earn ese ene iy “9 nee ee -s roteahy weet tei seater Hooker, 1872. United churches wars } a" sla a INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS RESEARCH AMERICAN VILLAGE STUDIES EDMUND DES. BRUNNER, Director UNITED CHURCHES The Institute of Social and Religious Research, which is responsible for this publication, was organ- ized in January, 1921, as the Committee on Social and Religious Surveys. It conducts and publishes studies and surveys and promotes conferences for their consideration. The Institute’s aim is to com- bine the scientific method with the religious motive. It codperates with other social and religious agencies, but ts itself an independent or ganization. Lhe directorate of the Institute is composed of: John R. Mott, Chairman; Trevor Arnett, Treas- urer; Kenyon L. Butterfield, Recording Secretary; James L. Barton, W. H. P. Faunce and Paul Monroe. Galen M. Fisher is Executive Secretary. The offices are at 370 Seventh Avenue, New York City. UNITED CHURCHES BY i ~ FEB 17 1927. ELIZABETH R. ‘HOOK LAL ooops seni NEW a YORK GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY COPYRIGHT, 1926, BY GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY UNITED CHURCHES poe tee PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA FOREWORD The material upon which this volume is based was gathered as part of the comprehensive study of American agricultural villages conducted by the Institute of Social and Religious Research between January, 1922, and December, 1925. From time to time in the past few years tentative ap- proaches have been made to the Institute to undertake a study of local church union. Such a study, it was sug- gested, should investigate the relation of church union to the condition that has been known, somewhat vaguely, as “‘over- churching,” and should take account of such questions as the various kinds of union attempted, the successes and fail- ures registered and the methods that have actually been employed in uniting churches. At an early stage in the field work of the study of Ameri- can agricultural villages it became apparent that a consider- able amount of data bearing upon local church union could be gathered conjointly with the material for the larger study. It was found, for example, that villages had more churches per unit of population than any other type of community, and that the problems arising from this condition were often a matter of grave concern to village inhabitants. In some cases definite attempts to solve the problem had been made by means of the united church, and in other cases, even though no such concrete attempt had been made, a consider- able sentiment in favor of church union of some sort was discovered. It was decided, therefore, to undertake, as a section of the larger study, an investigation of experiments in church union as found in American agricultural villages. Obviously the sample of villages chosen for the rest of the study was too small to furnish a sufficient number of cases of church v vi FOREWORD union on which to base conclusions. Additional cases of united churches of one kind or another located in rural communities were therefore selected for investigation in this section of the study. Use was also made of material already in the files of the Institute and of mail questionnaires. This section of the American Village Study was largely in the hands of Miss Elizabeth R. Hooker, who planned the investigation, surveyed three-fourths of the churches visited, and is the author of this report. EDMUND DES. BRUNNER. INTRODUCTION THE MovEMENT Towarp Loca, CHurcH UNION Churches combining elements of more than one denomina- tional origin, which were almost unknown a generation ago, have been increasing in number rapidly, especially since 1910, throughout the northern and western parts of the United States. Several types of union have appeared, those generally recognized being the federated church, the unde- nominational church, and the denominational church uniting diverse elements; and the examples of each type show con- siderable variety. These unions, many of which have been opposed by de- nominational leaders, have to a large extent been brought about through local initiative. Popular interest in the move- ment is indicated by the frequency of references in periodi- cals, secular as well as religious—publications as various as dignified monthlies, farm journals, woman’s magazines, and even daily papers—to “the evils of church competition,” and to specific experiments in union. This interest has naturally been stimulated by the union of denominational bodies in Canada. In many little villages scattered all the way from New England to Southern California, the store- keeper, the garage man, the doctor and the farmer are talk- ing about how they may make their two or three or four churches into one. Concern about the spread of the movement is plain in certain annual reports of denominational officials who some- times express hope in its possibilities for good, but oftener betray alarm as to what appear to them to be the dangers of at least two of the usual types of union. Concerning prob- lems of united churches, the Presbyterian General Assembly and the Methodist Episcopal General Conference have Vil Viii INTRODUCTION several times taken formal action. Partly in consequence of this movement, interdenominational agencies have been established in many states. Way THE MovEMENT SHOULD BE STUDIED The numerous references, in and out of print, to united churches of all kinds, exhibit phenomenal vagueness and contrariety. For example, the hard-worked expression, “community church,” is employed in at least six different senses. ‘The undenominational type of union is believed by some to constitute the one hope for religion in the future, by others to be subject to such perils that it almost invariably fails within a few years; and fully as much divergence of opinion prevails regarding the denominational united church and regarding the federated church. A few books have been published on the subject, but the devoted authors of these would be the first to say that they had acted merely as scouts who had brought back word of the extent of the field to be surveyed. Phenomena so multi- form and so widespread cannot be investigated adequately without an expenditure of money prohibitive to an individ- ual; and what has so far been published has necessarily been based upon knowledge of a small number of examples. Authoritative information, the lack of which is particularly to be regretted, would be of use to many persons: to leaders in communities in which the question of union is being considered; to the officers of united churches already or- ganized, who face problems upon which they need light from the combined experience of older cases of union; to ministers serving united churches; to theological students who may serve united churches; to many hundreds of con- scientious and greatly puzzled denominational superin- tendents whose duties oblige them to give advice and to take responsible action concerning the formation of united churches; and to those denominational leaders who deter- mine policies regarding home-mission aid, ministerial sup- ply, and like matters affecting the welfare of united churches, and even their existence. In each of the groups INTRODUCTION ix indicated there are many individuals to whom it is of vital importance to obtain knowledge quickly, since otherwise they must make important decisions in ignorance of the results of experience. That many of these persons are aware of their need of enlightenment and are eager to obtain it, is indicated by their appeals for information. It is the unanimous testimony of the ministers of prominent united churches, and even of men who may have delivered a single address or published a single article on the subject, as well as of editors of maga- zines known to be sympathetic to the movement, that in- quiries are constantly sent to them from many parts of the country. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY The primary objective of this study was to investigate the united churches of several different types that had arisen as substitutes for the competing denominational churches found in so many American villages. It was intended to provide in some small degree, as the American Village Study proper provided on a much larger scale, facts that might serve as data for sociologists and also inform the practice of religious leaders. Other objectives of the study are these: To provide church and community leaders with informa- tion as to how different communities have united their re- ligious forces. To record for the officers of united churches the experi- ence of many unions in meeting their common problems. To help in many ways not only the ministers of united churches, but theological students looking forward to such fields. To aid denominational superintendents by throwing light on their problems of oversight in situations involving actual or prospective union. To furnish denominational leaders and officials of inter- denominational agencies information bearing on problems concerning comity relations, home-mission aid, ministerial supply, and the like, as these are related to united churches. x INTRODUCTION THE FIELD The field is the United States exclusive of the South. The South was omitted because it had very few united churches. The states covered number thirty and are situated in New England, in the Middle Atlantic States, in the Middle West, in the region of the Rocky Mountains, and on the Pacific Coast. The line between North and South, drawn some- what arbitrarily—in part for convenience in travel—follows Mason and Dixon’s line and the Ohio River, leaves out Missouri except for a single case surveyed, passes north of Oklahoma, and includes Southern California. Within these limits attention has been paid only to cases of union in what in the surveys of the Institute of Social and Religious Research is denominated “town and country” area; that is, in communities where the population of the center is less than 5,000. The situation of united churches in suburbs and cities is so peculiar that to have included them would have clouded the issues. On the other hand, the problems of united churches in small places are essen- tially the same, whatever the population of the center. Therefore, the united churches listed and considered statistically in this study include, not only those in villages, which form the majority, but those in hamlets, a few in towns and a few in the open country. How THE Stupy Was MaApE LIST OF CASES OF UNION The first step in the investigation was to prepare a list of cases of union. Traces of possible cases of union were obtained from the statistics of certain denominations, the most help of this kind being derived from the Congrega- tional Year-Book. ‘The secretaries of two state federations of churches provided lists of the unions in the states in question, and a more general list was furnished by a leader | in the community-church movement. Letters were sent to about 500 denominational superintendents, asking them to INTRODUCTION xi list for the study the cases of union of the different types situated within the limits of their fields. To doubtful churches, form letters of inquiry were addressed. The evi- dence obtained from all these sources was embodied in a card index that served as a tentative list, to be checked later. MAIL SCHEDULES To the minister of each of the churches listed—or fail- ing a minister, to some other informant—there was mailed a printed schedule accompanied by a covering letter. This schedule consisted of four pages, three of which applied to all types of union, while the fourth, of which there were three variants, concerned the features peculiar to one of the types. The questions did not touch those points reported in denominational statistics, but concerned such matters as en- vironment, factors effecting union, minister, organization, property, and relations with denominational agencies. Some responses showed that the supposed cases of union had been listed in error; many schedules were not returned, even after follow-up postal cards had been despatched ; and others were returned so nearly blank as to be of little use. But there were received 324 schedules furnishing useful information, a considerable number being accompanied with explanatory letters; and many, both of the schedules and of the letters, had been prepared with a fullness, a care for accuracy, and an insight into the local situation, that rendered them, taken all together, a priceless part of the survey material. At later stages of the investigation, a one-page schedule was addressed to ministers or other leaders of undenomina- tional churches, to secure with respect to churches of this type information comparable to that provided by denomina- tional statistics ; and again, a one-page schedule was sent out to church leaders in places where union had been attempted and abandoned. A fair proportion of schedules of both these kinds was returned with useful information. xii INTRODUCTION CORRESPONDENCE In speaking of the list of united churches, reference was made to letters to denominational superintendents. These letters included also inquiries about dates of union, failures, churches deserving survey, and the like. The response of these busy men was generous both as regards the number of replies—which corresponded to over 40 per cent. of the number of inquiries, and in the Colonial area, to over 60 per cent.—and in respect to the fullness of the information sup- plied. Some superintendents also responded to later in- quiries, and even volunteered information. The representa- tives of several state interdenominational agencies have also been most helpful through their letters, as have many others. STATISTICAL CARDS Since it was desired that the study should make the fullest possible use of the data afforded in denominational statis- tics, large cards were prepared, with printed column-head- ings. Upon these cards were entered data for every united church for which the facts were available, and so far as possible for each unit of every federated church. In cases in which union resulted from the combination of existing churches, an attempt was made to obtain statistics for the combining units for the year before union. As more of these churches had been during that year parts of circuits, and as some of them had been inactive, this information was obtainable for a much smaller number; but it was entered on the cards for 167 federated churches. For two groups of federated churches, totalling thirty-eight cases, similar data were obtained for four different years. STATISTICAL TABLES The data entered upon these cards, and other data pro- vided by schedules, were used as material for many statis- tical tables. INTRODUCTION ) xiii MAPS For each of the thirty states for which churches were listed, a map was prepared, upon which was indicated the location of every united church, those of each type being distinguished by special signal marks. ‘These maps were useful in studying environmental conditions affecting union. The state maps were combined in a map of the entire field. Another inclusive map was prepared to show the location of the churches surveyed. Both these inclusive maps are re- produced in this book. FIELD SURVEYS Field surveys of eighty-three united churches were also utilized for the study, all these surveys having been made by investigators of the Institute of Social and Religious Re- search. The churches to be surveyed were chosen to repre- sent all types of union, with a few examples of combina- tions approaching union and several cases of abandoned ex- periments; and also to cover typical conditions under which united churches develop; to cover all areas of the field chosen ; and to represent different stages of union and differ- ent degrees of amalgamation. The cases surveyed included more examples of strength than of weakness, and some notable examples of success. INTERVIEWS A part of the program of travel almost as important as the surveys of united churches, consisted of interviews with denominational and interdenominational leaders, and with others well informed as to the movement, such as state Sunday-school secretaries and rural sociologists. The de- nominational and interdenominational superintendents in charge of districts or of states visited gave freely of their time and help. Through their assistance it was possible to check up the list of united churches, and to procure informa- xiv INTRODUCTION tion about more than 600 specific cases of union, so that about a large proportion of the denominational and the fed- erated unions more is known than the mere existence. Those interviewed also explained interdenominational relations in their fields, and described the workings of interdenomi- national agencies where any existed. Many expressed freely their views of the different types of union. These expres- sions of opinion were felt to be especially valuable, because they had been formed through personal contacts with sev- eral—sometimes with many—united churches; through per- sonal contacts, moreover, in which responsibility had sharp- ened selected intelligence. The judgments of these super- intendents were the more suggestive in that they were often contradictory. Consultation with authorities on rural con- ditions threw additional light on the situation. Altogether, more than 145 interviews were obtained independently of the surveys. OUTLINE OF THE Book The first part of the book will enumerate factors tending to undermine the barriers between rural churches of differ- ent denominations and will give a brief history of the development of the different types of united churches. Part II will characterize each of four types of united churches, and will present comparisons of united churches and the average church, and comparisons of different types of united churches. Part III will show how united churches, without regard to type, met their various puzzling problems. Part IV will describe endeavors on the part of denomina- tions and state interdenominational agencies to codrdinate united churches and the existing religious order. It will also summarize the findings of the study. INTRODUCTION xv Wuy Names ArE Not Usep NAMES OF PLACES Since the materials utilized for the book included eighty- three surveys, 175 constitutions, 428 schedules of various kinds, and notes on interviews with denominational super- intendents concerning more than 600 cases of union, it would have been easy to enliven the discussion with anecdotes about particular united churches. This was not done, for the following reasons. In the first place, the purpose here is to explain general tendencies. Most of the statements made are true of many instances. When a specific case is cited, this is used as being representative of many others. To give the geographical location would center attention on the example rather than on the tendency. Again, the investigators were told many things in confidence; and to draw the line between what might and what might not be repeated would often be extremely difficult. Finally, rapid changes are taking place. What was true of a given church in 1924, might not be true of it in 1926. Yet it would con- tinue to be true of many unnamed churches, and might have become true of many others since the period of observation. NAMES OF PERSONS Both for matters of fact and for explanations, the survey is indebted, as has been said, to the testimony of hundreds of persons, including church officers, ministers, denomina- tional superintendents, and many others. Valuable ideas were often imparted in conversation, which sometimes grew semi-confidential. To quote such dicta, ascribing each to its source, would necessitate submitting versions to many busy men. Moreover, in the course of months of travel, the same opinions were heard from a number of different authorities. Further, it may be said that to ascribe to particular ministers or denominational superintendents the practices with respect to united churches which they may have originated, would be xvi INTRODUCTION open to the same objections that were adduced to explain why no use is made of the names of places. The book includes only a very few tables and these are printed in an appendix. This does not mean that the state- ments of the book, simple as they purposely are, are not based upon statistical calculations. The contrary is the fact. A goodly pile of tables have been prepared, and are on file at the headquarters of the Institute of Social and Religious Research. To make possible some of the simplest statements has required tabulation and calculation requiring hours, days, or even weeks. If it is here stated that a certain con- dition prevails in four out of five cases, the statement is not based upon guess-work; the cases have been counted, and the condition described has been found to prevail for ap- proximately 80 per cent. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It must already be plain that this study has been favored with the assistance of many people. The different individ- uals who have responded to the various inquiries by mail alone, number well over 1,000. The number of persons inter- viewed it would be impossible to reckon. To all these the study is indebted for information that could be secured only from witnesses, and also for the stimulus derived from their frequent expressions of need for information. A sense of gratitude is therefore expressed for the pa- tience and courageous frankness of ministers and other church workers ; for the generous gifts of time and informa- tion by denominational superintendents, interdenominational secretaries, and other experts interviewed; and for the valu- able replies to questions, and for the interpretation of local conditions, by which many correspondents have enlarged the body of information upon which the conclusions of the study are based. CHAPTER CONTENTS FoREWORD INTRODUCTION PART I: DEVELOPMENT DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES PARK Foliav EY PES Tue FEDERATED CHURCH . : THe UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH . ‘THe DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH . THE AFFILIATED CHURCH CoMPARISONS PART III: PROBLEMS ComMBINING ForcEs CRGANIZATION Basis oF MEMBERSHIP SERVICES OF WorsHIP FINANCES AND PROPERTY LEADERSHIP , SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY OTHER CHURCHES BENEVOLENCES PART IV: ADJUSTMENTS ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS ADJUSTMENTS BY STATE INTERDENOMINA- TIONAL AGENCIES FINDINGS APPENDIX ; XVil 109 131 138 153 163 175 193 207 7 234 249 275 286 289 ae DIAGRAMS DIAGRAM NUMBER I II III IV VI Map SHOWING THE LocaTion oF 977 UNITED CHURCHES Mar SHOWING THE LOCATION OF THE EIGHTY- THREE UNITED CHURCHES SURVEYED . Per Caprra ‘ToTaL EXPENDITURES OF StricTtLy DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES AND oF UNITED CHURCHES AVERAGE LocAL EXPENDITURES OF STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES AND OF UNITED CHURCHES AVERAGE BENEVOLENCES OF STRICTLY DENOM- INATIONAL CHURCHES AND OF UNITED CHURCHES Per Capira BENEVOLENCES OF STRICTLY DE- NOMINATIONAL CHURCHES AND OF UNITED CHURCHES. : : ! PAGE 28 37 115 117 120 I2i BART DEVELOPMENT ih iy ii Wr ua be lee Phe aaa PART I: DEVELOPMENT Chapter I DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES To understand the union of churches in small communi- ties it is necessary to take into consideration certain changes that have been operating in American life for the past thirty or forty years. These changes have been of two kinds: on the one hand changes in environment, resulting in economic pressure that has forced churches to unite or per- ish; and on the other hand the development through many influences of a new attitude toward neighbors of other de- nominations. Many communities that in 1890 supported several churches found the task increasingly difficult during the next thirty years. The new situation was brought about by one or more of the following changes in environment: Decline in number of inhabitants. Shifts in population, whereby Protestants were replaced by Catholics, or an element of one denomination was re- placed by families of some other denomination or by families without any religious adherence. Loss by death, or by removal, of individual supporters of particular churches, not compensated for by the acquisition of new adherents. Decline of economic prosperity, either agricultural or in- dustrial or both. Lack of increase in incomes in proportion to the general rise in the cost of living. The increased cost of maintaining churches. These changes, operating singly or in combination, exerted an economic pressure that forced many churches to live to- gether if they would not die apart. During the same period there came about a modification 23 a 24 UNITED CHURCHES of the attitude of country people toward sectarian divisions. It was induced by: | New environmental influences resulting from the improve- ment of roads, the use of automobiles, the consolidation of schools, and the introduction of rural delivery, of news- papers, of the telephone and of the radio. The habit of united action through farmers’ organizations, business men’s clubs, parent-teacher associations, and the like, The development of the community ideal. The net result of these and of similar changes was a de- crease in sectarian spirit. Ris—E oF UNITED CHURCHES The “union church” is not a new thing. Long ago there arose many instances in New England and some in the Middle West. Most of these union churches either died, or allied themselves with some denomination. In the list of town and country united churches prepared in 1924, there were but three undenominational churches that had been or- ganized before 1890, and one of these had recently been revived after a long period of inactivity. Several forms of association not constituting organic union long exercised a gradually permeating influence. Joint use of a union church building by two or more denomi- national groups, which might or might not be organized churches, general during the days of settlement, continued to be a common practice in new communities and in districts sparsely settled. To an increasing extent individuals of one denomination shared in the worship, in the support and in the activities of a church of a different denomination. This became pretty generally a temporary expedient when one of two or more churches in a community was without a pastor. It was adopted as a regular practice by the sur- vivors of many inactive churches. It also occurred fre- quently where newcomers entered communities having no church of their own denomination, especially communities with but one church and that a live and tolerant one. The DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES) 25 yoking under one minister of two weak churches of differ- ent denominations within a few miles of each other became more frequent, permanent formal arrangements being not uncommon. Union services, too, were held in many com- munities, either regularly or on special occasions, sometimes over a long period of years. In 1919 and 1920, the Inter- church World Movement induced the leaders of all the churches in many places to face together the local religious needs. All these contacts promoted mutual understanding and the spirit of fellowship. _ The movement toward the organic union of churches did not begin till an advanced stage of the drift of open-country population toward the villages and cities, which gathered momentum between the Census periods of 1870 and 1890. The earliest federated church, so far as has been discov- ered, was formed in 1887 in a declining community in Massachusetts in which two churches no longer financially able to exist separately tried the experiment of forming a partnership for all local activities. Though the decline of the community continued, this earliest federated church still lived in 1924. That the rural church was in a serious condition began to be recognized by denominational leaders as early as 1890. In that year a meeting was held in Maine that led to the organization in the following year of the Interdenomina- tional Commission of that state, the pioneer agency of this kind. It was influential in molding public opinion not only in its home field, but in other states of New England. Within a few years, similar organizations were formed in Rhode Island, in Vermont, and in Massachusetts. These bodies, through codperation among denominational officials, exerted influence against the organization of new competing churches; and, especially in Vermont and Massachusetts, helped toward the union of already existing churches. The earliest existing federated church in Vermont, organized in 1899, was said in 1924, by local leaders still living, to have been suggested by denominational officials. Another fed- erated church organized two years later, owes its origin to the fact that a doctor came home from a denominational con- 26 UNITED CHURCHES ference full of new ideas received from an address on “Lessons from the Trusts for the Churches.” He stirred up local sentiment for federation; and he and other local leaders made their own constitution for a federated church. This case illustrates an interaction of local and official leadership that was a striking phase in the development of the move- ment in New England, although the local leadership was the decisive factor. | The number of united churches increased very slowly, one by one. Only forty-four that survived in 1924 had been formed by the beginning of 1912. Of these, fourteen were federated churches ; fourteen, including the three dating from the earlier period, were undenominational churches; and sixteen were united churches of the denominational type. All but three of the federated churches and more than half the undenominational churches were in New England, where the effects of a decline in both population and prosperity were keenly felt. Of the denominational united churches, on the other hand, only three were in New England, the other thirteen being in the Middle West and on the Pacific coast. About 1912, federated churches began to be formed in many states; and in the following years the number formed increased rapidly. Although during the year 1911 there had been only two new federations—all these figures are for unions surviving in 1924—1in 1912 there were eight; in 1913, twelve; in 1914, eighteen. In 1915 the number of new federations dropped to seven, and the following year it was only nine. This falling off seems to have been a result of the war in Europe. People’s attention was diverted from neighborhood concerns; and agricultural prosperity, resulting from America’s position as purveyor to the world, relieved the pinch of necessity. With the entry of the United States into the war in 1917, changed conditions stimulated union. The release of ministers for service as chaplains and Y.M.C.A. workers left many churches without pastors. The rise in cost of living increased the expense of maintaining churches, while at the same time decreasing the margin out DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES) 27 of which church contributions were paid. Coal, in particular, was not only high in price but was so much needed for war purposes that patriotism as well as poverty urged economy in the use of it. Red Cross activities and Liberty bond drives accustomed people to common activities. As one schedule put it, “The people worked together during the war and got acquainted.” Many churches formed a partnership, either definitely as an emergency measure, or tentatively, with the hope of permanence if all went well; or they found war motives and war idealism the last straw needed to carry them to the decision to join together in a permanent union. The number of new federations jumped from nine in 1916 to twenty-one in 1917, thirty-three in 1918, and forty-three in 1919. After that, the immediate effects of the war being well past, the number of new federations was in most years smaller; yet in 1923, the latest year for which full informa- tion could be obtained, the number of new federations that survived in 1924 was twenty-eight, an average of more than one a fortnight. The development of undenominational churches followed much the same course. For denominational united churches it was impossible to get complete information, since dates could be inferred from figures in denominational reports only for consolidated churches—that is, those formed by the combination of two or more existing church organizations. Of this class, the number formed annually increased suddenly in 1920, partly through the influence of state federations of churches and home-missions councils started after the war. UNITED CHURCHES IN 1924 In 1924, the number of united churches found in the town and country area of the northern and western states was 977. ‘They were distributed among four types as follows: Federated churches ....... AiR ee We Undenominational churches .......... Ak yy 28 UNITED CHURCHES Denominational united churches ........ 491 PATHMAted CHUTCHES Sk ea gases alas iplatnr eres The figure for federated churches included virtually all examples in the field studied. That for undenominational churches included nearly all. The figures for denominational united churches, however, was probably too small, as the united churches of this type were much harder to identify. After the list was made, many new unions were doubtless formed; for example, in the first six months of 1925 four new federations were formed in one small state. The comparative numbers of united churches of all types ° i a i ) Seale of Adstes DIAGRAM I, MAP SHOWING THE LOCATION OF 977 UNITED CHURCHES, taken together in the different regions? of the field studied, corresponds roughly to the numbers of churches of the traditional kind. That is, they were most numerous in the Middle West, the Northern Colonial area ranking next in 1In the statistical tables, the affiliated churches were included among denominational united churches. 2The regional terms used in this book are applied as follows: “Northern Colonial’: New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. “Middle West”: The states included by the Census in its divisions East sy Central and West North Central, except that Missouri is omitted. “Mountain” and “Pacific”: the groups of states to which the Census applies these terms. DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES) 29 number of united churches, and the Pacific third, the small- est number of all being found in the Mountain Region.® Among types of union, nearly half the federated churches were in the Northern Colonial area, where they formed the greater proportion of all united churches, most of them being in New England and in New York state. In each area studied except the Northern Colonial, the denominational united church was represented by more churches than any other type. The undenominational church had its greatest strength in the Middle West. - United churches were found to be, for the most part, a phenomenon of small centers. Although of the town and country churches in 179 counties studied as typical by the Institute of Social and Religious Research only about one- third were in villages,® nearly two-thirds of the 934 united churches whose location was exactly known were village churches. Moreover, while only 131 united churches were in villages of more than 1,000 inhabitants, there were 450 in smaller villages. As 234 more of the 934 churches were in hamlets and 83 were in the open country, nearly five-sixths of the united churches were in localities having a population of the center of less than 1,000. The denominations represented by the greatest number of denominational united churches and of federated churches were, in the order of the number of churches under each, the Congregational, the Methodist Episcopal, the Presbyte- rian Church in the U.S.A. and the Baptist, Northern Con- vention. The total number of denominational united churches, so far as these were listed, and of units of fed- erated churches, belonging to these four denominations, was 1,075. Scattering cases of these two types of union be- longed to thirteen other denominations. Although statistical information could not be obtained for all united churches, certain figures were available for nearly three-fourths of those listed. The incomplete data show that these churches had a total membership of over 3 See Appendix Table I. 4 Tbid., II. 4 5 Computed from data on page 35 of Morse’s The Social Survey im Town and Couniry Areas. (New York, Doran, 1924.) 30 UNITED CHURCHES 80,000, distributed such benevolences as are reported in de- nominational annuals in excess of $300,000, and owned churches and parsonages with a total valuation of over six and three-quarters millions of dollars. The importance of the movement was further shown by other facts. The Presbyterian General Assembly and the Methodist Episcopal General Conference both passed several measures concerning the different types of union. For sev- eral years the leaders in the movement toward local union had met in conferences; and in 1925 they had two organiza- tions, the Community Church Workers, formed at Philadel- phia in May, 1924, and the American Conference of Un- denominational Churches, a smaller group composed of leaders of united churches holding Fundamentalist princi- ples. Each of these agencies had its organ, that of the former being the Unity Messenger, now the Community Churchman, and that of the latter the Pioneer of a New Era. A great many unions, like the very first federated church, were formed by local people to meet local needs; both be- cause it was the local people that felt most nearly the pinch of necessity, and because the barriers between denominations were less divisive for laymen in small communities. Some of the schedules reported that the union in question owed nothing to the example of any previous united church. Many constructed their constitutions independently, or emended a model, or combined several, so as to produce articles adapted to local conditions. The ministers some- times led in local proceedings, and often had a large share in preparing the way for union; yet in a higher pro- portion of cases the effective leadership came from laymen. Even where denominational or interdenominational assist- ance was requested—even where such leadership took the initiative—it was the local people that had the deciding vote; and they frequently went contrary to the counsel of their advisors. What this young movement was to become did not yet appear. In all parts of the country people were talking about uniting their churches, or about adapting their one DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES 31 church so that it could serve all the religious elements of the community. That the movement would continue to grow seemed likely. In the first place, united churches were being formed all over the country; secondly, economic forces were on their side. PART II TYPES Mi VEADR hye Nt a vi) } iy, a) es : PART ily TYPES Chapter II THE FEDERATED CHURCH The development and the characteristics of united churches of four types will be presented in four successive chapters; a common plan being adopted, so far as possible, to enable the reader to follow easily the discussion of each of the types and to refer without trouble to corresponding passages. ‘The present chapter will concern the federated church. DEFINITIONS It is necessary at the outset to define a few terms. A church, for this book, is an organized local group of Chris- tians, with a religious test for membership. No church was included among those studied that was not active, in contrast to inactive or seasonal; that is, the churches considered here had regular services at least once a month throughout the year. The term “united church” will be applied in this book to a church combining in its membership, either regular or associate, elements originally different in denomination; the elements being in some cases organized churches and in others, individuals. A church that had won to active par- ticipation in its work persons of other denominations, but that had not received such persons into membership, was held not to come within this definition. There are three generally recognized types of united churches; the federated church, the undenominational church, and the united church of the denominational type. This common division was followed in the statistics. = nd ’ = = Z ~ * z za 3 My 4 z* = — S = = = 7 . 4 - < = = fe = = - é x ~ n —— ~ A Y ~ = 2 ~ + S ‘ “ == é - ~ aoe i " ae — < = a i ‘ —" S * - = nt 4-8 7% — Ss » ~~ 34 PART IV: ADJUSTMENTS Chapter XVI ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS The development of united churches, their variations, and the problems they confronted have been described in the foregoing chapters solely from the point of view of the united churches themselves. But these churches made their appearance in a world where the religious forces were al- ready organized, and where religious procedure was to a great extent standardized. The final section of this book will show what means were taken by denominations on the one hand, and by interdenominational agencies on the other to coordinate the new phenomena with the established order. The present chapter will be devoted to the efforts toward this adjustment that were made by the denomina- tions. THE SITUATION It is necessary at the outset to see clearly why the rise of united churches occasioned difficulties for the denominations. Denominations have existed separately for hundreds of years, during which time standardized forms of church or- ganization have developed and machinery has been perfected for supervising the churches, for training ministers to care for them, and for bringing churches and ministers together. Before united churches were so much as thought of, the de- nominations had established missions in various part of the world, had equipped them with expensive buildings and had manned them with trained workers ; and these extensive mis- sionary enterprises could not be carried on without regular contributions from the churches. 249 250 UNITED CHURCHES And then, suddenly, the local churches of one denomina- tion began to unite with those of one or more other denomi- nations. Difficulties arose at once. Since the denominations had developed independently of one another, their manifold complicated machinery could not easily be adjusted to inter- lock. They suffered serious inconvenience in many ways. For the laymen and leaders of each denomination, the be- liefs, practices, constitution and world-wide program of that denomination had naturally become accepted realities built into the whole structure of their thoughts. This fact was well illustrated by an action taken in 1920 by the Presbyterian ~ General Assembly in response to a “request in behalf of a federated church to extend rights. . . . to non-Presbyterian church members, . . .” The recommendation adopted was “that inasmuch as the granting of this request would involve unconstitutional action, no action be taken.” Up to 1926 the constitution had not been changed to permit of action of the kind indicated. Denominational spirit was particularly strong among de- nominational superintendents. One of these officials ex- plained this somewhat as follows: “To strengthen Methodist churches is my work, my life.” Another said, “I am paid to build up Baptist churches. It is my duty to do it, and my conscience is in favor of it.” Each of these men, however, along with his devotion to the interests of his own denomina- tion, had a sense of the great need in small, divided com- munities of uniting the religious forces. One of them said, “I try to think of the interests of the Church of Christ in general” ; and the other was cooperating with other superin- tendents of his area in the formation and supervision of federated churches. But for many superintendents denomi- national interests remained supreme. Because without un- derstanding their denominational loyalty it would be impos- sible to appreciate the policies of such men in relation to united churches, extracts from two characteristic letters, re- ceived in the course of this study from denominational super- intendents of the Middle West, will be quoted here. The first is as follows: ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 251 We have one or two denominational churches that are claim- ing to be Community Churches, but they are and of necessity must be Denominational to get anywhere. It is our sincerest belief that no church is now or can be more capable of taking care of the religious needs of [the state] than the one I serve. I am as liberal as any in my attitude to other Churches and feel most kindly to all but while the “fad” for Consolidation may be necessary for other Denominations, it is not for the Methodist. I am out and out a denominationalist but I trust wholly free from Sectarianism. The other superintendent wrote: As I understand, the so-called community churches are simply a new denomination formed on the basis of the surrender of intelligent conviction concerning the teaching of the Scriptures and the nature of church organization and what it takes to con- stitute a church. Our Baptist people, therefore, are not inter- ested in the various and sundry efforts to wipe out denominational lines and to belittle intelligent conviction concerning the teach- ings of the Scriptures. If at any time, anywhere, you should happen to find people who call themselves Baptists entering into movements for the organization of “Community Churches” you may know that they are uninformed concerning the fundamental beliefs of their denomination and are, therefore, not real Baptists. When a denominational official to whom his denomination was the paramount reality, was confronted by a church that desired to unite with a church of another denomination, he naturally thought first of how such an event might endanger the welfare of the whole denomination, including its over- head machinery and its missionary enterprises. What was most real to him in the local situation was the denominational church, partly for its own sake, but still more as a necessary unit in the whole great denominational organism. When the local people talked of stopping waste and competition and of providing united and efficient service for the community as a whole, he regarded as a sign of narrowness their failure to appreciate large outside denominational interests; and he could not know that they in their turn ascribed his failure to sympathize with their desires to another kind of narrow- ness—that of sectarianism. A favorable attitude toward union on the part of denomi- national leaders was most common, first, in sections where 252 UNITED CHURCHES denominational spirit had most markedly declined, and sec- ondly, in districts where decline of rural communities had endangered not merely the well-being but even the existence of churches in competitive situations. The two conditions were often found together. United churches occasioned overhead authorities the most embarrassment by the problems arising in their formative period; by those relating to organization and administration ; and by problems having to do with property the title to which was held by overhead bodies; with ministerial supply ; with supervision; with home-mission aid; with denomina- tional statistics; and with benevolences. Denominational problems and policies in relation to prop- erty have already been discussed. How these other problems affected the denominations, and what measures the denomi- nations consequently adopted will now be considered. The denominational agencies that were affected by the rise of united churches, and that took action concerning them, were of three kinds: legislative, supervisory and benevolent. The legislative agencies consisted of representative bodies both national and sectional—assemblies, conferences and the like. Supervisory agencies included not only the denomina- tional superintendents directly in charge of the local churches, but any higher sectional officials, such as bishops, that had a part in determining policies put into effect by the superin- tendents. The benevolent agencies included both those sup- plementing ministers’ salaries and those helping to finance the erection of buildings. ATTITUDES TowarD UNION Policies relating to the union of churches were formally adopted by a number of ecclesiastical legislative assemblies, sectional for some denominations, national for others. These policies were along the following general lines: Opposition to union of any kind. Advocacy of the denominational form of union exclu- sively. ; Encouragement of the denominational type of union where ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 253 feasible, combined with acceptance of the federated church where union could be accomplished only in that form, and opposition to the undenominational church, Encouragement of union in any form acceptable to the local people. OPPOSITION TO UNION OF ANY KIND The first policy, that of opposing all forms of union, while standing for the strictly denominational church, is well illus- - trated by the following resolutions, passed in 1922 by a sec- tional executive board: Whereas, the officers and employees of the [state] Baptist Convention are frequently called upon for advice as to the wis- dom of organizing what is known as a “federated” church, or of advising the combination under some name of a Baptist Church with a church or churches of other denominations, Now, therefore, in order that the officers and employees of the [state] Baptist Convention may be guided in the performance of their duties, it is ; Resolved: That, while we fully recognize our interdenomina- tional responsibilities and the real value of codperative Christian effort, we re-affirm our conviction that as Baptists we have a dis- tinctive message and mission, and that the ideals for which we stand and the goals for which we seek can never be realized in their highest form when worshiping and working (in the close and intimate combination in a single church) with others who do not share our views, possess our ideals, or seek our goals. It is further Resolved: That all officers and employees of the [state] Baptist Convention are requested to comply with the spirit of these resolutions. Where such a policy was formally adopted, local churches could hope for no assistance from denominational officials in uriting with neighboring churches of other denominations. RECOGNITION ONLY OF THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH The policy most commonly adopted by denominational leg- islative assemblies was support of the denominational united church as the only acceptable form of union. This attitude as regards unchurched communities, for example, was for- 254 UNITED CHURCHES mally adopted by the Presbyterian General Assembly of 1924 as follows: - +. In the organization of a church in a community where there is no adequate support for several denominations, it is desirable to choose a church relation acceptable to the majority (as nearly as possible to all), and to hold to that denomination definitely and specifically—minister and people.1 Undenominational churches were opposed by almost all denominational leaders. The attitude of these men was not a mere result of denominational spirit. They had seen many weak undenominational churches turn for rescue to denomi- nations, and they had watched others fall into inactivity. Many of them distrusted federated churches, too. Among the denominations chiefly represented in local unions the right to serve as a denominational community church was conceded in most of the states; and such a church was protected from competition through three differ- ent means: comity agreements, the exchange of fields and allocation. Allocation, the assignment of new fields as yet without churches to specific denominations by mutual agree- ment, since it was usually arranged by interdenominational agencies such as state home-missions councils, will receive consideration in the following chapter, which will be devoted to the relationships of united churches to state interdenomi- national agencies. Comity agreements were also extensively arranged and enforced by interdenominational agencies; but they had also been established in certain cases through formal compacts between denominations as represented by legislative assemblies. Such compacts existed, for example, between the northern and the southern Presbyterians and the north- ern and the southern Methodists. Principles of comity thus adopted included provisions that neither of the contracting parties should plant a church in territory belonging to the other. In some states an informal understanding to the same effect existed between Congregational and Presbyterian over- head agencies. 1 Minutes, 1924, p. 63. ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 255 Exchange of Fields The policy of exchange of fields, which originated with the Maine Interdenominational Commission, provided that exclusive right to a field and to local church property should be surrendered in one locality by denomination A to denomi- nation B, the latter making a corresponding surrender to A in another community. This plan was favored by denomina- tional superintendents in many sections. They considered it “fair,” and said that it gave a basis for opening negotiations. When they were pressed for examples of successful ex- change, however, they made replies of which the following, quoted from a letter by a denominational superintendent in the far West, is typical. The superintendents all favor exchange of fields, but it seems very hard to work out a program, because of the many elements which enter into the problem. If superintendents arrange an exchange, the controlling elements, represented by a bishop in some types of organization, and the people in others, frequently do not concur. Methodist overhead authorities often found it difficult to find comparable fields for exchange within the same super- visory district; and this they desired because otherwise the church retained would be in the territory of one district su- perintendent, and the church resigned—with the consequent loss in credit and indirectly in salary—would be suffered by another. A merger of a Methodist church in a Congrega- tional church, for example, was held up three years while the respective overhead authorities sought an opportunity of exchanging the Methodist property under conditions agree- able to all parties, for comparable Congregational property. Finally the local people bought the Methodist building from the conference, and the consolidation was effected without exchange. Not only did overhead denominational authorities find it difficult, when attempting to agree upon exchanges, to recon- cile their own respective interests, but after they had agreed upon an exchange, they found it very hard to get it accepted by local church leaders. The fact that the local leaders were 256 UNITED CHURCHES considering union implied independence both in thought and in action. The idea of being “swapped alive,” as they often called it, was very obnoxious to them. It made them feel that the overhead authorities looked upon them as a tyrant regards his serfs. After a meeting of a county council of churches, at which an attempt was made to effectuate eight exchanges, the local representatives of the churches in ques- tion expressed themselves as disgusted with what seemed to them a dickering, selfish spirit. One of them wrote, “It was like a horse trade”; and his further expressions showed that he had received a new light upon the denominational super- ~ visors. A careful search for successful exchanges resulted in finding very few.” In one so-called exchange, it proved that the denomination surrendering one of the fields had held — there neither a church organization nor any property, but had merely intended to develop work. While commending the principle of exchange, a certain superintendent acknowl- edged that in his state his denominational overhead had ar- ranged only one exchange of fields with another denomina- tion, and that even in that instance the arrangement had been accepted by the local people in but one of the two com- munities concerned. | In Vermont there had been a number of exchanges of property; but this property had as a rule belonged to dead or inactive churches. A considerable number of so-called exchanges in Vermont, moreover, concerned pairs of fed- erated churches, one of which agreed to take all its ministers from one of the two denoniinations, the other to take all its ministers from the other denomination. Arrangements of this kind were regarded by the superintendents as transition stages, acceptable locally, toward denominational united churches in the future. Even of this Vermont form of exchange, however, com- paratively easy though it was for local people to accept, one of the superintendents advocating it wrote with caution as follows: _2 Reports were received of exchanges in two states that were not visited ; but these there was no means of verifying. ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 257 It is too early yet to do much bragging about it. Some feder- ations were tried before the people were ready for them. They cannot be effected simply by two superintendents meeting behind a roll top desk and “swapping churches.”” The members must be consulted and sentiment must cement the union, else the tie soon sunders. ASSISTANCE IN FormMING UNIONS Many denominational superintendents had been asked for help by local churches wishing to enter into unions. If the form of union desired was a denominational united church of their own denomination, the officials naturally rendered assistance unless such action involved a breach of comity with the other denomination or denominations in- volved. But since the places where agitation for union was most intense were in general those already having competing churches, union was frequently almost impossible except through the compromise between denominations afforded by federation, or through the abandonment, temporarily at least, of all denominational connections to join forces as unde- nominational churches. In many sections such unions were effectuated, if at all, without the help of denominational su- perintendents. To local churches desiring to federate, however, superin- tendents of one or more denominations regularly in New England and sometimes in other states rendered assistance of various kinds either as individuals or in informal codpera- tion. In New England, indeed, most superintendents not only gave assistance, but frequently took the initiative in suggesting union. This they did either by informal agree- ment among the officials of the denominations involved, through a denominational committee on federation—as at one time by the Massachusetts Congregational Conference —or through an interdenominational organization. This chapter will be concerned only with the official actions of denominational superintendents, a considerable number of whom, realizing the straits of weak churches in competing fields, definitely urged them to federate with neighboring churches. Another form of assistance rendered by these men in the 258 UNITED CHURCHES period of inception was the furnishing of model forms of articles. The forms were provided in part by interdenomi- national agencies in not fewer than four of the New Eng- Jand states and three states outside New England. These forms usually avoided features common with early federa- tions but believed by the superintendents to be blunders which churches without guidance might easily repeat. They safe- guarded the entity of denominational units and included provisions—for example, regarding ministers and benevo- lences—that fitted into denominational arrangements. They often provided also for denominational supervision at critical junctures. According to one form, the signatures of the dis- trict superintendents concerned were required for the ratifi- cation of the articles; according to another, in case of dis- agreement within the united church the matter was to be referred to the district superintendents, with or without as- sistance, for arbitration. ORGANIZATION AND ADMINISTRATION Two of the denominations most commonly represented in unions of churches, the Methodist Episcopal and the Presby- terian in the U.S.A., had at the same time strong overhead authority and standardized forms of local-church govern- ment. Therefore, when churches of these denominations combined with churches either of the other denomination, or of a denomination whose churches were self-governing, problems arose for denominational leaders. How Presbyterian authorities regard the government of a federated church by a joint committee, the arrangement al- most universal for united churches of this type, was well illustrated in the Minutes of the General Assembly for 1920.8 Here the following charge was made against a federated church: ... The session... has surrendered its powers of control over church worship, work and teaching. By the Form of Government, Chapter 9, Section 7, the session is given and charged with the duty to exercise exclusive authority over the 3 P. 88. ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 259 worship of the congregation. The session violated this provision relating to its exclusive authority by surrendering it to the federated committee, a body over which it has no control. The Permanent Judicial Committee, to which the case had been referred, held that the union “‘is not in fact a federation, nor a codperation, but is a combination of the Presbyterian and Congregational Churches.” For this, among other rea- sons, the desire of a minority that the federation should be dissolved was granted by the General Assembly. The federation in question was in a city; but the same at- titude had been observed toward town and country federated churches including a Presbyterian unit. In one such in- stance a federation of Presbyterian and Methodist units was governed by a common council, and both Presbyterian ses- sion and Methodist advisory board had been allowed to lapse, and not an elder was left among the resident members. Overhead influence restored the denominational machinery of both units. These, however, did not function, except in receiving denominational members, the real government of the federated church being still transacted by the joint agency. A policy in respect to united churches of their own de- nomination not uncommon among Methodist supervisory offi- cials is illustrated in an extract from the annual report of a district superintendent: A few members of the church, well intentioned, sincere, but unmethodistic in some of their ideas of church life and work, have for years modified and limited church activities and worship to fit their unmethodistic ideas . . . Reasonable doses of our dis- cipline, kindly and firmly administered by the pastor, became unbearable. Their opposition to forms of church work sug- gested by our discipline became serious; their prayers became cudgels. Something had to be done... . Those composing the faction were urged to remain members of the church and attend its services on the simple condition that they cease their opposition to those activities that are com- manded by our discipline. They refused. They were asked by the superintendent to withdraw in the disciplinary way. They did. Ten members withdrew.* 4 Official Journal, Vermont Conference, Methodist Episcopal Church, 1913, Pp. 51. 260 UNITED CHURCHES Despite the denominational spirit exhibited by denomina- tional officials in such cases as these, there were in 1924 seventy-seven Presbyterian units and 178 Methodist units enlisted in surviving federations, Thirty-three of these fed- erations included both Methodist and Presbyterian units. Many of the federations including either or both denomina- tions were ascertained to be functioning smoothly under a joint executive committee. MINISTERIAL SUPPLY The denominations in general had none too many good ministers. To obtain and to hold an adequate force of competent men, they had spent large sums to provide their preachers training, supervision and fellowship; and some had established pension systems at great expense. The Methodist Episcopal Church, in particular, had a carefully adjusted sys- tem of charges and ministers, in accordance with which, theoretically, no church lacks a minister and no minister a church. Therefore they naturally found the formation of united churches particularly inconvenient for the following reasons: Some consolidations meant the loss of a Methodist charge; federated churches often provided that their ministers should come alternately from the denominations concerned; and united churches of almost any kind were likely to end pas- torates without regard to the time of conference, when Methodist ministers are changed. The leaders of many united churches, moreover, espe- cially of those having elements of denominations accustomed to choosing their own ministers, often objected to having their minister appointed for them. The difficulty was fre- quently got around by friendly consultation beforehand, re- sulting in the appointment of a man acceptable to the church. But this was not always the case. Insistence by the over- head sometimes resulted in revolt on the part of the local people. For example, a certain church that had asked Con- ference to send them a particular minister was refused the man of their choice and given another. This man they re- ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 261 fused to accept. The church became wholly undenomina- tional and the minister of their choice transferred his stand- ing to another denomination and accepted their call. An- other union originally intended as a federation of Congrega- tional and Methodist units, owing to Methodist insistence on the right of appointing a minister, became a consolidated Congregational church. Considering all these difficulties, it is not surprising that Methodist overhead authorities some- times refused ministers to united churches except on their own terms; sometimes failed to send their best men; and in other cases, after assigning a good man to a united church, sent him elsewhere after a brief term of service. On the other hand, because a Methodist Conference could always send a minister on request, certain undenominational churches and some federated churches with or without a Methodist Episcopal element, after having difficulty in ob- taining good ministers, asked Methodist conferences to ap- point ministers to serve them. At least some of these ap- peals were granted. For several of the denominations concerned in unions the choice of minister was regularly treated as a private matter between minister and church, the denominational superin- tendents being willing to advise but claiming no right to dic- tate. Most of these denominations enacted no legislation on the subject. The Presbyterian General Assembly, however, took action on several matters connected with ministers. A summary of this legislation is given in the Minutes of the General Assembly for 1924.° The Assembly recognized the power of the Presbytery to carry forward the installation of a Presbyterian minister in a federated church and also its power to enroll the pastor of such a church where he belongs to another denomination, being en- rolled by the Presbytery as a corresponding member... . The Assembly of 1921, cf. Minutes, I, 197, declined to take action empowering an evangelical minister, not a Presbyterian, to act as moderator of the Session in a federated church... . 5 Part I, p. 62. 262 UNITED CHURCHES SUPERVISION Denominational superintendents gave to united churches of the denominational type the usual amount of denomina- tional supervision, and perhaps more, on account of their unusual opportunities and problems. For undenominational churches they normally undertook no responsibility. Their attitude toward federated churches varied with the region, with the policy of their national and sectional bodies, and with the individual superintendent. The supervision of federated churches, moreover, involved peculiar difficulties. Therefore, it needs especial attention here. SUPERVISION OF FEDERATED CHURCHES One kind of difficulties resulted from the fact that two or more denominational superintendents were in charge of units of a single federated church. Some superintendents held back because they feared encroaching on the field of another. Sometimes superintendents lacked confidence in one another, A second difficulty mentioned by denominational superin- tendents in many places resulted from the distrust felt to- ward them by local-church leaders. This lack of confidence sometimes resulted from reports of opposition by the offi- cials toward other unions or projected unions, sometimes from opposition to their own union on the part of previous denominational superintendents, sometimes from a convic- tion—which might or might not have been justified—that the superintendent in question set the welfare of his denomina- tion above that of their own community, so that he would use his influence to swing the federated church as a whole into the ranks of his own denomination. The constitution of one federated church even provided that the denominational su- perintendents of the three denominations represented should so far as practicable make them an equal number of visits a year. Still another condition that for some denominations ren- ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 263 dered difficult the supervision of federated churches was the fact that the government of the federated church by a joint committee afforded no regular machinery through which a denominational superintendent could exert his authority. For example, if a federated church had a Methodist unit, the quarterly conference, presided over by the district superin- tendent, at which local-church issues had formerly been decided, was superseded at union by a joint executive com- mittee. The first time the denominational superintendent was expected to visit a certain federated church, for instance, the minister tried to collect a Methodist advisory board to meet him, but the occasion was not fruitful, so that after- wards he had the superintendent meet the joint executive committee. In dealing with mixed groups, Methodist de- nominational superintendents naturally could not exert their former authority. The superintendents of other denomina- tions felt restrictions of a similar sort, though not to the same degree. A fourth difficulty of the denominational superintendents, perhaps the most serious of all, was that many of these men did not understand the problems of federated churches or know the solutions of these problems that older federations had reached through experience. Many denominational su- perintendents, therefore, had no belief in federation and found it uncongenial to supervise a federated church. Where these four difficulties were most strongly felt, the official supervision of units of federated churches was rarely exercised, and when exercised was frequently used to re- place federation by separation or by consolidation. Nevertheless, many denominational superintendents showed a strong interest in federated churches and did much to foster them. Three denominational superintendents con- nected with churches considering union in a certain com- munity bid them Godspeed, one of them saying, “If you people have enough Christianity to carry this through, I wish you success.” Three superintendents in another state, at the request of the three churches of different denominations in a small village, took the official steps looking toward federation and selected the first minister for the federated church. 264 UNITED CHURCHES Several other denominational superintendents whose courses had been condemned by the people of united churches were shown later to have had reasons and to have taken steps that the local people had misunderstood. Home-Mtisstion Arp POLICIES In their use of home-mission aid in connection with united churches, denominational agencies and officials employed three contrasting policies: Economy of home-mission funds, through refusing in some sections to aid federated churches, and almost invari- ably to aid undenominational churches. The fostering, through home-missionary grants, of young united churches of the denominational type, and in some sections of federated churches. Opposition to united churches of al] types except the de- nominational through grants of aid to other churches in the same communities with united churches. SOURCES OF INFORMATION The generalizations presented below will be based on two kinds of evidence: first, statements as to denominational policy either drawn from denominational publications or ob- tained privately from individual officials ; and, secondly, Statistics as to sums actually distributed by home-missionary boards, derived in part from figures published in denomina- tional reports and in part from denominational officials. The statistical study of home-mission aid was limited to that granted by four denominations—Baptist, Northern Con- vention, Congregational, Methodist Episcopal and Presbyte- rian in the U.S.A.—to which belonged a large majority of the churches entering unions, For the Congregational churches that later became parts of united churches, complete information was available as ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 265 to how many had received aid the year before union; be- cause in the Congregational Year-Book a certain symbol is prefixed to all figures for the salaries paid ministers receiv- ing home-mission grants. For all but a very few Congrega- tional churches, moreover, the amount of the aid given was obtained either from the published reports of state missionary agencies, or from denominational officials, state or national. Similar data for Baptist churches were obtained from the annuals of state conventions publishing such facts and, for the churches of a few states, from the officials of the corre- sponding conventions. Since the conventions not publishing figures for home-mission aid did not as a rule include many churches combined in unions, information was lacking for only thirteen Baptist churches. The information available for Methodist churches was less nearly complete. Since most conferences formerly published detailed figures for home-mission aid, the fact and amount of aid before union were ascertained for most Metho- dist churches that became parts of early combinations. But as many conferences ceased to publish this information at dates ranging between 1912 and 1920, amounts received from agencies connected with conferences (as distinct from the Centenary) were ascertained for the year before union for only 133 of 275 churches. Information as to grants from the Centenary, however, beginning with 1920, were received from an official source. For Presbyterian churches, information as to aid, also from an official source, covered sixty-five churches, or about half the total number. SAVING OF HOME-MISSION AID Number of Churches Aided Of the Congregational, Baptist, Methodist and Presby- terian churches that later became parts of united churches, it was ascertained for nearly three-fourths whether or not they received aid just before union. Of these three-fourths, numbering about 600 churches, 166 were granted aid just 266 UNITED CHURCHES before union. ‘These aided churches included about one- seventh of the Congregational churches; at least one-fifth of the Methodist churches; a fifth of the Presbyterian churches ; and more than one-fourth of the Baptist churches. Since it is probable that some of the churches for which in- formation was not obtained also received aid, the true pro- portions for the last three denominations are almost cer- tainly still higher. Thirty-six additional churches that were either not aided during the year before union, or for which definite informa- tion for that year was lacking, had been aided within ten years before union. The inclusion of these churches in the number of churches aided would raise the minimum propor- tion of churches belonging to all four denominations that — were aided to about one-fourth. Since 20 per cent. of the town and country churches in the Twenty-five Counties re- ceived aid, the churches that later united had received aid in a somewhat higher proportion of cases than was usual. : In twenty communities, each of two churches that later united had received aid; and in one of these communities three such churches had received aid. Here not merely was home-mission aid given to competitive churches, but in nineteen communities two denominations, and in one com- munity three denominations, had competed in giving aid. Saving in Money Distributed The partial information secured shows that at least ninety- three churches aided the year before union were no longer aided in 1923-1924;° and that the total granted these churches in the year before each entered a united church was $14,582. Moreover, since increase in the cost of living had led the denominational boards to raise the average amounts by which they augmented salaries, if these churches had still been receiving aid, the total amount expended upon them might easily have been even higher. For a considerable number of Presbyterian churches, the 6 Unless a few Methodist churches not aided by Centenary received aid from agencies connected with conferences. ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 267 amounts granted just before union were ascertained and also the total amount applied to each church. Twelve churches, aid to which stopped at union, had been subsidized for an average of twenty-four years, eight having received aid for more than twenty years and one for forty-seven years. Since the total sum that had been expended on these churches was $58,749, these few cases of union had resulted in no small economy of home-mission funds. Though for the other de- nominations parallel figures could not be obtained, it was learned that among the churches of each denomination that had entered into unions, there had been a considerable num- ber that had likewise received aid over long periods. FOSTERING UNITED CHURCHES THROUGH GRANTS To seventy-four of the united churches about which it was possible to secure information, denominational home-mission boards distributed during the year 1923-24 a total of $15,- 267.75. In addition, thirty-five churches not aided in that year had been aided at some previous time since union. Furthermore, aid was given in 1923-24 to twenty-eight united churches none of the elements of which had received aid before union. Of these churches eleven, distributed in all regions, were of the denominational type of union. The other seventeen were units of fifteen federated churches, all but three of which were in the Northern Colonial area. The aid given them after union was presumably intended to foster them as units of federated churches. The total amount given them in 1923-24 was $2,832, the average grant per federation being $189. Overhead authorities of a few denominations had in some sections adopted the policy of aiding united churches in their early years to enable them to get a good start. A few de- nominational superintendents in New England employed a promise of aid as an inducement to persuade struggling churches in competitive situations to federate or to consoli- date. In a certain state where this policy was favored, the denomination that granted most aid to federated churches in that territory had given $916 to four of its churches in the 268 UNITED CHURCHES year before union, and gave three of the same churches a total of $1,150 after they had become units of federations. Since denominational bodies, as represented both by their legislative assemblies and by their salaried officials, gen- erally regarded the community church of the denomina- tional type with more favor than other types of united churches, it was to be expected that churches of that kind would receive more home-missionary money. Yet of the churches that were known to have been aided in 1923-24, only twenty-one were denominational churches, while fifty- one units of forty-five federated churches were aided. Fur- thermore, while the amount given to the federated churches was $8,118, that applied to denominational united churches was only $6,350. Moreover, $2,795 of the last-mentioned sum was granted to churches that had already been aided to the amount of $2,088 just before union, so that not much more than half the total can be considered as given pri-. marily to foster the denominational united church. At least six federated churches received aid in 1923-24 from the agencies of two different denominations, which thus cooperated in giving these churches in their early days a better minister than they could otherwise have afforded. Congregational agencies were concerned in all these cases, cooperating in three instances with Methodists, in two with Baptists and in one with Presbyterians. Moreover, united churches in at least two college towns received money from two or more denominations for special work for students, and a third had been given hope of similar subsidies. In addition, two undenominational churches were ascer- tained to have received aid, each from a different denomina- tional board; and two other churches of this type had been promised aid for the ensuing year. AID IN COMPETITIVE * SITUATIONS It was generally recognized that the giving of aid in com- petitive situations was prevalent in many sections and that 7 The word competitive will be applied in this chapter to town and country situations where there are present two or more churches of the . -Immersionist or of the predominant type of denominations. ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 269 it existed in at least scattered communities in almost every part of the country. Many denominational officials frankly advocated the policy of using home-mission money to support weak competitive churches, even where there had developed considerable popu- lar sentiment for church union. This policy found typical expression in the following sentences from a denominational state annual : Competition often severe, sentiment for federation or unioniz- ing movements, the need of better equipment coupled with the plea for economy—those and other influences are pressing with almost disintegrating effect upon many village churches. Some of our smaller groups in country and in village are yielding. Within recent years six have disbanded. More than a score of others are practically inactive. ... These small groups are a part of us and entitled to the finest spirit of codperation in their days of struggle....As a de- nomination serving the Master in the present and planning for a great future we must seek to conserve, revive, continue and enlarge our working forces in the open country and the small towns.® A similar attitude was expressed by a Congregational superintendent in 1910 as follows: Much has been said about over-churched Mission fields. No doubt there are such places, and they are the scandal of Christen- dom. But Congregationalists are not sinners above all others in this respect. In a large majority of cases, where this objection can be urged, we were the pioneers, but other churches crowded in, divided the field or perhaps are taking it entirely away from us. We have been quite too willing to abandon a field because adverse winds were blowing against us, while other denomina- tions “fought to win the prize.” 9 In some cases home-mission aid was used very definitely as a means of opposing union. Three churches that had been units of federated churches for a time, and had then withdrawn, were granted aid afterwards. Again, several churches continuing their activities in competition with united churches to which they had lost a considerable pro- portion of members also received aid. In two cases the aid 8 Baptist Annual, Kansas, 1924, p. 36. 9 Congregational Annual for Iowa, 1910, p. 90. 270 UNITED CHURCHES was of the usual kind—that is, it was given to supplement salary. Another church was furnished $1,500 to assist it to erect a community house, half this sum coming from the national building society and half from a state agency. The money was supplied for the express purpose of enabling the church to compete with the united church, which was un- denominational. After studying the local conditions and the local people, more than one denominational superintendent opposed to competition and in charge of a territory where a weak church in a competitive situation had received aid for many years, expressed the opinion that the situation presented a serious problem. “They will not unite: like Job’s com- forters,” said one, “they will curse us and die.” Another expressed his perplexity in these words: “To punch the thing in the head is criminal; to keep giving aid is criminal, too.” Many superintendents felt that suddenly to cut off customary aid, through closing the church doors, would mean that some of the church people would be entirely with- out religious influences, and that others would be attracted by emotional forms of religion, which they considered harmful. On the other hand, not a few sectional organizations, such as conferences or state conventions, adopted the policy of refusing grants to competitive churches. Others refused aid except where some denomination not recognizing comity obligations had entered the field later than their own church. Still others refused it except where some special condition made them feel that an exception was justified, as, where a grant would make possible a resident minister in a com- munity otherwise without any. One denominational super- intendent reported that the policy of refusing aid to any church in a competitive situation had been followed by his denominational state organization for twenty years. | Some denominational leaders, indeed, believed in refus- ing aid to all competitive churches for the express purpose of furthering union. Such a policy was advocated in the following extract from the letter of a denominational super- intendent : | ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 271 “It looks as if starvation was about the only way to bring about union. The absolute refusal of Home Missionary boards to give any money to the weaker churches in competitive work, and the refusal of Church Building boards to put any money into the erection of competitive buildings, when adequate housing for the religious needs is already available, seems to be the only way out of this perplexity. DENOMINATIONAL STATISTICS The task of denominational statisticians, always difficult, was complicated by the rise of united churches. The figures for united churches of the denominational type, including affiliated churches, to be sure, presented no difficulty except that some of them had besides the reported membership a roll of associate members not included in denominational totals. The ministers of these churches, being for the most part of the same denomination as their churches, were accustomed to the usages of the denomination; and this was frequently, though not always, true of clerks and treasurers. Federated churches, on the contrary, occasioned many irregularities in statistics. To begin with, each of the 643 denominational units of the more than 300 federated churches was entered as a separate church in the statistical tables of the respective denominations—although it took two and sometimes three such units to make the entity that en- gaged the minister, conducted the services of the church and performed all other local activities. The number of the units, instead of the number of the united churches, was therefore included in the total numbers of churches for the denomination, and also in the grand total of churches in the United States published in the Year Book of the Churches. The denominational records included also a considerable number of dormant church organizations that had been ab- sorbed in undenominational churches, kept on the denomina- tional list because they had surviving denominational mem- bers, sent small contributions to denominational boards, and still held title to denominational property. Again, denominational statisticians encountered difficulties connected with financial figures. Those of the different denominations severally represented in federated churches 272 UNITED CHURCHES expected of the federated church treasurers returns of their local-church expenditures. But a large majority of feder- ated churches had for all local purposes a joint canvass and a common purse. How could the treasurer divide the totals among the denominational units? THis difficulties were in- creased by the fact that the financial year of no two of the four denominations chiefly represented in federated churches ended in the same month, and that for two of the four, the date varied according to section. Some treasurers frankly admitted that in their uncertainty they had returned totals for the united church to both or to all the denominations represented, explaining the situation. A comparison of de- nominational figures with parallel figures obtained through surveys showed that a similar duplication was not uncom- mon. Moreover, a few churches that had openly severed all other denominational ties continued to report to the statis- ticians of a denomination, which was sometimes that of the . minister. This practice affected not only financial figures, but also figures for membership. Almost all federated churches had a combined Sunday school. Figures for Sunday-school enrollment were called for by the statistician of each denomination concerned. The enrollment may sometimes have been divided proportion- ately between the denominations; but as a general thing the total enrollment seemed to have been reported to both. As the Sunday schools of united churches were comparatively large, the errors in grand totals were so much the more significant. On the other hand, there were more than a dozen feder- ated churches for which denominational statistics furnished almost no figures. At one state denominational office it was said that the federated churches of that state were irregular about reporting their figures. BENEVOLENCES One of the charges made most confidently by denomi- national officials against federated and undenominational churches was that they were weak in benevolences. Against ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 273 churches of the denominational type of union they did not make the same accusation. The statistics gathered in the course of the present study, as has been shown in earlier chapters, indicated that united churches of all types were in truth comparatively weak in benevolences; but that feder- ated churches were stronger than undenominational churches and stronger even than denominational united churches. Moreover, the contributions of federated churches in 1923-24 were considerably higher than those of the churches combining to form them had been during the year before union. The annual gain in dollars to benevolent agencies through the formation of 167 federated churches for which comparative figures were collected was $43,055. A questionnaire sent by the Massachusetts Federation of Churches to ministers of federated churches in that state drew from a majority the opinion that benevolences had fallen off. For the twenty-nine town and country federated churches of the state for which statistics were published in denominational annuals, the figures for benevolences for the year before union and for 1923-24 after union, were tabulated with the following results: The benevolences of twenty-six of the twenty-nine feder- ations had increased, as had those of forty-five of the sixty- five denominational units. The total benevolences had more than doubled, rising from $5,988 to $13,226; the rate of gain being 120.9 per cent. The gain to benevolent agencies after federation in town and country areas of Massachusetts alone was therefore $7,238.1° This gain was shared by the agencies of five denominations. CoNCLUSION The relationships between denominational agencies and united churches were imperfectly adjusted. The movement was of recent origin. Each superintendent wrestled with the problems of only a few united churches; he did not know that similar unions had already sprung up in many hundreds of places and were being considered in hundreds of others. 10 For factors contributing to increase in benevolences, see page 52. 274 UNITED CHURCHES The denominational leaders most interested, however, ex- pected that when the movement should be more generally understood, the denominations would show their historic adaptability by making provision to serve united churches in ways suited to their peculiar conditions and needs. Chapter XVII ADJUSTMENTS BY STATE INTERDENOMINA- TIONAL AGENCIES © Efforts to coordinate united churches and the existing religious order were made by religious leaders, not merely in their capacity as representatives of separate denomina- tions, but also as members of state interdenominational agencies. The present chapter will treat of this kind of effort made through state interdenominational agencies, of which there were two kinds: federations of churches, and smaller agencies composed solely of denominational super- -visory officials. HISTORY To understand the situation of interdenominational agen- cies with respect to united churches, it is necessary to know how these organizations arose. The first interdenominational state organization, the Inter- denominational Commission of Maine, grew out of a recog- nition of the straits of the churches in small country com- munities of Maine where prosperity and population had declined. Its first meeting was held in 1890, and it was formally organized in 1892. Among its objects as set forth in the constitution, the first two were “to promote coopera- tion in the organization and operation of churches in Maine” and “to prevent waste of resources and effort in small towns.” This pioneer organization outlined principles of comity that were widely copied, and originated the plan of exchange of fields.* In Vermont, where the situation closely resembled that in Maine, an agency similar in purpose, called the Vermont Interdenominational Comity Commission, was formed be- 1 See p. 255. ave 276 UNITED CHURCHES fore 1900. What it accomplished was told in a leaflet called “Church Federation Facts,” published in 1909. This leaflet showed how, by eleven different methods, unity had been brought about in over sixty communities of the state, mak- ing good the claim that at that time “the Green Mountain state” was “the leading state in the Union in the use of the practical methods of federation, codperation, and comity in healing the waste from too often contending churches in small communities,” | An agency of a different kind, the state federation of churches, came into existence about the beginning of the present century. The most notable early example was that of Massachusetts, organized in 1902. This federation, in- stead of being composed like the interdenominational com- missions of official representatives of the denominations only, functioned through a council consisting of one minis- ter and one lay delegate to represent every 10,000 churck- members, these delegates being appointed by state denomina- tional bodies (or by the corresponding bodies). The Connecticut Federation of Churches, patterned after the federation in Massachusetts, was organized in 1908 ; and similar agencies, some called federations and others councils, arose one after another in Pennsylvania, California, Ohio, New York and New Jersey. Early in 1926 similar organ- izations were being started in Minnesota and in Kansas. Several of these had as one of their departments a comity commission, the function of which was to prevent or to lessen competition. Meanwhile additional state associations of denominational superintendents had been formed. Agencies of this kind, called home-missions councils from the national organiza- tion that had fostered them, were established in Colorado, western Washington, Utah, Wyoming, Idaho, South Dakota and North Dakota. Two others, in Indiana and Oregon, had a temporary existence, only to become dormant, as did, after some years of action, the Home Missions Council of Colorado. Another, following a former state federation that had become inactive, was started in Wisconsin in 1923. In Massachusetts and in northern California home-missions INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 277 councils acted as comity committees in connection with state federations. Besides these state home-missions councils, similarly con- stituted organizations were independently formed in Ver- mont, New Hampshire, southern California and Nebraska. Early in 1926 another was in process of organization in Illinois. In Nevada the few denominations at work, feel- ing no need of an organization, carried on similar coopera- tion informally. Over half of these agencies of both kinds were started after the formation in 1919 of the Interchurch World Move- ment, which bore witness to an increase in the desire for interdenominational codperation and at the same time gave new impetus to the codperative movement. No state interdenominational agencies of either kind had been formed up to 1926 in Iowa, Michigan, Arizona or New - Mexico, although an attempt to.organize one had been made in Michigan, The home-missions councils of the various states included only the denominational superintendents of the denomina- tions represented in the territory, the state or corresponding bodies of which were willing to cooperate. In some states not more than five or six denominations were associated in such agencies; but in Montana there were eleven, and in western Washington there were twenty-six. Several denominational agencies, including examples of both types, failed to survive, and others experienced periods of inactivity ; for in some states their situation was rendered precarious by intense denominational spirit. Much de- pended upon the attitudes of the individual denominational superintendents, who were changed frequently; and some- times a man ready to codperate was followed by one un- willing to do so. COMPARISON OF THE Two Types oF AGENCIES Each of the types of state interdenominational organiza- tions was claimed to have its particular advantages and draw- backs when considered as an agency for codrdinating united 278 UNITED CHURCHES churches with the existing organization of religious forces. The state federations, it was pointed out, were more broadly representative in two respects: a larger number of denomina- tions usually cooperated through them; and not only were denominational officials included in them but elected repre- sentatives, both lay and ministerial, of the sectional denomi- national bodies. On the other hand, the action of a federa- tion was restricted in some states by the conservatism of some of the cooperating bodies. For the home-missions council it was claimed, aren that as the denominational superintendents received salary and traveling expenses from the denominations for work that naturally included meetings of such agencies, they were more likely to be able and willing to attend; secondly, that they had so much influence over the churches that they could actually effectuate measures agreed upon. Again, the de- nominational superintendents belonging to agencies of this kind were naturally of denominations disposed to engage in cooperation. On the other hand, the charge was made that through a home-missions council the denominational super- intendents approached the problems of competition as in- terested agents each for his own denomination, so that they were likely to consider not so much the good of communities as the retaining or the increasing of denominational advan- tages. KInps oF ADJUSTMENT The rest of the chapter will be devoted to describing various ways in which the interdenominational agencies worked toward codrdination between the united churches and the existing religious order. INTERDENOMINATIONAL COOPERATION Through these organizations representatives of different denominations undertook as joint enterprises such tasks as religious ministries to neglected groups, social legislation, cooperative evangelism, and the guardianship of public INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 279 morals. In so doing they discussed the problems involved as common problems which all faced, not as rivals but as fel- low workers. The unsolicited publicity afforded the activi- ties of these agencies by newspapers and other periodicals tended to foster a similar attitude in the public in general. The interdenominational agencies themselves also issued publications, ranging from an occasional bulletin to a weekly paper, which were designed to promote the spirit of co- operation both among denominational leaders and in the public at large. PRINCIPLES OF COMITY Moreover, this change of public sentiment was fostered by the interdenominational agencies in more direct ways. Since to lessen competition between struggling churches was -avowedly one of the chief reasons for their existence, they early prepared principles of comity intended to direct the policies of the denominational bodies. Fundamental among these principles was one against the entrance by any de- nomination into a field already occupied, without previous consultation with the representatives of the denomination or denominations already present. This principle the interde- nominational agencies endeavored to put into practical opera- tion. Sometimes they accomplished this by means of arbi- tration. Through activities of this kind over a period of twenty years there was induced in Massachusetts, it was stated in one of the bulletins of the Federation, “such a spirit of comity ... that such cases [new cases of competition] are now rare.” ? ALLOCATION Home-missions councils, especially in home-mission areas containing much unchurched territory, attempted to attain the same end through the allocation of fields. A given field was often allocated to the denomination first on the ground. Territory largely unoccupied was assigned to the denomina- 2 Bulletin No. 4, Revised Jan., 1922. 280 UNITED CHURCHES tion the location of whose existing work rendered it best qualified to render service effectually and economically. | Allocation presupposed that allotted communities should have united churches of the denominational type, with either open or associate membership. Large sections of certain far Western states had been allocated. For example, allocation on a large scale has been practiced with considerable success by the Denominational Superintendents’ Council of Southern California. The efforts of the council found a peculiarly favorable environment because the communities were new, so that the interdenominational agency could influence them before competing churches had become established ; because the period of development came after sectarian spirit had begun to decline; and, finally, because there had been allo- cated to each of the denominations in the field so much more territory than it could possibly cultivate that there was no room for rivalry. ATTEMPTS TO REMOVE COMPETITION “To remove existing cases of duplication,” reported the Massachusetts Federation of Churches,® “is a more difficult task.” How this Federation endeavored to accomplish their task was explained in the same bulletin, as follows: Disclaiming any authority, the Federation has sought to “keep the facts before the churches, till the churches change the facts.” 4 SURVEYS Competition was frequently brought to light and public opinion was excited against it through the survey of churches and communities on a county scale. Many such surveys were made under the Interchurch World Movement. Those | thus begun in Ohio were completed by the State Council of Churches. The home-missions councils of seven western states, with the cooperation of officials of the national organ- ization, conducted so-called team-surveys of their areas. On 8 Bulletin No. rr, Revised Jan., 1922. 4 Ibid. INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 281 these occasions several groups of denominational superin- tendents, having divided the state or other area among them, visited in automobiles every community within their respec- tive districts. The findings were reported immediately afterwards at a joint conference of all the teams; and upon these findings were based exchanges of fields, allocations, and other adjustments. AID IN THE FORMATION OF UNIONS Many state interdenominational agencies promoted de- nominational united churches, opposing unions of any other type. In several far-western states, undenominational churches were aided by interdenominational agencies in choosing a denomination and in becoming allied with it, a committee of the state organization even going, in several instances, to the community to give assistance. Several home-missions councils, as was said in a preceding chap- ter, endeavored to confine the use of the title “community church” to united churches of the denominational type that were alone in their respective communities. Few interdenominational agencies fostered unions of the other types. The agencies of Massachusetts, of Connecticut, and of Vermont, however, all took the initiative in the pro- motion of federated churches, and the same course was fol- lowed in a few other states. The Massachusetts Federation distributed a letter “to 64 churches in 101 communities where there seemed to be overlapping.” 5 The report con- tinues : In these places, five adjustments were reported within six months. Altogether four new union churches have been formed, four pairs of churches have united as a denominational church, and in thirty-five cases churches of different denominations, each maintaining legal identity and denominational connection, form “a federated church” as one congregation. The Vermont Conference of Superintendents and Sec- retaries, moreover, repeatedly studied all the competitive situations in that state and made systematic efforts to bring 5 Ibid. 282 UNITED CHURCHES competing local religious forces together. Of ninety-two fields, dealt with almost wholly within the ten years ending Jan. I, 1925, in only nine was there complete failure to reduce competition. In Ohio, local problems of competition were handled in connection with county councils of churches, which in the light of the county surveys suggested unions through ex- change and through federation, and which also brought to- gether in conference the local leaders of the churches and the denominational officials concerned. Certain state agencies provided churches considering union with standard forms of articles of agreement. The Massa- chusetts Federation of Churches distributed a form of this kind very widely, numerous requests for it coming even from other states. The Vermont agency supplied several different forms suited to each of several forms of federa- tion recommended. The influence toward federation was also exerted in New England through correspondence and through visitation. COMPETITIVE HOME-MISSION AID Through a few state interdenominational agencies, de- nominational representatives compared notes regarding home-mission aid, thus discovering where aid was granted to one of two or more competitive churches, where it was given to two or more churches in the same community, and what amount was provided in each case. Sometimes this was done by the representatives themselves sitting about a table. In one instance, the secretary of the interdenomina- tional agency requested the data on home-mission aid from the superintendents and arranged a tabulation which he made available to all. In only a few states did the ofriciale approach home- mission aid in competitive situations as one problem com- mon to them all. Indeed, it was reported in one state that to form an interdenominational agency at all would have been impossible except on the understanding that the home- mission aid issue would not be raised. By the resulting INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 283 agency the granting of aid in competitive situations was at- tacked indirectly in two ways. Through the allocation of unchurched fields, work was assigned that, if properly done, would exhaust in grants to missionaries in non-competitive areas the home-mission funds put at the service of each sectional body by its overhead agencies. And the identity of the aided churches was made public by designating these churches—except for a few denominations not supplying the information—in a directory of the churches of the state published by the state home-missions council. What the result of these measures would be, remained to be seen. Certain interdenominational agencies sought to awaken public sentiment against new cases of competition through their publications. The Ohio Christian News, for example, stated when presenting “a few points that need wider ac- ceptance among the church people’ of the state, that “. . No church ought to give recognition to new mission projects which create new conditions of overchurching.” ® SUPERVISION OF UNITED CHURCHES The secretaries or the field men of a few state federa- tions, especially those of Massachusetts, Connecticut and Ohio, were endeavoring to give some measure of supervi- sion, Massachusetts having begun in 1925 to employ a special worker for this duty. Where the interdenominational agency was composed entirely of denominational superin- tendents, the amount of aid afforded depended on the degree of sympathy felt by individual officials for united churches, or for the form of union represented by a given church. In Vermont a federated church received fully as much assist- ance as a church of a single denomination, and perhaps more. In the far West denominational united churches were receiving considerable help. In consideration of the special needs of undenominational churches arising from their lack of overhead connection, the Massachusetts Federation for the twenty-three undenomina- tional churches of that state, thirteen of which were in town 6 Ohio Christian News, Sept. 26, 1924. 284 UNITED CHURCHES and country area, performed services of four different kinds: | It held for them thirteen annual conferences. It published concerning them statistics parallel to those published by the major denominations concerning their local churches. It afforded them help in finding ministers. And, finally, it gave them advice on request. In many states, however, the supervision of united churches by interdenominational agencies was _ lacking. United churches frequently showed a desire for help of this kind. Many undenominational churches, and a considerable number of federated churches as well, expressed the sense of needing advice and help, and the preference that these things should come not from a single denominational board—an arrangement which to them symbolized division—but either from the denominational superintendents in question acting jointly, or from some unified interdenominational agency. A similar desire was sometimes expressed by churches on the point of combining their forces. In a discussion sheet pre- pared locally for use at a mass meeting to consider the federation of the churches, there was suggested a conference between the supervisory officers of the denominations con- cerned. The constitution of another church contained the following provision for. joint supervision: Representatives of the general organizations of the federating churches are requested to work out the details of a plan of supervision, in which each will codperate in furthering the inter- ests of the entire Community Church rather than merely of one of the federating churches. Nevertheless the overhead officials did not provide such joint supervision. Several undenominational churches in the far West showed a tendency to adopt as an overhead the state home- missions council. In Massachusetts an undenominational church provided in its constitution for arbitration by the sec- retary of the state federation of churches, as follows: In case any question shall arise under these articles which the pastor and the Official Board are unable to decide, they shall lay the question before the Field Secretary of the Massachusetts Federation of Churches for advice. INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 285 Some interdenominational leaders felt that the need of united churches for supervision could best be met by an interdenominational agency of a new kind. The Home Mis- sions Council of Colorado, for example, proposed to the state bodies of the denominations represented a detailed plan for a “Church League of Colorado,” the members of which should be appointed by the state bodies, and which should function as the overhead body both for undenominational churches and for any others applying for such a relationship. This proposal was not adopted. A still more radical plan was suggested at a meeting of the Vermont Conference of Superintendents and Secretaries in December, 1924. It was presented at the end of a compre- hensive report of what had been achieved in ten years in unifying churches in small communities, and of what re- mained to be done. The suggestion was made through the following questions: Is a complete union of these three denominations in Vermont desirable? It took twenty years of study and conference in Canada to bring about union between the Congregationalists, Methodists and Presbyterians. Is it worth while in Vermont to begin such a series of discussions, whether the desirability of complete union is admitted or not? Is it not probable that the large union of the national bodies will be preceded, if it ever comes, by pioneer work on the part of the state? and does not the present fine friendship lay the ground unusually well for at least a study of its possibilities in Vermont ? The desire for an interdenominational supervisory body was expressed by Dr. Alfred W. Anthony, when Executive Secretary of the national Home Missions Council, at the end of a set of “Principles of Comity,” as follows: A seventh principle must sometime be formulated. Churches which grow up within communities and are undenominational in character, must be related to some overhead interdenominational body which will furnish them the desired fellowship, overhead supervision, ministerial supply, educational and inspirational help, and missionary outlets—Home and Foreign—which de- nominations furnish, ~ Chapter XVIII FINDINGS In conclusion, the principal findings of the study will be here briefly summarized. Since 1910, united churches of four different types have increased rapidly in number throughout the town and coun- try area of the northern and western parts of the United States. All over this field, moreover, many small communities having competitive churches were found to be considering union. Most of the organized churches entering into unions rep- resented Protestant denominations of two types, the immer- sionist type and another here denominated the numerically predominant type. Within these types, the elements of formally organized united churches belonged in a large majority of cases to four major denominations, to the Northern Baptist among immersionist denominations, and among denominations numerically predominant, to the Congregational, to the Methodist Episcopal and to the Presbyterian in the U.S.A. Three other immersionist denominations, eight other de- nominations of the predominant type, three liturgical de- nominations, and one emotional denomination were also represented organically in one or in a few united churches. These elements were usually found united in two differ- ent combinations: immersionist elements with elements of the predominant type, and predominant with predominant. The rise of united churches frequently brought to light cleavages between conservative individuals and those less conservative, and between those favoring and those opposing emotional types of religious experience. These cleavages resulted in realignment for purposes of worship and of church work. 286 FINDINGS 287 United churches enlisted as members individuals from more than fifty denominations, including, besides the pre- dominant and the immersionist denominations, liturgical bodies, emotional groups, and even the Catholic, the Hebrew, and the Mormon faiths, the Church of Christ Scientist, and the Spiritualist. People of very different opinions worked and worshiped together harmoniously and effectively. United churches of all types, when compared statistically with churches of the traditional kind, ranked higher in several particulars usually accepted as tests of efficiency. But with respect to benevolences, united churches were not so strong as strictly denominational churches. Among the types of united churches, however, unde- nominational churches in town and country, lacking the supervision received by denominational churches, ranked comparatively low, when judged by the usual tests. The -undenominational church, moreover, though the form of union most easily adopted by local people, showed in rarer instances the ability to survive as an efficient organization. United churches were showing vigor and resource in solving through the method of trial and error their many peculiar problems with respect to organization, property, basis of membership, and the like ; and most of them, through these common endeavors, were becoming more closely united. Many communities having a fairly homogeneous popula- tion largely representing the numerically predominant and the immersionist denominations, had a united church and no church besides this; but, on the other hand, a consider- able number of such communities had in addition to a united church one or more other churches representing the same type or types of denominations. Considerable groups of the population representing other types of denominations tended to have their own churches. United churches made their appearance in a world where the religious forces were already organized in denominational bodies, many of which had developed highly standardized methods of procedure. Efforts to codrdinate the united churches and the existing religious order were made both 288 UNITED CHURCHES by the denominations and by state interdenominational agencies. Many denominational and interdenominational officials, local leaders of united churches, and national leaders of the community-church movement were convinced that united churches needed an overhead connection, and also that there was danger lest efforts to meet this need should result in starting a new denomination. Some of these leaders were coming to believe that de- nominational bodies, especially those whose churches most commonly united in formal unions, should establish an inter- denominational agency of state-wide or national scope, the function of which should be to perform for all united churches not closely connected with a single denomination the services commonly rendered to strictly denominational churches by their overhead agencies. APPENDIX TABLES TABLE I—DISTRIBUTION OF UNITED CHURCHES BY REGIONS Denominational Region All types nited No. % oO. 0 PROtaleeetina ts aie eceie 5 977 100.0 528 100.0 Northern Colonial 277 284 87 16.5 Middle West..... 371) .38.0:. 180°. 135.2 Mountain. <2:.3:.. TAG V0 S224) 125 a7 Pacific ..sseeeees 180 18.4 130 24.6 289 Federated 0. %o 312 100.0 151 48.4 1257 140.1 12 3.8 Poy Undenomina- tional oO. % 137 100.0 39 «28.5 60 8643.8 12 8.7 26 19.0 290 ‘uMOUY JOU SVM APIUNUIUIOD 34} JO azIs yOexS ay1 ‘soov[d IdT[eUIS 10 SoBUI[IA Ul SeydInyd pojiun FY IOT NM =e v v's gl = G2 £ Iv ZI b'9 8 2’er of o 9°SS 69 62s OST = S°V9 0g z'69 voz se QI2 ZZ E12 £9 Ss) Sor EI Iv er Eze ov vSz GZ O'O0I bz o’00oI cé6z > % ‘ON % ‘ON a. [euojeurmouspu fn PeyetodI < ae > OI Iv I2 6°6 Ig LEv Szz ZZS L6z OL2 Pr ae os gs rAd 0) 707 O'001 crs % ‘ON payuy [euoryeurmlousgd 6€ of of o€ I°or [6 2’ or oSP tae) 19S oS2 b&2 68 £8 Oce LIE ooor ,VE£6 % "ON sods yy ilV o00'S 0} 00S ‘z erreesssreroe UuMOT, ooS‘z 0} oSZ‘I eoeeeeeceere os1e'T OSZ‘I 0} OOOT ‘****** UwWMNIpsyy 000‘I 0} oSz a a yews O0S'Z -03 07. — —* + "22 tt SOBEL oSz 0} 0% Secace: Joey o$ Jopup***** Atjunoy usdg oSz Opus Aayuno7y o000'S JODUT se ee [eI0OL Jayued jo Ayrunwmaio) uorjendog ALINOWWOOS AO AZIS AD SHHOWNHD GHLINN HO NOILOETALSIG—II WIaVL 291 APPENDIX Lo Rin Pi 9h ge fh ce seie Oe Ol C1 C1 71-96 « 1%, O02, 61, gr, *sod&} Joy}O jo suotun out poSueyo o70M SoyoInYyo pojetlopoy osoy} Jo usa}0uINy ¢ ‘A[UO suorjeprfosuog | ‘oyo[duroour ore bz61 Joy Sains . Cee Set a Rs oe Pas Ee Z 9 LEI ie 0 Le Srv gees 9 ca FISe be Ste oe tT II ¢ gol 4t, 91,S1, br, &€r1, ZI, 11, Ol, 6061 oo6r [R07 0} a10jog oo61 NOILVZINVDYO evreeee euoljeunuouspuy pezeiopoq “| poyiun yeuoneurmousgq SoyodInyy popup josadéy 40 SALVd Ad SHHOUNHD GALINA HO SHdAL 40 NOILNGINLSIG—III ATAVL 292 UNITED CHURCHES TABLE IV—AVERAGE TOTAL MEMBERSHIP OF UNITED CHURCHES AND OF STRICTLY DENOMINA- TIONAL CHURCHES United © Strictly Denominational : 7 Small In 179 Counties $ In 140 Vil- Region Dt F U Country Village Villages § lages § No. of Churches 383 189 68 3,329 1,788 639 145 Totaliaatet ces PA LOG it Zen ed LS 72 108. 157 146 Northern Colonial. 112 133 icaO7 Lid N12 ves Middle West...... 120 225 lI 77 124 169 124 Mountains ese. 4 00'o yeah [Reese 84 81 Pacific ...... PO ay ahr a Hat 48 Mea aes * Because of their independent origins, the various data in this and in the following tables are not quite comparable in certain respects. In this table, for example, the churches for which the general average for total church- membership for the entire field was computed, included churches in the South. If these were eliminated, the average membership for the whole field would be 152 instead of 157. There are also two differences in respect to regions. Though the Northern Colonial churches in the 179 Counties and in the Twenty-five Counties included churches in New England, ail those surveyed in the American Village Study were in the Middle Atlantic. And for the Village Study the Mountain and Pacific regions were treated as one. {In this table and in the tables to follow, D = denominational united churches; F = federated churches; U = undenominational churches. ee The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas (New York; Doran, 1924), Pp. 50. Bake? from the American Village Study, a report of which will soon be published. || Figures not printed because cases were too few. TABLE V—PROPORTION OF TOTAL MEMBERSHIP THAT IS RESIDENT AND THAT IS ACTIVE IN UNITED CHURCHES AND IN STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES United Strictly Denominational n 5 In 179 Counties * 140 Vil- Membership D F U All Country Village lagest No. of Churches 11 25 II 5,552 3,329 1,788 639 Per cent. Resident.. 79.6 786 802 871 -— — 82.0 Per cent. Active.... 74.3 51.9 76.1 72.5$ 60.0 75.0 73.0 * Brunner, The Town and Country Church in the United States (New York; Doran, 1923), pp. 57 and 58. Data from the American Village Study. ¢ From unprinted data gathered in connection with the study of successful churches. APPENDIX 293 TABLE VI—TOTAL EXPENDITURES OF UNITED CHURCHES AND OF STRICTLY DENOMI- NATIONAL CHURCHES United Strictly Denominational n In Farm- In25 In140 47Small ing Coun- Vil- Vil- Vil- Region D F U ties* lagest lagest lagest No.of Churches 383 OI 55 1,03I 679 145 331 $ Ps Bi $ $$ PER CHURCH OPAL tate sid oi chai 2,813 2,867 2,565 1,311 2,200§ 2,415 1,470 Northern Colonial 2,970 2,463 \| 2,572 + 1,570 Middle West... 2,587 inf II 2,572 2,016 Mountain ...... 2,357 | tg lone a PLeeaR Mi 3,411 II HI 1,937 1,839 PER MEMBER { Total ........... 26.90 17.26 21.00 15.51 15.03 16.53 11.74 Northern Colonial 26.57 22.46 13.66 Middle West... 21.49 15.08 16.30 Mountain ...... 24.55 \| 22.73 SACITIC It bis iced 2 42.10 || ; * Morse, The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 80; the figure $17.81 is on the basis of resident membership. + Data from American Village Study. t Fry, Diagnosing the Rural Church (New York; Doran, 1924)5: De. 154: These farming villages are all in the Middle West. If the southern white and colored churches are eliminated, the average expenditure for the whole field is (for 500 churches) $2,562—a little less than 12 per cent. higher. | Figures not printed because cases were too few. {In this table and in others to follow, except where it is otherwise specified, per capitas are based on total membership. The figure for farming villages is based on resident membership. 294: UNITED CHURCHES TABLE VII—AVERAGE LOCAL EXPENDITURES OF UNITED CHURCHES AND OF STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES United Strictly Denominational In47 Farm- Tn 25 In 140 Small ing Coun- Vil- Vil- Vil- Region D F U_ities* lagest lagesft lagesft No. of Churches 383 6r 55 1,031 670 TAS a ae $ $ $ $ $ $ $ PER CHURCH Total Hi Rag sree gh 2,306 2,224 2,300 913 1,501§ 1,665 1,015 Northern Colonial 2,419 1,835 I| 1,655 1,046 Middle West ... 2,215 2,660 II 1,827. 1,539 Mountain ...... 2,088 || II PACHIC Wd s'lals ieee 2,910 II | 1,423 1,405 PER MEMBER TL OLE Lite matasetaleltiala 22.92 13.39 18.83 10.60 10.24 11.40 810] Northern Colonial 21.64 16.73 I| Middle West ... 18.40 11.75 | Mountain ...... 21.74 II II Baie oie: hts 35.91 || iI * Calculated from data on pages 80 and 81 of The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas. The per capitas there given are for resident members. Data from American Village Study. t Diagnosing the Rural Church, p. 154. §If the southern churches, white and colored, are eliminated, the average local expenditure is $1,750. | Figures not printed because cases were too few. {On basis of resident membership. 295 APPENDIX “MOF 00} BIBM Sased asnvdeq pojulId jou SINS |} *090°I$ 9q PnOM Jo}sIUIMI 94} pred yunOWe o8e10Ae oY} Soyoinyd utsyjnog ynoyIA || ‘soyoanyos [njssaoons jo Apnjs Worf ejep peysiqnduy § ‘diystaquiow yuepiser Jo sistq oY} UO st eyides tod oy, “bS1 *d ‘youny ouny 242 Oursouborg ¢ “APNG oselIA ueolIaWy 973 mo1f eyeq | “diysiaquisut yuapiser uo posed St eydeo aad ayy, ‘og ‘d uo eyep woxy paynduioo Bureq omMnsy ISIY 9} ‘Svadpy Kyunoy puy umoy ur Kaaang pow0s ay Eo ii iN 99°21 eeoeeeeer reece s syed ii ii Qe e@ererseresece uleyUNoy i COZ £9°6 ee -« "ISOM 2[ PPI ii PZIL O€zZI ** [eUOjoD UsJIy}ION ErgS og 974 AVQ SOET ESOL GOTT ***ttetteeerees THOT qaaqNaN add goer LEST b 5 LUE en et ary zOe'T CcS't 696 196 | i AAR I ee ee ureJUNOyy Sz'I = ghht vro'r VrI'T ii Log't Peer s+" *4s944 oTppIPT Oof"T — Sgz‘T ZS9'l 066 h pSSr zSr1 ** yeruojoy usayION IQQ'I Of0'r oO€r ofp‘r z€Z OI || 966 GER LOT SIOT Or tse st Sasa ee OT HOWNHO) Wad $ $ $ $ $ $ $ $ $¢ $ $ IEE Shr 629 ror $F g¢ Lhe “**saysiny) fo ‘on §sayoinyD) 4891} ,Setun0+ «Stunoy fsosel jsoseyrA | sosey ,Setun0oD rs | a UOsoy [njJss39— -unog 6L1 641 TTA ss yyeus “ILA $z uj “ons Se sayoinyd yoinys sur rut ovr uy dI0W 3u0 “Wie Tt 10 OMT, uy JUIPISAyy SUIAIIG Fasrurpy Aq poarsosoy Arelesg qoiny) Aq preg Asepes yoinyD Aq preg Arepes [euonjeurmousg A]}9113¢ pezuQ SHHOYNH) TWNOLLVNINONAG ATLOIYLS AO CNV SHHOYNHD GALINA AO AUXVIVS HSVO ADVUAAV—-IINA ATAVL 296 UNITED CHURCHES TABLE IX—AVERAGE BENEVOLENCES OF UNITED > CHURCHES AND OF STRICTLY DENOMI- NATIONAL CHURCHES United Strictly wet a she n In 47 Farm- In25 In140 Small ing Coun- Vil- Vil- Vil- Region D F UU ties* lagest lagest lagest No. of Churches 383 243 55 1,032. 10790 @ AIAS | haan $ $ $ § $ $ $ PER CHURCH Le Otal i, sale ake «s 417° 581 ao 309 7208 749 466 Northern Colonial 551 514 | 916 524 Spang hea Pe 372 676 i 745 477 OUNILAIT ce slo's ahs 270 575 PACIG pouio tic y ahs Olen as | Sanh Ses PER MEMBER AD Otah Mimiils Soe die 933.98 903.84" (2.171) 401) 1470 5.13 magem Northern Colonial 4.93 4.20 || Middle West..... 3.090 3.58 I| Mountain ies 2.81 | | PACHIG Wali, Ge eheistaet 6.19 ll II * The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas. The figure $5.64, p. 80, is based on resident membership. f Data from American Village Study. £ Diagnosing the Rural Church, p. 154. 8 If the Southern churches were eliminated, the figure for the whole field would be $731. | Figures not printed because cases were too few. On basis of resident membership. APPENDIX 297 TABLE X—PROPORTION OF TOTAL EXPENDITURE DE- VOTED TO BENEVOLENCES BY UNITED CHURCHES AND BY STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES United Strictly Denominational n 47 In25 In140 Small Suc- Coun- Vil- Vil- cessful Region D F U_ties* lagest lages{ Ch’ch’st No. of Churches 383 61 55 1,031 679 145 40 3 Jo %o Y Yo % To Jo olabe aces cece FAS 3 22.4 TOS) 18 30.4 130i S) 3.0). 26.0 Northern Colonial 18.6 25.5 ey Nine ga tite Guleaiake kw Middle West..... 14.40 221 La She 20.00 124.6 Mountain ....06.. II.4 | | at BES Pacittcog cosh ts vas 14.7 I 323 5 3 * The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 81. 7 Data from the American Village Study, a report of which is soon to be published. t Tested Methods in Town and Country Churches, p. 117. § If Southern churches are eliminated, the per cent. of benevolences is 28.5. | Figures not printed because cases were too few. UNITED CHURCHES 298 0'9 6¢ £9 vs OT Ze GEL 9zb £8 sss O'°Oo0r §ghg % ‘ON fSOSETIIA ori ut peucreurm0 A]}9114$ ‘APNG BSe][IA WeoIIOUIY 9y} WOIZ BjIeq | "€4 -d ‘saypyg payius) ay, ut younyy Kazunoy pun umoy ayy y Se ease + 22-20 61 OIL og II gt cI £3 QV ce bz gt SI OS If ges 4°61 Le CIT of 622 =Ier SSE EE LV g2Z a= iS —= TFS 1°99 Siz 96 1°68 gfz = £28 for OOOoI oor ZEI oO'”00I ZIE oor gz % % “ON % “ON % ‘ON »Sotjuno0,y jyeuotjeurmou peyeropa.y [ePuolzeuTMOUSG 641 uy -opuy) ueq pewuy, "EZ 69 ceoeoe eos e oer ee eee ese uMOUyUS) TZ 69 eoeoeereeeeeneee JO}SIUIUT Hoy MA, fife Of ***90UapIsal 0} SB ulezIO0UGQ S'9I bor coerce ere escces JUaptsoI-uo NV 6°6¢ C95 eeoeeeceer cee se seenees JUIPISOyy Q9°SQ 6£g eee eee ee ete sense 1I9}STUTUL YUM, O’OOI ZL6 eoeoeeerseeeeeeeceeeeee senses [P10 % “ON DdIAIaS sodkT [IV SHOIAYHS IVINULSININ AG SHHOUNHD IVNOILVNINONAG ATLOINLS AO GNV SHHONNHD GALINA AO NOILASINLSIG—IX WIGVL INDEX Acknowledgments, xvi Adjustments assistance in unions, 257 attitudes toward union, 252 by state interdenominational agencies, 275 exchange of fields, 255 home-mission aid, 264 aid in competitive situa- tions, 268 fostering united churches through grants, 269 policies, 264 sources of 264 ministerial supply, 260 Opposition to union of any kind, 253 organization and adminis- tration, 258 forming information, recognition only of the denominational united church, 253 supervision of federated churches, 262 Administrative agency, 146 Agencies, interdenominational, 275 adjustment by, 275 comparison of two types of, 277 history, 275 kinds of adjustment, 278 aid. in formation of unions, 281 299 Agencies, interdenominational, kinds of adjustment, allocation, 279 attempts to remove com- petition, 280 competitive home-mission aid, 282 interdenominational _co- operation, 278 principles of comity, 279 supervision of united churches, 283 surveys, 280 Allocation, 279 Alumni Christian Endeavor, 213 American Conference of Unde- nominational Churches, 30 Anthony, Dr. Alfred W., 285 Autonomy, 142 Auxiliary organizations, 150 Baptism, 170 Benevolences, 51, 71, 94, I19, 234, 272 average per church, 120 per capita, 121 characteristic difficulties in obtaining, 243 adoption of fields workers, 245 anti-denominational spirit, . vip . . ° interdenominational spirit, 243 and 300 Benevolences, characteristic difficulties in obtaining, loyalty to form of union, 244 choice of agencies, agencies of a single de- nomination, 239 of two or more denomi- nations, 240 affiliated churches federated churches undenominational churches, 241 difficulties, 235 federated churches, 236 undenominational churches, 235 methods of raising money a budgeted total, 237 auxiliary | organizations, 238 collections, 238 income from investments, 238 individual subscriptions, 237 interdenominational and undenominational causes, 242 local objects, 243 summary, 246 Budget proportion of benevolences in, II9 local, 116 average per church, 116 non-member subscribers, 119 salaries, 117 total, 114 average expenditure of church, 114 per capita, 114 UNITED CHURCHES Building, loss of a, 134 Campaigns, building, 190 Children, worship for, 166 Choir, the, 166 Christian Science, 70, 90 Church of God, 70 Church union, movement toward, vii _ [viti why it should be studied, Churches adjustment, by the denomi- nations, 249 affiliated, 98 characteristics, 105 origin, IOI summary, I07 those formed by union of churches, 104 those formerly undenomi- national, 103 those originally affiliated, 104 auxiliary organizations, 150 average expenditure, I14 baptism, 170 benevolences, I19, 272 changes from one type to another, 126 changing public sentiment, 134 choir, the, 166 communion service, 169 “community,” use of title, 232 community where no, com- bine denominational origins, I31! communities with church, 132 communities without, 132 communities with two or more, 133 one INDEX 301 Churches, comparisons, I09 constitution, 137 decision regarding union, 137 . . . denominational statistics, 271 denominational united, 80 associate membership, 91 benevolences, 94 how they arose, 82 where no church, 82 where one church, 83 where two or more churches, 83 local expenditures, 92 membership, 88 number and distribution, 85 origins, 89 tendencies, 96 when they arose, 85 evangelism, 215 federated, the, 35 benevolences, 51, 236 denominations of units, financial problems, 178 growth or decline, 42 immersionist units, 45 local expenditure, 47 membership, 41 minister, 54 nine points of usage, 56 number and distribution, 38 organization, 45 property, 53 salary, 50 small units, 44 sources of information, 37 Churches, federated, the, subordinate organizations, 55 tendencies, 58 finances, 175 guardianship of morals, 217 hymn books, 165 informal cooperation be- tween pastorates, 134 initiative in union move- ments, 136 joint committee, the, 136 decision of, regarding union, 137 loss of a building, 134 mid-week meeting, 168 minister, 166 new phenomena, 122 not usually classified as Protestant Christian Science, 70, 90 Holy Rollers, 77 Mormonism, 70, 90 Nazarene, 70, 77 New Thought, 70 Roman Catholic, 70, 90 Spiritualism, 70 Theosophy, 70 only one in community, 223 organization, 138 organization of united, in general, 142 administrative agency, 146 chairman, 149 frequency of meetings, 149 length of service, 148 methods of selection, 147 name, 146 number of members, 147 autonomy, 142 302 Churches, organization of united, in general, coordination, 149 democratic versus repre- sentative government, 144 non-member constituency, 143 specialization, 149 per capita expenditure, I14 personal work, 216 property, 179 acquiring a unified plant, 185 difficulties, 179 methods under divided ownership, 181 property considerations cementing union, 192 public meetings, 136 realignment, 228 religious training during the week, 215 salaries, 117 secular ministries, 218 service to the community, 207 services of reception, 171 special services, 172 Sunday evening service, 167 Sunday school, 208 undenominational, 60 benevolences, 71, 235 denominational origins, 69 development, 63 distribution, 66 ministers, 71 statistics, 67 strength and weakness, 73 tendencies, 78 united, 23 attitude toward churches, 230 other UNITED CHURCHES Churches, united, denominations represented, 226 development of, 23 in 1924, 27 number alone in com- munity, 223 number -with other churches, 224 realignment, 228 rise of, 24 worship for children, 166 Collections, 238 Comity, principles of, 279 Competition, removal of, 280 Communities [unions, 135 abortive and incomplete churches alone in com- munity, 223, 224 informal codperation be- tween pastorates, 134 number of united churches with other churches in, 224 service of church to, 207 with one church, 132 without a church, 132 with two or more churches, 133 Communion service, 169 Community church, definition of, 60 “Community Church,” use of title, 232 Community Churchman, 30 Community Church Workers, the, 30 Congregational Year-Book, x, 98, 107 Constituency, non-member, 143 Constitution, 137 Coordination, 149 Correspondence, xii INDEX LF Ara ON SCAN be Distribution of churches, 111 Denominational origins, 69 Denominational united churches, 123 (see also under “Churches’’) Denominations joining united churches, 226 Education of ministers, 198 Elimination of parts of creed, 155 Episcopalians, special services for. 173 Essentiality in religious faith, 155 Evangelism, 215 services, 216 Evangelistic services, 173 Expenditures, 114, 116 local, 92 Federated Churches, 124 (see also under “Churches’’) benevolences, difficulty of, 236 methods of membership, 156 organization of, 138 constitution, I41 denominational versus fed- erated machinery, 140 informal partnerships, 139 joint committee, 140 leadership from one de- nomination, 142 Field Surveys, xiii Finances, 175 federated church, 46 problems of _ federated churches, 178 Findings, 286 Government, democratic versus representative, 144 303 “Holy Rollers,” 77 Home-mission aid, saving of, 265 number of churches aided, 265 saving in money distributed, 266 Hymn Books, 165 Improvements to church build- ings, 185 Incorporation, 186 Interchurch World Movement, 25 Interviews, xiii Investments, income from, 238 Joint Committee, 136 decision regarding union, Pun PM Junior Endeavor, 213 Lay readers, 205 Leaders, training of, 214 Leadership, 193 the minister, 193 (see also under ‘“Minister’’) Lease on church property, 186 Mail schedules, xi Maps, xiii Masons, the, 173 Membership, 88, 111 additions, 113 average, III basis of, 153 proportion of members resi- dent, 113 sex of members, 113 methods of, peculiar to cer- tain churches, 155 denominational united, 157 federated, 156 304 Membership, methods of, pecul- iar to certain churches, undenominational, 155 principles, 154 Methodist Episcopal General Conference, vii, 30 Mid-week meeting, 168 “Millennial Dawn,” 90 Ministers, 54, 166 amount of ministerial serv- ice, 199 attitudes of, 194 characteristics of, 204 conflicting leadership, 205 denomination of the, 196 effects of change of, 203 factors determining supply, 193 full-time, 201 lay readers and, 205, 206 length of pastorate, 201 made by appointment, 195 preparation of, 198 education, 198 experience, 198 previous experience with United Churches, 199 qualities desired in, 195 resident, 199 salary offered, 193 supply of, 260 undenominational church, 71 Minutes of the General As- sembly, 258 Miscellaneous services, 173 Morals, guardianship of, 217 Mormonism, 70, 90 Names, why not used, xv of persons, Xv of places, xv Nazarenes, the, 70, 77 New Thought, 70 UNITED CHURCHES Odd Fellows, the, 173 Officers, 150 Ohio Christian News, 283 Option in religious belief, 155 Organization, 138 changes-in, I5I federated church, 45 Pastorates, informal coopera- tion between, 134 Phenomena, new, 122 Pioneer of a New Era, 30 Preaching services, 163 Presbyterian General Assem- bly, vii, 30 “Principles of Comity,” 285 Problems of churches, 131 Property, church, 53 . acquiring a unified plant, 185 building campaigns, 190 combination of buildings, 189 incorporation, 186 lease, 186 new buildings, 189 obtaining title from over- head agencies, 187 ownership, 186 quitclaim deed, 157 safeguarding separate in- terests, 190 considerations union, 192 difficulties, 179 divided associations, 181 overhead ownership, 179. results, 181 the dead hand, 180 methods under divided own- ership, 181 alternate use of buildings, 182 cementing INDEX Property, church, methods un- der divided ownership, choice of building for worship, 183 one building supplements another, 183 repairs and improvements, 185 specialized uses of extra buildings, 184 Public meetings, 136 Public sentiment, 133 Quitclaim deed, 187 Racial groups, services for, 172 Roman Catholic Church, 70, 90 Realignment, 228 Reception, services of, 171 Religious training during week, 215 Repairs to church property, 185 Salary, 117 federated church, 50 Secular ministries, 218 in larger communities, 219 in small communities, 218 Services communion, 169 evangelistic, 173 for episcopalians, 173 for racial groups, 172 miscellaneous, 173 of reception, 171 special, 172 Sunday evening, 167 Specialization, 149 Spiritualism, 70 Statistical cards, xii Statistical tables, xii 305 Statistics, 67 denominational, 271 Study, the how made, x objectives of, ix the field of, x Sunday evening services, 167 Sunday preaching services, 163 Sunday schools, 208 literature, 211 religious training during the week, 215 training of leaders, 214 union of, 210 young peoples societies, 213 Surveys, 280 Tables, 289-298 Theosophy, 70 Undenominational churches, 125 (see also under “Churches’’) benevolences, difficulty of, 235 methods of membership, 155 Unions, church abortive and incomplete, 135 aid in formation of, 281 assistance in forming, 257 decision regarding, 137 initiative in movements of, 136 list of cases of, x movement toward, vii why it should be studied, viii Umty Messenger, 30 Vagueness in religious faith, 155 306 UNITED CHURCHES Worship, services of, 163 Young Men’s Christian Asso- ciation, 174 Year Book of the Churches, Young peoples societies, 213 70 Young Women’s Christian Association, 174 uv, vie hee A 4) veh) ‘ eh Th nn ‘ ¥ : ug é PAA ts , » heological Seminary Libraries NAT 2 01235 2 ate u vi » 2p j oe | - Oke \ 4s i : apenas OR ee } i ) Pol eee | | Neen | ©