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EXCAVATIONS AND RESULTS AT TELL EL-FUL (GIBEAH OF SAUL)
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EXCAVATIONS AND RESULTS AT TELL EL-FUL.(GIBEAH OF SAUL)
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
(Se eTeRe ee). a ING oile and Its) PMVITONS. 1.6. oem sds soe ane che wees 1
A eer CAmauone ate ibe Sites ans she) PEA ab acs Pac oes 3
Pie mesosuits or the Hxeavatious 2.64 veew sek». os of es é
1.—The First Period (Thirteenth and Twelfth Cen-
PAE he gM Su AER. (goers sO ig ans Fo ee as eel
2.—The Second Period (Eleventh Century B. C.)..... 8
3.—The Third Period (Ninth to Seventh Centuries
ee ere Ome Chae Sir ere ee EL ae a aes 17
ee OSE OUTLeriOG..., s iss seco cumin cee es: ate tas a eee 25
IV. Identification of the Site with Gibeah................ 28
Neem CliscOry ot Gived 1rOM All MOUTCES. 2c. 2 we. cc ee ee 44
APPENDIX eee ICT CHI SCOT OU MME oh. os rales le vontrsee’s < oe eV Ss eas 90
iter ASL ONTO tae, oie sayin © eae ecole aaa tka y « 112
Pe DUP OR AI oP PAU hector Oey close o te odie a. Winn whe 124
TV.—The Assyrian March on Jerusalem, Isa. X, 28-32.... 134
VEST nit Beth-nven Suen 1 eee nick Tres 141
VI.—tThe Northern Boundary of Benjamin...... ae 150
etree LETRO LITT) INAV OL. Weare Shee ses werden Soon ik aoa S 156
Sriii a aetnany inthe: Old: Testametites g..4 aioe is wx nee ol 158
aA i F 7
mas
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Beth-shemesh = MAcKeEnzin, Excavations at Ain Shems (Palestine Explora-
tion Fund Annual, Vol. IT), 1913.
Bulletin BCA = Bulletin of the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem.
Canaan = VincENT, Canaan d’apres l’exploration récente, Paris, 1907.
Excavations = Buiss-Macauister, Excavations in Palestine, London, 1902.
G = Greek text of LXX.
GB = GrsEnrus-BuHL, Worterbuch der hebriiischen Sprache.
Gezer = Macauister, The Excavation of Gezer, London, 1912.
JBL = Journal of Biblical Interature.
JEA = Journal of Egyptian Archaeology.
Jericho = SELLIN and Watzincsr, Jericho, Leipzig, 1913.
JPOS = Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society.
JSOR = Journal of the Society of Oriental Research.
_M = Masoretic text of the Old Testament.
Megiddo = ScHumacnueER, Tell el-Mutesellim, Leipzig, 1908.
MNDPV = Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des Deutschen Palistina Vereins.
PEF QS = Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statements.
PJB = Palastinajahrbuch.
RB = Revue Biblique.
SG = Sven Lrnper, Sauls Gibea, Uppsala, 1922.
Taanach = Seuuin, Tell Ta’annek, Vienna, 1904.
ZATW = Zettschrift fiir Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft.
ZDMG = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.
ZDPV = Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina Vereins.
TABLE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERIODS EMPLOYED
Bronze Age (Canaanite). Iron Age (Palestinian).
Early Bronze, to 2000 B. C. First Phase, 1200-900 B. C.
Middle Bronze, 2000-1600 B. C. Second Phase, 900-600 B. C.
Late Bronze, 1600-1200 B. C. Third Phase, 600-300 B. C.
Hellenistic, 300-100 B. C.
Hell.—Roman, B. C. 100-100 A. D.
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PREFATORY STATEMENT
This study is divided into two parts, the first archaeological and the
second topographical. For convenience of reference I have grouped the
topographical discussions in appendices, which have, however, grown to
such dimensions that the term is not altogether happy. The loss of balance
which has resulted does not affect the clarity of treatment, so that it is not
wholly a disadvantage.
In the archaeological section I have taken great pains to give an exhaus-
tive treatment of the ceramic material from the first three periods of the
history of the site. The drawings make up in accuracy, I trust, what they
may lack in elegance. The importance of our study largely lies in the fact
that it is here possible to date Israelite and Jewish ceramic types definitely,
thus eliminating much of the indefiniteness which has hitherto prevented
the archaeologist from evaluating his finds from a historical point of view.
The sharp distinction between the pottery of the period 1200 to 900 B.C.
(or-a little earlier) and the following period from before 900 to after
‘700 B. C. will make possible a much sharper cleavage in the mass of material
hitherto vaguely assigned to the whole period, or ascribed, sometimes to
‘*Pre-Israelite’’ and ‘‘Jewish,’’ sometimes roughly to ‘‘Third Semitic’’ -
(1400-1000 B. C.) and ‘‘ Fourth Semitic’’ (1000-550 B. C.).
The full topographical discussions will, I hope, bring new methods and
new material to bear on many knotty problems, and will play their réle in
establishing -the tepography of Central Palestine on a scientific basis.
Among the new identifications proposed are Beeroth = Tell en-Nasbeh,
Jeshanah = Burj el-Isaneh, Ephraim = Samieh, and Ananiah = Bethany.
Before proceeding I wish to express my profound indebtedness to two
men, the foremost exponents of Palestinian science. Professor DALMAN
- suggested the importance of excavations at Tell el-FGl to me in the first
place; I also owe to his lengthy discussions in the Paldstinajahrbuch a
knowledge of the topographic method developed by the German school.
Pére VINCENT, the first living authority on Palestinian archaeology, has
placed me under a debt of gratitude which I cannot easily repay. Twice
he visited our work, and on numerous other occasions he has given infor-
mation and advice of the greatest value. It is a great pleasure to thank
him once again for his unfailing kindness.
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I, THE SITE AND ITS ENVIRONS
Tell el-FGl is a hill standing five kilometers (about three miles) north of
the Damascus Gate at Jerusalem, immediately overlooking the Nablus road.
As will be seen from fig. 1, with which the cover illustration of Bulletin
No. 6 and SG, figs. 15 ff. may be compared, it is a rather isolated hill, rising
in terraces. The name tell, i. e., ‘“mound,’’ was probably given it from the
mound-like appearance of the topmost terrace, though there are no traces of
fortification around its edges. Tell el-F'tl means ‘‘Mound of Beans,’’ or
rather “‘Mound of Horse-beans’’ (ful; fileh is nomen unitatis), a name
given the hill because its marly soil was supposed to be specially suited for
the cultivation of this coarse variety of bean. Many mounds and ruins are
similarly called after plants or vegetables which flourished on them ; ef. Hirbet
el-‘ Adaseh, ‘‘Lentile-ruin’’ just northeast of Tell el-Fil. The name Tuleil
el-Ful, ‘‘Little Mound of Beans,’’ is erroneous, and seems to have been
coined by peasants in order to give Europeans a name for the tumulus
(rujm) in the middle of the upper terrace. At all events, I never heard it
spontaneously used, though it was always recognized as a possible alterna-
tive for Tell el-Ful. A recent variant, heard from one of my men, is Tell
Lut, the spelling of which is rendered certain by the man’s comparing the
name with Bahr Lit (the Dead Sea). This name is naturally apocryphal,
and obviously originated in a misunderstanding of some learned traveler’s
statement that Talat (Saul) dwelt here; Talut happens to be a biblical
worthy quite unknown among the local peasantry. This is a characteristic
example of the modern topographical legend, which has proved a constant
source of error to western scholars from CLERMONT-GANNEAU down.
The top.of Tell el-FUl is formed of a thick stratum of calcareous marl,
ealled hiwar, i.e., hawar = hwérah in northern Palestine and Syria (from
hwr, ‘‘be white’’), representing the latest period of limestone deposit in
Palestine. The huwar is not suitable for grain, as shown by the wretched
crops of barley or wheat grown on the hill every other year, nor is it good
for deciduous trees, to Judge from experiments on similar soil elsewhere, but
conifers seem to grow well on it; the huwar of Ras Abi: Halawi (the next
hill northeast of Scopus) produces an excellent crop of conifers, and conif-
erous trees were used for the woodwork of the first fortress of Gibeah
(see below).
Tell el-Ffil attains the respectable elevation of 2,754 feet, according to
the results of the Survey of Western Palestine, and possesses a remarkably
fine view in all directions, though on the north it is limited by the still
higher ridge of Ramallah, westward, and Tell ‘Astir, eastward. Owing to
2 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOUL)
its height, the temperature on it is seldom oppressively warm, though it can
be bitterly cold in winter. We must not forget that while the second structure at Gibeah was a residence as
well as a fortress, the third was purely a fortress, and would probably not boast such
luxuries as painted pottery. There is therefore no irregularity in supposing that the
type of painted pottery found in Gibeah II continued in use two or three centuries after
the fall of the second fortress. .
*‘ While this is not the place to enter into a discussion of the Philistine pottery and
the problems raised by it, it may be observed that our ceramic finds at Gibeah provide
an additional argument for the position of MackENzIE and PuyrHian-ADAMS, who
maintain, as is well known, that a certain type of pottery, abundant in the mounds of
the Shephelah and at Ashkelon, is peculiarly Philistine, and was not introduced until
the Iron Age by the invading Philistine hordes. Their view has been vigorously
opposed by no less an authority than VINCENT, while WooLLEy confuses the issue by
mixing Late “Bronze Age and Early Iron Age types in the most hopeless way. At
Ashkelon, however, PHyTHIAN-ADAMS found a sharp line of demarcation between the
Late Bronze Age stratum and the next higher level containing pottery of the ‘‘ Philis-
tine’’ type. At Beth-shemesh MACKENZIE found a gap between the period of importa-
tion of Cypro-Phoenician and Aegean pottery (Late Bronze Age proper) and the period ~
during which ‘‘Philistine’’ pottery became prevalent, a gap which corresponds neatly
to the interval between the Israelite conquest (cir. 1230 B. C.) and the growth of
Phoenician influence in the Shephelah (cir. 1100 B. C.). Most important is the fact
that no pottery of the type in question has been found anywhere in Northern Palestine,
at Megiddo, Taanach, the mounds in the Plain of Accho, Bethshan, or Dor, where a
new type of ceramics does, however, appear with the Sikel conquest. Now we can
show that this pottery does not appear in Southern Palestine, except in Philistia itself
and the Shephelah, which was unquestionably under immediate Philistine control during
the eleventh century. There can be no doubt that the entire absence of Philistine ware
from Saul’s fortress and residence proves a vigorous Israelite opposition to the intro-
duction of Philistine influences.
THE RESULTS OF THE EXCAVATIONS 17
potsherd, about 1 em. thick, the edges of which have been worn smooth by
constant rubbing; it may be a whetstone. No. 6 is a flue (drawn in cross
section) made of friable clay, full of white particles, present length 5 em.
The clay is burned through to a brick-red color, except for the outside,
which has a blackened coat about 2 mm. deep, and one end, which is black
and partially charred. Another object of clay, conical in shape, with a
diameter at the base of 10 em., and a blackened hole 5 em. deep in the base,
is quite inexplicable. No. 7 is a rectangular potsherd which has been carved
to represent something, but just what is not clear. One may choose
between amulet and model of a game-board, but the writer inclines to the
second supposition. No. 8 is obviously a piece used in some gamé, perhaps
a draughtsman. It is formed from a burnished potsherd, 0.65 em. thick.
Also from the second period are the bone serapers, of which one is repre-
sented in fig. 9. Two bronze arrow-heads (fig. 12) also appeared in this
level, besides quantities of sling-stones. An iron plough-tip found in room
A reminds us that we are already well into the Iron Age, when iron began
to be used for agricultural implements (cf. I Sam. 13,,-,, from the beginning
of Saul’s reign). It has long been recognized generally that iron came into
the country as a material for tools and implements with the Philistines, who
held a monopoly of the supply of this metal, and possessed all the iron-
smiths. No. 15 is a whetstone; the rest of the figures on this plate belong
to later periods.
3. THe THIRD PERtiop (NINTH TO SEVENTH CENTURIES B. C.)
The third fortress on our site is quite different in plan and construction,
since it served as military outpost and watch-tower (Heb. migdal), instead
of being the acropolis (on a small scale) of a town. Im all probability
Gibeah was unoccupied from the tenth century to the eighth (see Chapter
V), since no pottery from the second phase of the Iron Age seems to be
found on the northern and northeastern terraces where the town of Saul
lay, and the oldest village remains from the summit date from the eighth
or seventh centuries B. C., when the fortress was abandoned for the third
time.
The third fortress, with its quadrangular form and enveloping glacis,
may be regarded as a typical Palestinian migdal of the Karly Iron Age.
Typical Palestinian fortresses of the Late Bronze Age are represented on
the Egyptian monuments of the Nineteenth Dynasty, especially the Karnak
reliefs of Sethos I. While the ‘‘migdol’’ of Sethos figured, e.g., by V1v-
CENT, Canaan, p. 84, fig. 56, after Masprro (= GarpIner, JEA VI, plate
XII, P) actually represents a town (dmy) it is probable enough that it gives
us a fair elevation of a typical migdal (or migdol if we follow the later
18 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Egyptian pronunciation). If we leave the citadels of walled cities hitherto
studied out of consideration, because of the fact that they are planned to
meet other contingencies, we find only one group of migdals which has been
examined, though inadequately—the fortresses in the Negeb, knowledge of
which we owe to WooLuEy and Lawrence (PEF Annual, III, pp. 41, 3).
Just north of Ruheibeh, the ancient Rehoboth, is one such migdal, now
called Qasr er-Ruheibeh, a quadrangular structure, roughly twenty meters
square. The foundation walls only, of rough and undressed stone, are pre-
served, and it is not clear from the tentative plan given whether there were
two stories or only one. There does not, however, seem to have been a glacis.
~ WoouuEy: has unfortunately gone far astray in dating the fortress by the
pottery, ‘‘fine ring-burnished haematite stained ware,’’ which he wishes
to assign to the Second Semitic, ostensibly following Macauister. Natu-
rally, MAcALISTER nowhere dates such ware to the Second Semitic, since it
is only found in the second phase of the Early Iron Age, between the tenth
and the sixth centuries B. C., being precisely the ware that is characteristic
of Gibeah III. Qasr er-Ruheibeh and probably also Bir Birein, judging ©
from the similar pottery found there, are migdals built at almost the same
time as Gibeah ITI, in order to protect Jewish settlements and flocks in the
Negeb from Bedawin raids. It is quite likely that these are among the very
migdalim built by Uzziah in the southern desert of Judah, in order to pro-
tect his flocks, as narrated II Chron. 26,,; in this case they would date from
the first half of the eighth century B.C., or just when Gibeah III was
restored, if my hypothesis (see Chapter V) is correct. The relatively
greater strength of our fortress is, of course, due to its greater importance,
since its function was to protect Jerusalem against surprise attacks, whence
it had to be proof against surprises itself.
When the Jewish builders of about 900 B.C. prepared to build, they
found some four meters, on the average, of débris from previous construec-
tions deposited on the site, with massive walls ready to serve as foundations.
Hastily clearing the tops of the visible walls on the south and east, they
built their own inner wall on them, as may be seen by comparison of the
plans on plates XXII and XXIII with the photographs, figs. 7, 8, and 10.
In the west they almost entirely missed the top of the massive wall of I-II,
and on the northeast and north they found no convenient walls on which
to build. As a result, width was substituted for solidity of foundation, a
method which explains the curious difference in the width of different
sections of the inner wall. Not satisfied, however, with assuming the solidity
of the old south wall, they uncovered its external face down to about a
meter from the huwar, and, having found that it sagged badly, they placed
a massive buttress wall against it, to support the southeastern corner (cf.
plan and figs. 19-20). For greater security, the glacis was not set against
THE RESULTS OF THE EXCAVATIONS 19
the inner wall directly, but against a thin outer wall, the inside face of
which was a little more than two meters from the outside face of the inner
wall. The intervening space was not disturbed, except in the southeastern
corner, where the buttress wall had been inserted, which we found packed
with earth, above which was a filling of stone. The outer wall was less
than a meter wide, on the average, and utilized such intersecting walls as
were available from older periods to strengthen or replace it. Since the
glacis was restored in the fourth period, when some alterations may have
been made, our profiles (plate XXIV C-D) hold only for the fourth fortress,
though they probably reproduce the elevation of the third with general
accuracy.
The glacis enveloped the fortress on all sides, not on the north and south
alone, as WARREN seems to have thought (Survey of Western Palestine on
Tell el-Fal). It is, however, true that it had been nearly all removed by
subsequent builders on the west side. The entrance to the fortress (stair-
case or ramp) probably was on the eastern side, where the ancient road to
the summit of the hill followed the more gradual ascent on this side. We
were unfortunately, however, not able to clear all the débris away from the
eastern side, owing to our agreement with the owners and the exigencies
of wind conditions, which forced us to pile the débris removed from the
rest of the fortress over the glacis on the east. On the northern side the
glacis was practically intact (see figs. 16 and 17). It was built on a founda-
tion of larger stones, with a vertical outer face 60-70 em. high. Above this
it rose obliquely for at least 460 cm. at an angle of about 60°; the measured
angle of 57° is more exact than warranted by the irregular surface of the
glacis. It is quite possible that the glacis of the third period was higher
than it was in the fourth, when it reached a total height (measured along
its surface) of 560 em. on this side. If it continued up to meet the outer
wall, it must have been 650 em. in length, but ef. the discussion below.
It is a pity that we lack sufficient illustrative material for our glacis from
other sites. Since the revetments of the towns of the Shephelah, Megiddo,
ete., are not adequately published, we must fall back on two parallels: the
glacis of the city wall of Jericho in the Middle Bronze Age (Jericho, plates
10-13) ,* and that of several of the ‘‘Solomonic’’ towers in the outer wall of
Gezer (Gezer, I, p. 247, fig. 128).. The Jericho glacis, though nearly, if
not quite a thousand years older than ours, is very similar, as pointed out
to me by Pére VincENT. It has the same foundation of larger stones with
a vertical outer face, the same rude laying of stones in courses; on the
other hand, the stones are more irregular in size, the tendency to polyg-
‘This glacis does not belong to the ‘‘Hielite’’ wall, as generally supposed; see
note above. It would in any ease be a rather monstrous supposition to assume that a
private person would be given the credit for the construction of such massive walls.
20 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
onal work is unmistakable. Lest we be inclined by this comparison to
antedate our revetment, against the other evidence, we may now compare
the Gezer revetment. Since the towers of the outer wall of Gezer are
probably Solomonic, as acutely pointed out by MacauistTEr (2bid., p. 255 f.),
the revetments with which some of them are cased must be later.
Macauister would attribute them to the Syrian general Bacchides, who
made Gezer his base during the Maccabean wars. The fortification of
Gazara by Bacchides is mentioned I Mace. 9,,, but may easily have consisted
in repair of the acropolis, which MAcALISTER was unable to examine. At all
events, in view of the extraordinary resemblance of the revetments’ in
question to our glacis, we can hardly date them in the second century B. C.,
but much more probably during the Divided Kingdom, when Gezer was an
important frontier city——For additional comparison, I have included a
photograph of the glacis at Tell en-Nasbeh (Beeroth), probably from the
Late Bronze Age (fig. 18).
In general the construction of the third fortress is marked by obvious
haste. While the stones employed were usually roughly hammer-dressed,
the foundations were very carelessly laid, and the piers all collapsed sooner
or later after we removed the earth from around their foundations. In this
connection it was possible to make some very interesting observations, bear-
ing upon the identification of the third fortress. The buttress wall at the
southeastern corner, already mentioned, is built of large cubes of meleki
stone, hewn smooth on one or more sides, but, curiously enough at first
sight, the smooth side, instead of facing, is often turned inside. In other
words, these well-hewn meleki blocks do not belong with our fortress at all,
but have been brought from somewhere else. In the first two periods no
meleki was employed; it is only in the third and fourth.that we find these
reused blocks of this choice material. The meleki quarries are situated near
Beit Hanninaé and er-Ram, and the stones were therefore dragged some
distance in order to be used in the fortress at Gibeah. Another interesting
point was that a relatively large number of beams were employed in the
construction of our fortress, as shown by its thorough destruction by fire,
which slivered and calcined the stones of the upper story, filling the central
chambers of the basement with a mass of stone slivers, charred potsherds
and cinders nearly two meters deep. Charred fragments of such beams
were identified by Mr. Dinsmore as almond—the coniferous forest had thus
apparently disappeared from the environs of Gibeah during the first three
centuries of Israelite domination. The significance of these facts in con-
nection with the biblical statement that Asa built a fortress here constructed
partly of stones and beams carried away from Baasha’s fortress at Ramah
is evident, and will be duly stressed in chapter IV.
The characteristic form of construction in the interior of the third
THE RESULTS OF THE EXCAVATIONS 21
fortress is the supporting pier of which four were found (A-D on the plan).
Since these piers were erected on older walls which had remained standing
at different heights, their height is quite different; B and C were originally
at least 200 em. high, while A was only 75 em. When Pére VINCENT saw
the masonry of B, the first pier uncovered, he called my attention to its
characteristically pre-exilic type, as illustrated by masonry from the Jewish
royal period found at Tell ej-Judeideh (which was inadequately published,
and cannot be compared except by one who studied the remains before they
were removed or covered up). The oblong blocks, with an exceptionally
high proportion of length to width and thickness, used in these piers (cf.
figs. 9, 24 [A]; 25, 26 [B]; 14, 23 [C]) are clearly akin to the blocks
which form so characteristic an element of Palestinian architecture during
the tenth and ninth centuries B. C., as illustrated by the buildings of the
fifth stratum (‘‘Solomonic’’) at Megiddo, and Ahab’s palace at Samaria.
The closest parallel available is the masonry of the so-called Solomonic
towers in the outer wall of Gezer (Gezer, I, 248, fig. 129). The real
similarity existing between our construction and those mentioned must not
be obscured by the fact that the stones used in the former are only hammer-
dressed, and not nicely hewn, as in the latter cases.
Between the inner and outer wall on the northern side we found two
vertical drains (cf. figs. 21 and 22), each with a diameter inside of 55-60
em. and a height of at least 540 cm. above the huwar. The purpose of these
drains, which stop at the hwwar, was naturally to allow rain-water to escape
without damaging the fortifications by carrying away the clay mortar from
between the stones. Similar drains are not found elsewhere, so far as the
writer knows; the vertical built drain figured by Macauisrer (Gezer, I,
p. 279, fig. 146) has a square instead of a circular or polygonal section, as
ours have.
The third fortress was destroyed and rebuilt once, as shown by the resto-
rations of the inside walls, invariably poorly made, and the filling of the
opening in the north-south wall just to the west of piers B and C (fig. 15).
Originally there was a passage-way here, with two similar piers flanking it.
The pottery of the third fortress is no longer so varied as that of the
second, and shows a monotonous uniformity of type, bowls being the domi-
nant vessel. We may safely ascribe this uniformity to the semi-garrison
life led by the men stationed here. The cooking pot vanishes entirely, its
place being taken by a bowl with thick rims and ring burnishing, nearly
always of red ware (plate XXVII). The rim diameter is more variable
than in the case of the cooking pots, ranging in different specimens from
Tell el-Fil between 35 and 49 em. The smaller saucers, nos. 22-6, vary
from 16 to 30 em. inside rim diameter. The saucers of the older rim type
figured on plate X XVI, nos. 27-8, measure 18 and 20 em. respectively, while
22 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
the beautiful plate no. 29 has a diameter of 16 cm. at the rim. All these
sherds are ring-burnished inside and on the rim, and most of them are also
ring-burnished on the outside. In the better specimens the effect is unques-
tionably artistic, a fact which explains the extraordinary popularity of this
technique during the time of the Divided Kingdom.
This type of ware is so very common that it would seem hardly necessary
to give examples from other sites. Cf., however, Excavations, plate 55;
Jericho, p. 144, and plate 38, D 12. Curiously enough, it is apparently not
mentioned at all in Gezer or elsewhere in the publications. The writer has
found it on all Palestinian sites of the pre-exilic period hitherto examined,
especially in Southern Palestine, both in the plain and in the hill country.
It was less common among the sherds from Ashkelon, however, where
painted ornament predominates, and burnishing is rare after the first phase
of the Iron Age. It is common at Beth-shemesh and Gezer, at Tell Mahmar
and Tell Jiljilieh in the ‘Auja Valley, at Dor, at Tell ‘Amr and Harbaj
in the Plain of Accho, at Megiddo, Samaria, and intervening sites, as far.
south as Tell Abii Mahftz (ancient Beersheba). The investigations of
Woo.uey and LAWRENCE in the Negeb (see above) have shown that it is
equally common in early Jewish sites there. It cannot be emphasized too
strongly that ring-burnished ware belongs exclusively to the Early Iron
Age; nowhere in Palestine do we find specimens from the Bronze Age. It
certainly originated in the application of the wheel to the burnishing
technique employed in the first phase of the Iron Age, which we have
learned to know from Gibeah II. In a number of vessels from the first
phase we have what looks at first sight like wheel burnishing, but on more
careful examination it turns out to be continuous burnishing where the
continuity is broken by depressions in the surface. Since these depressions
tended, especially with the development of emphasis on the rills caused by
the wheel—a peculiarity of the Early Iron Age after 1000 B. C. (ef. Beth-
shemesh, p. 87)—to run in a horizontal direction, the attempt to burnish
continuously would give the effect of horizontal ring-burnishing. It was
precisely this effect which the potters seized upon and developed to a high
degree of perfection (cf. plate XXX, nos. 22-5). Ring-burnishing is thus
the most characteristic method of decoration in the period from the tenth
century, when it comes in, to about the sixth century, after which it dis-
appears, though it is still doubtful whether it survived down into the Per-
sian period or not (see below). It was certainly, however, extinct before
the Hellenistic period.
Turning to the types of bases found in the third stratum (plate X XIX,
figs. 15-24) we note, as observed in the previous section, that the proportion
of dise-bases has fallen greatly when compared with the second period, and
that ring-bases are dominant. Nos. 15, 17, 19-23 are ring-burnished ; no. 21
THE RESULTS OF THE EXCAVATIONS 20
is covered inside with a red haematite slip, and is beautifully ring-burnished
so as to form a continuous burnished surface. Nos. 15 and 18 are not
burnished, No. 24 resembles, in shape, color and technique, nos. 8-9, of
the second period, but is coarser and thicker.
As noted previously, the characteristic handle of the third period (plate
XXX, nos. 8-14) is ribbed, instead of having a smooth oval section as in the
second period. There are a few smooth handles from this stratum, but the
vast majority are ribbed lengthwise. No. 8 illustrates the transition, since
the ribbing only appears here in the raised lines running lengthwise of the
handle. Nos. 12-14 are of the familiar type to which the handles with the
royal seals belong, of coarse black clay with minute white particles of lime-
stone or quartz, burned usually to a reddish brown, though the color varies.
No. 14 bore the MamSat stamp, which is of a new type with a curious
ligature of the mems; the nearest parallel among the seals so far known
is published in Gezer, II, p. 211, fig. 361. Since the whole question of these
royal jar stamps will be fully discussed elsewhere, it is sufficient to say here
that they date, in the writer’s opinion, from the eighth and seventh
centuries only, and that the towns of Hebron, Ziph, Socoh, and MaméSat
(Mampsis, east of Beersheba) were capitals of administrative districts,
where the royal tribute (or taxes) was collected before being sent to Jeru-
salem. There was probably a standard size for the amphoras in which the
wine and oil belonging to the royal tribute was stored.
While the fortress was destroyed by fire toward the end of the eighth
century B. C. (see below), its abandonment did not mean the end of settle-
ment on the site. With its fall begins, in fact, the record of the village
on the summit, which seems to have lasted from the seventh or eighth
century B.C. on down to the first century A.D. (see chapter V). The
bulk of the pottery found in the first trenches on the summit of the hill
belonged to the Persian and Seleucid (Hellenistic) period, between the sixth
and the third centuries B.C. On plate XXXII, figs. 1-22, I have illus-
trated the principal types of objects in clay found on the summit of the
hill, but outside of the tumulus, belonging to this period. The rims nos.
1-13 all belong to jugs of various kinds. The turned-over rims in the first
row, though very similar in appearance to the Bronze Age bowl rims of
this type, have nothing to do with them, unless we assume an ultimate com-
mon origin. No. 1, one of the earliest, and certainly the earliest in shape,
ascribed plausibly by Pére VincENT to the seventh century B. C., is almost
~ exactly like the older bowl rims in section; the diameter is, however, so very
different that no confusion is possible. No. 14, also dated by Pére VINCENT
in the earlier part of our period (sixth-fifth century), is descended from the
family of bowls figured on plate X XVII, but is definitely turned over, and
is not burnished. None of the rims of this type from the village of the
24 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Persian period were burnished; the technique of rim-burnishing had
apparently disappeared during the exilic period, at least in the neighborhood
of Gibeah.
The handles of this period carry on the tradition of the third period very
closely. No. 16 is very like the characteristic royal stamp handles, but is
freer from foreign particles, and hence probably later. There is a marked
tendency toward thicker, coarser, and more strongly ribbed handles during
this period. No. 19 is the handle of a jug from about the sixth to the fifth
century (VINCENT), and represents an intermediate stage between the corre-
sponding type of the third period and that of the Seleucid age. The section
is irregular, being smooth oval outside, and angular inside. Just below the
handle is a potter’s mark, apparently an old Hebrew beth. On another
vase, apparently an amphora, the potter has incised a taw just below the
handle (no. 20). No. 22 is a handle from about the sixth century (VIN-
CENT) in the form of a bull’s head and neck. Most of the analogous bulls’
heads belong to spouts rather than to handles; ef. Jericho, p. 146, fig. 171
(from about the same period), and the illustrations in Gezer, III, plates —
CXXIV-VI. The modeling of our specimen is not bad; the loss of the
horns gives it a curious almost mouse-like effect. WatzincEeR (Jericho, loc.
eit.) mentions parallels from Cyprus, belonging to the Iron Age; bull
spouts and handles may easily be another illustration of Cypro-Phoenician
influence in Palestine.
Before leaving the pottery of this period, a word may be said regarding
the pottery of the tombs around Gibeah, many examples of which are pre-
served in the museums, notably in the CuarK Collection, the museum of the
Assumptionist Fathers at Notre Dame de France, and the German museums.
Since a full discussion of these important collections would carry us far
beyond our limits of space, and has no bearing upon the chronological
arrangement of the Gibeah pottery, it may be reserved for another treat-
ment. During our previous work at Tell el-FGl we paid no attention to
the tombs; in a future campaign we hope to be able to study the tombs of
the immediate vicinity, and in this connection a full treatment of the pottery
already: found in them will be instructive. The pottery from Mr. CuarKk’s
collection is published in PEFQS 1915, with notes by CuarK and Macat-
ISTER on pp. 35-7. MAacanisTeR’s dates are too low; this is particularly
true of his assignment of the Jewish water decanters reproduced in plate
IV, 1 a-c, to the Maccabean age. Most of these decanters are ring-
burnished, like all decanters of this type in the collection of the American
School, as well as the decanter of the third period of Gibeah reproduced
below, plate XXIV, 2. We found necks belonging to similar decanters in
the débris of the third and following periods. The correct dating for these
decanters, which come in early in the first millennium, and last down
THE RESULTS OF THE EXCAVATIONS 25
through the Persian period, is given by Mackenzin, Beth-shemesh, pp.
64-92, in the discussion of the date of the northwest necropolis, where they
are exceedingly common. MAcKENzIE’s date of 700 B.C. for the close of
the third period of Beth-shemesh should be altered to 600, in my opinion;
the decanters in question then appear at Beth-shemesh between 900 and 600
B.C., in accordance with our material from Gibeah.
Of the other finds from the top of the hill, and hence to be dated in all
probability between the seventh and the third centuries B. C., little was
remarkable. Numerous rubbing stones of diorite and other materials were
discovered; ef. plate XX XIII, nos. 13-14. Only one button, or boss, of
stone turned up; ef. no. 11. The fibula no. 10 is of the characteristic
oriental type of the first millennium, with a sharply bent bow, which
WaAtTZINGER, Jericho, p. 151, regards as a West-Asiatic modification of the
East Greek (better: Anatolian) type. Von LuscHan (Zeitschrift fiir
Ethnologie, 1893, p. 387) has called attention to the fact that exactly similar
fibulas have been found at Calah and Sam’al from about 700 B.C. To
about the same period belong the Jericho fibula (plate 40, III, 5); the
fibulas from Beth-shemesh (plates XXVII, 8-9; XXXVIII, 6; XL ,2-3;
XLII, 11; LIX A, 18); from Tell Zakariyeh (Excavations, plate 80, 6;
7-9 are of an entirely different curved type) ; from Gezer (plate CX XXIV,
figs. 3, 6, 26, 27, etc.), where the dating is doubtful, though the Persian
period is probable for the fibula from the ‘‘ Philistine’’ tomb deposits (plate
DaVita. 0) 2:
4. THe FourtH PERIOD
After lying in ruins for some centuries the fortress was once again
restored, serving probably as a watch-tower. The new builders followed
the lines of the third fortress walls, so the inner and outer walls rise on
the old foundations, and the glacis was similarly repaired and reused,
though with slight alterations. The most important change in the outside
fortifications seems to be that the glacis was left about a meter lower, a
small wall being built on the truneated top to mask and protect the main
outer wall (plate XXIVa, C; the dotted line represents the probable original
top of the glacis). The materials left from the ruin of the third fortress
were reused; among the stones, blocks of meleki are specially noteworthy,
some of them being very respectable in size, though damaged by the vicissi-
tudes through which they had passed since hewn by Baasha’s builders (see
above) for his fortress in Ramah. The largest block found, which served
as a corner stone in the inner wall, was 100 x 70 x 40 em.
®For the dating of these tombs in the Persian period ef. Woou.Ley, Annals of
Archaeology and Anthropology, Vol. VII, p. 128. They certainly have nothing to do
with the Philistines.
26 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
The interior of the fortress followed entirely new lines, disregarding the
old foundations entirely, as may be seen from the central dotted lines in
plate XXIII. Aside from the three small chambers in the middle, however,
there were no cellar or basement rooms in the whole structure; the rest of
the space was filled with débris, and served as a terrace platform, on which
the watch-tower proper was erected.? For this reason the interior walls
are only the inner face of the whole mass of masonry and débris, the outer
face of which is formed by the outside of the inner walls. The carelessness
and general inferiority of the masonry of the inner wall is shown by fig. 27.
This wall rose to a height of at least two metres above its pavement of flat
~ slabs, which was laid about fifty em. above the top of pier B (third period).
Some of the outer walls were found in a relatively good state of preserva-
tion; the inner wall on the north side rose for at least 350 cm. above its
foundations.
Besides door sockets, the only special building element found was a
broken section of limestone column, excessively rude, 110 cm. in length and
50-60 in diameter.
The little pottery found which could be certainly referred to the fourth
fortress was all of the Judaeo-Hellenistic type (Seleucid), with occasional
fragments of glass. In view of the rudeness of the work and its date in the
Seleucid period, we are therefore justified in regarding it as of local, 1. e.,
Jewish origin, evidently from the first part of the Maccabaean period,
possibly from the end of the career of Judas Maccabaeus. The fortress
was, at all events, a watch-tower, designed to protect the city of Jerusalem
from a surprise from the north.
®T have no idea how the Survey (see above) came to assume two small chambers
situated as they are on their plan (Vol. III, p. 159), since even the dimensions do not
correspond with our results, which are absolutely certain. The total height of the
mound is given as 30 feet, and the depth of the chambers as 9 feet, so there is no room
for an additional fifth stratum from the seventh phase (see below). Since one of the
chambers is dotted on the Survey plan, one may suspect that it is hypothetical, and
that the two chambers are erroneous reminiscences of the two chambers actually found,
though the dimensions given agree only vaguely. The problem is complicated by
GuERIN’s description of the results of WARREN’s excavation (Samarie, Vol. I, p. 188):
‘*Au centre avait été construit une sorte de puits carré, aboutissant, dans sa partie
inférieure, & une grande pierre percée d’un orifice circulaire et placée au-dessus d’une
cavité peu considérable, dont le diamétre ne dépasse pas 1™, 30 et la hauteur 1™, 20.’’
This large stone reminds one of the large white slab which WARREN reached in his
digging, according to the Fellah tradition at Beit Hannina (ef. above, chapter IJ). It
may be that there was a secret cavity in the floor of the cellar of the fourth fortress,
but we found no trace of it, nor, indeed, any room for it between the broken pavement
which marked the floor of the cellar, and the undisturbed débris of the third period,
about fifty em. below. Probably the cellar was divided into two parts, an upper and a
lower, all trace of which division was removed by WARREN’s excavations,
TiLK RESULTS OF THE EXCAVATIONS 27
With the increasing strength of the Jewish state the watch-tower became
superflous, and was abandoned. Now a small settlement grew up around
the tower, utilizing its materials and even its walls. These walls are found
all around the base of the fortress, with foundations on the rock, showing
that the base of the glacis remained clear up to this time. On the west and
south sides, the glacis was in part removed to serve as building material,
and the houses were built on or inside the line of the former revetment.
The plaster which the Survey ascribes to the walls of the fortress belongs
in reality to the inside house-walls of this seventh phase in the history of
our tumulus; ef. fig. 28.
Around the edges of the glacis were found several grain-pits, excavated
in the huwar, and containing only pottery from the same period as the
houses just described. While most of the grain-pits (Arabic matmirah,
matamir) were small, not exceeding a meter in diameter, one was rather
large, and may be more fully described. It was found near the northern
base of the revetment, and was quite empty, except for potsherds and frag-
ments of marl which had fallen from the ceiling. The pit was roughly oval
‘in shape, 475x360 em., and 170 em. in average height. Access was
obtained by a roughly-arched doorway on the north, with a flight of steps
leading up and out. In the roof, however, were three round holes, each
45-50 em. in diameter, and all covered by large stones when found. It
happened that this pit was opened late one day, and that work had to be
suspended the next. Naturally the report spread that the hawdjah had
stopped work in order to come secretly and carry off all the treasure con-
cealed in the pit. Formal complaint was made to the governorate in Jeru-
salem, but the matter was not taken seriously by the authorities, and was
presently dropped by the villagers. One may suspect with reason that this
pit was built before the fourth period; in fact a ring-burnished sherd was
found inside, though so sporadic a find might have come from débris of the
third period which accidentally fell into the pit. However this may be, all
the remaining sherds—several baskets full—belonged to the thin biscuit-
ware type characteristic of the Hellenistic-Roman of the first century B. C.
and the first century or two A.D. This thin hard ware, nearly all ribbed
inside and outside, and usually a dark reddish-brown in color, was charac-
teristic of the houses as well as of the grain-pits and carries us into the
beginning of the Roman domination (see below) ; a typical jug, put together
from sherds found in the pit, is shown in plate XXIV, 3.
IV. IDENTIFICATION OF THE SITE WITH GIBEAH
The site of Gibeah has long ranked among the contested problems which,
though settled again and again to the apparent satisfaction of all, keep
emerging for a new debate. The matter has been argued from every angle
for more than eighty years, and while the trend of opinion has favored the
identification with Tell el-Fil, enemies of the identification have strangely
persisted until very recently in contradicting it. Tell el-Fl belongs to the
large class of sites where the ancient name has been lost, and where only
thorough archaeological research, combined with critical topographic method
can decide, unless inscriptions are found to settle the matter once for all.
The history of the discussion is so curious and interesting, besides being
characteristic, that it is well worth a brief recapitulation in the following
pages.
When the science of Palestinian topography was founded by Roprnson’s
epoch-making work, Biblical Researches, in 1841, the great American scholar
identified Gibeah with modern Jeba‘, and left the site of Geba doubtful.
The merit of having first suggested Tell el-Ffl belongs to Gross, who
advanced his theory in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1848, p. 1082.
ROBINSON at once saw. the value of Gross’s suggestion and adopted it, in
Bibliotheca Sacra, 1844, p. 598, later incorporating it into the second edition
of his Biblical Researches, Vol I, pp. 577-9 (1856). In the latter place we
find the first careful study of the question, with reference to the statements
of Josephus as well as to the biblical passages, which Gross had alone
noticed. Some years later, in 1858, VALENTINER, who was German pastor
at Jerusalem for some years, proposed the identification of Tell el-Fal with
Gibeah independently (ZDMG XII, pp. 162-4); in a footnote the editor
ealled attention to the priority of: Roprnson and Gross. When Gu£rRIN
published (Samarie, Vol. I, pp. 188-197) in 1874 the fruits of his journey
four years previously, he was able to sum up all the evidence hitherto
presented, and to declare that Tell el-Ffil was almost certainly the site of
Gibeah.
The matter was not, however, allowed to rest here. In 1877 Conpmr, then
in Palestine on behalf of the monumental survey, published a short article
(PEFQS, 1877, pp. 104-5) in which he maintained that Geba was the name
of the town (modern Jeba‘) and Gibeah of the surrounding district. Tell
el-Fiil he suggested might be the site of Ophni, a town of Benjamin men-
tioned in the OT, because Arabic fil in place-names represented Heb. ophel,
which is not dissimilar to Ophni in form. In those heroic days exact phi-
lology and archaeology were hardly known. In the same journal, p. 205,
IDENTIFICATION OF THE SITE WITH GIBEAH 29
CoNDER was criticised by the Rev. W. F. Brrcu, who defended the identifica-
tion of Gibeah with Tell el-Fal. Four years later (PEF QS, 1881, p. 89)
CONDER replied to his eritic, stating that ‘‘Tell el-Fal is an isolated monu-
ment (probably a beacon) and not a city at all.’’ This misleading argu-
ment naturally led Brrou to change his ground, and in a brief note he pro-
posed ‘‘Khirbet ’Adaseh,’’' two miles east of Gibeon, as the true site of
Gibeah.
When the third volume of the Survey of Western Palestine was issued
(1883), Tell el-FGl was fully described (pp. 158-160), and plans of
(WARREN’S) excavations were given, but no attempts were made to identify
the site, or to find another location for Gibeah. Grorce ApAM SmirH did
not even mention the problem in his Historical Geography of the Holy Land
(1894). On the other hand Bunun, Geographie des alten Palistina (1896),
p. 171, saw no reason to reject the current German view that Gibeah was
Tell el-FGl, while StTENNING in Hastings’ Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. II
(1900), as well as CHEYNE in the Encyclopaedia Biblica (Vol. II. 1901)
accepted it without reservation.
The matter rested for some years, until in 1906 F&DERLIN wrote in the
Revue Biblique (1906, 271 f.) defending Hirbet es-Sikkeh, a small ruin a
few minutes southwest of the foot of Tell el-Fal,? as the site of ancient
Gibeah. His principal argument was that there were no ruins on Tell el-FGl
except for the old fortress, while at Hirbet es-Sikkeh there were ruins—and
more important still, cisterns, which were all but lacking on Tell el-Fdl.
Today the ruins of Hirbet es-Sikkeh have practically disappeared, leaving
behind Byzantine and Arabic potsherds, to testify to a comparatively late
occupation. The idea, however, that ancient Gibeah lay somewhere close
to the foot of Tell el-Fal proved fascinating to others as well as to F&DERLIN.
In 1909 Hacemrver (ZDPV XXXII, 1-37) proposed to fix the site of
Gibeah at Hirbet el-Hawanit, a few minutes from thé northwestern foot of
1This name has suffered severely at the hands of scholars. There are actually two
names: Hirbet ‘Adddseh, belonging to the important ruins northwest of Tell el-Fal
and northeast of Gibeon; and Hirbet el-‘ Adaseh, applied to the ruins of a small village
just northeast of Tell el-Fil, also called Beit Lijjeh. The form ‘Addseh usually given
for the first of the two is wrong; the Palestinian Arab is very fond of forming place-
names after the model qattdlah, properly the plural (collective) of nouns of occupation
(for this development cf. especially WorreLtL, JPOS I, 17 f.). Hirbet ‘Addaseh is
certainly the ancient Adasa, as best shown by LinpER, SG 116-128, though he unfortu-
nately writes ‘Addse. It may be added that the original name was doubtless HadaSah ;
the modern form represents the common assimilation of h to a following voiced stop
(see below, passim), and a popular etymology explaining the name, now become unin-
telligible, as ‘‘Ruin of the Lentil-dealers.’’ Hirbet el-‘Adaseh means simply ‘‘ Ruin
of Lentil(s),’’ i. e., where lentils grow.
? For Hirbet es-Sikkeh ef. Linprr, SG 153 f.
30 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
the hill. The elaborate discussion of HaceMeEysER could only prove that
Gibeah was at Tell el-FGl or in the immediate vicinity; few would be
willing to place an important ancient town in such an unfavorable situation
as Hirbet el-Hawanit. For this reason Vincent (Revue Biblique, 1909,
p. 335), in reviewing HAGEMEYER’s article, placed the acropolis of Gibeah
on Tell el-FGl, though inclined to agree with F4DERLIN in seeing an ancient
settlement at the southwestern foot of the hill. V1iNcENT pointed out justly
that Hirbet el-Hawanit was a Byzantine-Arab ruin (which has now practi-
cally vanished) ; it may be observed that this statement applies equally well
to Hirbet es-Sikkeh.* ;
About the same time DauMAN and his pupil, Aut, expressed the convic-
tion that Gibeah was located on Tell el-Fal (PJB V, 75; VI, 51 f£., 1909-10).
In 1911 Erwin Neste defended the same identification in an elaborate
study of the topography of Judaea in the time of Josephus (ZDPV XXXIV,
98 f.). Against such an array of sound learning Havssr’s unscientific
effort to place Gibeah of Saul at Nebi Samwil and Gibeah of Benjamin at
Geba (PEFQS 1910, 283-6) could make no headway.
In 1911 there began in the Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly a long
discussion of the site of Gibeah, as a result of BrrcH’s attempt to prove a
suggestion he had dropped thirty years before, that Gibeah was situated at
Hirbet ‘ Adaseh, i. e. Hirbet ‘Addaseh (see note above). BrrcH maintained
his ground against MackEnziz and MAsTeRMAN in several papers,* but
finally gave up with rather bad grace as the odds were hopelessly against
him. Mackenzie (PEFQS 1911, 97-100) described the result of visits to
Tell el-Fil and Hirbet ‘Addaseh. Tell el-FGl he found to be an important
ancient site, and the potsherds which are strewed so generously over the
summit he identified as Jewish; the fort, which had hitherto been regarded
by ConpER, DALMAN, and others as Crusading, appeared to him also Jewish
(Pére ViNcENT told the writer once that he had long regarded the glacis
of the fortress as early Israelite, if not Canaanite). At Hirbet ‘Addaseh,
on the other hand, he found no trace of the Jewish period; all was
post-Christian, mainly Byzantine. The observations of MACKENZIE were
followed up by MastTeRMAN, who visited the sites with the well-known
overseer, Ytisuf, and reported in PEFQS 1914, 132-7. His statements are
even more emphatic than MAcCKENzIn’s; at Hirbet ‘Addaseh he made two
trial pits, but all the sherds which appeared, down to the rock, were Byzan-
tine and Arab. Tell el-Ffl impressed him strongly by the enormous
number of Israelite, Jewish and Roman potsherds which strewed the hill.
Meanwhile Macauister set out on a wrong trail, in an article on ‘‘The
> Cf. LinpEr, loc. cit.
4See PEFQS 1911, 101-9, 161; 1913, 38-41; 1914, 42-4.
IDENTIFICATION OF THE SITE WITH GIBEAH 31
Topography of Rachel’s Tomb’”’ (PEFQS 1912, 74-82), where he identified
Gibeah of Benjamin with Geba and Gibeah of Saul = ‘‘Gibeah of God’’
with Ramallah, following Grorce ApAM SMITH. MAcAListTEeR’s argument is
singularly unconvincing, and his combination of Ephrath with the Wadi
Farah, ancient Parah, which brings him to identify the tomb of Rachel
with the late megalithic monuments known as the qbur bent Isra’in, is very
improbable.® Certain contentions, such as his statement that the ancient
road northward from Jerusalem followed the Geba-Michmash-Bethel route,
will be discussed below.
Three years later (PEFQS 1915, 35-7, with four plates) CuArK and
MAcALISTER figured and discussed over forty vases from tombs at Tell el-Fal
in the collection of the former. MacauisTer reached the conclusion, from
which no archaeologist would dissent, that this pottery was all Israelite and
Jewish, mainly from about the middle of the first millennium B. C.°
MACALISTER, however, expressed no opinion in regard to the ancient town
which lay at the site which he had treated so cavalierly three years before.
In the same year M6tLER (ZDPV XXXVIII, 49-53) defended the equation
Tell el-FGl = Gibeah, though without advancing any new arguments, and
with no appreciation of the fact that archaeologists had already recognized
the Israelite and Jewish date of the ancient town which lay on the hill.
Strange to say MOuuer still labored under the delusion that there was no
trace of the ancient town visible on the hill, despite the enormous quantity
of potsherds, which had convinced archaeologists of the importance of the
site. And now the question was ready to rest for seven years, until the
world, sated with conflict, quieted down, permitting the scholar to resume
his peaceful activity.
Let us turn then to the consideration of the literary material bearing on
the identification of Gibeah with Tell el-Fal. Few topographical questions
in Palestine offer so much evidence to weigh, but the evidence is unfortu-
nately rather complicated. The most serious difficulty is the fact that
there are two places, Gibeah and Geba, only a few miles apart and differing
only very slightly in name, Gibeah being the feminine form of Geba. In
several passages the: context imperatively demands the correction of
‘“Gibeah’’ into ‘‘Geba,’’ and vice versa. Moreover, the fact that three
Gibeahs appear to be distinguished—Gibeah of Benjamin, Gibeah of Saul,
and Gibeah of God—doubly complicates the problem. For this reason we
shall take up the location of the two Gibeahs separately; if their sites
coincide we are justified in identifying them.
As soon as we take up the question of Gibeah of Benjamin, a new problem
° Cf. Appendix IT, note 6.
° His dates are in part too low; ef. the discussion above.
az EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
appears; there is a Geba of Benjamin Raids) Y3)), as well as a Gibeah of
Benjamin ('9°J2 NY), and the two names differ only in a single letter,
which is, moreover only a formative element. The name ‘‘Geba of Benja-
min’’ is found only three times in M (Jud. 20,,, I Sam. 13,,, and I Kings
15,,) while ‘‘Gibeah of Benjamin’’ occurs seven times (77°33 nysi in
T'Sam.132, 35 14:3, Oda edo fod in I Samocee a Geel erty elt
1799939 TWN in Jud. 19,, and 20,). Since it is not credible that both
Geba and Gibeah received the same appellation (see below), ‘‘of Benjamin’’
should belong to Gibeah, in order to distinguish it from other ‘‘ Hills,”’
especially in view of the fact that ‘‘of Benjamin’’ occurs much more often
with Gibeah than with Geba. That ‘‘Geba of Benjamin”’ is an error for
‘*Gibeah of Benjamin’’ in Jud. 20,, is self-evident from the context, a fact
that increases the ratio in favor of Gibeah from 7:3 to 8:2. G, moreover,
read ‘‘Gibeah’’ in its prototype not only here, but in the other two passages
as well! However, the Gordian knot cannot be cut by identifying Geba
with Gibeah, since they are sharply distinguished in the lists. We must.
therefore examine all the cases before endorsing G unreservedly.
Of the two passages where Geba and Gibeah are mentioned, Jud. 19-20
and I Sam. 13-14, the former. is by far the easier to handle. Jud. 19,,¢
relates that the Levite who was bringing his runaway mistress from Beth-
lehem to his home in Mount Ephraim reached Jerusalem late in the after-
noon, but was unwilling to stop there as urged by his servant, being anxious
to push on and reach an Israelite town, either Gibeah or Ramah, before
sunset. In those days it was doubtless even less safe for an unarmed way-
farer to remain on the road after dark than it is today, when the fellah
is filled with consternation at the very thought of such a thing. As it was,
Ramah proved too far, being three hours from Ophel for travelers on
asses, so they stopped at Gibeah. The only natural interpretation of our
passage is that both Gibeah and Ramah lay on the road running northward
to Ephraim from Jerusalem. As Ramah lies on the road which follows the
watershed, which has been employed at least from Roman times, it must
be supposed that Gibeah lay here also, between Jerusalem and Ramah.’
The Hebrew name of the place almost always has the article, hag-Gib‘ah,
‘‘the hill,’’ a designation which can only be applied to Tell el-FGl, the
highest hill in this whole region east of Nebi Samwil, especially since this
is the only hill on this section of the road with Israelite remains.
Macauister, however, has urged that the ancient Israelite road did not
7 LinpeR, SG 20-22, tries to deduce a still more exact localization from the text, but
his arguments are a little fine-spun. One can hardly conclude from our passage that
Gibeah lay about an hour north of Jerusalem (en knapp timmes fard norr om denna
stad).
IDENTIFICATION OF THE SITE WITH GIBEAH 313)
follow the Roman road, but ran farther east, by way of Anathoth, Geba,
and Michmas, following the famous pass over the Wadi es-Sweinit. In
defense of his view he points out that the Assyrian army, marching on
Jerusalem from Samaria, followed this route (Is. 10 ...). He thinks,
therefore, that the Gibeah of Judges was Geba, and that the Levite saw
Geba and Ramah as alternative lodging places. Here it may be observed
that Ramah would be entirely off the Jerusalem-Geba road, and that we
should expect Anathoth or Michmas in its place. Ancient paths, like
modern ones in Palestine, led from village to village, so there could not have
been a path leading northward between Geba and Ramah, as MacauisTer
seems to think. Such a route would be unheard of in this vicinity, unless
it followed a wadi, which is out of the question here. 'The Assyrian road is
easily explained.* The ancient Israelite road from Mount Ephraim to
Jerusalem must have followed the watershed, like the later one, in order to
avoid so far as possible the continual ascents and descents which make
cross-country trips in Palestine seem like an interminable series of wddis.
This road was, however, certainly not paved or graded; it was merely a
path, though doubtless wider than other less important trails. For the
Assyrian baggage-trains arduous ascents were avoided so far as possible.
From Shechem to Lebonah (Lubban) at the mouth of the Wadi Seiltn,
there was an excellent road. At Lebonah the way southward was barred
by a difficult ascent, now one of the worst automobile switchbacks in Pales-
tine, where a small force of defenders might resist a host. Hence the
Assyrians chose the Wadi Seiltin, leading past the famous old shrine of
Shiloh, and giving them ready access to Bethel and northeastern Judah.
But it does not follow that this was the normal road southwards from
Mount Ephraim.
We have, accordingly, no escape from the conclusion that the Gibeah of
Judges is distinct from Geba, and since Jud. 19,,, 20, eall it ‘‘Gibeah which
belongs to Benjamin,’’ we must consider it the Gibeah of Benjamin men-
tioned in other passages of the Bible. As noted above, we must read in 20,,
‘‘Gibeah of Benjamin,’’ as seen by the versions and commentators.
When the Israelites invaded Benjamin, in order to avenge the atrocity
perpetrated by the Benjamites, they gathered at Mizpah, the usual rendez-
vous of Israelite armies, now Nebi Samwil, in western Benjamin. It is
true that there has been much opposition of late to the identification of
Mizpah with Nebi Samwil, especially on the part of DALMAN and his school,
but it seems absolutely certain*to the writer (see the paper on Mizpah
appended to this study). The first attack on Gibeah probably came from
the direction of Mizpah, but was beaten back; presumably the Israelites
.* Cf, Appendix IV.
34 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
were surprised as they emerged from the Wadi Beit Hannina.® The
Israelites then went up to Bethel to consult the oracle there; the second
attack came from the north, from the direction of Ramah and Geba. In
the third attack the Israelites changed their tactics. A body of men was
sent around to the west of Gibeah, to hide in the little wadi leading from
Tell el-Fal to Beit Hannina, some fifteen minutes from Gibeah. From
experience the writer can say that a body of men concealed here would not
be visible from the summit of the tell, which in its turn is not visible to
them. The Hebrew text, Jud. 20,,, reads PII A IPHD. introducing a
hapaxlegomenon generally rendered ‘‘meadow,’’ but we must naturally
read, following the versions, TY3IO)- Dayo. ‘west of Gibeah.’’?°
* Meanwhile the main body advanced southward toward Gibeah, but retired
before the triumphant men of Benjamin until they had drawn them to a
sufficient distance from the town, thus permitting the liers in wait to storm
the place without resistance and set it on fire. Jud. 20,, says that Israel
retreated along the two roads (not ‘“‘highways’’!—"5D corresponds
exactly to Arabic tariq, which means both ‘‘high-road’’ and ‘‘foot-path’’) —
leading to Bethel and to ‘‘Gibeah in the field’? (QIWI MMPI). The
former is presumably equivalent in the main to the modern road from Jeru-
salem to Bireh, whence it branches northeast to Beitin; the second led to
Geba (read AYN) instead of AAYPII) through the fields lying north and
northeast of Tell el-Ffl.1! When the Benjamites glanced back and saw
® One can hardly lay too much stress on the mention of Mizpah, however, since in any
case our source considers it as a gathering place with a religious significance, not as a
military base.
10 LinpER, SG 30 f. adopts the usual emendation yoo) IVY, ‘west of Geba,’’
and calls -BircH’s proposal (PEFQS 1911, 105) to read ‘‘Gibeah’’ here instead of
“‘Geba’’ ‘‘ett egendomligt forsdk.’’ This time, however, Bircu is clearly right in
following G (A), though accidentally so, since his whole theory is widely different.
‘‘West of Geba’’ would be too far from Tell el-Fal for a satisfactory ambush. More-
over, the ambush surely did not rush upon the town from the same direction which the
retreat afterward took. LINpDER’s discussion SG 31-7 suffers seriously from the assump-
tions, borrowed from the commentators, who did not know the country, that the
Israelite feigned retreat took the road to Gibeon instead of that to Geba, and that the
ambush was placed west of Geba instead of west of Gibeah. The ambush was not set
in one of the valleys west of Geba, and thus two miles or so from Tell el-Fal, but
presumably in the ravine Si‘b et-Tuffah, which begins just below the western foot of
Tell el-Fal and empties into Wadi Beit Hannina. Five minutes from the foot of
Tell el-Fal one descends out of sight behind the ills west of the tell. If the Israelites
controlled the region of Mizpah, as implied in the source, they could easily send a body
of men around by the Wadi Beit Hannina, where they would be entirely out of sight,
since the wddi runs at right angles to the line of sight from the tell.
1 LINDER’S treatment SG 26-7 is rather unsatisfactory, due to his following BuppE
and the other commentators who wish to read here mya instead of Mays. The
IDENTIFICATION OF THE SITE WITH GIBEAH By)
their town on fire, they turned and fled toward the wilderness—i. e. the
Ghéor—but were pursued for several miles, ‘‘until over against Geba (so
read instead of Gibeah) eastwards,’’ that is, until they reached the ridge
east of Geba. That this was really the direction of their retreat is proved
by the fact that they finally stopped at the sela‘ Rimmén, which has been
well identified with a striking cliff near Ramm6n, some miles east of Bethel.
Now, if we identified Gibeah of Benjamin here with Geba, the whole story
would show the most paradoxical inconsistencies of topography, instead of
being so clear. Since ‘‘Gibéah (Geba) in the field’’ lay north of Gibeah of
Benjamin, the latter must lie south or southwest of Jeba‘, that is, close to
Tell el-Fal.
Let us now turn to I Sam. 13-14, which describes the war between Saul
and the Philistines. Owing to the confusion exhibited by both M and the
versions in the use of ‘‘Geba’’ and ‘‘Gibeah’’ the geographical situation is
at times obscure. This obscurity is increased by the obvious disorder into
which the traditional text has fallen, as well as by the frequent unreliability
of our source or sources. We cannot, therefore, hope to solve the problems
involved in a definitive fashion, but only to propose an interpretation which
avoids the most serious objections and endeavors to understand the narra-
tive as handed down to us. After giving our own version of events we may
consider briefly the most important variations of other scholars.
When the rebellion against the Philistines broke out in the second year
of Saul’s reign, we find the king in Michmas and Mount Bethel (13,.,),
while Jonathan is in Gibeah of Benjamin. After this statement of the
alignment the narrative goes on to give a short account of the events leading
up to it (18,_,): And Jonathan had smitten the prefect’* of the Philistines
who was in Geba, and the Philistines heard of it. And Saul blew the
trumpet (i.e., had the trumpet blown) in the whole land, saying, Let the
Hebrews hear! And all Israel heard, saying, Saul has smitten the prefect
of the Philistines, and Israel has thus made itself hated by the Philistines.
So the people were called together after Saul to Gilgal—The prefect of the
Philistines was not, however, stationed at Geba or at Gibeah of Benjamin,
but at Gib‘at Elohim, the ‘‘ Hill of God’’ at Bethel, now Burj Beitin in all
probability, as shown in Appendix II (Ramah of Samuel). Our source has
confused the Gibeahs again, as often. Geba is altogether too unfavorably
expression ‘‘in the field’’ can hardly apply to the old Beth-horon road running past
Gibeon and emerging into the watershed road (Nablus road) just north of Tell el-Fdl,
since the former must have been a highroad long before the Romans paved it, from the
nature of the country and its communications (SG 13 f.). But from Gibeah to Geba
there was only a path leading through the fields.
"The word nasib undoubtedly means both ‘‘pillar’’ (pillar of salt) and ‘‘prefect,’’
but the meaning ‘‘garrison,’’ though traditional, is very doubtful, since there is not a
single certain occurrence of it in the O.T.
36 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
situated for a Philistine post controlling the hill-country of Central Pales-
tine; for this reason alone Geba cannot come into serious consideration.
Gibeah of Benjamin if at Tell el-F'Gl is well situated, but the excavations
have shown clearly that there was no Philistine fortress there (see above)
at any time. Moreover, the natural place for such a fortress would be at or
near Bethel, just as stated I Sam. 10,.
In the light of this consideration we must reconstruct the course of events
in some such way as the following, assuming that our source is essentially
correct in’ its main facts. The war or, rather, rebellion was begun by
Jonathan’s seizure of the central Philistine post at Burj Beitin, which
controlled southern Mount Ephraim and Benjamin. Saul thereupon took
charge of the fortress from which the Philistines had just been expelled,
together with the country about, between Bethel and Michmas, while Jon-
athan was sent to Gibeah in his father’s place, in order to defend the
paternal home. It was only natural that Saul should assume the responsi-
bility for the most important task, that’ of defending Bethel. The Philis-
tines, however, promptly sent an army against Saul, who was forced by the
far superior number of his foes to retire before them to the east. After
crossing the Wadi es-Sweinit he was able to check their advance, owing to
the strength of his position at Geba. But it was now imperatively necessary
to increase his army, so Saul left Jonathan in charge of the body at Geba
and Gibeah, while he himself hastened to Gilgal near Jericho, the old
Israelite holy place, in order to gather more men.’* I Sam. 13,¢-¢ describes
his unavailing efforts to stem the tide of panic that was sweeping his forces
away, and his anxious waiting for a Samuel who failed to come. Saul
finally offered a sacrifice to Yahweh, hoping in this way to obtain divine
favor, as his predecessors had in the past. A new day had come, however,
and Samuel was a stickler for Levitic privileges, including the exclusive
right to offer sacrifices, so when Samuel finally arrived on the scene there
was a quarrel. There was no more hope of raising an army in Gilgal, so
Saul'* returned to Gibeah, as the Hebrew text correctly reads. Since Jon-
athan was still holding the Philistines at the Wadi es-Sweinit, Saul visited
his home before going to Geba. The next verse, however, correctly reads
‘‘Geba’’; the addition ‘‘of Benjamin’’ is dittographic. Saul went directly
from Gibeah to Geba, in order to supervise Jonathan’s operations there.
Now the tide shifted. As soon as Saul had arrived, Jonathan, finding
#3 Cf, Appendix II, note 3. Gilgal in our passage cannot possibly refer to Jiljilieh,
since this combination would usher in a whole train of the wildest paradoxes.
%4#7T Sam. 13,, we must naturally read ‘‘Saul’’ for ‘‘Samuel,’’ with the best
commentaries. In the original text, without matres lectionis this would mean only the
change of SNM’ to Sep: the mistake was very easy, since Samuel and Saul were
both mentioned several times in the immediately preceding narrative.
IDENTIFICATION OF THE SITE WITH GIBEAH aie
himself freed from the task of commanding, repeated the coup. which had
gained the stronghold at Bethel for him some time before, and seized an
enemy post overlooking the Wadi es-Sweinit. According to tradition this
stroke was followed immediately by a great earthquake, which threw the
Philistine host into a panic. At this point our source shows a vagueness
which is unfortunate for us. Was Saul at the time in Geba or Gibeah?
I Sam. 14, states that he was in Gibeah, but the Migron mentioned in this
connection seems to have been near Geba (see Appendix IV). On the other
hand, 14, calls the town just opposite Michmas correctly Geba (Hebrew
text), a fact which should make us chary in emending all ‘‘Gibeahs’’ of our
text to ‘‘Geba.’’ The original text must have distinguished between two
places in the immediate neighborhood, ‘‘Geba’’ and ‘‘Gibeah,’’ since the
present rather confused alternation of names must have had some basis.
The scribes were not quite fools, and normally preferred consistency to
inconsistency. When we find inconsistency in their mistakes we may safely
assume that there was some complication in the source which led to con-
fusion on their part. Evidently Saul divided his time at this stage of
proceedings between Geba and Gibeah. It is a priori unlikely that Saul
should have remained at Geba when his own home was at Gibeah, only three
miles away, as we shall presently see. Moreover, one of the main elements
in his tactical plan was the defense of Gibeah, as shown by I Sam. 13.,.
Besides, apart from the desirability of defending his home and ‘‘capital,’’
was the fact that the fortress on Tell el-F'Gl had an almost unequalled control
of the country around, and was thus an indispensable part of a line of defense
running along the Wadi es-Sweinit.—To return to I Sam. 14., the reading
‘‘Gibeah,’’ found in the Hebrew text, is thus preferable from the point of
view of the context, and Migron is the only difficulty. We may perhaps solve
the problem by supposing that Migron lay southwest of Geba, and could thus
be located bigsé hag-Gib‘ah, ‘‘in the uttermost part of (the district of)
Gibeah.’’ However, this suggestion is not the only way out of our dilemma,
since Saul may easily have shifted his headquarters once or twice during
the operations.
On the other hand, when we read in 14,, that the watchmen of Saul in
Gibeah of Benjamin looked out and saw the Philistine host melting away in
panic, we are practically compelled to place them at Tell el-Fal. From
Geba it is impossible to see the movements of a large body on the other side
of the wadi, to the west of Michmas. The latter is 200 feet lower than Geba,
but the terrain rises rapidly to the west. Most significant is the fact that
there is no place for a watch-tower at Jeba‘. Tell el-Fiil, however, rises
more than 500 feet above Jeba‘ and had, besides, a fine watch-tower at
this very time. From Tell el-Fal one may see the entire northern side of
the Wadi es-Sweinit. Lrnper observes justly (SG 28) that Tell el-F'Gl is
38 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
too remote for a clear view of ordinary human movements north of the
Wadi es-Sweinit (more than four miles by air-line), but he forgets that the
narrator had in mind the movements of a host of three thousand” chariots,
six thousand horsemen, and footmen as numerous as the sand of the seashore
(I Sam. 18,)!
We are, therefore, unable to accept the current reconstructions of the
sequence of events in the narrative I Sam. 13-14, which are best defended
by Hacemeyer, loc. cit., after DALMAN, and by LinpER, SG 28, who treats
the subject much more succinctly than usual, owing perhaps to its great
difficulty. Kirren’s treatment in his Geschichte® II, 156 ff., is good in some
respects, but is seriously vitiated by his view that both Tell el-Ffl and Jeba‘
were called by the two names Geba‘ and Gib‘ah. Nor is any reconstruction
which attempts to solve the problem by eliminating Gibeah and supplanting
it throughout with Geba possible. From our passage it is thus clear that
Gibeah must have been situated near Geba, south of the Wadi es-Sweinit,
in a location which commanded an extensive view to the north, and where
there was a strong watch-tower, conditions better met by Tell el-F'Gl than.
by any other point.
I Kings 15,,.,. relates that the Israelite king Baasha (e. 910-886) fortified
the town of Ramah, or perhaps rather built a fortress in it, in order to
control the road to Jerusalem, and prevent Israelites from visiting the
Temple, always a sore point with the northern kings. Apparently Ramah,
on the southern boundary of Israel, was intended to be a base for further
military operations against Judah. The Jewish king, Asa, did not feel him-
self strong enough to undertake offensive operations against Baasha, so he
instigated the king of Damascus to attack the northern border of Israel and
divert the former’s attention from Judah. Meanwhile Asa levied the men
of Judah and dismantled the fortress at Ramah, carrying the stones and
wood away to Geba of Benjamin (so the text) and Mizpah. Since no
further military operations are reported, though a desultory conflict seems
to have gone on, it is clear that Asa’s coup was defensive in purpose, not
offensive. Had he cherished offensive plans, he would certainly have placed
his own garrison in Ramah, which was in Israelite territory. To remove
building materials from Ramah and erect new fortresses to the north, in
hostile country, would have been a dangerous, as well as futile exploit.
Just as Baasha’s obvious purpose was to threaten Jerusalem, and make
Asa’s position uncomfortable, if not untenable, smce Ramah was less than
*M here offers FON Deroy, ‘‘thirty thousand,’’ a reading supported by G, but
since the number of chariots in such enumerations is regularly less than that of
horsemen, we should read ‘‘three thousand,’’ crediting the increase in the number to
some patriotic, but credulous scribe with poor eyesight.
IDENTIFICATION OF THE SITE WITH GIBEAH 39
three hours’ walk from Ophel, so Asa’s intention was clearly to defend his
capital from sudden attack, an ever-present contingency for a city situated
only a few miles from enemy territory. We must, accordingly, look for
both fortresses on Jewish soil, in positions of vantage commanding the
northern approaches to the city. By far the most suitable points are Nebi
Samwil and Tell el-FGl; we must simply correct ‘‘Geba of Benjamin’’ to
- ““Gibeah of Benjamin.’’'® Garrisons on these summits, the highest in
Benjamin, can overlook all the approaches to Jerusalem from the north;
Tell el-FGl commanded the direct road from Mount Ephraim to Jerusalem,
as well as the more eastern route by way of Geba and Anathoth, while Nebi
Samwil commanded the western road by way of Gibeon. Our results seem
to be confirmed by the results of our excavations. The third fortress
showed every sign of hasty construction, as pointed out in detail above, in
chapter III. The old walls of the second fortress were not properly cleared,
but there was left a layer of broken stone and débris between the top of the
lower walls and the upper walls, so that the piers collapsed soon after the
earth was cleared away from their foundations. The old outer wall on the
south, which was found to be leaning badly, was supported by a buttress
wall set at right angles against it, containing large melek? stones, unknown
to the construction of the first two fortresses. Moreover, these meleki blocks
had been hewn smooth on one or two sides, yet here the smooth side was
turned in a haphazard direction, and the wall containing these stones was
buried in the earth. The conclusion is inescapable, that these stones and
others like them, later utilized in the construction of the fourth fortress,
were brought from another fortress. In short, the third fortress was built,
as pointed out above, during the beginning of the Divided Kingdom, by a
king of Judah who brought building stone and timber from another fortress
to build one of his own, and who obviously built in great haste. No
anepigraphic confirmation of a theory could be more exact.'*
Recently ALT and BAUMANN have tried to prove that Mizpah (Mizpeh)
was situated at Tell en-Nasbeh, just west of the Nablus road, two miles
north-northwest of er-Ram, ancient Ramah. As this question is too comph-
eated to be discussed in full here, it will be considered in an appendix
(q. v.), where the writer tries to establish the old equation Mizpah = Nebi
*% This correction is supported by G though it is true that its confirmation is of little
weight in such a case.
“ After the foregoing was written, I discovered that I had been anticipated in this
view by KirreL, Geschichte’, Vol. II, pp. 360-1. Kirren also identifies Mispah with
Nebi Samwil and ‘‘Geba’’ with Tell el-Fal, though the confusion between Geba and
Gibeah exhibited throughout his work renders this last agreement of comparatively little
value. Much more important is his clear apprehension of the strategic considerations
involved, when he observes that Asa’s operations were strictly defensive, and can under
no circumstances be taken to indicate success in offensive warfare on Asa’s part.
40 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Samwil. According to these scholars, who have unquestionably succeeded
in making a plausible case, Asa built a fortress at Mizpah to defend terri-
tory just wrested from Israel, and command the main road from the north.
Geba they suppose was fortified in order to command the pass over the
Wadi es-Sweinit. Quite aside from the strategic considerations involved,
which hardly fit the narrative, is the fact that Asa could hardly have chosen
two points less prominent than Tell en-Nasbeh and Jeba‘. The view east- -
ward from Tell en-Nasbeh is completely blocked by a ridge rising just east
of the road to a considerably greater height. Since Jeba‘ is several hundred
feet lower down, it would be possible for the Israelites to slip in between
_ the two stations and actually reach Jerusalem without being observed, as
the writer has assured himself by repeated visits. If Mizpah were really at
Tell en-Nasbeh, it is very hard to understand why Asa removed the fortress
from Ramah, which has a much finer view than the Tell, being besides on
a line with Geba, instead of being miles to the northeast. In the appendix
we will show that, on wholly different grounds, Mizpah cannot be identified
with Tell en-Nasbeh, but almost certainly lay on Nebi Samwil. This being .
the case, we must follow G and correct ‘‘Geba’’ to ‘‘Gibeah,’’ as otherwise
the most important road to the south would be unprotected.
We are now ready to turn from Gibeah of Benjamin to Gibeah of Saul.
Since it has been shown that Gibeah received the addition ‘‘of Benjamin”’
in order to distinguish it clearly in pronunciation from Geba (G@éva‘ and _
Giv‘ah are very hard to distinguish in rapid conversation), there is no diffi-
culty in supposing that, when tribal lines became faint and the monarchy
was established, the name ‘‘Gibeah of Benjamin’’ was automatically changed
to ‘‘Gibeah of Saul.’’ Naturally the latter name could not have been used
. until after Saul’s death, when Gibeah’s chief title to fame lay in the memory
of its great hero. But we must consider our data for the location of Gibeah
of Saul independently; if the results coincide with those for the Benjamite
Gibeah, our thesis may be regarded as proved.
The data furnished in Samuel for the location of Gibeah of Saul are not
alone sufficient ; fortunately, however, we have the clearest possible evidence
from later periods. For this reason we shall consider the latter first,
returning afterwards to the earlier source.
In the famous description of the Assyrian advance on Jerusalem, given
by Isaiah, Ch. 10,,..,, Gibeah of Saul is mentioned, being expressly distin-
guished from the more northerly Geba. Since the passage is fully treated
in Appendix IV, ‘‘The Assyrian March on Jerusalem, Is. X, 28-32,’’ we
may restrict ourselves here to giving our rendering of v. 29 ff.:
- Hi * Ramah is affrighted,
Gibeah of Saul has fled.
Raise high thy voice, daughter of Gallim!
IDENTIFICATION OF THE SITE WITH GIBEAH 41
Listen, Laishah, Answer her, Anathoth!
Yet today he will stand at Nob,
Shaking his hand (in threat) Against the hill of Zion’s daughter.
As shown by F‘fpERLIN and DAuLMAN, the ancient eastern road, which the
Assyrians followed, led from Scopus (Ras el-Mesarif = Nob) to Geba
(Jeba‘) between Tell el-FGl and Hirbet Ka‘ktl, and some distance to the
west of Hizmeh. I shall show below that Gallim is probably Hirbet Ka‘kal,
while Laishah has been plausibly identified with el-‘Isawiyeh. It is, accord-
ingly, clear that to the prophet, who, of course, knew the country intimately,
Gibeah of Saul lay south of Ramah, north of the group Hirbet Ka‘kdal-
‘Anata-el-‘Isawiyeh, and still farther north of Nob. The grouping shows
that it was associated with Ramah rather than with Anathoth, and points
irresistibly to Tell el-Ful or to an immediately adjoining ruin. The sug-
gestions brought by others, such as Hirbet ‘Addaseh = Adasa (cf. SG
124 f.), Hirbet el-Hawanit, Hirbet el-‘Adaseh, Hirbet es-Sikkeh, Hirbet
es-Soma‘, etc., are all inadmissible, either because the ruins are too late and
unimportant, or because they are impossibly situated for a pre-Roman town,
besides showing no marks of Israelite occupation.
The next mention of the place brings us down into Roman times. In his
Wars, V, 2, 1, Josephus relates that Titus marched southeast from Gophna
(Jifnah) toward Jerusalem, and encamped in the Valley of Thorns near
the village of Gabath Saul (otparoredeverar kata Tov i7d “lovdaiwy ratpiws *Axkav-
Gov atA@va Kadovpevov mpos Tin Kopn TaBad SaotrA Aeyouevy, oynpaiver d€ TovTo
Addov Laovrov, duéywv aro tv ‘lepocorAvpwv doov ard TpiaKovta otadiwv), Which is
explained as meaning ‘‘ Hill of Saul,’’ located thirty stadia from Jerusalem.
Now, as is abundantly clear from the metrological material furnished by
Josephus, the historian means by ‘‘thirty stadia’’ a distance equivalent to
an hour’s walk, i. e., a parasang. So he calls Mount Tabor thirty stadia
high because.it requires an hour to make the ascent. Since Titus was
marching from Gophna to Scopus, it is obvious that he must have followed
the Roman road which still leads from Jifnah to the Damascus Gate. The
northern terraces of Tell el-Fal, where the Roman village lay, are about
six kilometres from the Damascus Gate, by road, or in other words, just an
hour’s moderately fast walk. If Josephus had the distances given by the
Roman mile-stones in mind, the exact equivalence of 5.76 km. for thirty
stadia is perhaps even more exact. As NesTuE recognizes (ZDPV XXXIV,
98) Tell el-FGl is the only possible identification for the Gabath Saul of
Josephus.
In another place (Ant. V, 2, 8) where he describes the atrocity of Gibeah,
Josephus places Geba (Gibeah) of Benjamin only twenty stadia from
Jerusalem. Since this cannot possibly refer to Geba, which is more than
42 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
twice as far, it is evidently only a careless estimate of the distance. I have
assured myself by repeated experiments that a fast walker requires about
forty-five minutes from the Damascus Gate to the top of the fell, so the
possibility of variation in a free estimate of this kind is clear. At all events,
there was no ancient town of any consequence whatsoever on Hirbet
es-Sdma‘, and Sa‘ fat is wholly unsuited to be the site of a Jewish town, so
here again we come to Tell el-FGl. Hacmmryer points out (ZDPV XXXII,
11) that Josephus in one place reckons the distance of Gibeon from Jeru-
salem as fifty stadia, in another as forty, an estimate which is just as inexact
as that of twenty for Gibeah. .
St. Jerome, in his commentary on Hosea 5,, places Gibeah (Gabaa), the
‘home of Saul, near Ramah. He evidently refers to the same site in his
description of the pilgrimage of Paula, VI, when he says that she came by
the road from Beth-horon, having Ajalon (Yalo) and Gibeon on her right,
after which she passed Gibeah of Benjamin, and entered Jerusalem near
the mausoleum of Helena. Since the old Roman road to Beth-horon joins
the road leading north to Neapolis (Nablus) nearly opposite Tell el-Fal, it
is clear that Paula was referring to the latter, then wrbs usque ad solum
diruta, ‘‘a town destroyed to the ground.’’ Jerome quotes the same phrase
in his commentary to Zephaniah, 1,,, where he calls Gibeah a town usque ad
fundamenta diruta (cf. THomsen, Loca sancta, p. 46). Since there is little
or nothing Byzantine at Tell el-FUl, everything pointing to an abandonment
of the site during the first century of our era, these statements hold per-
fectly, and make it certain that tradition still remembered the identity of the
site as late as the fifth century.
If we turn back now to the Book of Samuel, and compare the references
to Gibeah of Saul found there, it becomes clear that Tell el-FUl suits all the
passages perfectly, even if they cannot be used as arguments for our locali-
zation by themselves. From the narrative of Saul’s anointing, in I Sam.
9-10, it is impossible to get an exact idea of the location of the Gibeah where
his home was, though, since some scholars have interpreted it in such a way
as to secure supposititious evidence, a special appendix (App. II, ‘‘ Ramah of
Samuel’’) has been devoted to the topography of Saul’s journey in’search
of his father’s asses. ;
The narrative of the war against the Philistines carried on by Saul and
Jonathan, | Sam. 13-14, has already been discussed above; as pointed out,
both Gibeah and Geba are mentioned, the importance of Gibeah being
largely due to the fact that it was Saul’s home. After a careful study of
these chapters it is hard to see any room for doubt as to the identity of
Gibeah of Benjamin with the home of Saul. The scattered references in
Samuel to Saul’s residence in Gibeah of Saul (I Sam. 10,,, 114, 15,,, 22.)
do not help us, since they are all too vague. The last mentioned passage,
=
IDENTIFICATION OF THE SITE WITH GIBEAH 43
22,, is interesting because it proves the existence of a high-place in Gibeah
of Saul; the text must be read 7939 SWNT ONAN Aysia awy Dw
YW VIM) adopting 733 with certain LXX recensions (see the com-
mentators ad loc.) in place of M ;7/33, and rendered, And Saul was sitting
in Gibeah under the tamarisk at the high-place, with his javelin in his hand.
The final clause shows clearly that the verb must be translated ‘‘was
sitting,’’ not ‘‘was dwelling,’’ and accordingly does not tell us where Saul’s
house was located.
Let us then resume briefly the arguments for the identity of Gibeah of
Saul and Gibeah of Benjamin and their location at Tell el-Fal. The
episode of the Levite and his concubine shows that Gibeah of Benjamin was
situated south of Ramah and southwest of Geba. The account of the war
between Saul and the Philistines indicates that Gibeah of Benjamin and
Gibeah of Saul were identical, each name occurring to the exclusion of the
other, and proves that Gibeah lay south of the Philistine positions on the
north of the Wadi es-Sweinit, and was a commanding site, from which
watchmen could see the retreat of the Philistines toward the west of
Michmas. The record of the contest between Asa and Baasha shows that
Gibeah of Benjamin was a strong, easily fortified post, not far from Ramah,
and on a line with Mizpah, modern Nebi Samwil. Isaiah’s vivid description
of the Assyrian march on Jerusalem indicates that Gibeah of Saul lay south
of Ramah and northwest of Anathoth, to the right of the Assyrian line of
march from Geba to Nob. The account of Titus’s march in Josephus proves
that Gibeah of Saul lay on the road from Gophna to Jerusalem, that is, on
the Roman road running south at the foot of Tell el-Ftul, and at precisely
the distance from Jerusalem that the latter is. Jerome’s account of Paula’s
pilgrimage points unmistakably to the same location for Gibeah of Benjamin.
Finally, the archaeological discoveries at the site prove that Tell el-Fal
was occupied at precisely the periods indicated by the external literary
evidence, that it was a most important place, and that there was a strong
fort, or migdal, on the summit during nearly the whole of the Israelite and
Jewish occupation of the land. At about the time of Asa the fortress was
hastily rebuilt, and some time later it was burned. In short, no topo-
graphical point in Palestine is more certainly fixed than the identity of Tell
el-Ffil with Gibeah of Benjamin and Saul.
bf
V. HISTORY OF GIBEAH FROM ALL SOURCES.
Thanks to our excavations we are able to control and supplement the Old
Testament sources in a most satisfactory way. True, there are many points
on which our work at Tell el-F'al has failed to bring clarity; but this is
the case with all excavations on Palestinian soil, mainly because of the lack
of epigraphic monuments. If, then, we may be permitted to interpret our
results in the light of the information which may be derived, directly or’
indirectly, from the Bible, the following picture cannot be far wrong.
As shown in our study of the ceramic finds, not a single typical Late
Bronze Age sherd appeared, either on the hill, or in the lowest stratum of
the fortress. The sherds of the first period are so similar to those of the
second that it proved impossible to distinguish between them, and this
pottery is throughout characteristic of the closing phase of the Bronze Age,
when foreign pottery was no longer imported into Central Palestine, as well
as of the initial phase of the Iron Age. In other words, our pottery belongs
to the period between 1300 and 1000 (as recognized by no less an authority
than Pére VINCENT), and rather to the latter part of this period than to
the earlier. It is, therefore, practically impossible to assume a Canaanite
settlement at Gibeah before the Israelite occupation, especially if this event
took place about 1230 B.C., as maintained by the writer.’
The study of the ancient settlements in Palestine shows conclusively that
the Canaanites and other pre-Israelite occupants of the land very rarely
built towns far from a flowing spring or stream. Practically every pre-
Israelite site so far discovered is situated near running water; towns like
Jerusalem, Gibeon, Kirjath-jearim, Chephirah, Beeroth, all proved by the
Old Testament and the potsherds to have been Canaanite settlements, are
cases in point. With the coming of the Hebrews, however, the situation was
changed. New centres arose at Bethel, Gibeah, and other places where
running water was not available, and cisterns thus became a necessity.
Prior to the Israelite conquest? the hill country was but sparsely peopled,
1 For the present see JPOS I, 49-79. A much more detailed discussion will appear in
the near future. It may be observed that the terminus a quo is probably 1250-1240 B. C.
The date 1230 is also accepted by Cook (Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. I, p. 166).
? Note that we distinguish sharply between ‘‘Hebrew’’ and ‘‘Israelite’’ occupa-
tion. The former was a gradual, unorganized movement into the country, which
continued for some three or four hundred years before the Israelite conquest. The
Hebrew settlers in Palestine before the thirteenth century pursued a pastoral vocation,
just as described in the biblical traditions of the Patriarchs. It cannot be accidental
that the Israelite centres in the hill-country were not established until the end of the
HISTORY OF GIBEAH FROM ALL SOURCES 45
and was largely covered with bush and forests of dwarf oak and scrub pine.
The open spaces were mainly devoted to grazing, a fact which explains how
the first Hebrew immigrants could roam so freely through the country, as
faithfully recounted in biblical tradition. With the definitive conquest of
Canaan by Joshua and the rapid rise of Hebrew towns and villages in all
parts of the highlands, a new era began in the country. The activity of the
new settlers must have been intense, in order to dig the numberless cisterns
required, and plant the olive orchards and vineyards upon which the inhabi-
tants of the hills depended for their prosperity.
It is under such circumstances that we must picture the foundation and
early history of Gibeah. It is impossible to fix the exact date of the founda-
tion of the village; we shall not be far off if we place it about 1230 B. C.,
or a little later, and suppose that the fortress was built about 1200 B.C.
The earliest village lay, as pointed out above, on the broad northeastern
terraces of the hill, on the opposite side from Jerusalem. Since there was
thus a strong Canaanite city only four miles to the south, it was necessary
to have a watch-tower on the summit of the hill, between Gibeah and Jeru-
. salem, in order to warn the men of Gibeah of the possible approach of foes
from the south. Its situation made Gibeah an outpost of Israel toward the
south, and thus exposed it peculiarly to Canaanite influence. In fact, when
we recall that the whole district east of the watershed road was occupied by
the Horite® confederation of Gibeon-Beeroth-Kirjath-Chephirah, we realize
that Gibeah was actually an Israelite enclave in Canaanite territory. Very
probably its population was as mixed as its situation would lead us to infer.
Possibly this fact may explain its moral depravity, which aroused such
horror among the Hebrews.
The first known episode in the history of Gibeah is the civil war with the
rest of Israel in which it became involved, and which led to its destruction,
as narrated in Jud. 19-20. Many scholars have regarded this remarkable
document as a forgery of the post-exilic age, but such hypercriticism is
uncalled for, since, as will be seen, the tradition is plausible in itself, and is,
besides, supported by our archaeological results. Before proceeding to
relate the story of the war, it will be necessary to consider our document, its
date, literary character, and general trustworthiness. 4
The most elaborate recent treatments of our source are by ARNoLD* and
Burney.’ The standard critical commentary is, of course, Moorn’s, which
Late Bronze and later. In general, the biblical tradition is much more trustworthy than
it is often given credit for being; on the other hand, the conservative interpretation is
fully as unfair to it as the standard ‘‘liberal.’’
’ Cf. for the present JSOR VII, 5, n. 3.
*Ephod and Ark, Cambridge, 1917, pp. 95-122.
5 The Book of Judges’, pp. 442-494.
46 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
will long retain its fundamental value. There is a most glaring discrepancy
between the dates assigned our source by different critics. WELLHAUSEN
places it in the age of the Chronicler, while ARNoup feels that the nucleus
of our document, which he tries to restore, was written during the reign of
Solomon, only the glosses, which he weeds out somewhat ruthlessly, being
post-exilic. Middle views are held by Moore and Burnuy, the former
referring the nucleus to J and the midrashic expansion to a contemporary
of the Chronicler, while the latter supposes that our document is composite,
consisting of two sources, both dependent upon J, as well as of redactional
glosses from the post-exilic period. The present writer believes that Moore
and BurRNEY are essentially correct in their theory, though the attempt of
the latter to split our document into two sources is but little more successful
than previous efforts of the same kind.
In our opinion the story of the Levite and his Concubine and of Micah
and the Danites are popular tales or sagas, handed down orally, and first
committed to writing in the seventh century B. C., after the Assyrian con-
quest of the Northern Kingdom (Jud. 18,,). The story of the Levite,
especially, bears every trace of its folkloristic character. The introduction,
And it came to pass in the days when there was no king in Israel that a
certain man named Micah , 1s in perfect folk-tale style. Then we have
an unusually large number of those circulating motives which are the best
proof of genuine folklore, for example: the sodomitic assault on the guest
(as in Gen. 19, ,); the cutting up of the body and distribution (cf. I Sam.
11, and the Osiris legend) ; the fight and ambush (as in Jos. 7,_; and 8, 5.) ;
the rape of the Shilonite maidens (well treated recently by MorGENSTERN,
from the standpoint of later Jewish survivals). When the scribe of the J
School who first wrote the stories down came to relate them, he naturally
employed the familiar phrases which he had so often employed in copying
the J source in Genesis and Joshua.® This eliminates the supposed necessity
of explaining the many reminiscences of J by the methods of text and
literary criticism alone. The methods of folklore analysis, which GUNKEL
has taught us to use, are now much more efficacious. .
The suggestion formerly popular, that our story is marked by hatred of
Saul, is wholly superfluous, as well pointed out by ArNoup. That the saga
is of Benjamite origin is indicated by the brave resistance of the Benjamites
against a foe of overwhelmingly superior numbers, as well as by the rape
of the Shilonite maidens, which an Israelite popular version of the story
would never have admitted. This tale is just as obviously told from a
Benjamite point of view as the rape of the Sabine maidens is from a Roman.
‘This natural explanation entirely avoids the necessity of assuming direct literary
dependence, to say nothing of actual borrowing of the stories from literary sources, as
BuRNEY maintains.
HISTORY OF GIBEAH FROM ALL SOURCES AY
Nor is the account of the destruction of Jabesh Gilead based on the execra-
tion of Saul’s memory, involving his friends, the men of Jabesh, in the
opprobrium. As pointed out by CLERMONT-GANNEAU (Archaeological
Researches, Vol. II, p. 80), there was an old connubium between Benjamin
and Machir (i.e., Gilead), mentioned I Chron. 7,;, a fact which explains
both why Jabesh refused to send its contingent to aid in punishing
Benjamin, and why it later sent to Benjamin for help against the
Ammonites.
Our story has apparently been subjected to an editorial revision in the
fourth century (time of the Chronicler), but this has certainly not been
so drastic as ARNOLD assumes. ARNOLD’s method is to refer every obscure
topographic statement, big number, and corrupt passage to the unfortunate
glossator, quite regardless of the old principle of difficilior lectio. The
remainder is naturally perfect, though colorless Hebrew, quite good enough
for the Solomonic age, when, as he justly maintains, Hebrew literary style
was probably developed. But it is incredible that the original document
was really so bald and uninteresting. When the corrupt passages are cor-
rected and the topography explained, the need for this drastic operation
disappears. Nor need one resort to double sources to explain the prolixity
and redundancy of certain passages, since a certain amount of redundancy
is characteristic of folklore, and the scribe who set the story down on paper
(i..e., papyrus) doubtless followed his oral source rather closely. Our scribe
was certainly not a master of style, as shown by his almost slavish imitation
of J’s language, wherever similar situations give him the opportunity. It
is, however, still likely that the story has been somewhat reworked in ch. 20,
in order to provide a case of the operation of theocratic government in pre-
royal Israel for the edification of post-exilic Jewry. But, since the related
story of Micah has not even been subjected to a Deuteronomie revision, to
say nothing of a redaction under post-exilic priestly auspices, it is clear
that there must have been an unusually strong suggestion in the document
as first written down, a temptation which the post-exile seribe could not
resist. What was the tertiwm comparations which induced this seribe to
utilize the opportunity offered him in order to preach a sermon on the
virtues and advantages of theocratic government?
The solution is, I believe, furnished us by Jud. 20,,, which mentions the
high-priest of the time, and calls him Phinehas. While the additional state-
ment that this Phinehas was the son of Eleazar and grandson of Aaron may
easily be an erroneous gloss, since the name was characteristic of the Aaronid
line, it is perilous hyper-criticism to consider the name Phinehas itself as
a late insertion in the text, in other words, as a forgery. I am convinced
that these scribes seldom or never invented their facts, however much lati-
tude they may have allowed themselves in interpreting and modifying them.
48 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
The point of departure for the post-exilic editor was the réle played by the
high-priest, Phinehas, who was at the head of the anti-Benjamite movement,
and probably directed the military operations by means of his oracles.
The late editor introduced the terms qahal and ‘edah in describing the
Israelite ‘‘congregation,’’ but he did not invent his basie facts. But what
Phinehas was this? Before we can reply, we will have to consider the date
of our episode, for which we have valuable indirect hints to supply the lack
of explicit information.
There are four principal lines of evidence for the date, and all agree in
pointing us to the second half of the twelfth century B. C., preferably about
1130-1120 B.C. The terminus ante quem is, of course, about 1200 B. C.,
since we cannot on any theory place the Benjamite war less than a genera-
tion after the Conquest, and after Eleazar’s death. The terminus post
quem is the accession of Eli as high-priest shortly before 1100.7 First of
all, we note that our episode was regarded by the redactor as later than
the Danite migration, since he placed his account of it after the latter. As
the writer has shown,* this movement of the Danites cannot be placed before
the Song of Deborah, that is, before 1170 B. C., though it probably occurred
soon afterward, presumably about 1150, when the Philistines were beginning
their expansion and forcing the Hebrews into the hills. On this ground
alone, a date of 1150 or later for our episode is rendered likely. . Secondly,
our source assigns the high-priest a dominating réle in Central Palestine,
like Eli, who is said to have been a Sofet (I Sam. 4,,) over Israel. Now, in
the records preserved for us by the Book of Judges there is otherwise no
hint that a high-priest was strong enough to claim this title of honor. We
are now, however, able to trace a gradual development of the power of the
priesthood, enabling it finally to wield temporal power. Since Eli is uni-
formly depicted as a feeble, though excellent soul, it can hardly be he to
whom the marked increase in the influence of the high-priest was due, but
rather a predecessor. Unfortunately, we do not know the latter’s name,
but we may plausibly infer that it was Phinehas,’ since the latter seems to
have been a commanding figure, to judge from the energy displayed in con-
nection with the Benjamite war, and the fact that tradition retained his ~
name so long. It is even probable that our Phinehas was an immediate
predecessor of Eli, since the latter seems to have inherited power rather
than to have won it by his own energy. From this consideration, therefore,
7 See the writer’s forthcoming treatment of the history and chronology of the period
of the Judges.
§ Cf. JPOS I, 56.
® Egyptian names show a tendency to recur in successive generations of the Aaronid
house. Phinehas son of Eli was presumably named after his grandfather, himself
perhaps grandson of Phinehas son of Eleazar.
HISTORY OF GIBEAH FROM ALL SOURCES 49
we will be inclined to place the date of our episode between 1150 and 1100,
preferably about the middle of the interval. Our third argument may be
drawn from the fact that the paramount role is played by a high-priest and
not by a secular champion or Sofet. It is precisely during the period
immediately preceding the appearance of Gideon, that is, before 1120-1100,'°
that we know of no available champion but the high-priest. Fourthly, the
destruction of Gibeah cannot have occurred very long before the time of
Saul, whose family had only taken up its residence at Gibeah shortly before,
as shown by the fact that the family sepulchre was still at Zelah, an
unidentified town to the west of Gibeah, possibly Beit Hannina (cf. II Sam.
21,, and Appendix II, n. 5). On the other hand, it must have occurred
long enough before so that time had erased the keen edges of Israelite recol-
lection. All these indications are amply confirmed by the evidence of
pottery, which proves that the culture of Gibeah in the time of Saul is
practically indistinguishable from that of the earlier town—except of course,
that Saul’s fortress shows signs of greater wealth. The ceramic testimony
precludes the passage of over a century from the destruction of Gibeah to
the erection of Saul’s fortress there. Since Saul began to reign about
1030 B. C., the earlier town cannot well have fallen before 1130 B. C., and
probably its fall took place somewhat later, but before 1120 B.C.
In order to eliminate the unhistorical elements in our tradition, which
had an oral history of fully four centuries, if not more, before being com-
mitted to writing, we must naturally excise the circulating folkloristic
motives pointed out above. The remainder is doubtless essentially historical.
To this historical nucleus we may provisionally refer the outrage on the
Levite’s concubine (disregarding the suggestion of sodomy, which comes
from the category of Canaanite abominations); the ensuing war against
Benjamin with a Yahwistic, pro-Levite background; the defensive alliance
of Eastern Benjamin; the burning of Gibeah; and the subsequent punish-
ment of Jabesh Gilead. The burning of Gibeah is confirmed by the
excavations, and the other events are so reasonable in themselves and so
well attested by our source that scepticism is not only gratuitous, but is also
unscientific. Moreover, the seizure of Gibeah by an ambuseade is highly
probable, though the folkloristic coloring of the description, as well as the
reminiscences of the Ai story, make it likely that our version of the event is
embellished.
We are thus justified in regarding the following sketch of the episode as
substantially correct. After the atrocity perpetrated on the Levite’s mis-
tress the latter used all his influence with his fellow Levites of Mount
Ephraim, where Shiloh lay, to avenge the dishonor. The high-priest,
For this date see the treatment forthcoming elsewhere.
50 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Phinehas (II), also took it up, and the men of Ephraim and Manasseh were
aroused to vigorous action. Whether all Gilead, or only Jabesh, declined
to aid in this righteous vengeance is not certain, but the latter alternative
is the more probable. It is hardly likely, however, that the-tribes of Galilee
were involved in the movement, which probably affected only Central Pales-
tine. There is nothing inherently unreasonable in the traditional account
of events, according to which the first attacks were launched from Mizpah
(Nebi Samwil),"* since the latter was not in the territory of Israelite
Benjamin, but in the middle of the Horite confederacy, and hence in a
sense neutral ground, because the Canaanites were hardly in a position to
take sides in the civil war between two factions of their Hebrew overlords.
On the other hand, the shift of the base from Mizpah to Bethel is rather
a suspicious detail to have been remembered for over four hundred years,
and is better not stressed. The discussion of the tactical details involved in
our version of events has been given in the preceding section, and need not
be repeated. It is hardly necessary to observe that all the numbers are too
large; Israel’s four hundred thousand is presumably exaggerated at least ©
fifty times, while Benjamin’s twenty-six thousand may safely be reduced
ten times, but such over-estimates are no worse than the contemporary
exaggerations of Josephus, and yet our numbers have been subjected for
more than four centuries to the processes of legendary accretion !
When, however, our tradition supposes that the Benjamites were prac-
tically exterminated, we may call a halt, nor need we take the folkloristic
mode of providing the Benjamite remnant with new wives without a large
grain of salt. On the other hand, it is quite likely that the number of males
surviving after the debacle in the allied towns of Benjamin was actually
about six hundred, since this number is large enough to people six respect-
able villages. The supposed lack of females is perhaps due to the fact
that the enraged Israelites did really massacre the women and children of
Gibeah; the women of the neighboring villages were presumably in safe
hiding in the inaccessible ravines of Eastern Benjamin. Tradition, how-
ever, magnified the slaughter of the females, and consequently had to pro-
vide wives for the male survivors, which was arranged for in characteristic
folklore fashion, by adapting the nearest romantic motive available.
With the destruction of the first town, the history of Gibeah is a blank
for a century, when it emerges again into fame as the home of the first
king of Israel, Saul, of sombre destiny. As noted above, Saul’s family came
from the neighboring village of Zelah; it is quite possible that Saul’s father,
Kish, was the first of his family to move to the deserted site—for after so
“It is, of course, possible that Mizpah was introduced into the narrative because
popular tradition took a rendezvous at Mizpah to be the prerequisite to every joint
martial undertaking in Central Palestine,
HISTORY OF GIBEAH FROM ALL SOURCES dl
terrible a catastrophe it must have been long considered as under the curse
of Yahweh.
As pointed out in the preceding section, Gibeah played an important réle
in the Philistine war, when it served as Saul’s headquarters for a time, and
its commanding watch-tower enabled him to follow military operations at
a distance. The fortress of the second period, which we excavated, also
served in all probability ‘as Saul’s residence; it was, at all events, consider-
ably larger than the later fortress which rose above its ruins. The massive
staircase implies that there was a capacious second story, where Saul may
have lived. The amount of fine pottery found in the débris of this period
also indicates a certain measure of rustic luxury, which is confirmed by the
fragments of about thirty cooking pots, all of substantially identical dimen-
sions. In the store-rooms of the ground-floor were kept large pithoi full
of wine, oil, and grain; an iron plough-tip suggests that farming tools and
supplies were also stored in them, while numerous fragments of querns,
rubbing stones, spindle whorls, etc., bear witness to the practice of the
homely domestic arts.
It is not our province here to trace the various fortunes of Saul or to
pass again in review the passages mentioning Gibeah in connection with
him, since these references have been amply discussed above. From them it
is clear that Gibeah remained Saul’s residence, and hence in a sense his
home until his death. The hill of Tell el-FUl and its fortress must thus have
witnessed the unhappy manifestations of Saul’s ingrowing melancholy, from
his break with David until the last days, when he seems to have become a
confirmed hypochondriac. From our fortress he may have departed on his
last fatal march to defend the northern part of his kingdom against the
Philistines.
After the disaster on Mount Gilboa all Israel was open to the inroads of
the hereditary foe, who probably sacked and abandoned the residence of
Saul, as well as his fortress. The total absence of traces of destruction by
fire in the second fortress suggests that no attempt to destroy the fortress
was made. Presumably no resistance was offered, and so it was simply
pillaged and then left. The collapse of the massive staircase might easily
occur if the fortress was abandoned for a few years, and no attention was
paid to the roof, neglect of which would allow the winter rains to pour
through and do their work. It is not necessary to suppose that it lay in
ruins for more than a few years, since it was too important a point on the
new frontier between the warring kingdoms of David and Ishbaal to escape
restoration. The structural indications show that it was rebuilt almost
immediately after the collapse of the staircase, without any essential modi-
fication of the plan. While their Philistine suzerains looked on compla-
cently, the two rivals exhausted their strength for some seven long years of
52 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
internecine conflict, until the weaker of the two, Ishbaal, succumbed to
treachery, and David became king of all Israel. Whether the fortress of
Saul was restored by Abner or by David is hard to say; we know only that
the border passed through the district of Gibeon, in the phase described
II Sam. 2,,, and therefore must have come very close to Gibeah. Since
Gibeah was the home of the dynasty one would like to see here an expression
of filial piety, but we can hardly get beyond a more or less plausible guess.
As shown above, the manner.in which the restoration was carried out was
so careless and perfunctory that we must assume a military object; otherwise
the old staircase should surely have been restored.
Whether rebuilt by Saul’s son or by his foe, the restored fortress had but
a brief history; after seven years of inglorious rule Ishbaal was assassinated
and David united the two halves of Israel.‘ Gibeah no longer possessed
any value, either for sentimental or for military reasons, so the fortress sank
into gradual ruin (IIB), without a trace of fire or other agency of sudden
destruction. It now lay in ruins for at least a century, and when we study
the débris of the following fortress (III) we see that this century witnessed
a complete transformation in the material culture of the land, to judge
from the ceramic index alone. This index agrees remarkably well with
the external historical facts, for it is during the same hundred years
that the reign of David and Solomon, the disruption of the kingdom,
and the first rulers of Judah and Israel belong. During this period
Israel was metamorphosed from a loose confederation of pastoral and
agricultural clans in little contact with the outside world, to a typical Syrian
state, through which great trade-routes ran, binding it most intimately to
the prosperous centers of Syro-Phoenician commercial and industrial life.
Material civilization could not but follow the direction of commercial devel-
opment, where Phoenician influence was paramount. Small wonder, then,
that there is a corresponding change in the fashion of pottery.
The next appearance of Gibeah in history falls during the reign of Asa
(cir. 915-875). As shown above, the Geba of Benjamin in I Kings 15,,
should be read ‘‘Gibeah of Benjamin,’’ and refers to the fortress on Tell
el-Fal. This identification is supported strongly by the archaeological
indications, as already pointed out, and may be considered certain. Since
the episode has already been fully discussed we need not go into detail here.
The date falls somewhere in Baasha’s reign, 1. e., between about 911 and
888, so the erection of the third fortress may be placed roughly about
900 B.C.
The destruction of the third fortress was followed by a restoration (IIIB),
and the rebuilt mzgdal was in its turn destroyed by a great conflagration.
“TIshbaal certainly reigned more than two years; see KiTTEeL, Geschiehte*, Vol. II,
p.-1905 nil
HISTORY OF GIBEAH FROM ALL SOURCES 3
While there is no evidence to show exactly when or how these fortresses were
destroyed, a suggestion may be made. The Jewish chronicles are always
more detailed when there is an opportunity to describe a war between Judah
and Israel, and it is probable that all the important conflicts between the
sister-states are mentioned in our sources. After the first wars only two
are mentioned: the defeat of Amaziah by Joash of Israel, about 790; and
the so-called Syro-Ephraimitic war, when Pekah and Rezin of Damascus
besieged Jehoahaz II (Ahaz) in Jerusalem (cir. 735 B. C.). Our fortress
would naturally play a réle in both struggles, since it would be the first
point to be attacked by the Israelites. One is, therefore, tempted to ascribe
the destruction of IITA to Joash, in which case it remained intact for fully
a century, from about 900 to after 800. Since Joash destroyed part of the
north wall of Jerusalem, one would not expect him to leave a fortress like
that of Gibeah untouched. We may then suppose that IIIB was built, or
rather, restored, since the alterations made were small, by Amaziah’s son,
Uzziah, the greatest king of Judah, who erected fortresses all around the
borders of Judah (II Chron. 26, ,,). As already seen, the similar migdals
of the Negeb may have been erected by him. The pottery of the third
fortress, at least that discovered inside the fortress, probably belongs for
the most part to the eighth century, including the MamSsat stamp (see
above).
If the construction of the migdal IIIB is due to Uzziah, its destruction
was presumably due to the Syro-Ephraimitic war a generation later. At
all events Uzziah would surely not have overlooked so promising a point
for a fortress guarding the northern approach to the capital, and the
invaders from the north would certainly not leave so threatening a post in
their rear when laying siege to Jerusalem. The fight for the possession of
our fortress was bitter, as is indicated by the numerous sling-shots, human
skulls and bones, ete., found in the débris of IIIB, as well as by the unusual
intensity of the fire which raged in it. A destruction by the Assyrians is
not so likely, since the latter invaded Judah from the southwest in every
certain instance known, thereby making the control of the post on Tell el-Ful
valueless.
That the fortress was not rebuilt by the last kings of Judah is natural.
After the invasion of Tiglath-pileser in 733, Samaria was rapidly reduced
to the status of an Assyrian province; in 722 the process was completed,
and Israel remained a prefecture of Assyria down to after 630 B.C.
During this century the Assyrians would never have permitted the Jews to
build defensive works along the northern border, which could only be
directed against them.
From now on the fortress lay for centuries in ruins, until its reconstruc-
tion in the Maccabaean age. Meanwhile, the old village of Gibeah, which
54 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
had probably been abandoned since the fall of Saul’s house, came to life
again, though on a very modest scale. When Isaiah (10,,) has occasion to
mention the villages just north of Jerusalem, Gibeah of Saul is among
them. During the generations when the site seems to have been abandoned,
to judge from the absence of ninth century sherds from the old village site
on the northern terraces, the name ‘‘Gibeah of Benjamin’’ apparently fell
into desuetude, though the name was still scribally used. Among the people,
however; the memories of Saul were so strongly attached to the site that
when it was reoccupied the new village was called after his name, ‘‘ Hill of
Saul’’—a last tribute to their fallen hero.
In our trenches on the summit we found quantities of potsherds from the
period between the seventh and the second centuries B.C., the Persian
period being best represented. There was thus a hamlet on the site during
the Persian period, though it is not mentioned in the post-exilic census of
Ezra and Nehemiah. Presumably it was too small to have been considered
in the list of towns and families said to have returned from the Exile, and
remained too small to receive special attention later. It was only toward
the end of this period that the terraces were occupied again, and the village
became larger, though it certainly remained small in comparison with more
fiourishing towns in the neighborhood.
The inferior workmanship of the fourth fortress, which dates from the
Hellenistic age, suggests the hand of local builders, without Greek training,
and indeed without training of any sort in fortress building. It is hard to
escape the conclusion that it dates from the beginning of the Maccabaean
period, when the patriots were few in number, and valiantly striving to
expel the hated foreigner from the Jewish hills. It were bootless to attempt
to date it more exactly, since there is no basis for a rational conjecture.
Commanding the Beth-horon road, up which Nicanor was advancing when
he was encountered and defeated by Judas, Tell el-F'Gl had a considerable
tactical importance, and it is quite possible that it was built about this
time, rather than earlier. In any case it was probably built between 166
and 161, during the career of Judas Maccabaeus.
With the success of Hasmonaean arms and the extension of Jewish terri-
tory, Tell el-Fal lost its strategic value and the fortress was abandoned.’
During the late Hellenistic or early Roman period, i. e., between 100 B. C.
and 100 A. D., we find that houses were built around and upon the ruined
fortress, whose walls were partly removed and partly utilized for them.
Part of the glacis was removed for building purposes, and house walls were
built against the rest. Grain-pits found excavated around the bottom of
the glacis contained exclusively late Hellenistic or early Roman sherds.
During this period not only the summit, but also the northern terraces were
occupied, and cisterns recently cleaned by the inhabitants of Beit Hannina,
HISTORY OF GIBEAH FROM ALL SOURCES oO.
on the opposite side of the little depression to the north, proved to contain
exclusively Hellenistic-Roman pottery, mostly thin hard ribbed ‘‘biscuit
ware.’’ Toward the end of this period Titus encamped near the village,
still called ‘‘Gibeah of Saul’’ (see above), on his march to besiege the
doomed city of Jerusalem. Whether the inhabitants abandoned their home
at this time is unknown; the village may have continued to be inhabited by
Jews until the foundation of Aelia Capitolina, after which they were cer-
tainly not allowed to live so near the city. At all events, the total absence
of Roman-Byzantine potsherds proves that Gibeah was no longer occupied
after the first century A. D.
Gibeah had been abandoned for some centuries when St. Jerome passed
by with the lady Paula, on their way to the Holy City. Being apprized by
their dragoman that they were near the site of Gibeah, Jerome and his com-
panion stopped to exchange reflections on the mutability of all things
earthly. Certainly the site was not much different in appearance from
what it is today, if we are to take Jerome’s usque ad solum diruta literally.
How strongly the sight affected him is shown by another reference to the
total destruction of Gibeah in one of his commentaries.—We have thus come
to the end of Gibeah’s history, a rare illustration of close and constant agree-
ment between archaeological and literary materials, where each source
confirms and illustrates the other.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
Fig. 1. - Tell el-Fal from the northwest.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOUL)
Fig. 3. Westward view from Tell el-Fial.
g. 4. Eastward view from Tell el-F al.
57
58
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
Fig. 6. Masonry of First Fortress—north wall of C,.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL) 59
Fig. 7. Southwestern corner after removal of walls of Third Period.
‘Fig. 8. South wall of A from north. Only Second Period visible, aside
from the reconstruction of the upper part in the Third Period.
60
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOUL)
Fig. 9. West and north walls of A.
Fig. 10. East wall of A showing apertures of Second Period.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL) 61
Fig. 11. West wall of A showing masonry of First and
Second Periods.
Fig. 12. North wall of C, showing apertures of Second Period.
62
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
Fig. 13. Lower steps of staircase from Second Period.
Fig. 14.
Stairease and walls of Second and Third Period above.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Fig. 16. Top of northern glacis with walls behind it.
63
64
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Fig. 18.
Fig. 17. Northern glacis.
Late Bronze or Early Iron Age revetment from Tell en-Nasbeh.
EXCAVATIONS
AT GIBEAH
OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
Fig. 20. Detail showing the secondary origin of buttress
wall.
65
66
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (‘TELL EL-FCL)
Fig, 22. Northwestern corner with west drain.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Fig. 23. Pier C from Third Period.
Fig. 24. Pier A from Third Period.
67
68
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL
EL-FUL )
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL) 69
Fig. 27. Inside masonry of the Fourth Period.
Fig. 28. Plastered wall of room from house built on
southeastern edge of fortress in early Roman
times; at bottom, top of the southern glacis.
f
70
a
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
Fig. 29. Hirbet ‘Addaseh (Adasa) from the southeast.
Fig. 30. Wirbet el-Adaseh from the north.
~~
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL) im
Fig. 31. Tell en-Nasbeh (Beeroth) from the west.
Fig. 38. Sacred oak and shrine of Sheikh Ahmed at Hirbet Haiyan.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
Fig. 33. Deir el-Azhar (Kirjath-jearim) from the southeast.
Fig. 34. Wadi Samieh from above ‘Ain SAmieh.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL) V3
Fig. 35. Gateway of Arab fortress at Burj el-Isaneh, built with Roman
stones.
Fig. 36. Et-Tell (Ai) from the west.
74
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Fig. 37. Roman reservoir west of Hirbet Haiyan (second Ai).
Fig. 32. Hirbet Kefirah (Chephirah) from the east.
.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL) 75
Seilin ©
§. el-Gurabeh o
° Sinjil
el-Mugeir o
‘Attarah ° ° Burj el-Isaneh
° oh
Tell ‘Asar 3% o Kefr Maljk
Bir ez-Zeito ° ‘Ain Stoieh
o Jifneh
o et-Taiyiben
H. el- ‘Auj& el-Fdqa°
o Beitin o Beaata
oet-Tell |
o Deir Diwan
Ramallah © {°Bireh oe
a he DUP Gang ° Kefr Nata ain hg =
AT Nala ‘pel en-Haébeh
Beit-‘ir el-F6 qa Be ©Kefr ce oMupmas
H. ‘Att@rah °
° Qalandieh
Jedfreh o oN
er-Ram°
el-Jib ° Btr Neb@lah
Bidda ° o Q- Hazzir ht .
Nebi Sh See cee st sno plat
Deir el-Azhar pei* © oLac rat ‘Anata
° = AAY e ? ad
© Abu S638 . o el-‘Isawiyeh
Qastal o fiénien? ttt (Nob). ° Ras Temtm
Te r;
6?” Jerusalem
; @
5 Jebus ° el=‘Azirfyeh
0 1 2 3 + S
Scale of Miles
‘
Mo Beth-lehem | ie
Plate XX. Map of South Central Palestine (Modern).
76
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
Shiloh °
EPHRAIM
° Jeshanah
*pAtarotho
° Ephrain
Baal-hazor °
e Gophna
°
Ophrah ? Baal-shalisha ~
> Bethel > Rinmon
On AS ane
Ramathaim o Cee ms Neara
Beth-aven. oe (Noaran)
° ‘Beeroth
o Beth-horon the Upper...
o *? Tomb of sotto ats
““Ktaroth-Addar
re) ?Gittaim 3
Gederah o panan, ay Sei B E NIAM ] Ni
Gibeon o oy
oe: Azmaveth
we e Parah
Mizpah o . Hazor vy
oGibéah ° Alemeth (Almon)
Gallim e o Anathoth
.. ©, Kirjath-jearin : °
Recta babes NIP Dh Ld eR
8 ls Mebars: > ° Bahurin
Waneatie Oeransien| a _° Amaniah.." “7
(Beth-haccerem) }
JUDAH
o Beth-lehem
Plate XXI. Map of South Central Palestine (Ancient)
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
z
mapa a=
oA CLELELL
waamaan Fomamay
Fo aE ZZ}
peas LLL LLL AN te eee a <<
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— |
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LL gD Pg IG AAP Pp LP EL BEALL ALL IPL PLLPEULILTE
— First Period Second, Restoration ee eet
Second Period Doubt ful Metre Scale
Plate XXII. Plan of Fortresses I and IT.
T7
78
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
\
IW
\
\ <
q
IW
NS
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QQQY
SV
A
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Third Fortress Third, Restoration G Sys Pa Se Se ee
_S—SS—=—=EO rt ———
—-— Recenstruction of ----- Inside Wall of Fourth M ad ]
etre Dcale
Walls of Third ve Reconstruction of IV
Plate XXIII. Plan of Fortresses III and IV.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Vertical section along m—n
ny oY 3 4
es
Metre Seale iinner walli
Cross section through northern defenses Cross section through southern defenses
Plate XXIVa.
“9
CO
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
radius 13 em,
OrG23 CI 12 Se
pt rt ————
Ce ntimeter Scale
Plate XXIVb.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL) 81
Plate XXV.
82 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Plate XXVI.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL) 83
22
Plate X XVII.
84 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Centimeter Scale
Plate XXVIII.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL) 85
PLearus\io crawl ee”
4
radius 4.25 em, Tadius 2.75 en.
radius S5¢m,
-—— eG 18
radius ¥ 75cm.
ei gs PIGUMS LE IWS Caer
-4
Qo radius Yor ™N
_radrus 6 cm. _
Centimeter Scale
Plate X XIX.
\
; Plate XXX. :
7
Z ' EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOUL) 87
e
: rah = [greenish
2 meen kis
,
¥
f
Plate XXXI.
88 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
3 4 Ss
Centimeter Scale
Plate XXXII.
EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FCL) 89
Plate XXXITII.
APPENDIX I—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH.
Until recently the location of Mizpah has been considered one of the most
probable topographical identifications in Palestine. The combination of
Mizpah with Nebi Samwil, two hours northwest of Jerusalem, is due, like
so many others, to the sagacity of the great pioneer, Epwarp Ropinson
(Biblical Researches* II, pp. 356 ff.). It seemed so reasonable to scholars
that it became quite generally accepted, though voices were not lacking to
“defend the traditional identification with Ramathaim, the home of Samuel.
So, for example, Guérin devoted twenty-two pages in the first volume of his
Judée (pp. 862-384) to the defense of this view. Though skilfully pre-
sented, GUBRIN’s argument will not stand for a moment in the light of our
present knowledge (see App. II, Ramah of Samuel).
A striking modification in the current theory was introduced by
SCHLATTER, in his important work, Zur Topographie und Geschichte Palis-
‘tinas, 1893 pp. 62-85. While accepting the identification of Nebi Samwil
with Mizpah, he also insisted on combining it with the great high-place at
Gibeon, where Solomon offered a vast holocaust in the early part of his reign
(I Kings 3,). Not contented with this ScHLuATTER went on to identify
Mizpah with Nob, because of their curious failure to be mentioned together
in any passage or list of towns. Ingenious as his argument here is, it will
not stand for a moment against the overwhelming evidence from other
sources for the location of Nob on Ras el-MeSarif, or Scopus. Yet it proved
too tempting for Lepstus, who in his Reich Christi (1903), pp. 108 ff., went
so far as to locate a hypothetical pre-Solomonic sanctuary of Gibeon on
Nebi Samwil.
When Grorce ADAM SMITH and Bunt wrote their manuals of Palestinian
geography, both accepted the identification of Mizpah with Nebi Samwil,
so that it came to be considered as classic, and few thought of controverting
it. Yet doubts began to be expressed: HagmmMryrer, in 1909 (ZDPV
XXXII, 28-30), opposed this view, maintaining that Mizpah must have
been nearer the Nablus road, but offering no identification himself, wisely
avoiding the combination with Scopus (Har has-sdfim) which some have
imprudently suggested. Hauvssr, on the other hand, carried it still farther
from the road by suggesting as its site Hirbet Batn es-Sa‘ideh, a lofty point
southwest of Biddii (PEF 1910, 127-8).
Meanwhile the problem had been given a wholly new turn by the
researches of Raboisson, who reached the conclusion that Mizpah should be
identified with Tell en-Nasbeh, a mound about a mile and a half south of
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 91
el-Bireh.t.| Rasorsson published his results in a special work, Les Maspeh,
Paris, 1897. The same suggestion was made independently by ConpER (PEF
1898, 169), while Vincent (RB 1899, 316) accepted Raboisson’s theory.
CLERMONT-GANNEAU, however, in a note (PEF 1898, 251) pointing out that
CoNDER’s article had been anticipated, observed that the identification is
‘‘very hypothetical.’? The matter was now dropped for over a decade,
until RaBoIsson’s view was taken up by DauMAN, independently, it would
seem, and defended at length by two of his pupils, BAUMANN and ALT.
BAUMANN’S paper seems to have been written first, but AuT preceded him in
print with a masterly paper (PJB VI, 1910, 46-62). Baumann’s discus-
sion (ZDPV XXXIV, 119-187) is, in general, inferior, and shows less
caution than Aur’s. For example, BAUMANN (p. 136 f.) thinks that Nasbeh
is a corruption of Mispah, with popular etymology, so that Tell en-Nasbeh
means T'rtimmerhiigel des Malzeichens. The latter meaning, however,
despite PALMER’s authority, is entirely wrong; mnasbeh does not mean
‘“stele’’ but ‘‘lot, portion’’ (classical nastb) in Palestinian Arabic. The
name is found elsewhere in Palestine and presumably refers to the division
of the ground among the joint owners by lot, following a custom widespread
among the fellahin. As a matter of fact Tell en-Nasbeh is held in joint
ownership. BAUMANN’s theory of a popular etymology is rendered
impossible by the obvious fact that, while *Maspah might conceivably become
Nasfeh or Nusfeh by dissimilation—though this particular change has no
Palestinian parallel—it could not become Nasbeh by any known law. ALT
wisely avoids combining the names.
Impressive as is the group of names gathered on behalf of the identifica-
tion of Mizpah with Tell en-Nasbeh—Datman (PJB VII, 14-15, ete.), Avr,
Baumann, Loumann (ZDPV XULI, 1918, 151-7); Vincent (cf. now RB
1922, 862, n. 4); and finally PHyTHIAN-ADAMS, in a paper read at the
Palestine Oriental Society, Dee. 7, 1922—the writer is convinced that the
identification with Nebi Samwil is correct, after all.2 One cannot minimize
1 El-Bireh itself was identified with Mizpah by the Abbé HEIDE?, in an uncritical paper
published in RB III (1894) 321-56. His treatment is as superficial and inexact as it is
antiquated in its method. The following illustration is rather characteristic. On p. 333
in a list of identifications for Mizpah supported by different scholars he says: ‘‘Others
préfére (sic) Tell el-Foul.’’ In a note he refers to ArmMstRoNG, Names and Places,
p. 127. In this repository, p. 131 (!) we read, ‘‘Others propose Tell el Ful’’ (!!).
‘“Others’’ included in this case TOBLER, who might have been mentioned if Hriper had
gone to the trouble of looking up his sources.
2 SvEN LINDER discusses the question of the site of Gibeah in SG 51-60. His treat-
ment is very fair, and though he finally sides with the school of DALMAN he does not
* conceal the unsatisfactory character of the arguments. He concludes (p. 60): ‘‘Om
allts& det benjaminitiska Mispa ar att sdka formodligen pa Tell en-Nasbe eller, vilket
ar osannolikare, vid el-Bire eller en-Nebi Samuil sa har dock detta Mispa i varje fall
92 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FCL)
the strength of the arguments brought against it, but they are by no means
invulnerable, as will, I trust, appear from the following discussion.
The first argument marshalled by Aut (pp. 47-50) and BAUMANN (pp.
134-5) comes from I Kings 15,,, where Asa is reported to have dismantled
the hostile works of Baasha at Ramah, employing the materials for the
construction of two new fortresses, Mizpah and Geba of Benjamin. ALT
justly points out that if one fort were at Geba, commanding the pass over
the Wadi es-Sweinit, the other would be located most naturally on the main
road northward along the watershed, corresponding to the present Nablus
road. Furthermore, he thinks, Baasha had violated Jewish soil in fortify-
ing Ramah, so Asa must have retaliated by seizing Israelite territory north
of Ramah. Accordingly, Aut places Mizpah at Tell en-Nasbeh, two and a
half miles northwest of Ramah, overlooking the Nablus road from the west.
In our discussion of the site of Gibeah it has been shown that this theory
introduces more difficulties than it avoids; if, however, we simply emend
‘‘Geba of Benjamin’’ to ‘‘Gibeah of Benjamin’’ our troubles vanish auto-
matically. Neither Baasha nor Asa actually invaded enemy territory, and
Asa’s building operations were designed to protect all three roads from the
north, instead of leaving the important route from Betunia to Gibeon
unguarded, as would be the case under the alternative theory. Whereas,
moreover, Jeba‘ and Tell en-Nasbeh are not on the same east-west line,
Tell el-FGl and Nebi Samwil are. Nor is our least argument derived from
the fact that we have discovered at Tell el-Fil a fortress which dates from
about the time of Asa, showing evident signs of hasty construction, including
the use of large square stones, carefully smoothed on one side, but with the
smooth side turned inward or to one side. Such stones obviously came from
another fortress, since they are entirely distinct from the stones employed in
the earlier fortresses at Tell el-FGl (see above). In view of the fact that
the supporters of Tell en-Nasbeh consider the evidence from I Kings 15,,
as their strongest card, the weakness of their hypothesis becomes clear.. As
we shall presently see, our ‘side rests its case on much more convincing
arguments derived from other passages.
Aut (who as the ablest representative of the Tell en-Nasbeh school may
be chosen as its champion) next turns to the pericope Jer. 40-41. This
section is most important for our contention, so we may discuss it rather
fully. After the fall of Jerusalem, Nebuzaradan, commander of the Chal-
daean forces in Judah, set out to return to Babylonia with the booty and
legat nara det vid stora nordsydvagen mellan vagskalen vid Rds es-Salah och Bab
el-Mu‘allaka belagna Gibea.’’ In other words, LINDER admits the possibility of the
identification of Mizpah with Nebi Samwil. From so careful and conscientious an —
investigator, such an extent of opposition to the reigning doctrines of his School is very
significant, since LINDER othefwise follows DALMAN very closely.
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 93
the Jewish exiles, among whom was the prophet Jeremiah. Since the philo-
Chaldaean, or at least anti-Egyptian attitude of the latter was well known,
the commander decided to release him, and sent him back to the Jewish
governor, Gedaliah, now residing in Mizpah. Jer. 40,, ; says explicitly that
Jeremiah was sent back from Ramah to Gedaliah at Mizpah (v. 6). The
verb ‘‘to return’’ (JY) can certainly not be used of going on along the
road from Ramah to Mizpah, but is perfectly natural in speaking of a
return to Nebi Samwil, to rejoin his own people.
Among the Jewish nobles who had escaped capture by flight and now
returned to Gedaliah was one Ishmael the son of Nethaniah, apparently
related to the king of the Ammonites, Baalis. Despite the warnings of
others, Gedaliah received Ishmael kindly, and was rewarded for his gener-
osity by base ingratitude. Ishmael not only slew Gedaliah and all the men
with him, both Jews and Chaldaeans, but also committed another atrocity,
which was remembered with execration. On the second day after the
assassination of Gedaliah, a body of eighty men from Shechem, Shiloh and
Samaria, attired as mourners, bringing rich gifts for the ruined temple-
service in Jerusalem, came to Mizpah on their way to the holy city. Fearing
evidently that they might suspect something and so deprive him of a
desirable booty by escape, Ishmael went out to meet them, and escorted them
with treacherous words into the town. When they were once safely inside
the trap, his retainers set upon them, butchering them all, with the excep-
tion of some who claimed wealth, and so were saved in hopes of future
ransom money. AuT and BAUMANN hold from the tenor of the passage that
Mizpah must have been on the high-road from Shiloh to Jerusalem, and
that Ishmael decoyed the pilgrims into the town. However, by this time
everyone knew, without question, that Gedaliah was installed in his new
capital, north of Jerusalem. For permission to visit the site of the temple
and protection from bandits, in the unsettled state of the country, a visit to
Gedaliah was imperatively necessary, and was, incidentally, a simple matter,
requiring only a very slight detour, if we locate Mizpah at Nebi Samwil.
The identity of our Mizpah with the Mizpah of Asa is proved beyond a
doubt by the allusion Jer. 41, to the huge cistern built by Asa in fortifying
the place against Baasha, into which Ishmael threw the corpses of his
victims.? It may be observed that several huge cisterns are known to be in
Nebi Samwil, while none are known in Tell en-Nasbeh, nor are they
necessary there.
After his exploits, Ishmael judged it the part of prudence to escape at
once to his Ammonite friends, before the alarm was spread, and his retreat
eut off by Johanan, who was still in command of a respectable force.
’ For PHytHIAN-ADAMS’ suggestion that the word bdr refers here to a dry moat see
the discussion at the end of this appendix.
94 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL) .
Exactly where Johanan was at this time is not certain; according to Jer.
40,, he and his men were roaming about the open country of Judaea (bas-
Sadeh) after the fall of Jerusalem into the hands of the Chaldaeans, while
Jer. 41,, says that they settled near Bethlehem for a time after the assassi-
nation of Gedaliah. At all events Johanan was certainly somewhere in
Judaea, to the south of Mizpah, when Gedaliah was slain. Since Johanan
had had his suspicions regarding Ishmael’s purpose, it is probable that he
remained in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, even after Gedaliah’s rebuff
(Jer. 40,,), in order to keep watch over the treacherous protégé of the
Ammonites. :
Under the circumstances it would have been the height of folly for
Ishmael to have turned southward toward Johanan’s base of operations in
his retreat from Mizpah to Ammon. As it was, Ishmael was overtaken by
Johanan, who had fortunately learned of the outrage, at the big pool
(D939 O') at Gibeon (Jer. 41,,), and the prisoners were rescted, while
the traitor sought safety in flight, escaping with eight men to the Ammonites.
Johanan returned to Mizpah with the refugees, and leaving Mizpah settled
in the vicinity of Bethlehem for an indefinite period, after which he fled
to Egypt, being apprehensive that he would be called to account for the
condition of affairs in the country, if not for Ishmael’s rebellion.
It is clear that Mizpah must be situated southwest of the large pool at
Gibeon. Fortunately, we are informed in regard to this pool from another
source, II Sam. 2,,, which states that Abner and Joab met for battle at the
pool of Gibeon (YI) ND3),* to be sought southeast of ej-Jib, below the
fountain (cf. DanMan, PJB 1912, 12). Now, if Mizpah is Nebi Samwil,
and Ishmael was trying to flee toward Ammon from a foe whose base was
in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, his only natural route would be by the
valley east of Gibeon, the nearest practicable way to Ramah, from which
an easy road led to Jeba‘ and the Wadi es-Sweinit, down which escape to
the Jordan Valley and the fords was simple. AuT and Baumann’ have
great difficulty in explaining the detour to the southwest which they must
assume for Ishmael, if Mizpah is to be placed at Tell en-Nasbeh.°®
Little can be deduced from the lists. Jos. 18,,., mentions Mizpeh
between Beeroth and Chephirah, a statement which is quite correct if
Beeroth is Tell en-Nasbeh, as will be shown below to be probable. Neh. 3,
mentions the men of Mizpah and Gibeon together, a collocation much harder
* There is no difficulty in combining the F543 with the O54 9, since the use of
1%, ‘‘waters,’’ in the sense of ‘‘fountain, reservoir’’ is very common in Hebrew; ef.
GESENIUS-BUHL, s. v. D3.
* LINDER observes, apropos of AuT’s discussion of this passage: ‘‘Det forefaller
som om Alt PJB 1910: 51 icke lyckats frin sin synpunkt lésa den sv&righet som ligger
i ortshinvisningen Jer. 41: 12.’’—SG 55.
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 95
to understand if Mizpah is Tell en-Nasbeh than if it is Nebi Samwil, one-
third the distance away from Gibeon.
The name Mizpah (M58), meaning ‘‘Look-out,’’ or ‘‘ Watch-tower,”’
indicates that the place bearing it was lofty, with a good view in at least
three directions. The fact that Mizpah appears repeatedly as the point to
which Israel and Judah gathered whenever a general muster of fighting
men was desired, shows that it was an exceptionally well-situated spot, from
which beacon fires would be visible to the whole countryside. During the
Philistine wars it is mentioned with special frequency as the center from
which Israelite operations were directed. It must, therefore, have been
situated at a point visible to the greater part of central Palestine, which
was then in most danger, since the Jewish Shephelah was already tributary
to the Philistines and northern Palestine was protected by its remoteness.
Tell en-Nasbeh has a very limited view, being lower (2570 ft.) than the
surrounding hills on three sides. On the east one can only see about half
a mile, to the top of the ridge on the opposite side of the Nablus road
(height 2740 ft.) ; on the west one sees no farther than Bettnia (2670),
three miles; on the north the view is limited by the ridge on which Bireh
and Ramallah are situated (height 2800-2900), a mile and a half away.
On the south there is a slightly better view, hemmed in by er-Ram, Tell
el-F'al, the Ras el-Mesarif, and Nebi Samwil. Some of the highest buildings
in Jerusalem and on the Mount of Olives are also visible on the southern
horizon. It is hard indeed to see how a place with so restricted a view
could ever be dignified by the name ‘‘Mizpah,’’ and harder still to under-
stand its qualifications to become the rallying-place of Israel.
Let us turn then to Nebi Samwil. From the roof of the mosque (3000
ft.) one sees a vast panorama spread out at one’s feet. To the east there
is the land beyond Jordan, with the mountains of Gilead and Moab; on
the west the Mediterranean appears. Southward the glance wanders among
the hills of Judah until it is lost in the distance; northward an almost
unbroken view extends as far as Tell ‘Asti, while farther west one can see
considerably more. If any place was ever adapted to play a unifying role
in central Palestine, it was surely Nebi Samwil! If it did not enjoy the
appellative ‘‘ Mizpah,’’ it ought to have received it.
From the narrative in Jud. 20-21 it is impossible to reach any conclusions
as to the location of Mizpah (contrast ALT, pp. 51-52; BAuMANN, pp. 129-
131). Mizpah appears simply as a stereotyped motive; Judah and Israel,
‘‘from Dan to Beersheba,”’ had to gather at Mizpah, so it was introduced
into the narrative. The sudden shift of the Israelite base from Mizpah to
Bethel (Jud. 20,,) shows clearly that Mizpah is a secondary insertion.
Originally the struggle was doubtless local, involving only Mount Ephraim
and eastern Benjamin.
96 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FCL)
Despite the frequent mention of Mizpah in connection with the Philistine
wars, there is only one passage from which a topographical hint may be
derived, and that not altogether certain. I Sam. 7,, tells us that the Philis-
tines attacked Israel at Mizpah and were defeated, being pursued by their
victorious foes as far as Beth-car (13 D9 ANN Ay. ‘‘as far as below
Bet-kar’’). There can be little doubt that the name, otherwise unknown,
is corrupt, since the element kar is unparalleled and highly improbable.
The suggestion that we should read ‘‘Beth-horon’’ (0A 3) is unlikely,
demanding too violent a change; probably we must read. ‘‘Beth-cerem’’
(O75 75S = 075M A'S) = Beth-haccerem. The latter is mentioned twiee
_ (Jer. 6, and Neh. 3,,) as a town in the immediate vicinity of Jerusalem, so
we must identify it with the modern ‘Ain Karim, four miles southwest of
Jerusalem, the reputed birthplace of John the Baptist. It is true that
Jerome, in his commentary to Jeremiah, states that there was still a village
between Tekoa and Jerusalem called Bethacharma, clearly Beth-haccerem,
and that ‘Ain Karim is nowhere near the road from Jerusalem to Tekoa, so
that modern scholars have generally separated them. The passage in Jere-
miah, however, in mentioning successively Benjamin, Tekoa, and Beth-
haecerem, obviously means to name places on all sides of Jerusalem, so
Beth-haccerem cannot well be on a line between Jerusalem and Tekoa. On
the other hand, Jerome, thinking of the fact that both Tekoa and Betha-
eharma lay south of Jerusalem, was clearly speaking loosely, without a
distinet idea of the bearing of Jeremiah’s words. The name of the town
appears also without bét in the famous passage lost in the Masoretic text
between Jos. 15,, and 15,,, and fortunately preserved in the LXX. Here
Karem (Kapeu) is mentioned between Sobe (?—text Swpys or SoBys) modern
Soba, and Bether (Baiéyp), modern Bittir (Beth-ther), a collocation which
ean only mean ‘Ain Karim. For the relation between Karem and Beth-
kerem or Beth hak-Kerem see Appendix VIII (Bethany in the Old Testa-
ment), where many parallels are collected; for Beth-haccerem = ‘Ain
Karim ef. Beth-shemesh = ‘ Ain Sems, ete.®
The phrase ‘‘below Beth-(hac)cerem’’ can only mean in the Wadi Sarar,
which winds toward the southwest just below ‘Ain Karim. If the Philistine
retreat was directed down the Wadi Sarar, in the direction of Beth-shemesh,
then in Philistine hands, it must have come from the immediate neighbor-
hood of Nebi Samwil,—not a bad argument for the identity of the latter
with Mizpah. If Mizpah were located at Tell en-Nasbeh, the natural line
of retreat would have led over the road to Beth-horon or down the Wadi
Selman.
*The identification of Beth-car with Beth-haccerem and ‘Ain Karim was proposed
long ago but disregarded—see the Survey of Western Palestine, Vol. III, p. 20.
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 97
The statement in the next verse (I Sam. 7,,) that on Israel’s return from
the pursuit Samuel erected a stone memorial, which he named ‘‘ Eben-ezer,’’
between Mizpah and Shen, does not help much. The LXX reads 7 raya
in place of [&%, which presupposes a variant (110, Yesanah. Since
Jeshanah was an important point in Mount Ephraim, now Burj el-Isaéneh
(see Appendix III, Ophrah and Ephraim) northwest of Tell ‘Astr, one
would be tempted seriously to make the combination, if it were possible to
find a Mizpah in Ephraim. Unfortunately, it is not, and the variant indi-
eated by the Greek reading is probably an erroneous emendation. Possibly
the name has-Sen, ‘‘the tooth,’’ was applied to the conical hill-top of Qastal,
southwest of Nebi Samwil.’ The stone Ebenezer (stone of help) merely
designated the site of an Israelite victory, and has no connection with the
Eben-ezer near Aphek (Mejdel Yaba) mentioned I Sam. 4,, 5,, which was
already in existence before Samuel erected his memorial.
This brings us to the much-discussed passage I Maccabees 3,, (ALT, pp.
53-4; BAUMANN, pp. 122-9, 133-4): kat cvvyyOnoav Kai nAPocav eis Maconda
Katevavtt “lepovoaAnp, Te Toros Tpocevxns cis Macondha To zpdrepov TH ‘Iopand, And
(the Jews) gathered and came to Massepha, opposite Jerusalem, for
Massepha was formerly Israel’s place of worship. The phrase xarévavti
"Tepovoadynp has been one of the principal mainstays of the protagonists of
the orthodox theory, since the verse goes on to identify Massepha explicitly
with the place of the name in the Old Testament, the location of which we
are now considering.® In the second century B. C. the location of Mizpah
was certainly well known, and there may have been a village there, as in
the days of Nehemiah, three centuries before. Since Nebi Samwil is one of
the most prominent points in the whole northern horizon of the city of
Jerusalem, the preposition may well be used of its relation to the capital.
It is true that Tell en-Nasbeh is visible from the top of some high buildings,
but it is so effectively screened and overshadowed by the higher hills in its
vicinity that one would hardly think of defining its situation as is done in
the Book of Maccabees. Baumann has collected a large number of
passages, and presented statistics which show irrefutably that plain visi-
bility was one of the prerequisites for the use of xarévav7: and its congeners.
For this reason he attempts to explain it as referring to the direction of
* ConDER, PEF 1898, 169 proposed the identification of Shen with Kefr Siyan, a ruined
village west of Ramallah, in connection with his identification of Tell en-Nasbeh with
Mizpah. The name Kefr Siyén goes back only into the Aramaic period, and Siydn is
phonetically very different from Sen.
® The Greek form Macondga is found both in the O. T. and in Maccabees. Its rather
anomalous form is probably due to the operation of some analogy, possibly that of the
- common word massebah, ‘‘sacred pillar.’?? The original pronunciation of Mispah in
Classical Hebrew was Maspah; according to PHILIPPI’s Law short unaccented a in a
closed syllable regularly becomes 1%.
98 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FCL)
prayer; the Jews, according to him, went to Massepha, (praying) toward
Jerusalem. His point is syntactically forced in the extreme, but logically
it is sound; the word xarévavre is used because the Jews selected a place
facing Jerusalem from which to pray for the recovery of their holy city—
another strong argument for Mizpah = Nebi Samwil.
The military argument is decidedly a boomerang for our opponents, since
it is much better suited to defend our position than the Tell en-Nasbeh
theory. Since the Syrian army made Emmaus-‘Amwas its base, it was
important that the Jews, who wished to prevent relief from coming to
Jerusalem, which they were blockading, should occupy a position com-
manding a view of the western approaches, up which the Syrians must
advance from ‘Amwas. For this purpose no place was so well suited as
Nebi Samwil, and none so poorly as Tell en-Nasbeh. Moreover, one would
at least expect the Jews to select a point well within their own borders as
a base, not a point like Tell en-Nasbeh, on the northern boundary of Judaea.
In the Onomasticon, Eusebius tells us that Mizpah (Massepha) was a
place near Kirjath-jearim, where the ark stayed once, and where Samuel
taught, being mentioned also in Jeremiah (ed. KuosTeRMANN, p. 128).
This statement is usually dismissed as the result of an erroneous combina-
tion on the learned father’s part, so especially by Aut and BaAuMANN. Yet
there is no a priori ground for such a judgment, and from our point of view
Eusebius may be quite correct. Nebi Samwil is equi-distant from Jeru-
salem and from Kirjath-jearim, and the distance of five Roman miles in a
straight line is not too great to allow the correctness of the adjective rAyciov.
If it were on a Roman road, Eusebius would doubtless have furnished us
with an exact statement of the proximity, but this was hardly feasible under
the circumstances, so he contented himself with a loose statement, perhaps
based upon recollections of a visit paid from Kirjath-jearim to Nebi Samwil.
If we are correct, the connection of Samuel with Mizpah was one of the
outstanding points of interest there in the fourth century. From pointing
out the place where Samuel judged to the spot where he was buried was
only a step, so we cannot be surprised to find Ramathaim moved to Nebi
Samwil, bag and baggage, as appears already in the sixth century. During
the latter century the mosaic map of Madeba gives Appafeu 7 (kal) Apipabe
(a) as the name of a place beside Ramah (Papa), and the pilgrim Theo-
dosius (ch. 6) says that Ramatha, wbi requiescit Samuhel, was five miles
from Jerusalem, a distance which can only refer to Nebi Samwil. Yet in
the fourth century, Eusebius identified Ramathaim and Arimathea (Appafep,
Apyafia) with the town of Remphthis (Eus. Peudis, Jer. Remfthis), near
Diospolis (Ludd), certainly modern Rentis (Onom. pp. 32, 144 below).
The combination with Beit Rimeh, which some modern scholars have sug-
gested to explain Jerome’s addition in regione Thamnitica, is wholly base-
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 99
less, since this applies quite as well to Rentis. The name Beth Rimah
appears already in the Talmud (Men. IX, 6; cf. Dauman, PJB X, 31), and
is doubtless much older. Neither Rentis nor Beit Rimeh has any more
right than Nebi Samwil to be identified with Ramathaim, the site of which
is probably Ramallah, as I try to show in Appendix II.
But if Eusebius and Jerome regarded Rentis as the representative of
Ramathaim, and we find that Nebi Samwil arrogated the honor later, there
should be some evidence for the time when the shift occurred. Nor have
we far to seek. Thanks to the researches of Lonmann (ZDPV XLI, 117-
157) and Vincent (RB XXXI [1922], 376-402) it is certain that Justinian
built part of the monastery and church of Samuel on Nebi Samwil; both
agree fully, and show convincingly that some of the remains still extant go
back to the time of Justinian, in agreement with the statement of Procopius
that Justinian built a well or cistern (¢péap) and a wall for the monastery
of Samuel (Procopius, De aedtficiis Justiniam, V, 9). It is well to devote
a paragraph or two to this subject, in view of its importance for the question
under discussion.
The present mosque of the Prophet Samuel is situated on a platform of
rock which was formerly in the centre of an esplanade 90 metres long by
55 wide. This esplanade was surrounded by a massive retaining wall, the
remains of which have been minutely described by Vincent, RB XXXI,
387-392. As pointed out by LOHMANN, with whom VINCENT agrees, the
masonry of the enclosing wall is specifically that of Justinian’s time (ZDPV
XLI, 145).° The prominent bosses of the stones and the solid, but irregular
bond preclude an assignment to the time of Constantine, when smooth
facing was preferred (and also, it may be added, to the period of Eudocia).
On the other hand, they are characteristic of the architecture of Justinian.
The mosque is an Arabic restoration of the Crusaders’ church, which
itself utilized materials from the older Byzantine basilica, as shown by
Savienac and ABEL, in their description RB XXI, 267-79. The Byzantine
remains are fragmentary, but such as they are seem to indicate a Late
Byzantine origin.
. The identification of Nebi Samwil with Ramathaim remained standard
during the Crusading age, and there have not been wanting scholars like
GusrRIN to defend it in modern times, despite the overwhelming arguments
® VINCENT, ibid., p. 394, has been, through inadvertence, unfair to LOHMANN, to whom
he ascribes a vague pre-Arabie dating of the wall. LOHMANN, however, was only
beginning his argument on p. 144; on the next page he goes on to narrow the limits,
finally assigning the date to Justinian’s time, for the reasons we quote, which VINCENT
does not impugn. The latter’s treatment of the subject is naturally much surer and
more elegant, as befits the foremost living authority on Palestinian archaeology, but he
sometimes allows an evident hostility to color his remarks.
100 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
against this view (see above and Appendix II). But if Nebi Samwil is
not Ramathaim, and if Eusebius’s combination with Mizpah should prove
to be wrong, how did the association of the site with Samuel arise?
ScHLATTER suggested (loc. cit.) that the cult of Samuel here was preceded
by that of the prophet Nathan, but, as LonMANN has pointed out (op. cit.
p. 157), ScuuaTTErR’s idea is baseless. ABEL and Vincent think that the
source of this identification may have lain in ‘‘l’invention en ce lieu d’un
corps que l’on crut étre celui du fameux prophéte.’’ As they observe, the
localization of several important holy sites in the fourth century led to the
‘“discovery’’ of a veritable host of lesser sites in their vicinity during the
following century. But this theory does not reckon with the principle of
omne vivum ex ovo, which applies also in the evolution of tradition and,
though possible, is distinctly a pis aller. By far the most probable suppo-
sition is that the name Samuel was attached to the site from some other,
more tangible association, as in the case of the different localizations of
Jonah’s home, as shown in detail by Pére Ape (JPOS II, 175-83). The
necessary association is provided by Eusebius’s identification of Nebi
Samwil with Mizpah, discussed above. .
A remarkable statement of Epiphanius (Adv. haer. 46, 5),*° placing
Gibeon eight miles from Jerusalem, and calling it the only summit near
Jerusalem which could vie with the Mount of Olives in height, has been
pressed into service to show that Nebi Samwil was known as 7 Tafaev in the
fourth century. It is quite true that, if Nebi Samwil was at that time
unoccupied, as quite likely, it may have been referred to carelessly as
‘‘Gibeon,’’ since the latter town is not much over a mile away. On the
other hand, however, the distance of eight’ miles given would be three miles
in excess of the truth. While Epiphanius is notoriously credulous and
often inexact, he was a native of Palestine and had abundant opportunities
for knowing the truth. It may therefore be regarded as likely that
Epiphanius referred, not to Nebi Samwil, but to the equally lofty summit
(Ras et-Tahtineh) of the ridge on which Ramallah and Bireh are situated,
which is nine Roman miles north of Jerusalem in a straight line. As has
been seen by other scholars, we are in a position to demonstrate the correct-
ness of this view. In the Onomasticon (ed. Kuost., p. 66) Gibeon is said
to be four miles to the west of Bethel, near Rama (er-Ram)—rdroiov
Baw6nr mpos dvopas ws ard onpewy 8. mapakertar de TH ‘Papa.1? One might think
10 Kal yap otire év ter xetrac [Todyobd] mapa rods dddovus Térous: dyTixpus ydp éore Td TOD
"Edar@vos dpos, bndérepoy kal dard onuelwy dx ) TaBadv indordrn. HoLn’s new critical
edition offers no corrections or variants.
“The additional statement of the Onomasticon (p. 66, 15), mdnoloy Peupaa (read
Peuywy with Jerome and Procopius of Gaza) is syntactivally very awkward, since it is
brought in parenthetically at a place where it does not belong. It really belongs, I
would suggest, to the next entry, under Ta:Be (Geba), the displacement being caused by
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 101
that ‘‘Bethel’’ and ‘‘Rama’’ had been transposed accidentally, but this is
impossible, since Jerome and Procopius of Gaza support the reading of the
Onomasticon, and the result would be very strange indeed. It is true that
ej-Jib is just three miles in a straight line west of er-Ram, but it is much
nearer Jerusalem than it is Bethel, so a statement ‘‘near Bethel’’ would be
incomprehensible. Moreover, we shall see below, in connection with the
question of Beeroth, that Eusebius placed Gibeon on a high hill along the
road to Neapolis (Nablus). It is, accordingly, clear that the Gibeon of
Eusebius and Epiphanius was incorrectly identified with Ramallah, a little
over three Roman miles in a straight line to the southwest of Bethel. The
- additional remark ‘‘near Rama’’ is fully in place. The reason for this
identification escapes me at present, but the fact seems incontrovertible.
It may be observed that Jerome gives the correct view in this account of
Paula’s pilgrimage.
With the supposed testimony of Epiphanius to the theory that Nebi
Samwil was the high-place of Gibeon there falls the only positive argument
in support of it. The other arguments are all impressionistic. The prin-
cipal one is that, if Nebi Samwil is not Mizpah, it would have no ancient
identification if it were not the high-place of Gibeon. As usually presented,
this argument moves in a vicious circle. Another reason, developed elo-
quently by no less a scholar than Pére Vincent (RB XXXI, 364-76), is
that the Gibeonites would be inevitably led to invest the summit of Nebi
Samwil, rising majestically above their own town, with a special halo of
sanctity. If this principle really operated in such a case, why did not the
Jebusite inhabitants of Jerusalem build a famous high-place on the summit
of the Mount of Olives, which at the smaller distance intervening between
it and Zion is quite as impressive as Nebi Samwil is when viewed from
ej-Jib? Dauman, who for some time shared SCHLATTER’s view (cf. PJB
IV, 32), has now given it up (ZDPV XULI, 119, n. 1), preferring to place
the bémah in question on the hill above the ancient tell of Gibeon, now
occupied by the modern village, especially since the ruins of a Byzantine
church seem to stamp the summit of the hill as sacred (PJB X, 22). The
relation between the town and its bdémdéh on the hill above would be the
same as that between Zion, the Jebusite town, and Moriah, where the Temple
replaced an older sacred place, or between Ramathaim and the high-place
on the hill-top where Samuel offered sacrifices. The ba@mdéh in Gibeon was
doubtless called the ‘‘great high-place’’ (I Kings 3,) simply because it was
the most highly esteemed shrine in the vicinity of Jerusalem at the time;
it does not follow at all that it had to be on the highest hill-top available—
antiquity and the authority conferred by a popular cult and a successful
_ the preceding statement, ‘ ‘set apart for the Levites.’’ The Onomasticon refers else-
where to Remmon (Rammian), which lies several miles north of Geba.
102 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
oracular service would be quite sufficient. Who can assign natural reasons
for the superior prestige enjoyed by the shrines of Lourdes or Loretto,
Czenstochowa or Andacollo?
In ease the schools of DanMAN and LAGRANGE are right in removing
Mizpah from Nebi Samwil, we would then have a tabula rasa for the early
history of the site. But the latter is one of the finest, with a commanding
situation, easily fortified, yet easy of access, with springs at its foot, excellent
rock for cisterns, and salubrious atmosphere.
We are now ready to turn to the archaeological argument. The members
of DALMAN’s school maintain that the site of Nebi Samwil is altogethér too
small for the site of an important place like Mizpah, and that there are no
“remains which can certainly be ascribed to the Israelite period. They
hold that there should be some accumulation of débris in such a site, instead
of bare outcroppings of rock at the very summit. Tell en-Nasbeh, on the
other hand, is an extensive site, with the unmistakable tell formation,
indicating city walls and accumulation of débris. Plausible as these con-
tentions sound at first thought, they are specious, and do not afford firm
ground. Nebi Samwil consists of an upper hill, with a stone platform about
250 by 100 meters in extent, which sinks on the west about ten to twenty
meters to the level of a ridge which extends for some distance toward the
east, then sinking more rapidly into the valley. It is quite true that there
was scant room on the peak for a village of any size, though enormous
masses of débris are piled on the eastern slopes of the hill, showing on
examination a high potsherd content, the sherds being mainly Crusading,
early Arab, and Byzantine, especially comb-marked and corrugated Byzan-
tine or early Arab and Crusading faience. On the lower western ridge a
few meters beneath, however, there is an abundance of room for an ancient
Israelite town, and the rock is in places quite hidden by masses of earth
intermixed with potsherds, most of which proved on examination to be
typically Jewish, and Israelite, Byzantine and Arab sherds being compara-
tively rare. The remarkable rock cuttings studied recently by LoHMANN
and VINCENT are not all modern; many of them, as well as some of the
huge cisterns, may go back to a greater antiquity. Moreover, as has been
pointed out by Kirrsn and others, the stone platform at the summit is admir-
ably adapted to serve as an ancient high-place—not the high-place of
Gibeon, but the still more famous bamdah of Mizpah.
Let us then visit Tell en-Nasbeh, and gather pot-sherds on the tell, as the
writer has repeatedly. Among the sherds found were Canaanite and early
Israelite, including a piece with a polished brown slip, and others with con-
centric lines of pebble burnishing on a red slip. Mr. PoytrHran-ADAMS
also found there a fine Canaanite sherd with a brown slip. We found no
Byzantine pieces, though late Jewish ware occurs, as well as some Arabic.
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 103
In other words, Tell en-Nasbeh was an important Canaanite site, occupied
well down into Jewish times, abandoned apparently in Roman and Byzan-
tine centuries, and reoccupied to some extent during the Moslem period. In
the Roman period, the town was situated at the foot of the hill, below the
springs, which were then guided into large reservoirs, and employed for
irrigation purposes. At the Roman ruins southeast and south of the tell,
and known as Hirbet ‘ Attarah,?* there are quantities of Roman and Byzan-
tine corrugated and other sherds. Today the water is guided further to
the north, by the brick factory of Khan Abii Skandar (dike! Py ws),
which also serves as an automobile supply station on the Nablus road.
The foregoing observations should make it clear that Tell en-Nasbeh
occupies the site of an important Canaanite walled city, still existing in
Israelite times, while Mizpah, so far as we know, attained importance only
in Israelite times. We have no reason to believe that Mizpah was a walled
town at any period; the fortress of King Asa doubtless crowned the highest
hill, where the mosque now stands. The absence of a true tell at Nebi
Samwil is, in fact, a strong argument for its identification with Mizpah. But
what ancient town is then represented by Tell en-Nasbeh? If we can
answer this question satisfactorily, we may safely regard our contention as
established.
The simplest solution is to place the pre-Roman town of Ataroth Archi
(or Addar; see Appendix VI, The Northern Boundary of Benjamin) on
the tell, since the latter lies only about 500 metres north of the Roman ruin
of ‘Attaérah. Natural as this may seem at first sight, there are serious
objections to it. Our Ataroth is never mentioned in all early literature
except in the description of the northern boundary of Benjamin, and we
have no reason to regard it as a Canaanite town. Were Ataroth as impor-
tant as the ruins of Tell en-Nasbeh proclaim the ancient town there to have
been, this silence would be inexplicable. I would therefore propose the
identification of Tell en-Nasbeh with the long-sought Beeroth, a member of
the ‘‘Hivite’’ tetrapolis, and mentioned, with its gentilic, some ten times in
the Old Testament.
The first to propose an identification for Beeroth in modern times was
Rosinson, Biblical Researches' 11, 347, where, on the ground of the Onomas-
ticon and the biblical allusions, he suggested el-Bireh, a mile east of
Ramallah. Since the names seemed to be identical, other scholars adopted
his view without ado, and Gufrin’s demonstration (Judée, III, 7-13) was
felt by most to be conclusive. Almost the only adverse note in the chorus
“The form ‘ Attdrah for Hebrew ‘ Atarét is like ‘ Adddseh for *Hadasah (Adasa), ete.
The doubling is due to morphological assimilation to the common Modern Arabic nominal
eategory gattdlah, which is much more common now than quatdlah.
104 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
of approval was sounded by Buut, who in his Geographie (p. 173) thought
that the combination of Beeroth with Bireh was very doubtful, and that
Beeroth more probably lay on the present Jaffa road, southwest of Gibeon.
In 1907 (Loca Sancta, p. 43) THoMsEN proposed to locate Beeroth at Hirbet
‘fd, half a mile northwest of ej-Jib, a view which was at once rejected by
DaLMAN and GuTHE, because of the insignificance of the remains, which
cannot possibly represent an important Canaanite town. GuTHE next
(MNDPV 1912, 1-9) in arather elaborate paper presented the site of Hirbet
el-Latatin (i. e. el-Atatin, pl. of atti, ‘‘lime-kiln’’) a mile northwest of
Hirbet ‘id, as a candidate for the identification. As DauMAN observed,
there may have been a road-castle here, but certainly no Canaanite town;
the sherds, however, are Arabic. DauMAn himself (PJB VIII, 18 f.), after
criticizing the views of Roprnson, THOMSEN, and GUTHE, suggested that
Eusebius was thinking of Hirbet el-Biyar, about a kilometre northeast: of
ej-Jib, when he wrote the description of the site of Beeroth in the Onomas-
ticon. Since no important town ever lay at these insignificant ruins,
DaLMAN proposed the identification of Beeroth with Biddi, or Biddé, south- |
west of Gibeon and west of Nebi Samwil. Against this there are two
principal objections. The site is very unimpressive and without a natural
water-supply, such as the name ‘‘Beeroth’’ presupposes; nor are there
ancient remains. The name is ancient, going back, I would suggest, to a
Bé-~ddé, corrupted from *Bét-“Iddé (by dissimilation; bé is a well known
reduction of bét); the name ‘Zddé occurs several times in the O. T., and
the corrupt form with X once (Ezra 8,,). Accordingly, we must distinguish
it from a contemporary Beeroth.
Having passed briefly in review the different identifications advanced so
far, let us turn to the evidence—not so abundant as is the material for
Mizpah, but still very respectable. Beeroth is first mentioned Jos. 9,, as a
town of the Horite™* tetrapolis, the capital of which was Gibeon. The four
“The correction of ‘‘Hivite’’ to ‘‘Horite’’ is due originally to Epuarp MEYER,
Israeliten und thre Nachbarstimme, p. 331. JPOS II, 128 f., the writer opposed his
view, but he is now inclined strongly to favor it. There is practically no difference in
the appearance of the Hebrew words ‘\py and fy, so the interchange is very natural.
G offers ‘‘Horites’’ for the ‘‘Hivites’’ of M in two important passages, Gen. 34, and
Jos. 9;, the only two cases in which either people is associated with a definite Palestinian
habitat outside of Gen. 36, where the maternal ancestors of the Edomites appear both
as Hivites and as Horites. In the lists ‘‘Hivites’’ occurs consistently, but these lists
are all from the latest stratum of the Hexateuch, and have no independent value. In
view of the fact that a large number of the proper names from Palestine found in the
Amarna Tablets are specifically Hurrian (i. e., Mitannian, Mitanni being the name of
the principal Hurrian state), as the decipherment of the Boghaz-kéi texts has proved
conclusively, we can only conclude that G and Epuarp Meyer are right and that M is
wrong. The form Hori for Hurri is precisely like mor for murr — Assyr. murru
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 105
Horite towns are mentioned in the order: Gibeon, Chephirah, Beeroth,
Kirjath-jearim. Gibeon, of course, is ej-Jib; Chephirah is undoubtedly
Hirbet Kefireh, with identically the same name, and a strong position on a
hill-top two miles north of Qaryet el-‘Inab or Abii G68 (Kirjath-jearim).
This order cannot be taken seriously, since there is no possible site for
Beeroth anywhere between Abii G6S and Hirbet Kefireh. Since the others
follow in geographical order from northeast to southwest, it is clear that
Beeroth is out of place. What its true place in the list was must be deduced
from other passages. It is not fair to conclude, as some have, that because
Gibeon is mentioned as having taken the initiative in treating with Israel
it was regarded as the nearest. The whole purpose of the story is to explain
the existence of the Canaanite remnant in Gibeon; tradition associated the
four cities together. The same collocation, with the exception of Gibeon,
which is omitted, is found in Ezra 2,,, where the population of Kirjath-
jearim, Chephirah, and Beeroth is mentioned. Since the two following
verses name in order Ramah and Geba, Bethel and Ai, it would seem that
Beeroth must lie between Chephirah and Ramah. Turning now to Jos.
18,,_. for comparison of the list of Benjamite towns there, we find the order:
Gibeon, Ramah, Beeroth, Mizpeh, Chephirah. Since the direction indicated
by the first two names is toward the northeast, and that of the last two is
toward the west, one would instinctively look for the third town, Beeroth,
along the northern line, that is, at Qalandieh, Tell en-Nasbeh, or Beittinia.
Nor are we wrong, as will presently appear.
IT. Sam. 4,; says: For Beeroth also was reckoned to Benjamin; and the
Beerothites fled to Gittaim, and were sojourners there until this day. The
observation is a parenthesis to the mention of two of Saul’s officers, Baanah
and Rechab, the sons of Rimmon, ‘‘the Beerothite, of the children of Ben-
jamin.’’ From this passage it is clear that the Beerothites occupied Gittaim
in the time of David. Gittaim must have been in Benjamin, not far from
Beeroth, and probably nearer Kirjath-jearim and Chephirah, a supposition
which would help to explain why the inhabitants of Beeroth, that is, the
Beerothites, are named with those of these two towns. We further learn
that Beeroth was on the Benjamite border, and the remark FINS O33 'D
j>°33 ‘SY Swnmn shows that it was a Benjamite outpost or enclave in non-
(myrrh) and Amori for Amurri; short accented 0 becomes u in Hebrew, while the
doubling of the r is given up. In Gen. 36 we should read ‘‘Hivite’’ throughout for
‘¢Horite,’’ following v. 2. The Semitic names show that we have to do with a Semitic
people, which the Hivites evidently were. The etymology of the name is only obscure
because of an embarrassment of riches: among plausible sources are Heb. hawwah—
Hiwwim stands for *Hawwim—‘‘camp’’ = Ar. hayy (for *hawy) ‘‘tribe’’?; Hawwah,
‘Hive’? (as the ancestress or patron goddess); Aram hiwya= Ar. hayyah (for
*hawyat), ‘‘serpent’’ (many Semitic and Hamitic tribes trace their origin to a serpent
progenitor).
106 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
Benjamite territory. One might be in doubt as to whether Beeroth lay on
the northern or southern border, but the list in Joshua strongly favors
the former alternative, as do most of the other indications.
Where was Gittaim?!* A partial response is furnished by an important
geographical list Neh. 11,,.;, which is arranged in unusually systematic
order. First comes the list Geba, Michmash, Aija, Bethel, following. a
rigid order from south to north, along the road described in Appendix IV,
‘‘The Assyrian March on Jerusalem, Isa. 10, 3..’? Then come Anathoth,
Nob, Ananiah (Bethany; see Appendix VIII), with an equally exact order
from north to south. Next we move to the north of Jerusalem, with the
eroup Hazor, Ramah, Gittaim. Finally in vss. 34-5 we are carried to the
northwest, with Hadid, Zeboim, Neballat, Lod, and Ono, that is, Haditeh,
Beit Kifeh (?), Beit Nebalah,?> Ludd, and Kefr ‘Ana. The central group
4 Under no circumstances can Gittaim be identified with the Gittham (T.@éau) of the
Onomasticon, p. 72, 3, which Eusebius combines erroneously with Gath. This Gittham
lay on the road which led from Antipatris to Jamnia. For the modern equivalent
THOMSEN (Loca Sancta, s. v.) suggests Ramleh, but this is too far from the road in
question, and there is good reason to suppose that Ramleh was a new foundation. I
would provisionally suggest Hirbet Surafend as the site. The place, which was a large
village in the time of Eusebius, may be already mentioned in a letter of the Amarna
period, found at Gezer, and published by Macauistrr, Vol. I, pp. 29-31. On this frag-
ment we find the towns of Kiddim (for *Gittim; ef. Makida and Magidda, etc., for
Megiddo) and Joppa (Yappti) mentioned in close association. The text has been
erroneously termed ‘‘Neo-Babylonian,’’ but the ductus is characteristic Amarna style.
The forms as-sum mi-ni-im, i-na-di-in, ete., are emphatically not Late Babylonian, but
good Amarna. While this suggestion is doubtful, the combination of Gittaim with Hg.
Kntwt or Amarna Gamtéti (ef. WEBER in KNuUDTZON’s El-Amarna Tateln, p. 1345 f.)
is quite impossible.—For another town of a similar name, called an Gdn Te0Geu in the
Onomasticon (loc. cit.) ef. CLERMONT-GANNEAU, Archaeological Researches, Vol. II, p.
196, note, and ABEL, JPOS II, 179.
The name Neballat (933) can hardly be explained in any other way than as
haplology for a *Nebo-uballat, like Sin-uballat (Sanballat)—the vocalization Sin-uballit
is wrong. Arabic Nebdlah is morphological adaptation and popular etymology (nebdlah
is ‘‘skill, ability’’). It is likely that the name of Bir Nebalah goes back ultimately to
the same mysterious Nebo-uballat, presumably a powerful Assyrian governor of Samaria
at the beginning of the seventh century (cf. JBL XL, 111, n.17). For the naming of
Palestinian towns after powerful rulers cf. Gib‘at Sail, the Caesareas and Philadelphias
of the Graeco-Roman age, and the places called after ‘Amr ibn ez-Zahir in the eighteenth
century. The full form of the name was presumably *Bét-Nebd-uballat. Since the pre-
ceding was written, MoNnTGOMERY has offered the suggestion (JAOS XLIII, 50) that
o33 stands by BartH’s Law for 193). The stem yo is specifically Assyrian,
and BartH’s Law does not apply to Hebrew. The examples cited are hardly sufficient
to prove its existence here; WPA) is borrowed from an Assyr. *nabrastu for
*nabrartu (Hativy), while WS YIP does not come under the law at all. Since ma‘ yan
mé Neftoh is not Hebrew, while ma‘ yan Méneptdh is supported by documents, phonology
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 107
clearly follows the order from south to north, since Hazor (8M) has been
identified with Hirbet Hazztir, an extensive ruined village a mile east of
Nebi Samwil, and two and a half miles southwest of er-Ram. The only
possible identifications seem to be Qalandieh and Rafat, since Jedireh is the
Gederah mentioned I Chr. 12, in a list of Benjamite towns, along with
Gibeah, Beth Azmaveth, Anathoth, and Gibeon. Kefr ‘Aqab and Kefr Tas
are villages with a history extending back at least into the Aramaic period,
as shown by the names; neither of them can well be combined with Gittaim.
Rafat has an obscure name, which does not seem Arabic, though the combi-
nation with Yirpe’el (Jos. 18,,) is phonetically improbable. On the other
hand, Qalandieh (pronounced Qalandi) bears a name which may be a cor-
ruption of a *Qal‘at el-Hindi (cf. Qastineh for Qasr et-Tineh) °° and surely
is not ancient; a suggested combination with Latin calendae is nebulous.
The situation is good, and there are tombs and other ancient remains in
the immediate vicinity. If this identification is correct, Gittaim lay about
two miles northwest of Ramah and the same distance southeast of Beeroth =
Tell en-Nasbeh. It is interesting to note that in two lists Beeroth is eol-
located with Ramah, while in a third Gittaim is mentioned with Ramah, and
in a fourth passage Gittaim and Beeroth are associated. The three towns
were surely neighbors. The location suggested for Gittaim would also help
to explain II Sam. 4,;. If the men of Beeroth were forced out of Tell
en-Nasbeh by hostile tribesmen from the north, possibly in connection with
the civil war described in the last chapters of Judges, they would naturally
retire southward across the border, which according to Appendix VI ran
between Tell en-Nasbeh and Qalandieh, past ‘Attarah. At all events we
find that Gittaim was an important town in the tenth century, at the time
of Shishak’s raid, cir. 928 B. C., since this Pharaoh mentions Gittaim (No.
25: Q-d-t-m)*® after Gibeon (Q-b-‘-n) and Beth-horon (B-t-h-w-r-n), and
before Ajalon. Shishak’s geographical order is as inexact as that of his
predecessors.
As just pointed out, Beeroth was abandoned early in Israelite history,
but was later reoceupied, perhaps after the Exile, only to be deserted again
for Ataroth, just south of the springs at its foot, in Roman times, There
is nothing here which is inconsistent with biblical indications. While
and Hebrew idiom, Von CAticr’s explanation can hardly be wrong. MONTGOMERY’S
explanation of 55 is very plausible; in this case *naptal, like most names of
instruments in West Semitic, is an Akkadian loan-word.
1a A ruin west of Deir en-Nizim is called Qal‘at Hind, but this Hind is clearly the
daughter of en-Nu‘man, famous in Arab folklore.
1% The d-t indicates the doubling of the ¢, just as b-p sometimes stands for double b.
In Egyptian, as in English, consonantal doubling was lost, so the need of a method of
indicating foreign consonantal doubling was sometimes felt.
108 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
Beeroth seems to have lain north of the boundary between Ephraim and
Benjamin in the time of the United Kingdom, when II Sam. 4, was com-
posed, it is quite possible that Ataroth Archi is mentioned in the description
of the boundary because at the time when Joshua was composed Beeroth
was deserted. The two towns, Beeroth and Ataroth, were twins, as appears
from the fact that they are mentioned in Crusading records as the casale
Atarabereth (R6uricuHt, ZDPV 1887, 204; Dauman, PJB 1914, 17).
The fact that the name still existed in the period of the Crusades suggests
that the statement regarding the site of Beeroth in the Onomasticon is
probably based on accurate information. Now let us turn to the vexed
subject of its interpretation. According to Eusebius Bypo6 lay tro riv
TaBadv, kal gore viv Kwon wAnoiov Aidias KatidvTwy ext Nuxdmodw amd C onpetwv.
GuTHE’s explanation of the first phrase as ‘‘zu Gibeon gehoérig’’ (MNDPV
1912, 4) is very strange, and not only contradicts the usage of Husebius,
but also the very natural interpretation of Jerome—sub colle Gabaon.
Otherwise there is no difficulty about the passage, except for an uncertainty
in reading a vital word. Jerome offers us Neapolim instead of Nicopolim,
as we should expect after reading the current Greek text of the passage.
The quotation of our passage given by Procopius of Gaza (cf. Guthe, loc.
cit.) reproduces the textus receptus of Eusebius, but is no guarantee that
the form preserved in the Greek MSS of Eusebius is preferable. Fortu-
nately, we are not restricted to guesses, but have a textual indication of the
clearest in favor of Jerome’s reading. In the text of the Onomasticon, a
few lines above the account of Beeroth, s. v. ByOwpev, the road to Nicopolis
is mentioned; here it is in place, and since no such name occurs in the
following lines until we reach our passage, it is obvious that the current
Eusebian reading is dittographic, and that Jerome’s Neapolis is correct.
If now we turn from literary sources to topography, we will find our
result amply confirmed. On the Nicopolis road, which branched off from
the main north-bound road a little north of Tell el-Ffl, continuing to the
northwest between Hirbet ‘Addaseh (Adasa) and ej-Jib, on to Beth-horon,
there are no sites which fit Beeroth at all. The suggestions made by GuTHE
and THOMSEN (see above) are out of the question from every point of view.
DaLMAN’s idea that Eusebius thought erroneously of Hirbet el-Biyar,
because of the similarity in name, is quite gratuitous, since the name, ‘*‘ Ruin
of the cisterns,’’ is strictly modern. For the same reason Bir Nebalah is
not to be considered. DauMAN’s own identification, Biddd, is nowhere near
the Nicopolis road, is in the heart of Benjamin, instead of being on the
border, and has neither wells (see below) nor ancient remains. We are,
therefore, forced by topographical considerations as well as text-critical into
accepting Jerome’s reading ‘‘ Neapolis.”’
If we measure seven Roman miles along the road to Neapolis-Nablus we
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH 109
find ourselves just south of Tell en-Nasbeh, the only available Israelite and
Canaanite site in the vicinity; from Jerusalem to Tell en-Nasbeh is seven
Roman miles in a straight line, a little more by road. The Roman settle-
ment was partly at the foot of Tell en-Nasbeh and partly a little further
south, at Hirbet ‘Attarah, as observed above. It is very possible that the
modern town of el-Bireh has borrowed its name from the ancient Beeroth,
though it is too far north of the border to be seriously considered as being
on the site of the ancient town, and lacks the requisite ancient remains.
The distance between Tell en-Nasbeh and Bireh is only a mile and a half,
less than that between ancient and modern Jericho, to mention only one of
many familiar cases. However, there is a fine spring at Bireh, which sup-
plies both Bireh and Ramallah with water, from which the name may have
been independently derived.
There can be no doubt that Heb. be’erdt means ‘‘wells,’’ and that for-
mally Arab. Bireh may be derived from it. DauMAn has strangely denied
this (PJB VIII, 19), but his discussion can only be considered a case of
Homeric nodding. In the first place Heb. be’er (pronounced bér for bi’r;
the Masoretic pointing is an attempt to harmonize historical spelling with
actual pronunciation) never means ‘‘cistern,’’ as DALMAN states, thinking
of Arabic bir,” but always ‘‘well, shaft of a fountain, where ground-water
is tapped,’’ as anyone may satisfy himself by examining all the passages
where the word occurs. The regular Hebrew word for ‘‘cistern’’ is bér,
properly ‘‘pit.’’ Accordingly, the proper name Be’erét could only have
been applied to a place where there was an abundance of ground water,
such as Tell en-Nasbeh. In the second place, Bireh may perfectly well be
derived from Be’erét. Heb. Be’er(ah) appears in the Onomasticon, p. 54,
26, aS Bypa, the modern Hirbet el-Bireh. As for the reduction of the |
suffix, we have only to recall such examples as ‘Anatot-‘Andtah, Bét-
horon—Beit-‘ur, Gibsén—ej-Jib, Mod‘it-Mod‘in—Midieh, ‘ Abdén-‘ Abdeh,
Kesalon-Kesla, ‘Akkarén-‘Akir, ete. This small collection, which might
easily be extended almost indefinitely, is enough to show the futility of
such discussions as that by GurTuHE, op. cit., p. 4. DALMAN’s attempt to
derive Bireh from ‘aramiaisches bira ‘‘Burg’’ ’ is wholly superfluous; inci-
dentally it may be observed that the Aramaic word is birtd, birah being
naturally Hebrew.
As our result we have found a number of prerequisites which must be
satisfied before we can identify any site with Beeroth. As shown by the
47Jn modern Palestinian Arabic ‘‘well’’ is ‘ain or bayydrah, not bir, though rare
exceptions to this rule may doubtless be found. Semantic divergences of a similar type
between closely related languages are very common: e. g., Heb. 5dr is ‘‘ox’’ while Ar.
taur is ‘‘antelope’’; Ar. nir is ‘‘light,’’? but Aram. nira@ is ‘‘fire’’; Eg. Ar. bd)
means ‘‘peach,’’ but Syr. Ar. }d is ‘‘plum.’’
110 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
name, there must be ground water enough to permit the profitable sinking
of more than one well. Tell en-Nasbeh fills this requirement admirably,
since the southeastern slopes of the tell are soggy with the water which
oozes through the earth from a number of buried sources. This water is
available for irrigation purposes during the entire dry season, when Han
Abii Skandar always forms a beautiful oasis of green amid the brown deso-
lation of summer. In ancient times there were a number of reservoirs here
for the purpose of catching and storing the precious moisture.
Beeroth was a member of the Horite tetrapolis, and therefore ought to
exhibit a tell, like the other three towns, Gibeon, Kirjath-jearim, and
Chephirah. Gibeon, the capital of the confederacy, has the finest tell in-the
whole region, as to be expected. Chephirah also has a beautiful tell, though
small, evidently representing the acropolis alone. The site of ancient
Kirjath-baal, or Kirjath-anab, the Kirjath-jearim of Judah, is represented
by the hill of Deir el-Azhar, covered with masses of stones and débris, four
metres deep on the summit, and strewn with Israelite pot-sherds; Deir
e8-Seih, with which Laurrs wishes to identify the ancient town, is a poor
site, and all the sherds are Byzantine and Arabic.8 From the west Deir |
el-Azhar still exhibits the characteristic shallow truncated form of a tell,
but the extensive building operations of the Catholic fathers have materially
altered the appearance of the hill as seen from other sides. If we place
Beeroth at Tell en-Nasbeh we have a tell which, though much inferior to the
beautiful tell at Gibeon, is superior to Deir el-Azhar both in shape and
size, and superior to Hirbet Kefireh in size, though inferior in shape. It
may be added that the Canaanite wall of Beeroth seems to be preserved in
sections of the modern terrace walls, which accounts for the perfect tell
form of Tell en-Nasbeh. Deir el-Azhar almost certainly has a greater depth .
of débris, but owing to the decay of the Canaanite fortifications the ruins
are rather shapeless, which is likely to give a false impression at first. All
four sites share pottery types, though Gibeon has more Canaanite sherds
and Kirjath-jearim more Israelite. All four sites, again, agree as to their
general situation on prominent, naturally defensible hills just above large
springs.
A new argument for the identification of Tell en-Nasbeh with Mizpah
was advanced by PuHytTHIAN-ADAMs, in a paper read before the Palestine
Oriental Society Dec. 7, 1922. Here he suggested that the bér into which
Ishmael threw the bodies of his victims (Jer. 41,), and which, according to
the text, had been made by Asa ‘“‘because of Baasha king of Israel’’ was
a dry moat dug across the neck of the hill at the northern end of Tell
** The question of the site of Kirjath-jearim is now treated by Mr. Francis T. Cooke
in this Annual.
APPENDIX I.—MIZPAH AND BEEROTH late
en-Nasbeh. Now the possibility that a dry moat, like that one found by
ScHUMACHER in Megiddo, existed here cannot be denied, but bér means
‘‘nit, cistern,’? not ‘‘moat,’’ which is aris in the Zakir inscription and
harisu in Assyrian. Since the language of Zakir is practically Hebrew, we
may be confident that the word haris was also used in biblical Hebrew in
this sense. The bér was a large cistern dug in order to ensure a supply of
water in case of a prolonged siege. Such a cistern would be an ideal place
in which to conceal bodies, but a dry moat, outside the walls of a city, would
be the worst possible place for the purpose.
Tell en-Nasbeh is a promising site for excavation, especially since there is
no modern village there to interfere with operations, pace the P. EH. F. map.
One may suspect with reason that excavations here would bring to light a
subterranean tunnel leading up from a hidden source, as at Gibeon and
other Canaanite towns.
APPENDIX JI—RAMAH OF SAMUEL
Where was the home of Samuel? This question may sound easy, but
few problems of biblical topography have received so many different solu-
tions. This divergence of views, moreover, may be traced back to the
church fathers, who give us already two widely different localizations. If
we turn to modern students, the theories vary so much that they present a
perfect chaos. Some place Samuel’s home in southwestern Ephraim, some
in central, and some in southern; several sites in Benjamin compete for
the honor, and even Judah attracts other topographers. In this study the
writer will defend a theory which is not altogether new, and has, at least,
the merit of being a via media, since Ramallah is almost in the center of
the possible sites suggested by previous scholars.
Before proceeding to the analysis of the biblical material, let us pass
briefly in review some of the principal theories advanced hitherto. First
there is the classical theory of Eusebius (Onom. 32, 21-8; 144, 27-9)1 who
found Ramah of Samuel (Armathem) and Arimathea both in the town of
Remphthis (Remphis is corrupt, as Jerome’s version shows) near Diospolis,
which is admitted now by all to be Rentis, a village in a favorable location
on the edge of the Plain of Sharon, nine miles northeast of Ludd. Jerome
was disturbed by Eusebius’s listing the place twice, once as Armathem and
a second time as Ruma, so he inserted under Ruma the remark a plerisque
(Arimathaea) nunc dicitur. Bunt was certainly wrong in supposing that
Jerome had Beit Rimeh also in mind; Beit Rimeh is mentioned in the
Talmud under the same name, which is thus, as one might assume from its
having no Arabic significance, an ancient place-name, not to be considered
in connection with Ramathaim or Arimathea. Jerome was probably think- .
ing of the then new identification of Ramathaim with Nebi Samwil (see
above on Mizpah). Eusebius’s theory is now held by many scholars,
notably Dauman, PJB IX, 37-8.
The great distance from Rentis to Shiloh and Gibeah, respectively over
sixteen and twenty miles in a straight line, is such an obstacle to the correct-
‘1 Onomasticon (ed. KLOSTERMANN), 32, 21-3: ’Apuadeu Deda. mdds’Edkavad cal Dapounr.
xeirar dé arn wAnolov Avorrddews, bev Fv Iwo, 6 év EvayyeNlous dd’ Apiuabias, Jerome.adds
that it was in regione Thamnitica, a statement which applies, from the geographical
point of view alone, quite as well to Rentis as to Beit Rimeh. The second passage,
Onom., 144, 27-9, reads: ‘Pouud. 7 Kal’ Apiud. @vOa éxdbicev’ ABiuuédXex ev Kpirais. viv airy
Peudls (J: Remfthis) Néyerar kal ru év dplois Atcoorddews, ris éorly (J: a plerisque dicitur)
Apimabata,
APPENDIX II.—RAMAH OF SAMUEL ila is
ness of Eusebius’s view, that to many, as to the writer, it has appeared quite
untenable. Moreover, as will be seen below in our discussion of the topo-
graphical details of Saul’s journey in search of his father’s asses, it cannot
be squared with our other data.
At Rentis itself there is no trace of Christian or Moslem shrines of Samuel,
nor is there any tradition, unless a new one has grown up under the influence
of DauMaANn’s school, which connects Samuel with the site. Eusebius’s
idea is proved by his own material to be based purely upon the similarity
in name; Remphthis does indeed represent a Raméth in all probability (cf.
Ramoth-Gilead = Remteh). In the first passage (see above), Eusebius
identifies Remphthis with Ruma and Arima of Judges, as well as with
Arimathaea, but does not mention Ramathaim; in the second passage he
locates the latter, which he identifies with Arimathaea, in the same district
of Diospolis, but without alluding to Ruma and Arima. The whole tenor
of the passages shows that he had no basis for his combinations except
similarity of name.
Most striking of all, however, is the fact that Eusebius’ suggestion was
totally disregarded by his contemporaries. In the fifth and sixth centuries
we find that Nebi Samwil, the ancient Mizpah, has been chosen by all as the
site of Ramathaim, presumably also as that of Arimathaea. This is attested
by Procopius, Theodosius (ch. 6), the Map of Madeba, and the archaeological
material on the site, as has been described fully in Appendix I. Though
adopted by the Crusaders, the Nebi Samwil theory has not found favor in
recent times, perhaps partly because the site is a noted Muslim holy place.
The only modern scholar to defend it seriously is GuERIN, who has devoted
a long study (Judée, I, 362-4) to the subject, without, however, attempting
a systematic analysis of the biblical data.
Protestant scholars, not considering. the medieval testimony as of any
value, and seeing the improbability of Eusebius’s theory, were at first
strongly swayed by the location of the Tomb of Rachel near Bethlehem.
The combined biblical, Jewish and patristic tradition seemed to them to
establish the authenticity of the Tomb of Rachel near Bethlehem. Accord-
ingly, they attempted to work out a route for Saul which would take him
back to Gibeah by way of Bethlehem, an effort which inevitably led to fanci-
ful localizations of Ramathaim to the south and west of Bethlehem. Thus
Rosinson, Biblical Researches, Vol. I, p. 8, proposed Soba, which was long
considered a serious possibility, because of Ropinson’s great authority.
RoBINSON’s suggestion was based on a fancied resemblance of the modern
names to (Ramataim) has-Sofim and (eres) Suf. With the development of
philological method, however, it was recognized that Sdbdé cannot be identical
with Sofim or Stuf; besides, the name is not Arabic, but is ancient, and
almost certainly identical with the Swpys or EwBys of the famous passage of
114 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
the Septuagint, Jos. 15,5. which has been lost in the Hebrew text.? Of the
other western theories, those supporting Ramleh and Réntiyeh, both out on
the plain, and not in Mount Ephraim at all, on any interpretation, owe their
existence only to assonance of name and Eusebius’s statement that
Remphthis lay near Diospolis (Ludd).
The southern theories are still stranger. VAN DE VELDE (Syria and
Palestine, Vol. II, pp. 48-53) wished to identify Ramathaim with Hdéram
Ramet el-Halil, two miles north of Hebron, east of the road! This pioneer
fancy would not deserve attention, were it not for the fact that it tends to
appear again suddenly in popular books, whose authors have no conception
of topographic methods, but know that the true site is a bone of contention,
with the most diversified suggestions. The massive ruins are, of course,
Roman, and the name, which is found all over Palestine, has reference, we
may suppose, to some very ancient shrine on a neighboring hill; the haram
itself is on the hill-side. More serious was Scuick’s idea, following sugges-
tions thrown out by Bircu and others, that Ramathaim lay just southwest of
Bethlehem (PEF 1898, 7-20). This localization was naturally due to the
Tomb of Rachel, but the sites proposed by Scuick and others are quite desti-.
tute of ruins from the biblical period and highly improbable in themselves as
the sites of ancient villages. The name er-Rdm, which some travelers have
thought they could localize near Bethlehem, is quite unknown to any native,
and is obviously not genuine. Though the whole southern hypothesis was
vigorously and convincingly refuted by Gautier (PEF 1898, 135-7), and
has not appeared before the forum of scholarship for many years, it is not
quite extinct in more remote circles, and may yet emerge to vex our souls.
These hypotheses are nearly all philologically defective, aside from the
topographical difficulties involved. Finally, there. is a suggestion which
has not received much attention, though we owe it to the genius of Ewa tp,
that Ramathaim is modern Ramallah (Geschichte des Volkes Israel, Vol. II,
p. 550). This is the writer’s view, and the following pages will be devoted
to a defense of it.
It must first be noted that there is no a priori objection to the identifica-
tion of Ramallah with Ramathaim. The names are practically the same.
The name Ram-allah, ‘‘Ram of God,’’ is always felt by the natives to con-
tain the name of God, and it is thus very probable that it has been added
by the Christian population to distinguish their Ram from the neighboring
* This identification is more likely than that with modern Saris, though one reading
of G (A) resembles the latter so closely that the identification is often made (e. g.
BuuHL, Geographie, p. 167). But an almost fatal objection is that Saris is northwest of
a line joining Kirjath-jearim and Chesalon, and hence within the territory assigned to
the tribe of Dan. Moreover, while there are few ancient remains at Saris, there are a
great many at Sdéba.
APPENDIX IIl.—RAMAH OF SAMUEL 115
Muslim Ram, ancient Ramah. In view of the constant sloughing off of final
syllables and endings which we observe in the transmission of Palestinian
place-names, there is no philological difficulty involved, especially since the
form Rdmdéh is found along with Ramathdim in the Bible. It may be
regarded as certain that the name Rdm-(allah) is ancient, since Ramallah
is one of the highest points in the whole central part of Palestine, with a
splendid view, and the name Raémdéh would fit it admirably. Nor is there
any conflicting identification; Grorce ADAM SmiTH’s combination with the
**hill of God’’ will be shown in the discussion below to be untenable.
It is hardly conceivable that Ramallah was not occupied in ancient times.
Few sites in central Palestine are so girdled with springs, springs on all
sides, north, west, south, and east. The soil, moreover, is good, and the
vineyards of Ramallah are the best in all Palestine, with the exception of
Hebron. With such natural advantages, the site must have been occupied,
and rock-hewn Jewish tombs attest the fact that it was. We will therefore
turn, without initial prejudice against the identification, to consider the
evidence to be drawn from the Bible. There are many references to Ramah,
Samuel’s home, but few of them are of much use, except to indicate that it
was not far from Gibeah, and not too near. Our principal source is the
description of Saul’s visit to Samuel while in search of his father’s asses,
I Sam. 9-10.
We learn in I Sam. 9 that Saul set out from Gibeah in search of his
father’s asses, taking with him a servant. The distance traversed cannot
have been great, for asses are not accustomed to go fast or far from home
when they stray. Moreover, 9,, tells us that they were lost only three
days before Saul reached Samuel. Since a search demands careful inspec-
tion of each village, as well as the adjacent wadis, and frequent conversation
with passers-by, it is obvious that no great distance in a straight line could
be covered in a day, least of all in central Palestine. The route would begin
on one side, work around systematically until the whole encircling district
had been combed for signs of the missing animals, and would finally con-
verge on the starting-point. This is the only rational method of procedure
in such a ease. It naturally makes little or no difference whether the
account is actually historical, or only romantic—the narrator knew what he
was talking about, and knew that his audience would detect him at once in
lack of acquaintance with the realities of everyday life, though ready to
swallow any improbability, if enveloped with a supernatural halo and well
told.
‘And he passed through mount Ephraim, and passed through the land
of Shalisha, but they found them not: then they passed through the land
of Shalim, and there they were not: and he passed through the land of the
Benjamites, but they found them not. And when they were come to the
116 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
9?
land of Zuph Since Saul’s starting point was his father’s home in ~
Gibeah, there is evidently something wrong with this account; Gibeah was
in the very center of Benjamin, so before reaching Mount Ephraim Saul
must have traversed Benjamite soil. In other words, our text must have
suffered a dislocation of its original order. If we transpose ‘‘Mount
Ephraim”’ and “‘land of the Benjamites’’ we at once obtain sense, without
any violence, since scribal confusion in copying a list containing two such
closely related geographical terms as ‘‘Ephraim’’ and ‘‘ Benjamin’’ is most
natural; most transpositions of words are caused by association of ideas.
We now learn that Saul traversed Benjamin, after which he passed through
Shalisha and Shalim, coming then to Mount Ephraim, and finally emerging
in the land of Zuph, where in Ramathaim of the Zuphites the seer Samuel
lived. In which direction would asses be most likely to stray from Tell
el-Ful? Without presuming to follow their exact path, separated from us
by three millenniums, I wish to point out that the fellah always goes down
the wadi to look for animals—in this case toward the Ghér. Shalisha ought
therefore to be located a short distance—not over ten miles—from Gibeah,
toward the east. It is clearly to be connected with the Baal-shalisha of
II Kings 4,,, a man of which brought a load of the first-fruits to Elisha at
Gilgal, near Jericho.* Baal-shalisha cannot have been far from Gilgal, for
the barley bread and ears were doubtless brought in fulfilment of a vow
to Yahweh at the nearest shrine, just as the fellah might vow his first-fruits
to Nebi Salih or another welt of the vicinity. The identity of Shalisha and
Baal-shalisha is practically certain; for the interchange of names with
Ba‘al and without it ef. CookE’s paper on the site of Kirjath-jearim (also
Appendix VIII). Since there is no place for a Baal-shalisha in the eastern
desert of Benjamin and Ephraim, where neither modern villages nor ancient
ruins are to be found, we must go on down into Manasseh (ef. Appendix
VI), where in the fertile valley of the ‘Auja there is a well-watered region,
with several mounds and hirbehs, which would become a perfect paradise
if properly irrigated, as in the days when Archelais flourished. After a
survey of the plain of Jericho, still in Benjamite territory, the most natural
* Many scholars, swayed by their identification of Shalisha with Kefr Tilt, identify
the Gilgal of our passage with Jiljtlieh, the Galgoulis of Eusebius, who correctly identi-
fies it with Gilgal of the ‘‘ Nations’’ (see my paper in Bulletin of the American Schools,
No. 11). Others still identify it with Jiljilieh, an ancient Gilgal southwest of Sinjil.
The writer is completely in accord with DALMAN’s theory of Gilgal; the views of SELLIN,
KENT and others, who place Gilgal at Shechem, or at Jiljilieh, are devoid of solid basis,
either documentary or archaeological. The first-mentioned view is incredible: the center
of an invading clan of Mediterranean barbarians was not likely to have been chosen by
the Israelites as a cult-center. The whole problem of Gilgal has been badly confused
by recent writers; we need not discuss it at length here, since we hope to take it up
again in the near future.
APPENDIX IJ.—RAMAH OF SAMUEL 117
course for Saul would be to go on north into the ‘Auja Valley, a glorious
place for runaway donkeys to browse in. This region I would identify with
the land of Shalisha. The usual identification, with Kefr Tilt,* now a ruin
in the region north of Deir Gassaneh, and southwest of Samaria, some
twenty-five miles in a straight line from Gibeah, is rejected by men of the
best critical acumen, like Driver (Samuel?, p. 70). In view of the reason-
able and natural development of our story, it seems hardly fair to introduce
into it exploits which would be worthy of the Gilgames Epic, a realm in
which not men but demigods are the heroes. One who has walked for
weeks at a time over the hills and through the winding valleys of Palestine,
as the writer has, will recognize the monstrous exploit credited to a man
who was stopping everywhere to get news of his father’s asses.
Turning away from the Jordan Valley, where there was nothing beyond
the ‘Auja to attract an ass, Saul came to Shalim, that is Sa‘alim, or better
Sai‘alim, probably meaning ‘‘Land of Foxes.’’ Disregarding ScuicK’s
comparison with the district of the Beni Salim, a prominent Arab (now
fellah) tribe (!), we may note that the usual identification with Sa‘labbim
(‘‘Foxes’’—Arab. ta‘lab, Assyr. Sélibu), a town between Beth-shemesh and
Ajalon, makes the improbability of the narrative, already serious in the
ordinary interpretation, quite intolerable. A far more reasonable identifi-
cation, from every point of view, is, however, at hand. I Sam. 13,, (see
above on the site of Gibeah) says that a detachment of Philistines was sent
from the camp at Michmas to forage in the direction of Ophrah and
the land of Shual (Opry , ‘‘Fox’’). Ophrah is identified by all with
et-Taiyibeh, formerly called ‘Afreh, as again demonstrated in Appendix
ITI, so the land of Shual must be situated in the immediate neighborhood,
preferably to the north, in the district of Rammiin (Rimmon) and Kefr
Malik. There can be no doubt that the names *Si‘alim and Séi‘al are
identical, since the endings on ancient Palestinian place-names count little
or not at all. Now, if Saul ascended the ‘Auja Valley from Baal-shalisha,
as would be natural, he would emerge at Kefr Malik, precisely in the region
of the land of Shual. The next thing for him to do would be to scour the
country to the south and west of Kefr Malik and Tell ‘Ast, which is
precisely the district called originally Mount Ephraim (see Appendix III,
toward the end).
From Mount Ephraim two alternatives were open to Saul. Hither he
might turn southward into Benjamin or he might push on west of Mount
4Place-names beginning with Kefr are practically always of Aramaean origin, and
certainly never of Hebrew (cf. Appendix VI). I know of only one case where the
name introduced by Kefr seems to be older. Moreover, while Tilt for SaliSah might be
a consonantal back-formation, by no means unparalleled, the two names have different
vocalice structure, a fact much more difficult to harmonize.
118 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
Ephraim proper, beyond Bethel and Gophna. If he chose the former, he —
would have to declare himself beaten; if the latter, he would be entirely
at a loss, since the asses had not been found in the Ghér, where they might
normally be expected to be. So he selected the former, but his servant
reminded him that there was a famous seer in the town to which they were
coming now, and urged him to apply to the seer for assistance. Where
was this town? The tenor of the narrative indicates that it was not much
farther west of Mount Ephraim proper than a line drawn from Gibeah
due north. Move exact data are forthcoming from an analysis of the return
journey, after Saul had been anointed king by Samuel.
Samuel tells Saul: When thou art departed from me today (D1)
then thou shalt find two men by Rachel’s sepulchre in the border of Ben-
jamin at Zelzah (Selsah, MYD¥).2 . . . Then shalt thou change thy
course from thence, and shalt come to the Oak of Tabor, and there shall
meet thee three men going up to God at Bethel: and they will salute thee,
and give thee bread, which thou shalt receive of their hands. After that
thou shalt come to the Hill of God (AINA AY3I) where is the ‘‘garrison”’
of the Philistines. Here he was to meet a band of prophets coming down
from the high place (bamdh), and was to join them in their ecstatic worship.
It is clear, in the first place, from the explicit statement ‘‘today’’ that
Rachel’s tomb on the border of Benjamin was not more than a very short
way from Ramathaim. Where was the tomb of Rachel? In view of the
late Jewish tradition and the gloss to Gen. 35,,, ;, in an Elohistie passage,®
* Cf. Driver, Samuel? ad loc. Selsah need not be corrupt, since it is a morphologically
normal quadrilateral. It does not occur elsewhere, and the attempts to identify it with
Zelah (Sela‘) where Saul was buried, cannot be taken seriously. The latter, by the
way, is an abbreviation of Sela‘ ha-Elef (literally ‘‘ox rib’’), the name of a Benjamite
town mentioned Jos. 18.; with Gibeah and Jerusalem (= Hirbet Ras et-Tawil?).
° The consensus of opinion among commentators has justly regarded the biblical theory
placing the tomb of Rachel near Bethlehem as late and erroneous. It would indeed be
extraordinary if the tomb of Rachel were really localized in the early Israelite period in
the territory of Judah, thus placing the birth-place of Benjamin five miles south of the
Benjamite border. The whole question is thoroughly discussed by LInDER, SG 78-87,
who stands, however, entirely on the old ground, and is unable to suggest any new points
of view. Excellent is his detailed refutation of the view of CLERMONT-GANNEAU, devel-
oped by MaAcaLisTer (PEF 1912, 74-82), that Ephrathis identical with Parah-Hirbet
Farah, and that the Israelites localized the tomb of Rachel at the Qbir Beni Isra’in,
in the valley north of Hizmeh. A priori, it is hardly credible that these long, bench-
like structures of the Late Neolithic period should have been regarded by the Israelites,
who considered all such remains as the work of the Rephaim (cf. Karer, Refaim), as
the tomb of Rachel.
I would suggest the following solution of the problem. The original (?) tomb of
Rachel was situated near Ephraim (gentilie Ephrathi) or Ephrath (with same gentilic;
the gentilic is often the tertiwm comparationis in the case of variant place-names, e. g.,
in names ending indifferently with 6 or 6n, gentilic 6ni—ef. Annual, II-III, p. 6, n. 6)
APPENDIX II].—RAMAH OF SAMUEL 119
one would look for it a little north of Bethlehem, about where it is now
placed. Fortunately, however, Jer. 31,, proves clearly that the tomb of
Rachel was also localized at Ramah, or in its immediate vicinity :
Thus saith Yahweh,
A voice has been heard in Ramah— _ Sighs and bitter weeping— :
Rachel weeping for her children, Refusing comfort—they are dead.
As will be shown in Appendix VI, the boundary of Benjamin ran about
two miles north of er-Ram, from Burgah to Hirbet ‘Attarah. The tomb of
Rachel probably, therefore, lay not far from Ataroth, by the road leading
southward to Ramah.” Since Saul was bound homeward to Gibeah when
he met the two.men at the tomb of Rachel (in accordance with the prin-
ciple of vaticinium ex eventu) Ramathaim must have been situated north or
northwest of Ramah, at no great distance, and may easily be identified with
Ramallah, five miles by road northwest of er-Ram.
But if Saul was en route to Gibeah from Ramallah, and turned at Rachel’s
tomb to go up to Bethel, we should expect some indication of the change
of direction in the text. Nor are we wrong. The A. V. renders, ‘‘Then
shalt thou go on forward from thence.’? However, MNO) OWD NAN)
ean only be translated in this way by assuming that gon has here a
meaning ‘‘go on, of a man,’’ which is found nowhere else. The primary
meaning of the stem is ‘‘change, pass,’’ employed poetically of wind, of
-tempests, and of time (cf. Driver, Samuel,? ad loc.). EXHRLICH wishes to
emend 45h to arial but this is hardly in accord with the principle of
difficilior lectio. If we keep the word, pointing it perhaps as pi‘el, with
the rendering, Thou shalt change (thy course) from there and beyond, no
emendation is necessary, and we obtain an important substantiation of our
interpretation of the topography.
in the Wadi Samieh (Appendix III, end). As shown by the shrine and necropolis of
Samieh, this valley was an ancient religious center of the district (later tribe) of Ephraim.
When the Benjamites separated from Ephraim, and formed themselves into a separate
group in the south (Ben-yamin = ‘‘Southerner’’) they soon found an appropriate site
near Ramah, in the heart of their territory, for the tomb of their ancestress or patron
goddess (in the days of heathenism). Finally, probably still later, a colony of Eph-
rathites (i. e., Ephraimites) formed an enclave in northern Judah, in the district of Beth-
lehem, whose inhabitants were called Ephrathites for centuries thereafter. This settle-
ment would explain the tradition preserved in I Chron. 2,, that Ephrath was Caleb’s
second wife. It is only natural that these Ephrathites also built a shrine to Rachel,
which became regarded in the course of time as her tomb (just as in the case of the
tomb of Joseph near Shechem).
TA thorough archaeological examination of the neighborhood would probably give us
a clue to the exact location of the tomb of Rachel here. This will be, I hope, a task
performed by the American School.
120 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FOL)
From Rachel’s tomb Saul went on toward Bethel, and soon came to the
Oak of Tabor.* The mere fact that trees and tombs take.the place of towns”
in Saul’s itinerary shows that the distance covered was very small. Since
this oak was between Ramah and Bethel, one thinks immediately of another
tree, also between Ramah and Bethel, and also in Mount Ephraim, north
of the Benjamite border—the mysterious tomer Deborah of Jud. 4;. As
has been seen (see especially JPOS I, 61, n. 3) the localization of the home
of Deborah south of Bethel is due to the fact that the tomb of a Deborah,
identified by tradition with the nurse of Rebekah, was shown south of
(‘‘below’’) Bethel (Gen. 35,). The latter was shaded by an oak, the
all6n bakit, or ‘‘Oak of Weeping.’’ Now témer does not mean ‘‘tree’’ at
all, and least of all ‘‘palm-tree’’ (tamdr), because there are, of course, no
palms around Bethel, three thousand feet above sea-level. Elsewhere in
the Old Testament tomer means ‘‘post, scare-crow, herm,’’ or the like,® so
here it is evidently either a special word for ‘‘sacred post, aserah,’’ or a
euphemistic equivalent of asSerah. After the sacred tree, par excellence,
the oak, had died, as all oaks do in the course of generations and centuries,
a sacred post, properly the trunk of the tree, replaced it, a development.
which was very usual in the ancient Orient. We need therefore have no
hesitation in identifying the shrine of Deborah under the allon bakut with
the oracle of Deborah under the tomer Deborah. The variation of G indi-
cates that M is corrupt in its reading WIN NON: which may safely be
emended to N37 NON, ‘‘Oak of Deborah,’’ especially since ‘‘Tabor’’ is
the name of a mountain, not of a tree.’°
*The problem is hopelessly complicated by the attempt of DALMAN and LiInDER (SG
32-4) to combine the Oak of Tabor, the témer of Deborah, and Baal-tamar (Hirbet
el-‘Adaseh; see above, on Gibeah). DALMAN places the product of this combination at
Hirbet Erziyeh, while LINDER prefers Hara’ib er-Ram. Both locations are too far south.
Moreover (see next note) tomer has nothing to do with tamdar, ‘‘palm.’’
* Jeremiah (10;) compares a wooden idol to a témer migsah, a tomer of a cucumber
field, which cannot speak, which must be carried, for it cannot walk. The tdémer is
here evidently a scarecrow, but hardly one of our type, rather a wooden pole shaped
roughly like a human figure, more like a Greek herm. As shown by the cognates, the
word means properly ‘‘sign-post’’; cf. Arab. tu’mir, ‘‘sign-post of heaped-up stones,
stone pillar’’; dmarah, amdarah, ‘‘heap of stone, stone pillar, sign’’; Heb. timdrah,
‘‘pillar, column.’’ All these words are derived from the stem ’mr, represented by
Assyr. amdru, ‘‘see,’’? Eth. amméra, ‘‘show, indicate, explain,’’ Heb. amér in the
secondary meaning ‘‘speak.’’ For the loss of the XX, ef. such forms as aia Assyr.
tabalu, ‘‘dry land,’’ from ’bl, ‘‘be dry.’’
The name Tabér is probably of non-Semitic origin, since the various Semitic
etymologies proposed are nonsense; tabdr could not mean ‘‘place of cisterns’’ on any
morphological theory. Mount Tibar, of unknown location, where Naram-Sin set up a
triumphal stele, has the same form; cf. lisa@n and laSén. While the places may be dis-
tinct, the names are identical, and suggest that tibar may have meant ‘‘mountain’’ in
some unknown Caucasian or other language.
APPENDIX IJ.—RAMAH OF SAMUEL 121
When Saul had been joined by the other three men, also bound for Bethel,
he came soon to the Hill of God, where there was a Philistine garrison.
Here there were some who knew him of old; his uncle was among them,
and asked him where he had been. The theory often held that the ‘‘ Hill
of God’’ was Gibeah of Saul, now defended at length by LinpEr (SG 89-
96), is quite untenable, since it is flatly contradicted by the tenor of the
narrative. A priori it is unthinkable that a town with the evil reputation
of Gibeah should have become a famous shrine, entitled ‘‘Gibeah of God.’’
On the contrary this designation is evidently a kenning, designed to dis-
tinguish a certain hill, where there was a popular shrine, from the neigh-
boring Gibeah. A somewhat similar process has taken place with er-Ram
and Ram-allah, as pointed out above. Grorae ADAM SMITH’s attempt to
identify ‘‘Gibeah of God’’ with Ramallah is, however, quite out of the
question, as justly maintained by LinpEr (SG 48 f.).
With their approach to the Hill of God the narrative goes on: And they
came thither to the hill, and, behold, a band of prophets met him; and the
spirit of God took possession of him, and he became as a prophet in their
midst. And when all those that had known him in the past looked—and
behold, he had become a prophet among the prophets,—they said, each to
the other, ‘‘ What has happened to the son of Kish; is Saul also among the
prophets?’’ And one of them (read ON for DW with G) said in reply,
‘‘But who is their father?’’—therefore it became a proverb, Is Saul also
among the prophets? And he ceased being a prophet and came to the
high-place. And Saul’s uncle said to him, ‘‘ Whither didst thou go?’’ And
he said, “‘To seek my father’s asses . .’’ WELLUHAUSEN has suggested that
we should read in 10,, TD NI) instead of M M37 NI"), ‘‘and he
came to the high-place.’’ G, however, supports M here with its reading
Bovves, though BuppE, whom Linper follows, prefers to translate Bovvos
into Hebrew as YJ, its more usual equivalent (SG 92 f.). With so
drastic a change, however, the corruption of M would become inexplicable.
M seems to me much better than the suggested emendations; after leaving
the prophets it would be only natural for Saul to go on to the shrine of
Yahweh with the men who came to pay a vow, his companions.
I Sam. 10, Samuel tells Saul that in the course of this eventful day’s
journey he will come to the Hill of God, where the Philistine prefect (nasib ;
read singular) is located. Since the latter observation serves only to local-
ize the ‘‘ Hill of God’’ more accurately, this place cannot be identified with
Saul’s home, which would not require any such an identifying parenthesis.
Moreover, the Philistine prefect would not be stationed at an insignificant
village, such as Gibeah of Saul then was. He would in all probability be
placed at one of the Israelite religious and ‘‘civic’” centers, such as Shiloh,
Mizpah, and Bethel. In view of the fact that Saul was bound fer Bethel
(see above), we can only identify this Hill of God with the Burj Beitin,
122 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
a few minutes east of Bethel, on a commanding elevation, where tradition
placed the encampment of Abraham. Here, in all probability, was the
bamah, and here also was the Philistine prefect with his garrison, stationed
where he could control the visitors to the holy place, doubtless exacting tithes
and contributions at his pleasure.
LINDER’s elaborate discussion (loc. cit.) completely misses the point, in
his anxiety to prove the identity of the ‘‘Gibeah of God’’ with Tell el-Fal.
His theory does not explain any of the preceding considerations, nor does
it explain how the men who set out for Bethel could come, as stated in 10,,,
to the Hill of God. To find acquaintances of Saul at Bethel, apparently
on a feast day, to judge from the procession of devotees (prophets), is
nothing remarkable, since Gibeah was only seven miles away in a straight
line, and Saul was known in the whole region as a mighty man of valor.
The whole tone of the narrative, the way in which his uncle addresses him,
as if in total ignorance of his journey, the length of which had so worried
his father, show that the narrator was thinking of a meeting outside of
Gibeah—unless, of course, we manufacture contradictions in order to dis-
tinguish separate sources, which will then enable us to apply ‘‘eritical’’
methods to our topographic researches!
The foregoing discussion has shown that a Ramathaim at Ramallah fits
in admirably with the account of Saul’s journey in search of his father’s
asses. The arguments sometimes drawn from I Sam. 9,,, 5;, which indicate
that Ramathaim was situated on a hill-side, with a high-place on the hill-top
above, fit Ramallah as well as they do any other Palestinian ‘site on a hill.
While there is little other cogent evidence, we may derive some hints from
other references. Hannah, Samuel’s mother, was able to take her small
child and some gifts for the high priest, and go alone to Shiloh without
apparent difficulty. Such a journey could not be made in a day from
Rentis, as it could easily from Ramallah, distant from Shiloh only about
twelve miles in a straight line. The fact again that Samuel appears to
have been little disturbed in his ‘‘judgeship’’ by the Philistines, who con-
trolled the country after a fashion, implies that his home was not at Rentis,
on the edge of the plain, in the direct sphere of Philistine power. More-
over, the many references to Ramah of Samuel during the latter part of
Saul’s career indicate that Ramathaim was a town easily accessible from
Gibeah, but not in its most immediate vicinity, just as is the case with
Ramallah and Tell el-Fil, which are separated by several villages. We
may therefore accept the identification of Ramathaim with Ramallah,
secure in our exegesis of Saul’s itinerary, and untroubled by contradiction
from the archaeological and philological side. If Ramallah and Ramathaim
are not identical we have two extremely difficult problems to solve: where
was Ramathaim, and what was the ancient name of Ramallah?
APPENDIX IJ.—RAMAH OF SAMUEL 123
If Ramallah is Ramathain, it is also probably Arimathaea, which is then,
as we should expect from the form of the names, quite distinct from
Remphthis-Rentis. The form of the name presents no difficulty ; Arimathaia
stands for *Armathai<*Rmatham, an Aramaizing form of Hebrew
Ramatham. For further discussion of the bearings of this identification
we may refer to Appendix III.
Of all the identifications defended in this work, probably none will meet
with quite such a cool reception at the outset as the preceding one. Yet,
as has been made sufficiently clear, I trust, the supporters of Rentis have
an exceedingly weak case. We may venture, at least, to express the hope
that Ewald’s theory will never again be treated as antiquated or fanciful.
APPENDIX ITI—OPHRAH AND EPHRAIM.
-
When names are somewhat similar in form there is a great temptation
to identify them. When places bearing names which bear a certain resem-
blance are close together, the temptation is doubled. So it has been in the
case of Ophrah, or Ephron, and Ephraim; the laudable desire for simplicity
and elegance of solution has caused nearly all Palestinian topographers
to combine them, and identify the composite town thus created with
et-Taiyibeh. The identification was first proposed by Roprnson, Biblical
Researches, Vol. I, p. 447, who was seconded by Guérin, Judée, III, 45-51,
since when it has become almost axiomatic. Quite recently, however, the
axiom has been doubted by THOMSEN and GuTHE. The writer came to the
same conclusion independently, but differs from both in his identification
of Ephraim with Samieh. In order to avoid the pitfalls of others, let us
attack the problem anew, with a careful consideration of the materials
available. While the evidence is not very abundant, it is well distributed,
and clearer than usual in such eases.
Ophrah (TMDY) occurs twice in the Old Testament; Ephron (/)7Dy)
once; and Ephraim (O°9DN) twice, once in the Old and once in the New
Testament. The town of Ophrah is mentioned first Jos. 18,,, in a very
problematical list of place-names of Benjamin, nearly all of which are
otherwise unknown—see the discussion in Appendix VI, where it will be
shown that no conclusions can safely be drawn from this doubtful passage.
The other occurrence of the name is in I Sam. 13,,, in a passage which has
already been discussed in connection with the site of Gibeah. The Israelite
army held the heights south of the Wadi es-Sweinit, around Geba, while
the Philistine host seized the opposite side of the valley, about Michmash.
Three plundering expeditions were sent out by the Philistines: one west-
ward toward Beth-horon; one eastward in the direction of the Valley of
Hyenas (Wadi Kelt?) and the desert (i. e. the Ghor) ; and the remaining
one toward Ophrah and the land of Shual. Since north is the only direc-
tion left untaken—the Israelites holding the south—it is clear that Ophrah
lay north of Michmash, though at no very great distance. One thinks
immediately of et-Taiyibeh, which forms a notable landmark almost due
north of Muhmas.
Ephron (qgeré Ephrain) is mentioned in II Chr. 138,,. In this passage
the wars between Abijah of Judah and Jeroboam are described. Abijah
is represented as gaining a great victory over the impious devotee of the
golden calf, and as capturing from him the three towns of Bethel, Jeshanah,
and Ephron, each with its villages. Now it is true that the account of this
APPENDIX III.—OPHRAH AND EPHRAIM 125
war is historically suspicious, and may safely be regarded as another of
the Chronicler’s favorite historical romances ad majorem Dei gloriam.1 On
the other hand, the list of towns is not affected in the least by an impugn-
ment of the Chronicler’s historical and critical judgment, not to say imagi-
nation. The Chronicler knew Palestine, and his lists always show a good
geographical sense; we may accept this list as furnishing us with the names
of the three most important towns of southeastern Ephraim in the pre-exilic
period.
In this list, the first name, Bethel, modern Beitin, naturally affords no
trouble. Jeshanah, however, demands a special treatment. The name is
an appellative, meaning the ‘‘old’’ town (DDN), and might be sought
anywhere, so far as it is concerned. CLERMONT-GANNEAU has identified it
with ‘Ain Sinieh, a place on the Nablus road, about a mile northeast of
Jifneh. Since the site is very low and insecure, and there are no ruins of
importance in the neighborhood, this identification is very improbable,
especially since the names are really quite distinct—the time is past when
one can juggle vowels in Semitic ad libitum, so long as the consonants are
all right. I would therefore propose a new identification. About two and
a half miles in a straight line northeast of ‘Ain Sinieh, and just north of
Selwad, there is a beautifully situated ancient site known to the natives as
Burj el-Isaneh. The ruined burj is a mediaeval Arabic construction, evi-
dently a fortress, with some massive drafted stones of obviously Roman
date built into the walls (ef. the Survey, II, 307-9). West of the fort is a
Byzantine basilica, of rude workmanship, with tesselated pavement, and
sculptured lintels, representing the Greek cross, among other things. , a village five miles east of Bethel (Jerome, vicus
Ephraim) identified with Ophrah of Benjamin (Onom. ed. KuostTEr-
MANN, p. 28, 4-5). The editors supply Ardp following Jerome.
2. Edpov, kopn peyliarn, twenty miles north of Jerusalem, identified
erroneously with the Ephron of Jos. 15, (Onom. p. 86, 1-2). The same
town is identified with the Ephraim of John 11,, in another place
(Onom. p. 90, 18f.), where it appears as Ephraim (Ed¢paim). Jerome
offers Efraea instead of Ephraim in the first passage, and since the
Mosaie of Madeba also has E¢dpaa as the equivalent of Ephron (évOev
nAGev 6 Kvpios) We may consider it also as the correct reading in the
original text of Eusebius.
Sinee Aephra, identified with the biblical Aphra (Ophrah) is placed five
Roman miles east of Bethel, it must be either Rammiun, three and a half
English miles due east, or et-Taiyibeh, four and a half miles northeast,
measuring in a straight line. Rammiuin, however, is preoccupied by the
Peuyov of Eusebius and Madeba, so et-Taiyibeh is the only alternative, which
has therefore been adopted by all scholars. Most scholars go on to combine
the second place mentioned in the Onomasticon with Aephra = et-Taiyibeh.
Against this is not only the whole tenor of the references in the Onomasticon,
where the second and third are connected by a cross-reference, while the
first is kept strictly to itself, but also the distance given. Ephraea is placed
twenty miles north of Jerusalem. Now Bethel is placed correctly twelve
(Roman) miles north, and Remmon is fixed at fifteen, a very liberal figure,
to be explained either by the greater difficulty of the eastern road, or by
130 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
the addition of the distance from Bethel to Remmon to the figure given -
for the distance from Jerusalem to Bethel. Since et-Taiyibeh is only a mile
and a half in a straight line north of Rammitn, it is obviously impossible
to identify it with Ephraea. From Rammitn to Kefr Malik is three and a
half English miles, and four and a half to ‘Ain Samieh, so it is hard to
avoid the conviction that Ephraea was located in this fertile valley, where
antiquities of all ages abound.
Now GutHe (MNDPYV 1911, 49-56) has argued at great length for the
identification of the second Ephraim of Eusebius with the Aphaerema of
Josephus—GUuTHE is cautious about biblical identifications here—and its
location at Hirbet Ghurabeh, a mile and a half northwest of Sinjil. _ So
far as distances go this is possible. The Onomasticon places Gophna fifteen
miles from Jerusalem, and Hirbet Ghurabeh is just six Roman miles farther
in a straight line. It is difficult to see why GuTHE picked out Hirbet
Ghurabeh, since there are equally promising ruins a little farther south at
exactly the distance given by Eusebius, and there is not a scrap of evidence,
biblical or otherwise, for this site. Furthermore, we are able to identify
Hirbet Ghurabeh with the J30Y of the Pesiqta, as pointed out against:
GuTHE by Kurtin (MNDPV 1912, 19-20); GurTHn’s reply to KLEIN
(MNDPYV 1912, 86-8) is unfortunate and unconvincing. As GUTHE remarks
(p. 54), THOMSEN’s identification of Ephraim with Khan Abt’l-Hajj Faris
is quite impossible, since Faris is a common Arabic personal name, and the
ruins are insignificant and Arabic.
Let us now turn to consider the sites with which we have identified Ophrah
and Ephraim. Et-Taiyibeh is now one of the largest Christian villages in
Palestine; just before the war it had become wealthy, but. it suffered a great
deal during this period, losing virtually all the flocks which constituted its
chief resource. Its antiquity is vouched for by the numerous rock-hewn
tombs of Jewish and Byzantine date in the neighborhood. A ruined Byzan-
tine church calls attention to the fact that et-Taiyibeh enjoyed a special
sanctity during that age. In all probability et-Taivibeh claimed and
secured during the late Byzantine period and the following Middle Ages
the honor of being considered the veritable site of Ephraim, where Christ
stayed. The name et-Taiyibeh is modern; R. HartMANn has proved
(ZDMG LXV, 536-8) that it is an abbreviation of Taiyibat el-Ism, a desig-
nation corresponding to eorvuyos, ‘Shaving a name of good omen.’’ The
name, as in other similar cases, has been substituted for a name of bad
import. HARTMANN calls attention to the fact that in 1885 Lyp1a Ernsuer
was told by people of et-Taiyibeh that the place was formerly called ‘Afra
(ZDPV XVII, 65). Since she was also told that the home of Gideon was
here (really Ophrah in Manasseh, Tell el-Far‘ah), we may suspect that the
ancient name had been recently reintroduced by mission teachers. On the
APPENDIX III].—OPHRAH AND EPHRAIM sD Reo |
other hand, the form ‘Afra looks genuine, and the existence of a fortress
of this name near Jerusalem is documented by Yaqtt, who mentions ‘ Afra,
‘‘a fortress of Palestine near Jerusalem’’ (III, 688, proses craad =
uploads Jlyst SL: ree )- Moreover, the name ef-Taiyibeh has else-
where supplanted a similar name. HouscHEer, ZDPV XXIX, 142, has
shown that et-Taiyibeh of the ‘Ajlan, which was formerly, according to
its sheikh, called ‘Efreh, is the Ephron of I Mace. 5,,. Ht-Taiyibeh in
these cases is a euphemistic substitute for the old name, which in Arabic
is associated too closely with the ideas of ‘‘demon,’’ and ‘‘calamity, wicked-
ness,’’ ete. ( eagpas, Rpas ).2 In short, the identification of Ophrah-
Ephron with et-Taiyibeh may be regarded as certain.
While the foregoing combination is accepted by all, the identification of
Ephraim with Samieh is an innovation, which demands a full treatment.
The ruins and ancient remains at Samieh are unique in being wholly with-
out an identification at present, despite their importance. It is true that
GumRIN, Samarie, I, 211-3, tried to identify the ruins of Samieh with Neara-
Noaran, but the statements of the Onomasticon and Josephus cannot be
harmonized with this view, as shown by Gurur, ZDPV XXXVIII, 47.
GusérRIN completely failed to take the Talmudic material into consideration ;
according to the Talmud Noaran and Jericho were practically twin cities,
one Jewish and the other Christian. Since VINCENT’s discovery of Neara
at ‘Ain Dfiq, the theory of Guférrm has no more claim for consideration,
- and Samieh is wholly unpreoccupied.
Since the archaeological remains of Samieh will receive a special treat-
ment later, it is not necessary to go mto great detail here. Strange to say,
secant attention has been paid to these important remains, largely because
of their inaccessibility. Even DauMAN does not appear to have visited the
place; when he tried he was met by armed peasants, who turned him back
(PJB IX, 129). The Survey of Western Palestine does not mention the
names of the ruins in the valley of Samieh at all. The site first came into
archaeological prominence with the excavations of the fellahin here in 1907,
described by Lyon, then Director of the American School. Unfortunately,
the paper has not been published in full; we are dependent upon an abstract
which appeared in the Am. Jour. of Afch., XII (1908), 66-7. Remains of
houses and other buildings from the Byzantine and Arabic periods are
>The name Ophrah, for *‘Ufrat, is perhaps identical originally with Arab. ‘ufrah,
‘‘erest’’?; the antiquity of the stem is established by Assyr. epéru, ‘‘to cover the head.’’
Such a name would be most suitable for a site like et-Taiyibeh, and a town built on so
prominent a position would deserve the name ‘‘crest.’? My friend ‘OMAR EFENDI EL-
BarGHOTHI informs me that according to Arab tradition the name of the town was
changed from ‘ Afrah to et-Taiyibeh by Salah ed-Din.
132 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
abundant. Lyon examined the tombs with great care; they are now filled ©
up, so it is to be hoped that he will publish his results. Three kinds of
tombs were found: Canaanite well-tombs (over a hundred of which were
counted) ; shaft-tombs; and kékim tombs. The remains of burial offerings,
found in great quantities, were dispersed in all directions; Harvard has a
large quantity, and the collections of the American School and Mr. Hrersert
CLARK have several hundred pieces. The pottery dates from all periods—
Canaanite, Israelite, Jewish, Roman and Byzantine. Many Canaanite
bronze weapons were found. The Byzantine period is represented by
quantities of vases, especially glass vessels. A Greek inscription from
A. D. 557 (reign of Justinian) was also discovered (see RB 1907, 275 f.).
The principal ancient ruins are located at Hirbet el-Marjameh (ruin of
the stone heap), just above ‘Ain Samieh, to the north, covered with pre-
Israelite remains; Hirbet el-Byadir (ruin of the threshing-floors), which
represents the site of a later village, occupied down into Arabic times; and
Hirbet el-Marzban (ruin of the Persian governor). Together with the
tombs, they show that the valley (one of the best watered and most fertile
spots in Palestine, famous far and near for its onions) was, as we should
expect, occupied from the pre-Israelite period down into Arabic times.
The literary evidence for Ephraim points to the same conclusion. Ephraim
reached its most flourishing state in pre-Israelite days (see below), and
continued to be occupied down through the Israelite, Jewish, and Byzantine
times. Ephraim was, as the name shows, a very fertile spot, near Baal-
hazor, now Tell ‘Astar; it lay about five miles north of Remmon (Rammin).
Furthermore, it lay in a valley. Kurtn, MNDPV 1912, 20, has shown that
the Ephraim (O"5Y; the P is due to the fact that the Palestinian
Aramaeans, at least in the towns, were careless of their laryngeals, and
also perhaps to a confusion between Ephraim and Ephron, such as is indi-
eated by the geré to II Chr. 13,,) of the Misnah, which lay near Michmas,
and was situated in a valley (AYP), is the same place as the biblical
Ephraim. His further conclusion that et-Taiyibeh is referred to, because
it les ‘‘in der Nahe der Jordanniederung,’’ is rather absurd, because
et-Taiyibeh is one of the highest points in all Mount Ephraim. The passage
is rather a proof of our localization.
It may be added that the valley i8 now controlled by Kefr Mahk, though
much of it belongs, of course, to absentee landlords, who are here, as else-
where, the curse of Palestine. As the name shows, Kefr Malik is an
Aramaean settlement; it is mentioned in the time of the Crusades as Caphar
Melich (Cartulary of the Holy Sepulchre; contrast CLERMONT-GANNEAU,
PEF 1874, 162). There are no ancient remains at Kefr Malik, so we may
rest assured that the ancient town was always in the valley below, down to
mediaeval times.
APPENDIX III.—OPHRAH AND EPHRAIM tos
Is there any explanation for the remarkable pre-Israelite necropolis at
‘Ain Samieh? There are still remains of an ancient megalithic high-place
on the hill just above the spring, which show that the site was sacred from
the earliest times. The pot-sherds strewn around are late pre-Israelite, as
already observed. While they have the typically Canaanite ‘‘porridge’’
texture, they are wheel-made. Now, in Appendix V it will be shown that
Mount Ephraim was occupied by the Hebrews at the close of the Middle
Canaanite or early in the Late Canaanite period, that is, not far from
1600 B. C. About this time Bethel and Ai fell into the hands of the
Hebrews. Shechem probably became partially Hebraized at an even earlier
date. Mount Ephraim was the focus of the most important group of the
Bené Ya‘qob, the tribe which called itself the Beth Yéséf and was later
called Ephraim, after the name of the district. There can be no doubt that
the district received its name from the town of Ephraim, which was there-
fore one of the most important Hebrew centers in the late pre-Israelite
period. The Late Canaanite potsherds and tombs are, accordingly, of
Hebrew origin, and the necropolis is also Hebrew.
The fact that there was a Hebrew shrine and necropolis at the town of
Ephraim enables us to consider the problem of Rachel’s tomb, discussed
tentatively in Appendix II. Ephrath, where Rachel’s sepulchre was, cannot
be separated from Ephraim, especially since the gentilic formed from the
latter, Ephrathi, shows that Ephrath was an archaic variant of Ephraim.
We are not concerned here with later localizations of the tomb, which have
already been discussed in connection with Ramah of Samuel. No spot
could be more fitting for the tomb of Rachel than the old Hebrew town
after which the name of her grandson and heir was called. Originally the
tomb was a sanctuary—the sacred temenos of the ewe-goddess, mother of
Joseph, the eponymous ancestor of Ephraim—, but like many other old
sanctuaries, it was early transformed into a tomb. Near the sanctuary was
the necropolis, to which bodies may have been brought from a distance, that
the shades might enjoy the favor of their deified ancestress.
- Thanks to the mutual assistance rendered by archaeology and the Bible,
we are able to pierce the gloom enshrouding the cradle of the Hebrew people,
gaining a glimpse here and there of its childhood. It was a childhood which
already gave promise of a vigorous youth, a promise abundantly fulfilled
in the days of Samuel and Saul, to whose. memories we dedicate the
excavations at Gibeah.
APPENDIX IV—THE ASSYRIAN MARCH ON JERUSALEM,
ISA. X, 28-32.
One of the most vivid descriptions of the advance of a hostile army ever
given we owe to the prophet Isaiah. Terse and succinct to a degree, the
little poem would be bald if it were not for the masterly skill with which
it has been handled. Even to the modern reader, ignorant of the location
of the towns and villages named, there is a thrill of sympathetic apprehen-
sion, as he realizes that the irresistible Assyrian host is about to pounce
like a vulture on the devoted city. There is an alternation between sonorous
names and snatches of picturesque description which reproduces the
rhythmic tread of a mighty army, shaking the road as it marches on, confi-
dent of its power to crush. What must have been the sensations of Isaiah’s
audience, already filled with rumors of an impending Assyrian invasion,
when they heard his solemn voice chanting their approaching doom! Every
name was familiar to them; they could almost see the Assyrians crossing
the pass of Michmas, and camping for the night at Geba. With a shudder
they heard in mind the piercing shriek of the maiden of Gallim, who had
lingered too long to feed a tame gazelle, and had fallen into the hands of a
brutal soldiery. And finally they saw the sun flashing on serried battalions,
as early the next afternoon the van of the foreign host halted on Scopus,
greeting the first glimpse of Jerusalem with a menacing gesture.
Commentators and topographers have long tried to identify all the places
mentioned, but the task has not been easy. Between Anathoth and Nob is
but a step, yet two villages are mentioned, besides those in the immediate
vicinity of Anathoth. Migron, which according to I Sam. 14, lay by Geba,
is here placed between Aiath and Michmash. Clearly there are signs that
the passage is not in its original order. ;
Since our passage is obviously extracted from a poem, we must endeavor,
first of all, to reconstruct its original metrical form, after which we can
study the topographical bearings of our result. After the amount of work
which has been expended in the last two decades on the study of Hebrew
meters, only an extreme sceptic can doubt that Hebrew poetry was cast in
regular metrical form. One of the greatest errors has been that students
have tried to force their material into a veritable bed of Procrustes, assum-
ing that a given poem is either 2+ 2, 3+2, or 3+ 3, not allowing for
the possibility of more complicated metrical schemes, or alternation of
measures. In a paper recently published in the Journal of the Palestine
Oriental Society, Vol. II, pp. 69-86, the writer has pointed out, employing
APPENDIX IV.—THE ASSYRIAN MARCH ON JERUSALEM 135
inductive methods, that there are a number of early Hebrew poems, espe-
cially the Song of Deborah and the Lament of David over Jonathan, in which
an alternation of lines 3+ 3 and 2 + 2, according to a regular scheme, is
found. Moreover, this form of verse is found to be characteristic of some
of the finest ancient Oriental poems which have come down to us. In study-
ing the poem under discussion at present, it became immediately clear that
there was a regular alternation of phrases, following the scheme 2 +2 + 3,
for two verses, changing in the second half of the poem to 3-++2+2. The
few changes which were necessary to eliminate all inconsistencies proved to
remove the topographic difficulties as well.
Where does the poem begin? DuxH™ suggested, and Gray adopted his
view that the last three words of v. 27 do not belong with the preceding,
but with the following, thus giving us the beginning of our little poem,
which is almost certainly a mere fragment. DuHm would change & to %,
reading 7()197 93519 ()5} instead of fw 9351 SY, which is, of course
perfect nonsense; the A. V. renders 27b, And the yoke shall be destroyed
because of the anointing. At first sight, the suggestion of DuHM seems
very happy; there is indeed a Rimmon (Rammitn) northeast of Ai. But,
as DAaLMAN has very justly observed (PJB 1909, 13; 1916, 44), the road
from Rammitn south is very bad; it is, in fact, unthinkable that the
Assyrian army, with its heavy baggage, should have taken the difficult and
useless route east of Tell ‘Astir, when there was a much better one on the
western side. Since the inclusion of the words in our poem plays havoe
with the meter, I would omit them, and connect them with the preceding
fragment, vss. 24-27, in accordance with the exegetic tradition. Such a
reading as *N9w 93 OOPS Sam), And he shall be destroyed forever in
my wrath, fits in perfectly with the preceding (cf. 25), and requires only
the most insignificant alterations. There is not a rarer corruption in the
whole gamut of possibilities than that of res to Sin.
Turning now to the poem, let us first consider the necessary transposi-
tions, if any. We are guided by three factors: (1) the external evidence
for the location of places; (2) the logical association of ideas; (3) the
requirements of meter and assonance, a very important consideration in
this poem. The other changes are all very insignificant, and will be
explained in the foot-notes. The first transposition that presents itself to
our attention is that of 28b and 29a—how could the Assyrians deposit their
baggage before they had reached their encampment? The idea expressed
by the commentators, that the baggage was placed on deposit on the other
side of the pass, because of its difficulty, is absurd; the Assyrian army
had crossed worse passes on its southward march, and it would have been
sheer folly to have abandoned the baggage just when it became of most
importance. Nor should we forget that Isaiah is describing a future
136 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
advance, which he paints in the most alarming way possible. To have
suggested that the Assyrians would be daunted by the arduous pass of
Michmas would have been an anti-climax, seriously detracting from the
effect of the recital. We must, therefore, place this passage after 29a.
But a serious difficulty is left in 28a, while a similar one appears now in
28b: Migron, which according to I Sam. 14,, in a perfectly clear passage,
lay south of the pass, near Geba, here is placed north of the pass; on the
other hand, Michmas is placed south of Geba by our alteration of the order.
The obvious solution of the double difficulty is simply to transpose Migron.
and Michmas, whereupon everything falls into logical and natural order.
The next difficulty is in 31, where we have two hemistichs, one of two beats
and the other of three, which simply cannot belong together, and hence are
out of place. Moreover, it is impossible to find room for two towns or
villages between Anathoth and Nob, a distance of only a little over a mile,
especially since the only conceivable site, el-‘Isawiyeh, is preoccupied by
Laishah. Now, 3la, M397 ATIN, shows by its assonance that it belongs
with 29b, where the d-ending appears three times, and since it fits in as
perfectly before 29b on metrical grounds as in assonance, we need not hesi-
tate to insert it here. This leaves 31b, for which the meter has a niche
ready, after 28a, into which it fits admirably. As a result of the foregoing
considerations, in every case objective, I have no hesitation in presenting
the following reconstruction and translation, as well as in deducing further
topographical data from the revised material. Transpositions of the type
illustrated are nearly always found in fragments of this sort, where a com-
plicated succession of phrases containing many proper names has been
subjected to the caprice of oral transmission for decades or even generations
before being included in the literary corpus.
WDIDe Hels: IVY-IN ND 28a I
WPA oI ow 3rb
NI-NN7D YI TMmaAYo Sy F294 I]
v9D WH W793 28b
*M has my he the first yp may have arisen by dittography.
"M has yy.
*For the transposition of 493 and yerysys see the discussion above. The
transposition took place after the two words were collocated. Note that 3) is not
regularly construed with 5, while TST is; conversely hay is construed with = while
p57 is not. Perhaps we may read WAS ‘Y for yrrys ry, which would explain
the origin of the Sy before ny in M more easily.
*M offers 5 1919; the } is evidently dittography, since the original text, without
matres lectionis, naturally read oe 35). Gray’s suggestion, 130) 579, may be correct.
APPENDIX IV.—THE ASSYRIAN MARCH ON JERUSALEM Var
MIW TTI (296) Rasen else 3la III
MDI TINY YI _ 29b
DIN PAP 7 30a IV
may Wy Te (WT = —-30b
epi a haf ey ean 32a vy
(eres a yw 653? 32b
The foregoing poem may be translated into English as follows:
I He has come to Ai, has passed to Michmas,
The dwellers of Gebim have sought refuge.
Il He has crossed the pass, made Geba his camp,
In Migron has placed his baggage. j
III Madmenah has fled, Ramah trembles,
Gibeah of Saul is driven out.
IV Raise high thy voice, maid of Gallim!
Listen, Laishah, answer her, Anathoth!
V Yet today he will stand at Nob,
Shaking his hand (in threat) against maid Zion’s hill.
The town of Ai mentioned here is indeed the heir of the old Canaanite
Ai, but is not identical with it, as I have shown in Appendix V, ‘‘ Ai and
Beth-aven.’’ It is almost certainly to be found in Hirbet Haiyan (ibid.),
a few minutes south of Deir Diwan, and two miles north-northwest of
Michmas in a straight line. The Assyrians came from Bethel over Deir
Diwan, then represented by Ai, toward the pass below Michmas. Michmas
(Mikmas or better MikmaSs) is admitted by all to be the modern Muhmas.
The identification of Gebim® is very doubtful. Since Burqah is Beth-aven
(see App. V) and Kefr Nata, besides being too far north, seems to have an
ancient name, though post-exilic (Aramaean), I would suggest as a mere —
-* Read, following the Syriac, mip for M, sT)p.
°So probably for M, Wy, though the latter may be a syntactical idiom of a little
-known type.
*So with geré for ketiv, P3.
*The meter proves that the addition pow nysis is simply an explanatory
gloss to TY 3 7M
® DALMAN, PJB 1916, 54, proposes the identification of Gebim with Sa‘fat. Assuming
that the order of the Hebrew text is right, this would be theoretically possible. Practi-
cally, however, the objections are very serious. Sa‘fdt is almost certainly a corruption
of the Hebrew (not Aramaic) name Safdt, whose bearer may have had property there.
Pre-Byzantine remains are not found here, and the cisterns to which DALMAN ascribes
its name all belong to Gibeah, which rises just above it.
138 EXCAVATIONS AT GIBEAH OF BENJAMIN (TELL EL-FUL)
possibility Hirbet ed-Duweir (little monastery), a rather extensive ruin.
more than a mile southeast of Muhmas.
The next couplet brings us over the Wadi es-Sweinit to Geba, identified
by all with Jeba*. While the Assyrian host slept in the village, the baggage
train was left outside, at a place called Migron, no longer to be identified.
It is mentioned (cf. above) in I Sam. 14,, where we should naturally read
93 TWN POI NAN (M AYIA) YIIAYP3 3Awy Nw And Saul
was dwelling at the edge of Geba, under the pomegranate of Migron.?”
The reading of M is due to dittography, assisted by the confusion between
Gibeah and Geba which is noticeable all through these chapters of Samuel.
It should be observed that the identification of Migron with a ‘‘ Hirbet
Magqrtin’’ had better be forgotten by commentators; Dauman, PJB VII,
13; XII, 47, has punctured the fable of Hirbet Maqrtn, which like some
other modern names never existed save in the untrained ear of some traveler.
We now pass on to Madmenah, a town with the unsavory name of *‘dung-
heap,’’ like Ar. mezbeleh. There was another town of the same name,
pointed Madmannah, in southwestern Judah (Jos. 15,,). An identification
is a risky matter, one may suggest as possibilities Hirbet Erha, a Graeco-
Roman ruin on a flat stone hill-top, or better Hirbet Deir Sellam, to the
southeast.1+ About a mile northwest is er-Ram, which all unite in com-
bining with Ramah. As maintained by the great majority, and established
anew in our discussion above, Tell el-Ffil is Gibeah of Saul.
The fourth couplet introduces us to three villages which were evidently
near neighbors, to judge from the description, which presupposes that the
voice of a crier can be heard in the adjacent villages, or at least on heights
above them. Anathoth is unquestionably ‘Anata, and the consensus of
opinion places Laishah at el-‘Isawiyeh, now altered in name very slightly
by a popular etymology associating the name with T sd, the Muslim name
of Jesus.1* For the ending we may compare the Arabic name of Bethany,
el-‘ Azariyeh, from El‘azar (Lazarus). Gallim must lie either west or north
of ‘Anata. Hizmeh is too far north, and is, besides, preoccupied by
Azmaveth (see Appendix VII). Hirbet ‘Almit is Alemeth. It therefore
seems that the only possible identification is with Hirbet Ka‘kal (named
after a kind of soft white limestone which is found there), about half a
mile due west of ‘Anata, where there are ancient ruins of sufficient extent
* It is true that the name Migrén is connected with géren, ‘‘threshing-floor,’’ but it
is clearly a proper name in the passages where it occurs, so the rendering as a common
noun becomes very awkward and difficult. DAtMAN, PJB 1916, 48, suggests that Migron
may be Kefr Nata, but ef. above.
“ DALMAN, PJB 1916, 54, suggests Hirbet es-Sdma‘ as the site of Madmenah, but
there are no remains there indicating the existence of a village in Israelite times.
“ Cf. DaLMan, PJB 1916, 53 f.
APPENDIX IV.—THE ASSYRIAN MARCH ON JERUSALEM 139
to show that a respectable village was once situated here. Many remains
of old walls and rock-cuttings are still visible, and potsherds are strewn
thickly about. The pottery is nearly all Israelite (Early Iron) and Early
Arab, Hellenistic (Seleucido-Roman) not being represented. Since there
was thus a village of Israelite times situated here, the identification is
archaeologically tenable. If we compare the other indications in the Bible
for the site of Gallim, we find full accord, a fact which convinced DaLMAN
of the correctness of the identification with Hirbet Ka‘kal (PJB 1916, 52 f.).
I Sam. 25,, informs us that Saul gave Michal, David’s wife, to Phalti the
son of Laish, a notable of Gallim. Gallim was thus evidently near Gibeah ;
Hirbet Ka‘kdl is only a mile and a half southeast of Tell el-Fal. The other
- passage is II Sam. 3,, which shows that the most direct road available from
Gallim to Hebron passed over Bahurim. Fortunately there can be no
longer any doubt that Bahurim lay just east of Jerusalem, on the hill of
Ras et-Tmim, easily visible from the top of the Mount of Olives (II Sam.
17, oy), Anathoth.
The variation in order indicates that ‘Alm#6n-‘Alemet lay between Geba
and Anathoth, so that the time-honored identification with Hirbet ‘Almit,
a ruined village a mile northeast of ‘Anatah, on the left of the road to
‘Ain Farah, and the same distance southeast of Hizmeh, may be considered
as certain. The modern ending of the name shows that the pointing in
Chronicles is wrong; we must read instead ‘Almit. The relation between
‘Almén and ‘ Almit is dialectical, and is precisely like that between tahton
and tahtit, the it being the archaic feminine of the nisbeh in 7 (cf. Gesenius-
Kautzsch?’ p. 250,h,1). The meaning of the name is obscure, and probably
has as little to do with ‘almah, ‘‘girl’’ as Nearath-Noaran has to do with
naarah (contrast Krauss, ZDPV XXXIX, 94-7, and cf. Kuemw, ZDPV
XLI, 60). Azmaveth or Beth Azmaveth is mentioned directly three times
in the Old Testament. In the list of towns belonging to those who had
returned from the Exile, Ezra 2,, mentions Azmaveth (MVD), while Neh.
7,, offers Beth Azmaveth, in both cases together with Anathoth. In a
different connection, Neh. 12,, mentions the fields of Geba and Azmaveth.
The town lay, therefore, between-Geba and Anathoth, ike Alemeth, and
the identification with Hizmeh seems certain. Presumably the place was
abandoned during the early Arab period, and naturally received the name
Hirbet ‘Tzmeh, which was changed by partial assimilation of the voiced stop
to the preceding voiceless, and became Hirbet Hizmeh, just as Hirbet
Haiydn represents ancient ‘Aiydn, Ai. Another possibility is that Hizmeh
is an abbreviation of an older Arabic Beit Hizmeh, for *Beit ‘Izmeh, Beth
Azmaveth. The form of the name in Hebrew cannot well be correct, unless
APPENDIX VII.—ALEMETH AND AZMAVETH 157
we have to do with a popular etymology, as in the case of salmdwet (AYDP¥)
for original salmitt or sollamot (Haupt), ‘‘darkness.’’ Just as the latter
word, which became isolated in Hebrew from its congeners, was explained
as ‘‘the shadow of death,’’ so an original *‘Azmét may have been altered
to ‘Azmdwet. We may have to do with a late scribal etymology, however,
since the Arabic form, Hizmeh, points to a Hebrew ‘Azmdt (cf. ‘Andtah
for ‘Anatét and Bireh for Bérét, above).
If it were true that Alemeth is only mentioned in pre-exilic literature,
and Azmaveth only in post-exilic, we should have some ground for suspect-
ing that the two towns were in reality identical. This is not the case, as it
happens. I Chr. 8,,=9,, mentions among the descendants (!) of Saul
both Alemeth and Azmaveth; as they are placed side by side, they were
evidently adjacent, but distinct towns. Moreover, I Chr. 12,, we read in
the list of the mighty men of David who were ‘‘brethren of Saul, Benja-
mites’’ the names in succession of two men from each of the towns Gibeah,
Beth Azmaveth (Bené ‘Azmawet means ‘‘men of Beth Azmavet’’—see
JPOS I, 55, note 1). The collocation of Beth Azmaveth between Gibeah
and Anathoth not only confirms the identification of it with Hizmeh, but
also proves that it already existed in the early Israelite period, and is not,
as might be thought, a post-exilic creation.
Curious as the name is, Azmaveth appears to have been primarily a
personal name. II Sam. 23,,—=I Chr. 11,, mentions as one of David’s
mighty men Azmaveth of Bahurim. I Chr. 27,, says that David’s royal
treasurer was Azmaveth, son of Adiel. These occurrences prove the point,
as they cannot be explained away. It thus becomes certain that Beth
Azmaveth is the original name of the town, and that Azmaveth is a con-
formation to the widespread habit of dropping the Bét- in a compound
place-name. Numerous cases of this tendency are given in Appendix
VIII. It is possible that the Bét- was omitted because of the similarity
between the names ‘Azmdwet or ‘Azmét and ‘Almén or ‘ Almit, belonging
to twin villages.
APPENDIX VIII—BETHANY IN THE OLD TESTAMENT
Few villages in Palestine have such beautiful associations as Bethany, _
the home of Mary and Martha, whom Jesus loved, and their brother,
Lazarus, for whose sake He wept. So profound an impression has been
made upon the subsequent world by the touching story of Lazarus, and the
remarkable resurrection of his dead body from the tomb, that the village
has forgotten its old name, adopting a new one, el-‘Azariyeh, from the
chapel and tomb which tradition associated with his name. It will surely
not be without interest to find that Bethany is an ancient site, already
mentioned in the Old Testament, and perhaps much older even than the
Israelite period.
The Greek form of the name is rather colorless, since Byfavia is meaning-
less in Hebrew; a laryngeal has evidently been lost in transcription into
Greek. The Syriac offers Bét ‘anya, which, in view of the many instances
where the Syriae version of the New Testament has drawn from Syro-
Palestinian sources, is almost certainly correct. For this reason alone the
Talmudic Bet-hini or Bet-Yannai 03°77 Fi'D, 93N’ 43) cannot be identical
with Bethany, as long believed by scholars. KuxErn, however, has recently
shown (ZDPV XXXIII, 1910, p. 29) conelusively that Bet-hini has nothing
whatever to do with Bethany, but is the Ba:roavara of the Onomasticon, 30, 5,
in the mountains east of Caesarea (the old identification of the latter with
‘Anin cannot be right). KugErn’s own combination of Bethany with a
*Bé Te’endh, for *Bét-Te’endah, ‘‘ House of figs,’’ does not commend itself,
since neither the Greek nor the Syriac form lends itself to such a hypothesis.
DaLMAN, Orte und Wege Jesu,” p. 212, is the latest scholar to discuss the
Aramaic prototype of the name ‘‘Bethany.’’ He suggests (note 4) that
Bethany may be connected with the merchant clan of the Bené Hantn or
Bené Hanan of the Talmud, in which ease he thinks that ‘‘Bethany”’ stands
for *Bét Hanyd or *Bet Hananya. But ef. as a very close parallel Avvad and Avavod, names applied to the same man,
whose Hebrew name was Handn, by the New Testament and Josephus, respectively.
* Where the second element is a proper name, either human or divine, the original
name of the town must have contained Beth. I believe that all of the Beth-names of
pre-Israelite date contained a divine name, while all Jewish place names of this type
naturally are formed with a personal name.
°To this list might be added many gentilies: ef. Beth-hdroén and Héréni; modern
Beit-‘ar and ‘Ort, Beit-dejaén and Dejdni. In ancient Israelite times the gentilic from
a place name in Beth was formed with Ben, Bené: e. g., Beth-‘ Anath, Ben-‘ Anath;
Beth-rehob, Ben-rehob.
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