whole truth, while really they are sim- ply human conceptions of it, and therefore liable to error ; but I am speaking of that new power of a di- vine life in the world which historically dates from Jesus the Christ, and which the greatest Christian that ever lived, Paul the Apostle, claims to be ‘‘ the power of His resurrection ;’? a power which has vindicated for itself through eighteen centuries a far-reaching vitality among men equalled by nothing else under heaven. Je Ae St. Paut’s Rectory, Cuestnut Hirt, PHILADELPHIA, Christmas, 1882. SERMON I. Lt aaae VI. VII. VIL. TABLE OF SUBJECTS, Preliminary considerations on the character of human belief, Preliminary considerations on the character of conclusive evidence, . : Hebrew national exclusiveness evolving the gradual development of a true Monothe- istic Idea capable of universal reception, . The origin and development of the Messi- anic Idea, _ Greek and Roman development in the line of capacity for receiving a true Monothe- ism; said capacity being evolved out of an historical and fundamental incapacity, The same subject continued, .- The education of the world by Hebrew, Greek, and Roman, in the development, respectively, of (a) Conscience, (0) Taste and Reason, (c) Disciplined Will, . The effect in connection with the cause, . The Resurrection of Christ, . The Christian Doctrine of the Trinity, PAGE 11 21 30 56 68 I, PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS ON THE CHARACTER OF HUMAN BELIEF. Acts XXVIII, 24.—‘*Some believed the things which were spoken ; and some believed not.”— Second lesson for morning. Preached August 13, 1882, in St. Paul's Church, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. In presenting for your attention some considera- tions upon the evidences of the divine origin and therefore paramount authority of ‘‘ The Religion of the Christ,’’ it may be well at the outset to offer some reasons for dealing with such a subject in speaking to a congregation of Christian people who might, natur- ally, be supposed to have their minds made up on that point : and more especially to explain why the sub- ject will be treated as I propose to do. As to the latter point, it may be permitted to say that if my lot were to minister to uncultured people in the backwoods, it might be out of place to present the matter thus. It might be unadvisable to suggest doubts which otherwise would not be likely to arise in their minds. But, called as I happen to be, to min- ister to a congregation abounding in literary tastes and of a wide range of reading, and in Le eortt thereupon, the case is different. In these days of upheaval of thought and question- 12 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM ings concerning many things in former days consid- ered settled by an authority rather submitted to than interrogated, much is said and written, both in prose and poetry, in public and in private, which has a ten- dency to foster a half-belief, if not a polished and cul- tivated unbelief. At no previous time has there been so wide a diffusion of such literature ; at no previous time has human thought been so daring and indisposed to submit to any mere authority as such, or to any settled order of things simply because it has come to be considered settled. : Then, too, there are many practical problems of life which have what is called an unsettling effect upon a religious belief which rests simply upon authority. You and I are daily brought, in one way and another, into contact with such problems—problems which in- volve the question of God’s goodness, which induce doubt whether there has been any revelation of God to men. Now, it seems to me, that to people who may be thus affected, either by reason of their reading, or talking with others, or because of their reflections upon life’s manifold sad problems, it may be a comfort to feel sure of one thing—that thing being the fact that the religion of the Christ is really of divine origin, and therefore paramount authority ; for if it be, it presents a clew to guide through many a mazy labyrinth—a key to open many a door in ‘‘ Doubting Castle,’ and secure freedom from the clutches of ‘‘ Giant Despair.” Satisfied as to its divine origin, men will be content to render obedience to its precepts in the present, and patiently wait for that future when “we shall know -_ * APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 13 even as also we are known,’’ even though they have to confess with that sturdy and hopeful believer, Paul the Apostle, that ‘‘ now we see by means of a mirror, in ariddle.”’ Let us have the one certain anchor, and the tossing of the waves or the drift of the tide will be harmless. In discussing questions of belief, and of that cer- tainty upon which a sound and true belief should be founded, we must be careful to discriminate between two sorts of certainty, which I shall call—using the terms in their popular acceptation—(a) mathematical certainty, and (6) moral certainty. As I understand the meaning of those terms, mathematical certainty is the result of the indisputable demonstration of a truth, the contrary of which is an absurdity; as, for in- stance, the truth that the sum of all the angles at the point of intersection of two or more straight lines is equal to four right angles. Mathematical certainty may also be axiomatic in its character, as, e.g., the certainty that the whole is greater than any of its parts, and that the whole is equal to the sum of all its parts. This kind of certainty, as also the demonstration upon which it rests, is inapplicable, because impos- sible, in matters of religious belief. By moral certainty, I understand that certainty which is the result of evidence ‘‘ founded on the prin- ciples we have from consciousness and common-sense, improved by experience.’’ Religious belief or faith (at least in our day), has nothing to do with mathe matical, but only with moral, certainty : and, in this respect, what all religious beliefs claim for them- 14 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM selves, as represented by Jews, Christians, Moham- medans, Buddhists, Brahmins, or any others, includ- ing unbelievers, is on a par as to the sort, not the de- gree of certainty. Even Gideon’s fleece, wet or dry, simply presented | to his senses phenomena which to him were the basis of moral certainty as to his divine call to the work which he performed with such whole-souled faith and thoroughness. If, therefore, the divine origin and authority of the religion of the Christ can be shown to rest upon an undoubted moral certainty, its paramount claim is established ; and I may state here, that it is not intended so much to prove a negative as to other faiths as it is to establish a positive for the religion of the Christ. This subject furnishes material for more than one sermon, probably for many ; in the construction of which I claim no originality of treatment : simply the putting together of material worked out by others, and gleaned here and there in the course of study or reading, to the strengthening of my own faith amid the questionings of the day and in view of the various problems of life which are always puzzling when one allows himself to think. With this by way of introduction, let us proceed to matters more directly connected with the text :. ‘* Some believed the things which were spoken, and some believed not.”? This is, all things considered, a perfectly frank statement. The writer is describing an interview between Paul the Apostle and those who came to visit him after his APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. LS arrival at Rome, in consequence of his appeal to Cesar, at whose judgment-seat alone he could reason- ably hope for justice. Upon his arrival—or soon after—Paul had sent for the chief men among his fellow-Israelites at’ Rome, to explain to them the precise reason for his appeal. The conversation seems to have turned upon a new way of thinking about religious matters which had lately appeared in the world, and rumors concerning which had reached Rome, rumors in fact not very creditable ; for the visitors said, ‘‘ we desire to hear of thee what thou thinkest ; for as concerning this new sect, we know that everywhere it is spoken against. ”” An arrangement was made for a future visit, and many presented themselves at his lodging, where the conversation and argument lasted all day. As far as we can tell from the record, both the host and his vis- itors were of the same way of thinking on one point ; and that was, the authority of certain ancient records of Israel. Paul and his visitors and questioners agreed in that. Whether the records had that authority or not is not the question. The authority was conceded on both sides, and furnished the common ground on which both could stand. But here the agreement ceased. It does not appear that Paul used any arguments to this audience drawn from other sources than those records, however he had argued when dealing with men who did not recognize their authority. He certainly had a thorough acquaintance with the contents of the records, and from his well- known and proven ability to say clearly what he meant to say, it was probable that no clearer or more forcible 16 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM statement of the inferences he drew from thein could be made than he made; and yet the historian who briefly describes the interview candidly says that the only outcome of Paul’s argument was this: ‘‘ Some believed the things which were spoken, and some be- lieved not.”? The inference he wished to draw was that he who was known among men as Jesus of Naza- reth was really the Christ, the Messiah, whom the rec- ords he appealed to had predicted. It is to be noted that the evidence was the same for those who did and those who did not believe. _ One of the most curious phenomena of human be- lief, z.¢., the ‘‘ assent to what is credible as credible, ”’ as a ground of human activities, is that beliefs and conclusions differ upon the same general evidence. A perfectly familiar instance of this is given by the different organizations of Christendom, where differ-— ently formulated dogmas and activities prevail, while each organization appeals to the same authority which all the others appeal to, the New Testament Script- ures, and the way in which they were received and acted upon by the earliest generations of Christians. One organization claims that the whole Church should be under the direction of a single bishop ;_ others claim a parity in the Episcopal order, the presiding bishop in each national church being as it were a ‘primus inter pares ;’’ other organizations claim a parity of all ministers. Some hold to the doctrine and practice of baptism by immersion and only admit adults to that sacrament ; while others consider that baptism by sprinkling or pouring is a valid sacrament even when administered to infants, APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 17 These are practices. The same or even greater diversity exists in regard to doctrines, and those, too, which are claimed to be fundamental. The curious part of it all is that, differing as they do in practice or doctrine, each claims to be right in following the teach- ing of the one authority of the New Testament Seript- ures, With regard to this diversity of belief and practice under this one authority, it may be said that ‘‘ while there are diversities of operations,’ yet ‘it is the same God which worketh all in all,’’ in the essential truth or force which embodies every ‘‘ operation”? under the name of a Christian faith. But the question of believing or not believing goes farther than the question of ‘‘ diversities of operations ”’ under the Christian faith, and involves that of the divine origin of the religion of the Christ itself. We might wish that this were not so. But it isso: and it will not do for Christians of whatever name to ignore the fact. Nor will it do to permit vituperation to take the place of argument, as is too often the case. It will not do to sneer at or pity or ignore objections to, or denials of, the claim that the religion of the Christ is of divine origin. The objections and the denials exist. If they are to be met at all—and be met they must-—it must be by argument ; by showing that there are better reasons for believing that the religion of the Christ is of divine origin than for believing that itisnot. If those reasons cannot be produced, then the only fair thing, the only righteous thing, the only manly thing, to do, is to admit that the disbelievers in its divine origin have the better case of the two: and 18 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM even if it be not (as it is) the only fair, righteous and manly course, it is the only course which can preserve to an honest man his self-respect ; and to present bet- ter reasons for believing than for disbelieving is the only course which will have a particle of weight with many who are inclined to disbelieve, It is useless to sigh for the return of the “ ages of faith,’’ so-called, when faith meant nothing more than a blind unques- tioning submission to authority. It is necessary to show that faith is, logically, truer and better than unfaith, We stand face to face at this day with a most im- portant fact. There are computed to be, approxi- mately, of OWS Sapo ace ee re igh 7,700,000 Christians’ 255 iis Saha ie 388,200,000 Mohammedans: se eee eo 122,400,000 Shintos, Buddhists and followers of Conducing ii ate vis ea ped 482,600,000 Brahminical Hindoos............ 120,000,000 PATS OCR 96s can't as aides nk de ae 1,000,000 And all others, Pagans, and not epnmerated.. viv yaw A ae ee 227,000,000 Out of an estimated total of the world’s population............. 1,348,900,000 (The above figures are taken from Rand, McNally & Co.’s Atlas of the World, Chicago, 1882.) The question naturally arises, and cannot be put aside as one which need not be answered, ‘* What ground has the Christian for believing his faith to be APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 19 the true faith ?”’ ¢.e., of divine origin and paramount obligation. Obviously, the evidence is of two general kinds (such as it is) for all religions. (a) Internal. (6) External. It is not to be denied that internal evidence has a certain weight not to be despised. But an appeal to it is burdened with the weakness that arguments based upon it have weight principally to. those, in each of the world’s different religions, who are already be- lievers in their several systems. A Mohammedan is perfectly satisfied with Mohammedanism, and thinks that the best religion; a Buddhist with Buddhism ; and so on. The matter is largely one of subjective appeal rather than of objective demonstration. Each one says (and feels) ‘‘ my religion is the best ;’’ and while the belief of believers may be strengthened, the objections of gainsayers may not so readily by an ap- peal to internal evidences be weakened. While not by any means objecting to the force of internal evi- dence as far as it can go—and it goes a good way—it seems to me that the present aspect of the case de- mands rather an appeal to external evidences ; 7.e., the presentation of admitted facts so grouped together as to produce a cumulative argument in favor of one conclusion rather than another. For the divine origin and paramount authority of the Christian faith, the external evidence is far more complete now than it was in St. Paul’s time: and if certain undoubted facts and admitted effects can be shown to have had as an adequate cause, one which 20 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM. under all circumstances of the case could only have been a plan exceeding all possible human plans in its character, the case is fairly made out as a case of moral certainty that the religion of. the Christ is of superhuman—i.¢., divine—origin, and of paramount authority for you and for me. If. PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS ON THE CHARACTER OF CONCLUSIVE EVIDENCE. Acts XXVIII, 24.—‘‘Some believed the things which were spo- ken, and some believed not.’’ —St. Luke in Acts. Luke I, 4.—‘‘That thou mightest know the certainty of those things wherein thou hast been instructed.’’—St. Luke in Gospel. Preached August 20, 1882, in St. Paul's Church, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. Tu “certainty” in this connection, as we saw last Sunday, is a moral and not a mathematical certainty ; and, of the two kinds of evidence upon which such certainty rests, we will at first be occupied with the external, which, as already remarked, is more com- plete now than in St. Paul’s time, and for obvious reasons. I. It is necessary to premise a statement concern- ing the kind of external evidence to be adduced, both in order that the course of the argument may be the more clearly seen, and also by reason of the fact that the necessities of. the argument in the present day re- quire the ignoring of many things which much of what are called ‘‘ Christian evidences,’’ have insisted upon maintaining. One of the systems of thought opposed to Christian- ity, and indeed to any “ revelation” at all, is Agnosti- cism, a system so recent that the word does not appear in Woreester’s Dictionary of 1860. 992, PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM If I understand the meaning of the word “ agnos- tic,’’ it is ‘‘ one who denies the certainty of anything not evidenced to the senses, or which does not rest upon mathematical demonstration.”’ One peculiarity, as it seems to me, of this system of denying-philosophy is, that while freely applied to and considered conclusive by its advocates in matters which relate to religious faith, it somehow fails to operate in the practical affairs of daily life ; the relations and proc- esses of which rest, even with agnostics, on faith, or belief, z.¢., ‘‘ assent to what is credible as credible, ”’ upon evidences not furnished by the operation of the senses or by mathematical demonstration, but upon evidence such as is capable only of producing moral certainty : which it will be remembered is all T have claimed for the religion of the Christ. An English agnostic, for instance, supposing him to be acquainted only with the history of England, would hardly deny the fact or the results of the revolution of 1688 ; nor an American agnostic, in like manner, the fact or the results of the revolution which changed the colonies of Great Britain into the United States of America ; nor would under like circumstances a F rench agnostic dispute the fact or the results of what is known in history as the French Revolution ; and yet a belief in these must, from the nature of the case rest upon evidences which are denied to have validity when applied to the affairs of religious belief. Nor , would any one of the better kind of agnostics be con- tent to apply the principles of his non-belief in deter- mining the question of his parentage, or of such a one being his brother or his sister ; although assent to the APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 23 facts involved evidently rests upon other evidence than that which is required by agnostic principles. What there might be differences of opinion about, in connection with the historical events alluded to, would be the goodness or otherwise of the cause involved on either side; as would be shown, e.g. by one set of writers calling them ‘‘ Revolutions,’’ and another set calling them ‘‘ Rebellions ;” and in the case of family relationships there might be questions as to the good- ness or otherwise of the relatives ; and in determining either of these to be held as a verity, the domain of the moral must be entered, and conclusions must par- take of the nature of moral, not mathematical cer- tainty. It is proposed then, to deal with evidences for the divine or supernatural origin of the religion of the Christ, simply upon the principles which agnostics ap- ply in practice, whatever they may do in the vagaries of theory ; that is, to receive alleged facts upon credi- ble evidence, and, if those facts be thus established, to seek to establish the moral certainty of an adequate cause for what is admitted to have some cause. Obviously, to enter fairly upon such a course of argument, it is necessary for argument’s sake, at the very start not to claim that the Scriptures are in any way inspired ; for otherwise it could be claimed that any other course would be a complete begging of the whole question. It is also necessary not to appeal to what are commonly called ‘‘ miracles ;’? for that is a prominent point in dispute. The Scriptures will be appealed to simply as existing literary remains, with, if you please, in many instances —_ 24 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM a disputed authorship and, within certain limits, an uncertain age. ‘¢ Miracles ’’ will not be appealed to in evidence, to establish allegations of fact or to determine moral cer- tainties ; although the arriving at a moral certainty in- dependently of them may go far to make a belief in them not the foolish thing some people think. It is hoped that dealing with the subject in this way will avoid that arguing in a circle which has some- times characterized the so-called ‘‘ evidences of Chris- tianity,’? and which a certain kind of modern unbelief can make short work of in any argument. With these things premised in order to render more clear positions which will be taken, let us pass on to consider those positions. II. In the first place, the appearance in the world of the religion of the Christ is in many respects a fact unique in history. It was and is a fact, account for its origin how we may; as much a fact as the appearance of Mosaism, with which system it was and is intimately connected ; or as the appearance of Buddhism, with which it is getting nowadays fashionable in some literary circles to compare it ; or as the appearance of Mohammedanism, with which it seems about to enter upon a fierce struggle. Furthermore, the appearance of this fact in the world is as definitely settled as to time as is the beginning of the Roman Empire, or as is the hegira of Mohammed ; very much more definitely settled than the appearance of Buddhism, inasmuch as there is a difference of opinion among Buddhist authorities as to the date of APPLIED TO EVIDENCES oF CHRISTIANITY, 25 the alleged Buddha’s death, the extreme limits of that variation being, as it is stated, two thousand years ! There can be no reasonable doubt then, either as to the appearance of this fact of the religion of the Christ, or as to the precise time, within a very few years, at which it appeared. | As an indisputable fact it had an origin which, using the terms in their ordinarily received sense, was either (a) Natural, or (6) Supernatural. If natural, it was a development, growing out of natural causes, of the religious and moral condition of the world at the time and place of its appearance - and early progress. As a matter of moral certainty this is impossible, and for the simple reason, according to universal con- current testimony, that the religious condition of the world, not only in the heathen part of it but also to a great extent in the Jewish part of it, Was as a matter of fact producing, naturally, developments and results directly opposed to the principles and teaching of the religion of the Christ ; persecuted it when it ap- peared ; and so far from producing it asa development actually succeeded to a great extent in corrupting it, whether or not we consider it to have been a spiritual force supernaturally introduced. The facts of the case are against the supposition that it, had a natural origin, if we regard it, as we must, a spiritual force of some kind which produced actual results. (6) But if the origin of the religion of the Christ is to be considered a supernatural one, we must be pre- 26 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM pared to show, as a matter of moral certainty, why and how, when we ask men so to receive it. Hvidently— to repeat somewhat—in view of the nature of objec- tions which have to be considered, whether we like to or not, it will not do to appeal to the authority of in- spired writers as such, because it is just such authority which the objectors decline to receive, and the argu- ment would come to an end at once. Inspiration is just a main point in dispute. To concede that would be, for objectors, to concede everything. We are compelled to approach the subject in another way, and simply claim the application of such principles as guide men to conclusions in the ordinary matters of life : generally guide them as ordinary and safe rules of action and belief. I say generally rather than univer- sally, because there are some people who never, if they -ean help it, think, reason, or act, according to gener- ally received rules ; a class for which, in the American language, there has lately been invented a very short but very expressive name. It cannot with truth be denied that among those rules which generally guide men, as being ordinary and safe rules of belief and action, is this one— ‘‘ Whatever bears marks of design presents, just so far forth, evidences of design.”’ This rule of evidence guides thought and action, in intricate and knotty questions, involving often the lives and fortunes of men, in that place where the » greatest security is supposed to exist for life and fortune—a court of justice, where logic is sup- posed to be most remorseless in its accuracy, and where evidence tainted with uncertainty is supposed APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 27 to be valueless. That is the theory, whatever may be the practice. If, then, such facts can be produced as would, in any case, generally be accepted as evidences of ‘a design which under the circumstances would necessarily be beyond the power of what men know and speak of as natural forces or causes, it is fair to demand that such evidences be accepted for another origin of the religion of the Christ than a natural one ; and in such ease it is harder to account for its coming into being on any other grounds than supernatural. In short, the idea of the supernatural must be created in order to account for it. And here let me guard against a possible misunder- standing of terms. When I speak of the religion of the Christ. in this connection I mean simply that spiritual foree which came into the world, in, by, and through the person and work of Jesus of Nazareth who was proclaimed to be the Christ of God ; a spiritual force which either modified, antagonized, or subdued other spiritual forces then and afterward in existence: a spiritual force which, in the case of a peculiar and distinct peo- ple, to the extent to which it was received, modified the existing system of Mosaism ; which in the case of others than that people offered itself as a substitute for it ; and which found itself in a death-grapple with other spiritual forces then existing in the world, and emerged from the struggle wounded, yet triumphant. Iam speaking of the original force itself, and not any particular form in which that force was exercised 28 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM or symbolized or systematized by men who had the force within them. All these were, have been since, and are still, the development of the natural, and can be accounted for in that way: or, to vary the state- ment, whatever the treasure was and is, it was and is held in earthen vessels of a style and finish ranging from common clay to the finest porcelain. Iam speak- ing now of the treasure, not the vessels holding it ; the marring or breaking of which cannot rob the treas- ure of its value, although it may thereby be exposed to the risk of loss. You will readily see that all which has been said is simply preliminary in its character. It is necessary to define terms and to establish positions at the begin- ning. I shall next ask your attention to certain historical facts, without assuming at the present stage of the subject that there is anything about them out of the ordinary character of natural facts, strange indeed, perhaps, but not supernatural as to their causes, when considered individually. What would be the most easy way of accounting for them when looked at, not singly but, in their relations to each other and in re- gard to the sequence of their combined results, will be for you to determine after their presentation has been made. They will be found, I think, to show the life of different nations and races converging by entirely dis- tinct lines to a certain point. We shall have to follow up each line separately, and then gather them collec- tively ; if each is a wonderful story in itself and apart from the others, their combination is a sequence far APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 29 more wonderful ; so full of wonder that the absence of a design and a supernatural designer is harder to account for on natural principles than the continuous presence and omnipotent force of both. What the design was the story itself makes plain. Who the Designer was, the design manifests. Some may call Him ‘‘ The Unknowable.”’ I prefer a shorter name—‘‘ God.’’ III. HEBREW NATIONAL EXCLUSIVENESS ~ EVOLVING THE GRADUAL DEVELOP- | MENT OF A TRUE MONOTHEISTIC IDEA CAPABLE OF UNIVERSAL RECEPTION. Deut. IV, 7.—‘‘ What nation is there so great, who hath God so nigh unto them, as Jahveh, our God, is in all things that we call upon him for ?’’ Preached, August 27, 1882, in St. Paul’s Church, Chesinut Hill, Philadelphia. Wuar has already been said in the two preceding sermons on Christian evidences has been in the way of general preliminary ; a clearing away of the ground upon which the argument is to be based. In turning now to the history of the Jews it will be necessary to introduce some preliminary considera- tions bearing more particularly upon this branch of the subject, so that the argument itself may not be in- terrupted in its progress when once begun. I. The first of these is, the very long time which elapsed from the alleged beginnings of the race-his- tory in Abraham to the time at which it was alleged that the promises of spiritual blessings made to Abra- ham were fulfilled in Jesus of Nazareth. It may be asked, ‘‘ If the religion of the Christ is the true one, why was God so long in allowing men to know any- thing about it, if, as its believers assert, it is a matter of such vital importance and really comes from Him ?” PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM. 31 The answer can only be, ‘‘ It is impossible to say why ; but one thing it is very possible to say, viz., that the slowness of spiritual development, with all its temporary ebbs and flows, is precisely analogous to what the most recent discoveries of science show to have been the slowness of physical development in. the universe, together with the survival of the fittest. | One plan (if there be a plan), seems to run through what believers claim to be the spiritual and the physi- cal works of God, what non-believers claim to be sim- ply natural phenomena. The slowness of the working is no argument against either the one or the other set of results having a supernatural origin. Just why either or both should be slow, no man can tell. II. A second preliminary consideration is, that, in view of the length of the national history of the Jews up to the entrance of the Christian era, the historical records are very meagre. Long periods of time are passed over with very brief mention, or with but some one or two topics of interest within them treated at any length. We shall better realize the length of the national life of the Jews, as compared for instance with those of Greece and Rome up to the Christian era, if we but remember that the undoubtedly historical epoch of David and Solomon, an epoch of the history ever afterward looked back upon fondly as the culmina- tion of the power and glory of the nation as such, cor- responds very nearly with the earliest date assigned to the birth of Homer, and with the time at which Eneas is said to have come into Italy—for both the 32 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM Greek and the Roman, then, the age of fable which long preceded any authentic record. III. Another consideration concerning the Jewish records is that the result of some modern scholarship throws, it is stated, grave doubt upon the antiquity of some portions of the Old Testament which upon their face, as they stand in our present form of the Bible, appear to be among the most ancient of the record. It is not the purpose of the present.series to discuss such questions, which depend for their settlement upon a range of scholarship far beyond me. But one thing the present argument must do, if it is to have any strength ; and that is, it must admit, for argu- ment’s sake, the latest date at which the most destruc- tive criticism of modern times may choose to place either the whole or portions of any existing book of the Old Testament. So far as our argument goes, it makes no difference whether all the Pentateuch was the work of Moses or, at any rate, of about that time ; or whether large por- tions of it were composed as late as 700 B.c., or even later : whether the book of Daniel was written actu- ally in the days of that prophet, or whether it was the production of a writer within two hundred years of the coming of Christ : whether the Prophet Isaiah, the son of Amoz, was the author of all the book which goes by his name, or whether a large portion of it at the close was produced by one or more nameless prophets of the captivity. Whatever may be the diversity of scholarly opinion on these points, or on the point of the relative claims to inspiration put forth for the records—there stand APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 33 the records, an indisputable literary fact ; and having, most of them, an undoubted existence some centuries before the Christian era, a large portion of them hav- ing an undoubted existence many centuries before that time; and that is all that is required, as already stated, for the present argument which is to be based upon admitted facts, and only on those. Of course it is assumed that these records in the main set forth what were the views and feelings, the beliefs and the practices—in short, the view of the national life— of the people whose national life they are the monu- ments of, in its various stages up to, say two hundred years before the beginning of the Christian era. If this much cannot be assumed, then, of course, not only ‘must the argument be abandoned, but also all histori- cal research be useless in any quarter. The past, in short, in that case, must be blotted out. These literary monuments then, reveal to us at least what was the national belief as to the main facts of the national history embraced in their compass ; and some of these literary monuments which record the earlier basis of the history are admitted even by Ewald to have ‘‘every appearance of great antiquity.” (Hist. Israel, 1, 63.) He goes on to say, ‘‘ We find such fragments of the oldest historical works scattered about from the Book of Genesis down to that of Judges. . . . Thematter which they record may be recognized as the most strictly historical, and the picture which they present as the most antique.’’ As time wore on, other records were added, enlarging upon, or rearranging what had gone before ; adding new material of subsequent history ; and so presenting b+ PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM us with a continuous if in some instances a very much summarized picture of national life which in its main features of belief and action may be safely regarded as historical and not fictitious. ; These records present us with a national, springing out of a family and tribal, life, which in its main divisions may be classed as that of 1. Hebrewism, 2. Israelism, and 3. Judaism ; The first ranging from the appearance of Abram the Hebrew to the migration of Jacob with his family into Egypt; the second from that time to the cap- tivity at Babylon ; and the third from the restoration of a portion of the people to Jerusalem up to the present time ; only the first part of this third period, of course, being found in any of the Old Testament records. From the beginning of the history in the migration of Abraham one feature of a marked characteristic appears in every line of the record, and may be read between the lines; that of exclusiveness, separation from all the rest of the world. In the first, or Hebrew period, this separation was brought about by the isolation of a certain family from the home and traditions of its ancestry in a land in which it was to play—as a matter of fact did play—the part of a wandering stranger without any landed pos- session but a purchased burfing-place. In the second, or Israel period, the separation (after a residence of centuries in Egypt) was brought about in the possession by the family, now expanded APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 35 into a nation, of the same country in which it had been a wandering stranger; a possession under a peculiar code of laws and social institutions which divided it from every other nation, and at the same time did so in a country which became “the battle- ground of the peoples and tribes of Asia ;’’ a seclu- sion, so to speak, in the central point of contact with the nations. In the third, or Jewish period of its history, the separation of the nation, scattered over the whole known world, was kept up by a system of religious institutions and race-ethics which maintained, and has maintained to this day an absolute demarcation from all other races and nations. We must now consider some of the particular points in which this separation was, during the whole life of the family and nation, believed by them to stand. The first and main point was the belief in the pecul- iar relations which subsisted between the race and its God. Every tribe and race had this same belief with reference to its tutelary deity, but in the case of Israel there were some peculiarities not seen elsewhere. Up to a certain time, that of the Exodus from Egypt, the current belief was that to their ancestors the Deity had been pleased to reveal Himself in a gen- eral way as God Almighty. At the time of the Exodus there was a marked change. It was believed, from that time on, that the Deity had chosen a new and personal name by which He was to be known to and worshipped by Israel, and that this new name was to be His ‘* Memorial to all gen- 36 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM erations.’’ The correct form of this name is now be- lieved by the best Hebrew scholars to be ‘‘ Jahveh ;” and the idea was that whatever might be the names under which other nations worshipped God or gods, ‘¢ Jahveh ’’ was to be Israel’s God, and Israel was to be ‘‘ Jahveh’s ’’ especial and chosen people—‘‘ a peo- ple of inheritance ’’ as it is expressed : that Jahveh was a local God of the particular country in which Israel lived, and that when they were away from that coun- try they were away from the special presence and pro- tection of Jahveh their especial God. That this was the belief at a certain period of the history we can see by David’s complaint to Saul (1 Sam. 26:19), in which he says of his enemies, ‘‘ they have driven me out this day from abiding in the inheritance of Jahveh, saying, ‘ Go, serve other gods ;’” the exist- ence of which other local gods was apparently at the time believed in, but with the reservation that Jahveh | was a ‘‘ great king, above all gods.’? The idea was finally developed into the belief that Jahveh was the only God, God of the whole earth, and that there was no God beside Him. This was a development which it took a long time to evolve, a development which involved the true idea of monotheism. This is a matter of record in the sacred books of Israel, and it is very important to keep it in mind ; as otherwise we shall miss the truth of the record and lose its instruction. You may verify this for your- selves if you will remember when you read the Old Testament to substitute the personal name ‘‘ Jahveh”’ for the title ‘‘ The Lorp,’’ wherever the word ‘*Lorp’’ in the English Bible is printed in capital APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. of letters. Whenever it is so printed it is a paraphrase, not a translation of the Hebrew text, and to possess the truth of the record we need a translation, not a paraphrase. You will find the truth of what has been said vindicated by always reading the personal name ' “ Jahveh”’ instead of the title ‘‘ The Lorp.” The whole warp and woof of the texture of the Old Testa- ment records from the time of the Exodus from Egypt, is based upon the idea of the personality of Jahveh as the God of Israel and of Israel being Jahveh’s people ; with the added and gradually devel- oped idea that Jahveh was and is the only God, and to be recognized as such finally by every nation. But what is the meaning of ‘‘ Jahveh”’ in this con- nection? And how was the idea of Jahvism devel- oped, first by the exclusive tendencies of Israelitish sacerdotalism, and secondly by the generalizing ten- dencies of Israelitish prophetism ? The name and the idea bound up in it were pro- pounded at a very critical period of the national his- tory ; and the form of expression now used in relat- ing it is adopted because the argument in its present stage is occupicd simply with recorded phenomena, not the actual or alleged causes of them. The nation of Israel was ina state of slavery. Sud- denly a man, with every natural qualification for the task presented himself to his fellow-slaves as their de- liverer from bondage, announcing that he had received a command from God to execute this task. Some- thing led them to submit themselves to his guidance andauthority. From that time on, by divine authority, as he alleged, they were to know their fathers’ God 38 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM by the personal name of ‘‘ Jahveh,’’? which means ‘* He who will be.” The name was to be a constant and abiding *‘ memorial’’ that God would give them deliverance and would continue to be their national God. It was a memorial of deliverance and protec- tion; of peculiar deliverance and protection to them as distinguished from all other nations. So it was accepted ; and for a long time in the national history it was a matter of recorded belief that Jahveh was ex- clusively the God of Israel. This exclusiveness was kept up by a caste of priests, known distinctively as the “‘ priests of Jah- veh,” and whose business it was to see that the system of ceremonial and sacrifice enjoined by a law, gradu- ally expanded into great minuteness of detail, should be constantly and strictly observed. The main effect of this would be and was to maintain the exclusive- ness of Israel among the nations of the earth. It is true, the nation frequently fell away, and insisted on _ adopting the religions of neighboring tribes and na- tions ; but were, for some reason or other, always brought back to the worship of Jahveh. Of course the system of sacerdotalism in time produced another customary result of such a system, that of giving little heed to the moral law of Jahveh even while rigidly executing His ceremonial. But it is also of record that another force was at. work in the nation. LBesides the caste of ‘‘ priests of Jahveh’’ there was an order (not a caste) of men who claimed to be ‘prophets of Jahveh,’’ appearing singly from time to time, at first in national emergen- cies, and afterward as a settled order of men, with APPLIED TO ‘EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 39 here and there an eminent individual, claiming some- times to foretell the future, sometimes to declare the will of Jahveh in the present, and whose office was twofold : (a) to call back to the service of Jahveh the nation when it had forsaken Him for other gods ; and ° (6) in later times when rite and ceremony and sacrifice were offered, even profusely, to Jahveh, coincidently with a low state of morals, to declare in burning words to the worshippers that clean hands and a pure heart and a righteous life were of more necessity than any amount of sacrifices. The following instance may stand for one of many. (Micah 6 : 6-8.) The question was how to please Jahveh : ‘‘ Where- with shall I come before Jahveh, and bow myself be- fore the high God? Shall I come before Him with burnt offerings, with calves of a year old? Will Jahveh be pleased with thousands of rams, or with ten thousands of rivers of oil? Shall I give my first-born for my transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul?’ The prophetic answer was, ‘‘ He hath showed thee, O man, what is good ; and what doth Jahveh require of thee but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God ?”’ But this did not exhaust the teaching of the prophets. As time wore on, they proclaimed in unmistakable terms that the exclusiveness of Jahvism would be modified, that others than the chosen people would be admitted to a share in the blessings of that religion ; and this, too, was proclaimed at a time when the ex- | clusiveness was in full force. The following passage 40 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM will illustrate the character of the proclamation of a prophet in Jerusalem before the captivity in Babylon. (Isaiah 25: 6, 7, 8, 9.) ‘‘In this mountain shall Jahveh Zebaoth make unto all people a feast of fat things ; a feast of wines on the lees; of fat things - full of marrow, of wines on the lees well refined. And THe will destroy in this mountain the face of the covering cast over all people, and the veil that is spread over all nations. He will swallow up death in victory . . . and it shall be said in that day, Lo, . . this is Jahveh ; we have waited for Him, we will be glad and rejoice in His salvation.”’ To sum up, then, this portion of the subject : There were two views of Jahvism, sometimes antago- nistic, in the development of the national life of Israel. They were embodied in (a) The ‘‘ priests of Jahveh,”’ with their restricting conservatism and magnifying of rite, ceremony and sacrifice ; and (8) the ‘‘ prophets of Jahveh’’ who progressively proclaimed Him as the God of righteousness, and who predicted a ‘‘ new coy- enant ”’ fitted and destined for many peoples. The antagonism of the days of Jeremiah was modified and reconciled under the priestly ritual of the sacred temple, so. far as Israel itself was con- cerned. (See Kuenen, ‘‘ National Religions and Uni- versal Religions,’’ pp. 156, 157, 177.) The effect—or rather one marked effect—of the dispersion after the Babylonish captivity was in sev- ering the Jewish religion from the Jewish nationality, and thus preparing the way for the evolution of a universal out of a national religion. (See Kuenen, Pp LSS od Sieh ee APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 41 We have thus seen, in a very brief and summarized way, aseries of facts in a national life which by dint of its very exclusiveness, developed a comparatively crude tribal idea of God into a true monotheism set- ting forth as capable of universal (no longer tribal or national) recognition and worship one only God, who was preeminently a righteous God.* Was this result, as a matter of fact, attained any- where else in the world to the same extent, and asa basis of a future development ? If it was, I have failed to read about it. There may or may not have been a settled plan un- derlying it all. To me, the natural conclusion would be that there was. Still, it may be and is claimed that that isa matter about which opinions may differ. We have, however, as yet glanced but briefly at one national life in connection with religion ; and have seen that Jahvism was a religion which had a future as well as a present, which no other religion of antiquity had: and inseparably connected with that future was the Messianic idea, the origin and develop- ment of which must be reserved for future considera- tion. It is a matter of record. * See ‘* The Religion of Israel,” by Dr. A. Kuenen. TVs THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF TIE MESSIANIC IDEA. Micah Vi, 20.—‘‘ Thou wilt perform the truth to Jacob, and the mercy to Abraham, which thou hast sworn unto our fathers from the days of old.’’—xs. c. 700, not later. Preached Sept. 3, 1832, in St. Paul's Church, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. We have seen, by appealing to the records of the national life of Israel, the slow development within national limits of a true monotheism capable of uni- versal adoption. We pass now toa consideration of the slow develop- ment of the national idea concerning the agent, by whom blessings would come to Israel and through Israel to the world. As before, the character of the statements will be that of a brief summary only, setting forth a catena of facts established by the Hebrew Scriptures of the Old Testament, considered simply as literary monuments entitled to the same, credit as, and to no more credit than, other literary monuments of the past universally admitted to exist ; and freely conceding, for argu- ment’s sake, the validity of every modern doubt as to the relative antiquity or recentness of different parts of those Scriptures. The prophet Micah is admitted to have lived not later than seven hundred years before the Christian PRINCIVLES OF AGNOSTICISM. 43 era, and the book which bears his name is admitted to be his. The last verse of his book shows that there was in his mind a belief concerning certain blessings prom- ised to the progenitors of the Hebrew people ; and the general way in which “‘ the truth to Jacob ”’ and ‘the mercy to Abraham,” are referred to, make it reasonable to suppose there was also a popular belief on that subject which would understand just what he meant. Now we also have among those Hebrew records some which are of undoubtedly much greater antiquity than the production of Micah ; and they may be taken as trustworthy records of what was believed at the time they were composed. Whether what was be- lieved rested on adequate authority, or on the actual authority upon which it claimed to rest, is not now the point at issue. It is simply the question of the fact, not the real or alleged origin of it which con- cerns Us. It is safe then to say that a very long time before the — date of Micah there is the recorded belief that God made certain specific promises to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob ; promises specific and yet entirely gen- eral—even to the extent of vagueness—in their terms. To all three, the promises were conveyed in the form, ‘‘Tn thee and in thy seed shall all the families (or na- tions) of the earth be blessed (or bless themselves). ”’ Hasna ces Leer: 20s 18s 506 .74>; 28 514.) he same records in which these alleged promises are preserved also tell us with the utmost frankness, in effect, that so far as these three recipients of the 44 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM promise were concerned, while they seemed to have a fair share of the blessings of wealth (gotten by fair means or foul) there was nothing at all in their expert- - ence which could be regarded as the accomplishment of such a prediction. The earliest records are frank in remanding the ful- filment to the future. We are fairly entitled to take this belief, that God -made such a promise, as the germ of what was after- ward developed into ‘‘ The Messianic idea.” The processes of that development are now to be briefly traced. It is on record that the lawgiver Moses, who was also believed to be (whether he was or not) a mediator be- tween Jahveh and Israel, made this statement (Dent. 18:15): ‘ Jahveh thy God will raise up unto thee a prophet from the midst of thee, of thy brethren, like unto me: unto him shall ye hearken :’’ and the record furthermore goes on to say that this statement was endorsed by Jahveh, in the following terms (Deut. 18:18, 19): ‘‘I will raise them up a prophet from among their brethren like unto thee, and will put my wordsin hismouth. . . . And it shall come to pass, that whosoever will not hearken unto my words which he shall speak in my name, I will require it of him.” Now, for purposes of this argument, it does not make any matter whether or not Moses actually made this prediction, with this endorsement. It is enough to know that an ancient record, part of which was made up after Moses had died, declares the fact, and that the truth of the declaration was believed as an ancient tradition among the people of Israel. Indeed, APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 45 the later the date assigned to the final revision of the book of Deuteronomy, the more remarkable, in view of the alleged prediction above quoted, are the closing words of the book (Deut. 34:10): ‘* And there arose not a prophet since in Israel like unto Moses, whom . Jahveh knew face to face.”? If these two portions of the record were made up after the time of Elijah, it is an admission that the prediction was fulfilled not even in him, great as he was. If made up before his time, it becomes all the more remarkable for the an- tiquity of the statement ; and in either case bears wit- ness to a popular belief and expectation embedded in the record. Asa matter of fact, the very latest Old Testament record is absolutely silent as to any claim asserted by any of the prophets to be the one whom the prediction (for in the time of some of them it was a prediction) indicated. The point of the whole matter is that there was a recorded belief and a continued expectancy in conse- quence of the belief. It continued to be part of the ‘“religion of the future.”’ We pass now to another matter of unfulfilled ex- pectation, unfulfilled that is, within the compass of the Old Testament records. About eleven hundred years before the Christian era, a radical change took place in the form of the national government of Israel. The history (which was certainly made up of very ancient fragments, no matter when they were put into their present shape) seems to vary in its statements as to the goodness or badness of the motives which brought about the change : but of the fact of the change there can be no 46 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM doubt. From a condition of things in which “ every — man did that which was right in his own eyes ’’—.¢., a condition of anarchy, which was favorable only to the enemies of Israel—the tribes became consolidated into a kingdom under the headship of one who was supposed to rule as Jahveh’s vicegerent. The dynasty of the first king, Saul, practically end- ed in his own person. He was succeeded by one who is spoken of as ‘‘ the darling of the songs of Israel ”’ —David; whose romantic career, personal charms, indomitable valor, and firmly consolidated power, made him an ideal king in the eyes of his subjects. His person, and his time, were ever afterward looked upon as the golden age of the history and national lite of Israel. They were the ceaseless theme of story and song, the standard of comparison for all the future. But more than this. It came to be believed—the whole subsequent Hebrew literature is full of it—that Jahveh had promised to this favored king that his dynasty would be perpetuated in a remarkable way. ‘‘ There can be no question that the most exalted as- pirations were raised in the minds of the people as to the permanence of their kingdom in the line of David.’? (Stanley Leathes, ‘‘ The Religion of the Christ,’’ p. 75.) ‘©The sure mercies of David,’? became a sort of proverb. It seemed as if the vagueness of the prom- ise which was believed to have been made to Abraham was to give place to the definiteness of being carried out at any rate in the line of David: that a king of his lineage would arise who should have universal dominion. APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 47 And yet, in the reign of his grandson, the kingdom was divided, and ten twelfths of it not long after van- ished from the face of the earth. Kings of his line reigned over the remaining two twelfths for a time longer, until, five hundred years at the latest after David’s reign, the last king still being his descendant, the kingdom was broken up entirely and its subjects were carried away into captivity. Still, the hope kept up, on the strength of the promise, and the revival of the kingdom in some way under a ‘‘ son of David” was pertinaciously expected. That also, was a part of ‘“‘the religion of the future.’’ But there was more than all this. The 110th Psalm is headed ‘‘ A Psalm of David.’’ Let us, for reasons already stated, suppose that this title means only ‘‘ a psalm concerning David,’’ and is of uncertain date. It will show, at any rate, as a matter of fact what was believed concerning hiin and the promise made to him of a coming king of his line. The very mysteriousness of the words but accentuates the belief. ven if we are to believe, as some say, that this psalm describes in all the wealth of Oriental hyperbole the hopes concerning David himself as he was setting out on some grand military expedition, it would also describe far more accurately the hopes concerning his promised successor who was, as a son of David, to ese universal dominion and raise the king- dom 4 David to an unprecedented pitch of glory. The translation here given is no doubt accurate—as coming from those apparently eminent for Hebrew scholarship—and also as made by those who consider the psalm as applying to David personally. (‘¢ The 48 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM Psalms Chronologically Arranged: An Amended Version, with Historical Introductions and Explana- tory Notes, by Four Friends.”’ 2d edition. Mac- millan, London, 1870, pp. 31, 32.) ‘‘Jahveh saith unto my lord: ‘Sit thou on my right hand until I make thine enemies thy footstool.’ Jahveh shall send thee the sceptre of power out of Sion; be thou ruler in the midst among thine enemies ; thy people are a free-will offering in the day of battle : in holy array, as dewdrops from the womb of the morning, thou hast the bands of thy warriors. Jahveh hath sworn and will not repent : ‘ thou art a priest for- ever after the order of Melchizedek,’ ’’ ete. This priesthood, then, after the order of Melchize- dek and not in the line of Aaron, was a portion of ‘‘the sure mercies of David,’’ to be, even according to the view of the Psalm quoted above, elaborated in the person of his promised successor, according to the recorded belief. i This also was a part of ‘‘the religion of the future.”’ Let us sum up its points: the points of recorded belief in the nation, with no recorded fulfilment in the Old Testament. - The promise to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob severally, ‘‘TIn thee and in thy seed shall all families (or na- tions) of the earth be blessed (or bless themselves). ’’ The promise of a coming prophet like unto Moses ‘‘ whom Jahveh knew face to face.’’? The. promise of a coming king, a ‘Son of David,’? who with the kingly should exercise also the priestly functions, ‘* After the order of Melchizedek.”’ APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 49 The Psalms represent the spontaneous expression of national sentiment and are witnesses to the history. As it has been well said (Stanley Leathes, p. 132), ** The occurrence of the several allusions in the Psalms which presuppose events in the national history is of the highest possible value: for if these allusions are genuine, they afford independent confirmation of the history ; and if they are otherwise, then they can only have been produced after the history was in exist- ence ’’; and ‘‘ on the evidence of the Psalms there can be no question that David is the inheritor of whatever promises were made to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob ”’ (p. 104). As before, however, the realization of the promise was to be in the future. We have some other important considerations of what the psalms show forth as the current belief be- sides the national election and the blessings of that election centring in the line of David; viz., a total change of belief (in the authors of many of the psalms and in those who so far assented to them as to preserve them) as to evidences of the divine favor toward indi- viduals. In short we find a new ideal of righteous manhood. The original ideal—and one long main- tained—had been that worldly prosperity, health, large families, etc., betokened the man who possessed God’s favor and so proved himself a righteous man. Some of the psalmists seem to have retained one or more of these criteria. Others presented a far differ- ent view ; and the statement can best be made in the words of the author above quoted : ‘“The Psalms open with the description of an 50 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM ideally righteous man ; a description which is repeat- ed in the 15th and 24th Psalms, becomes the expres- sion of a strong personal resolve in the 101st, and is expanded and enlarged upon in the 112th Psalm. In proportion as the people could grasp the promise of blessing for the nations in the seed of Abraham, they would learn from the teaching of these and similar psalms that any one who claimed to fulfil that promise must himself be righteous to the utmost limit of their standard, of which David himself had but too conspicuously fallen short ’’ (Stanley Leathes, p- 97). But there were other psalms which not only pro- pounded a standard of righteousness, but also detailed its experiences. They brought out in humanity and gave ‘‘expression to . . . the experience of integ- rity borne down by oppression, the being persecuted for righteousness’ sake, the notion of being made per- fect through suffering, as well as the picture of an ideal degree of suffering, and consequently of an ideal sufferer, which men must have learned to feel, the more they pondered it, could only wait for its com- plete fulfilment, if it was to be fulfilled. And inas- much as the expression of this from first to last was everywhere cast in’ the form of personal experience, it ‘ became more and more impossible that the various characteristics should not group themselves round a person, and combine to form a whole, which as it grew by constant but gradual accretion, was found to be not altogether in the likeness of David, or of any other historic character to whom it might be referred ”’ at that time (S. Leathes, p. 100). APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. suk All this is equally true of that marvellous delinea- tion of character and experience and results recorded ‘in Isaiah 52 : 183—53 : 12, of one who is designated as _ the servant of Jahveh.”’ If it be claimed that the prophet of the captivity is describing afflicted Isracl in this way, there are at any rate certain expressions used which have at least an equal applicability to an ideal individual, and which would sink into the na- tional consciousness as such. And indeed the prophetic mind was looking toward an individual person, and was teaching the popular mind to look in the same direction. ‘‘ The Messiah,”’ or ‘‘ Anointed One,”’ was a title used to designate both Saul, David, and Solomon, all of whom had been by prophetic hands literally anointed with oil as the cere- monial of their induction by Jahveh into the high office of his viceregent. The ceremony seems to have fallen into general disuse upon the accession of suc- ceeding kings. The records both in the books of Kings and Chronicles, in relating the accession of a new king both in the northern and southern kingdoms do so (with two exceptions) in the stereotyped form, ‘‘ Such a king died, and such a one, his son, reigned in his stead.”’ The two exceptions (both in book of Kings) where anointing with oil was used, were in the case of Jebu in Israel and Joash in Judah (2 Kings 9:6, and 11:12), the first of whom had a special mission to perform for Jahveh, and the second of whom was made king under peculiar circumstances by special authority of Jehoiada the priest of Jahveh, at a time of sweeping reformation in the kingdom for the pur- 52, PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM pose of restoring the worship of Jahveh which had been for a time overshadowed by the worship of Baal. After this, the title of ‘‘ The Anointed of Jahveh ” seems to have been used chiefly in a figurative sense, and denoted anyone who had a special work to do for Jahveh, being even applied in Isaiah 45 to Cyrus the Persian, who is described in a preceding verse as Jahveh’s ‘‘ Shepherd’? who was to ‘‘ perform his pleasure. ”’ It is not surprising then, that this title ‘‘ The Anointed ”’ (which is simply the translation of ‘‘ Mes- siah ’’) should connect itself in the prophetic mind and diction, and so in the mind and speech of the people taught by the prophets, with whoever it was who was described as ‘‘ the servant ’’ of Jahveh ; and also that it should be associated peculiarly with the promised One who, whether as Prophet, King, Priest after the order of Melchizedek, or Redeemer, was to be the divinely appointed (so by them believed) channel through whom the promised blessing would come to Israel and through Israel to the world. Some quota- tions froin the prophetic writings will best set before you the prophetic view and the popular feeling which accepted that view. After the prophetic delineation in Isaiah of the righteous but suffering ‘‘servant of Jahveh,”’ the writer says (58: 11, 12): ‘‘ He shall see of the travail of his soul and be satisfied: by his knowledge shall : my righteous servant justify many ; for he shall bear their iniquities. Therefore will I divide him a por- tion with the great, and he shall divide the spoil with the strong ; because he hath poured out his soul unto APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 53 death ; and he was numbered with the transgressors ; and he bare the sin of many, and made intercession for the transgressors.”’ These are remarkable words, to whomsoever they may be supposed to apply. It would seem to be in connection with this one’s mission and work that the same writer had previously (49 : 6) described the mission of Israel to the world : ‘Tt is a light thing that thou shouldest be my servant to raise up the tribes of Jacob and to restore the pre- served of Israel: I will also give thee for a light to the Gentiles that thou mayest be my salvation unto the end of the earth.” Indeed it would take too long to cite all the pas- sages from the prophets where the now fully devel- oped Messianic idea is expressed. There ig one pas- sage, however, which must be quoted as showing an exactness of anticipation as to the precise place whence the Messiah should come. The prophet Micah wrote (5:2): ‘ Butthou, Bethlehem Ephratah, though thou be little among the thousands of Judah, yet out of thee shall he come forth unto me that is to be Ruler in Israel: whuse goings forth have been from of old, from everlasting.’? Bethlehem, be it remembered, was David’s birthplace ; and this is Micah’s commen- tary upon what was meant in connection with ‘‘ the sure mercies of David.”’ : One passage more must not be passed over. The . date and authorship of the book of Daniel are disputed. Some would place it within two hundred years of the Christian era. Be itso, then. But in that case it is only a more emphatic exposition of the state of devel- opment of the Messianic idea, as the result of all the bf > PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM previous teaching and belief. In Daniel 9 : 24, 25, and 26, it is written: ‘‘ Seventy weeks are determined upon ety people and upon thy holy city, to finish the transgression, and to make an end of sins, and to make we lopaciatinn for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting Seer and to seal up the vision and prophecy and to anoint the Most Holy. Know, therefore, and understand, that from the going forth of the com- mandment to restore and to build Jerusalem unto the Messiah the Prince shall be seven weeks and three- score and two weeks. . . . And after threescore and two weeks shall Messiah be cut off, but not for him- self.”? If the book of Daniel is of an earlier date, the prediction is only the more remarkable. If it be of the later date, it clearly shows in what condition the last of the sacred writings of the Old Testament left the Messianic thought ll hope to work in the minds of the people.. Here we must leave this part of the subject. Your own reading may furnish you with many more pas- sages than those quoted which show what was as a matter of fact thought and felt—whether or not there was any adequate authority for it—concerning the Messiah, as evidenced by the record in the Old Testa- ment. I trust enough has been adduced to show in a very compressed way from that record—or, rather, those records—the origin, development, and state of prog- - ress, of the Messianic idea up to, say, within two centuries preceding the Christian era, among the peo- ple of Israel. It may be safely asserted that, as a mere phenome- - nn APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. BYS) non, this expectation and hope is unique among the religions of antiquity. This fact it is important to bear in mind. The nearest approach to it, perhaps, is connected with the eschatology of the System of Zarathustra. But even that, if it be scanned closely will be seen to _ be an entirely different thing. (See C. Pes rile: ‘History of Religion,” pp. 176, 177.) Ve GREEK AND ROMAN DEVELOPMENT IN THE LINE OF CAPACITY FOR RECEIV- ING A TRUE MONOTHEISM, SAID CaA- PACITY BEING EVOLVED OUT OF AN HISTORICAL AND FUNDAMENTAL INCA- PAOITY. oY 2 Peter III, 8, 9.—‘*‘One day is with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day. ‘‘The Lord is not slack concerning his promise, as some count slackness ; but is long-suffering to us-ward, not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance.”’ Preached Sept. 10, 1882, in St. Paul’s Church, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. We have considered the national life and religious development of a portion of the Semite family of the human race. We are now to consider the religious development of portions of the Indo-Germanie family which have exercised important influences upon the world’s history. In the case of Israel we saw that the religious and national cultus was exclusive, and by means of that exclusiveness developed a true monotheism capable of universal adoption : but with the idea in the national mind that such adoption would be universal adhesion to Judaism in a thorough or in a modified form ; still, therefore, retaining its exclusiveness to the last, in spite of the race which held it being deprived of any PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM. 57 national home of its own, and scattered over the whole world. In case of the Greeks and Romans, and affiliated races, we shall also find a thorough exclusiveness orig- inally and for a very long time maintained, but by slow degrees changed into a state of preparation to accept the monotheistic idea which had been devel- oped in Israel, but without the necessity of adherence to Judaism : in short, the truest because the most uni- versally practicable, monotheism, irrespective of race or kindred, or of national traditions. The development here, as in the case of Israel, was very slow, but none the less sure ; and was brought to a practical completeness, singularly enough, just about at the time when the monotheism which it could accept was ready for its acceptance, and under circumstances (to be considered hereafter) which con- spired as they did at no other time to make the adapt- ability of the one for the other productive of the most effective and widespread results. The subject is a large one and must be divided. To-day I propose to sketch the religious causes which produced certain results in all that ancient family of the human race of which the Greek and Roman may be taken as a type, up to the time when the results, in organized ancient society, were in full force : results which made agreement in the worship of one God a thing absolutely impossible for them until the results should be modified. On a future occasion I hope to state how when these ancient exclusive faiths had weakened, while the forms they had begotten still remained for a long time, 58 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM one revolution after another in civil and religious so. ciety progressively and actually, if very slowly, swept away both faiths and forms, and produced a condition of society capable of receiving a universal faith. The Aryan race, at anyrate in its most remarkable and powerful representatives, anciently had two dis- tinct religions, each having its formative power in primitive society ; and each of which after exercising that formative power, gradually came to a condition where, while the old forms remained, the faith which produced them had gone out of them, and a void was caused, and a change in the condition of society brought about ; before which time no universal relig- ion was possible. The two sets of deities who pre- sided over these two distinct religions, were, 1. Personifications of nature and of natural forces ; and | 2. The spirits of deceased ancestors. We are to consider, at the start, the second of these, and the results which followed the belief. The ancient belief as to the dead was based upon the faith that when a man died his spirit still contin- ued to live, and to live in some way connected with his mortal remains in their tomb. This belief, it will be noticed, was anterior to the idea of a general under- world where the souls or shades of the departed were gathered after the due performance of the funeral rites. It also, in a confused and iJlogical way, contin- ued to exist side by side, afterward, with the belief in Hades or the under-world. From this belief arose the idea and the very firm belief that worship should be paid to deceased ances- APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. ao tors. The worship of the dead and the idea on which it rested was prevalent among the Hellenes, Latins, Sabines, Etruscans, and Aryas of India. Mention is made of it in the hymns of the Rig-Veda, and the laws of Manu speak of it as the most ancient worship among men. It was a worship which was absolutely exclusive in its character ; for each family was a worshipper of its own ancestors, and it was the highest degree of im- piety for the member of one family even to witness, much less take part in, the worship of any other family. In short, each family had its own tutelary god, or gods, and it was impious for anyone outside of that family to worship him or them. The right to conduct the family worship, as well as to engage in it, was transmitted through the male members of the family. The head of the family con- ducted the family worship, offered the family sacri- fices, and was, in short, the priest of the family. When a woman married she left the gods and the worship of her father’s family and was adopted into the worshippers of the gods of her husband’s family, being thenceforth an absolute stranger to the worship into which she had been born. The family under these circumstances was not a body connected by ties of blood so much as by ties of worship, and to such an extent was this the case, so absolutely did it exclude all other ties and recognition of them, that, as religion was recognized only in the line of the male succession, so was blood-relationship and the right of inheritance restricted to the same 60 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM line. In other words, a man counted as his blood- relations—his ‘‘ agnati,’’ as the Romans called them— only those to whom he was related on his father’s side and not on his mother’s; so that, eg., while his father’s brother’s son was his blood-relation, his mother’s brother’s son was no relation at all; for the reason that his mother’s brother had different family gods, which his mother had solemnly renounced when she married his father. The family then, as these people understood and constituted it, was a peculiarly sacred thing, a church rigidly set off from every other church, not only hav- ing nothing in common with the worship of any other family church, but considering it a profanation. Its own gods, its own sacrifices, its own sacred fire kept perpetually burning upon the home altar, were the all in all of religion to it. Every other worshipper of every other god was a stranger, nay more, an enemy ; and as one slight trace among a multitude of traces of this fact which became embedded in language, the Latin ‘* hostis’’ is, indifferently, ‘‘a stranger,’’ or ‘fan enemy.”’ The precise formula of the family prayer and sacri- fice was handed down from father to son, and jealously kept from the knowledge of every other family ; and the precision of the accurate pronunciation of the spe- cial formula was indispensable to acceptable worship. So much so was this the case, that long after a knowl- edge of what the words meant had passed away from the worshipper, he still religiously used them and none others to replace them. It is, of course, easy to see that in this condition of APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 61 religious thought and practice, the adoption of any- thing like a universal religion would be impossible ; and that in any social and civil polity which would grow out of and rest upon this thought and practice it would be equally impossible to not only adopt, but even to conceive of the possibility of, such a thing as a universal religion. But the whole framework of Greek and Roman civil society, in its length and breadth, the whole body of civil law up to a certain time (varying per- haps in different communities), grew out of and rested upon the religious thought and practice of the family worship as I have above very briefly sketched it. At an early time, indeed, in what are to us the authentic histories of ancient Greece and Rome, although of course at a late time of Aryan race-his- tory, the ancient belief began to die out—in some cases appeared to have entirely vanished ; but the rites, the customs, the laws, still remained, bearing witness to the antiquity of the belief. Let us trace briefly the course things took. While the same facts were evolved in Greek as well as Ro- man development ; for brevity’s sake the Roman will be taken as the type. It would come to pass in time that two or more families—family being used in the extended sense as comprising older and younger branches—would find themselves in proximity and desire a more extended union than strictly construed family ties would give. Inasmuch as the basis of family ties was a common worship from which all not members of the family were excluded, it would follow that a worship in 62 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM which two or more families could unite must be directed toward some real or legendary personage, who was assumed to be an ancestor of a greater antiquity than each special tutelary family god, and common to both or to all the families uniting in his worship. By - such a union of families was formed the gens, which, over and above the secret rites of each family compos- ing it, and in which no other family had a share, pos- sessed and practised the worship of the tutelary god of the gens, the living man recognized as the head of the gens being the priest. By precisely similar steps, various gentes were united into a curia, and various curize into a tribe, and several tribes into a city, a ‘‘ civitas’? which exercised its own peculiar worship in the ‘‘ Urbs.” The civitas was the sacred body politic. The Urbs was the walled place within which it existed, and out- side of which its sacred rites could not be performed. Here, then, we have arrived at the full development of what became the unit of political existence, the ‘* Ancient City.’’ Here the process of amalgamation —always a religious process—ceased. Ideas of fatherland which afterward grew up were unknown to the ancients. It was impossible for them to conceive such an idea of one’s country as an Eng- lishman has of England, a Frenchman of F rance, or: an American of the United States, or even, if the; doctrine of states’ rights were restricted to its at the same time widest and smallest compass, of a Rhode Islander to Rhode Island or a Delawarean to Dela- ware. ‘The ancient city was a man’s “ country,’ and his ‘‘ country ’’ was his city. Every other Greek city APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 63 than Athens to an Athenian was a foreign country ; Urbs Roma was the Roman’s fatherland ; and for the reason that every city as such had its own gods, to worship whom was for the citizen of any other city the blackest impiety. There is nothing so deep and im- placable as the ‘‘odium theologicum,”’ and it was just that which kept every ancient city apart from each and all the rest, even of the same race. This polity was essentially aristocratic, involving originally and for a very long time the priesthood of the head of the family, and, progressively, the head of the gens, the curia, the tribe, the city. So much for the religion that founded the family and established the first laws for the Aryan race, of which the Greek and Roman divisions. have been singled out as types. | In passing to a notice of the other, alluded to at the beginning of this discourse, I shall not hesitate to quote, for the sake of as much brevity as possible, some well-considered sentences of a writer from whom I have gained most of the information condensed above. (Fustel de Coulanges, in ‘‘ The Ancient City,’? pp. 159, seq.) | ‘‘ This race has also had in all its branches another religion, the one whose’ principal figures were Zeus, Here, Athene, Juno; that of the Hellenic Olympus, and of the Roman capitol. “ Of these two religions, the first found its gods in the human soul; the second took them from physical nature. As the sentiment of living power, and of conscience, which he felt in himself, inspired man with the first idea of the divine, so the view of 6+ PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM this immensity, which surrounded and overwhelined him, traced out for his religious sentiment another course.” ‘* These two orders of belief laid the foundation of two religions that lasted as long as Greek and Roman society. ‘They did not make war upon each other ; they even lived on very good terms, and shared the empire over man ; but they never became confounded. Their dogmas were always entirely distinct, often contradictory ; and their ceremonies and_ practices were absolutely different. The worship of the gods of Olympus, and that of ‘heroes’ and ‘ manes’ never had anything in common between them. Which of these two religions was the earlier in date no one can tell. It is certain, however, that one— that of the dead—having been fixed at a very early epoch, always remained unchangeable in its practices, while its dogmas faded away little by little ; the other —that of physical nature—was more progressive, and developed freely from age to age, modifying its legends and doctrines by degrees, and continually augmenting its authority over men.’? ‘‘ No rigor- ous laws opposed the propagation of the worship of any of these gods’’ within the limits of a city —in the case of some of them within the limits of a race such as the Hellenes. ‘* There was nothing in their nature that required them to be adored by one family only, and to repel the stranger’ if that stranger stood within certain limits. ‘‘ Finally, men must have come insensibly to perceive that the Jupiter of one family was really the same being or the same con- ception as the Jupiter of another ; which they could APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 65 never believe of two Lares, two ancestors, or two sacred fires.”’ ‘“As this second religion continued to develop, society must have enlarged. Now, it is quite evident that this religion, feeble at first, afterward. assumed large proportions. In the beginning it was, so to speak, sheltered under the protection of its . . . sister, near the domestic hearth. There the god had obtained a small place, a narrow cella, near and opposite to the venerated altar, in order that a little of the respect which men had for the sacred fire might be shared by him. Little by little the god, gaining more authority over the soul, renounced this sort of guardianship, and left the domestic hearth. He had a dwelling of his own, and his own sacrifices, This dwelling (naos, from naio, to inhabit) was, moreover, built after the fashion of the ancient sanctuary : it was, as before, a cella opposite a hearth ; but the cella was enlarged and embellished, and became a temple. The holy fire reinained at the entrance of the god’s house, but ap- peared very sinall by the side of this house. What had at first been the principal, had now become only an accessory. It ceased to be a god, and descended to the rank of the god’s altar, an instrument for the sacri- fice. Its office was to burn the flesh of the victim, and to carry the offering with men’s prayers to the majestic divinity whose statue resided in the temple. ‘‘ When we see these temples rise and open their doors to the multitude of worshippers, we may be assured that human associations have become en- larged.”’ And so they had ; but in most cases only within the G6 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM limits of the city in which the temple stood. And even when the same name belonged to the deity presid- ing over each of different cities, it was not believed to be the same god. ‘‘ A great number of cities had a Jupiter as a city-protecting divinity. There were as: many Jupiters as there were cities. In the legend of the Trojan war we see a, Pallas who fights for the — Greeks, and there is among the Trojans another Pallas, who receives their worship and protects her worshippers. . . . There was at Rome a Juno: at a distance of five leagues, the city of Veii had an- other. So little were they the same divinity that we see the Dictator Camillus while besieging Veii, ad- dress himself to the Juno of the enemy, to induce her to abandon the Etruscan city and pass into his camp. When he is master of the city, he takes the statue, well persuaded that he gains possession of the goddess at the same time. From that time Rome had two protective Junos. . . . But the Romans who adored two Junos at home, could not enter the temple of a third Juno, who was in the little city of Lanu- vium ”’ (Ancient City, pp. 198, 199). ‘* Neither the Greeks, nor the Latins, nor even the Romans, for a very long time, ever had a thought that several cities might be united and live on an equal footing under the same government. There might, indeed, be an alliance, or a temporary association, in view of some advantages to be gained, or some danger to be repelled ; but there was never a complete union ; for religion made of every city a body which could never be joined to another. Isolation was the law of the city.”’ (‘* Ancient City,” p. 270.) APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. OF To sum up this part of the subject : The Ancient City was a confederation of existing groups ; the family, the gens, the curia, the tribe. It became the unit of political and social life. "It was religiously as distinct from every other city as family was from family, gens from gens, curia from curia, tribe from tribe. An alliance between two cities could only be tem- porary, was never thorough even while it lasted, and involved an alliance between their respective tutelary gods between whom there seemed naturally to be enmity. We can have very little difficulty in answering this question: ‘* While civil and social polity remained established.on this basis, was the adoption of a univer- sal religion, a true monotheism, possible ?”’ * The progress of events in these communities which alone made it possible is for future consideration. * With reference to the constitution of ancient society, see, also, Chapters V., VI., and VII. of ‘‘Ancient Law,’’ by Henry Sumner Maine. Wels GREEK AND ROMAN DEVELOPMENT IN THE LINE OF CAPACITY FOR RECEIYV- ING A TRUE MONOTHEISM, SAID CA- PACITY BEING EVOLVED OUT OF AN HISTORICAL AND FUNDAMENTAL IN. CAPACITY. LE 2 Peter III, 8, 9.—‘*One day is with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day. “The Lord is not slack concerning his promise, as some count slackness ; but is long-suffering to us-ward, not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance.”’ Preached Sept. 17, 1882, in St. Paul's Church, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. We have seen how in ancient society of peoples of the Aryan race and under the formative power of religious beliefs of great antiquity, a condition of things existed, bound up in the very constitution of the body politic, in which a universal religion was not only impossible, but even for a long time inconceiy- able. We are now to eles a series of causes which tended to break down this separatism : which not only tended to this end, but actually accomplished it ; and so made possible the adoption of a universal religion without regard to human citizenships. These changes cannot ul be connected with accurate dates. They pro- gressed in some quarters more rapidly than in others : PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM. 69 they varied in their external manifestations in various places : but the forces at work were the same in those progressive changes throughout the civil and religious —civil because reJigious—societies and polities of which mention has been made. It has been already stated that the constitution of those polities was essentially aristocratic while they were in fuil force. Aristocracy was their genius. Whatever tended to dethrone this genius tended to bring abont the final result which made a universal religion possible. The first conflict to be noted was between the king and the aristocracy. In some communities, as the Greek, the name of king was retained after the con- flict ; but only the priestly functions which had in- hered in his office remained to him: in others, as at Rome, the very name of ‘‘ king’ was held in detesta- tion ; and the aristocracy seemed for the time to have triumphed, although elements of weakness adhered to its constitution as the ruling power in the city. For it must be noted that this revolution, everywhere, was not the work of the lower classes ; was not undertaken in their interest, but the contrary ; was ‘‘ not under- taken to overturn the ancient constitution of the fam- ily, but rather to preserve it.’”’ (‘‘ Ancient City,” p- 336.) But it came to pass that in spite of this temporary triumph, the aristocracy saw changes in its own con- stitution which altered the ancient order of things and became elements of weakness to it. The first of these was the political dismemberment of the gens. The right of primogeniture disappeared in time, at differ- 70 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM ent periods in different places—a silent and gradual revolution. The next change was that the clients (to use the Roman name of a class which also existed in Greek society) became free ; also a silent and very gradual revolution, of that sort which ‘‘ remained concealed even from the generations which took part in them. History can seize them only a long time after they have taken place, when, in comparing two epochs in the life of a people, it sees differences in them which show that a great revolution has been accomplished ”’ (p. 342). , If in Rome the name remained, the character of primitive clientship had passed away in later days. From the first years of the republic the clients were citizens (p. 856), and in B.c. 872 began to be con- founded with the plebs. In Cicero’s time a suit at law (Claudii vs. Marcelli) settled the fact that client- ship no longer existed. The next great revolution in ancient society was when the plebs entered the city, z.e., became part of the body politic. We must be careful to remember what was the exact status of that numerous body known as ‘‘ plebeians’’ or the ‘‘plebs ’’—to use the Roman name for what existed in Greek as well as Ro- man society. The essential character of the plebeians was that they had no worship recognized in the Ancient City, and therefore could have no civil rights, because all civil rights were connected with a recog- nized worship. It goes without saying that they could hold no magistracy, because every magistrate was a. performer of religious rites on behalf of those APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 71 over whom he exercised his magistracy. A revolu- tion therefore which gave the plebeians a share in the citizenship and in the government of the Ancient City was one which absolutely overturned the very basis on which the ancient polity had rested, and paved the way for important consequences. The character of the conflict between the patricians and the plebeians has been well summed up thus : ‘* One of these classes wished to maintain the relig- ious constitution of the city, and to continue the gov- ernment and the priesthood in the hands of the sacred families. The other wished to break down the bar- riers that placed it beyond the pale of the law, of religion, of politics ’’ (p. 360). And so it came to pass in time that the plebs strove to have a worship of their own ; to have tribunes (who, it must be remembered, were not ‘‘ magistrates ’’ in the ancient sense of that term, an@ whose power of interposing for the protection of a plebeian by the magic word ‘‘ veto,’’ ‘‘I forbid,’’ extended no far- ther than their voices could make it heard); to have laws common for patricians and plebeians ; in short, to abolish the religious character of existing laws. The plebs also strove to make intermarriages with the patricians. , Now we must dismiss at once from our minds any inodern society notions on this subject. While the ancient order of things existed, these intermarriages were unheard of, not because of any notions of re- spectability or of moving in different sets of society according to modern ideas. The barrier which pre- vented it was a religious barrier: because marriage 72 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM with them in the strict sense of the term was a rite of the most sacred character, solemnized most exactly. How could there be intermarriages between those who had gods and a worship, and those who had none 2 It wasimpious. And when the plebeians finally succeed- ed in gaining this concession from the patricians, it was a revolution of the most radically religious char- acter ; and was an immense stride in breaking down the old religious separatism, and in bringing men under a common bond of brotherhood in the city ; and it could never have been brought about if the tenacity about forms and customs had not outlived the old faith which begot them. All these efforts were successful. ‘ Finally, there was on the part of the plebs an effort, and inthe end a successful one, to have the consul- ship and other magistracies, all of which involved the offering up of prayers and sacrifices on behalf of the city. What a mighty change from the time when for a plebeian even to be present at the sacrifices would have been a profanation of them. The point of the change is this: ‘‘ The plebs freed religion and the priesthood from the old hereditary character, and maintained that every man was quali- fied to pronounce prayers, and that, provided one was a citizen, he had the right to perform the ceremonies of the city worship. He thus arrived at the conclusion that a plebeian might be a priest.”? Finally, “ Faith in the hereditary principle of religion had been de- stroyed among the patricians themselves > (p. 408). The course of things up to this point—and we can sec what a mighty stride had been made toward the APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 73 possibility of a universal religion—has been sketched from Roman politics and under Roman names. But similar advances were made in Greek politics as well ; each subdivision of the Aryan race working according to its own peculiar genius and its own peculiar cireum- stances and forms. One result of it all was to pave the way for the pos- sibility of the action of individual conscience, a thing inknown and impossible under the old municipal gov- ernments, where ‘‘ individual liberty had been un- known, and man had not been able to withdraw even his conscience from the omnipotence of the city ”’ (p. 470). He was not able to do so yet ; but the way was be- ing paved. And, be it noted, it was being paved by the operation of “two principal causes. One be- longed to the order of moral and intellectual facts, the other to the order of material facts: the first is the transformation of beliefs, the second is the Roman Conquest. These two great facts belong to the same period ; they were developed and accomplished to- gether during the series ef six centuries which pre- ceded our era”? (p. 471). The way in which the transformation of beliefs changed the structure -of political society has been briefly sketched. Connected with this transformation —gradual, as we have noted—the Roman Conquest acted in many ways to produce the final result of preparation for the possibility of the adeption of a universal religion, supposing one was to offer itself or be offered for universal adoption. Some of these ways will be shown farther on. What is germane to 74 PRINCIPLES OF -AGNOSTICISM the present part of the subject is the fact that, even when aristocratically constituted, the composite char- acter of the Populus Romanus brought it into peculiar relationships with many nationalities ; and under its headship there was a possible bond of union among the most diverse nations which was absolutely impossi- ble under the headship of any other city. From the beginning, Rome was more or less related, through one or another portion of its population, with all the peoples which it knew. ‘‘One of the remarkable peculiarities of the policy of Rome was, that she at- tracted to her all the worships of the neighboring cities. . . . For it was the custom of the Ro- mans, says one of the ancients, to take home the relig- ions of the conquered cities : sometimes they distrib- uted them among the gentes, and sometimes they gave them a place in their national religion. . While other cities were isolated by their religion, Rome had the address or the good fortune to employ hers to draw everything to herself, and to dominate over all”’ (pp. 489, 490). Here, then, was a progres- sive, a slowly progressive, tendency to a final unity of some sort or other. There was, in this same period, another tendency toward a possibility of unity, and that was due to the influence of Greek philosophy, which had been viodified somewhat by contact with Jewish teach- ings as to monotheism, but which, also, was the intellectual possession of the few higher minds. Still, it was not without a marked influence upon the drift of general thought as directed by the leaders of thought. This influence found its way to Rome ; and APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 16 as Rome’s conquests spread, this influence spread with them ; and both worked together, as an actual fact, to produce.a certain result. ‘“‘Insensibly men departed from’’ the ‘“ rigorous rules’’ of the old way of religious thought and feeling, and from the narrow forms of government which had grown out of them. ‘* They were attracted toward unity. This was the general aspiration for two centu- ries preceding our era’’ (p. 481). The time came when men of the Greek and Roman world, with this aspiration, ceased to have belief, that is, the religious belief of their old systems. A great void had come to pass, ready to be filled if there was anything ready to fill it. Now all this progressive development of the centu- ries, religious, social, and political, is a very wonder- ful history if we consider it by itself as disconnected with other developments. Looked at even alone it might give rise to the not unwarrantable suspicion of having been the development of a settled plan. Looked at in connection with those other develop- ments, some of which have been noted, others of which are for future consideration—and thus looked at with reference to the time at which all these develop- ments converged to one point—it may be stated with- out risk of reasonable contradiction that if marks of design are under any circumstances evidences of de- sign, under these circumstances such evidences amount to a moral certainty. And, to return to the matter of citizenship: an ac- credited teacher of a new faith (which as a matter of fact did present itself for universal acceptance at the 76 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM very time when various developments had been per- fected and had converged to one fixed point), is under- stood by readers of the authorized English form in which his language appears, to have written ‘‘ our conversation is in heaven.’? The words which he actually did use mean, literally and exactly, ‘‘ our citizenship is in heaven’? (Phil. 3:20). These words were addressed to men not of the house of Israel, who were habituated to the thought of that theocracy ; but to men of the race whose views of a countless number of divinities we have been considering ; men who held all the separatist views of the worship and of citizen- ship in the Ancient City. ‘These words propounded a view of citizenship which, as a matter of fact, was soon widely accepted and steadily grew. They reveal at least one fact, that the old faith had died out while most of the old forms remained ; that a void had been created which was ready to be filled by any faith wor- thy to fill it ; and that men were now ready to listen to an appeal which in earlier times would have had no meaning to them; to wit, that all walls of spiritual separation between city and city, between race and race, had been broken down : that, in a spiritual sense at least, ‘‘ God had made of one blood all nations of the earth ;”? that instead of lords many and gods many, there was ‘‘ one God and Father of all ; above all, and through all and in all,’’ and that spiritually— for worship and all that belonged to it—it was no’ longer only in the same family, or gens, or curia, or tribe, or city, that a spiritual brother, a fellow wor- shipper, was to be looked for: but that in view of a common sonship to one God, all men were brethren. APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. fer To each one’s city his civie allegiance was due: but no longer were the walls of his city to circumscribe his worship. Who can say that the bringing about the changes which made the’ readiness of men, in view of what their beliefs had been, to accept this view of the rela- tions of man to a higher power was the work of blind chance or mere natural development? Natural, in one sense, it certainly was, on good authority. ‘‘ In times past God suffered all nations to walk in their own ways.”’ But those ‘‘ own ways” so wonderfully tended, in so many modes, to bring about a definite result ata given and critical time, that, like the hands of a watch moving by the inner force of its works, their orderly motion reveals the intending mind of the contriver and maker ; and the majestic slowness of these spirit- ual processes would seem to indicate no meaner provi- dence than that of some ‘‘ King of the ages,’’ with whom ‘‘ one day is as a thousand years, and a thou- sand years as one day.” VIL THE EDUCATION OF THE WORLD BY HE- BREW, GREEK, AND ROMAN, IN THE DEVELOPMENT, RESPECTIVELY, OF (a) ’ CONSCIENCE ; (6) TASTE AND REASON ; AND (ce) DISCIPLINED WILL. Gal. IV, 4.—‘‘ When the fulness of the time was come, God sent forth his Son.’’ Preached Oct. 1, 1882, in St. Paul’s Church, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. We have been considering the development, lasting through many centuries, of certain races eminent for their influence upon humanity. This development has been traced chiefly in certain lines necessary to be considered before the full force and bearing of other developments should be noted. These other are now to be propounded. _ The development of a true monotheism among the Hebrew race has already been brought before you. It was evolved by means of a wonderful experience of that race, which may without claiming too much, in view of effects resulting from clearly existing causes, be called a training. Coincident with the progressive stages of the develop- ment of a true monotheism were progressive stages of the development of an enlightened conscience, a view of things which went beyond the mere admission of ceremonial inaccuracies, or transgressions of the stat- utes of a state religion, or fear of punishment at the PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM. (is: hands of an offended Deity ; and which. recognized that a personal turpitude, a degradation of the spirit- ual nature, was involved in wrong-doing ; something beyond the power of mere sacrificial acts to remedy, something that the blood of bulls and goats and the ashes of an heifer sprinkling the unclean could not cure. Sin grew to be looked upon as a spiritual dis- ease which could not be cured simply by treating the symptoms while careless of the spiritual poison which caused the symptoms. And so the theological term ‘‘ yncleanness,’’ which at the first among them chiefly related to ceremonial incompetencies caused by exter- nal and sometimes accidental transgression of statute or ordinance, came to have in time a deeper meaning. It was connected with a feeling expressed in such words as these: ‘‘ Wash me thoroughly from mine iniquity and cleanse me from my sin. .. . Behold thou requirest truth in the inward parts. ... Hide thy face from my sins and blot out all mine iniquities. Create in me a clean heart, O God, and renew a right spirit within me. Cast me not away from thy pres- ence ; and take not thy Holy Spirit from me. Re- store unto me the joy of thy salvation ; and uphold me with thy free Spirit. . . . Forthou desirest not sacrifice ; else would I give it : thou delightest not in burnt offering. The sacrifices of God are a broken spirit; a broken and a contrite heart, O God, thou wilt not despise :” words commonly ascribed to Da- vid, but which breathe far more of the chastened spirit of the captivity ; especially as the enforced ces- sation of sacrificial acts by the destruction of Jerusalent is alluded to at the end of the psalm. 80 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM These words voice a feeling which was growing in the race. Not that it grew in all alike, or even grew continuously. But it did grow and become enlarged in the higher minds of the race, the teachers of others. It was made the standard of religious sensi- bility and the true view of the nature of sin ; and, to a certain extent, it permeated the mind of the race. Their records show the steady increase of it: a fact which anyone can verify for himself by comparing the whole tone of legality, of obedience to authority, of the magnifying of ceremonial and sacrificial rite, of the prevailing force of the term ‘‘ uncleannegs’’ in the inosaic and other sacerdotal writings, with the whole tone of spirituality, of the belittling of ceremonial and sacrificial rite as such and the magnifying of heart-purity and moral rectitude, of the prevailing force of the term ‘‘ uncleanness,’’ in the writings of the post-captivity prophets. And even if the mass of the people did not come up to this standard, they were, at any rate, more or less taught and influenced by its existence. So that it may be said with truth that if the race-conscience slumbered it yet had an existence in a very much developed state ; so much so, that at a certain time in history, while sacrifice and offerings were performed with unexampled regularity, while worship in temple and synagogue was incessant, the appearance of two conspicuous personages pro- claiming the call to ‘‘repent,’’ created a blaze of excitement in Palestine, the headquarters of the race, and men of all classes, even hardened sinners, came to the teachers with the conscience-stricken question, ‘* What are we to do ?” APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 81 These sermons are, from the nature of the case, a mere summary. But I think that a careful investiga- tion of the Hebrew history will fully corroborate, both from the Hebrew records and from other historical . sources, the statement that, as a matter of historical fact, conscience was trained and developed among the Hebrews in a measure far exceeding that in which it was developed and trained among any other race of antiquity ; and that at a certain time, curiously coinci- dent with the climax of other developments, there had been evolved a sensitiveness of conscience which not only pervaded that race but, in connection with its dispersion among various nations, influenced the way of feeling among other races. To such an extent was this true that, if any religious teaching were to arise which depended for its acceptance upon an enlight- ened and sensitive conscience in humanity, no time was more favorable for the appearance and the appeals of such teaching than the time of the first Roman Emperors. In short, no time was more favorable for such an appeal as this: ‘‘ If the blood of bulls and of goats, and the ashes of an heifer sprinkling the unclean, sanctifieth to the purifying of the flesh: how much more shall the blood of Christ, who through the eter- nal Spirit offered himself without spot unto God, purge : your conscience from dead works to serve the living God ?’ (Heb. 9: 13, 14). It might seem as if this supremacy of conscience had all along been, even before a singular training had developed it fully, lying dormant in the Hebrew char- acter ; for in the very fossil bed of the Hebrew lan- guage traces of it remain in the ordinary salutation of 82 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM one Hebrew to another in the olden time: ‘‘ Sha- lom !”—‘‘ Peace"? There is a volume of meaning in the formula. But another development, which may not improp- erly be called a race-development, had also been going on in the world. The Hellenic family of the Aryan race had its own marked characteristics. Great possi- bilities were latent in it from the earliest appearance on the stage of history—from the very first a brave, joyous, beauty-loving race: a race loving beauty in earth and sky and human form: a race whose lan- guage, in the rhythm of its verse, is melody itself, un- equalled in its charm by even the magic spell which Schiller, Goethe and Heine cast upon the language of the ‘‘ Fatherland’’: a race whose forms of beauty, chiselled out of cold marble and elaborated in stately temples even now, in their ruins, move the wonder- ment and captivate the admiration of the world; forms to be ever reverenced as models which the skill and taste of man cannot surpass. And not only was the love of beauty, the cultiva- tion of exquisite taste, evidenced by works of art, and joyous life crowned with flowers, and a language modulated by the very soul of music: that language was the vehicle to convey from mind to mind thoughts of clearest reasoning and depths of philosoph- ic research—reasoning and research which stamped the thinkers who need the language as the masters of the world in rhetoric and logic. If the verse of Homer stirred the martial ardor of the sons of Greece ; if the melody of Anacreon made their feasts APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 83 joyous, and added a lovelier bloom to the garlands which crowned their wine-cups ; if the Lesbian lyre alternately roused their souls to a righteous hatred of tyranny or steeped them in the very madness of love ; so did the prose of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle teach them deep lessons in ethics, the polished periods of Pericles sway the tumultuous democracy of Athens, and the thundering sentences of Demosthenes drive into exile the scarcely less mighty debater who con- tended with him. To convince as well as to charm was the mission of the Greek mind and the language which it elaborated ; so that, if when Hebrew met Hebrew in the way his tender salutation was, ‘‘ Peace’’; when Greek met Greek, there was exchanged the ring- ing greeting, ‘‘ Chaired!’ ‘* Rejoice !” ‘‘ Rejoice in the beauty all around thee, in the keenness of thy wit, in the trenchant power of thy logic.’? And even - when the Roman Eagle had fastened his talons in the prostrate body of Greek civil polity, in all which per- tained to the cultivation of the intellect or the refine- ment of his taste the lordly Roman sat at the feet of the conquered Greek, as the disciple sits at the feet of his master. But before this period of universal Roman domina- tion, and the introduction by its means of Greek lan- guage and thought throughout the West, with all the results which flowed therefrom, another conquest was going on inthe East. A meteor, appearing first in Macedon, flashed across the sky of Asia ; and part of the sparkle which fell to the earth from its trail and was not extinguished, but rather gleamed with steady and increasing light, was Greek thought and the lan- 84 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM guage in which that thought diffused itself among men. ; It is a fact that, while the development of the human conscience was going on among the Ilebrews, the development of human taste and human reason was going on among the Greeks, and under their in- fluence, among humanity itself ; and it might appear somewhat singular that just about the time when con- science had been trained to a standard unknown be- fore, the cultivation of the intellect and the reason had reached its highest point, and the language in which the highest thoughts could be expressed, the clearest and most cogent reasoning could be con- ducted, was the medium of communication between man and man throughout the known world. That time was the time of the first Roman emperors. But we must note another development and the time of its culmination. About one hundred and fifty years before the He- brew state appeared to be exterminated, and whatever influence it had in the world to pass among the things that had been—a vain appearance, as events proved— a new and rising power began to make itself felt near the mouth of the Tiber, far away from the scene of Hebrew strife and Hebrew humiliation. Of course, under the guidance of Niebuhr and Mommsen and others, we all know that many of the details of the early so-called history of Rome are purely legendary. But we also know that, however this may be, no race, composite as it seems to have been from the begin- ning, ever developed so much, in ancient times at least, of what the very name of Rome means— APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 85 ‘strength.”? And no race in ancient times so thor- oughly and widely developed that strength which comes from disciplined will. In this the Roman char- acter was essentially different from the Greek. Strength the Greek had, but it was the strength of impulse, not of sternly trained will. The difference between the two may be epitomized in the difference between the Greek Zeus and the Roman Jupiter, too often confounded together as one under different names, by reason of being the supreme deity of either’s college of gods. And no wonder they were different ; for one was simply the creature of Greek, the other of Roman, thought. The Greek Zeus, pleasure-loving, irascible, immoral, was pictured with his throne in Olympus, varying the satiety of his celestial pleasures by an occasional visit. to feast among ‘‘ the blameless Ethio- pians,’’ or hurling his angry thunderbolts upon the devoted heads of those who had moved his ire, or often driven to the necessity of assuming innumerable disguises in his pleasure-seeking visits to earth, in order to escape the watchfulness of his jealous spouse. Jupiter Capitolinus, on the contrary, was deemed by the Roman to be an invisible and invincible spirit of might enshrined in majesty within the sacred walls of Rome—the source of law, order, and victory : stern and awful in his seclusion, but stern and awful as the inspirer and the rewarder of the disciplined will, will obedient to law, will ready to lead to death on behalf of the state, will determined never to doubt of the eternal supremacy of Rome, will manifesting itself even in the language of greeting in which Ro- 86 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM man met or took leave of Roman; for while the He- brew said ‘‘ Peace,’’ and the Greek said ‘ Rejoice,’ the Roman said ‘‘ Salve,’’ ‘‘ Vale,’ ‘‘ Be strong.”’ No wonder that such a race, with such traditions—in spite of Italian, Etruscan, Gaul, or Carthaginian, in spite of Greek or Mauritanian or Asiatic, in spite of later fratricidal strife—should dominate the world. As a fact it did dominate the world, and by reason of the development of the disciplined will which ac- knowledged no defeat and quailed before no disaster : and with a certain measure of that will, at any rate with a knowledge of what it could effect, it leavened the peoples of a conquered earth. Yes, the time came when the earth was conquered and the world was at peace. Disciplined will had done its utmost, and through Rome not only the Roman will but the human will was developed and trained to a point not known. before. Curiously enough these results were attained at a time of strange culminations and concentrings of other developments. While the temple of Janus was shut fora brief time, and the military highways of Rome stretched in every direction from the seven hills to the boundaries of the earth, and men might travel freely over the face of the empire, never before was a time so propitious in its various combinations of results for- the spread of a faith which, without distinction of ; race or lineage, of political relationships, should appeal to all men as children of a common Father in heaven, and should appeal most effectually, and by means of a universally diffused language, to a developed con- science, an enlightened reason, and, what was needed APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 87 to insure its progress, a disciplined will which would know no defeat and would bear it onward through the ages, conquering and to conquer. And was all this blind chance ? Was all this simply uncalculated natural develop- ment, as that word is used in contradistinction to the supernatural ? 7 Was there ever before or since such a combination of all the developments I have been tracing ? If such marks of design are not evidences of design, are we ever justified in looking for or in admitting such evidences ¢ And if there was design, who, only, could be the Designer ? . Does not all this culmination and concentration of various results necessary to make a still further result possible, supposing such a result to exist, cast a strange light upon that expression, ‘‘ When the fulness of the time was come, God sent forth his Son’? ? WITT THE EFFECT IN CONNECTION WITH THE CAUSE. Gen. IX, 27.—‘*God shall enlarge Japheth, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem.’’ Preached Oct. 8, 1882, in St. Paul's Church, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. Ir is unquestionable that these words embody a very ancient tradition, to call it nothing more, of some relationship which in the future was to exist between Japheth and Shem. In the idiom of the records in which it is found it means a relationship between the descendants of the individual J apheth and of the indi- vidual Shem. This much igs certain, whatever else is meant. Something else is also evident on the face of the records, and that is that the writer or the compiler of them (it matters not which) understood them to refer to a spiritual relationship, if not exclusively yet at least very prominently ; for after giving a genealog- ical record, briefly, of the descendants of all three of the sons of Noah, the record returns to Shem (whom it has specified as ‘‘the father of all the children of Eber, the brother of J apheth the elder”), and gives a lineal descent of his posterity, ending with Terah, the father of Abram, Nahor, and Haran ; and then passes at once to the history of the spiritual as well as the temporal development of Abram and his descendants, the central personages of all the remaining records PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM. 89 which we know collectively as the Old Testament. The race of Abram the Hebrew, then, is, for the pur- poses of the record, taken as the type af the family of Shem with which it is concerned. This ig noteworthy as showing what was in the mind of the writer or of the compiler of these gen- ealogies and of the tradition current among the pos- sessors of the records. For purposes of this argument we may set aside any questions of inspiration, and simply regard the matter as a literary fact, which, all things considered, may be regarded as a recorded be- lief in very ancient times that the descendants of Japheth were, some time or other, to be partakers of some spiritual privileges which were in some sort at one time the peculiar spiritual privileges of Shem, and that this participation was to be in consequence of an “enlargement”? of Japheth, whatever that might mean. Now we have seen, in the course of the present consideration of this subject, the development spirit- ually of the race of ‘‘ Abram the Hebrew,”’ the de- scendant of Shem; the especial features of which development were, first, the slow growth of a truly monotheistic conception of the Deity, a conception which alone made a universal religion possible ; and, secondly, the coincident progress and growing clear- ness of the Messianic idea, the belief in the coming of a specially ‘‘ Anointed One,” through whom in some way the diffusion of this universal religion was to be effected. This is of record as a literary fact. We have also seen the development (‘‘ the enlarge- ment’) of Japheth in the leading races of his de- 090 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM. scendants ; their preparation for the possibility of their ‘‘ dwelling in the tents of Shem’? in the evident meaning of that expression in the old records, 7.¢., a participation in the spiritual inheritance of Shem as typified by the Hebrew race. In short, we have seen the historic development of the possibility of the acceptance of a universal relig- * ious faith, a faith of the race of Shem preeminently, supposing such a faith to be offered to the acceptance of men without regard to those religious limitations which up to a certain time had existed to the complete impossibility of such a faith’s being accepted even if offered. In other words, we have seen marks, and therefore evidences, of some design, up to a certain point. Now the question is, ‘‘ Was there anything as a sequence to this which would rationally appear as the certificate of the design ?”’ ) And were both the preparation and the result unique in the history of men ? 3 There was a certain definite time, definite within narrow limits, at which the preparation appeared to be complete, both in itself and in the circumstances of the world in which such preparation could be made available. | That time was the time of the beginning of what is known as the Roman Empire. There are certain records in existence which have a bearing upon this matter. They were in existence, some of them certainly, thirty years after ‘the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Cesar,’ and APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 5 others of them not many years later. We have them substantially as they existed at that time: and there are several of them so undoubtedly the production of those to whom they were accredited that there has not been any question of their authenticity and genuine- ness by any competent to judge of such matters. Others, which are anonymous, and yet others concern- ing which there has been and is in the minds of some judges a doubt as to their being the production of the men whose names they bear at the present day, so thoroughly accord in the main with those whose authorship is undoubted, and are so evidently the pro- duction of those times, that for purposes of this inves- tigation it makes no matter who wrote them ; and for the following reason. I shall treat them as being (for present purposes) simply literary remains bearing wit- ness by their very existence and contents to certain facts. When it comes to account for the facts to which they bear witness, other considerations will be in order. The first to be noticed of these literary monuments which bear witness to a fact, and their witness is in- disputable, are what are known as the Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Romans, to the Corinthians, and to the Galatians. The fact they bear witness to is that there were ex- isting at the time they were written, certain societies at Rome, at Corinth, and in Galatia, which differed from any societies known in the world thirty years be- fore, and which were commonly known by the name of Christian, from the fact of their being banded together in these different places as believers in and 92 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM followers of One who was commonly known among them as Jesus the Christ, or Messiah, who claimed to be a Son of David, and who was alleged to have been a teacher of remarkable power in Palestine not more than thirty years before ; about whose birth remarkable statements were made; who had been crucified by order of the Roman Procurator of Judea, Pontius Pilate ; and who, it was alleged, had risen from the dead on the third day after his crucifixion ; and who after various interviews with those that had been- his personal friends and followers before his death (in which interviews he gave them directions about the society he claimed to found and which he called the kingdom of God), had disappeared from their midst in a most remarkable manner, having, according to their statement, visibly ascended toward heaven until a cloud concealed him from their sight. The members of the societies to whom the letters referred to were written, performed certain acts said to be enjoined upon the followers of Jesus the Christ by himself; they were baptized in his name, and they periodically united in a ceremony of breaking and eating bread and drinking wine in commemoration of his death. These acts were badges of discipleship to him, and evidences of a determination on their part to shape their lives in accordance with his teach- ings ; and also of a trust on their part that in some way, by virtue of what he had done and by their pre- scribed use of it in heart and life, they would be sure of cleansing from sin and of being partakers of ever- lasting life. All these facts the letters in question bear witness APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 93 to. To some of them a bare allusion is made as to things perfectly familiar to those to whom the letters were written ; concerning others a great precision of instruction and explanation is used: and the whole tone of them is occupied with a new life here and hereafter in connection with and depending upon the life and death, and the resurrection and ascension of Jesus called the Christ. More than this. It was distinctly claimed that the whole personality and work of this central figure was a realization, a fulfilment, of the Messianic hopes em- bodied in the Hebrew Scriptures; and that it was through him and him only that the middle wall of partition had been broken down between different races and faiths, and that henceforth, in and through — - him, a universal faith was offered to the whole human race; that a condition of things had been reached when, as at no previous time, God had enlarged Japheth and he had begun to dwell in the tents of Shem. , But, furthermore, this faith was very exacting in its demands upon men. In some very important partic- ulars it had no parallel in this respect, before or at the time of its diffusion. The only approach to it had been in the spiritual system of which it claimed to be the outgrowth and the consummation, but which at that time had so degenerated, practically, that the summons to follow the new teaching was summed up in the call to ‘‘ repent.”’ } So far as all the rest of the world, outside of this spiritual system, was concerned, the contrast between the aims of the new faith and the average attainment 94 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM of those who professed it was most marked. We have the universal testimony of all contemporaneous writ- ers, whether in set terms or in the character of their writings, that there was a universal depravation of morals, a depth of moral baseness and impurity almost unknown before. In the new societies alluded to, and which at first had been composed exclusively of He- brews but which at the time Paul’s letters were writ- ten comprised a large number of non-Hebrews, there was the most marked contrast to this otherwise uni- versal moral turpitude ; and, as before remarked, all in consequence of discipleship to Jesus called the Christ. Instead of greed and self-seeking, the avowed aim of these societies was to cultivate charity and self- abnegation ; instead of envy, hatred, and malice, and revenge, to cultivate loving-kindness and forgiveness of injuries ; instead of giving way to lust and impur- ity, to practice self-restraint and purity not only of action but of word and thought ; and with all this, a willingness to suffer persecution for their faith and practice, counting this world but a short stage in the course of existence, and looking forward with con- fident hope to immortal life as a reward of faithfulness in this. Now, as a matter of fact, while some of these phe- nomena may have existed apart from these societies ; while a pure virtue, and noble aims, and high hopes, had here and there existed at previous times and under other systems ; it was in the combination and general effect of them all that the peculiar character of these new societies consisted. They were entirely unique in history. APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 95 Such results could not, in the nature of things, exist without some adequate cause. Now, besides the letters which have been mentioned and which reveal these facts to us, there are in exist- ence, and there were in existence at about the same time as those letters, certain other records which claim to account for the existence of the facts. We may (for present purposes) treat them simply as in the main reliable histories. One of them, called ‘‘ The Acts of the Apostles,”’ gives a sketch of the successive formation of these various Christian societies, from the time when the parent society of Jerusalem could be contained in a single room, up to the time when a very large number of the Hebrews in Palestine had embraced the new faith and practice, and then shows how the faith and practice were offered to and accepted by vast numbers of non-Hebrews, whose training had been of an en- tirely different character, and who were living in many various cities and towns of the Roman empire. And, just as the letters do, this book of the Acts refers everything to one personal life which claimed to be the life of the Christ or Messiah who was pro- claimed as ‘‘ to come”’ in the Hebrew Scriptures. But besides the letters and the historical book of the Acts, we have also (and they were in existence at about the time the letters and the Acts were written) besides another remarkable one written later, at least three separate biographical sketches, which have been ascribed to three distinct sources, and which bear the inarks of reliable independent testimonies, giving an account of the birth, the life and the death, together 96 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM with the alleged resurrection and ascension of the person to whom all of the societies looked up as their head, and whom they reverenced and worshipped as the arbiter of their destinies in this world and the next. Not only the facts but the avowed end and purpose of that life are given in these biographical sketches ; and the claim throughout is distinctly made that it was the life and work of the promised and at that time generally expected Messiah of the Old Tes- tament records. Whatever may be said of the correspondence of this life and work with the ideal which had been formed of it in those records, it is evident that to those who accepted it as that of the Messiah, this correspondence was proven, and it, and it alone, became the basis of all the marvellous results which followed then and which have followed since. So that we may say with a very clear-headed writer on this subject : ‘“The question, and the only question for us to determine, is ‘ What is the correct significance and interpretation of this correspondence, being such as it is, neither more nor less? Is it a pure accident? Is it one of the freaks of chance? Is there no meaning in it whatever? Is it as purposeless and as meaning- less as the formations of the hoar frost on the window- pane or the marvellous combinations of the kaleido- scope? Or, is there a clue to its meaning? Does the Gospel narrative record the one event in history which is the interpretation of all history, and which, being so, was transacted on a plan of which indications had been given in the prophets and in the history of their times? Are we right in inferring the existence of a — APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 97 purpose which began to be carried out of old, and which in the fulness of the times was completed ? And was it that, from the nature of the case, this purpose, if it existed, could not be anticipated nor discovered till it was sufficiently matured, but that when it. was adequately fulfilled it revealed itself? This is at least a theory which would appear to be consistent with the facts, if indeed there is any other by which the facts as they exist can be explained. At all events, we are warranted in saying that unless there is a method more consonant with reason to be discoy- ered of accounting for the broad and patent Gospel facts, the historic existence of the Christ-idea for ages before Christ came, and the alleged realization of that idea in him, is no slight indication of its origin.”’ (Stanley Leathes, ‘“‘ The Religion of the Christ,” pp. 221, 222.) What that origin was, the power which planned and guided the world’s history through all its mazes by converging lines up to acertain point and then from that point onward produced an effect for which a divine cause alone would be adequate, about this we have only to end as we began, by being face to face with a fact represented as existing even as a result of the preaching of Paul the Apostle himself : ‘‘ Some believed the things which were spoken, and some believed not,’’. while the evidence for both classes was the same. One more consideration remains for us before the subject is complete, and that is the truth of the alleged fact of Christ’s resurrection—a consideration reserved for a future occasion. 98 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM With reference however to what has been already said in this course of sermons which has grown in amount beyond what I expected when I began, let me add a few words here. I started with a single definite object in view, namely, waiving all claim of inspiration of any records whatever, and waiving all claim upon miracles as a ground of argument, to investigate, in the light simply of admitted facts and combinations of facts, the ques- tion whether, all things considered, there is any adequate natural cause (as that term is popularly understood) which will account for the fact of the existence of the Religion of the Christ. The only alternative is a supernatural cause, as that term 1S popularly understood. If the cause is supernatural it can be no less than divine. I have laid certain facts before you, together with their interdependence and the sequence of their combinations. It is for you, the exercise of an unbiassed judgment, to determine each for him or her self, whether such presentation indicates, or does not indicate, the reasonableness of a moral certainty of the supernatural, 2.e., the divine, origin of the religion of the Christ, and to mould your lives accordingly. For if that moral certainty exist, grave issues depend upon the use made of it. In what I have said, I have been compelled by the very vastness of the subject to do no more than touch upon the heads of thought and argument in the mat- ter. Those heads may or may not be to you sugges- tive of further thought and more minute investigation. I claim to have culled from various sources, not a com- plete chain of evidences, but simply notes on evi- APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 99 dences, and only ask that this fact be borne in mind if to any of you occur omissions of certain matters of detail, omissions inevitable in such a general treat- ment of the subject, and which, in detail, are sup- plied in many excellent treatises. While each branch of the subject has been more fully treated elsewhere, I do not remember to have seen a bird’s-eye view of even as much of the whole field as I have tried to describe brought together in a brief summary such as this. Such a survey has been a comfort and a help to me. I shall be only too glad if in any degree it may have proved so to you. For myself, amid much that tends to be- wilder and perplex, to shake faith and weaken trust, to create doubt and produce suspense, I can truly say that so far as I have been able to investigate, the re- sults are summed up in what was said of old by one of his followers to Jesus of Nazareth, ‘‘ Lord, to whom shall we go? Thou hast the words of eternal life. And we believe and are sure that thou art that Christ, the Son of the living God.” (John, 6 : 68, 69.) EX: THE RESURRECTION OF CHRIST. 1 Cor. XV, 17. Pipe, Christ be not eee your faith is vain ; ye are yet in your sins.’ Preached Oct. 15, 1882, in St. Paul’s Church, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. Tur man who wrote these words was perhaps as competent as any man of his time to form the opinion and to make the statement. The resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead is the keystone in the arch of Christian doctrine and Christian hope. There can be no Christianity, in any true sense of the term, without it. . If it be not a fact, the death of Jesus of Nazareth was the death simply of a martyr to the envy and hatred of his persecutors—on a par with the death of Socrates—nothing more if nothing less. If the resurrection of Jesus the Christ be a fact, then his death was the death of the Saviour of men. There is no middle ground to stand upon. If he rose from the dead, the seal is set to all the claims made for him by tance or by others. If he did not rise from the dead, then were both he who is alleged to have promised that he would, and they who bore witness that he did, nothing more than either self-deceived and saviieontits misleading others ; or, they were deliberate, and, considering the magni- tude of the interests at ene infamous impostors. PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM. 101 This at any rate is the view taken and clearly expressed by Paul the Apostle, who deliberately wrote ‘“‘ Tf Christ be not raised, your faith is vain ; ye are ° yetin yoursins. . . . If Christ be not risen, then is our preaching vain, and your faith is also vain. Yea, and we are found false witnesses of God ; because we have testified of God that he raised up Christ.’? (1 Cor. 15:17, 14, 15.) We need not claim any ‘ inspira- tion’”’ for this statement, but simply that it was the honest, outspoken manliness of one who would not gain anything by indirection or by ignoring an un- pleasant alternative. Any ‘‘notes on Christian evidences’? would be utterly incomplete without dealing with this subject. In dealing with it, I propose to consider ist. Whether there be any antecedent probability of the alleged fact of the resurrection of Jesus the Christ ; and 2d. Whether the objections argued against a belief in the fact are valid. If an antecedent probability can be shown for the reality of the alleged- fact ; if the objections urged against a belief in it can be shown to be such as are not in their nature necessarily valid ; if the testimony borne to its reality by those most competent to bear it is in its character that of testimony generally borne by truthful independent witnesses ; and if results may be attributed to it and to it alone as an effective cause ; then certainly, the case is not made out against the fact of Christ’s resurrection, but, on the contrary, the moral certainty is in its favor. You may remember that we begun by agreeing that mathematical certainty 102 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM was not in the nature of the case claimed or claimable in this whole argument. The determination of the first division of the sub- ject—that of antecedent probability—must depend largely upon individual opinion. That is freely con- ceded ; and yet the question of antecedent probability _ has a Sosa upon the subject. The determination of the second division—that a the testimony borne to the alleged fact of the resur- rection—has to do with the laws and the facts of evidence ; and here the question is not ‘‘ were the people who gave the evidence ‘inspired’? for to claim that would be begging the whole question : but it is, ‘‘ Did they tell the truth ?’ The consideration of alleged causes in connection with admitted results has to do with the question of moral certainty. I. To enter here into a consideration of antecedent probability would be simply to repeat all that I have said in the six sermons of the course preceding this one. To the cumulative evidence of a grand divine plan which the facts therein stated give, I refer. If there was that divine plan, then there was an antece- dent probability of any part of that plan necessary to produce its object, a resurrection from the dead in- cluded. If an alleged resurrection from the dead is seen to harmonize with that plan, in the light both of what went before and of what came after—and of that we are better able to judge than the men who pro- claimed the alleged fact of the resurrection—then the case of antecedent probability is made out. I think itis. But of that every one must, of course, judge APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 1038 for him or her self ; and with this reference to what has been said in the previous sermons I dismiss this portion of the subject, claiming for the antecedent probability only such weight as the evidence adduced may give it. II. The consideration of the validity of the objec- tions argued against a belief in the resurrection is the next point. We must clear the subject of its nega- tives before bringing forward its positives. The objections, so far as I understand the matter, are and can only be: (a) Such a thing as the resurrection of the dead could not take place. (>) It is not likely that it did take place. (c) The evidence that it did take place is contra- dictory, one part of it to another, and therefore insufficient to establish the fact. Let us consider them in order. (a) ** The resurrection from the dead could not take place. It is contrary to all human experience.”’ This proposition is nothing more nor less than a com- plete begging of the question. Its first clause is unscientific and its second clause is fallacious. Its precise force can be measured by an analogous state- ment, which we may put into the mouth of an un- travelled native of the tropics, where ice had never been seen : ‘* That the water of a broad and deep river should ever become so solid that an army could cross it dry- shod is an impossibility. It is contrary to all human experience. ”’ He might be perfectly sincere in his conviction ; 104 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM but the trouble would be that the horizon of his knowledge as to possibilities was too narrow ; and what was simply apart from his experience was con- fidently asserted to be contrary to human experience. His negative is too sweeping to be valid. That objec- tion may be dismissed. (6) *‘ It is not likely that the resurrection took place. ”’ This is also pure assumption. A survey of the whole field convinces some, equally able to judge, that, all things considered, it was more likely than not. The objection is inconclusive ; is a matter of opinion ; and as a valid negative may be ruled out of court. We are therefore brought by easy stages to the third class of objections—the only ones which have any plausibility or standing in court, viz. : (c) ‘* The evidence that the resurrection did take place is contradictory, the one part of it to the other, and therefore insufficient to establish the fact.”’ With regard to this, several considerations present themselves. 1. The evidence, such as it was, was sufficient to convince thousands of people who were contempora- neous with all the events in connection with the alleged facts, both before and after it was said to have taken place. 2. The evidence came from eye-witnesses, after the alleged facts, of the appearance in life of one who had been killed and buried. They not only saw him, but talked with him, and in one instance touched him as a proof that it was really he. APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 105 3. These eye-witnesses were perfectly familiar with his person, as they had been his intimate friends for years. 4. They expected nothing of the kind, and it was ‘hard to convince them that their senses did not deceive them. 5. The evidence of his reappearance on various occasions was given in just such a way, and with just such variations as to details as is ordinarily and natu- rally and in courts of justice accepted as evidence of independent, truthful testimony as to the main point at issue. 6. Their own belief in the reality of the fact was so thorough that it transformed their characters and changed their whole scheme of life. ¢. The record we have of their testimony is fur- nished by their contemporaries who were themselves conversant with the events of that time. These con- siderations certainly have a bearing on the character and weight of the evidence. But the objections to it must be considered, and given all the weight they can claim. For the sake of brevity I will quote them from a writer who has summed them up and who counts them as valid. He says: ‘The statements which have come down to us as to when, where, by whom, and how often, Jesus was seen after his death, present such serious and irreconcilable variations as to prove beyond question that they are not the original statements of eye-wit- nesses, but merely the form which the original state- ments had assumed, after such transmission, thirty or 106 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM forty years after the event to which they relate. Let us examine them more particularly. It will be seen that they agree in everything that is natural and prob- able, and disagree in everything that is supernatural and difficult of credence. All the accounts agree that the women, on their matutinal visit to the sepulchre, found the body gone, and saw some one in white raiment who spoke to them. They agree in nothing else: | (1.) They differ as to the number of women. (2.) They differ as to the number of persons in white raiment who appeared to the women. (3.) They differ as to the words spoken by the ap- paritions. (4.) They differ in another point. According to Matthew, Luke, and John, the women carried the information as to what they had seen, at once to the disciples. According to Mark ‘‘ they said nothing to any man.”’ (5.) They differ as to the parties to whom Jesus appeared. (6.) They differ as to the locality. The conclusion of the writer is that the resurrection of Christ from the dead was not a fact, because of this variance in the testimony given by different people, all of whom however agreed in asserting the fact. Now it would be easy, and ina perfectly fair way, to account for this variance in testimony: as for instance, that one person dwelt more on one detail than another ; and that there really was the variance, at different times, of appearances and words, etc., etc. This has been done. APPLIED TO EVIDENCES OF CHRISTIANITY. 107 But I propose to test the validity of the objections to a belief in the fact itself and its main bearings (upon which all the writers of the New Testament are agreed, be it remembered, and to which the disciples of Jesus all appealed as the only ground of their changed views and actions) by citing two parallel eases ; parallel, that is, in the existence of a fact and the varying if not contradictory testimony. which was borne to it. Very few educated people have any doubt of the existence and general effect upon the destinies of Europe at the time, of an historical personage known as Napoleon Bonaparte. And yet Archbishop Whately in a little treatise called ‘‘ Historic Doubts as to Napoleon Bonaparte,’’? and which created some stir when it was published, showed that the treatment of the testimony of contemporaries toward him and his deeds, exactly following unbelieving treatment of the testimony of contemporaries toward the resurrection of Jesus Christ, would as thoroughly—no more thoroughly and no less thoroughly—disprove the fact of Napoleon’s existence, as the fact of Christ’s resur- rection was and is disproved by an appeal to the variance of the testimony as to details. The two cases were shown to be exactly parallel as regards the char- acter of the testimony and what it proved or dis- proved, 7.¢., an alleged fact. And the argument loses none of its force by time. Another case parallel in this respect is one which came within the range of my own observation and experience during the past- summer, and I pre- sume to cite it simply because of the directness 108 PRINCIPLES OF AGNOSTICISM of the testimony it enables me to bear, not as mat- ter of hearsay, but because of personal participa- tion in the matter throughout ; and it was a matter concerning which public interest was more or less aroused throughout the country, and the associated press had made careful provision for a full and ac- curate report of the proceedings. This report might naturally be expected to be marked with fewer varia- tions, as published by the newspapers of the country, than any statement about an event not at all expected and for the preparation of which statement no pro- vision had been made. T allude to the meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League at Newport on the 2d of August, 1882. Especial care was taken to have a careful registry made of the members of the League who were in attendance.