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 sa ae 
 
 
 

 
 The Culver-Stockton Quarterly 
 
 A Journal Devoted to Research and Study, in the Arts and Sciences, by Members 
 of the Faculty of Culver-Stockton College 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Voutume II APRIL 1926 NUMBER 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 STUDIES OF THE CUNEIFORM TABLETS FROM 
 CAPPADOCIA 
 
 By Ferris J. ACI 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Lying to the north of Mount Argaeus, the highest peak in 
 Asia Minor, is a large fertile plain. The Halys (modern Kizil 
 Irmak), the largest river in Asia Minor, rising far to the north- 
 east, flows near the base of the great mountain, then makes a 
 bend to the north again, and flows into the Black Sea, thus 
 nearly surrounding the fertile plain. Within this great bend 
 of the river are found the sites Boghazkéi, Kara-Eyuk, and 
 Kultepe. From these sites has come what is now a well 
 recognized type of cuneiform tablets, called, for want of a 
 better name, Cappadocian. Literally interpreted the name 
 is too inclusive, for there are many other tablets coming from 
 the geographical region from which these come, which do not 
 belong to the same class at all, as for example the Hittite 
 tablets from Boghazkéi. But the name Cappadocian will 
 probably cling to the tablets to be discussed here for a long 
 while after a more definitely descriptive name for them has 
 been determined. 
 
 It has long been noted that the Cappadocian script had a 
 peculiar slant, the top of the wedges leaning to the right. We 
 can only conjecture as to the reason for this, for nothing can 
 be proved with reference to it. Mr. Sidney Smith in CCT I, 
 p. 5, says: “It would appear that the tablet was held in the 
 right hand of the scribe and the stylus in the left.” Such a 
 position would readily explain the slope of the upright wedges, 
 but it is next to impossible to produce horizontal and upward 
 sloping wedges in this position. More likely the scribe held 
 the tablet in his left hand and the stylus in the right, holding 
 
 [11] 
 
the tablet somewhat at an angle. -The slant may possibly be 
 an indication of another system of writing used by these 
 people, alongside of the cuneiform. Any alphabetic script 
 when written in a cursive hand has a general slant to its char- 
 acters. In the old Phoenician inscriptions this is plainly to be 
 seen. Some of the strokes of the characters slope to the left, 
 but the general impression is of a slope to the right, just as we 
 have it in Cappadocian cuneiform. If the Cappadocian scribes 
 were accustomed to write a cursive script, when they adopted 
 the cuneiform it would be natural to give it this same slant. 
 
 There is a distinct character to the script as a whole which 
 is different from any other cuneiform writing known. What 
 seems to have happened was that the cuneiform system was 
 adopted in the time of the Ur dynasty. This may explain the 
 presence in Cappadocia of the Ur dynasty scribe whose seal 
 is published by Thureau-Dangin, RA VIII, 142 ff. Remem- 
 bering that the oldest Assyrian inscription is one of Zariku, 
 who was appointed by Bur-Sin, it may be conjectured that 
 cuneiform was introduced in Assyria by the Ur kings just a 
 little earlier than they carried it to Cappadocia. This would 
 explain the resemblance between the Cappadocian script and 
 the old Assyrian inscription of Irishum. In Cappadocia the 
 script developed into a more cursive style, and due to the com- 
 parative isolation of the community, took on a character 
 peculiar to this place. 
 
 A short upright wedge, usually about half the length of the 
 other upright wedges on the tablet, and having its head on a 
 level with the top of the signs, is constantly used as a word 
 divider or a form of punctuation. There appears to be no 
 regularity to its use; rather, it would seem to have depended 
 upon the whim of the scribe. Sometimes it seems intended as 
 a help to determine where to divide the words, and sometimes 
 it seems entirely unnecessary. It is never placed between the 
 syllables of a word. Contenau’s supposed case of a word 
 divider in the middle of a word (TC p. 14) is based upon a 
 misunderstanding of the text. See further discussion of this 
 point in note 2. The only parallel to this peculiarity of Cappa- 
 docian writing found in cuneiform is a horizontal wedge used 
 in the Amarna letters to indicate that what follows it belongs 
 
 [12] 
 

 
 with the line above. A single case of a horizontal wedge so 
 used in Cappadocian tablets is found in BIN IV, 29:9. A 
 closer parallel is to be found in the single dot used as a word 
 divider in some of the Babylonian mythological texts found 
 among the Amarna letters (Knudtzon Amarna Nos. 356, 357), 
 and in the Moabite stone and many other North Semetic 
 inscriptions in the alphabetic character. 
 
 A pure Semitic dialect was the language in which the busi- 
 ness transactions of the Cappadocian merchants were carried 
 on. The use of Sumerian, so common in Ur dynasty tablets 
 and frequent in contracts of the first dynasty of Babylon, is 
 entirely wanting in Cappadocia. That a people who spoke 
 an Asiatic language was mingled with the Semitic Cappa- 
 docians is evident from the large number of non-Semitic names, 
 but little if any trace of such a language is to be found in the 
 Semitic. Contenau (TC p. 17) calls attention to two words in 
 his texts which he believes reflect the influence of the Hittite 
 language. The ending of a-hu-as and da-as he regards as 
 parallel to the ending a frequently found in the tablet from 
 Yuzgat and those of Arzam. He further states that the Cappa- 
 docians followed the Hittite influence in prolonging the vowels. 
 As to the first of these points it must be admitted that the two 
 words which he mentions are rare; moreover, the first may be 
 a mistake for a-hu-t%. The passage would then read a-hu-t-a 
 a-du-nu, my brothers are ye, an expression rather frequently 
 found, ef. BIN IV 3:18; 25:11, 30. As to the lengthening 
 of vowels, the facts do not warrant the assumption that Cappa- 
 docian has been influenced by Hittite. Such lengthening of 
 vowels as we find in Cappadocian is partly graphic, and partly 
 to express naturally long vowels. 
 
 The relation of Cappadocian to other Semitic dialects is a 
 matter difficult to determine except in a general way. ‘There 
 can be no doubt: that it is more closely related to Assyro- 
 Babylonian than to any other language. The roots in common 
 use are those used in Babylonia and Assyria. The pronouns 
 correspond to those of Assyro-Babylonian rather than to the 
 West Semitic pronouns. But as to the question whether the 
 relation is primarily to Assyrian or to Babylonian the evidence 
 is conflicting. Lewy has pointed out that the demonstrative 
 
 [13] 
 
third singular masculine is Su-ut, corresponding to the Old 
 Assyrian rather than to the Old Babylonian (SATK p. 22). 
 It should, however, be noted that the form is quite commonly 
 used in the Tell-el-Amarna tablets, cf. Knudtzon Amarna 
 p. 1527. Contenau has noted the similarity to Old Baby- 
 lonian in the Cappadocian soft pronunciation and use of the 
 mimation, which is not found in Assyrian (TC p. 16). 
 
 But there is no need to attempt to identify Cappadocian 
 with any other dialect; it has a character of its own. The 
 following distinctive marks are to be noted as appearing only 
 in Cappadocian: (1) Certain roots have a meaning not found 
 elsewhere, lapdtu—to lay up for safe keeping, gapu—to borrow, 
 take on credit, (2) the many imperfectly understood words 
 only point to the fact of a distinct dialect peculiar to the land, 
 (8) there is a more frequent use of tan formations of verbs 
 than elsewhere, (4) the use of the Saf’el and sif’el discussed in 
 my notes in JAOS, June 1926, is also a distinctive mark, for 
 the form sif’el is elsewhere unknown, (5) the prepositions ana 
 and ina were very often written a and 7, and is something not 
 found in other dialects, (6) the usual formula for the opening 
 of a letter in Cappadocian and other early tablets is a-na 
 A... ki-bi-ma um-ma B ... ; in Cappadocian only, this 
 is frequently varied to um-ma B...a-na A... ki-bi-ma, 
 (7) while an enclitic 72 in a relative clause is known in other 
 dialects, its use in Cappadocian is much more general than 
 elsewhere. One can take any Semitic dialect and find in it 
 resemblances to all the others. This procedure without a 
 consideration of the differences would reduce all to one; the 
 differences are as important as the resemblances. The Cap- 
 padocian dialect has enough peculiarities to place it in a class 
 by itself. It need no longer be called Assyrian or Babylonian 
 or Akkadian, but simply Cappadocian, one of the many 
 Semitic dialects of ancient times. 
 
 It must be realized that questions of race and questions of 
 language or culture are quite different matters. The first 
 belongs to anthropology. The answer to the second may be 
 but slight evidence for answering the first; for races adopt 
 foreign languages and cultures. It does not necessarily follow, 
 then, that a people speaking a certain language belong to the 
 
 [14] 
 

 
 same physical race with all others using the language. It has 
 become customary, however, to speak of peoples using a 
 Semitic language as belonging to the Semitic race. If it is 
 kept in mind that the so-called Semitic race probably repre- 
 sents many physical stocks, the term may be used for con- 
 venience. The Cappadocian name list leaves no doubt that 
 a majority of the people were Semites who named their chil- 
 dren in honor of Semitic gods and with names made up of 
 Semitic nominal and verbal elements. It is also quite evident 
 that there was a considerable number of the people who were 
 of non-Semitic origin. A-lu-ud-hu-ha-ar-8d, Ar-za-na-ah-st, 
 Ha-&i-Sar-na, Hi-is-ta-ah-8, Sd-ak-ri-as-wa, and many others, 
 for which see the name lists, are clearly people of Asiatic origin. 
 The population was doubtless made up of people from the 
 various branches of Semitic races, living side by side with 
 people of other origins. The whole population mingled 
 together freely in business relations, but that the Semites pre- 
 dominated is indicated by the fact that the Semitic dialect 
 was the one in current.use, and the fact that the majority of 
 names were Semitic. 
 
 The theory that the Cappadocian community represents 
 an Assyrian colony was proposed by Sayce with the publica- 
 tion of his Sargon seal in 1910. It has found support recently 
 in the view of Dr. Lewy that there was an old Assyrian empire 
 extending “from the city of Ashur to the Halys”’ (ZA 36, 
 p. 19). The presence of the seal of Sargon, the patesi of Ashir, 
 must indicate some recognition of his authority in Cappa- 
 docia; possibly we may infer that some official appointed by 
 the patesi was given authority to use the seal. But if the 
 government of Assyria played any important part in the 
 affairs of Cappadocia it is strange that there is no further 
 reference to the fact in the records. In all Cappadocian 
 tablets there is not a passage that can with certainty be said 
 to refer to Assyria, or for that matter to any country or city 
 far removed from Cappadocia (cf. the name Ha-na-na-ri-im 
 misinterpreted by Smith as ‘Hana of the rivers’ CCT I, 
 p. 8). There is no evidence that Assyria held sway over 
 Cappadocia except the Sargon seal, and it must be remembered 
 that the date of this patesi is a century or two later than that 
 
 [15] 
 
generally held for the Cappadocian inscriptions. Sargon was 
 the sixth ruler of an uninterrupted dynasty in Assyria; per- 
 haps by his time Cappadocia recognized the authority of 
 Assyria to some degree. But the evidence of the whole mass 
 of Cappadocian records which are probably earlier than Sar- 
 gon’s time point to an independent government. For 
 instance, mention is made of a number of eponyms; if Assyria 
 was in control it would be natural to expect the years to be 
 named after Assyrian officials. No Assyrian eponyms are 
 known in so early a period, and moreover, several of the Cap- 
 padocian eponyms bear names which are not found among 
 Assyrian personal names. It may be inferred, therefore, that 
 these were local officials. If it be argued that they may have 
 been Assyrian officials who are otherwise unknown to us, it is 
 to be noted that in the legal document BIN IV, 103, one of 
 the parties involved in the case is an eponym. In this case 
 at least he was a local official taking part in the affairs of the 
 community. 
 
 What was the form of government in use? Evidently many 
 of the institutions of government known in old Babylonian 
 usage were also found in Cappadocia. There is repeated 
 mention of the garwm and the alum (for discussion cf. Notes 
 1, 10, and Walther LSS VI (4-6), pp. 64, 70, 254); the rabizum 
 and the aklum are also found (cf. Walther ibid. pp. 75, 168 f, 
 267). No mention of a king is found; the highest authority 
 was the garum or assembly. Government was organized on 
 the city state plan, with a loose sort of federation between the 
 various cities of the region. The government must have been 
 of a democratic character, like other early Semitic govern- 
 ments (cf. Lampe, The Limitations upon the Power of the 
 Hebrew Kings pp. 9 ff). When Sargon of Akkad was asked 
 to go to Cappadocia to defend the colony against foreign foes 
 (cf. Weidner, Der Zug Sargon von Akkad nach Kleinasien, in 
 the Boghazkéi-Studien, Heft 6), it was only after a council of 
 the whole city was called that he decided to go. Very likely 
 this body corresponded to the garum in Cappadocia. While 
 the assembly of the Cappadocian community doubtless had a 
 head, he was not a monarch. 
 
 Several facts point to a closer relation of the Cappadocians 
 
 [16 ) 
 

 
 to the Western Semites than to any other part of the Semitic 
 world. The geographical location is favorable to this hypothe- 
 sis. Cappadocia is shut off from Syria and Mesopotamia by 
 the great natural barrier of the Taurus and Anti-Taurus 
 Mountains. While they are not impassable, there is only one 
 easy way of communication between Asia Minor and the East; 
 that is by way of the Cilician Gates. For centuries armies 
 and traders have found this pass to be the gateway between 
 the East and the West. In the Persian period there was a 
 “royal road” between Ephesus and Susa. This road passed 
 through central Asia Minor, turned south in the very region 
 whence our tablets have come, and passed through the Cilician 
 Gates. There is every reason to suppose that this route 
 between Asia Minor and the East was older than the Persian 
 period. The Semites who first entered Asia Minor would be 
 most likely to follow this route. Other things being equal, we 
 would expect. the people who first expanded in this direction 
 to be those living nearest the region, who would be the inhab- 
 itants of northern Syria. 
 
 To this consideration must be added that of Professor 
 Clay’s theory of an empire of Amurru in the upper Euphrates 
 Valley, which antedated the civilization of Babylonia and 
 Assyria. The acceptance of this view, which is constantly 
 gaining wider favor among scholars, enables us to postulate 
 a strong Semitic base in the region from which to expect a 
 migration to Cappadocia in early times. We have already 
 seen reason to’ believe that this migration took place quite 
 early (see above, Weidner, etc.). 
 
 Certain other facts bear testimony to the West Semitic 
 character and origin of the Cappadocians. One such fact is 
 the West Semitic character of the names of their gods. The 
 list of divine elements in the proper names shows that the 
 favorite god was Ashir. Ranking next in importance should 
 be placed Adad, Anu, El, Ishtar, Sin and Shamash. A little 
 less in importance were Amurru, Ea or Ia, Enlil. A few other 
 divine names appear only occasionally: AB, Dagan, Ishara, 
 Laban, MA-MA, MES, Nana, Ilabrat, Nunu, Shara, Zu. It 
 will be seen at a glance that practically all these gods are West 
 Semitic deities. The home of Ashir is yet to be determined. 
 
 [17] 
 
Before the discovery of the Cappadocian tablets Assyria was 
 the only place known where he was extensively worshipped. 
 Now that there has been found another seat of his worship 
 almost as old, possibly older, than Assyria, the question is 
 raised whether his worship was carried from the one place to 
 the other, or whether both came from a common origin. The 
 presence in Cappadocia of names compounded with Ashir 
 does not necessarily mean that they are Assyrian names, or 
 that Ashir worship was carried to Cappadocia by Assyrians. 
 There is a geographical name Til-Assuri which Tiglath-Pileser 
 III mentions (Annals 176-79) as having been conquered. 
 Ksarhaddon tells us that Til-ASSuri was another name for 
 Mitanni, which was located on the upper Euphrates (Prism A, 
 2:23 Broken Prism 3:14). These facts together with the 
 early worship of Ashir in Cappadocia suggest that Ashir 
 worship is older than Assyria. 
 
 The most common of all Cappadocian names is Ashir-malik. 
 Malik is characteristically a West Semitic name element. 
 Other names distinctly West Semitic are: Ikib-Ili, Ili-bani, 
 Giria, Hananu, Ahu-waqar, Ishma-Adad, Qama-Ashir, besides 
 those compounded with the element idin and many others. 
 The mercantile and peaceable character of the people reminds 
 us of the Phoenicians, who plied their trade in a very early 
 time. There are certain features about the language which 
 have a West Semitic flavor, as for instance the confusion of 
 sibilants. There is an example of a construction resembling 
 the Hebrew use of the infinitive absolute (BIN IV 10 : 19). 
 The use of the word divider is probably a West Semitic custom. 
 
 Summarizing the material furnished by the Cappadocian 
 tablets, the following conclusions may be set forth. As early 
 as the time of Sargon of Akkad a colony of Western Semites 
 had migrated to the fertile plain north of Mount Argaeus, 
 doubtless attracted by the rich mineral deposits of the region. 
 This small colony near the base of the great mountain was 
 defended from an enemy by Sargon in the early stages of its 
 growth. During the next few centuries it continued to grow 
 in size and prosperity until it embraced a large number of 
 semi-independent cities in the district. The Semites never 
 drove out the earlier inhabitants of the land, but like the early 
 
 [18] 
 
Hebrews in Palestine, lived together with them and gradually 
 imposed their institutions upon them. During the period of 
 the Ur dynasty, if not earlier, the cuneiform system of writing 
 was adopted, for the sake of securing greater permanency for 
 their business records. The system adopted was of a some- 
 what simplified type, adapted to a phonetic reproduction of 
 the Semitic language being used in the business dealings, and 
 capable of being quickly learned by inexperienced scribes. 
 Living in comparative isolation behind the Taurus range, the 
 script and language developed a distinct character of its own. 
 While recognizing a certain dependence upon the superior 
 power of their Babylonian and Assyrian kinsmen, the people 
 of this Cappadocian colony enjoyed practical independence, as 
 shown by their autonomous democratic form of government. 
 This independence also prevailed in their business transactions, 
 which for the most part were carried on locally. The colony 
 continued to exist as an independent state at least until the 
 time of Sargon the patesi of Ashir. By the middle of the 
 second millennium B.C. its place had been taken by the 
 Hittite empire, but its people still continued to live in the 
 region as attested by the Greek traditions of the ‘‘white 
 Syrians” of Asia Minor between the Gulf of Issus and the 
 Black Sea, 
 
 119} 
 
TRANSLATIONS OF SELECTED TEXTS 
 CONTRACTS 
 
 The Cappadocian texts which for convenience may be 
 grouped under this general heading are by no means uniform. 
 They cover quite a variety of relations, most of which have to 
 do with some sort of commercial transactions. Those con- 
 tained in the Yale Collection all deal with business matters. 
 Among the previously published texts there is an occasional 
 contract dealing with marriage relations. 
 
 The business contracts of the Yale Collection may be divided 
 into the following groups: (1) Those dealing with loans of 
 money, or promissory notes. (2) Records of sums of money 
 and merchandise entrusted to certain individuals for trans- 
 portation. (3) Documents binding persons entrusted with 
 money to certain conditions in handling it. (4) Memoranda 
 or lists of articles delivered. (5) Miscellaneous. 
 
 The first group is drawn up according to stereotyped form, 
 indicating the frequency with which such contracts were 
 formed. Of the total number of Cappadocian tablets known 
 a large number are of this class. The conditions underlying 
 the loan may be assumed to be as follows: the borrower takes 
 a certain quantity of merchandise which is evaluated at the 
 price agreed upon, and makes a trading expedition to some 
 more or less distant place, selling his wares for whatever price 
 he can command. The owner of the goods, in order to protect 
 himself, draws up this promissory note binding the trader to 
 pay a certain sum at the end of a certain time, presumably the 
 time for the return of the trader. The merchandise is never 
 mentioned in the notes themselves, but that such an arrange- 
 ment was the reason for making the loan is implied in BIN IV, 
 27; cf. BIN IV, 61, where it is expressly stated that certain 
 quantities of merchandise were delivered to the trader for cer- 
 
 [20] 
 
tain periods of time for certain sums of money. The period for 
 which the loan was made varied from 1 to 7 months or from 3 
 to 70 hamustim according as the time is stated in one or the 
 other kind of terms. The length of the period would probably 
 be made to conform to the length of the journey proposed. 
 
 It is to be noted that no interest was charged upon these 
 loans until after the date of maturity. But after that date a 
 certain rate of interest was charged “‘if he has not paid.” A 
 quite common interest rate is 114 shekels per mina, per month, 
 which amounts to thirty per cent per year. ‘Twenty per cent 
 is also common; in several cases the rate is forty per cent and 
 in one case (CCT I, 7a : 10) it is sixty per cent, and in another 
 (CCT I, 8b : 10) the rate is apparently 13314%. On the other 
 hand the rate is sometimes very low. In two cases (CCT I, 
 3:57, 4 : 34) the rate is given as 24 shekel 15 Se. Assuming 
 that there are 180 Se in a shekel as in Babylonia this amounts 
 to exactly 15%. In LTC IV, 91a: 11 the rate is only 544%. 
 The reason for this great difference in interest rate does not 
 depend upon the length of time for which the loan was made, 
 for there is no definite relation between the rates given and 
 the time. There is possibly some relation between the amount 
 of the capital and the interest rate, the lower rate applying 
 to the smaller sums. This, however, is not an unbroken rule 
 for the highest rate noted is on only 4 mina of silver (CCT I, 
 8b :10). More probably the additional factor of the creditor’s 
 confidence in the ability of his debtor largely determined the 
 rate. It is interesting to note in this connection that loans 
 to the Garum were at the rate of only 15%. The Garum 
 could be trusted to pay. It is also to be observed that fre- 
 quently in cases where a high rate is charged, the debtors bear 
 non-Semitic names (CCT I, 7a, 8b, LTC IV, 90a, BIN IV, 
 208, 170). This may be a slight indication of the dominance 
 of the Semitic element in the community. 
 
 There are a number of tablets on which the rate of interest 
 is stated as ki-ma a-wa-at ga-ri-im. Contenau (TC p. 46) 
 has probably correctly assumed that this was a fixed rate 
 established by the practice of the Garum, rather than that the 
 contracting parties expected to have the rate determined by 
 the Garum at the time of maturity of the note. Quite likely 
 
 [21] 
 
this was the rate charged by the Garum in their transactions, 
 and was well known when the note was drawn up. In CCT I, 
 5a, we have, ki-ma a-wa-at ga-ri-im 1'/, Siqlam ta a-na 1 manim 
 (um) u-za-db. This may be taken as showing that the rate 
 fixed by the Garum was 1% shekels, or 30% which is also 
 the most commonly stated rate. 
 
 BIN IV 121 
 
 Contents: Shume-abia is bound to pay to Ah-shalim 40 
 shekels of silver, three months after the hamustim of Alabum. 
 If he fails to pay on this date he must add interest at the rate 
 fixed by the Garum. The silver which he borrowed was that 
 pertaining to Ashur-bashti. There are two witnesses. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 24 ma-na kasbam (2) i li-bi'* St-me-a- 
 be-a (3) Ab-S4-lim i-Sd-d (4) i8-du ha-mu-u8-tim (5) 84 A-la- 
 bi-im (6) a-na warbim 3” (7) i-S4-gal-Si-ma (8) Si-ma 1é4 i8- 
 ku-ul (9) ki-ma a-wa-at (10) ga-ri-im zi-ib-tam (11) t-za-db 
 kasbam (12) a-Sti-me A-Sur-ba-a8-tt (13) e-bu-ul (14) mahar 
 A-Sur-damiq (15) mabar En-um-A-Sur. 
 
 Translation: 2% mina of silver Ah-shalim holds as a debt 
 against Shume-abia. From the hamustim of Alaham after 
 three months he shall pay him; and if he has not paid, accord- 
 ing to the word of the Garum, interest he shall add. For the 
 silver pertaining to Ashur-bashti he is responsible. Before 
 Ashur-damiq. Before Enum-Ashur. 
 
 BIN IV 174 
 
 Contents: Zuba son of Ishtar-baliel is bound to pay to Buzur- 
 Ashur 5 minas of silver, three months after the hamustim of 
 Shamash-bani and Ashur-ishtigal. If he fails to pay on this 
 date he must add interest at the usual rate. The text is one 
 of the most typical of this class. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 5 ma-na kasbam (2) za-ru-ba-am (3)i zi-ir 
 Zu-ba (4) mar I8tar-ba-li-el (5) Buztr-A-Sfr (6) i-S8u i8-du (7) 
 ha-mu-us-tim (8) 84 ‘Samai-ba-ni a (9) A-Sur-i8-ti-gal (10) 
 a-na warhim Piety Q) i-S4-gal (12) li-mu-um (18) Ili-St-ra-bi 
 warah™™ (14) Ab-S4-ra-ni (15) Sti-ma 14 i8-kul (16) a ma-na-im 
 (17) 114 Siqlu ta i-na (18) warhim™™” zi-ib-tam (19) u-za-db. 
 
 Translation: 5 minas of refined silver upon Zuba, son of 
 
 [22] 
 
Ishtar-baliel, Buzur-Ashur holds as a debt. From the Lamustim 
 of Shamash-bani and Ashur-ishtigal after 3 months he shall 
 pay. The eponymy ofjllishu-rabi, the month Absharani. If 
 he has not paid, on a mina, at the rate of 1/4 shekels per month, 
 interest he shall add. 
 
 BIN IV 170 
 
 Contents: Shuhurbea and Kurkura are bound to pay to 
 Ashir-nada 10 minas 45 shekels of silver, within a period of 
 3 hamustims after the hamustim of Gimil-Anim and Ili-Ishtigal. 
 If they fail to pay on this date they must add interest at the 
 rate of 2 shekels per mina, per month. The relatives of the 
 debtors are bound as security for the debt. There are two 
 witnesses. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 102g ma-na 5 Siqlu [kasbam] (2) za-ru- 
 ba-am i zi-ir (3) St-bu-ur-be-a[-] (4) G Ku-ur-ku-ra (5) A-Sfr- 
 na-da i-[St] (6) i8-du ha-mu-us-tim (7) 84Gimil-A-nim 0 I-li[--|gal 
 (8) a-na 3 ba-am-S4-tim (9) i-S4-ku-lu S-ma (10) i-na t-me- 
 Si-nu ma-al[-i-tim] (11) 14 i&-ku-lu 2 Siqlu ta (12) i-na war- 
 him™" a-na (13) 1 ma-na-im t-zu-bu (14) kasbam i ga-ga-ad 
 (15) qa-meSt-nu wv ki-ni-Si-nu” (16) ra-ki-iz (17) mabar 
 A-Sur-ma-lik (18) mahar El-ba-ni. 
 
 Translation: 10 minas, 5 shekels of refined silver, upon 
 Shurhurbea and Kurkura, Ashur-nada holds as debt. From 
 the hamu&stim of Gimil-Anum and lli-[ishti]gal, after 3 hamus- 
 tims they shall pay. If when their time is fulfilled they have 
 not paid, 2 shekels per month per mina, they shall add. The 
 silver on the head of their kith and kin is bound. Before 
 Ashur-malik. Before El-bani. 
 
 BIN IV 1538 
 
 Contents: CGimil-Kubum is bound to pay to Ahatum a 
 woman, 20 shekels of silver, three months after the hamustvm 
 of Imtilim and Ashur-zululi. If he fails to pay on this date 
 he must add interest at the rate determined by the Garum. 
 Probably the names of two witnesses originally appeared in 
 the last two broken lines. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 14 ma-na kasbam za-ru-ba-am (2) 1 zi-ir 
 Gimil-Ku-be-im (3) A-ha-tum ti-Si (4) i8-du ba-mu-us-tim 
 
 [ 23 ] 
 
84 (5) Im-ti-lim 4 A-Sur-zu-lu-li (6) a-na 3 warhim“™ (7) i-84- 
 gal Sti-ma (8) 14 eS-ku-ul (9) ki-ma a-wa-at (10) ga-ri-im u-za-4b 
 (11) [mahar] Lu-lu (12) [mahar] A-ra-na-Ab-su. 
 
 Translation: 14 mina of refined silver, upon Gimil-Kubum, 
 Ahatum holds as debt. From the hamuStim of Imtilim and 
 Ashur-zululi after 3 months he shall pay. If he has not paid, 
 according to the word of the Garum he shall add. 
 
 BIN IV 120 
 
 Contents: This is the record of the partial payment of a debt 
 and a statement that two months extension of time is allowed 
 for paying the balance. Interest is to begin at the rate fixed 
 by the Garum if the balance is not paid at the appointed date. 
 Upon paying all, Amurru-bani the debtor is to receive his 
 tablet. The note at the end about the ass indicates the some- 
 what informal character of the document. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 4% ma-na 8) Siqlu (2) kasbam i-na 
 be-t-l4-ti-Sa (3) Amurru-ba-ni (4) ga-za-ar (5) S4-lim-a-hi-im 
 (6) i&-ku-ul (7) si-tt?? kasbam a-na (8) warhim 2“™ i-S4-gal-ma 
 (9) & dub-ba-am (10) i-l4-ki St-ma (11) i-na warbim 2" (12) 
 14 i8-ku-ul (18) ki-ma a-wa-at (14) ga-ri-im zi-ib-dam (15) 
 u-za-db (16) mahar A-Sir-tabu (17) mar Si-nu-nu-tim (18) 
 1 imeram a-na (19) 17 Siqlu kasbim (20) ta-di-en (21) 84 
 S4-lim-a-hi-im. 
 
 Translation: 14 mina, 814% shekels of silver out of his prop- 
 erty Amurru-bani, the collector(?) of Shalim-ahim paid. The 
 balance of the silver, after 2 months he shall pay, and the 
 tablet he shall take. If within 2 months he has not paid, 
 according to the word of the Garum, interest he shall add. 
 Before Ashur-tabu son of Sinunutim. 1 ass for 17 shekels of 
 silver you sold for Shalum-abum. 
 
 A second group of contracts is to be distinguished by the 
 following characteristics: a certain sum of either gold or silver 
 or both (garments CCT I, 15a) is mentioned; often its various 
 taxes are said to be satisfied; some further description of it is 
 given; it is said to have been entrusted (2b-ki-cd) to a certain 
 person or persons; witnesses’ names follow. 
 
 [24] 
 
These contracts are records that were made when the owner 
 of some goods delivered them over to a carrier agent for trans- 
 portation. Sometimes the destination of the goods is stated, 
 as in CCT I, 15b, where the names of several consignees for 
 various portions of the shipment are given. 
 
 The texts CCT I, 18-20, of a similar nature but containing 
 the verb e-zi-2b, instead of 7b-ki-1d, are probably the receipts 
 drawn up at the other end of the line when the agent delivered 
 the shipment. 
 
 BIN IV, 46 reflects a particular case of the kind involved in 
 these contracts. It is a letter from the consignee of a certain 
 shipment addressed to the shipper, complaining that the 
 carrier has not delivered the full amount entrusted to him. 
 BIN IV, 27 is also to be considered here. The group of three 
 men who are the writers of the letter report to Shalim-ahum 
 and Bushukin that three other men have entrusted to them 
 various sums of merchandise. In this case the men entrusted 
 with the merchandise had the responsibility of disposing of it 
 to the merchant traders and fixing the terms of their loans. 
 The property seemed to belong to Shalim-ahum and Bushukin. 
 The carriers were the agents of the addressees of the letter. 
 
 BIN IV 119 
 
 Contents: 24 minas of silver to be delivered to Hinaia were 
 entrusted to the care of Amur-Ishtar and Kuzallim. Three 
 witnesses’ names are added. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 24 ma-na kasbam (2) 84 Hi-na-a (8) a-na 
 A-mur-IStar (4) 1 Ku-zal-lim (5) 4b-ki-id (6) mahar A-sur- 
 na-da (7) mar A-Sur-i-din (8) mahar Buztr-IStar (9) mar 
 Gimil-l4-4b-ra-at (10) mahar I-ku-bi-a (11) mar Gimil-I-li-el. 
 
 Translation: 24 minas of silver consigned to Hinaia, to 
 Amur-Ishtar and Kuzallim I entrusted. Before Ashur-nada 
 son of Ashur-idin. Before Buzur-Ishtar son of Gimil-Ilabrat. 
 Before Ikubia son of Gimil-Iliel. 
 
 BIN IV 164 
 Contents: Two separate transactions are recorded in this 
 text. First it is stated that the maker of the tablet has 
 entrusted 101% minas of silver and 471 shekels of gold, bearing 
 [25 ] 
 
the seal of Ashur-nimri, to the three men named in lines 6-8, 
 who are agents of the man to whom the tablet was sent. The 
 second part states that 7 minas of silver and 2 shekels of gold, 
 under the seal of Ashur-rabi, have been entrusted to Sharru- 
 Sin. There are two witnesses to this transaction. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 1014 ma-na kasbam (2) 24 ma-na 7% 
 Siqlu (3) hurazam ba-S4-lam (4) ku-nu-ki 84 A-Sfr-ni-im-ri (5) 
 a-na 84 ki-ma (6) ku-a-tt En-nam-A-Sur (7) A-Sfr-ta-ak-l4-ku 
 (8) Be-lim-ba-ni (9) [ ]-ku-a (10) 4b-ki-da (11) mahar A-lu-lé-a 
 (12) mabar Buztir-A-Sir (18) mabar I-ku-bi-a (14) 7 ma-na 
 kasbam ga-[ ]-um (15) 2 Siqlu hurazam ku-nu-ki (16) $4 A-Sur- 
 rabi 84 a-na (17) zi-ir Sarru-Sin (18) G El-me-tt ub-lé-ni-nim 
 (19) a-na Sarru-Sin 4b-ki-id (20) mabar A-lu-tu-a (21) mahar 
 A-sur-ma-lik (22) mar I-If-i8-ti-gal. 
 
 Translation: 1014 minas of silver 24 mina 71% shekels of 
 pure gold, (bearing) the seal of Ashur-nimri, to your repre- 
 sentatives, Ennam-Ashur, Ashur-taklaku, Belim-bani, . . . I 
 entrusted. Before Alulaia, before Buzur-Ashur, before Ikubia. 
 7 minas of silver . . . ., 2 shekels of gold, (bearing) the seal of 
 Ashur-rabi, which for Sharru-Sin and El-meti, they brought 
 to me, to Sharru-Sin I entrusted. Before Alulaia, before 
 Ashur-malik son of Ili-ishtigal. 
 
 BINELY 3122 
 
 Contents: Four different sums of gold and silver have been 
 entrusted to Ikubia. These amounts are the net sums after 
 the customary official fees have been deducted. There are 
 two witnesses. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 5 ma-na kasbam ni-iz-ha-zu (2) [malu 
 Sd-du-Ja-zu 84-b[u - -] (3) 24 ma-na burazam ni-iz-ha-zu (4) 
 malu [84-du-Ja-zu (5) 84-[bu - -ba]-nam (6) 14 ma-na 6 Siqlu ki 
 la bi(?) (7) kasbam ni-iz-ha-zu (8) 0 $4-d[u-a-zu (9) ri-ik-zu-um 
 (10) i-na ki-ir-be-Si (11) na-din 1 ma-na kasbam (12) ni-iz- 
 ba-zu maku (13) S4-du-a-zu S4-bu (14) $4 dam-gar-ri-im (15) 
 me-ma a-nim a-na (16) I-ku-bi-a ab-ki-id (17) mahar En- 
 na-nim (18) mar Am-ri-a (19) mahar A-Sir-ur-hi (20) mar 
 Bu-da-tim. 
 
 Translation: 5 minas of silver, its commission(?) paid and 
 its fee for assaying(?) satisfied, 24 mina of gold, its commission 
 
 [26] 
 
paid and its fee for assaying satisfied, 14 mina 6 shekels . . . 
 of silver, its commission paid and its fee for assaying placed 
 bound in its midst, 1 mina of silver, its commission paid and 
 its fee for assaying satisfied, belonging to the trader, all of 
 this to Ikubia I entrusted. Before Ennanim son of Amria, 
 before Ashur-urhi son of Budatim. 
 
 BIN IV 147 
 
 Contents: For °/, mina 5 shekels of refined silver which 
 Ashkutim and Ashur-nada took out from Ganish and for 3 
 mina 5 shekels which Ashkutim took out on behalf of Edinaia, 
 Ashkutim is held responsible. If he fails to produce properly 
 attested documents or witnesses for Edinaia as to his disposi- 
 tion of the silver, he must pay a penalty for his neglect. The 
 interest of Edinaia is thus safeguarded. 
 
 Transliteration: °/, ma-na 5 Siqlu (2) kasbam za-ru-ba-am 
 (3) 84 AS-ku-tum (4) i A-Sur-na-da (5) i-na Ga-ni-eS (6) el-ki- 
 i-ni (7) t si-ta-tim* kasbim (8) 24 ma-na 5 Siqlu (9) 84 A8-ku- 
 tum (10) ki E-di-na-a (11) el-ki-G §i-ma (12) dub-ba-am ha-ar- 
 ma-am™ (13) u-l4*" si-be a-na (14) E-di-na-a AS-ku-tum (15) 
 14 uS-ti-li a-na kasbim (16) a-nim St-qa-am (17) A8-ku-tum 
 a-na H-di-na-a (18) i-84-gal Si-ma dub-ba-am (19) t-14®" si-be 
 uS-ti-li kasbam (20) As-ku-tum $4-bu is-du nu-St (21) ha-mués- 
 tim 84 El-ba-ni (22) a-na 6 warhim™” e-ta-wa-t. 
 
 Translation: °/. mina 5 shekels of refined silver which Ash- 
 kutum and Ashur-nada from Ganish took, and the rest of the 
 silver 24 mina 5 shekels which Ashkutum for Edinaia took, 
 if a legally executed tablet, or else witnesses, to Edinaia, Ash- 
 kutum does not bring up, for that silver, Sugam Ashkutum to 
 Edinaia shall pay. If the tablet or else witnesses he brings up, 
 the silver of Ashkutum is satisfied. From... the official 
 period of El-bani for 6 months .. . 
 
 BIN IV 152 
 Contents: This contract states that Buzutaia holds in his 
 possession a tablet which was legally executed by Amur-Ishtar 
 and Ili-alim showing that Amur-Ishtar had delivered to Ili- 
 alim 10 minas of silver. This silver Ili-alim sent to ‘‘the city.” 
 If the agent of Ili-alim who carried the silver to its destination 
 [27] 
 
does not, in return for it, deliver to Amur-Ishtar in Burushatim 
 merchandise which he has purchased with it, then Buzutaia is 
 to turn over the tablet entrusted to him for the ensuing liti- 
 gation. ‘There are two witnesses. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) dub-ba-am ha-ar-ma-am™ (2) 84 10 
 ma-na kasbim (3) 84 A-mur-I8tar a-na (4) I-If-a-lim i-di-nu-ma 
 (5) I-lf-a-lim a-na a-lim™! (6) kasbam t-si-be-lu (7 ) a-na Bu-zu- 
 ta-a (8) ni-ib-ki-da (9) Sti-ma lu-ku-dam (10) 84 10 ma-na-e 
 kasbim (11) i Bu-ru-u8-ha-tim (12) 84 ki-ma I-If-a-lim (13) a-na 
 A-mur-Istar (14) 14 i-ta-ad-nu (15) dub-ba-am Bu-zu-ta-a (16) 
 a-na da-ni-ti-ni (17) u-ba-al-8i (18) mahar A-Sir-ma-lik (19) 
 mar Lu-zi-na (20) mahar I-din-a-be-im (21) mar A-Sfr-rabi 
 (22) a-na Bu-zu-ta-a (23) dub-ba-am ni-ib-ki-id. 
 
 Translation: A legally executed tablet for 10 minas of silver 
 which Amur-Ishtar to Ili-alim delivered, and which silver Ili- 
 alim to the city sent, to Buzutaia we entrusted. If the agent 
 of Ili-alim, merchandise to Amur-Ishtar in BuruShatim, for the 
 10 minas ‘of silver does not deliver, the tablet Buzutaia for 
 judgement shall deliver up. Before ‘Ashur-malik son of Luzina, 
 before Idin-abum son of Ashur-rabi. (This) tablet to Buzutaia 
 we delivered. 
 
 The following texts are grouped together because of their 
 general similarity. They are not contracts but are personal 
 memoranda, all on the subject of commercial transactions, but 
 reflecting a wide range of relations. They have possibly been 
 the property of as many different persons as there are tablets, but 
 more likely they represent some of the daily notations set down 
 by some one or two prominent business men, possibly Bushukin. 
 
 BIN IV 136 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 3 Siqlu kasbam (2) a-na a-ma-at (3) 
 Gimil-IStar (4) a-di-in. 
 
 Translation: Three shekels of silver for the female slave of ° 
 
 Gimil-Ishtar I gave. 
 
 BIN IV 167 
 Contents: When Ashur-rabi was sick the writer of this tablet 
 paid to him and to Ashur-mutabel 10 shekels of silver. 
 [28] 
 
Transliteration: (1) 10 Siqlu kasbam (2) a-na A-Sfr-rabi mar 
 I-na-a (3) i A-Sfr-mu-ta-be-el (4) ga-za-ri-Si-nu (5) i-nu-me 
 A-Sfr-rabi (6) ma-ar-zu-t (7) a-di-in. 
 
 Translation: 10 shekels of silver to Ashur-rabi son of Inaia, 
 and Ashur-mutabel their collector(?), when Ashur-rabi was 
 sick, I gave. 
 
 BIN IV 141 
 
 Contents: Upon the death of the daughter of Ummana the 
 writer sent him one half a roll of cloth, probably for the burial. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 4% TUG*® i-nu-me (2) marat-zu (38) 
 me-ta-at-ni® (4) a-na Um-ma-na (5) t-si-bi-el. 
 
 Translation: 1% of a roll of cloth, when his daughter was 
 dead, to Ummana I sent. 
 
 BIN IV 128 
 
 Contents: This text states that 74 rolls of linen belonging to 
 Shume-abia were brought to the temple; that 26 of them were 
 disposed of there and that the rest were returned. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 74 TUG ku-ta-nu™ (2) 84 St-me-A-bi-a 
 (3) a-na é-gal-lim (4) e-ru-bu 26 TUG (5) i-li-ki-t (6) 48 TUG 
 ur-du-nim. 
 
 Translation: 74 rolls of linen of Shume-abia to the temple 
 came in. 26 rolls they took; 48 rolls they returned to us. 
 
 BIN IV 140 
 
 Contents: The writer states that the 5 shekels of silver 
 which Amur-Ashur weighed out for him, the same person (or 
 possibly another of the same name) has carried to Lamazi and 
 Ahaha, two women, thus probably canceling a debt of the 
 writer to them. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 5 Siqlu kasbam (2) 84 A-mur-A-sur (3) 
 mar Zu-ga-li-a (4) ig-ku-l4-ni-Si’* (5) a-na La-ma-zi (6) u 
 A-ha-ha (7) A-mur-A-Sur-ma (8) t-bi-el. 
 
 Translation: 5 shekels of silver which Amur-Ashur son of 
 Zugalia weighed out to me, to Lamazi and Ahaha, Amur- 
 Ashur carried. 
 
 [29] 
 
BIN IV 117 
 Transliteration: (1) 23 TUG bi-ri-ga-nu’ (2) 84 Gimil-I8tar 
 (3) 24 ma-na 6% Siqlu (4) kasbim it-bu-lu.” 
 Translation: 23 striped garments of Gimil-Ishtar brought 
 24 mina 62 shekels of silver. 
 
 BIN IV 168 
 
 Contents: This is a list of quantities of lead and other 
 articles. Each amount of lead is designated by the name of 
 an individual. The significance of the list is a matter for 
 speculation. It may be an example of the kind of document 
 referred to elsewhere as si-ib.° 
 
 Transliteration: (1) 20 biltu anakum (2) Bu-St-ki-in (3) 
 20 biltu Dan-A-Ssir (4) 5 biltu La-ki-ib (5) mar IJ-li-a (6) 6 biltu 
 
 I-na-Sin (7) 4 biltu Gimil-Sin (8) 6 biltu I-di-in... (9) 5 
 biltu L-lf . (10) 8 biltu A-ta- -rabu (11) 84 illat(-at) (12) 
 Bu-st-ki-in (13) naphar 74 biltu (14) anakum (15) 14 na-ru- 
 ga-tum (16) 1 me-at 21 TUG (17) i-lu-ki.¥ 
 
 Translation: 20 talents of lead of Bushukin, 20 talents of Dan- 
 Ashur, 5 talents of Lakib, son of Ilia, 6 saga of Ina-Sin, 
 4 talents of Gimil-Sin, 6 talents of Idin- ... , 5 talents of 
 Ili- ..., 8 talents of Ata... rabu which are under the 
 control of Bushukin, total 74 talents of lead. 14 leather 
 bags(?), 121 state garments. 
 
 BIN IV 156 
 
 Contents: This is a memorandum for 70 bolts or rolls of 
 cloth which have been taken from the temple. For 81% of 
 them copper at the rate of 20 minas each is to be received 
 from the bit garum; for 504% of them Kurara is to pay in 
 silver and for 10 of them Shuli is to pay in silver. The text 
 indicates that the temple had some of the features of a business 
 institution, carrying on trade relations with individuals and 
 with the store house. 81% in line 4 is a mistake of the scribe 
 for 914; otherwise the total of the three amounts is only 69. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) i-na 70 TUG™ (2) Sd i-na ¢-gal-lim (3) 
 el-ki-t-ni (4) 84 8144 TUG™ (5) 20 ma-na ta eram (6) bit 
 anheo (7) a-l4-ki (8) 84 5016 TUG™ (9) kasbam Ku-ra-ra 
 (10) i-da-nam (11) 4 10 TUG™ kasbam (12) St-li i-da-nam. 
 
 [30] 
 
Translation: Of the 70 rolls of cloth which from the temple 
 they took, for 8% rolls of cloth, copper of the store house at 
 the rate of 20 minas each I shall receive; for 501% rolls Kurara 
 shall pay me silver; for 10 rolls Shuli shall pay me silver. 
 
 LEGAL DOCUMENTS 
 
 For a discussion of detailed points with reference to the 
 following group of texts see notes 8, 10, 12, 20. In general 
 they represent the Old Babylonian lawsuits, yet in some cases 
 they do not involve any dispute, but are merely affidavits 
 executed before the Garum. The situation involved in these 
 documents may be supposed to be as follows: two parties 
 who are named in the beginning of the tablets of this class 
 have either a dispute to settle or a business transaction of 
 some importance to arrange; they go and select from one to 
 three men to act as judges or arbiters in the matter; these 
 men are represented by the names added at the end of the 
 document, and by the pronoun ni-a-ti occurring in the opening 
 and closing formulas; then the two parties state their case 
 before the witnesses, often in the form of one party asking the 
 other a question and receiving a formal answer; in this way 
 they come to agreement and their speeches are recorded on 
 the tablet; then the Garum gives its sanction to the matter, 
 thus legalizing and establishing the agreement. 
 
 Certain biblical incidents seem to reflect a knowledge of the 
 same custom. ‘The first part of the fourth chapter of Ruth in 
 which Boaz came to an agreement with the near kinsman of 
 Naomi, could almost be translated into a Cappadocian busi- 
 ness document of this type. Yahweh’s controversy with his 
 people in Micah 6 is a figurative use of the same custom. The 
 mountains and foundations of the earth are called upon to be 
 witnesses while Yahweh and his people speak in turn. Other 
 passages are Zech. 3: 1 and Job 1-2, where Satan plays the 
 part of the adversary or accuser. 
 
 BIN IV 109 
 
 Contents: The legally executed contract of Buzazu and EI- 
 wadaku: Buzazu engaged El-wadaku to represent him in 
 arranging a matter of business. The contract was drawn up 
 
 [31] 
 
before two witnesses and officially endorsed by the Garum of 
 Ganish. Bin IV, 110 is a duplicate of this text, in which the 
 difficult passage ba-a-a-ni-ma is written on one line, though it 
 is divided between two lines in the present text in a way that 
 Suggests there are two separate words instead of banima. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) Bu-za-zu a-na El-wa-da-ku (2) iz-ba- 
 at-ni-a-ti-ma” (3) um-ma Bu-za-zu-ma (4) a-na El-wa-da- 
 ku-ma (5) a-na a-e-tim zi-ki*! (6) du-ga-al® um-ma (7) El-wa- 
 da-ku-ma a-na (8) a-wa-tim zi-ga-ga (9) t-ga-al um-ma (10) 
 Bu-za-zu-ma, ba-a (11) a-ni-ma a-wa-tam (12) 14 di-na-kum 14 
 du-ga-l4-ni (13) a-na a-wa-tim (14) a-ni-a-tim ga-ru-um (15) 
 Ga-ni-e8 i-din-ni-a-ti-ma (16) mahbar batrim® 84 A-8fr si-bu-ti-ni 
 (17) ni-di-in mabar Ma-nu-um-ki-I&tar (18) mar Gimil-be-lim 
 (19) mabar “Samas-ba-ni (20) mar I-na-Sin. 
 
 Translation: Buzazu laid hold upon El-wadaku before us. 
 Thus (spoke) Buzazu to Elwadaku: as to the matter of my 
 
 . will you arrange? Thus (spoke) Elwadaku: as to the 
 
 matter of thy .. . I will arrange. Thus spoke Buzazu: ... 
 The Garum of Garnish gave legal sanction to this matter for 
 us. Before the sword of Ashur we gave our testimony. Before 
 Manum-ki-Ishtar, son of Gimil-belim, before Shamash-bani 
 son of Ina-Sin. 
 
 BIN IV 104 
 
 Contents: This is an affidavit of Dibazia and Buzur-Ishtar, 
 the representative of Buzur-Ashur, recording Dibazia’s sworn 
 statement that 214 minas 6 shekels of gold was paid on his 
 debt to the god Adad; this was paid from the proceeds of 
 some merchandise which he and Buzur-Shamash had received 
 from Gimil-Ishtar and Elwadaku. The document was nego- 
 tiated before the Garum of WabSuSana and in the presence of 
 three witnesses. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) Buztr-IStar $4-ki-ma (2) Buatir-A-Sur 
 a-na Di-ba-zi-a (3) iz-ba-at-ni-a-ti-ma (4) um-ma Buztr- 
 Istar-ma (5) ki-ma Buztr-A-Sur a-Sd-al-ga (6) i-na lu-ku-tim 
 S84 a-Sti-me (7) “Adad ga-tum i-si-ig-nu-ni-ma (8) Gimil-IStar t 
 El-wa-da-ku a-na (9) zi-ri-ga & Buztr-“Samas (10) ub-lu-ni- 
 ku-nu-ti-ni 2/4 ma-na 6 Siqlu (11) burazum a-na hu-bu-li-ga 
 
 [32] 
 
(12) 84 4Adad 14 i-si-ki-el (13) me-ma i-na ra-me-ni-ga (14) 
 ta-aS-gul 14 i-na lu-ku-tim (15) a me-tim 84 ni-i8 a-lim™ (16) 
 ga-i-l4 um-ma Di-ba-zi-a-ma (17) ki-na i-na lu-ku-tim (18) 84 
 ga-ti ‘Adad (19) i-si-ig-nu-ma lu-ku-dam (20) Buztir-A-Sur a-na 
 Gimil-IStar (21) 0 El-wa-da-ku ib-ki-du-ma (22) a-na zi-ri-a 
 Buztr-“Samas (23) U-si-be-l4-ni lu-ku-tum a-na (24) hurazim 
 i-zur(?)-ma 214 ma-na 6 Siqlu (25) hurazum a-na hu-bu-li-a 
 84 “Adad (26) i-si-ki-el me-ma i-na ra-me-ni-a (27) U-lé a8-gal 
 i-na lu-ku-tim (28) a me-tim-ma as-gul (29) a-na a-wa-tim 
 a-ni-a-tim (30) ga-ru-um Wa-ab-St-Sd-na (81) za-hi-ir rabi 
 ji-din-ni-a-ti-ma (32) mahar batrim 84 A-Sur si-bu-ti-ni (33) 
 ni-di-in mahar A-Sur-rabi (34) Dan-A-sir (85) mahar MA-MA- 
 HI-IR. 
 
 Translation: Buzur-Ishtar the representative of Buzur- 
 Ashur laid hold upon Dibazia before us. Thus (spoke) Buzur- 
 Ishtar representing Buzur-Ashur: I ask you, of the merchan- 
 dise which they consecrated to Adad and which Gimil-Ishtar 
 and Elwadaku brought to you and to Buzur-Shamash, was 
 there not paid 21% minas 6 shekels of gold on your obligation 
 to Adad? Did you pay anything of yourself? . . . Yes or no? 
 Thus (spoke) Dibazia: yes, from the merchandise’which they 
 consecrated to Adad, the merchandise’of Buzur-Ashur they 
 entrusted to Gimil-Ishtar and Elwadaku, and they brought 
 it to me and Buzur-Shamash. The merchandise for gold .. . 
 and 2144 minas 6 shekels of gold on my obligation to 
 Adad was paid. I paid nothing of myself... . The Garum 
 of WahbSuSana, small and great, gave legal sanction to 
 this matter for us. We gave our testimony before the sword 
 of Ashur. Before Ashur-rabi, before Dan-Ashur, before 
 MAMA-HI-IR. 
 
 BIN IV 103 
 
 Contents: This is an affidavit showing that the Limmu 
 Ashur-imeti, Kulumaia and Hunia have deposited 10 impor- 
 tant sealed documents with Ashur-nishu, an official. Hight 
 of them were letters whose contents are not stated; two were 
 tablets having to do with the payment of debts. The names 
 of four witnesses are added. 
 
 [33 ] 
 
Transliteration: (1) li-mu-um A-Sfr-i-me-ti (2) Ku-lu-ma-a t 
 Hu-ni-a (3) a-na A-Sfr-ni-Si PA-DU” (4) iz-bu-du-ni-a-ti-ma 
 (5) ta-ma-l4-ki* ku-nu-ki-e (6) 84 ga-ri-im Ga-ni-e8 (7) za-hi-ir 
 rabi ib-ki-du (8) um-ma li-mu-ti-ma (9) i-na li-be ta-ma-l4-ki 
 (10) 4 na-as-bi-ra-tum (11) $4 ga-ru-um Ga-ni-iS (12) za-hi-ir 
 rabi t-l4-bi-du (13) 4 na-as-be-ra-tim 84 (14) Im-ti-Ili 84 
 ga-ru-um (15) Ga-ni-iS za-hi-ir rabi (16) ik-nu-ku-t(?)-na-ni 
 (17) 1 dub-bu-um ha-ar-mu-um (18) 84 44 ma-na kasbam (19) 
 $4 hu-bu-ul Gimil-Istar mar Ili-is-ti-gal (20) a-na A-Sir-tabu 
 ha-bu-lu-ma (21) kasbam Bu-za-zu is-ku-lu-ma (22) a-na 224 
 ma-na 5 Siqlu kasbim (23) zi-ba-at kasbam dub-bu-um (24) 
 uk-ta-lu 1 dub-bu-um (25) $4 20 ma-na kasbim 84 a-na (26) 
 A-Sfr-tabu A-mur-Ili ha-bu-lu-ma (27) A-mur-A-sfr I-kib-Ili 
 (28) & Buztr-A-sir (29) ga-ta-du-ni naphar 10 dub-bi-e (30) 
 ku-nu-ki-e 84 za-hi-ir rabi (31) i-na ta-ma-ld-ki ik-nu-ku-ni 
 (32) me-ma dub-bi-e a-ni-t-tim (33) a-na A-Sfr-ni-8u PA-DU 
 (34) 84 I-kib-Ili ib-ki-du-ma (35) mahar a-lim™  be-li-ni (36) 
 i-S4-ku-nu (37) mahar En-um-A-Sir mar A-ni-nim (38) mahar 
 Tabu-zi-lé-A-Sir mar A-Sfr-i-din (39) mahar I-li-aS-ra-ni mar 
 Gimil-be-lim (40) mahar Bu-ta ga-za-ar A-Sir-ma-lik. 
 
 Translation: The eponym Ashur-imeti, Kulumaia and Hunia 
 laid hold upon Ashur-nishu, the official, before us. Sealed 
 decisions of the Garum of Ganish, great and small, they 
 deposited. Thus (spoke) the eponym: among the documents 
 are 4 letters which the Garum of Ganish, great and small, 
 filed(?); 4 letters of Imti-Ili which the Garum of Ganish, great 
 and small, sealed for me; 1 affidavit saying that 44 minas of 
 silver, of the debt of Gimil-Ishtar son of Ili-ishtigal, are owing 
 to Ashur-tabu; and that the silver of Buzazu they paid, and 
 for 224 minas 5 shekels of silver the interest of the silver, the 
 tablet was executed; 1 tablet for 20 minas of silver which 
 Amur-Ili owes to Ashur-tabu and which Amur-Ashur, Ikib-Ili 
 and Buzur-Ashur . . .; a total of 10 sealed tablets which the 
 Garum sealed among the decisions. All these tablets they 
 deposited with Ashur-nishu, the official, for Ikib-Ili. Before 
 the alum and our lord they established it. Before Enum- 
 Ashur son of Aninim, before Tabu-zila-Ashur son of Ashur-idin, 
 before Ili-ashrani son of Gimil-belim, before Buta, the collec 
 tor(?) of Ashur-malik. 
 
 [34] 
 
BIN IV 108 
 
 Contents: This is an affidavit giving the testimony of Ashur- 
 rabi, corroborated by Enlil-bani, proving that Ashur-rabi had 
 delivered 10 minas of silver to the father of Enlil-bani and 
 that it had been carried before the alum. There are four 
 witnesses. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) A-Sir-rabi a-na ‘En-lil-ba-ni (2) iz-ba- 
 at-ni-a-ti-ma (3) um-ma A-Sir-rabi-ma a-na (4) 7EN-ba-ni-ma 
 (5) 10 ma-na kasbam ni-iz-ha-zu (6) malu sd4-du-a-zu (7) 
 s4-bu kasbam s4 damgar (8) a-na a-be-ga a-di-in-ma (9) a-na 
 a-lim™ a si-a-ma-tim (10) u-si-bi-el-Si um-ma (11) ¢EN-ba- 
 ni-ma (12) ki-na kasbam ma-ab-ri-a (13) ta-din-Si-um-ma, (14) 
 a-na Ma-nu-um-ba-lim-A-Sur (15) mar E-na-ma-nim (16) 
 ib-ku-zu-ma a-na a-lim™ (17) G-bi-el-Su si-ma-am (18) i8-t- 
 mu-ni-kum a-ma (19) a-wi-lu a-ni-t-tim lu si-bu-ga (20) ki-ma 
 kasbam a-na a-be-a ta-din (21) mahar Be-lim-ba-ni mar A-Sfr- 
 be-el-a-wa-tim (22) mahar A-Sir-ba-ni mar Ku-ta-a (23) mahar 
 Ku-ku-l4-nim mar Ku-ta-a (24) mahar Ili-ba-ni mar Ma-ni-a. 
 _ Translation: Ashbur-rabi laid hold of Enlil-bani before us. 
 Thus (spoke) Ashur-rabi to Enlil-bani: 10 minas of silver, its 
 commission paid and its fee for assaying satisfied, silver of the 
 merchant, I delivered to thy father and he sent it to the alum 
 for evaluation. Thus (spoke) Enlil-bani: it is true; you gave 
 him the silver in my presence, and he entrusted it to Manum- 
 balim-Ashur son of Enamanim, and he carried it to the alum. 
 The price they fixed for you. I wish these men to be your 
 witnesses that you gave the silver tomy father. Before Belim- 
 bani son of Ashur-bel-awatim, before Ashur-bani son of Kutaia, 
 before Kukulanim son of Kutaia, before Ili-bani son of Mania. 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 Business letters represent the most numerous class of Cap- 
 padocian tablets. They can be recognized at a glance by 
 means of one of the two following formulas: (1) A... a-na 
 B... ki-bi-ma um-ma, (2) Um-ma B...a-naA... ki- 
 bi-ma. There may be one writer or a number; likewise the 
 addressees may be one person or several. These were not 
 mere casual letters designed to give information only, but 
 
 [35] 
 
were intended as permanent records of the transactions men- 
 tioned in them. Four aspects of the business relations of the 
 community are represented by the following groups of letters. 
 (1) Letters about goods sent to the commission merchant. 
 These letters state that a certain amount of goods which is 
 described is being sent to the addressee by a certain person or 
 persons. Request is made that the goods be exchanged for 
 silver and that the silver be sent to the writer. It is to be 
 observed that the writer places no price upon the goods, but 
 turns them over to the commission merchant who is addressed, 
 and who is to sell them for what he can. The writers are 
 probably the producers of the goods. Bushukin is included in 
 the names of the addressees of these letters. We conclude, 
 then, that one at least of the Bushukins mentioned so often in 
 Cappadocian tablets was a commission merchant. 
 
 BIN IV 81 
 
 Contents: This is a letter of Ashur-bel-awatim to Bushukin 
 and Gimil-Ishtar, stating that he has sent to them a quantity 
 of merchandise, and requesting that the silver for it be sent 
 to him. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) a-na Bu-Si-ki-in (2) 0 Gimil-IStar 
 ki-be-ma (3) um-ma A-Sur-be-lé-wa-ti-ma (4) 1 TUG Gimil- 
 IStar na-as-a-ku-um (5) a-bi a-ta (6) mu-hu-ur-Su (7) 1 qa 
 ri-is-dam™ (8) Gimil-IStar na-aS-a-kum (9) 6 ma-na (10) 
 anakam i-nu-me (11) u-za-ni a-na (12) I-din-IStar mar A-Sur- 
 ma-lik (13) a-di-in-8t-ma (14) be-lu-a a-du-nu (15) kasbam 84 
 di-na-ma, (16) si-be-l4-nim. 
 
 Translation: To Bushukin and Gimil-Ishtar speak: thus 
 (says) Ashur-bel-awatim: 1 roll fof cloth Gimil-Ishtar is 
 bearing to you; my father art thou; receive it; 1 qa of first 
 quality (oil) Gimil-Ishtar is bearing to you; 6 minas of lead, 
 when he went forth, to Idin-Ishtar son of Ashur-malik I delivered. 
 Yeare my lords; thesilver for which they are sold, send to me. 
 
 BINGYV ite 
 
 Contents: This is a letter of Huzarum to Bushukin and Ena- 
 Ashur stating that Gimil-Kubum is bringing them a consign- 
 ment of lead and cloth. The following directions are given for 
 
 [36] 
 
the disposition of the merchandise: as soon as it arrives and 
 has been appraised and the usual fees deducted, the value in 
 silver is to be sent to the writer; if the merchandise is sold the 
 silver received for it is to be sealed and sent to the writer; if a 
 certain other circumstance prevails, the merchandise is to be 
 sent on to Burushatim and 1 mina of silver sent to the writer. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) q-na Bu-Su-ki-in (2) U E-na-A-Ssir 
 ki-bi-ma (3) um-ma Hu-za-ru-um-ma (4) anakam 1 TUG™ (5) 
 £4 si-ib?° A-al-tabu (6) $4 me-ih-ri 84 lu-ku-tim (7) Gimil-Ku- 
 bu-um na-as-a-ku-ni (8) a-bi a-ta a-ma-kam (9) ma-la anakum 
 (Oru Ges Cli) iz-ku-t-ni (12) a-ta & E-na-A-Sur (13) 
 ma-ti-ik & wa-kib (14) di-na-ma i-na (15) ba-nim-ma kasbam 
 si-be-lé-nim (16) & Gimil-Ku-ba-am (17) du-ur-da-ni-Si (18) 
 Si-ma anakum 1 TUG™ (19) ta-ad-nu kasbam (20) ku-un- 
 ga-ma (21) si-bi-ld-nim (22) Sa-ma si-mu-um (23) a-ma-kam 
 ma-ti-ik (24) a-na Bu-ru-u8-ha-tim (25) lu-ku-ti li-ti-iq-ma (26) 
 kasbam 1 ma-na (27) li-li-a-am. 
 
 Translation: To Bushukin and Ena-Ashur speak: thus 
 (says) Huzarum: the lead and the cloth of the invoice of 
 Al-tabu which is a bill of the merchandise, Gimil-Kubum is 
 bearing to you. My father art thou; as soon as the lead and 
 the cloth are free from imposts, there do thou and Ena-Ashur 
 
 _ and at once send me the silver; even by Gimil-Kubum 
 send it down to me. If you sell the lead and the cloth, the 
 silver seal and send to me. If the price there . . . to Burus- 
 hatim let my merchandise go and one mina of silver let him 
 bring up to me. 
 
 BIN IV 24 
 
 Contents: This is a letter of Ashur-imeti and Gimil-Hubur 
 to Bushukin, Amur-Shamash and Kurub-Ishtar, stating that 
 Uzur-sha-Ashur will bring to them a consignment of lead and 
 cloth. Instructions are given that the material is to be 
 exchanged for silver when the carrier arrives in Burushatim 
 and this silver is to be returned to the writers. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) um-ma A-Sfr-i-me-ti (2) U Gimil-Hu- 
 bur-ma (3) a-na Bu-St-ki-in (4) A-mur-“SamaS mar Me-Sar- 
 rabi (5) & Kiir-ub-IStar ki-bi-ma (6) 2 biltu 10 ma-na anakam 
 ku-nu-ku (7) 10 ma-na anakam ga-tim (8) 4 TUG st-ru-tum 
 
 [37] 
 
(9) li-wa-tum (10) 1 imeru za-la-mu-um (11) & e-nu-um (12) 
 me-ma a-nim (13) U-zur-84-A-Sur mar A-Sur-be-el-a-wa-tim 
 (14) i-ra-di-a-ku-nu-ti (15) St-ma U-zur-84-A-Sfr (16) a-na 
 Bu-ru-us-bha-tim (17) e-ra-ab anakam 4 TUG bi-tt-a (18) di-na- 
 St-ma a-na Bu-ru-us-ha-tim (19) lu-si-ri-ib-ma a-na kasbim 
 (20) lu ta-ir-ma kasbam (21) i-na si-bi-8i lu-ub-lam. 
 
 Translation: Thus (say) Ashur-imeti and Gimil-Hubur: to 
 Bushukin, Amur-Shamash son of Meshar-rabi and Kurub- 
 Ishtar speak: 2 talents 10 minas of sealed lead, 10 minas of 
 certified lead, 4 garments... lass... , all this Uzur-sha- 
 Ashur son of Ashur-bel-awatim will bring to you. When Uzur- 
 sha-Ashur comes in to Burushatim, the lead and the garments 
 judge for him and to Burushatim cause him to enter in, and 
 for silver let him turn it over, and the silver with his invoice, 
 let him bring to me. 
 
 (2) Reports concerning the disposal of goods. 
 
 Another class of transactions is represented by the following 
 letters. In each of them the writer or writers are rendering 
 account for the disposition they have made of certain quantities 
 of merchandise. The Bushukin who is addressed in BIN IV, 
 27 is probably the same individual mentioned in the previous 
 group of letters. 
 
 BIN IV 61 
 
 Contents: This is a letter of Lakibum and Ili-alim to Shalim- 
 ahum. The writers have received a consignment of lead and 
 linen and garments belonging to Shalim-ahum.  Ili-ashrani 
 was the carrier of the articles. A complete report of the dis- 
 position of these goods is the purpose of the letter. Lines 
 1-25 are occupied with the salutation and a statement of the 
 balance of the three articles after the usual fees and taxes have 
 been deducted. Some of each of the three items was sold on 
 credit to Buzur-Ana son of Elani; his debt was covered by two 
 tablets, one for 28 minas, due in 50 hamuStim and one for 10 
 minas, due in 45 hamu&tim. Another portion was similarly 
 disposed of to Idin-abum son of Idin-Ishtar. 8 rolls of linen 
 and three garments were appraised for the writers; 5 rolls of 
 linen were turned over to the temple; a certain number of 
 rolls of linen (line 47) were appraised for the writers. For the 
 
 [33] 
 
balance of the lead, linen and garments, which were not sold, 
 Ili-ashrani was held responsible and his obligation was covered 
 by two tablets which were made for 1014 minas and 4 mina 
 of silver respectively. Interest at the usual rate of 30% was 
 to be charged upon these sums. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) a-na S4-lim-a-hi-im ki-be-ma (2) um-ma 
 La-ki-bu-um U [-If-a-lim-ma (3) 6 biltu 30 ma-na anakam 
 ku-nu-ki (4) 20 TUG St-ru-tum® ga-di 84 li-wa-tim (5) 85 TUG 
 ku-ta-ni $4 a-na [-lf-aS-ra-ni (6) one lib-ba 414 TUG 
 ku-ta-ni (7) i 1 $d-ra-am ni-iz-ha-tim”® el-ki-i (8) 2 Siqlu kas- 
 bam i-bu-ku 8 TUG ku-ta-ni (9) iS-ra-ti-ga é-gal-lim el-ki 0 2 
 Siglu kasbam (10) ta-bu-ul si-ti®? TUGH toa 73 14 14 TUG 
 ku-ta-nu (11) 1 TUG St-ra-am a-na i&-ra-tim (12) el-ki-i 3 
 Siqlu kasbam i-bu-lu (18) si-tf Su-ru-ti-ga 20 14 2 TUG ga-di 
 (14) 84 li-wa-tim i-na 6 biltu 30 ma-na (15) anaki(-ki)-ga 12 
 ma-na anakam (16) ni-iz-ba-tim el-ki-i 924 ma-na (17) mu- 
 ta- 614 ma-na anakam (18) “Ili-abrat-bani el-ki (19) a-na-kam 
 ld[-] 84 Ab i8-du (20) 50 ma-na 5 Siclu anak(-ak) ga-ti-Su (21) 
 4 ga ri-is-dam 14 ma-na anakam (22) 0 5 Siclu kasbam 84 a-na 
 A-bi-di-ba-an (23) du-si-be-l4 St|-|kam-ru 9 ma-na anakam 
 (24) a-na J-lf-ag-ra-ni ni-bu-ul (25) si-tt anaki(-ki)-ga 5 biltu 
 53 ma-na anakum (26) lib-ba 3 biltu 14 1 ma-na anakam (27) 
 7 Siqlu ta 20 TUG ku-ta-ni 14 ma-na ta (28) 10 TUG St-ru-tum 
 15 Siqlu ta naphar kasbe(-be)-ga (29) 38 ma-na 414 Siqlu 
 Buztir-A-na (30) mar E-la-ni i-ki-ib (81) lib-ba 30 14 2 ma-na 
 a-na 50 ha-am-s4-tim (32) i-S4-gal 10 ma-na 414 Siqlu (33). a-na 
 45 ha-am-Sd-tim i-Sd-gal (34) 2 biltu 14 ma-na 10 Siqlu anakam 
 (35) 7 Siglu ta 20 TUG ku-ta-ni 14 ma-na ta (36) 4 TUG 
 Si-ru-tum 15 Siqlu ta (37) 1 imerum za-la-mu-um” ki-ma 1% 
 ma-na (38) a-na 3024 ma-na AZAG a-na 47 ha-am-Sd4-tim (39) 
 I-din-a-ba-am mar I-din-IStar (40) i-ki-ib G-mu-st-nu war- 
 hum” (41) 84 Ki-na-tim li-mu-um (42) Su-da-a mar En-na- 
 nim 8 TUG ku-ta-ni (43) G3 T UG Si-ru-tum i-di-in ni-a-tt 
 (44) 5 TUG ku-ta-ni Ne Ae tig (45) é-gal-lim a-na si-me-im 
 el-ki-ma (46) 124 ma-na i-na ni-ga-zi™ (47) ) ni-S4-ga-an ki-ma 
 3(?) TUG ku-ta-ni (48) 7 Ya Siqlu 14 614 Se hurazam 5 Siqlu 
 kasbam (49) i-di-in-ni-a-ti si-t? TUG ku-ta-ni-ga (50) 17 TUG 
 i 1 TUG Sti-ru-um kasab(-ab)-Sti-nu (51) 144 ma-na ta t 10 
 Siqlu kasbam (52) 84 $u-ri-im 5 °/g ma-na (58) si-ti anaki(-ki)-ga 
 
 [39] 
 
40 ma-na 14 10 Siqlu (54) kasab(-4b)-SU 5 ma-na (55) lu 84 
 si-tt TUG ku-ta-ni (56) u St-ri-im lu 84 si-tt (57) anaki(-ki)-ga 
 10 °/, ma-na kasbam (58) za-ru-ba-am i li-be (59) I-lf-aS-ra-ni 
 (60) i8-ti-in dub-bu-St (61) $4 1024 ma-na kasbim (62) ti a-ha- 
 ma (63) 84 16 ma-na kasbim (64) la-be-it warhum 1™ (65) 
 Ku-zal-li li-mu-um (66) St-da-a mar E-na-nim (67) 114 Siqlu 
 ta (68) ina warbim 1" a-na (69) 1 ma-na-im t-za-A4b (70) 
 5 imere” $4 si-ib (71) I-If-aS-ra-ni me-du. 
 
 Translation: To Shalim-ahum speak: thus (say) Lakibum 
 and Ili-alim: there were 6 talents, 30 minas of sealed lead, 
 20 Surutum ... 85 rolls of linen which you delivered to Ili- 
 ashrani. From these, 414 rolls of linen and 1 Surutum were 
 taken as commission; 2 shekels of silver. . . ; 8 rolls of linen 
 as thy tithe the temple took; and 2 shekels of Silver... 
 The balance of thy cloth is 7234 rolls of linen. One Surutum 
 for tithes was taken; 3 shekels of silver. . . The balance of 
 thy Surutum is 18... From the 6 talents, 30 minas of thy 
 lead, 12 minas of lead were taken for commission; 924 minas 
 - . . 648 minas of lead Ilabrat-bani took. Here he does not 
 . . . From 50 minas, 5 shekels of lead, to his credit, 4 ga of 
 first quality (oil); 14 mina of lead and 5 shekels of silver which 
 you sent to Abidiban. ... A total of 9 minas of lead to Ili- 
 ashrani we transferred. The balance of thy lead is 5 talents, 
 53 minas of lead. From these (net balances) 3 talents, less 
 1 mina of lead, at the exchange rate of 7 shekels, 20 rolls of 
 linen at 14 mina each, and 10 Surutum at 15 shekels each, 
 Buzur-Ana son of Elani bought on credit; the total of thy 
 silver (for these) is 38 minas, 414 shekels. Of this amount, 
 28 minas, after 50 hamuStim he shall pay. Two talents, 14 
 minas, 10 shekels of lead, at the exchange rate of 7 shekels, 
 20 rolls of linen at 14 mina each, 4 Surutum at 15 shekels each, 
 and 1 ass at 14 mina, for (a total of) 3024 minas of silver, for 
 47 hamustim, Idin-abum son of Idin-Ishtar took out on credit. 
 Their time (to pay) is the month of Kinatim, the eponymy of 
 Shudaia son of Ennanim. Hight rolls of linen and 3 gurutum 
 he delivered to us. Five rolls of linen surplus (?), the temple 
 took for sale (?). We placed in the treasury (?) 124 mina. 
 As for the 3(?) rolls of linen, he appraised (them) for us at 
 7% shekels less 614 Se of gold and 5 shekels of silver. The 
 
 [ 40] 
 
balance of thy linen is 17 rolls and 1 Surutum; their silver at 
 14 mina each and 10 shekels of silver for the Surutum is 5°/g 
 minas. The balance of thy lead is 40 minas less 10 shekels; 
 its silver is 5 minas. Both for the balance of thy linen and 
 Surutum and for the balance of thy lead 10°/, minas of refined 
 silver is due from Ili-ashrani. One of his tablets for 1014 
 minas of silver and the other for 4% mina of silver lay up; the 
 month of Kuzallim, the eponymy of Shudaia son of Enanim. 
 At the rate of 114 shekels per month, per mina he shall pay 
 interest. Five asses of the invoice of Ili-ashrani have died (?). 
 
 BIN IV 27 
 
 Contents: This is a letter of Alahum, Imtilim and Buzur- 
 Ashur to Shalim-ahum and Bushukin. Three different indi- 
 viduals, Hurazanim, Amur-Ashur and Adad-bani, entrusted 
 lots of merchandise, including lead, linen, garments and asses, 
 to the writers. The usual fees have been taken out and the 
 balance of the merchandise which was the property of Shalim- 
 abum and Bushukin was distributed to the damkar in five 
 different lots. In each case the lot was evaluated in terms of 
 silver and the time set for payment. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) a-na Sé-lim-a-hi-im (2) 1 Bu-Sd-ki-in 
 ki-bi-ma (3) um-ma A-la-hu-um-ma (4) Im-ti-lim 0 Buztir-A- 
 Sir-ma (5) 2 biltu 6 ma-na anakam (6) 32 TUG ga-tum 84 li-wa- 
 tim (7) 2 imere za-l4-me-in’ (8) Hu-ra-za-nim ib-ki-id-ni-a- 
 ti-ma (9) 2 biltu 10 ma-na anakam 3014 ku-ta-ni* (10) 4 8t- 
 ru-tim 2 imere za-l4-me (11) A-mur-A-Sir ib-ki-id-ni-a-ti-ma 
 (12) 23 ku-ta-ni 2 imere za-ld-ma-am (18) “Adad-ba-ni ib-ki- 
 id-ni-a-ti-ma (14) i-na 4 biltu 16 ma-na anaki(-ki)-ma(?) (15) 
 8 ma-na ni-iz-ha-tum (16) 9 ma-na 314 Siqlu a-na (17) “Adad- 
 ba-ni ni-bu-ul (18) 15/; ma-nal a-na Hu-ra-za-nim (19) ni-bu-ul 
 1324 ma-na 51% Siqlu (20) mu-ta-ti si-tt anaki(-ki)-ga (21) 3 
 biltu 4314 ma-na (22) 8514 ku-ta-nu 4 Si-ru-tum (23) 5 imere 
 za-ld-mu iz-ku-t-nim (24) lib-ba 2 biltu anakam 32 ku-ta-ni 
 (25) 10 Siqlu ta anakim 15 Siqlu ta ku-ta-ni (26) 20 ma-na 
 kasbam a-na 25 ha-am-sd-tim (27) i zi-ir dam-gar ni-din 1 
 biltu anakam (28) 16 ku-ta-ni 10 ma-na kasbam 1 zi-ir dam-gar 
 ni-din 4314 ma-na anakam (30) 17 TUG ku-ta-ni 2 imere 914 
 ma-na 5 Siqlu (31) i zi-ir dam-gar ni-din 2 imere (32) 1 ma-na 
 
 [41] 
 
kasbam i zi-ir dam-gar ni-din (33) 1 wa-ni-ba a-na 4 ma-na i 
 zi-ir (384) dam-gar ni-din a-na 3 biltu 4314 ma-na (35) anakim 
 65 TUG w 5 imere 40°/; ma-na 5 kasbam za-ru-ba-am (36) 
 i zi-ir dam-gar ki-nu-tim 14 ta ta 84 hu du a-na (37) 25 ha-am- 
 $4-tim na-din warhum” Ab-Sé-ra-ni li-mu-um (38) Bu-zu-zu 
 8 (?) a ga ti ig ni-din kasab(-4b)-St-nu a ga-tt (39) (?) ru Si-ru- 
 um a-na si-tt TUG"-ga 1214 ku-ta-nu (40) 3 Si-... 
 
 Translation: To Shalim-ahbum and Bushukin speak: thus 
 (say) Alahum, Imtilim and Buzur-Ashur: two talents, 6 minas 
 of lead, 32 garments ... , 2 ass loads, Hurazanim entrusted 
 to us; 2 talents, 10 minas of lead, 301% rolls of linen, 4 Surutwm, 
 2 ass loads, Amur-Ashur entrusted to us; 23 rolls of linen, 
 2 ass loads, Adad-bani entrusted to us. From the 4 talents, 
 16 minas of thy lead 8 minas are commission; 9 minas, 34% 
 shekels, to Adad-bani we transferred; 1°/,,minas to Hurazanim 
 we transferred; 1224 minas, 514 shekels mutau. The balance 
 of thy lead, 3 talents, 4814 minas, 8514 rolls of linen, 4 Surutwm 
 and 5 asses are free from obligation. From this, 2 talents of 
 lead at the exchange rate of 10 shekels and 32 rolls of linen at 
 15 shekels each, we delivered to the merchant, for a considera- 
 tion of 20 minas of silver, to be paid after 25 hamuStim. One 
 talent of lead and 16 rolls of linen, we delivered to the merchant, 
 for which 10 minas of silver are to be paid (by him). 43% 
 minas of lead, 17 rolls of linen and 2 asses we delivered to the 
 merchant, for which 914 minas, 5 shekels are to be paid (by 
 him). Two asses we delivered to the merchant for which 1 
 mina of silver is to be paid (by him). One waniba we delivered 
 to the merchant for which 14 mina is to be paid (by him). 
 For 3 talents, 4314 minas of lead, 65 rolls of linen and 5 asses 
 delivered to the merchant 40°/, minas, 5 shekels of refined 
 silver are due . . . after 25 hamustim. The month of Absha- 
 rani, the eponymy of Buzuzu... 
 
 (3) Acknowledgement of the receipt of goods. 
 
 These letters form another part of the documents involved 
 in the trading business. In BIN IV, 46, Buzur-Ashur appears 
 to be the buyer who has bought something from Gimil-belim 
 for which he has paid 371% shekels of silver. This amount has 
 been forwarded in the hands of Ashur-malik, who has failed 
 to deliver the whole amount. This fact is the occasion for the 
 
 [42] 
 
letter. In BIN IV, 44, Ab-shalim is the buyer who acknowl- 
 edges the receipt of the lead and offers a price for it. BIN IV, 
 80 states that 25 garments have been received, and reports 
 the price for which they have been sold. The disposition that 
 has been made of the money is also given. 
 
 BIN IV 46 
 
 Transliteration: (1) a-na Buzir-A-Sur (2) ki-be-ma um-ma 
 (3) Gimil-be-lim-ma i-na (4) 14 ma-na 7% Siqlu (5) kasbim 84 
 A-Sur-ma-lik (6) ta-db-ki-da-ni (7) 14 ma-na /4 Ssiqlu (8) i-din- 
 nam 7 Siglu (9) t-l4 i-din-nam (10) um-ma Su-ut-ma (11) a-na 
 zi-ti-Su*” (12) $4-ku-ul. 
 
 Translation: To Buzur-Ashur speak: thus (says) Gimil- 
 belim: of the 1% mina, 7 shekels of silver which with Ashur- 
 malik you deposited for me, he has paid me 14 mina, 4% shekel; 
 7 shekels he has not paid me. Thus he (spoke): as regards 
 his balance it was paid. 
 
 BIN IV 44 
 
 Transliteration: (1) a-na Buztr-A-Sfr (2) ki-bi-ma um-ma 
 (3) Ab-Sd-lim-ma (4) 6 biltu anakam (5) I-ku-bi-a (6) ub-lam 
 si-im (7) anakim i-na (8) Bu-ru-ué-ba-tim (9) ni-is-ta-na-me 
 (10) al-kam-ma ma-lé (11) e-bu-ri-St-nu (probably a scribal 
 error for e-ri-bu-st-nu) (12) anaki-ga a-bu-uk-ma (13) kasbam 
 1 Siqlu (14) ta 84 biltim. 
 
 Translation: To Buzur-Ashur speak: thus (says) Ah-shalim: 
 Six talents of lead Ikubia brought to me. The price of lead in 
 Buruhatim we have determined. Come! Whenever they 
 come in I will buy thy lead at 1 shekel of silver per talent. 
 
 BIN IV 80 
 
 Transliteration: (1) um-ma Bu-St-ki-in-ma a-na (2) Waz-al- 
 ti-Ili 0 A-ba-a-a (3) ki-be-ma a-na Waz-al-ti-Ili ki-bi-ma 25 
 TUG™= (4) I-din-A-bu-um ub-lam (5) 714 Siqlu ta kasab(-ab)- 
 Su-nu (6) 3 ma-na 114 Siqlu lib-ba (7) 12 ma-na kasbam I-din- 
 A-bu-um (8) [ub]-lé-ku-um 5 siqlu kasbam (9) [a] ga-ti I-din- 
 A-be-im (10) a-di-in 1 ma-na 10 Siqlu kasbam (11) a-na Buzur- 
 i-tu (12) [a-diJ-in (18) [si-ti kasbe(-be)]-ga (14) 1 ma-na 1044 
 Siqlu kasbam (three lines broken). 
 
 [43 ] 
 
Translation: Thus (says) Bushukin: to Walti-Ili and Abaia 
 speak: to Walti-Ili speak: 25 garments, Idin-Abum brought 
 me. At 714 shekels each, the silver for them is 3 minas, 1144 
 shekels. Of this, 144 mina of silver Idin-Abum will bring to 
 you; 5 shekels of silver, I placed at the disposal of Idin-Abum; 
 1 mina, 10 shekels of silver, I gave to Buzur-utu. The balance 
 of thy silver is 1 mina, 1614 shekels of silver. 
 
 This tablet is valuable because it furnishes evidence that 
 the reading 14 for the unusual sign in lines 5-6 is correct; 
 25 garments at 714 shekels each would bring. exactly 3 minas, 
 114 shekels as stated in line 6. See my “Cappadocian Notes” 
 in JAOS, June 1926. 
 
 (4) Letters about the collection of debts. 
 
 BIN IV 26 
 
 Contents: Thisisa letter of Shalim-ahum to Lakib and Bu- 
 shukin, stating that the writer holds negotiable bonds on which 
 payment is due, totaling 2 talents, 58 minas, 1 shekel of silver. 
 A partial payment has been made upon this indebtedness, 
 totaling 2 talents, 27 minas, 18 shekels. The writer does not 
 desire interest upon the balance but wishes the principal paid 
 at once. Previous correspondence has been carried on with 
 reference to the matter; Lakib and Bushukin have promised 
 to instruct Hinaia, one of their associates, to pay the debts. 
 This, Hinaia has evidently done to the extent mentioned above. 
 The writer now asks that Hinaia be told to forward the balance. 
 
 Transliteration: (1) um-ma S4-lim-a-hu-um-ma (2) a-na 
 La-ki-ib i Bu-St-ki-in (8) ki-be-ma 5424 ma-na 51% Siqlu (4) 
 kasbim Sa si-ib Ab-Sd-lim (5) 84 a G-me ku-ur-bu-tim (6) ta-ki- 
 ba-ni 58 ma-na 181% Siqlu (7) Sd si-ib Bu-Sd-ki-in (8) 28% 
 ma-na 7 Siqlu (9) 8&4 Lu-lu-u mar Zu-ku-hi-im (10) 314% ma-na 
 S4 i-na (11) Du-ur-hu-me-it (12) A-Sir-Samsi(-si) i Hi-na-a 
 i-ki-bu-ni (13) 5 ma-na S84 A-mur-IStar $84 anaki(-ki)-a (14) 
 ta-aS-bu-ra-nim um-ma, a-du-nu (15) Hi-na-a, i-S4-ga-al-su (16) 
 U ti-ir-ti-ni a-na Hi-na-a (17) i-ta-l4-ak naphar 2 biltu 58 ma-na 
 1 Siqlu (18) lib 31 ma-na 15 Siqlu (19) 4% ma-na S4-du-a-zu 
 (20) Gimil-Sin i Mar-Gimil-A-Sfr (21) ub-lu-nim 20°/, ma-na 
 (22) 14 ma-na §4-du-a-zu (23) Mar-E-ra-a ub-lam (24) 31 ma-na 
 15 Siqlu 4% ma-na (25) S4-du-a-zu 2 ma-na (26) a-ha-ma me-ih- 
 
 [44] 
 
ra-at ik-di-8i (27) Dan-A-8ir ub-lam (28) 4124 ma-na 2% ma-na 
 4-du-a-zu (29) I-lf-a-lim ub-lam 18 ma-na 18 Siqlu (80) Kdr- 
 ub-IStar ub-lam (31) napbar 2 biltu 27 ma-na 18 Siqlu (82) 
 kasbim 84 ub-lu-ni-ni si-tt kasbim (33) 3024 ma-na 3 Siqlu (34) 
 $4 d-mu-Su e-ti-ku-nu (35) zi-ib-dam 14 ta-S4-me-a (36) kasbam 
 ¥4-a%-ki-l4-ma i ba-nim-ma (37) si-be-lé-nim t a zi-ir (38) 
 Hi-na-a St-ub-ra-ma kasbam (39) S4-aS-ra-kam-ma i-ki-bu-ni 
 (40) lu-si-be-lam i-na dub-be ma-nu (41) 614 ma-na 5% Siqlu 
 (42) kasbam 84 si-ib Ah-Sd-lim (43) a-na d-me ba-ti--tim? (44) 
 i zi-ir dam-gar-ri (45) na-din 31 ma-na 184% Siqlu (46) 84 si-ib 
 A-Sfr-mu-ta-be-el i Nu-ur-IStar Sti-ma, (47) d-mu-St-nu ma-al-u 
 AZAG 84 S0-ki-lé-ma i ba-nim-ma, (48) si-be-l4-nim kasbam 84 
 Llt-a-lim t Kitr-ub-IStar ub-lu-ni-ni (49) me-Si-um” dub- 
 bu-um ik-be-da ku-nu-ti-ma 14 du-si-be-l4-nim. 
 
 Translation: Thus (says) Shalim-ahum: to Lakib and 
 Bushukin speak: Concerning 5424 minas, 51% shekels of silver 
 of the document of Ah-shalim, which at the time of the loan 
 you put out on credit, 58 minas, 181% shekels of the document 
 of Bushukin, 2814 minas, 7 shekels of Lulu son of Zukubim, 
 3114 minas which in Dur-humit, Ashur-Shamshi and Hinaia 
 took out on credit, 5 minas of Amur-Ishtar for my lead, you 
 wrote to me; thus you spoke: Hinaia shall pay it and our 
 order to Hinaia shall go. The total is 2 talents, 58 minas, 
 1 shekel. Of this amount, Gimil-Sin and Mar-Gimil-Ashur 
 brought me 31 minas, 15 shekels and 14 mina for the fee for 
 assaying; Mar-Eraia brought me 20°/, minas, and 14 mina for 
 the fee for assaying; Dan-Ashur brought me 31 minas, 15 
 shekels and 14 mina for the fee for assaying, 2 minas... ; 
 Ili-alim brought me 4124 minas and ?g mina for the fee for 
 assaying; Kurub-Ishtar brought me 18 minas, 18 shekels; 
 the total which they brought me is 2 talents, 27 minas, 18 
 shekels of silver. For the rest of the silver, for which the time 
 for payment has arrived, you shall not yield the interest, but 
 weigh out the silver and send it to me at once; and write to 
 Hinaia that the silver which I loaned and they put out on 
 credit, he must send tome. From the tablets reckon 614 minas, 
 524 shekels of silver of the document of Ah-shalim to be given 
 to the merchant at the time of opening. 31 minas, 18% 
 shekels of the document of Ashur-mutabel and Nur-Ishtar, 
 
 [45] 
 
when their time is completed and the silver is weighed, send 
 it to me at once. For the silver which Ili-alim and Kurub- 
 Ishtar brought me a duplicated(?) tablet . . . for you and do 
 not send to me. 
 
 NOTES 
 
 1. a-lim” BIN. IV, 127:8. Three explanations of the signs 
 here read a-lim™, have been offered. Contenau. (TC. 58) 
 reads a-81-ki and regards it as the name of some kind 6f official. 
 Smith (CCT I, 8) says, ‘Though Ashur is only named once, 
 it is probable that ‘ the city,’ a-lim KT, i. e., the capital city, 
 constantly mentioned is Ashur.’”’ Presumably the one men- 
 tion of the city of Ashur to which he refers is the passage, 
 CCT I, 37a:21-23, a-na st-a-ma-tim a-na a-lim™ *A-Sur u-bi-el. 
 Cf. LTC. IV, 5:11, t-na a-lim™ A-Str ma-ga-ra-am, ete. Con- 
 tenau is probably mistaken in reading A-sfr-ma-ga-ra-am as a . 
 name, in which case we would have here another possible 
 mention of the city of Ashur. The third explanation to be 
 considered is that of Lewy, (SATK, 16, note 28,) who states 
 on the basis of texts LTC. IV, 95, 96 and CCT, 49b, that the 
 city designated simply a-lim”, must be BuruShatim. His 
 reasoning is not conclusive, and more adequate proof must be 
 awaited before accepting this view. Lewy also seems to hold 
 that alum refers to some constituted authority. It is not 
 impossible that in some instances such as those cited above 
 the phrase may refer to the city of Ashur, but it is also evident 
 from the passage cited below that it was sometimes used in 
 the sense of a council of elders. Its relation to the Garum is 
 not clear. 
 
 BIN. IV, 152:5, 11. If this were the only reference to the 
 word alum it would be natural to infer that it represented a 
 certain city. But it is probably used in the same sense here 
 as elsewhere. 
 
 BIN. IV, 103:35. Here the term is undoubtedly used in 
 the sense of “‘the elders of the city.”’ 
 
 2. anak(ak) ga-tim, BIN. IV, 29:16. That ‘‘ag-ga-tim’’ is 
 not a word, but that the syllable ag (ak) is to be considered a 
 phonetic complement showing the pronunciation of the ideo- 
 gram AN.NA, is proved by LC. 241:line 4, 84 a-na zi-ir 
 
 [46] 
 
anak(-ak), line 5 ga-tim, etc. If ag-ga-tim were one word it 
 would not be divided between the two lines in this way, but 
 the remainder of the word would be written on the right hand 
 end of the next line. This explains Contenau’s difficulty with 
 a word divider in the middle of a word (TC. p. 14); his case 
 is only another example of the phrase anak(-ak) ga-tim, with 
 the word divider between the phonetic complement and the 
 word ga-tim. 
 
 3. ar-nu-um, BIN. IV, 29:39. This is a word appearing 
 frequently in Old Babylonian legal texts, with the meaning 
 “penalty”; ef. Leipziger rechtswissenschaftliche Studien, Heft 3, 
 1922, p. 56, and Schorr, VAB 5, 350. It is a forfeit which a 
 person binds himself to pay in case of failure to fulfill obliga- 
 tions. In this case it may be a fine imposed for leaving mer- 
 chandise too long in the store house. 
 
 4, a-wi-id-ga, BIN. IV, 29:3. This is apparently some 
 material which was measured in talents; its price in this case 
 (line 4) is given at 524 minas, 5 shekels. Cf. M-A 63b, zmittu 2. 
 
 5. ba-tt-vi-tim, BIN. IV, 26:48. It is derived from the root 
 pitt, to open, and refers to the opening of the cases of the 
 tablets mentioned in this letter. 
 
 6. batrim, BIN. IV, 109:16. This reading is adopted from 
 Dr. Lewy’s explanation of the hitherto unrecognized sign, 
 appearing in this line and frequently where this formula 
 occurs. See SATK 16, note 31, and 67g. 
 
 7. bi-ri-ga-nu, BIN. IV, 117:1. It is read by Contenau as 
 a personal name (LTC IV, p. 10), but appears here with the 
 determinative for garments. It is also to be read as a garment 
 in the passages cited by Contenau. 
 
 8. bit ga-ri-im, was certainly connected with the garum. 
 This phrase means ‘‘store-house”’ in known Babylonian texts. 
 The garum was doubtless an assembly of the merchants of the 
 town, which not only decided in cases of disputes between 
 these business people of Cappadocia, but furnished a sort of 
 municipal store-house for their wares. Articles which were 
 not sold at once in the market place could be stored in the bit 
 garim. One of the Yale letters seems to show that rent was 
 sometimes charged for storage in the bit garum. Cf. BIN. IV, 
 29:39, 
 
 [47] 
 
9. du-ga-al, BIN. IV, 109:6. This, v%-ga-al (line 9) and 
 du-ga-ld-ni (line 12) are all from the root kdlu, to hold or carry. 
 For the translation here cf. SATK 56c. 
 
 10. ga-ru-um, passim. The older translators of Cappadocian 
 tablets have unhesitatingly rendered this word as “ judge.” 
 Contenau and Smith, the compilers of the recent volumes of 
 Cappadocian texts, have retained the idea of an individual, 
 some sort of official, as representing the Garum. Contenau 
 in his Trente Tablettes Cappadociennes, p. 73f, regards the 
 Garum as a prefect. In this he-is following Sayce in his 
 article published the year before in the Museum Journal. 
 The expression ga-ru-um . . . za-hi-ir rabu, Contenau regards 
 as meaning the supreme prefect, prefect of the great and small. 
 Smith in CCT I, p. 9f. holds that the Garum was a local town 
 official who was in charge of the bit garim which was a store- 
 house and which had a standard weight. This, he further 
 holds, was the official after whom the period of time called a 
 hamustim was named. Since there are often two names 
 appearing after the hamustim, he concluded that there were 
 often two Garim. Lewy in SATK, 16, 32, and OLZ 1923, 
 537, note 4, holds that the Garum is to be compared with the 
 KAR Sippar, discussed by Walther, LSS VI, 4-6, 70ff. He 
 understands the term to mean a council of elders who consti- 
 tute the city authority. This view was discussed by Lands- 
 berger in ZA 35, 233ff, who takes the position that Garum 
 refers not to a council of elders but to the Colony itself. 
 
 Let us now consider the data furnished by the Cappadocian 
 tablets with reference to the Garum. We are led to the con- 
 clusion that the Garum could not have consisted of a single 
 official but that Lewy is probably right in holding it to be a 
 council. In the cases where the Garum renders a decision it 
 is often stated in the formula that it was the ga-ru-wm Ga-nt-is 
 za-hi-ir rabu. Lewy has explained the phrase za-hi-ir rabu as 
 indicating that the decision was unanimous, that is all the 
 members of the Garum, small and great, concurred in the 
 decision. This explanation appears quite satisfactory until 
 we find the phrase used in a slightly different way in BIN IV, 
 103. The subject of this tablet is some documents which 
 were sealed by the Garum of Ganish za-hi-ir rabu. Three times 
 
 [48] 
 
the phrase is repeated in the tablets and then a fourth time 
 the phrase za-hi-ir rabu is used without the preceding ga-ru-wm 
 Ga-ni-is’ (line 30) and used in the same kind of construction 
 in which the whole phrase was used before. Now if zahir rabu 
 is merely an adverbial phrase qualifying the action of the 
 Garum we might expect the scribe to grow tired of writing the 
 whole formula so many times and omit the adverbial part, 
 but instead he omits the words ga-ru-um Ga-ni-is, and allows 
 simply za-hi-ir rabu to stand in its place. From this we may 
 conjecture that za-hi-r rabu was a technical term which could 
 be used to denote the same thing as Garum. It may have 
 obtained its technical sense, not from the unanimity of the 
 decision of the Garum but from the way in which the body 
 was constituted. Possibly the za-hi-ir rabu corresponds to the 
 upper and lower houses of our legislative bodies. Sometimes 
 the phrase is written ideographically 7 UR.GAL. Cf. CCT ], 
 49:10. This suggests that this ideogram in the unpublished 
 text (CBS 4051) discussed by Sayce in the Museum Journal, 
 June 1918, may refer to the Garum and not to the ‘‘older son” 
 as he suggests. 
 
 Another function of the Garum is found in the oft repeated 
 phrase in the contract literature, a-na a-wa-at ga-ri-1m zZ1-vb- 
 tam ti-za-db, according to the word of the Garum, interest he 
 shall add. ‘This was in case the debtor had failed to pay at 
 the date specified. This indicates that the Garum entered 
 into business relations and that the interest rate which it 
 recognized was considered as standard. That the Garum was 
 not exclusively a judicial body is indicated by the tablet of 
 the British Museum, CCT I, 4. Here we have the record of 
 two loans made to the Garum by Enlil-bani. ‘These passages 
 are of interest because wherever the Garum is made the sub- 
 ject of the verb, the verb is plural; ef. SATK, 16, note 32. 
 This is significant because in the contracts a regular formula 
 is adhered to, and when the debtors are more than one a plural 
 verb is always used. Moreover, in this very tablet there are 
 records of several different loans; some of them are to one 
 individual, in which case the verbs are singular; some of them 
 are to groups of individuals, when the verbs are plural. It is 
 stated in the second of these loans to the Garum that certain 
 
 [49] 
 
men whose names are given, the representatives of the Garum, 
 received the money. These facts strengthen the conclusion 
 to which we have come, namely that the Garum was a body 
 of men and not an individual. Occasionally we find a letter 
 from the Garum or one addressed to it; cf. Babyl., VI, 191, 7. 
 In these letters the pronouns which refer to the Garum are 
 always in the plural. The unpublished text of the University 
 of Pennsylvania CBS 5681 and 5680 on which Sayce, in the 
 Museum Journal, June 1918, bases his conclusion that there 
 was also a “‘prefectess,”’ furnish examples of this plural pronoun 
 referring to the Garum. Sayce’s conclusions about the ‘‘pre- 
 fectess’’ are based upon mistaken readings of the texts. His 
 ga-ru-tum is probably Bi-ru-tum. Babyl., VI, 187, 18 furnishes 
 another example of the plural verb with the Garum. 
 
 11. ga-tum, BIN IV, 4:6. The exact significance of this 
 word is not clear. Its meaning is doubtless to be derived from 
 gatu, hand. It is perhaps most often used in connection with 
 a word for metal, but here is used with garments. That it 
 implies some act of authorization is indicated by the phrase 
 a kasbim ga-ti §d-ag-na-at, on the silver my hand was laid, 
 BIN IV, 155:14, and t-na kasbim ga-tum A-Sur-tak-ld-ku mar 
 A-ld-hi-im §d-ag-na-at, on the silver the hand of Ashur-tak- 
 laku, son of Alahum was laid, BIN IV, 127:14. Smith (CCT 
 I, p. 8) implies that the word is to be practically identified 
 with ku-nu-kz, “ of the seal’; this must be modified in the light 
 of the passage, 3 biltu 15 ma-na anakum ku-nu-ku 2214 ma-na 
 a-na anakim ga-tum, BIN IV, 30:18-19, where the two kinds 
 of lead seem to be contrasted. 
 
 12. ha-ar-ma-am, BIN IV, 147:12. The phrase dub-ba-am 
 ha-ar-ma-am is regarded by Lewy (SATK, 59, note e) as a 
 tablet rendered invalid. In the light of its use in BIN IV, 152, 
 an invalid tablet does not seem to fit the circumstances. The 
 word ha-ar-ma-am is probably not Assyrian, but is derived 
 from the West Semitic values of the root haram, to make 
 sacred, or to pronounce inviolable, cf. BDB Lexicon, 355b. 
 It signifies a tablet whose facts were guaranteed by oath. 
 Smith (CCT I, p. 12) refers to them as ‘‘ sworn tablets.’”’ The 
 only Cappadocian tablets which are known, which are of an 
 especially binding or legal character are those called by Smith 
 
 [50] 
 
“ Abstracts of Legal Cases,” but which really seem to be 
 affidavits, and are so named in BIN IV. The importance 
 attached to tablets designated ha-ar-ma-am, frequently men- 
 tioned in letters and contracts, is not in harmony with the 
 idea of “ invalid tablets,” which would then be of no impor- 
 tance. Such importance could well attach to these so called 
 “affidavits” which were executed before the Garum on solemn 
 oath. We may reasonably conjecture, then, that the Cappa- 
 docian name for such tablets was dubbum harum. 
 
 13. ib-ki-zu-ma, BIN IV, 108:16. The full form would be 
 ib-ki-it-<i-ma; with the usual assimilation of the ¢ before the 
 sibilant we get the form we have here. 
 
 14. 7 li-bi, BIN IV, 121:2. For the usual 7 z7-ir, the scribe 
 here has written 7 li-bi. Both phrases are equivalent to ina 
 eli or ina muhhi, upon, to the debit of, or, to be paid by, so 
 often used in Babylonian contracts. The phrase 7 l1-bt occurs 
 in CCT I, 46a:9, 17; 46b:6, 11, where Lewy translates, ‘‘to 
 the credit of” (SATK, 66). But in these and the other pas- 
 sages which he there cites, ‘‘to the debit of” is a better render- 
 ing. The latter meaning is established by its use in this 
 passage. 
 
 15. i-lu-ki, BIN IV, 168:17. Cf. Illuku, state garments, 
 M-A 45b. 
 
 16. tmeru za-lé-mu, BIN IV, 27:7, 10, 23, 30, 31, 35. In 
 lines 34-35 we have the totals of the items of merchandise 
 loaned out and the silver to be paid for them. The figures 
 check exactly. It is to be noted that here, as well as in lines 
 30-31, we have the imeru sign without the usual zalamu fol- 
 lowing; yet the number is the same (5) as the imeru zalamu 
 mentioned in lines 7, 10, and 12. The probable situation 
 involved in these facts is that the merchandise mentioned in 
 this text was sent on the backs of five asses; when it was sold 
 the asses were also sold. The phrase imeru zalamu probably 
 means the ass loaded with merchandise, and when the animal 
 itself is to be mentioned zalamu is omitted. - 
 
 BIN IV, 61:37. The obvious translation of this term is 
 “ black asses,” cf. TC. 63. But it is disconcerting to find 1% 
 of the creatures mentioned; cf. BIN IV, 30:22. Unless one 
 supposes that the animal was being used for food wmeru in this 
 
 [51] 
 
passage means a unit of measure and not an animal. Yet 
 even in this passage actual asses seem to be implied, for the 
 following lines speak of their harness and their food. Are we 
 to suppose that in this case there were two asses and one of 
 them was only half loaded? The term may have both the 
 meanings ass and ass-load. Zalamu is probably from salmu, 
 dark colored; the passage CCT I, 17b:20, imeram Sd-al-ma-am, 
 might suggest the root Salamu, in which case we might trans- 
 late, full ass-loads, but this variant is more probably to be 
 explained by the constant shifting of sibilants in the language. 
 It must be observed that zalamu is also applied to copper; cf. 
 BIN IV, 31:14. 
 
 17. i-mu-a, BIN IV, 6:14. Dr. Lewy has called attention 
 to the Cappadocian use of this root in the sense of “ be willing.” 
 Cf. ZA, 36, 151. This meaning of the root is not normal in 
 Assyro-Babylonian, but is probably a West Semitic meaning. 
 Cf. Hebrew abah, to incline, desire. 
 
 18. i8-ku-ld-ni-&%, BIN IV, 140:4. The indirect object of 
 the verb is expressed in ani, cf. SATK, 13. The 8% is the 
 direct object of the verb, superfluous in English in this kind 
 of a relative sentence, but a rather frequent construction in 
 Semitic. ‘The two suffixes on one verb are interesting. 
 
 19. it-bu-lu, BIN IV, 30:22, 117:4, LTC IV, 47:8, CCT I, 
 39b:5. A conjectural explanation of this form is that it is 
 from a root tapalu, a secondary formation from apalu, to 
 answer. Cf. tabalu from abalu M-A 1143b. It is used in 
 Cappadocian in giving the value of an article in trade; it has 
 the idea of being equal to. 
 
 20. iz-ba-at-ni-a-ti-ma. This expression is a regular part 
 of the opening formula of the “ legal documents.” The 
 formula is preceded by the names of the parties to the action. 
 Smith in CCT I, p. 17, reads the last word of this expression 
 ni-a-din-ma, and translates the whole formula as, “ X and Y 
 brought a case, or X brought a case against Y.” Lewy has 
 correctly transliterated the formula (SATK, p. 61ff) and has 
 improved the translation with “A .. . hat uns gegen Laas 
 gefasst.”” Neither of these translations exactly represent the 
 sense of the phrase, as the following facts will show. Iz-ba-at 
 is a word used in a technical sense in Old Babylonian lawsuits; 
 
 [52] 
 
ef. Schorr VAB 5, 549, and Leipziger rechtswissenschaftlicke 
 Studien Heft 3, p. 12ff. There it refers to the seizing of one 
 person by another, usually for debt; here it is used in the 
 more general sense of filing suit against one for any purpose. 
 The crucial point is with reference to the word ni-a-ti-ma. In 
 view of the fact that ni-a-tt appears rather frequently elsewhere 
 as the suffix of the first person plural pronoun (BIN IV, 27:8, 
 11, 13/61:43/106:8) it seems best so to render it here. The 
 question is whether ni-a-t is Accusative or Dative; in form 
 it might be either. The unpublished tablet CBS, 4032 fur- 
 nishes help at this point. It begins: Ah}-8d-lim ki-ma I-li-a-lim 
 A-lé-ha-am mar I-bi-zu-a ma-ah-ri-nt vz-ba-at-ma, Ahsalim 
 the representative of Ilialim filed suit against Alaham son of 
 Ibizua, before us. This variant formula suggests that the 
 more usual one is to be translated ““X brought a suit against 
 Y before us,” taking ni-a-tt as the Dative suffix. 
 
 21. ku-ta-nu, BIN IV, 27:9, 12, 22, ete. This word is to be 
 compared with the biblical kutoneth and the Greek chiton which 
 in both cases mean a kind of garment. The fact that the 
 word is found here with a fraction indicates that it does not 
 mean a garment in Cappadocian. It is doubtless to be ren- 
 dered “linen.” The expression TUG ku-ta-nu means rolls 
 of linen, cf. BIN IV 128. 
 
 22. me-Sti-um, BIN IV, 26:49. The translation here given 
 is doubtful. Magu means “twin” or “double”; M-A 596a. 
 The word appears frequently in Cappadocian texts; cf. BIN 
 IV, 18:10/38:30/69:5, 11, 19/33:21/LTC IV, 19:2/25:3/ 
 27 :3/29:40, 46, ete. 
 
 93. me-ta-at-ni, BIN IV, 141:3. Fem. Permansive from the 
 root matu, with the ni enclitic of relative and dependent clauses. 
 
 24. ni-ga-zi, BIN IV, 61:46. Cf. Assyr. nikasu, property, 
 possessions, treasure. See also BA 4, 481. 
 
 25. ni-iz-ha-tum, BIN TV, 51220601: 7 sees Lite ere: The 
 phrase ni-iz-ha-zu DIR Sd-du-a-zu Sd-bu occurs frequently in 
 the texts of the Yale Collection of Cappadocian tablets. 
 Smith has discussed the phrase (CCT I, p. 8) but his explana- 
 tion of ni-iz-ha-zu si-a (DIR), ‘‘ whose brightness is polished,” 
 must certainly be rejected. Lewy (SATK, 55) has correctly 
 derived %d-bu from the root Sebt, as a regular technical term 
 
 [53] 
 
for the satisfying of a claim. The signs read si-a by Smith 
 are probably to be read as one sign, DIR; cf. TC, pp. 52-53. 
 DIR has the common Semitic value mali, (B. 3739) by which 
 it is probably to be read here. The words nt-tz-ha-zu and sd-du- 
 a-zu appear to be the names of certain kinds of official fees or 
 taxes which were regularly deducted from the total quantities 
 of merchandise involved in the transactions. They may 
 represent the commission of middle men or possibly customs 
 duties, or the fees paid the carriers for transportation. The 
 final syllable zu in each word is the pronominal suffix; Ni-12- 
 ha-at-%% becomes ni-iz-ha-zu. The root of ni-tz-ha-zu is nasahu, 
 to remove, extract. Johns (AJSL 22, 227) suggests that nisihtu, 
 a word frequently used in Old Babylonian contracts, means a 
 levy on produce which was seized for state use. In BIN IV, 
 29:12 it is to be noted that the nishatum was a levy deducted 
 for the temple. It would appear that the temple derived a 
 part of its income from customs duties imposed upon ship- 
 ments of merchandise. Doctor Lewy has suggested to me in 
 a personal letter that §d-du-a-eu may be a shafel formation 
 from the root ida, to know, with the meaning ‘‘Vermittler.”’ 
 He compares the form Sazuztu from nazazu III, 1, “ Gestellter.” 
 “ Vermittler ’’ does not seem to fit the context in many cases. 
 The word may indeed be in form what Doctor Lewy suggests 
 but with the meaning of a fee for determining the value of the 
 silver in question. 
 
 26. pa-du, BIN IV, 103:3, 33. Doctor Lewy noted (SATK 
 12, 20) that the PA sign, at the time of his publication, had 
 not been found in Cappadocian texts except in the one instance 
 (Gol. 16:8) which he says is doubtful. There are three unques- 
 tionable occurrences of the sign in the tablets of the Nies 
 Collection at Yale; two are as indicated above and one in the 
 unpublished fragment NBC 1655:22, where we meet the 
 phrase a-lim PA-DU. These passages establish the fact that 
 the sign was really known though rarely used; they do not, 
 however, disturb the belief of Doctor Lewy and others that 
 the consonant p was reproduced in Cappadocian by b; for the 
 sign may well not have been pronounced pa. Indeed the fact 
 that it never occurs in any other word suggests that it was 
 used as an ideogram and that the du which always follows it 
 
 [54] 
 
is a phonetic complement. The context in each of the four 
 passages cited would permit rendering the word as an official. 
 
 27. qa-me-st-nu u ki-ni-Sui-nu, BIN IV, 170:15. The phrase 
 i-na ga-ga-ad qa-me-su-nu % bieninki-nts is discussed by Lewy 
 in SATK 49, note 1. He correctly derives ki-nu from kinnu, 
 family. For ga-me he says the etymology is doubtful; on 
 page 82 of the same work he renders it ‘‘ Selbstheit(?).” The 
 word may be derived from the root gum (Heb.) which is not 
 found in Assyrian but is common in other Semitic languages. 
 In Arabic a derivative of this root means people or relations. 
 This meaning fits the context well in Cappadocian. The two 
 words together may be taken as equivalent in meaning to the 
 English expression “ their kith and kin.” 
 
 28. ri-ix-dam, BIN IV, 81:7. It was customary to write 
 this adjective for oil of the first quality without the word for 
 oil; ef. TC 1:18, 2:14, BIN IV 61:21. 
 
 29. &d-ak-na-at, BIN IV, 127:15. From sgakanu, Perman- 
 sive, 3rd Fem. Sing. 
 
 30. si-ib, BIN IV 12:5, 7:5, 26:4, 7, 28:3, 5, 61:70. This 
 word is to be compared with sv pu, VAB 6, 364, letter. It is 
 used in Cappadocian in a technical sense, referring to a tablet 
 which the conductor of a caravan carried, giving a list of his 
 goods. 
 
 31. st-ta-tim, BIN IV 147:7. Cf. s7-tt. 
 
 32. si-tt, BIN IV 61:10. For Sittu, rest, balance; cf. VAB 
 6, 397. In line 53 the word is written s?-tv. ' The translation 
 ‘balance’ is proved correct by its use in this tablet; e. g., 
 in line 53 the balance of the lead is given as 40 minas less 
 10 shekels. ‘This can be checked up as follows: in line 3 there 
 are 6 talents, 30 minas of lead to be accounted for; from lines 
 157 165,17 ead 23 we deduct 12, 9 % 4, 614 and 9 minas respect- 
 ively: total to be deducted is 37 minas; this leaves the balance 
 of 5 talents, 53 minas of line 25; from this balance we deduct 
 for lines 26 and 34, 2 talents, 59 minas, and 2 talents, 14 minas, 
 10 shekels respectively; the balance is that given Hh line 53. 
 
 33. Si-ru-tum, BIN IV 61:4. It is written also Svi-ra-am in 
 lines 7, 11, where the accusative case is required. It is com- 
 pared by Smith to the Assyrian suru; cf. CCT I, p. 9. See 
 also Serv’tu, M.A 1105b. 
 
 [55] 
 
34. ta-ma-ld-ki, BIN IV 103:5, 9, 31. A noun formation 
 from the root malaku, to give counsel. It refers to the official 
 actions of the Garum. 
 
 35. tt-ir-ta-ga, BIN IV 6:28. This word which appears so 
 frequently in the letters has had several suggested explanations. 
 Sayce proposed the Assyrian terdu, boy, slave (Liv. p. 82). 
 Contenau derives it from tertu, order, command (TC p. 114). 
 It is to be taken from the root taradu, which in the Hammurabi 
 letters means, to send; cf. VAB 6, 308. In the Hammurabi 
 letters it was usually used of sending persons; here the noun 
 means the message the person bore. 
 
 36. TUG, BIN IV 141:1. The occasional use of the TUG 
 sign with a fraction as in this case shows that it was more 
 than the simple determinative for a garment. The Cappa- 
 docians had some special significance attached to the sign 
 which is not fully known to us. In cases like this we may 
 conjecture that it meant a roll of cloth of a certain standard 
 size. In many cases the kind of material is specified by a word 
 following the ideogram; frequently also, it is used as a deter- 
 minative for garments. 
 
 37. u-ldé, BIN IV 147:13, 19. It is usually merely the nega- 
 tive (BIN IV 46:9) but here it corresponds to the Hebrew wlaz, 
 perhaps. 
 
 38. ui-si-ir, BIN IV 15:20. From aru, to go, III, 1. 
 
 39. wa-ad-ru-tim, BIN IV 61:44. From ataru (?), to be 
 more than. 
 
 40. wa-zi-tum, BIN IV 127:2, 30:13. Another kind of fee 
 or tax connected with the transportation of silver was wazitum. 
 The form wa-zi-zu is from wazitum plus sé. The root must be 
 asu; the general meaning of the term would then be, that 
 which goes out, or, expenses. 
 
 41. zi-kt, BIN IV 109:5. This is the same word as 22-ga-ga 
 in line 8. Here it has the pron. suf. of the 1 sing. and there it 
 has the pron. suf. of the 2 sing. The word is probably from 
 the same root as iz-ku-ti-nim, BIN IV 27:23, meaning, free 
 from obligation. It is a word which is used to describe mer- 
 chandise after it has been subjected to the customs duties and 
 official fees. 
 
 42. zi-tt, BINIV 46:11. Variant spelling for s?-t7; cf. note 32. 
 
 [ 56 } 
 
43. The pronominal suffixes used with nouns are identical 
 with those used in Assyrian with the following exceptions: the 
 second singular masculine is ga for ka; the second plural is 
 aknu for kunu (BIN IV 49:9, 13, 23, TC 17:6, CBS 4065: 10) ; 
 the third feminine plural is sina for Sina (BIN IV 162:13). 
 All the other forms commonly occurring in Assyrian are to be 
 found in Cappadocian. 
 
 Gol. 
 
 Knudtzon 
 Amarna 
 LC 
 
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 
 
 Briinnow, A classified List ... of Cuneiform 
 Ideographs . . . Leyden, 1899. 
 Babyloniaca. 
 
 Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J. B. 
 Nies, Part IV. (In preparation), Clay. 
 
 Catalogue of the Babylonian Section of the Mu- 
 seum of the University of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Cuneiform Texts from Cappadocian Tablets in the 
 British Museum. Part I. London, 1921. 
 
 Vingt-Quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes, W. Gol- 
 énischeff. St. Petersburg, 1891. 
 
 Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, Die El-Amarna Ta- 
 feln, Knudtzon. Leipzig, 1915. 
 
 Lettres et Contrats de I’époque de la Premiére 
 Dynastie Babylonienne, Thureau-Dangin. Paris, 
 1910. 
 
 Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology of the 
 Liverpool Institute of Archaeology, Vol. I, 3. 
 
 Leipziger Semitistische Studien. 
 
 Musée du Louvre, Textes Cunéiformes, Tome IV, 
 Tablettes Cappadociennes. Paris, 1920. 
 
 Muss-Arnolt, A concise Dictionary of the Assy- 
 rian Language. Berlin, 1905. 
 
 Nies Babylonian Collection. 
 
 Studien zu den altassyrischen Texten aus Kappa- 
 dokien, Lewy. Berlin, 1922. 
 
 Trente Tablettes Cappadociennes, Contenau. 
 Paris, 1919. 
 
 Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, Babylonische Briefe, 
 Ungnad. Leipzig, 1914. 
 
 Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie. [87] 
 
INDEX OF TEXTS 
 
 BIN IV PAGE BIN IV PAGE 
 Le ie ret each tee ine ene 36 121. Ce A ee 22 
 PA Ae aR eee 37 1 WY FAR Ea SU a sc 26 
 74 US HA ATE BRE EO AROS 44 4: Te PCE ARIS hs) 29 
 PBR EE MOR Lie SGN AN Sor 8 iy 41 LEO eS oe 28 
 aA eS pe Ae PRS WN Pe 43 140 i ishii bof othe tee Memeo 29 
 AG FE RENT ne ee eae 43 14 ce eae 29 
 1% Mae ec va DES Oh 38 LAs hi, he sege a sietelece Ree 27 
 aU UL US EAA a hy 43 162 3/2) Oe ot eee 27 
 of RE POR al BPN E ET. 36 153 5 ie loghe acy ets cae 23 
 
 BOS 8, Skt SR oe An 33 156. UE ae eee 30 
 
 Og as oie eee keg 32 164. cies Gita a ot esa 25 
 
 LOS Le Ok ARLE Bs 35 167. SSG ee 28 
 
 LO Or See faa cen are 31 168 00). then: eee 30 
 
 LE CRO ad tn 30 170 2: WOR ee 23 
 
 1 BS Pears APA tia MAN 25 174... nut awactee seen 22 
 120 NEE ee ORR ee 24 
 
 [58 ] 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
FACULTY NOTES 
 
 Professor Ralph W. Nelson, of the Department of 
 Philosophy, has had several articles recently published. 
 All deal with some phase of philosophy, particularly the 
 field of logic. The periodicals in which his work has 
 appeared are: American Review, American Journal of 
 Sociology, Culver-Stockton Quarterly. Another article 
 is in preparation for the Crozer Quarterly. 
 
 Dr. W. E. Schultz, of the Department of English, 
 has been elected Grand Editor of Theta Alpha Phi na- 
 tional honorary dramatic fraternity. He will have charge 
 of the Cue, a quarterly journal, beginning with the No- 
 vember number. At the annual convention of Theta 
 Alpha Phi, held in New York in December, he read a 
 paper entitled “The Selection of Plays for College Per- 
 formance,” subsequently printed in the fraternity maga- 
 zine for March. 
 
 Professor Henry G. Harmon, of the Department of 
 History, had had considerable experience recently in con- 
 nection with educational surveys, with special reference 
 to the small standard college, particularly of the Disci- 
 ples of Christ. 
 
 Mr. Griffith L. Gordon, of the Department of Music, 
 had one of his sacred compositions publicly produced in 
 St. Louis during the past winter. 
 
 Miss Mildred McGhee, of the Department of Pub- 
 lic Speaking, is the author of a monograph dealing with 
 the life and artistic work of Ada Rehan, the actress, to 
 appear later in this publication. Miss McGhee studied 
 under Robert Mantell last summer in New York. 
 
 [59] 
 
Mr. Claude E. Spencer, of the Culver-Stockton Li- 
 brary, expects to compile in collaboration with Dr. W. 
 E. Schultz, a full history of Culver-Stockton College, with 
 documentary quotation and illustration. 
 
 Culver-Stockton adds another to the list of college 
 presidents who have been recruited from the ranks of 
 the alumni or the faculty since 1853. Rev. J. B. Weldon, 
 ’o4, former Professor of Greek and Vice President, has 
 already assumed his place as head of Cotner College, 
 at Bethany, Nebraska. The new Dean at Cotner is Pro- 
 fessor George E. Breece, who served here for nine years 
 as Professor of Education, resigning last year to finish 
 his graduate work at the University of Chicago. 
 
 [60] 
 

 
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