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 LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
 
 PRINCETON, N. J. 
 
 
 
 PURCHASED BY THE 
 Mrs. ROBERT LENOX KENNEDY CHURCH HISTORY FUND. 
 
 BROS 5S D4 WS 1925 
 Waterston, Elizabeth. 
 
 Churches in Delaware during 
 the revolution 
 
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 aN OF PRING 
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 OCT 1 1926 
 
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 CHURCHES IN DELAWARE 
 DURING 
 
 THE REVOLUTION 
 
 WITH A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THEIR 
 SETTLEMENT AND GROWTH 
 
 By 
 
 Elizabeth Waterston 
 
 Published by 
 HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF DELAWARE 
 
 WILMINGTON - DELAWARE 
 
 92/5 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2022 with funding from 
 Princeton Theological Seminary Library 
 
 https://archive.org/details/churchesindelawa00wate 
 
Deb eA Gr B 
 
 The present study is an attempt to show the influence of 
 religious forces in Delaware during the Revolution. It was 
 begun in a seminar under Professor M. W. Jernegan, of the Uni- 
 versity of Chicago, and subsequently revised under his supervision, 
 and presented as a Master’s thesis. 
 
 The writer wishes to take this opportunity to thank Professor 
 M. W. Jernegan for his sympathetic directions in the course of 
 her researches, and to show her appreciation for the interest taken 
 in the work by Col. Geo. A. Elliott, President of the Delaware 
 Historical Society, who has made provision for its publication. 
 The assistance of Dean H. V. Ames, of the University of Pennsyl- 
 vania, who gave valuable suggestions as to form, the approval of 
 Mr. Walter G. Tatnall, formerly state archivist for Delaware, as 
 to the authenticity of the material, and for critical readings by 
 Judge Richard S. Rodney, ex-Judge David T. Marvel, Robert 
 H. Richards, Attorney and others is fully appreciated. Re- 
 sponsibility for the final form and contents rests entirely with 
 the writer. 
 
 The writer has had access to the libraries of the following 
 institutions: The University of Chicago, The Library of Congress, 
 the University of Pennsylvania, the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
 vania, the Free Library of Wilmington, and wishes to express 
 her thanks to the officials of the same for their assistance 
 
 March 5, 1925. E. W. 
 
CHAS. L. STORY COMPANY 
 WILMINGTON, DELAWARE 
 
CHURCHES IN DELAWARE 
 DURING 
 THE REVOLUTION 
 
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CONTENTS 
 
 PREFACE 
 GCHoAPTERMLIEEINTRODECTION et ik <a ek oo) seo latiped tod 
 
 CHAPTER IJ. SETTLEMENT AND’ GROWTH OF THE 
 DENOMINATIONS 2): sian =) bat ce ae en ae em au 
 
 Baptists 
 
 Catholics 
 
 Episcopalians 
 
 Lutherans 
 
 Methodists 
 
 Presbyterians 
 
 Quakers 
 
 DAA EOP x 
 
 CuaptTeR III. AtriruDE OF THE CHURCHES TOWARD THE 
 REVOLUTION rete ote Seen Otero tattihe y < OT 
 
 Ll 
 ° 
 
 Baptists 
 Episcopalians 
 Methodists 
 Presbyterians 
 Quakers 
 
 WEE Pp 
 
 CuHapTerR IV. ATTITUDE OF THE CHURCHES TOWARD 
 HOUCATION eee) poe ete ae ue and wien) aah hy cae 8) 
 1. The Beginnings of Education 
 2. The Dutch and the Swedes 
 3. Baptist Education 
 
Pane er ate 
 
 Episcopalian Education 
 Presbyterian Education 
 Quaker Education 
 
 Wilmington Schools, 
 (1) Private Schools 
 (2) The Old Academy 
 (3) Friends’ School 
 Newark Academy, 
 
 (1) Its Character 
 
 (2) Its Importance 
 
 Kent County Schools, 
 
 (1) Character of the People in Kent County 
 
 (2) Types of Schools 
 
 Sussex County Schools, 
 
 (1) The First Schoolmaster 
 
 (2) The First Girls’ School in America 
 
 CHAPTER V. SLAVERY IN DELAWARE DURING THE 
 
 REVOLUTION. - - - - - - - - 
 1. Laws Relating to Slavery 
 2. The Baptists and Slavery 
 3. The Episcopalians and Slavery 
 4. The Lutherans and Slavery 
 5. The Methodists and Slavery 
 6. The Presbyterians and Slavery 
 7. The Quakers and Slavery. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. CONCLUSION. - - 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 List or CHURCHES IN DELAWARE IN 1776 
 
 i bp 
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 By Denominations 
 By Counties 
 
 vill 
 
STATISTICAL TUABLES i muepaiisai ty Neva eam ern) at LOD 
 
 1. Numerical comparison of churches by counties. 
 2. Churches according to population in 1776. 
 
 Diagram showing the comparison of the number of 
 Churches in each denomination in 1776. 
 
 Diagram showing the number of Churches in each County 
 PCL 70s 
 Diagram showing the numerical strength of the Patriots, 
 Loyalists, and Non-Combatants in Delaware, in 1776. 
 
 Diagram showing the numerical strength of the Patriots, 
 Loyalists and Non-Combatants by Counties, in 1776. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
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CHAPTER I 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 The period of the American Revolution is marked by many 
 issues and events which involved the political, social and economic 
 problems of the colonists in their relationship with the mother 
 country. The attempt of the colonists to adjust the social ideals, 
 and the political and economic schemes which they had brought 
 with them, to their new environment, brought about a reaction 
 which terminated in the Declaration of Independence, and, in- 
 cidentally to their final separation from Great Britian. The first 
 step toward independence was taken when the colonists came over 
 from Europe; and every successive wave of immigration which 
 came under the spell of the new environment tended to increase 
 the desire for freedom. 
 
 This situation was particularly true of Delaware, which had 
 been subjected to a series of waves of immigration for more than 
 a century before the Revolution. From Sweden, Holland, Eng- 
 land, Wales, Ireland and Scotland they came, not in “single files, 
 but in battalions.” In some cases, as for example, the Swedes 
 and the Dutch, they formed colonial groups before they left the 
 mother country, with the full sanction of their government to 
 carry on trade with the Indians, and to act as an agency of trade 
 between the old and the new world. On the other hand, some came 
 over as fully organized religious groups, with ministers, church 
 officers, and all other equipment ready to carry on religious 
 worship according to their desires. Such an organization was the 
 Baptist denomination who formed a group of sixteen members 
 in Wales, together with their minister, came to America, and 
 finally located in Welsh Tract. Furthermore, we have the 
 Episcopalians coming over under the auspices of the English 
 government, for the purpose of establishing the Church of England 
 in America. The Quakers, too, entered the arena during the 
 seventeenth century, under the protecting arm of the Penn 
 
Government, and took their places in little sections of the Penin- 
 sula. Another denomination, the Presbyterians, however, came 
 over in the seventeenth century, not as a group, but as individuals, 
 unorganized, but peculiarly independent in their ideas of religion 
 and government. With this view of the race elements and religious 
 forces that entered into the early history of Delaware, we can 
 more easily understand the forces that were at work among 
 the various denominations at the time of the American Revolution. 
 
 In the pages which follow, we must bear in mind that during 
 the course of three quarters of a century many changes had taken 
 place relative to the various denominations. We shall find out, 
 as far as historical evidence has been available, that the Swedes 
 and the Dutch, who represented the Lutherans, have been ab- 
 sorbed by the English, or, to be more exact, the people of Great 
 Britian; that the Quakers and the Baptists, who managed to stay 
 on the stage from the time of their existence in America, were 
 of little moment, as far as Delaware was concerned, at the out- 
 break of the Revolution; that the Presbyterians and Episcopalians 
 were still contending for supremacy, with more vigor than they 
 had shown during the early years of their existence. In considering 
 these denominations that were still intact at the outbreak of the 
 Revolution, we shall try to present, in a small way, the work they 
 have accomplished in the cause of education, the welfare of the 
 negroes and the Indians; and, also, their general attitude toward 
 the Revolution. 
 
Cry rat RTI 
 
 SETTLEMENT AND GROWTH OF THE 
 DENOMINATIONS 
 
 THE Baptists 
 
 The “Welsh Tract Church” has the distinction of being the 
 first Baptist Church in Delaware. The history of this church is 
 extremely interesting from the fact that it was organized in Wales 
 a few weeks before starting for America, and arrived in this 
 country a completely organized body; and from the fact that it 
 has had a continuous existence from 1701 to the present time. 
 This little company of sixteen, consisting of the same number 
 of men and women,! was kindly received by the good people of 
 Philadelphia, upon their arrival in September, 1701.2 However, 
 they did not tarry there very long before they decided to go to 
 Pennepeck, Pennsylvania, where there were other Baptists 
 awaiting their arrival. But the same spirit which had induced 
 them to leave their native land again became apparent, when, 
 after eighteen months, finding that they could not agree with the 
 members of Pennepeck congregation upon points of discipline, 
 they determined to move to Delaware.* Fortunately for them, 
 they had the advantage of a donation of land from Messrs. Evans, 
 Davis and Willis,4 who had purchased about 30,000 acres from 
 William Penn, in 1701, for the purpose of developing the iron 
 industry around Iron Hill. ® 
 
 Upon their arrival at Iron Hill, Pencader Hundred, New 
 Castle County, Delaware, in 1703, they immediately began to 
 build a meeting house, which was finished before the close of 
 
 1Edwards, History of the Baptists in Delaware, (In Pa. Mag. of Hist. 
 
  Tbid. 
 Ri onrad ti (erreshs 0) er. 11a Paaoe 
 
 3 
 
the year.! Dame Fortune smiled on them as they went about 
 their daily tasks, always bearing in mind that religion was the 
 most important factor of life. Before the close of the same year 
 more members had joined their ranks, including eleven men and 
 eleven women who joined them during their sojourn in Pennepeck, 
 one man and one woman from Wales, and six men and five women 
 by baptism, making a total of fifty-one before the close of their first 
 year in Delaware. In 1710, they had doubled their membership, 
 from fifty-one to 102; by 1717 they could boast of three times this 
 number.? Thus we have conclusive evidence that a religious body 
 that could increase from sixteen to one hundred and sixty members 
 from the time of their organization, or, in other words, one 
 thousand per cent., must have had a tremendous influence upon 
 the people with whom they came in contact. 
 
 Although we have no available evidence to show that this 
 rate of increase of membership continued up to the year 1736, it 
 is safe to surmise that the church had been very active up to 
 that time; for in that year twenty-two members left the mother 
 church in Delaware to form a Welsh Baptist Church at what they 
 called ““Welsh Neck,’’ on the Peedee River in South Carolina. 
 That they were successful there is no doubt, for among these 
 pioneer churchmen: were Abel Morgan, who became a noted 
 minister, James James, a ruling elder, and Thomas Evans, a 
 noted Deacon. But they did not leave this settlement alone to 
 struggle against the hardships which were always to be found in 
 the primitive regions of America, for in 1737, the records tell us 
 that fifteen more members were added to their ranks. Again, 
 from 1739 to 1741, forty-seven recruits were added to the Peedee 
 Branch of the Welsh Tract Church. This devoted daughter of 
 the mother church was also a credit to the Baptists, for we are 
 told by the great historian of the Baptists, that by 1772 she had 
 “shot out into seven branches.” * Thus we can see, to some extent, 
 that the settlement of the Baptists in the Welsh Tract must have 
 had a strong relationship to those of other colonies. 
 
 1 Pa. Mag. of Hist., 1X, p. 49. 
 
 2 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, 1X, pp. 49-51. 
 *Titd., pp. 51-52. 
 
Of the other Baptist Churches in Delaware, at the outbreak 
 of the Revolution, there seems to be some doubt. Mr. Vedder 
 says: “The Welsh Tract Church was the only Baptist Church 
 in Delaware for more than three-quarters of a century.”’ ! Morgan 
 Edwards, author of Materials Towards a History of the Baptists 
 in Delaware State, says that about “the year 1733 eight or nine 
 families (chiefly members of the Welsh Tract Church) made a 
 settlement at Duck Creek, in Kent County, from whence the 
 same religion spread southward to Cowmarsh and Mispillion, 
 westward to Georgetown in Maryland, and eastward to Fast- 
 landing.” 2 The same author observes that two ministers of the 
 Baptist faith came from Virginia in 1778-1779, and formed 
 churches about 1779.3 There were also meetings at private 
 houses, but no church was built until after 1791,4 in Broad 
 Creek Hundred. The church at Cowmarsh came under the 
 missionary influence of the Virginia preachers, and originated 
 about the same time as that of the Sounds. *®> Duck Creek Church 
 was probably organized before the Revolution, about 1771. 
 According to Morgan Edwards, this church also branched out 
 about 1785,7 but it kept within the confines of Delaware, or the 
 neighboring states. 
 
 Of these churches Duck Creek Baptist Church deserves a 
 little more attention than the others; for we are inclined to believe 
 that it was functioning about the time of the Revolution, if not 
 when hostilities with the mother country cametoacrisis. Apparently 
 the Presbyterians had settled there prior to 1733, and had services 
 in a small church, which they afterwards abandoned. This 
 building was used by the Baptists as a place of worship before 
 1776. Although the congregation of this community was a 
 strong branch of the Welsh Tract Church, up to the date of the 
 Revolution, they did not establish a separate church until 1781. 
 
 1 Vedder, History of the Baptists, p. 82. 
 
 2 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, IX, p. 47. 
 
 3 Tbid. 
 
 ‘ Tbid., p. 197. 
 
 5 Ibid., p. 199. 
 
 6 Ibid., p. 201. 
 
 7 Tbid. 
 8 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, UX, p. 203. 
 
 5 
 
THe CAaTHOLICs 
 
 About twenty-nine miles north of the Welsh Tract 
 Church were a few Catholic families centered in a little village 
 commonly known as Mount Cuba. In those days it was custom- 
 ary for the wealthier Catholic families to have a room set aside 
 for divine worship. Hence we find a wealthy Irish gentleman, 
 called Cornelius Hallahan, who came to Delaware in 1730, 
 extending the hospitality of his home for the cause of his religion. ! 
 Here services were held for the benefit of the members of the 
 Catholic faith, by Jesuits from Bohemia Manor, Maryland. 
 According to the family records of Mr. Hallahan, services con- 
 tinued in his home until a church was built at Coffee Run, in 
 1785.2 From this evidence we may surmise that the home of 
 Cornelius Hallahan was practically a Catholic Church at the 
 time of the outbreak of hostilities between England and her 
 
 colonies. 
 
 But, aside from the evidence from the Catholics themselves, 
 a further reason for the conjecture that there was a Catholic 
 organization there in 1776, is furnished by Rev. Philip Reading, 
 a missionary at Appoquinimy, in his report to the Society for 
 the Propagation of the Gospel, in the years 1760 and 1775. He 
 gave evidence that there was a Popish seminary in the neigh- 
 borhood.* Yet, as far as any conclusive evidence is to be found 
 for the year 1776, we do not feel justified in giving credit for 
 anything but an inarticulate existence of this church. However, 
 we do know that the Catholics are very conscientious about 
 attending religious services, and, even today, when it is incon- 
 venient for members of the family to attend church, if it is 
 possible for them to afford it, they have little shrines built in 
 their houses. For these reasons we have given the above Catholic 
 church a place among the churches that were extant at the out- 
 break of the Revolution. 
 
 1 Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, I, 121-4. 
 
 2 Ibid; p42: 
 
 3 Perry, W. S., Papers Relating to the History of the Church in Pennsyl- 
 vania, A. D. 1680-1778. pp. 313 and 468. 
 
In the lower part of New Castle County, the Apoquiniminck 
 Mission was established by Jesuits from Bohemia Manor, Mary- 
 land, before 1750. In this neighborhood, Father Matthew Sitten- 
 berger purchased a farm in 1772. Some time afterwards, a chapel 
 called St. Mary’s was built at Coffee Run, the name of the farm, 
 in Mill Creek Hundred. Wedo not know the exact date of erection, 
 but there is reason to believe that this mission was functioning at 
 the time of the Revolution. The successor of Father Sittenberger 
 was the Rev. Stephen Faure, one of the many Frenchmen driven 
 from San Domingo during the negro insurrection. His assistant 
 was the Rev. John Rosseter, who had been an offcer of Rochem- 
 beau’s army, during the Revolutionary War. ! 
 
 THE EPIscoPALIANS 
 
 The earliest records of the Episcopalians who held services on 
 the Delaware, give the Rev. John Yeo the credit for being the first 
 minister. He apparently had his credentials sanctioned by the 
 Court of New Castle, in December, 1677. On June 4th, 1678, he 
 settled at New Castle, where he ministered to the people at irregu- 
 lar periods until 1681.% Historians disagree about the exact date 
 of the first establishment, but all of them admit that it was before 
 1690. The Dutch objected to an English minister, and succeeded 
 after a little manouvering in securing a minister of their own 
 denomination.* The first permanent Episcopal church established 
 in Delaware, was the Immanuel Church, in New Castle, founded 
 in 1689. There are no records available to verify this date, but 
 we have the circumstantial evidence to be found on a tablet which 
 bears the inscription: “Founded, 1689, enlarged, 1820.”> But 
 the clergy found little attraction in this community; and the first 
 missionary sent there by the Society for the Propagation of the 
 Gospel, left on his own accord to find a more agreeable location. ° 
 
 1 Catholic World, Vol. 4, p. 692. 
 
 2 Conrad, H. C., History of the State of Delaware, II, p. 758. 
 3 Ibid, p. 758. 
 
 4 Thid. 
 
 5 Jhid. 
 
 6 Jbid., p. 759. 
 
Next the Rev. Thomas Jenkins came for a year, and then went to 
 Appoquinimy, a few miles away. His death a few months later 
 is reported by the Rev. John Talbot, in a letter to the Society. 
 He says: “Poor brother Jenkins at Appoquinimink was baited 
 to death by mosquitoes and blood-thirsty gal-knippers, which 
 would not let him rest day or night till he got a fever and died of a 
 calenture; nobody that is not born there can abide there till he is 
 mosquito proof.”! This serves as an illustration of the many 
 tribulations that had to be borne by the poor missionaries who 
 settled on the coast of Delaware at the beginning of the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
 The settlement and growth of the Episcopalians in Delaware 
 is so closely allied with the Society for the Propagation of the 
 Gospel that a brief outline of this venerable organization may 
 not be amiss at this point, in order to understand their sudden 
 growth at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and their 
 gradual decline in the decade just preceding the Revolution. 
 Through the influence of the Rev. Mr. Bray, of Maryland, a 
 charter was secured in 1701.2 This document provided for “learned 
 and orthodox ministers,” ? for the British colonies, and permitted 
 the members to make such provisions as they would deem neces- 
 sary for the “Propagation of the Gospel in those Parts.” Many 
 noted bishops, and other prominent men of England, were made 
 members of the Society, among whom the Bishop of London was 
 the most active. The chief by-laws adopted by the Society 
 were: (1) that an annual sermon should be preached by some 
 member of the Society, when the reports of the business of the 
 year were received; and, (2) that each officer should be compelled 
 to take an oath binding him to the faithful discharge of his duties, 
 before he could be recognized as fully qualified to undertake the 
 position. 4 
 
 According to a well organized plan of the Society, a com- 
 mittee was sent to all the colonies to investigate the existing con- 
 
 1 Conrad, H. C., History of the State of Delaware, II, 759. 
 
 2 Perry, History of the American Episcopal Church, I, 138. 
 
 3 New York Colonial Documents, VII, 362-364. 
 
 4 The Charter of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
 Parts precedes every annual report. 
 
ditions. The result of this investigation was a report to the Society 
 which revealed the fact that many other denominations were 
 stationed in Delaware, in 1702, and most of them had crossed 
 the ocean in order to be free from the restrictions of the Church 
 of England. A record, which reminds us of the Domesday Book, 
 was made of the location of all the dissenters and their beliefs, in 
 order to find out where the Episcopal missionaries were most 
 needed. So thoroughly was their inspection made that every 
 section of the colony was visited; and so zealous did they become 
 that they would often interrupt the Quaker meetings, in order to 
 make.a speech for the cause of the established Church. When the 
 Quakers objected to their proceedings, the committee accused 
 them of resisting the Crown; because the Society for the Propaga- 
 tion of the Gospel had been chartered by the Queen’s permission. ! 
 Such was the spirit of the committee for investigation of the con- 
 ditions, who claimed the general assumption that it was a persecu- 
 tion of their denomination not to be held superior here as they 
 were in England.? However, the investigation resulted in gaining 
 many converts for the Church, and in an inspiration to build 
 churches promiscuously over the country to such an extent that 
 many of them were never occupied but at long intervals.* We 
 can see, at the outset, that the Society was doing its uttermost 
 to make the Church of England popular in the colonies; but it was 
 handicapped from the beginning, and became more and more so 
 toward the period of the Revolution, when the dissenters became 
 an important factor in the affairs of the day. 
 
 "In considering the work of the missionaries, in the process 
 of the development of the Church in Delaware, we must bear in 
 mind that they were not their own masters; that the small remuner- 
 ation which they received from the Society was oftentimes barely 
 enough to supply the common necessities of life; that their head- 
 quarters was located in England. Consequently, we find them 
 at many stages of their history, supplying several churches. For 
 
 Bs History of Pennsylvania, I, 365-369. See, also, note. 
 
 1a. 
 
 3 See MS letter, quoted by Hawkins, in his Historical Notices, p. 35. 
 4 Tiffany, 97-98. 
 
example, in 1724, three churches in New Castle County were 
 under the guidance of one minister.1_ This condition of affairs 
 was also true in Sussex County, where a missionary had to travel 
 many miles in order to supply three congregations.? But the 
 people of Kent County “had not been supplied with a settled 
 minister for many years.” ® 
 
 In 1723, some members of the Church of England in Kent 
 County, again petitioned the Society for a missionary, stating 
 that they had not had a “sound and faithful minister of Jesus 
 Christ” since 1711; and that on account of this drawback some 
 feared that many of their members would become converts of 
 other denominations, such as the Presbyterians and the Quakers, 4 
 if something was not done to check them. In their anxiety they 
 write the Society in the following words: ‘‘Our house for religious 
 worship built for the service of the Church of England, is empty,” 
 while ‘““Meeting houses are full, enthusiasts abound, the Sabbath is 
 profaned. The interest which the Church of England once had 
 here is in great danger of being entirely lost.’’5 
 
 We may probably raise the question why the people themselves 
 who belonged to the Church of England did not aid in building 
 up their churches, and in support of the missionaries. The 
 answer could be supplied by Mr. Ross, of New Castle, in his 
 account of the Church in 1727. According to his report, the great 
 mass of the people were poor, such as retail merchants who sold 
 “Goods, Rum, Sugar, and Molasses - - - Carpenters, Smiths and 
 Shoe Makers.”® It is true that about one hundred or more families 
 belonged to the Church at this time, as compared with twenty 
 families in 1706, and that the people were usually more prosperous 
 than people of the same class in England were, who had similar 
 occupations.’ Nevertheless, inasmuch as the missionary was 
 concerned, there was little attempt on the part of his congregation 
 to insure a decent salary corresponding with their own prosperity. 
 
 1 Collections of the Protestant Episcopal Historical Society, 1851, p. 122. 
 2 Ibed., pi 122. 
 
 3 Thid. 
 
 4 Perry, Historical Collections, V, p. 38. 
 
 5 Perry, Historical Collections, Vol. V, p. 39. 
 
 6 Thid., p. 46. 
 
 7 Ibid. 
 
 IO 
 
Of course, gifts were sent for the adornment of the Church, and for 
 its repairs; but no benefactions worthy of note were ever sent to 
 the ministers or the schoolmasters.! The reports show that at 
 this time there were great numbers of dissenters,—four Presby- 
 terian meeting houses, one Anabaptist church, and two Quaker 
 Meeting Houses, including one Lutheran, which was, practically 
 of the same form of religion as that of the Episcopalians. 2 
 All these dissenters gave willingly to the support of their own min- 
 isters, and to the teachers when ministers could not be supplied. 
 But, in spite of all these discouragements, another annoyance 
 was added to the trials of the missionaries, in 1727, when the 
 new Governor granted to the Presbyterians the right to issue 
 marriage licenses. This provision not only deprived the mission- 
 aries of an extra fee, but, as they interpreted it, took from them 
 a legal right, “since the very form of the license plainly shows that 
 they cannot be granted, legally, by anyone but a Minister of the 
 Church of England.” 4 Naturally, the Episcopalians were exasper- 
 ated at the turn of events which gave their enemies, the Presby- 
 terians, so much power. One gentleman boldly suggested that it 
 would be well if the king would take possession of the peninsula of 
 Delaware while the title of it was under dispute between Lord 
 Delaware and Penn’s heirs. Then he could bestow it upon the 
 Society, who could raise money on it to pay the missionaries, 
 and the support of a “Bishop of Suffragan.”® “It would be a 
 popular act, and would make a noise in England, and the people 
 here would be glad to have the Society their landlords.” ® 
 
 During the years which followed after 1727, there was 
 practically little change in the lives of the missionaries. There 
 were times of great encouragement, but this was speedily counter- 
 acted by the successes of the dissenters. At the beginning of the 
 Revolutionary War we find them with only twelve churches, four 
 in New Castle County, three in Kent County, and five in Sussex 
 
 1 Perry, Historical Collections, V, p. 46. 
 
 2 Ibid, p. 46. 
 
 3 Ibid, p. 47. 
 
 ‘ Ibid. p. 49. 
 
 5 Tbid, p. 50. 
 6 Perry, Historical Collections, V, p. 50. 
 
 II 
 
County.!_ We can not blame the missionaries for the peculiar 
 situation in which they were involved, for they had fought a good 
 fight in their endeavors to do their duty, as far as their consciences 
 dictated; but they were so completely tied up with the affairs of 
 Church and State from a strictly English standpoint that they 
 failed to realize that they were living in “the land of the free 
 and the home of the brave.” 
 
 THE LUTHERANS 
 
 Passing to the Lutherans we shall find that they are so much 
 like the Episcopalians that we are inclined to list them in the 
 same class. Forming a Swedish settlement during the latter part 
 of the seventeenth century, and under the direct control of the 
 Swedish government in Europe, they were strictly Swedish in 
 their manners and customs, and in their forms of religious worship. 
 But beinga small settlement, surrounded on all sides by the English 
 colonists, they were soon amalgamated as they came into close 
 relationship with their neighbors, by marriage, in social affairs, 
 in political affairs, and also in their religious worship. The younger 
 generations, growing up, quickly adopted the methods and 
 customs of the British peoples, insisting on speaking the English 
 language, and demanding the services of the English-speaking 
 preachers and teachers. 
 
 To them belongs the honor of having one of the oldest churches 
 in existence, extant in the United States at the present time. 
 History records that the Swedes first landed on the shores of 
 Christiana river, in Delaware, under Peter Minuit, in 1638, 
 where they erected a fort, which they named Christina in honor 
 of their queen.? One of their first cares, after they had obtained 
 a shelter, and a protection against the Indians, was to build a 
 place for divine worship,? within the fort. Services were con- 
 ducted in this little log house until the death of their first minister, 
 Torkillus, in 1643. After his death, meetings were held until 
 1667, when the Crane Hook Church was built, on an area of rather 
 
 1 See tables of denominations. 
 
 2 Ferris, p. 52. 
 5’ Kinsman, The Old and the New, p. 3. 
 
 12 
 
low ground, not far from the old site. Missionaries were sent by 
 the Swedish Lutheran Church in Europe to supply the needs of 
 this community. Bjork, a missionary sent over by the King of 
 Sweden, about 1697,! advised the members of the Crane Hook 
 Church to build a more durable edifice of stone, on a more suitable 
 location. The church, under Bjork’s directions, was completed 
 in 1698, and was formally dedicated on Trinity Sunday, 1699. 
 It was named “Holy Trinity Church,” in honor of the day. ? 
 
 Since this church is one of the few seventeenth century 
 churches in the United States that has remained intact up to the 
 present time, a description of this unique building, as given in a 
 letter by Bjork, November 19, 1700, to a clergyman in Sweden, 
 may not be out of place. He says: 
 
 “Shortly after my arrival at this place I persuaded the con- 
 gregation to agree in selecting a better place for a church than 
 Tran-Hook, to-wit, Christina: and I immediately commended 
 the work in the Lord’s name, though with little money: but I 
 never doubted, notwithstanding my unworthiness, of Divine 
 assistance. I therefore made a bargain with bricklayers and 
 carpenters and bound them and me so strongly, that otherwise 
 the work would not have been finished in less than three years. 
 We laid the first stone at the north corner on the 28th day of May, 
 1698. The size of the church, inside the walls, is sixty feet in 
 length, thirty feet in breadth, and twenty feet in height. The 
 walls are of hard gray stone, up to the windows three and a half 
 feet thick, but above that only two feet. 
 
 “There are four doors; a large one at the west end, and a 
 smaller one at the south. There are two smaller ones on the 
 north side, one of which leads into the vestry room. There are 
 two windows on the north, and two on the south, all of the same 
 size; but there is a larger one at the east end. The roof is arched 
 with logs, and plastered. It is covered with cedar shingles. 
 
 “‘The pews in the church are made of fir; the chancel is cir- 
 cular, and the inner banisters as well as the pulpit, are of walnut 
 
 1Kinsman, The Old and the New, pp. 3-4. 
 2 Ibid, p. 4. 
 
 T3 
 
wood well turned. There is a single aisle, eight feet in breadth, 
 from the chancel to the large door, and (one) across the (said) 
 aisle from the north door to that on the south. Between the 
 chancel and the first row of pews there is also a little way, with 
 six pews on each side, to the cross aisle. There are also long pews 
 along the wall for the men, from the south door to the east end; 
 and there are seats in the chancel for the ministers. In the lower 
 part of the church, from the north and south doors to that on the 
 west, there is a large aisle, with eight pews on each side.” ! 
 
 At the time of the Revolution this old church was still used 
 by the Swedes as a place of worship; but the people that attended 
 the services were a mixed race, with their language almost entirely 
 changed, the younger generation of Swedes preferring to speak 
 English rather than their native tongue. In fact, the building which 
 has been described by the old Swedish minister, was practically 
 all that was left of the early Swedes. 
 
 THE PRESBYTERIANS 
 
 It is not exactly known at what particular period the Presby- 
 terians began to settle in Delaware; but historians tell us that at 
 some period before 1692, a Presbyterian minister, Samuel Davies, 
 was at work in Sussex County.? Isolated communities were not 
 uncommon in the colonies during the seventeenth century; and, 
 since the Presbyterians were not organized at this time, it is not 
 surprising that we hear little of them. 
 
 The attempt to impose Episcopacy upon the Presbyterians in 
 Scotland and Ireland, caused thousands of them to emigrate to 
 America, where they could worship God according to their religious 
 preferences. Many of these emigrants were well educated, and had 
 been used to law and order in their manner of worship in their 
 native land; and it was not long before they were formed into an. 
 organized body, as befitted their character. To this organization, 
 Delaware, New Jersey, Maryland, and Pennsylvania churches 
 Beh Beas Benj., History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware, pp. 
 
 2 Briggs, American Presbyterianism, pp. 123-124. 
 8’ American Church History series, Vol. VI, p. 19. 
 
 14 
 
belonged.! In these provinces, the proprietors had granted re- 
 ligious liberty; and for this reason, also, the Presbyterians saw fit to 
 emigrate to America. The Presbyteries soon increased in numbers 
 as emigrants continued to enlarge their ranks, or as members from 
 other denominations became converted to their belief. Hence, 
 it was found necessary, in September, 1716, to establish a Synod, 
 by dividing the original organizations into four Presbyteries. 
 This was the beginning of the effective work of the Presbyterians 
 in Delaware, under the influence of the Presbytery of New Castle, 
 and, at a later period the Presbytery of Lewes, which held juris- 
 diction over Maryland, and a part of Pennsylvania, as well as 
 part of Delaware.? 
 
 In 1717, there were churches organized at New Castle, Head 
 of Christina, Appoquinimy, or Drawyers’, Welsh Tract, under 
 the charge of the New Castle Presbytery.* During the next 
 thirteen years others were added to the list of members. Most of 
 the ministers who belonged to this Presbytery were either Scotch- 
 Irish or Scotch. There were also seventy-five elders who attended 
 the Presbytery of New Castle. * In the meantime the Presbyterians 
 had spread out to the lower part of the Peninsula; and by 1735, 
 four ministers of this section of country asked that they have a 
 Presbytery of their own. Permission was granted by the Synod 
 of Philadelphia, on September 22, 1735, to form the Presbytery 
 of “Lewis-Town.”® A schism in 1741, brought about another 
 Presbytery of New Castle;7 but the breach was healed in 1758, ° 
 after duly considering that disunion would cripple the interests of 
 the Presbyterian church.? The two New Castle Presbyteries 
 united a short time after the meeting of the Synod of Philadelphia, 
 and this made the Presbyterians a strong factor in the Peninsula. 
 
 1 Records of the Presbyterian Church, p. v. (1904 edition) 
 
 2 Vallandingham, History of the Presbytery of New Castle, p. 3. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 3. 
 
 ‘ Tbid., p. 7. 
 
 5 Ibid., p. 8. 
 
 8 Tbid., p. 9. 
 
 7 Ibid., p. 10. 
 
 ST bids thls 
 9 Records of the Presbyterian Church, 1766-1777. (1904 ed. p. 284.) 
 
 15 
 
The strength of the Presbyterians in Delaware which was 
 listed in the struggle with Great Britian, may be estimated, 
 approximately, by making a comparison of the Presbyteries which 
 belonged to the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, in 1775. Of 
 the eleven Presbyteries in the Synod, two were centered in the 
 colony of Delaware.! Of the ministers from the colonies repre- 
 sented, fifteen out of one hundred thirty-five were from the Presby- 
 tery of New Castle, five out of one hundred and thirty-five from 
 the Presbytery of Lewestown, making a total of twenty out of 
 one hundred and thirty-five ministers from the Delaware Pres- 
 byteries. ? 
 
 THE QUAKERS 
 
 The Quakers, as everyone knows, had their origin, in America, 
 in Penn’s colony, about 1682.3 No doubt this benevolent pro- 
 prietor permitted his colonists to wander where they “listeth;”’ 
 for we find many Friends had found their way to Delaware about 
 this time. Their first meetings were held in private houses; but 
 it was not long before meeting-houses, such as they were, became 
 necessary for the convenience of the brotherhood. Among some 
 of the earlier meeting-houses in Delaware may be mentioned the 
 following: 
 
 TOS 212 Soe AT yee ee ene Brandywine? 
 L688 Se a ee rae Newark 4 
 
 EIS pe ie eee New Castle > 
 TIE i eee hee ee Duck Creek ® 
 L707 Meee poe eee George’s Creek? 
 T7OB iii) s ais cay ee nee Center 8 
 
 1 Briggs, American Presbyterianism, p. 342; The Records of the Pres- 
 byterian Church name 12 Presbyteries extant in 1775, with 135 ministers. 
 
 2 See Records of the Presbyterian Church, 1775. 
 
 3 Bowden, History of the Society of Friends, I1, 404. 
 
 4 Michener, Retrospect of Early Quakerism, 95. 
 
 5 Ibid., 95. 
 
 6 Jbid., 111. 
 
 7 Ibid., 112-113. 
 
 * Jbid., 94. 
 
 16 
 
LBs aga eee oe rte Mill Creek! 
 TI Saeey ee RPT Hockessin 2 
 W730U ee eat eee, Waning tons 
 
 An examination of them will show that all of these early 
 settlements were in New Castle County, with the exception of the 
 Duck Creek meeting-house, which was in Kent County. Most 
 of them were not very far from the present boundary line of 
 Pennsylvania. | 
 
 The spread of the Quakers in the colonies during the early 
 part of the eighteenth century was much more rapid than it was 
 in the second and third quarters of the century. The reason for 
 this change may have been due to the fact that the more progressive 
 denominations were forcing the slow-going Quakers out of their 
 original abodes, or that they weakened their ranks to such an 
 extent that they ceased to exist as a religious body. It appears 
 that they kept close to the shores of Delaware Bay, passing 
 southward, slowly yet surely, until by 1750 they had meeting-houses 
 at Newark, Center, New Castle, Wilmington, Duck Creek, 
 Mush Million Creek, Little Creek, and Lewestown.* Then they 
 began to thin out, partly because of intermarriage with other 
 denominations, or because they joined the churches of other 
 denominations; and, to some extent, from the fact that they had 
 little influence in the communities of Delaware after they had 
 displayed such opposition to any method of warfare in 1756, and 
 again in 1763.4 
 
 By 1776, there were six Quaker Meeting-houses in New Castle 
 County, five in Kent County, and three in Sussex County, making 
 a total of fourteen meeting-houses in the colony.> This was an 
 increase of the number reported in 1750; but the attendance at 
 their meetings must have been very small, judging from the reports 
 sent to the Quarterly meetings.* There are instances wherein the 
 
 1 Jhid., 103. 
 
 2 Tbid., 95, 103. 
 
 3 Bowden, II, 248-249. 
 
 4 Michener, 31, 33. 
 
 ’ See table showing churches by Counties. 
 6 Michener, 33. 
 
 17] 
 
Friends “grew careless of attendance,” as in the case of the New 
 Castle Meeting, which finally resulted in depriving the delinquents 
 of certain privileges.! In some cases the establishment of Meeting- 
 Houses too close together caused the decline of the weaker ones. ? 
 But, perhaps the chief cause of their decline was that William 
 Penn’s dominant principles no longer prevailed after 1756; the 
 election which followed the defeat of General Braddock, in 1755, 
 resulted in two-thirds of the members of the Assembly being of 
 the war party. After this period the Quakers ceased to have 
 control over the government of Pennsylvania, and, consequently 
 over Delaware. The “golden age” of the Quakers was at an end 
 when they lost control in civil affairs. 3 
 
 With respect to the number of the Quaker organizations in 
 Delaware at the time of the Revolution, it is dificult to come to 
 any conclusion. Mr. Conrad, in his History of the State 
 of Delaware, says they were “never. numerous.‘ Likewise, we 
 have the testimony of Dr. Bray, who observes, in 1700: “And 
 tho’ the Quakers brag so much of their Numbers and Riches— 
 yet they are not above a twelfth part in number, and bear not 
 that proportion, that they would be thought to do, with those 
 of the Church, in Wealth and Trade.’ 5 
 
 THE METHODISTS 
 
 Strictly speaking, the Methodists do not belong within the 
 limits of the period 1775-1776, since they were not organized into 
 local churches; but they at least deserve some mention on account 
 of the interest which they aroused among the people of Dela- 
 ware at that time. It appears that a few seeds of Methodism were 
 sprinkled along the highways and by-ways of the northern part of 
 the Peninsula, as early as 1769. How many of them took root, we 
 are not prepared to say. Bishop Asbury records in his journal, 
 on the day that he dedicated the Methodist Church in Wilmington, 
 
 1 Toid., 94. 
 
 2 Ibid., 95. 
 
 3 Bowden, II, 160. 
 
 4 Conrad, II, 768. 
 
 oo Source Book and Bibliographical Guide for American Church History, 
 p. 236. 
 
 18 
 
named “‘Asbury” in honor of him, as follows: ““Thus far we are 
 come, after more than twenty years’ labour in this place.” ! 
 Without a doubt, Bishop Asbury referred to a period when Captian 
 Webb was traveling through the Middle colonies in 1769. People 
 who were living three-quarters of a century later claim that they 
 could remember that he preached in ‘“‘the woods”’ north of Wil- 
 mington, and along the banks of the Brandywine, besides other 
 places in the neighborhood.? If this is true, Captain Webb was 
 the apostle that introduced Methodism into Delaware. 
 
 Methodism at this time, it must be remembered, was something . 
 to be shunned by the orthodox believers; but there were thousands 
 of people in Delaware who cared little for the word of God. 
 Hence, when the Methodists came, with an entirely new way of 
 presenting an old subject, the novelty of the thing attracted 
 many hundreds who had not heard the gospel in many years. 
 Few, however, were bold enough to open their doors to these new 
 comers, lest they should bear the condemnation of their neighbors. 
 Robert Furness, of New Castle, who was willing to bear the pangs 
 of “outrageous suffering” was the first to welcome the Methodist 
 preachers into his home; and as a result lost his customers at the 
 public house which he kept in the town. 3 
 
 From another source we have the tradition about a Miss 
 Cloud being converted while Captain Webb was preaching in the 
 woods around New Castle and Wilmington; and that she in turn 
 convinced her brother Robert, of Brandywine Hundred, to have 
 Methodism preached at their house.4 Shortly afterward a small 
 society was organized; and in the course of time a chapel was 
 built, called Cloud’s chapel. Robert Cloud became one of the 
 first preachers in Delaware, and others of the same family became 
 leaders in the work of the Methodists.’ They probably preached 
 to the scattered communities about Wilmington and New Castle, 
 and in their own neighborhood in the extreme northern part of 
 
 1Lednum, Rise of Methodism in America, p. 55. 
 2 Jitd., p. 56. 
 
 3Lednum, Rise of Methodism in America, p. 56. 
 4 Tbid., xv. 
 
 5 Tbtd., Xvi. 
 
 19 
 
the colony. There is nothing in the records to indicate that a 
 Methodist chapel was built before the war began. 
 
 A few attractive features concerning Methodism may be in 
 keeping with the subject. It is of interest to know that among the 
 sacred relics of Delaware one of the most famous is Barratt’s 
 chapel, generally known as the “Cradle of Methodism.” It was in 
 this spot where the church stands today that Thomas Coke and 
 Francis Asbury first met on American soil; it was here that pre- 
 liminaries for the formation of the Methodist church Conference 
 was planned; it was here that the first authorized Methodist 
 preachers in America administered sacramental ordinances to the 
 people.! This little church has also the distinction of being the 
 “third oldest Methodist church in the world.” 2 
 
 But, however interesting these facts may be, they do not 
 warrant us to give the Methodists a place among the denominations 
 that had churches extant at the beginning of hostilities between 
 England and the colonies. Societies were probably formed, but 
 they were so scattered that they had no definite congregations. 
 Therefore, they can not be considered as organized churches. 
 
 1 Barratt, N.S., Barrat’s Chapel and Methodism, p. 3. 
 2 Tbid., p. 4. 
 
 20 
 
CHAP TERSUT 
 
 ATTITUDE OF THE CHURCHES TOWARD THE 
 REVOLUTION 
 
 THE BaptTIsTs 
 
 As a sect the Baptists had always been adverse to civil 
 coercion in religious affairs; and, consequently, they hailed the 
 Revolution with joy. To them, if successful, it would mean that 
 they would be delivered from “oppression abroad and tyrants 
 at home.”! In many parts of the colonies, they had been com- 
 pelled to disregard laws which they could not conscientiously 
 obey; and, as a result, they had suffered loss of life and property. ? 
 The Revolution opened up to them new fields of action; tt gave 
 them an opportunity to overrun the Establishments through 
 political and social influence among the patriots. Can we wonder 
 at their enthusiasm in the cause for independence, when it resulted 
 in their status being raised among their political associates? 
 Naturally, they resolved to take every advantage of their new 
 position. With this determination in mind, they met in their 
 Association, and discussed, calmly and deliberately, how they 
 should proceed to obtain their civil and religious liberty; and when 
 they had decided on a course to pursue, they followed it consistently 
 to the close of the Revolution. 
 
 One of the first movements of the Philadelphia Baptist 
 Association was to call the attention of their members to the 
 importance of joining their forces with the Continental Congress. 
 They willingly offered their services for the cause of liberty. Not 
 only did they bring money, goods, food, and other necessities 
 
 1 Armitage, History of the Baptists, p. 789. 
 
 2 Tbid., 776. 
 3 Hawkes, History of the Episcopal Church in Virginia, p. 
 
 om | 
 
for carrying on the war, but offered their lives, if need be; and 
 they entered into some of the hardest conflicts of the Revolution. ! 
 When we consider what was actually accomplished by the Baptists, 
 we are reminded of the words of George Washington to a com- 
 mittee of Virginia Baptists, who had consulted him about the 
 security of their civil rights and religious freedom. He says: 
 “T recollect with satisfaction that the religious society of which 
 you are members has been throughout America, uniformly and 
 almost unanimously, the firm friend of civil liberty, and persevering 
 promoters of our glorious Revolution.” 2 Then, coming more 
 directly to the colony of Delaware, we have the testimony of John 
 Adams, who was not only kindly disposed toward the Baptists, 
 who “gives our people credit for bringing Delaware from the Gulf 
 of Toryism to the platform of patriotism.” ® 
 
 Besides material aid graciously offered to Congress, the Phila- 
 delphia Baptist Association supported the cause in a spiritual way, 
 by humility before God, by prayer for their country, and by observ- 
 ing certain fast days during the year.4 Thus, they were influential 
 in bringing before the minds of their associates the seriousness of 
 the war. In this time of stress and trial, they did not forget to 
 express their gratitude for the benefits they had received as 
 compared with their brethren who were suffering in the New 
 England States from civil oppression as well as religious restrictions 
 from the colonists themselves. They realized that in unity 
 there is power; and at their meeting in Philadelphia, October, 
 1776, they issued a circular letter, which urged their brethren to 
 ‘Take heed to maintain peace among yourselves in these days 
 of confusion.’ 6 
 
 Many of the Baptist ministers acted as chaplains in the 
 American army, throughout the greater part of the war. Among 
 these were the great patriot, Dr. Rodgers,’ who was in the Conti- 
 
 1 Cathcart, Baptists and the American Revolution, p. 27. 
 
 ? Writings of George Washington, Sparks edition, XII, 154-155. 
 3 Adams, C. F., Life and Works of John Adams, Vol. X, p. 812. 
 * Minutes of the Philadelphia Baptist Association, p. 155. 
 
 5 Thid., p. 156. 
 
 6 Minutes of the Philadelphia Association, p. 155. 
 
 ’ First Baptist Church of Philadelphia, p. 51. 
 
 22 
 
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nental army, and Rev. David Jones, brigade-chaplain under 
 General Wayne. But, there isa gloomy side to this commendable 
 record, for Morgan Edwards, who spent the latter part of his life 
 in Delaware, was a loyalist. One of his sons joined the British 
 army, and another entered the service of the Colonial army. ! 
 
 THE EPISCOPALIANS 
 
 In contrast to the Baptists, the Episcopalians were, in general, 
 kindly disposed toward England; and when the crisis came to 
 decide whether to belong to the loyalists or to the patriots, most 
 of the ministers were in favor of leaving the country rather than 
 give up their principles with respect to the mother country. But 
 even before the crisis came, there was strong evidence of their 
 attitude relative to the civil and religious rights of the colonists. 2 
 It is generally known that while the Stamp Act, and other restric- 
 tions, were threatening the civil liberty of the colonists, a project 
 was being cautiously, but resolutely, cherished by the English and 
 colonial Episcopal ascendency in the colonies. This caused a re- 
 action among the dissenters, who united among themselves to 
 prevent legislation that would injure their civil and religious 
 liberty.? This episcopacy which our forefathers dreaded, was one 
 which had the power to exercise over civil and religious affairs, 
 one which would “impose tithes and church rates, and set ecclesi- 
 astical courts,” which would be sure “‘to encroach on the rights of 
 conscience.” 4 
 
 As a rule, the clergymen of the Episcopal church were in 
 hearty sympathy with the movement for an Episcopacy, but they 
 had not the least sympathy for the cause of liberty. With very 
 few exceptions, they leaned to the British crown; in religious as 
 well as in civil affairs. Thus we can see that the protests of the 
 colonists were not merely against a piece of stamped paper, or a 
 
 1Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, (Baptists) p. 87. 
 
 2 Gillett, History of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, I1,p.165. 
 3 Thid., 164-165. 
 
 4 Gillett, I, 177. 
 
few extra pennies paid on tea, but it was a contention for their 
 civil rights, for freedom of conscience, and for religious liberty. ! 
 
 An examination of the reports of the missionaries in Delaware 
 to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts 
 will give some idea of the status of the Episcopal churches a few 
 years previous to the Revolution. We cannot fail to observe a 
 weakening of the strength of the Episcopalians, as compared with 
 the increase of the numerical strength of the dissenters. Their 
 weakness is shown, also, by the lack of ministers in their own de- 
 nominations, and by the decrease in the number of letters from 
 the missionaries.? But, we also gain from these letters an expres- 
 sion of the attitude of the clergy toward the Revolution. Mr. 
 Reading, of Appoquinimy, Delaware, tells of the state of the 
 Church in 1775. In March of that year, he writes that the Church 
 “continues in as good a state as can be expected in these times of 
 threatening danger.” He shows very clearly his attitude toward 
 his mother country, in this same letter, when he says: “Many 
 are the rebuffs I am obliged to encounter on the subject of the 
 present commotions, notwithstanding which I am not deterred 
 or discouraged from inculcating the principles of Loyalty to our 
 most gracious Sovereign and a due submission to the Powers of 
 Government on all proper occasions.” 3 
 
 That he remained firm and steadfast in maintaining these 
 principles throughout the Revolution is evident from a letter to 
 the Society, written a year later. His letter is so well written, and 
 shows to such a large extent the characteristics of the people of 
 Delaware, as well as the attitude of the clergy, that a full perusal 
 of the letter may be interesting. It follows: 
 
 5 Gillett, "1, po b/7; 
 
 2 Classified pee of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
 Parts, 1765-1776. 
 
 3 Perry, W. S., Historical Collections relating to the American Colonial 
 Church, Vol. II, p. 469. 
 
 24 
 
Extract: 
 Appoquiniminck,! March 18, 1776. 
 Reverend Worthy Sir: 
 
 “T had the honor of addressing a letter to you in September 
 last containing (among other particulars relative to my Mission), 
 the following paragraph: 
 
 “T should now proceed in my account of some other difficulties 
 to which I have been particularly liable as a Missionary here if 
 everything in a private nature was not quite absorbed in the general 
 distress with which we are all overwhelmed by the unhappy 
 disputes subsisting betwixt Great Britian and her Colonies. It is 
 hardly possible especially since the’ commencement of the late 
 hostilities to avoid taking part on one side or the other of the dis- 
 pute. Much industry has been used to render me obnoxious to 
 the popular resentment as being inimical to the measures prose- 
 cuting here in opposition to the Parliamentary authority of the 
 present state. No more passive obedience and non resistance has 
 been scribbled with a pencil on my Church door. It was urged 
 as a just cause of complaint against one of the Captains of the 
 Militia that he had lugged his company to Church on the day of 
 a public fast to hear that old wretch (meaning myself) preach, who 
 was always an enemy to the present measures. Threats have been 
 used to deter me from reading the prayers for the King but hitherto 
 I have stood firm andmy answers to these representations is that 
 having taken the oath of allegiance to his present Majesty, having 
 vowed canonical obedience at my ordination and when I was 
 licensed by the Bishop, and subscribed the Liturgy of our Church, 
 I do not think myself at liberty to dispense with these solemn 
 obligations but shall persevere by God’s Grace in complying with 
 them. As to my immediate Flock I have the comfort to say that 
 in general I live with them on the best terms and it is probably 
 owing to some Gentlemen of influence and authority among them 
 that notwithstanding the danger of the times I continue on a 
 respectable and useful footing in this place. 
 
 1The spelling of this word varies. 
 
 25 
 
“T beg leave to trouble you with a repetition of the above 
 paragraph because the letter which contained it was seized (among 
 a number of others from different people), on board a ship bound 
 for London, brought back to Philadelphia and submitted to a 
 Committee of inspection as being of dangerous tendency or at 
 least as impeaching the propriety of the public proceedings. The 
 Committee, I am informed, after consideration thought proper to 
 dismiss the letter as not liable to the censure which upon the first 
 perusal it seemed to deserve. 
 
 “My Honorable Patrons are so well apprised of the present 
 temper of America and how dangerous it is become to speak or 
 write on public business that I shall readily be excused if I do 
 not enlarge on so tender a subject. My letter above referred to 
 having passed examination induces me to present you with a 
 repetition of it, and while the pen is in my hand (tho’ my arm 1s 
 so weak and lame that I am scarcely able to guide it), I will 
 venture to add that I continue steadfast in the same sentiments 
 determined at all events to adhere thro’ Divine assistance to my 
 oaths of allegiance, ordination vows, subscription to the articles 
 of the liturgy of our Church, and those principles of gratitude 
 which I owe to the Venerable Society under whose protection I 
 have exercised the Ministry and by whose bounty during thirty 
 years I have been assisted with a comfortable support. 
 
 “YT have the honor to be with all duty and respect 
 
 Reverend worthy Sir, etc., 
 
 Puittip REApING’’! 
 
 This letter by the Rev. Mr. Reading is self-explanatory, 
 and needs no further comment as to the relationship of the clergy 
 with the government of England. But, since we have selected Mr. 
 Reading as typical of the missionaries in the colonies, a few 
 extracts from a long letter written to the Society on August 25, 
 1776, may enlighten us as to the subject in hand. At this time 
 two facts stand out as problems to be met in the future, namely, 
 the loss of his position as a missionary, and the means to make 
 
 1 Perry, Historical Collections, 11, p. 483. 
 
 26 
 
a living for his family.! Naturally he seeks advice and relief from 
 the Honorable Society, his benefactors for more than thirty years. 
 The dilemma into which he had been entangled is explained, and 
 he is like a boat without a rudder in a sea of troubled waters. 
 “The Church of England as by law established has no longer an 
 existence in those parts of America which are denominated 
 The Free and Independent States,’ he says. He explains his 
 reasons for the assertion as follows: “I look upon the King’s 
 supremacy and the constitution of the Church of England to be 
 so intimately blended together that whenever the supremacy is 
 either suspended or abrogated the fences of the Church are then 
 broken down and its visibility is destroyed. This is actually the 
 case in the present instance. On the second day of July the 
 Congress at Philadelphia were pleased to declare the Colonies 
 which had united in opposition to the measures of Great Britian 
 ‘Free and Independent States.’ Upon this Declaration it was 
 judged incompatible with the present policy that his Majesty’s 
 authority within the new states should any longer be recognized. 
 In this sentiment the generality of our Clergy (as far as has hitherto 
 come to my knowledge) dismissed all those prayers from the public 
 service of the Church wherein the names of the King and the 
 Royal Family are mentioned, and adopted in their stead a prayer 
 for the Congress which is no other, if I am rightly informed, than 
 the Prayers for the High Court of Parliament altered and suited 
 to the present occasion. ‘Most gracious God’ say they, ‘we humbly 
 beseech thee as for the States of America in general, so especially 
 for the High Court of Delegates in Congress at this time assembled, 
 
 »> 999 
 
 etc, etc. 
 
 Apparently, Mr. Reading could not make up his mind what to 
 do in the emergency. Ever since he had “entered the ministry” 
 he had been faithful to his vows, and would frequently read them 
 over; but under the stress of the present circumstances he had 
 studied and pondered over them more carefully than he had done 
 in the past, and, as a result, had become more thoroughly confirmed 
 of the duty he was under to adhere to the principles stipulated by 
 
 1 Perry, Historical Collections, II, p. 483. 
 2 Ibid, 483-484. 
 
 27 
 
them. Aside from the oath of allegiance to the British govern- 
 ment, which was necessary to prevent a subject of the King of 
 England from joining a foreign power against him, there were 
 duties imposed upon the Church and its officers “‘to maintain the 
 King’s supremacy in Church and State.”! Under these regula- 
 tions, Mr. Reading states that no one could change the form of 
 worship. He candidly believed that such laws were necessary for 
 the good “government of the Church and for regulating the con- 
 duct of Ministers in the ministration in it.”’! So rigid were these 
 regulations for the government of the Church that there was 
 “no one exception to answer special emergencies or to obviate 
 difficulties that may arise on unforseen occasions.”! ‘Under 
 these persuasions,” says Mr. Reading, “I could not consist- 
 ently with my sense of the obligation, assume the danger 
 even of reprehension from my superiors by deliberately and of 
 purpose altering the Liturgy of the Church, much less would I 
 subject myself and the people under my pastoral care to the severe 
 censure of excommunication by disobeying the second Canon and 
 contravening the points contained init. For this it is, which makes 
 me say as I do in the beginning of this letter, that the Church of 
 England has no longer a visible existence in this part of the world; 
 because I look upon every person, whether Clergyman or layman, 
 by impugning the King’s Supremacy to be virtually excommuni- 
 cated, separated or cut off from the communion of the Church, as 
 it stands upon its legal basis tho’ the sentence has not been actually 
 pronounced against him.’’? 
 
 Judging from the reasoning presented by Mr. Reading we 
 may fail to understand that he did not admit that his own obliga- 
 tions were at an end, if the Church had ceased to exist. ‘‘For’’, he 
 says, “the Ecclesiastical censures could neither be pronounced here 
 nor the penalties annexed operate to any immediate purpose 
 against those who had incurred them, yet this assertion that the 
 Church of England has no visible existence among us speaks for 
 and proves itself.”’2 In following up the arguments for his position, 
 he adds: ““Take away the distinguishing characteristic of any con- 
 
 1 Thid., 484. 
 2 Perry, Historical Collections, II, pp. 484-485. 
 
 28 
 
stitution and that constitution instantly undergoes so material a 
 change as not to be known by its former title of distinction.” } 
 And what does he mean by this assumption? We find the answer 
 to this question in his letter, wherein he says: “Take away the 
 King’s supremacy and the Episcopal jurisdiction of our Church 
 (for they are the specific differential marks of our Ecclesiastical 
 policy), and the Church is no longer differenced by its former 
 name as it can no longer with propriety lay claim to its distinguish- 
 ing title of the Church of England.” ? 
 
 With this acknowledgement of the status of the Church as it 
 existed in 1776, he bravely determined “‘for the sake of keeping up 
 the Church in its full visibility” to continue to ‘“‘read the public 
 service entire as usual notwithstanding Independence had been 
 declared by the Congress.” But the temper of the people of 
 Delaware would not permit the prayers for the King to be spoken 
 in public; and, Mr. Reading was warned, time and again, to leave 
 off that part of the Church services. At last, when threatenings 
 became so prevalent as to endanger the safety of himself and family, 
 he explained to his congregation, on July 28, 1776, as reported: 
 “The obligations of the Clergy of the Church of England are under 
 oath to assert the King’s Supremacy in their public ministrations 
 and acquainted them that as I could not read the Liturgy agreeably 
 to theprescribed form without offending against our Government and 
 incurring the resentment of the people I should on that day declare 
 the Church shut up for six weeks.”"? Thus we find him ready to 
 wait until some settlement could be made between the mother 
 country and the colonies. He evidently expected to return at the 
 end of six weeks to continue his missionary work as he had done 
 in the past. 
 
 Although he was a loyalist, we admire him. Weare compelled 
 to admit that he was a man worthy of his calling. His integrity and 
 his honesty in making an effort to remain true to his principles are 
 self-evident from the candid way in which he presented his argu- 
 ments. Making allowance for the carefulness with which the letter 
 
 1 Tbid., 485. 
 
 2 Perry, Historical Collections, II, p. 485. 
 8 Tbid., p. 485-486. 
 
 29 
 
was composed, owing to the severe censure cf the Committee of 
 Safety, we are convinced that his words are genuine. We have 
 further proof of the strict integrity of the missionary in his letters 
 to the Society, which show at the outset that he had the interests 
 of the people at heart;! that he condemned any tendency to 
 immorality; ? and that he considered devotion to his calling “‘in our 
 blessed Redeemer’s cause ought to balance every pecuniary 
 interest.” 3 
 
 Again, we find evidence of his sincerity and his determination 
 to do what he firmly believed to be the right thing in his letter, 
 wherein he remarks: “I declare in form as I had no design to 
 resist the authority of the New Government on the one hand and 
 as I was determined on the other not to incur the heavy guilt of . 
 perjury by a breach of the most solemn promises, I should decline 
 attending on the public worship for a short time * * * and having 
 exhorted the Members of the Church to hold fast to the profession 
 of their faith without wavering and to depend upon the promises of 
 a faithful God for their present comfort and future relief I finished 
 this irksome business, and Appoquiniminck Church from that day 
 has continued shut up.”4 Here, as in other communications 
 relative to the affairs of his Church, he reveals the fact that he 
 was undoubtedly trying to perform his duties to his congregations 
 to the best of his ability. 
 
 We can judge from his statements that he had no intention 
 to resist the patriots in their new form of government; but that he 
 merely insisted in doing his duty, as far as his conscience would 
 permit, with respect to the people under his pastoral care. In the 
 performance of this duty, he says: “My sphere of action is now 
 confined to the Catechetical, and what is strictly termed the 
 parochial offices of my Mission. I shall relax in no diligence nor 
 remit of any care in discharging these for the sake of keeping my 
 people steadfast until some resolve of the New Legislature or the 
 interposition of other events shall enable me to resume the public 
 
 1 Perry, Historical Collections, II, p. 245. 
 2 Tbid., 244-245. 
 
 3 Thid., 386-387. 
 
 4 Tbid., 486. 
 
 30 
 

 

 
 BARRATT’S CHAPEL 
 
 CRADLE OF METHODISM IN THE YEAR 1780 
 
exercise of my Ministry in the Church. In the mean season | 
 submit myself to the Honorable Society’s disposal humbly im- 
 ploring their advice and direction in my present arduous cir- 
 cumstances.” ! That he continued to persevere “with firmness 
 and resolution in pursuing the same line of conduct” for two 
 years is confirmed by a letter to that effect, dated September 30, 
 1778.2 His death before the close of the war, unfortunately 
 prevented him from being able to show what he could have done 
 had he been placed under a free and independent government. 
 
 THE METHODISTS 
 
 As to the Methodists at the outbreak of the Revolution there 
 is very little evidence to be found. From the standpoint of the pa- 
 triots, they werelooked upon with suspicion, because they were con- 
 sidered as a branch of the Church of England. Knowing that this 
 was the general sentiment of the colonists, many of the Methodists 
 adopted the policy of holding aloof from politics, and, thereby 
 remaining neutral with respect to the war. However, Mr. Wesley 
 created antagonism toward them by writing a letter stating prin- 
 ciples that were strictly English in their tone. In referring to 
 this attitude on the part of Mr. Wesley, Mr. Asbury writes in his 
 Journal, March 19, 1776, as follows: “I also received an affectionate 
 letter from Mr. Wesley, and am truly sorry that the venerable man 
 ever dipped into politics in America. My desire is to live in peace 
 and love with all men, and to do them no harm, but all the good I 
 can. However, it discovers Mr. Wesley’s conscientious attach- 
 ment to the government under which he lived. Had he been a 
 subject of America, no doubt but he would have been as zealous 
 an advocate of the American cause. But some inconsiderate 
 persons have taken occasion to censure the Methodists in America 
 on account of Mr. Wesley’s political sentiments.” 3 
 
 Into the details of the activities of the Methodists at the 
 beginning of hostilities it is not within our province to enter, for 
 the influence of this sect was practically zz/ until two years after 
 the war commenced. 
 
 1 Perry, Historical Collections, p. 487. 
 
 2 Thid., 494, 
 8 Asbury’s Journal, March 19, 1776. 
 
 ey 
 
THE PRESBYTERIANS 
 
 The Presbyterians in Delaware had always held the honor 
 for the brave stand taken by them in their struggle for freedom of 
 religion and the security of their civil rights. Hence, we find them 
 at the beginning of hostilities between Great Britian and her 
 American colonies ready for the conflict. From the time of their 
 entrance into Delaware they had steadily increased in numbers, 
 until they could boast, in 1775, of a greater number of churches 
 than that of any other denomination. Added to this feature of 
 their progress was their gradual gain in power, socially as well as 
 politically, until the time came when they were not afraid to chal- 
 lenge the King himself if he attempted to deprive them of the fruits 
 of their labors. 
 
 Long before the beginning of the Revolution they had gained 
 the reputation of having revolutionary tendencies. They had 
 fearlessly taken their stand in protecting the colonists against the 
 Indians;1 and in the French and Indian War they had learned 
 the bitter experiences of battle. The British Government, not 
 unmindful of the part that the Presbyterians had played in the 
 wars with the French, began to fear the strength of these sturdy 
 people; and immediately after peace was declared, made plans to 
 curb their influence in the colonies. But the mother country 
 soon found that her sons and daughters in the colonies had out- 
 grown their infancy and were now in the full spirit of their adoles- 
 cent period which refused to be controlled. They could not forget 
 that for seventy years they had been compelled to meet the rebuffs 
 of the royal governors, oftentimes imprisoned for preaching without 
 a license, their churches closed, and their congregations forced to 
 pay a tax for the support of a church whose ceremonies they utterly 
 despised. And yet they seemed to thrive under adversity, for at 
 the beginning of the Revolution they had multiplied in numbers 
 until they had about one hundred and eighty six ministers, twenty 
 Presbyteries, and two Synods.2 From this data we may judge that 
 there were about twice as many congregations as there were 
 
 1Ford, 584. 
 * Briggs, American Presbyterianism, p. 342. 
 
 32 
 

 

 
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ministers. In Delaware alone there were twenty-nine churches. ! 
 “Heterogeneous as they were in origin, part New England Con- 
 gregationalists, part Dutchmen of New Amsterdam, part Scotch- 
 Irish, part Huguenots, part Highlanders, exiles of ‘the 45’—the 
 common element of a Presbyterian polity, and a Calvinistic 
 theology fused them into one patriotic mass, glowing with an in- 
 tense passion for civil and religious liberty. They openly took the 
 attitude, and consented to the name and the responsibility, of 
 Rebels against the British government.” ? 
 
 But we must not judge from this assertion that the Presby- 
 terians believed in violence. On the other hand they detested the 
 brutal radicalism of the mob. Even after the Battle of Lexington, 
 we find them calm, deliberate, but fully determined to take a 
 leading part in the contest for freedbm. In an excellent pastoral 
 letter written on May 20, 1775, they say: “The Synod cannot 
 help thinking that this is a proper time for pressing all and every 
 rank, seriously to consider the things that belong to their eternal 
 peace. Hostilities, long feared, have now taken place; the sword 
 has been drawn in one province, and the whole continent, with 
 hardly any exception, seem determined to defend their rights by 
 force of arms. If, at the same time, the British ministry shall 
 continue to enforce their claims by violence, a lasting and bloody 
 contest must be expected. Surely, then, it becomes those who have 
 taken up arms, and profess a willingness to hazard their lives in 
 the cause of liberty, to be prepared for death, which to many must 
 be certain, and to every one is a possible or probable event.’’? 
 
 Although it is generally believed that the Presbyterian 
 ministers were instrumental in bringing events to a crisis, they 
 stated emphatically in their pastoral letter that they “had not 
 been instrumental in inflaming the minds of the people, or urging 
 them to acts of violence and disorder.”’4 Not only had they suc- 
 ceeded in keeping political sentiments from the pulpit but from 
 the press as well; but, they informed their members in 1775, that 
 “things are now come to such a state, that as we do not wish to 
 
 1See Tables. 
 
 2A Short History of American Presbyterianism, p. 84. 
 
 8 Records of the Presbyterian Church, 1766-1775, p. 466-467. 
 4 Ibid., p. 467. 
 
 30 
 
conceal our opinions as men and citizens, so the relation we stand 
 in to you seemed to make the present improvement of it to your 
 spiritual benefit, an indispensable duty.” ! True to their principles 
 of religion they urged all who offered themselves as champions in 
 their country’s cause to live near to God in order to be able “to 
 meet the issue either in victory or death.’’? 
 
 Their advice to the societies under their charge were given 
 in explicit instructions as to their general conduct in public. They 
 were advised to have respect for the king, “and to the revolution 
 principles by which his august family was seated on the British 
 throne * * * let it ever appear, that you only desire the preservation 
 and security of those rights which belong to you as freemen and 
 Britons, and that reconciliation upon these terms is your most 
 ardent desire.’ In the second place, they urged their societies 
 to “be careful to maintain the union which at present subsists 
 through all the colonies; nothing can be more manifest than that 
 the success of every measure depends on its being inviolably 
 preserved, and therefore, we hope that you will leave nothing 
 undone which can promote that end.”? The various denomina- 
 tions were further advised to be candid and respectful toward 
 each other, as they were fighting for a common cause, for civil 
 and religious liberty. ? 
 
 In the third place they urged upon their members to be careful 
 about their private conduct, and were pleased to call their attention 
 to the action of the Continental Congress, which was using every 
 effort to discourage gaming, and public diversions of all kinds; 
 and it would be to the interest of the country if they would follow 
 this advice. They were also advised to pay their debts, and to live 
 in such a manner that they could “serve one another,” and by so 
 doing would, to a large extent, keep down many evils which always 
 followed a civil war. Besides these wise instructions, they were not 
 to forget that in a civil war there was a greater probability to seek 
 revenge than in a foreign war, and they must “guard against this 
 abuse.” They say: “That man will fight more bravely, who 
 
 1 Thid. 
 
 * Ibid., 467-469. 
 3 Records of the Presbyterian Church, p. 468. 
 
 34 
 
never fights till it is necessary, and who ceases to fight as soon as 
 the necessity is over.”’! 
 
 Of the union mentioned in the pastoral letter, we may say 
 in passing that it was formed in 1766, for the purpose of preserving 
 religious liberty in the Colonies, for the spread of the Gospel in 
 America, and for the promotion of Christian fellowship among the 
 various denominations.2 It is needless to say that the Presby- 
 terians took the initiative in this movement, in the Synod of New 
 York and Philadelphia. An overture was prepared and sent to the 
 Association in Connecticut to urge them to unite their efforts in 
 a common cause to preserve their religious liberty, and for this 
 purpose to provide a means for a convention where they could 
 meet and exchange views upon the subject. The General Associa- 
 tion of Connecticut promptly agreed to be present and the meeting 
 took place shortly afterwards. Thus the General Convention of 
 the dissenters became an important factor in the various influences 
 which brought about the Revolution. 3 
 
 Coming to the part played by Delaware in the war for in- 
 dependence, we find that, as far as the Presbyterian Church is 
 concerned, there are few records to show the events of that period. 
 The reason for this unfortunate affair may be explained in part by 
 the following extract taken from the first page of the fourth volume 
 of the Presbyterian Records of the New Castle Presbytery: ““The 
 troublesome times, war and distress, which took place both in 
 church and state afterwards greatly deranged all affairs civil and 
 religious, for many years, and the enemy marching through the 
 Presbytery’s bounds, occasioned the loss of their old records, and 
 many of the running minutes of that distressing day are dropped 
 aside, or turn fugitive with the enemy, and disaffected; so that it 
 is doubtful whether any of them that are lost or filed will ever be 
 recovered. 4 
 
 1 Jhid., pp. 468-469. 
 
 2 Records of the Presbyterian Church, pp. 468-469. 
 
 3 Minutes of the General Convention of Delegates Appointed bv the Synod 
 of New York and Philadelphia and the General Association of Connecticut, 
 
 1766-1775, pp. 5-10. 
 
 4 Spottswood, p. 28. 
 
 35 
 
But other records are not lacking to show that patriotism was 
 a prominent feature of the Presbyterian denomination, The 
 Rev. Dr. Spottswood claims that there could not be found any- 
 where more loyal subjects than those of the Presbyterian denomin- 
 ation, for during the pre-revolutionary days they were loyal to 
 the king. Nor could there be found any who were more zealous 
 in the cause of liberty, or who gave their lives and their property 
 more freely than these people. But, although they acknowledged 
 the authority of the king, and their duty as subjects to the law, 
 and had exemplified their principles on many occasions before the 
 Revolution, the time came when they were called upon to show 
 their loyalty to the King of Kings, when they were fully convinced 
 that an effort was being made to force them into a form of religion 
 which was clearly contrary to what their conscience dictated. ! 
 
 A study of the developments of events in Delaware as in the 
 other colonies will show that religious affairs were closely inter- 
 twined with the civil matters of the time, especially after the act 
 of uniformity began to be enforced. The troublesome times, both 
 civil and religious, are mentioned time and again in their minutes, 
 from 1770 up to the outbreak of the Revolution.2 Within the 
 Presbyteries themselves, a spirit of change, a desire to be moved 
 from one Presbytery to another, shows a tendency to independence 
 of action as well as a growth of the Presbyteries. But the wise men 
 of the Synod insist that unity means strength, and, therefore, order 
 that a reconsideration of their plan of union of 1766 be made a 
 subject of thought in their Presbyteries.* In 1772, the Synod takes 
 into consideration the “low state of vital and practical religion, 
 the great prevalence of vice and infidelity * * * of this land.” 
 Consequently, a day for repentance was named as a “day of public 
 fasting and prayer.” A pastoral letter in the same year, urging 
 the members of the Presbyterian denomination to be more active 
 in the distribution of religious literature, and to use their contri- 
 butions for the advantage of the plan of union as laid down in 
 1766, was circulated. 4 
 
 1 Spottswood, p. 29. 
 
 2 Records of the Presbyterian Church, pp. 402, 414, 426. 
 3 Thid., 402. 
 4 Records of the Presbyterian Church, p. 430. 
 
 36 
 
The fear of the encroachments of the Established church was 
 a constant source of dread to the Presbyterians a few years before 
 the Revolution; hence the Synod recommended to the Presbyteries 
 to be more cautious about accepting foreign ministers. They must 
 maintain “orthodoxy in doctrine, and purity in practice;” and 
 that they must be very careful about inspecting them as to letters 
 of testimonial, and examinations. But, in spite of their caution to 
 maintain their religious principles, the day came when “‘the dark 
 and threatening calamities seemed ready to envelop them. June 
 3, 1776, was set aside for a day of fasting and prayer, and to call 
 upon God to avert the calamities which they “had good reason 
 to fear.”! The Rev. Matthew Wilson, of Lewes, Delaware, plays 
 an interesting role in his proposal of a method to “‘secure the lasting 
 unity and credit of the Presbyterian body.” 2 The contents of his 
 overture are not given, but it must have given many details about 
 the church, as it was recommended as a good study for the con- 
 stitution of the Presbyterian Church. 3 
 
 From the fact that the Rev. Matthew Wilson appears to have 
 had much influence in the Synod, judging from the number of 
 times that he appears on important committees, we may take him 
 as an illustration of what the Presbyterians accomplished in the 
 cause for independence. The Rev. Mr. Wilson was a man of 
 responsibility and great influence in civil affairs, as well as a 
 faithful worker in religious activities. He claimed that it was 
 not only the right but the duty of every Christian to take an 
 interest in public life; and he exemplified this doctrine in his own 
 particular work. For instance, he made strong opposition to the 
 Stamp Act, and used his influence to encourage manufactures in 
 order to lend his aid in carrying out the non-importation agreement. 
 An interesting story is told of him in this connection. It appears 
 from a story related by the Delaware Register of 1838, that the 
 members of his family were forbidden to purchase any tea from 
 England. As a reconciliation for this deprivation, he published 
 an article in the newspaper, which was afterwards reprinted in the 
 American Magazine, for 1775, stating the debilitating effects of 
 
 1 Thid, 460. 
 
 2 Thid, 460. 
 3 Ibid, p. 460. 
 
 oy, 
 
tea, and naming “seventeen herbs or vegetables which were good 
 substitutes.” ! 
 
 We may judge from this incident that a man of his tempera- 
 ment would be an important factor 1n influencing the public mind 
 in Delaware, and in the colonies as a whole. Hence, we are not 
 surprised that he was made a member of a committee to send aid 
 to the people of Boston, when the Boston Port Bill went into 
 effect.2 Again, in July 1778, he takes a leading part against the 
 Tories in Sussex County, where there was a strong influence in 
 favor of the Crown. Numerous Whigs were daily being won over 
 to the Tories by means of the maneuvers of the enemy. To count- 
 eract this Tory influence, Mr. Wilson suggests as a remedy that 
 some of the Tory prisoners, who were formerly good Whigs, turn 
 state evidence, in order to find out the secrets and methods of the 
 Tories who were using these men as “Cat’s Paws.’ With this 
 purpose in view he writes to William Bradford, of the Board of 
 War, in Philadelphia, to release a certain James Couper, provided 
 he would ‘‘make a good state evidence.” ? The danger of such a 
 role as Mr. Wilson was undertaking, is evident from a letter to 
 Mr. Bradford, written by Henry Neill, Lieutenant of the County 
 of Sussex, advising him to be very cautious about publicity of 
 the minister’s letters, as it would create many enemies, who had 
 it in ‘‘their power to injure him.”’ 4 
 
 The significance of this effort on the part of Mr. Wilson is 
 extremely important, because he was working in a regular hornet’s 
 nest of Tories. Anonymous letters, and papers of all kinds were 
 published and circulated by both factions. For instance, a pamph- 
 let was issued by the Whigs, entitled: ‘““The Bibliographical History 
 of Dionysius - - - Tyrant of Delaware, addressed to the People 
 of the United States of America. By Timoleen,” was circulated 
 after the war. This piece of propaganda, similar to others circu- 
 lated throughout the colonies, was issued by Dr. James Tilton, of 
 
 1 Neill, Rev. Edward, Matthew Wilson, D.D., of Lewes, (in the Pennsy!- 
 vania Magazine of History, Vol. VIII, p. 50) 
 
 2 Ibid, p. 51. 
 
 3 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, VIII, p. 52. 
 
 4 Thed., p.'53- 
 
 38 
 
Delaware. Among some of the interesting features of his circular, 
 he says: “From the memorable era of 1763 the progress of British 
 jealousy and the consequent attempts at arbitrary power, and the 
 dominant power over the colonies, are notorious.”! Mr. Neill 
 calls our attention to the fact that the majority of the people in 
 Sussex County favored the British Government;? but he does not 
 explain that the reasons for this were dueto several causes. In the 
 first place many of the Tories who were creating so much dis- 
 turbance in Sussex County were men who had been brought into 
 Delaware by the British government; in the second place the 
 government was in the hands of the Tory adherents;? in the third 
 place some of the most enthusiastic patriots had been enrolled 
 in the Delaware regiment, which had marched to the seat of war; 
 and, finally, many of the Whigs had been seduced “‘by the arts and 
 assiduity of the proprietary adherents.”’4 The Presbyterians, as 
 a matter of course, belonged to the Whig party, but they could do 
 little against such odds. The Tories employed runners in Kent and 
 Sussex Counties with propaganda against independence. This 
 was a period when the minds of the people were poisoned; and vast 
 numbers for the first time were opposed to the actions of Congress. 5 
 About this time the election of the government officials was con- 
 trolled by a strong force of the Tories, who agitated the country 
 against independence, and who were in opposition to the non- 
 importation acts. A case in point is illustrated by a counter 
 plot of a Mr. Robinson against the activities of Mr. Wilson. He 
 purchased a large quantity of tea and gave to all who wished to 
 use it. The committee of observation, of which Mr. Wilson was 
 a member, had an account of his conduct published in the paper. 
 Then the Light Infantry took charge of Mr. Robinson, and ordered 
 that he be denied the privilege of a seat in the assembly. However, 
 “Dionysius,” who was no other than George Read, considered 
 this a breach of privilege on the part of the Revolutionists, and 
 
 1 The Biographical History of Dionysius, p. 10. 
 
 2 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, VIII, p. 51. 
 
 3 The Bibliographical History of Dionysius, p. 16. 
 
 4 Ibid, 16-17. 
 
 5 Letter of Mr. Wilson, July 29, 1778 (in Pa. Mag. of Hist. Vol. VIII, p. 
 
 ea2,) 
 6 The Biographical History of Dionysius, p. 16. 
 
 39 
 
threats were even made to imprison “the Light Infantry for 
 offence,” says the writer, Dr. James Tilton. 
 
 This action on the part of the acting governor, George Read, 
 was an encouragement to the Tories to become more bold in their 
 stand for the retention of the British form of government, in 
 “opposition to the tyranny of Congress and committees.”! As 
 the Presbyterians were using strenuous efforts to strengthen the 
 power of Congress at this time, ‘all people” were warned by the 
 Tories against members of this denomination “who had long ago 
 made havoc in New England, and were now, no doubt, in concert 
 with the Yankees for the purpose of some secret mischief.’ ? 
 But the mischief was not always secret, for the Presbyterians 
 undoubtedly had a part in seizing a Tory, by the name of Clark, 
 who had been bold in advocating the Tory doctrine, and having 
 him placed in the pillory, “where he was pelted with eggs, and 
 disgraced as a traitor.” ? However, Clark, being an officer of the 
 law, gathered, within a very few days after his release, a number 
 of followers for the purpose of revenge; but they were expected 
 by the light infantry, who had a suitable reception ready for them 
 when they should appear. A couple of clergymen warned Clark 
 of the danger that was awaiting him, and persuaded him to return 
 home. 4 
 
 But the insurrection in Kent was very mild as compared with 
 the serious conditions in Sussex County. It appears that the 
 leaders there were in league with officers of the British ships which 
 were in the Delaware Bay, and that through their influence many 
 had become disaffected. Consequently, thousands flocked to 
 Lewes from all over the country, to take part in an insurrection 
 against the Continental Congress. Communication with the 
 general government resulted in two battalions being sent, under 
 the leadership of Colonel Miles, and the Delaware Regiment 
 under Colonel Hazlet, to keep things in order. 5 
 
 : The Biographical History of Dionysius, p. 19. 
 
 3 Ta p. 20. 
 
 4 An attempt has been made to find out who these clergymen were; but 
 
 there seems to be no available records concerning them. Op. cit. 
 5 The Biographical History of Dionysius, p. 21. 
 
 40 
 
In New Castle County also, we find some enthusiastic ad- 
 vocates for the cause of independence. The Church of the Lower 
 Brandywine is a striking example of the condition of the churches 
 in this county during the war. This was a period when the fields 
 of labor of the pastors were overrun by the enemy, “‘lying on the 
 direct line of their march.”! The Rev. Mr. Smith, the famous 
 revolutionist, had the experience of having both armies camped 
 within the field of his pastorate, while a few miles north of his 
 church was fought the famous battle of Chadd’s Ford.! South 
 of this church was that of Drawyer’s Creek, with another plucky 
 Presbyterian as its pastor. The following story of him, is given 
 on the authority of Dr. Thomas Read himself, and is worthy of 
 repetition: 
 
 “On the 25th of August, 1777, the British army disembarked 
 at Elk Ferry. General Washington was encamped near Stanton, 
 about six miles below Wilmington, and nearly equidistant from 
 the point of disembarkment of the British and Chadd’s Ford, 
 where the battle was subsequently fought, on the 1oth of Septem- 
 ber, about twenty miles from the camp. A smart skirmish at 
 Couch’s Bridge, between the outposts, and within four miles of 
 Washington’s encampment, gave the first intimation of the 
 dangerous proximity of the enemy. To give battle in such a 
 position, with our raw troops against disciplined veterans, would 
 prove ruinous—to retreat by the high road, with a well appointed 
 and regular army hanging on the rear, might prove more disastrous 
 than a pitched battle. Every preparation was instantly made for 
 the departure; but how to retreat was the great question, and it 
 demanded a speedy solution. The geographical knowledge of the 
 immediate neighborhood did not extend much beyond the limits 
 of the continuous farms, and the roads to the nearest markets; 
 and no information that could be relied upon could be obtained. 
 Between eleven and twelve o’clock at night, a council of war was 
 called; and, while the greatest anxiety prevailed, Col. Duff, a 
 gallant officer, then acting as one of Washington’s staff, entered 
 the room and exclaimed instantly, ‘I know the man that can 
 
 1 Fiske, John, The American Revolution, Vol. I, 312-314. 
 
 41 
 
extricate us.’ ‘Mount and bring him without a moment’s delay,’ 
 was the order; and immediately the Colonel was on his way to 
 execute it. After traveling about five miles, he arrived at the house 
 of Mr. Read, at twelve o’clock at night, roused him from his bed, 
 and in ten minutes his horse was at the door, and he in the saddle, 
 and both under whip and spur for the camp. In half an hour, 
 they had gone over the whole distance, notwithstanding an ex- 
 ceedingly bad road,—and Mr. Read was introduced to Washington 
 in his tent. He mapped out for the General, within a small space, 
 the whole adjacent country, with all the cross and by-roads 
 accurately marked; and by this means the general affected a safe 
 retreat to the Brandywine.” ! 
 
 We cannot fail to be assured from these accounts of the 
 attitude of the Presbyterians in the three counties of Delaware, 
 that they played an important part in the struggle for independence. 
 As a body, we learn from their records that ‘‘they prayed to the 
 God of the armies, they observed special days of fasting; they sent 
 pastoral letters to the churches, exhorting them to maintain the 
 union of the colonies, to cultivate and practice in their engagements 
 with the enemy the virtues of mercy and humanity, and above all 
 the love and fear of God.” ? As individuals, besides the men who 
 have been mentioned, there were many who deserve the highest 
 praise. Many Presbyterian ministers served in the army, among 
 whom was Mr. Montgomery, of New Castle, who enlisted in the 
 capacity of chaplain, on October 29, 1777.3 The Rev. Elihu 
 Spencer, of St. George,* and the Rev. John Miller, of Dover, 
 were zealous leaders in the cause for independence. Mr. McCreary, 
 pastor of the Presbyterian Church, at the Head of Christiana, and 
 all his people “‘were firm friends and advocates for independence.”’ ® 
 Many of the ministers joined the army and served during the full 
 period of the war; others gave up their lives on the battle field. 
 
 1 Sprague’s Annals, Vol. III, p. 302. 
 
 2 Spottswood, p. 31. 
 
 3 Ibid, p. 33. 
 
 4 Sprague, III, p. 167. 
 
 5 Ibid, p. 171. (Taken from the MS. of his son, Rev. Samuel Miller.) 
 
 6 Vallandingham, J. L., The History of the Presbytery of New Castle, 
 1717-1888, p. 14. 
 
 42 
 
Thus far we have had evidence from the records of the Synod 
 of New York and Philadelphia, and from the ministers and 
 members of the Presbyterian Churches in Delaware, to show that 
 the Presbyterians were unconditionally committed to the desperate 
 struggle for independence. This unanimity of the Presbyterians, 
 was recognized by one of the most ardent loyalists, the Rev. Mr. 
 Inglis, of New York, but formerly of Delaware. He says: “‘Al- 
 though civil liberty was the ostensible object, the bait that was 
 flung out to catch the populace at large and engage them in the 
 rebellion, yet it is now past all doubt that an abolition of the 
 Church of England was one of the principal springs of the dissenting 
 leaders’ conduct; and hence the unanimity of the dissenters in 
 this business. I have it from good authority that the Presbyterian 
 ministers, at a synod where most of them in the middle colonies 
 were collected, passed a resolve to support the Continental Con- 
 gress in all their measures. This, and this only, can account for 
 the uniformity of their conduct, for I do not know one of them, 
 nor have I been able, after strict inquiry, to hear of any, who did 
 not, by preaching and every effort in their power, promote all 
 the measures of Congress, however extravagant.” ! 
 
 THE QUAKERS 
 
 In considering the attitude of the Quakers toward the Revo- 
 lution, we must bear in mind their principles and their conduct 
 with respect to warfare since their troublesome times with the 
 frontiersmen in 1756, when they voluntarily withdrew from the 
 Pennsylvania Assembly, because they were unwilling to carry on 
 war with the Indians.2 Likewise, in 1775, they advocated the 
 same principles, when they “put forth an address for peace when 
 the very air was hot with war.’ We must also take into con- 
 sideration that in all their dealings they used methods of persua- 
 sion, of peace, and of conciliation rather than use of force. Thus, 
 
 1 State of the Anglo-American Church in 1776, by the Rev. Chas. Inglis. 
 (In Documentary History of New York, III, pp. 1050-51.) 
 
 The statements of Dr. Inglis are corroborated by the Records of the 
 Presbyterian Synod of New York and Philadelphia, pp. 466-468. 
 
 2 Jones, p. 557; Blaithewaite, pp. 605, 623. 
 3 Frothingham, p. 465. 
 
 43 
 
in the war for independence, true to their principles, as they had 
 always been on other occasions, their minutes of 1775 show that, 
 although they had a “just sense of the value” of their “religious 
 and civil liberties,” and were very desirous of preserving them, 
 they were willing to use only such measures as were consistent 
 with their principles. In the same document, they state: ““Though 
 we believe it our duty to submit to the powers which in the course 
 of Divine Providence are set over us, where there has been or is 
 any oppression or cause of suffering, we are engaged with Christian 
 meekness and firmness to petition and remonstrate against it, 
 and to endeavor by just reasoning and arguments to assert our 
 rights and privileges in order to obtain relief.” ! 
 
 As an illustration of their methods of remonstrance, we may 
 recall the Stamp Act, and their disapproval of the same, when in 
 1765, the Quakers of Philadelphia united in an appeal to their 
 fellow merchants in London to use their influence to secure its 
 appeal. In all probability this appeal had more effect than the 
 frantic attacks of New England, according to the letter of Dr. 
 Fothergill, who writes: ‘Nothing has created so great difficulties 
 to your friends, or furnished your opponents with so many argu- 
 ments against you as the tumultuous behavior of too many on 
 your side of all ranks. The Parliament saw its authority not 
 only rejected, but despised, opposed and insulted. What difficul- 
 ties has not this madness occasioned to all who endeavor to serve 
 your’? During the next two years Pemberton and Fothergill, 
 again and again, urged the “‘objections to the foolish course of the 
 English ministry.” ? Furthermore, the Society of Friends insisted 
 on obedience to laws which did not touch conscience, and advised 
 restraint and moderation in protest. 4 
 
 But by 1776, the spirit of the times had had its effects upon the 
 younger generations of Quakers; and the conservative Quakers 
 were compelled to make a strenuous effort to keep in line with 
 their views. Indeed, many broke away and joined the ranks for 
 
 1 Sharpless, Part II, p. 1. 
 
 * Sharpless, Part II, p. 94. 
 
 3 ITiid. 
 4 Thid. 
 
 44 
 
independence.! One of the most famous Quakers who had broken 
 away from the traditional beliefs of his fathers, was John Dickin- 
 son, the famous writer of the ““Farmer’s Letters,”—a man who 
 had spent most of his life in Delaware.? In 1763, he had sternly 
 rebuked Parliament for attempting to impose taxes upon the 
 colonists; and he was one of the chief leaders in the Colonies at 
 the outbreak of the Revolution. 
 
 When war was declared, the Quakers not only opposed war, 
 but they discountenanced all things which were devised for the 
 purpose of carrying it on successfully. Consequently, they were 
 subject to many trials and tribulations. For instance, they 
 objected to the issue of paper money, or notes of credit, which 
 was necessary from a financial standpoint; and many felt con- 
 strained against using paper money for such purposes.2 A case 
 in point occured in Duck Creek, Delaware, when John Cowgill 
 refused paper money. He was arrested and made to appear before 
 a body of inspectors to give an account of his conduct. After 
 declining to give assurance that he would not be found guilty of 
 such an offence again, his name was published in the newspapers; 
 whereupon he was accused of being an enemy to his country, 
 and all patriots were warned not to have any dealings with him. 
 Therefore, “some millers refused to grind his corn, whilst the 
 schoolmaster who taught his children, sent them home.’ It is 
 said that when he was enroute with his family to a meeting, not 
 long afterwards, he was accosted by a group of armed men who 
 informed him that he must appear before the Committee. Then 
 they fastened a paper to his back, with the inscription: “On the 
 circulation of the Continental currency depends the fate of 
 America.”3 Then, with this insignia of the patriotic cause still 
 attached to his back, he was conveyed in “‘a cart to a neighboring 
 town, and paraded through the streets, amidst an excited multi- 
 tude.’ 
 
 At the beginning of the Revolution, the influence of the 
 Friends was comparatively small in contrast to the period when 
 
 1 Thid. 
 2 Bowden, History of the Society of Friends, Vol. II, p. 307. 
 3 Ibid, p. 308. 
 
 45 
 
William Penn lived among them; but few of them seemed to 
 realize their weakness. They managed to keep in communication 
 with each other; and the few that remained true to the doctrines 
 of William Penn, were, practically of the same mind in all of the 
 colonies. Their attitude toward war in general, and toward the 
 Revolution in particular, may. be surmised from the following 
 minute in their Yearly-Meeting in 1775: 
 
 “We did not approve of the proceedings of the British Min- 
 istry, which irritated the Americans; we thought them ill-advised, 
 and in view of their certain effects, wicked; we would have joined with 
 our fellow-citizens in peaceful legal resistance to them, and have 
 suffered, as we have proven we are able to suffer, for the principles 
 of liberty and justice. But we do not believe in revolutions, and 
 we do not believe in war; we will not be a party in overturning the 
 beneficient charter of William Penn, nor will we aid in throwing 
 off our ultimate allegiance to the King of Great Britian. We, who 
 largely made this province, what it is, and who have shown tn the 
 past our capacity for the peaceful maintainance of rights, are 
 utterly opposed to the measures now taken, and disavow all re- 
 sponsibility for them. We cannot take part in the war, on one 
 side or the other; we cannot recognize the revolutionary govern- 
 ment, set up by illegal means, by holding office under it -or by af- 
 firming allegiance to it; nor will we assist Great Britain in the 
 unrighteous means taken to conquer the rebellious provinces; we 
 are out of the whole business, and will give comfort to neither 
 party.” ! 
 
 From an analysis of the above statement of their views, we 
 may judge that an opposition to war was their chief contention in 
 1775. They were not only opposed to war in any form; but to any 
 proceeding that was irritating in its effect. If the Colonists had used 
 peaceful means in their struggle for the “principles of liberty and 
 justice,” they would have joined them; but in the critical position 
 in which they were now placed, they could not conscientiously lend 
 their aid to either party. Hence, the doctrine of the Friends was 
 to remain neutral throughout the Revolutionary War. 
 
 1 Minutes of the Yearly Meeting of Friends in Philadelphia, 1775. 
 
 46 
 
Although the Quakers advocated the doctrine of neutrality 
 as a body, there were some individuals who were strongly in 
 sympathy with the patriots. One of the most prominent Friends, 
 who lived at the time of the outbreak of the war with England, 
 was Elizabeth Shipley, a minister of the Society of Friends, in 
 Wilmington. During her last illness, in the fall of 1777, a short 
 time after the Battle of Brandywine, and the capture of Phila- 
 delphia by the British, she became strangely solicitious about the 
 public affairs of the nation. -The Friends, some of whom had 
 known her for a period of thirty-five years, gathered around her 
 bedside to hear her last words. She called their attention to the 
 existing state of the country, which was then in such a stage of 
 despondency as to make even the most patriotic feel dismayed; 
 she alluded to the sufferings of the people, the long civil strife 
 that was still before them, and the difficulties of getting the neces- 
 sary things of life; and then said: “But I have seen in the light 
 of the Lord, that the invader of our land shall be driven back; 
 for the arm that is mighty to save and able to deliver from the 
 hand of the oppressor, is stretched forth for the deliverance of 
 this nation, which, I am firm in the faith, will secure its inde- 
 pendence.” } | 
 
 The stupenduous impression left on the minds of the Friends 
 at this juncture, is all the more remarkable from the fact that even 
 the officers of the army of the American Colonies were filled with 
 despondency. ““The solemnity of the occasion, the character of the 
 speaker, and the circumstances under which it was delivered, 
 greatly increased the interest it was otherwise well calculated to 
 excite. It was a voice from the borders of the grave, uttered by 
 one who had long been considered an extraordinary person, and 
 now just entering the portal of an eternal state.” ? 
 
 But the influence of this stirring event was not confined to 
 Delaware, as the facts of the case were sent to the editor of a 
 Whig paper in Trenton, New Jersey, who published them on 
 March 11, 1778, in the following words: 
 
 1Ferris, History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware, p. 258. 
 2 Ferris, History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware, p. 259. 
 
 47 
 
“The public has been already informed of the death of Eliza- 
 beth Shipley, of Wilmington, but a circumstance relating thereto, 
 is perhaps a secret except to a few. On her death-bed, as well as 
 during her better state of health, she was much affected with the 
 calamity that this country now labours under from the cruel 
 oppression of the King and Parliament of England; but a ray of 
 that light by which the soul can look into future events, springing 
 up in her, she was comforted; and with godly confidence declared 
 THAT THIS COUNTRY SHOULD NOT BE CONQUERED BY 
 GREAT BRITAIN. This she uttered with such solemnity that 
 it commanded the particular notice of all who heard her, 
 and is now made public for the encouragement of every well- 
 wisher to the freedom and liberties of America. Every one who 
 has had an opportunity of knowing this great and good woman, 
 whether they be Whig or Tory, will be inclined to give credit to 
 her prophecy; and for the sake of all such who knew her not, they 
 are now informed that she was a woman eminently endowed with 
 knowledge both natural and divine.”’! 
 
 Fearing the result if this article was left uncriticized by the 
 Tories, The Pennsylvania Ledger, under the patronage of Lord 
 Howe, had it reprinted, March 21, 1778, with the following intro- 
 duction: 
 
 “The publisher of last week’s Trenton paper, introduces a 
 most comfortable prophecy of a good lady, who lately died at 
 Wilmington. It is no new device among these deceivers of the 
 people (the whigs) to call in the aid of popular superstition, in 
 support of their ambitious projects. And though we think it 
 rather a profanation to amuse the people with such idle tales * * * 
 we hope our readers will excuse our asserting this of good madame 
 Shipley, not doubting but it will have all the weight which it 
 merits, with those for whose encouragement it was published in 
 New Jersey.’ ? 
 
 There is no reason to doubt the statement in regard to 
 Elizabeth Shipley, as the Tory editor would have us believe. A 
 
 1 Ibid, p. 259. 
 2 Ibid. 
 
 48 
 
survey of the story of her life will reveal the fact that she had 
 prophetic visions many times during her life, according to her 
 historians, and that they had always come true. The retort from 
 the Tories was a natural consequence, however, as she had traveled 
 throughout the Middle States, and was “‘considered one of the 
 greatest ministers of her own profession on the continent of 
 America.” ! 
 
 But this event did not lessen the sufferings of Friends, as far 
 as we have been able to obtain information concerning them. It 
 appears from their records that instead of taking part in the war, 
 they spent thousands of dollars in aiding sufferers of their own 
 denomination, who had been subject to hardships for remaining 
 steadfast to their doctrines. Officers of the army would take their 
 grain, their blankets, horses, bridles, wearing apparel, cows, sheep, 
 and other things, which the Friends possessed. Many of them, in 
 order to remain true to their principles, would not accept pay, 
 when offered, for such things that were taken for the purpose of 
 aiding in carrying on the war. Among the latter were most of the 
 members of the Duck Creek Monthly Meeting, who averaged a 
 loss of about five thousand four hundred sixty-six dollars during 
 the years 1779-1785. ? 
 
 1 Ferris, History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware, p. 258. 
 2 Michener, A Retrospect of Quakerism, pp. 396-405. 
 
 49 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 ATTITUDE OF THE CHURCHES TOWARD EDUCATION 
 
 The genesis of the educational work in Delaware may be 
 found in the religious history of the country. The Swedes,! the 
 Dutch, 2? and the English’ had different forms of schools; but in all 
 of their plans we find religious instruction the chief requirement 
 of the curriculum. In every case, the religious body in Europe 
 which controlled education in the colonies saw that their American 
 brethren had a supply of religious literature sent to them for their 
 enlightenment. Thus, we may come to the conclusion that the 
 general attitude of the early settlers of Delaware toward education 
 was to give the colonists perfect freedom in religion and educational 
 affairs. 4 
 
 Although little is known as to the real conditions for education 
 during the Dutch and Swedish régime, it is generally understood 
 by most writers of the period that the educational activities of 
 the Dutch and the Swedes were much superior to that of the 
 English.® In their instructions to the settlers both the Swedes 
 and the Dutch made provisions for a church building and a school 
 house; and, also a supply of ministers and schoolmasters.* The 
 schoolmaster had to sign a pledge to submit to the authority and 
 discipline of the church. As to the Swedes, from the time when they 
 first landed in America, up to the period of the Revolution, we find 
 the church taking a leading part in the instruction of the young. 
 Likewise, Holland had control over education in the Dutch col- 
 onies in America; and, although the Dutch régime lasted only 
 about nine years in Delaware, there are traces of their educational 
 
 1 Weeks, History of Public School Education in Delaware, p. 11. 
 * Ibid, p..13. 
 3 Powell, History of Education in Delaware, p. 38. 
 4 Weeks, p. 10. 
 
 5 Ibid, p. 11. 
 
 6 Powell, p. 23. 
 
 50 
 
system which may be found in the principles of William Penn, 
 and of the Puritan colonists who found their way into this particular 
 region. ! : | 
 
 From 1722 to 1749, the Swedes were so busy in clearing new 
 lands, and in providing for their economical needs that they 
 neglected the education of the children. Until the coming of 
 Acrelius, in 1750, the children went to the English schools. Through 
 his influence, Nils Forsberg,.a student from the University of 
 Lund, made it his duty to go from house to house in order to 
 instruct the children in their own language, and in the catechism. ? 
 From this time forward, there was a struggle on the part of the 
 Swedes to maintain separate schools; but about the time of the 
 Revolution their schools were merged into that of the English. 3 
 This was a natural thing to do, as the children at this period spoke 
 the English language more frequently than that of the Swedes. 
 The last effort on the part of the Swedes to teach the children in 
 the Swedish language was made by the pastors, who went from 
 house to house a few years before the Revolution. 3 
 
 There seems to be a difference of opinion about the quality of 
 education in the Swedish settlements. According to Bancroft, the 
 children were well instructed, in spite of the fact that they lacked 
 teachers and Swedish books. In contrast to this view, Ferris claims 
 that education was sadly neglected; but for more than forty years 
 before the Revolution the Swedes had made very little progress in 
 education. We should judge that there was a decline in education 
 as the Church was gradually amalgamated by the English church, 
 and the Swedish language was no longer spoken.‘ 
 
 1 Powell, History of Education in Delaware, p. 21. 
 
 2 Weeks, History of Public School Education in Delaware, p. 13. 
 8 Ibid, p. 13. 
 
 4 Powell, pp. 20-21. 
 
 5 
 
 fi 
 
Baptist EDUCATION 
 
 The Baptists in Delaware during the Revolutionary period 
 seem to have been at a standstill compared with what they had 
 accomplished during the early part of the eighteenth century. The 
 Welsh Tract Church was the only Baptist church in the colony at 
 this time; but it had branches in Kent County, and in Wilmington 
 and New Castle, in New Castle County. The Welsh Tract Church 
 must have had some form of educational work, for the men who 
 preached in the branches were fairly well educated in religious 
 works. However, we are inclined to believe that there was no 
 regular school conducted by the Baptists, from the fact that Abel 
 Morgan, a noted Baptist minister in the years before the Revolu- 
 tion, attended school at the academy in Pencader Hundred, under 
 the supervision of Rev. Thomas Evans, a Presbyterian minister. ! 
 
 An attempt was made by the Baptists to establish a school 
 in Pencader Hundred, as early as 1734, for the purpose of educating 
 Baptist youths for the ministry; by some arrangement made by 
 Mr. Rees Jones, who stipulated in his will that his plantation in 
 Welsh Tract be used for that purpose.? But his relatives insisted 
 on other arrangements; and there is no evidence available to show 
 that anything further was done about the matter. 
 
 An examination of the lives of the early ministers leads us 
 to believe that most of them were well educated. After they came 
 to America, the ministers that came over imparted their knowledge 
 to all youths of ability that were qualified to become preachers. 
 Few of the Baptists, however, had college degrees beforethey were 
 ordained as ministers. Many were educated for the ministry in 
 Welsh Tract, if we may judge from the number who went from 
 there to South Carolina, to Virginia, to Pennsylvania, and in the 
 various parts of Delaware. This may also be assumed to be true 
 from the prominent places given to them in Philadelphia, and the 
 interest taken by them in providing for a college for Baptist 
 ministers in Rhode Island. Although no records are available to 
 show that the members of the Welsh Tract Baptist Church were 
 
 1Sprague’s Annals, Vol. VI, p. 33. 
 * Pennsylvania Magazine of History, 1X, p. 55. 
 
 $2 
 
educated men, the fact that they were represented in nearly every 
 annual meeting from 1706 to 1776 leads us to believe that they 
 must have had a large influence in the Baptist Association. We 
 also learn from the records of the Philadelphia Baptist Association 
 that the men were faithful and consistent in doing their part for 
 the establishment and continuence of the Baptist College in 
 Rhode Island. This shows their interest in education and their 
 earnestness in providing means for the spread of their religion. ! 
 
 Up to this time the Baptist youths had to attend colleges of 
 other denominations; and although many of these colleges offered 
 equality of privileges, as far as their charters were concerned, the 
 Baptist students suffered restrictions from the students themselves. 
 In establishing a college, they followed the practice of other colleges 
 of the day, in permitting students from other denominations to 
 attend; but went a step further by forbidding all religious tests 
 as a requirement for a position in the controlling bodies, except 
 in the case of the Presidency.? Thus, the Delaware Baptists had 
 an important part in the spread of liberalism throughout the 
 colonies, one of the great factors which culminated in the Revolu- 
 tionary War. 
 
 As to the Baptist schools in Delaware, we can say but little. 
 In a colony where there was but little education at the outset, the 
 other denominations had crowded out the Baptists; and we find 
 that even in the neighborhood of the only Baptist church in the 
 colony there was a flourishing school under the control of a Pres- 
 byterian, the Rev. Thomas Evans. The famous Abel Morgan 
 attended this school, as we mentioned before, but it did not prevent 
 him from becoming a leading Baptist. ® 
 
 EPIscoPpALIAN EDUCATION 
 
 The educational activities of the Established Church is so 
 closely related to the work of the Society for the Propagation of 
 the Gospel in Foreign Parts that a brief survey of this venerable 
 
 1 Arnold, History of Rhode Island, Vol. II, p. 248. 
 
 2 Arnold, History of Rhode Island, II, p. 249. 
 3 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, Il, p. 344. 
 
 $3 
 
Society may be necessary to understand what was really ac- 
 complished under extreme difficulties. The chief purposes of the 
 Society were: (1) To provide for the maintenance of orthodox 
 ministers of the gospel for the instruction of the British subjects 
 in the colonies in religious knowledge; (2) to make provision for 
 the propagation of the gospel among the Indians, and in the 
 desolate regions; and (3) to receive, manage, and dispose of the 
 charity donated by the people.! Naturally, it came within the 
 province of this Society to aid in the work of education. Besides 
 supplying missionaries to the Colonists and the Indians “it ap- 
 pointed catechists and schoolmasters for the slaves, with other 
 ignorant persons, and for sending over libraries for the improve- 
 ment of the clergy, as well as practical treatises for the edification 
 of the laity.”’2 Thus, we do not hesitate to say that this famous 
 Society was the first organization for universal education in Dela- 
 ware. ° 
 
 It was in conformity to the rules of this Society that the Rev. 
 George Ross was sent to New Castle, Delaware, as a missionary. 
 From the very beginning of his career, during the early part of 
 the eighteenth century, he was interested in education; and he 
 made many earnest efforts to find some means to educate the people. 
 But the difficulties were great, and the facilities for education were 
 meager. The only available method during the first decades of 
 the century was to catechise the children on Sundays, before the 
 sermon, or at other convenient times.4 The first effort to secure 
 a schoolmaster in Delaware was in 1711, when the vestrymen of 
 the Church in New Castle petitioned the Society for one; but the 
 records do not indicate that one was sent. 
 
 The conditions in Delaware at this time must have been very 
 trying to the missionaries, who were men of superior qualifications 
 and education, as is illustrated by a letter from the Rev. George 
 Ross in 1727. In his letter to the Society, he says: ““There are 
 some private schools within my reputed district which are put very 
 
 1 Classified Digest of the Records of the S. P. G., p. 3. 
 2 Powell, p. 35. 
 
 3 Weeks, p. 16. 
 
 4 Perry, Historical Collections, Vol. V., p. 30. 
 
 5 Tbid, p. 47. 
 
 54 
 
often into the hands of those who are brought into the country and 
 sold as servants. Some school-masters are hired by the year, by 
 a knot of families who, in their turns, entertain him monthly, and 
 the poor man lives in their houses liked one that begged an alm, 
 more like a person in credit than authority. When a ship arrives 
 in the river it is a common expression with those who stand in 
 need of an instructor for their children, Let us go and buy a School 
 Master. The truth is the office and character of such a person 
 is generally very mean and contemptible here, and it can not be 
 other ways, ’til the public take the Education of Children into 
 their natural consideration.” ! 
 
 About the same time that the Rev. George Ross was struggling 
 for some means of educating the young people in New Castle 
 County, the Rev. Thomas Crawford was making similar efforts in 
 Kent County. He too was a zealous worker for the spread of the 
 gospel and for the education of the young people. “The People at 
 his first coming among them were very ignorant; insomuch that 
 he informs, not one Man in the Country understands how the 
 Common-Prayer Book was to be read; and he was forced to 
 instruct them privately at home, in the Method of reading the 
 Liturgy; for the more general Instruction of the People, he used 
 to preach one Sunday at the upper end of the County, another at 
 Dover Church, and a third at the Lower end of the County. 
 He used to catechise the children all summer long, before sermon, 
 but not in the Winter.”’? 
 
 Likewise, in Sussex, where a great part of the inhabitants were 
 seamen, an attempt was made to educate the people. Through the 
 influence of the Rev. Thomas Crawford, books on religion, Bibles 
 and prayer books were sent to them from England. Fifteen pounds 
 sterling was allowed the people of Lewes by the Society, as a 
 fund for purchasing books.* But the people in all of these counties 
 were not as enthusiastic about their education as the ministers 
 were; and before the close of the first quarter of the eighteenth 
 
 1 Ibid, p. 47 
 2 Powell, p. 37. 
 3 Powell, p. 38. 
 
 55 
 
century the Church was becoming unpopular, and was on the 
 verge of falling to pieces. ! 
 
 An investigation as to the conditions in Delaware was made 
 by Governor William Keith, who was instrumental in bringing 
 about a revival. Through his influence, Mr. Becket was sent to 
 Lewes in 1721, under the supervision of the Society; and in a short 
 time a church was built. In connection with the church, as a 
 matter of course, instruction of the young people was again taken 
 up. Aid was given by the Society until 1770, when the Rev. 
 Israel Acrelius, the Swedish clergyman, received a large number 
 of books to be distributed throughout the colony to the people 
 who needed them. This was the last service, as far as the records 
 reveal, of the Society in Delaware. ? 
 
 We may see from this general survey of the conditions in 
 Delaware during these years, that the work of the Society for the 
 Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, was primarily to 
 upbuild the strength of the Established Church; and the chief 
 purpose to inculcate in the minds of the children and ignorant 
 persons certain principles toward this end. Therefore, great care 
 was taken to train the children, and others, so that they could be 
 able to enter into the fellowship of the Church, with more “‘decency 
 and satisfaction.” * The children of dissenters were also given 
 the privilege of learning, and in this way many of them were 
 enrolled as members of the Church. 4 
 
 PRESBYTERIAN EDUCATION 
 
 To the Presbyterians belongs the honor of having done more 
 for the education of the people of Delaware than any other denom- 
 ination. From the beginning of their existence as an organized body 
 in the Colonies, they laid great stress on the value of an education 
 for both the laity and the clergy. At the outset it was insisted 
 that no one could enter the Presbyterian ministry who was not a col- 
 
 1 Id, p. 38. 
 
 2 Powell, p. 38. 
 
 3 Abstract Proceedings of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
 in Foreign Parts, 1774-1775, p. 32. 
 
 4 Ibid, p. 67. 
 5 McGill, Short History of American Presbyterianism, pp. 138-9. 
 
 56 
 
lege graduate. Toread and write Latin, and Greek in many cases, 
 was one of the necessary requirements.! In the beginning of their 
 experiences, the ministers were graduates from Scotland or from 
 New England Colleges; and in some instances they were graduates 
 from England or Ireland; just as in other denominations. But, 
 by gradual degrees they finally were able to establish a college of 
 their own where they could ordain their ministers without depend- 
 ing upon foreign supplies. Indeed, the organization of the Presby- 
 terian church in the colonies, had this in mind when they first met 
 in Philadelphia to form a Presbytery, which later developed 
 into the famous Philadelphia Synod. 
 
 A survey of the work of the Presbyterians in the education of 
 ministers would not be complete without a brief sketch of the 
 history of the Presbyteries whose vast importance can not bedenied. 
 The first Presbytery was that of New Castle, which was organized 
 on March 13,1717.2 Five ministers of Delaware were present at the 
 first meeting. An earnest request having been made by the people 
 of North East, Maryland, for a minister, the Presbytery appointed 
 each minister present to preach one time before the next meeting. ? 
 Thus, the missionary spirit, which was destined to be of great 
 influence in the spread of the gospel and liberal ideas, was exempli- 
 fied in this first meeting, and was one of the chief factors of the 
 body. 
 
 During the next thirteen years eight ministers were ordained 
 by the Presbytery, and twenty were enrolled as members;‘* and 
 by 1731 twenty-seven elders had attended the meeting of the 
 Presbytery. During the next twenty-eight years twenty-two 
 members were received from other Presbyteries, and thirteen were 
 received by ordination.® This shows the rapid spread of Presby- 
 byterianism in Delaware during these eventful years; and gives 
 some idea of the Presbyterian influence over civil and religious 
 affairs. 
 
 1 Ibid, p. 138. 
 
 2 Vallandingham, History of the Presbytery of New Castle, 1717-1888, p, 3 
 
 ; opine! History of the Presbytery of New Castle, p. 3. 
 
 5 Ibid, p. 8. 
 6 Ibid, pp. 9-11. 
 
 57 
 
During the period from 1759 to 1773, the main business of 
 this Presbytery was to examine and license candidates for the 
 ministry; to ordain and install pastors; to supply vacancies, either 
 by sending settled pastors to give part of their time to vacancies, 
 or to grant permission for licentiates to preach on probation in 
 these desolate regions.! This advantage for a provision for the 
 supply of ministers within the colony itself caused much comment 
 on the part of the clergy of the Established Church, who had to 
 depend on England for supplies. It also gave the Presbyterians 
 freedom of action, and an initiative, which made them.a tre- 
 mendous power in forming public opinion; and in the leadership 
 in this colony for the principles of civil and religious liberty. 
 
 We have mentioned the fact that the Episcopalians have the 
 credit of making education universal in Delaware; but it remained 
 for the Presbyterians to raise the standards of education so that 
 the children of the worthy colonists could have the advantage of a 
 college within their own neighborhood. As early as 1738 the 
 Presbytery of Lewes made a proposal to the Synod of Philadelphia, 
 as follows: “That this part of the world where God has ordered 
 our lot, labours under a grievous disadvantage for want of the 
 opportunities of universities, and professors skilled in the several 
 branches of useful learning, and that many students from Europe 
 are especially cramped in persecuting their studies, their parents 
 removing to these colonies before they have an opportunity of 
 attending the college, after having spent some years at the grammar 
 school; and that many persons born in this country groan under the 
 same pressure, whose circumstances are not able to support them 
 to spend a course of years in Europe, or New England colleges, 
 which discourages much, and must be a detriment to our church; 
 for we know that natural parts, however promising, for want of 
 being well improved, must be marred of their usefulness; and can- 
 not be so extensively serviceable to the public, and the want of 
 due pains and care paves the way for ignorance, and this for a 
 formidable train of sad consequences. To prevent this evil, it is 
 humbly proposed as a remedy, that every student who has not 
 
 1 Ibid, pp.9-11. 
 
 58 
 
studied with approbation, passing the usual courses in some of 
 the New England, or European colleges, approved by public 
 authority, shall, before he be encouraged by any Presbytery for 
 the sacred work of the ministry, apply himself to this Synod, and 
 that they appoint a committee of their members yearly, whom they 
 know to be well skilled in the several branches of philosophy, and 
 divinity, and the languages, to examine such students in this place, 
 and finding them well accomplished in those several parts of learn- 
 ing, shallallow them a public téstimonial from the Synod, which, till 
 better provisions be made, will in some measure answer the design 
 of taking a degree in college. And for encouragement of students 
 let this be done, without putting them to further expense than 
 attending. And let it be an objection against none, where they have 
 read, or what books, but let all encouragement be only according 
 to merit. And ’tis hoped this will fill our youth with a laudable 
 emulation, prevent errors young men may imbibe by reading with- 
 out direction, or things of little value, will banish ignorance, fill our 
 infant church with men eminent for parts and learning, and advance 
 the glory of God, and the honour of our Synod both at home and 
 among our neighbors, who conceive a low opinion of us for want of 
 such favorable opportunities. "Tis further proposed, that all that 
 are not licensed to preach the gospel, what university. or college 
 wheresoever they come from, may undergo the same trials.” ! 
 
 An analysis of this important document brings out the follow- 
 ing facts: (1) The colonists were suffering from lack of an oppor- 
 tunity of attending college, after having completed their elemen- 
 tary education; (2) the students who had recently come over, as 
 well as the ones who were natives of Delaware were being deprived 
 of a college education; (3) that the public would lose some good 
 leaders, if the natural talents of these students were not developed; 
 (4) That there were numerous men in their own Synod who could 
 handle courses in philosophy, divinity and the languages in such a 
 way that their instruction would be equal to the knowledge gained 
 in college; (5) that instruction would be without expense to the stu- 
 dents; (6) that encouragement would be given according to merit; 
 
 1 Records of the Presbyterian Church, p. 141. 
 
 59 
 
(7) that this would be a means of encouraging the youths to study, 
 and therefore, would dispel the ignorance so prevalent in these 
 regions; (8) and, finally,..t would force the Episcopalians to respect 
 their ministers as men of learning and prominence. Thirty years 
 before hostilities began, therefore, the Presbyterians, through the 
 power of their religion, were breaking away from the powers that 
 be, and were providing themselves with an education that would 
 fit men to take their places among the foremost statesmen of the 
 Revolutionary period. Their love and desire for education was 
 an inheritance from their forefathers; but their initiative in pro- 
 viding for education under new environments is worthy of the 
 admiration of every intelligent people.! As some idea of the 
 work of educating and examining the ministers has already been 
 given, it is merely necessary to add that the Presbyteries of 
 Lewes and New Castle, in Delaware, supplied a college educa- 
 tion for candidates for the Presbyterian ministry, and they also 
 were influential in establishing the Old Log Church in New 
 Jersey, a college organized primarily for the education of Pres- 
 byterian ministers. 
 
 A revision of this order was made in 1739, which provided 
 that the candidates for the ministry “‘shall be examined by the 
 whole Synod, or its commission, as to those preparatory studies 
 which we generally pass through at the college, and if they find him 
 qualified, they shall give him a certificate, which shall be received 
 by our respective Presbyteries as equivalent to a diploma or 
 certificate from the college.” ? 
 
 As a matter of course, the adherents of Log College, at Nesh- 
 iminy, which had primarily been designed for the education of 
 the four sons of William Tennent, and later developed into a college 
 for the Presbyterian ministry, raised serious objections.* It 
 appeared to them that their work was being discounted, and that 
 a Synodical college was to be erected. In retaliation, the members 
 of the Log College faction ignored the rule of the Synod of Phila- 
 
 1Vallandinham, History of the Presbytery of New Castle. p 3. 
 2 Ford, The Scotch-Irish in America, p. 420; Records of Philadelphia 
 
 Synod, p. 147. 
 ’ Murphy, The Presbytery of Log College, p. 73. 
 
 60 
 
delphia, and licensed John Rowland, a Log College graduate. 
 However, Rowland was notified that he would have to abide by 
 the ruling of the Synod, and would not be permitted to preach 
 until he submitted to an examination by that body. 
 
 In order to carry out the designs of the Synod, a committee 
 was appointed to meet at Philadelphia for the purpose of making 
 plans for the erection of an institution of learning that would 
 meet the needs of anyone who wished a higher education. Two 
 members were to go to Europe to obtain aid, but various things 
 delayed them in this pursuit, such as the war between Spain and 
 England, and friction at home with respect to church discipline. } 
 In the meantime the Log College forces had joined the Synod of 
 New York in an attempt to form the Synod of New Jersey, with 
 the intention of making application for a charter from the govern- 
 ment for the College of New Jersey. But the death of William 
 Tennent, May 6, 1746, acted as a palliative upon the members of 
 the Philadelphia Synod and Log College, and they came to an 
 understanding that, after all, they were both striving for the same 
 ideal, and it would be to their interests to unite their energies. 
 As a result, five of the twelve of the trustees for the College were 
 elected from the Log College adherents. ? 
 
 The College of New Jersey, which sprang into being from 
 the suggestions made by the Lewes Presbytery in the Annual 
 Meeting of the Synod of Philadelphia, 1738, was differentiated 
 from other colleges of similar equipment, from the fact of its broad 
 policy, for it was not designed as “a denominational agency but 
 as an educational agency from which all the learned professors 
 could benefit.”” The privilege of higher education should not debar 
 anyone “on account of any speculative principles of religion” 
 has been the policy of the college through the years when it was 
 called The College of New Jersey, and since that time under the 
 University of Princeton. ° 
 
 1Ford, p. 421. 
 
 2 Ibid, p. 424; Records, p. 185. 
 
 2Ford, p. 424. There are various opinions as to the origin of the College 
 of New Jersey. In 1822, President Ashbel Green claimed that the origin of 
 the College was due to a rupture in 1741, which resulted in the division of 
 the Synod of Philadelphia, and the organization of the Synod of New York 
 
 as a rival body. 
 3 Ibid, p. 425. 
 
 61 
 
Thus it may be seen that the initiative of the Delaware 
 Presbytery in 1738, was a powerful factor from a religious and 
 educational point of view, which had a tremendous influence over 
 the men who piloted the affairs of state through two of the greatest 
 critical periods of our history. 
 
 QUAKER EDUCATION 
 
 Although the Episcopalians have the honor of being the 
 first to introduce universal education into Delaware, and the 
 Presbyterians for their provisions for higher education, there 
 remain two honors for the Quakers which mark them as worthy 
 leaders in the intellectual world. They have the honor of making 
 the first provision for a school of industrial arts; and they were the 
 first to provide for a public school system.! When under the 
 government of Pennsylvania, a provision was made for the govern- 
 ment to erect and control a public school system; and for the 
 encouragement of inventions and sciences, a suitable reward was 
 offered. A committee was also provided to look after the conduct 
 of the children as well as the adults of the province, in order to 
 train them in virtuous ways of living. Another law provided for 
 industrial education of all children twelve years old or over, to 
 prepare for any emergency that might arise in their future lives. ? 
 This was the basis of industrial education in the United States. 
 The study of manual training seemed to be of more importance 
 than a knowledge of the languages and literature, according to 
 the ideas of the great leader of the Quakers, who planned his 
 form of government in 1682. 
 
 After the “Great Law’ was passed by the Pennsylvania 
 legislature, it was provided that this book of laws should be taught 
 in all schools.? Other laws followed, which provided for the 
 building of school houses, and the governor of the province to- 
 gether with one-third of the council were to constitute a com- 
 mittee to manage the education of the younger generation. 
 
 1 Powell, pp. 28-29. 
 
 2 Ibid, p. 28. 
 
 3 Charters and Laws of the Province of Pennsylvania, p. 123. 
 William and Mary abrogated this law, 1693. 
 
 62 
 
Compulsory education was provided for by forcing all who did 
 not have their children educated in reading and writing before 
 reaching the age of twelve, a fine of five pounds was to be 
 paid for every healthy and sound child. Besides, children were 
 to be taught some useful trade, which clearly anticipated 
 our present method of industrial education. This law for 
 compulsory education far exceeds any other provision of a similar 
 nature made in America, because there was no opportunity to 
 evade the law. However, the law was abrogated ten years later, 
 under the rule of William and Mary; but was re-enacted at a 
 later time, and remains on record to the present time as a fitting 
 memorial of the interest in education taken by the Quakers. ! 
 
 The oldest school in Delaware which has had a continuous 
 existence since its establishment, is‘the Friends’ School in Wil- 
 mington. It is indeed a quaint old relic of the colonial days, 
 standing near the center of the city just as it stood during the 
 Revolutionary period. On the inside are the colonial ‘“‘forms’’ and 
 the straight-backed benches. The little chapel, which is really 
 a part of the school, has stood the test of ages, and the Friends 
 are there also, carrying out their principles just as they did in the 
 pre-Revolutionary period. This old school was built in 1748, and 
 served as an elementary school up to the time of the Revolution, 
 where the chief studies taught were “‘Readin, ’Riten, and ’Rith- 
 metic.” 2 But, probably more students passed through its doors 
 with a knowledge of these subjects than can be credited to any 
 other school within the bounds of Delaware. Thus, we may say 
 that the Quakers have the honor of making more general provisions 
 for the education of the younger children than those which were 
 made by any other denomination. ° 
 
 WILMINGTON SCHOOLS 
 
 Unfortunately, these commendable beginnings on the part 
 of the various denominations were not conducive to an establish- 
 ment for a public school system. There was a general tendency 
 
 1 Powell, p. 29. 
 
 2 Ibid, p. 43. 
 1 Powell, p. 43. 
 
 63 
 
on the part of each of the sects to provide denominational schools 
 of higher learning, with a general purpose for the preparation to 
 become ministers of the gospel. On the other hand, with the 
 exception of the schools under the control of the Quakers, the 
 younger students had to depend upon private schools for their 
 elementary education. There were numerous schools in Delaware 
 throughout the colonial period, run by private individuals, regard- 
 less of racial or religious differences. The teachers of these schools 
 were not well educated; but they had strong moral characters, 
 and naturally had a good influence in the community. The 
 course of instruction, in general, was very elementary, including 
 reading, writing and arithmetic, and sometimes needlework for 
 girls. 
 
 One of the most popular of these schools was conducted by 
 Mrs. Elizabeth Way, an energetic Baptist, from the Brandywine 
 Church, who moved to Wilmington in 1764. Her famous school 
 was established for the instruction of needlework, and during her 
 thirty years of service, nearly two-thirds of the female inhabitants 
 of the town could boast that they had studied the art of shirt- 
 making, or of fancy work under her strict supervision. Mrs. 
 Montgomery, who knew her personally, remembered that she kept 
 “a bunch of switches or cat-o’nine-tails” which “were freely used 
 to correct the naughty.” ! In case any of them slighted her work, 
 leather spectacles had to be worn; and if any of the girls held the 
 head too low, or bent too far forward, while sewing, there were 
 various ways of punishment to make the “‘crooked way Straight.” ! 
 
 John Thedwell was another famous schoolmaster in Wil- 
 mington during the Revolutionary period. Besides teaching school, 
 his duties were so numerous that we would be inclined to call him 
 a ““Jack-of-all-trades,” were he living at the present time. According 
 to the account of his friend, Mrs. Montgomery, he was “‘an ex- 
 horter,” “a ruler,” “a clerk of the market,” “a bellman,” and 
 “a crier.”’? In his school he used the ancient Horn Book, which 
 was merely a thin board, containing the alphabet, the numerals, 
 
 1 Powell, p. 41. 
 a 1bid, paA?2: 
 
 64 
 
and the Lord’s prayer, covered over with a transparent piece of 
 horn, and securely fastened to a brass plate, to “‘protect it from 
 the unwashed fingers of the pupils.”! After the Revolution, 
 England ceased to import this important article, and the future 
 generations had to be content with Dillworth’s old spelling book, 
 as a substitute. The school was opened by prayer and the singing 
 of a hymn; and the Bible was used as a text book for the Senior 
 class. If perchance, a spirit of independence held sway for a 
 moment, the ferule was at hand to subdue the young republican 
 until further subjection was found to be necessary. Both boys 
 and girls attended this school, but strange to say, the boys went 
 in at the front entrance, and the girls up the alley. However, 
 it is probable that the eldest sae of John Thedwell had 
 
 entire charge of the girls. ? 
 
 Among other noted schoolmasters in Wilmington, may be 
 mentioned Master Wilson, who had been made notorious as the 
 first man in Delaware who objected to higher education for 
 women. Although his school was open to both sexes, he did not 
 think it necessary for girls to “go in arithmetic further than simple 
 division, "cause it was no use; only tom boys, with big slates, 
 would care to cipher in the Double Rule of Three.” Another was 
 James Filson, who taught school in Wilmington during the pre- 
 Revolutionary period. After the Revolution, he returned; but 
 decided later to make his abode with Daniel Boone in Kentucky, 
 and while there he became a famous historian. 4 
 
 These numerous schools in Wilmington, such as they were, 
 just before the Revolution, leads us to believe that there was an 
 opportunity for all who had money to pay for their schooling, and 
 in many cases for those poorer people who wished to go to school, 
 but could not afford to pay for it. From the accounts given, it is 
 evident that the schools were of a very low grade as compared 
 with the schools of the present day; but, judging from the strict 
 supervision over the conduct of the pupils, more attention was 
 
 1 Ibid, p. 42. 
 
 2 Powell, p. 42. 
 
 3 Ibid, p. 47. 
 ‘ Ibid. 
 
paid to the morals than to the actual knowledge of the subject 
 to be learned. 
 
 The Old Academy of Wilmington, which was built in 1765, 
 was an institution built by some of the chief leaders of the town. 
 The Rev. Lawrence Girelius, Bishop White, Hon. Thomas McKean, 
 Dr. Robert Smith, Thomas Gilpin, Dr. Nicholas Way, and Joseph 
 Shallcross, were the first trustees; and Robert Patterson was the 
 first President. We do not know how well he taught his pupils in 
 the various branches of knowledge before the Revolutionary War 
 broke out; but as soon as hostilities began he turned his establish- 
 ment into a military school; and after his pupils had become 
 sufficiently well versed in military tactics, he took several of them 
 with him to the war. ! 
 
 About 1774, the Quakers became very much alarmed at the 
 diminution of their membership; and at their yearly meeting they 
 urged parents to take great care in instructing them in the prin- 
 ciples of their religion. They were particularly solicituous about 
 the kind of schoolmasters and schoolmistresses under whom they 
 were instructed; for they wished their children to lead a life of 
 self-denial.2_ And, although the Friends were unable to carry out 
 their plans in this respect, it is interesting to note that as soon as 
 hostilities were ended between the mother country and hér colonies, 
 the Quakers began to be less fearful of their religion, and of their 
 records; and it was found that in nearly every place where there 
 was an established Quaker meeting-house, there was invariably a 
 school attached to it. 
 
 NEWARK ACADEMY 
 
 The most famous school for higher education in Delaware is 
 Newark Academy, whose foundation was laid when the famous 
 Lewes proposal was made to the Synod in 1738.3 A few years 
 before it was organized, a great stream of emigrants came from 
 Scotland and Ireland, bringing with them many schoolmasters, 
 thus furnishing an opportunity for every Presbyterian settlement 
 
 1 Powell, p. 47. 
 
 * Wickersham, A History of Education in Pennsylvania, p. 85. 
 ® Weeks, History of Public Education in Delaware, p. 17. 
 
 66 
 
to have a schoolmaster. The usual method of instruction followed 
 by these schoolmasters was for the children to study the catechism 
 at home, and to recite it at school. The Psalms was commonly 
 sung, at the spinning wheel, over the cradle, or in the fields; and 
 the catechisms had to be learned by old and young, rich and 
 poor, servant and master.? 
 
 Many of these settlers landed in Delaware, mainly in the 
 northern part, and along the seacoast. Among them were some of 
 the best classes of people that the countries of Scotland and Ireland 
 could produce; and yet, many of them were poor, and could not 
 afford to go to any further expense for their education. Hence, 
 the school was established by the Presbyterians with the purpose 
 of forming it into a college later. At first the school was established 
 at New London, Pennsylvania, but was removed to Newark, 
 Delaware, in 1752. The first principal was Francis Allison, who 
 was called by President Stiles, of Yale, ‘the greatest classical 
 scholar in America, especially in Greek.”2 The Rev. Edward 
 Neill said of him: “‘As a Scotch-Irish Presbyterian, Allison was 
 imbued with the idea that the school was as necessary to the 
 church as the anvil to the blacksmith, and that Christianity must 
 advance by employing keen-eyed science as her servant. He was 
 among the first to agitate for a college in Pennsylvania and 
 Delaware.” * His life is also remarkable because of the famous 
 men who studied under him. Among them were: Col. John 
 Bayard; Ebenezer Hazard, United States Post-Master General, 
 1782-89; John Henry, United States Senator, 1789-97, governor 
 of Maryland; James Latta, D.D., a famous Presbyterian clergy- 
 man; Col. Alexander Martin, governor of North Carolina; Dr. 
 John Ewing, provost of the University of Pennsylvania; Thomas 
 McKean, signer of the Declaration, president of Congress, 1781, 
 governor of Pennsylvania, 1799-1808; George Read, United States 
 senator from Delaware, 1789-1793; and many others.4 Surely, 
 the assumption made in the Synod of Philadelphia, that the 
 
 1 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, VIII, p. 45. 
 2 Powell, pp. 73-74. 
 3 
 
 4 Powell, 73-74. 
 
 67 
 
Presbyterians could establish a college that would produce men 
 of prominence had been exemplified long before the Revolution. 
 
 The importance of the school lies in the fact that it served as 
 a basis for preparing men for the ministry, and to rear men to 
 take their places in the state as statesmen, fitted for the tasks that 
 affronted them in 1775. What more fitting agency could have 
 been made than this institution of learning which educated many 
 Congressmen, many writers, and many lawyers, ministers, and, 
 therefore, prepared them for the fight for independence when the 
 final day arrived. It was at the height of its prosperity as a colonial 
 institution, at the outbreak of the war; but, in 1777, Thomas 
 McKean, governor of Delaware, says of it: “On my arrival, I 
 found all the records and papers of the County of New Castle, and 
 every shilling of the public money, together with the fund belonging 
 to the trustees of Newark Academy, and upwards of $25,000 in 
 Continental Loan Office, etc., had been captured at Wilmington.” ! 
 
 Although the exact account has not been ascertained, it 1s 
 interesting to note that a majority of the famous men of Delaware 
 have been connected with this institution at some time during 
 their lives in the pre-Revolutionary days. Another factor, of vital 
 importance in the history of the institution, is the fact-that great 
 care was taken by the Synod to make it an institution on a level 
 or in affiliation with Harvard and Yale. As early as 1745 the 
 Synod of Philadelphia sent an application to the trustees of Yale 
 “to receive their scholars at such stages as their efficiency warranted 
 and to admit them after one year’s residence to a degree.””? From 
 the fact that a favorable response? was sent shortly afterwards 
 leads us to believe that this was a superior college at this time of 
 its existence; and, also afterwards, if we may judge a college from 
 the type of people who graduate there. 
 
 Its rank as a college of a high type of learning was due in a 
 large measure to the fact that it was under the direct supervision 
 of trustees appointed by the Synod, who met twice a year “to 
 inspect the master’s diligence and methods of teaching, to direct 
 
 2 Porter, p. 6. 
 1 Powell, p. 72. 
 
 68 
 
what authors are chiefly to be read in the several branches of 
 learning, to examine the scholars as to their proficiency and good 
 conduct, and applying the money procured to such uses as they 
 judge proper, and to order all affairs relating to the schools.” ! 
 Several ministers and gentlemen helped them to start a library, 
 which added to the success of the school.? In 1773, a permanent 
 endowment fund was formed as a result of generous donations 
 from the Penns and other worthy gentlemen.? This interest on the 
 part of the Penns, was, no doubt, aroused by the famous alumni# 
 who lived in Pennsylvania. 
 
 KENT County SCHOOLS 
 
 In Kent County the schools were similar to those in New 
 Castle County, but fewer in number. The people in this section 
 of Delaware were much more ignorant than they were in the 
 communities north of them, owing to the fact that there was a 
 different type of people who made up the majority of the popula- 
 tion, and also that there were more scattered communities, and 
 fewer schools. The first knowledge of schools in this section is 
 given by Dr. Nathaniel Luff, who attended a school in Dover, 
 1767-1768. He says: “Here I was no longer set on my feet and 
 introduced to my associates than I was led out to battle; as children 
 fight cocks so did these corrupt youths of Dover entrap the innocent 
 and unguarded into a maze of error and dissipation, proportioned 
 to each one’s age and circumstances. A few men anxious for the 
 promotion of their children were excessively gulled by tutors; 
 themselves, unacquainted with the learned languages and sciences, 
 prompted by ambition and secured by wealth, they were willing 
 to go great lengths but for want of proper knowledge they expended 
 their money to little purpose, and established habits that were 
 unsubstantial and hard to eradicate. Thus it was that after being 
 
 1 Records of the Philadelphia Synod, p. 187. 
 
 2 Thid, p. 188. 
 
 * Porter, p. 6. 
 
 4 Powell, p. 74. (Powell says: It appears that Dr. Allison instructed no 
 less than four Governors, eight Congressmen, and four signers of the Declaration 
 of Independence. Certainly few schoolmasters in the United States ever 
 
 taught a larger number of pupils who afterwards acquired such distinguished 
 reputation.) 
 
 69 
 
two years at school to acquire a knowledge of the Latin language, 
 I was so improperly taught that on my going to Philadelphia I 
 had to begin again, and I found the mode of tuition so diverse 
 that it would have been for my benefit had it been my first essay, 
 and the school tuition was more than two prices in Dover to what 
 it was in Philadelphia, so that I had to pay double price for errone- 
 ous principles.” } 
 
 It appears from these statements that the people were becom- 
 ing aroused to the need of education; but many of them were so 
 ignorant that they were incapable of judging the qualities of a 
 good teacher. From another standpoint, it may have been that 
 they were compelled to employ poor teachers, or suffer the penalty 
 of being deprived of teachers altogether. 
 
 SussEx County SCHOOLS 
 
 In Sussex County also the educational advantages appear to 
 have been atlow ebb. From all information thatcan be gained from 
 available records, there does not seem to have been a schoolmaster 
 there before 1734, when John Russel,is mentioned as performing the 
 functions of a deputy recorder as well as an educator.? Traditions 
 there were that Lewes had been preeminent throughout the Middle 
 Colonies for its provisions for female education; but there is 
 nothing definite to indicate the authenticity thereof. However, 
 there must have been some form of education even before the time 
 of John Russel. Some people must have been interested from the 
 fact that a special provision was made for the support of schools 
 in Lewes by Thomas Lloyd who ordered that the income obtained 
 from the Grand Marsh, a grazing section situated northwest of 
 the town, should be used for school purposes.? Again, it does not 
 appear reasonable that in a community where a Presbytery had 
 made such an earnest petition for a higher institution of learning, 
 would neglect the elementary education, which furnished a back- 
 ground for the success of a university, or college. 
 
 An interesting feature connected with the Lewes schools is 
 the tradition that the first girls’ school in America was established 
 
 1 Quoted by Powell, p. 74. 
 2 Powell, p. 61. 
 
in this town. Nothing definite is known about it; but it was 
 probably in existence in the latter part of the seventeenth century. 
 In referring to this period, Watson, the historian, says: “‘At this 
 early period of time so much had the little town, Lewistown, at 
 our southern cape the preeminence in female tuition, that Thomas 
 Lloyd, the deputy governor, preferred to send his youngest 
 daughters from Philadelphia to that place to finish their educa- 
 tion.””! 
 
 1 Jbid, Note. 
 
 ve 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 SLAVERY IN DELAWARE DURING THE 
 REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD 
 
 Laws RELATING TO SLAVERY 
 
 Before entering into the subject of slavery from the viewpoint 
 of the denominations, it is well to know something about the 
 restrictions on slavery made by the government of Delaware. 
 In 1767, an act was passed for the better regulation of slavery. 
 This was found necessary, owing to the fact that experience with 
 free negroes had shown them to “be idle and slothful, and often 
 prove burdensome to the neighborhood wherein they live, and 
 are evil examples to slaves.” ! In the case of a negro above the 
 age of thirty-five, or one who was infirm, and unable to take care 
 of himself, an indemnity of thirty pounds must be furnished by 
 the owner, in order to secure the colony from any charge that 
 might be incurred in case of illness, or inability to support one’s 
 self, and the negro would not receive his freedom until this 
 was paid. ! 
 
 Another act of the Legislature was found necessary to be 
 made for the support of negro children, whose parents either refused 
 or were unable to take care of them. The law provides that the 
 Justice of the Peace and the Overseer of the Poor form themselves 
 into a committee to bind these children out to servitude until they 
 were twenty-one in the case of males, and eighteen in the case of 
 females. ” 
 
 There was also an act wherein free negroes were prohibited 
 from entertaining slaves; and in case of a violation of this act 
 they were subject to a fine. Inability, or a refusal to pay the 
 fine, resulted in a public whipping. Certain rewards were also 
 
 1 Delaware Laws, Vol. I, p. 210. 
 
 2 Ibid, 214, 435. 
 3 Delaware Laws, Vol. I, p. 214. 
 
 72 
 
offered for taking up slaves who ventured ten miles from home. ! 
 And, any one who stole a slave, or who bought a stolen slave, was 
 to be subject to the death penalty without the benefit of clergy. ? 
 
 THE Baptists AND SLAVERY 
 
 The Baptists in Delaware have left no records as to their 
 attitude toward slavery; but it is reasonable to surmise that there 
 was very little slavery ownership among the members of this 
 religious sect in the colony. It is not probable that the people who 
 lived within their fields of labor around the Welsh Tract Church, 
 near Iron Hill, would be likely to own slaves as most of these 
 inhabitants were miners, shop keepers, blacksmiths, with a few 
 bankers and lawyers as a very small part of the community. 
 However, there is a possibility of a few planters owning slaves in 
 Pencader, * and in the lowlands of Kent and Sussex Counties; but 
 there is no record, as far as we know, that such was the case. 
 It is more probable that they took the same attitude as the Quakers 
 upon this subject, as they were very similar to them in many 
 respects during the colonial period. 
 
 An observation to this effect was taken by a Frenchman, 
 named La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, who traveled in the United 
 States after peace was declared between England and the United 
 States at the close of the Revolutionary War. He informs us 
 that the Baptists and the Quakers kept no slaves while other 
 denominations did. He also remarks that the Baptists and the 
 Quakers were probably of the same mind in regard to admitting 
 negroes to membership in their churches, on the basis of the 
 principle of the brotherhood of man.4 Among the main things 
 that both of these denominations stressed before the Revolution 
 was that masters should give their slaves time for religious 
 worship. ® 
 
 FDU Dee Loe 
 
 2 Ibid, p. 237. 
 
 8 Baptist Library, Vol. I, p. 293. (Morgan Edwards is mentioned as pur- 
 chasing a plantation near Newark, New Castle County, in 1772; but itis not 
 recorded that he owned slaves.) 
 
 4 Philadelphia Baptist Association, p. 105. (The Baptists are urged to 
 “‘do all things whatsoever may tend to promote brotherly love and charity;” 
 but no mention of slavery is recorded.) 
 
 5 La Rochefoucauld-Laincourt, Travels, p. 237. 
 
 i 
 
THE EPIsCOPALIANS AND SLAVERY 
 
 After the Quakers, the Episcopalians were the most important 
 agencies, as far the records show, in seeking the welfare of the 
 negro. They differed, however, in their methods and ideas of what 
 should be done for them. The Quakers believed that unless the 
 negro had his freedom first, an education would be of little value 
 to him; but it was vitally necessary that he should be instructed 
 in moral conduct, and in the pious religion of the Friends. On the 
 other hand, the Episcopalians were not interested at first, in 
 freeing the negroes; but they had always been more or less in- 
 terested in their religious instruction. It was not until the latter 
 part of the eighteenth century, possibly before the Revolution, 
 that many of the clergymen began to make preparations for the 
 freedom of the slaves by teaching them such knowledge as would 
 make them ready to appreciate their freedom when it was obtained. 
 They looked upon the slaves as a very dependent and weak people, 
 both morally and intellectually; and they believed that emancipa- 
 tion without some knowledge of what a person should know in 
 order to take care of one’s self would be of little value, and would 
 probably result in a return to slavery. 
 
 The missionaries of the Society for the Propagation of the 
 Gospel in Foreign Parts were probably the only workers among the 
 Episcopalians for the welfare of the negroes. They saw that they 
 were baptized, and that they had the right kind of religious in- 
 struction, as far as was in their power; and, in some places accepted 
 them as members of the Church. In Delaware, the Rev. George 
 Ross is the first missionary, of whom we have any record, to take 
 interest in the negroes. In 1727, he reports to the Secretary of 
 the society that there were about fifty negroes in his parish, 
 “‘concerning whose instruction very little care is taken * * * some 
 of them in the hands of Quakers, who leave them to their own 
 common principles, the natural light. Others are in the possession 
 of Protestant dissenters, who are so taken with the doctrine of 
 absolute decrees, that no great stress is laid upon the outward 
 ceremony of Baptism. Those few who are baptized belong to 
 Churchmen.”’! 
 
 1 Perry, Historical Collections, Vol. V. P. 47. 
 74 
 
Mr. Pugh, another missionary, in his report to the Society, 
 in 1736, writes: “I must confess I do not expect to baptize many 
 Negroes, for their masters are generally so much prejudiced against 
 their being made Christians that it seems past my skill to work 
 any good with them.” ! 
 
 These statements are similar in their make-up to what the 
 Rev. Mr. Reading has to say in 1752. Writing from his home in 
 Appoquinimy, Delaware, to the Society, he says: ““That branch of 
 my duty which relates to the conversion of the unhappy slaves 
 affords the least comfortable prospect. I have often, both publicly 
 and privately, recommended it to the masters and mistresses as 
 a duty of the greatest importance to forward as much as in them 
 lies, the instruction of their slaves; and in serious well-governed 
 families this has had so good effect as to bring some negro adults 
 and many of their children to Christian baptism; but these converts 
 bear no proportion to the numbers of those who live as without 
 God in the world. Some even of our own church who are otherwise 
 well inclined are strongly prejudiced against their slaves being 
 instructed; and I sincerely wish that the slaves themselves by 
 their rebellious behavior after baptism, had not given too much 
 cause for such prejudice: promote the spiritual welfare of this 
 meanest branch of their families, who think but little (if at all) 
 of their own eternal State.” ? 
 
 It would appear from these statements that the missionary 
 had a double duty to perform, one to convert the master to his 
 way of thinking, and the other to lead the negroes in the ways of 
 righteousness for their eternal welfare. The former, being the 
 more powerful factor, were hard to be convinced that better serv- 
 ants would result from such training, instead of the insubordination 
 which they expected from the experience.’ As to the slaves, it 
 was extremely difficult to collect a sufficient number together to 
 give them class instruction, from the fact that the masters opposed 
 any meetings of the negroes, and also because few of them could 
 
 1 Ibid, I, p. 196. 
 
 2 Perry, Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 184. 
 
 83 Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of the Society for the Propagation of the 
 Gospel in Foreign Parts, p. 64. 
 
 75 
 
leave their duties long enough to study, or to listen to the mission- 
 aries. The lack of sufficient time, and the scarcity of missionaries 
 also added to the difficulties of negro conversion. ! 
 
 Not only the missionaries of the Society were important 
 agencies in the religious welfare of the negro; but the Bishop of 
 London, was instrumental in bringing many things to pass which 
 would lead to the conversion of the blacks. In 1713-1714, they 
 interceded Parliament in behalf of the negro;? and frequent 
 instructions were sent to missionaries, to persuade the masters 
 to take great care in the religious instruction of the negroes. 3 
 Thus, we may readily see that the missionaries, although handi- 
 capped, had a mission to perform for the advancement of the 
 negroes as well as the whites. 
 
 THE LUTHERANS AND SLAVERY 
 
 The Lutherans were, at the beginning of theeighteenthcentury, 
 opposed to slavery in any form, either among the Indians or the 
 negroes. But, when labor became a problem, after the amount 
 of their land increased, they began to buy slaves, just as the other 
 denominations had done. Their attitude toward their slaves was 
 not as harsh as that in other sects, for they were very particular 
 to give them time for religious instruction; and would not permit 
 them to labor on the Sabbath day, or on any other church festival 
 day. Their attendance at all religious services was compulsory. 4 
 
 Inasmuch as the Swedish Lutherans of Delaware were ab- 
 sorbed by the Episcopalians before the close of the eighteenth 
 century, it is reasonable to surmise that they had adopted their 
 customs, and ideas about slavery. Hence, we may infer that the 
 Swedish Lutherans ignored the slavery question from the stand- 
 point of a religous body; but, that many of them as individuals 
 held slaves, and even a Swedish Lutheran minister is said to have 
 possessed a slave in 1732.5 Yet, the negroes were always instructed 
 
 1 Humphreys, S. P. G., p. 234. 
 
 2 Ibid, pp. 60-62; Jernegan, Slavery and Conversion in the American Col- 
 onies (in Amer. Hist. Rev. Vol. XXI, p. 510.) 
 
 3 Ibid, p. 511. 
 
 4 Jacobs, p. 168. 
 5 Ibid, p. 101. 
 
 76 
 
in religious exercises,! and they were possibly better taken care 
 of than many of the white servants who came over from Europe. 
 
 We may gain some idea of the general attitude of the Swedish 
 Lutherans in their daily walks of life. Many of them were mer- 
 chants, who did not need slave labor; others were farmers, who 
 could have used them if they could have afforded it. In case of 
 the latter view being true, the planter, or farmer, would possibly 
 buy a number of young negroes as was done in Georgia; and these 
 would be placed under a religious instructor. ! 
 
 THE METHODISTS AND SLAVERY 
 
 As a denomination, the Methodists were also rather indifferent 
 to slavery. They do not seem to have looked upon the subject 
 as worthy of consideration; for we find no references to the subject 
 in their early conferences. However, there were two famous 
 Methodists who spent a great part of their time in Delaware during 
 the Revolutionary War, who expressed their opposition to slavery. 
 On June 16, 1776, Francis Asbury writes in his Fournal: “After 
 preaching * * * I met the class, and then the black people, some 
 of whose unhappy masters forbid their coming for religious 
 instruction. How will these sons of oppression answer for their 
 conduct when the Great Proprietor of all shall call them to their 
 account?”’2 Freeborn Garretson, the other famous Methodist, 
 manumitted his slaves even before the close of the Revolutionary 
 
 War. 3 
 
 The slavery question seems to have troubled Mr. Asbury a 
 great deal, for on June 10, 1778, he again writes: “I find the more 
 pious part of the people called Quakers, are exerting themselves 
 for the liberation of the slaves. This is a very laudable design; 
 and what the Methodists must come to, or I fear the Lord will de- 
 part from them. But there is cause to presume, that some are more 
 intent on promoting the freedom of their bodies, than the freedom 
 of their souls; without which they must be vassals of Satan in 
 
 1 Jernegan, Op. cit. p. 510. 
 
 2 Asbury, Journal, I, p. 141; Matlock, Methodism and Slavery, p. 12. 
 3 McTyiere, p. 310 
 
 ad 
 
eternal fire. Sometimes I have been afraid that I have done 
 wrong in retiring from the work; though, as far as I can judge, 
 the glory of God and the prosperity of the church, were my chief 
 objects.””! Wesley had the same point of view, when he said: 
 “Liberty is the right of every human creature as soon as he 
 breathes the air, and no human law can deprive him of it. I 
 absolutely deny all slaveholdings to be consistent with any degree 
 of natural justice.” 
 
 THE PRESBYTERIANS AND SLAVERY 
 
 The Presbyterians paid very little attention to the subject 
 of slavery up to the time of the Revolutionary War, at which time 
 they began to realize how much liberty meant to them. No 
 official action was taken by any of the Presbyteries or the Synods 
 before 1774, when Rev. Ezra Stiles and Rev. Samuel Hopkins 
 brought before the Synod of New York and Philadelphia a repre- 
 sentation “‘respecting the sending of two natives of Africa on a 
 mission to propagate Christianity in their native country, and a 
 request that the Synod would countenance this undertaking by 
 an appropriation of it,” was read at the yearly conference. ? 
 After much discussion, a committee was appointed to consider 
 the matter. Although Messrs. John Miller, ? Caldwell, Dr. Rogers, 
 and Montgomery, all men of efficiency, were on the committee, 
 nothing seems to have been accomplished,‘ and the subject is 
 not mentioned again until 1780, when the records give the following 
 information: ‘“The committee appointed to review the records of 
 the Synod as far back as the year 1774, report that an affair 
 respecting the enslaving of negroes appears to have been before 
 the Synod, A. D. 1774, but by some means passed over the 
 following Synods, and not since resumed.” 5 
 
 As far as the Presbyterian ministers in Delaware were con- 
 cerned, we have at least one instance which may give some idea 
 
 1 Asbury, Journal, 214-216; Matlock 22-3. 
 
 2 Records of the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, p. 456. 
 3 Miller was connected with the Delaware churches for years. 
 * Records of the Presbyterian Church, p. 456. 
 
 5 Ibid, p. 487. 
 
 78 
 
of their attitude toward slavery. Aside from the information 
 that the Presbyterians were not hostile to slavery, it merely men- 
 tions the fact that Matthew Wilson, a Presbyterian of Lewes, 
 Delaware, was “indulgent to the negroes to whom he was master, 
 quick to aid the poor and distressed.”’! 
 
 THE QUAKERS AND SLAVERY 
 
 During the early history of the Quaker regime in Pennsylvania, 
 when Delaware was a part of that province, the Friends, in common 
 with other colonists, were compelled to use slave labor on their 
 plantations, on their small farms, and in their homes, since very 
 few white servants were available.? This fact was augmented by 
 William Penn, who “offered the Swedes a piece of land, where 
 they might live together, and enjoy their own customs.” * The 
 only requirement made by Penn was that the people under his 
 jurisdiction should be willing to acknowledge the one Almighty 
 God to be the Creator, Upholder and Ruler of the World,” and 
 all who lived “peaceably and justly in civil society” should not 
 be molested in their customs and manners of religious worship. ‘ 
 This freedom of worship granted to the people of Pennsylvania 
 naturally applied to Delaware, a province of Pennsylvania at 
 that time. 
 
 Although the Quakers did not reach the point of freeing their 
 slaves until the latter part of the eighteenth century, they treated 
 them more humanely than did most of the colonists; they con- 
 sidered them as brethren, sympathized with their failings, and 
 were always careful about their religious instruction.® It is 
 universally known that the Quakers were the most influential of 
 all religious denominations in providing for the freedom of their 
 slaves during the colonial period. In 1730, at their Yearly Meeting 
 in Philadelphia, they advised that all Friends should be very 
 cautious about buying slaves in the future as it was obnoxious 
 
 1 Pennsylvania Magazine of History, VIII, v. 55. 
 
 2 Woody, T. Early Quaker Education, p. 237; Applegarth, p. 67. 
 
 3 Clay, Annals, p. 30. 
 
 4 Bowden, 11. p. 14. 
 5 Applegarth, p. 76. 
 
 i 
 
to their principles.1 In 1758, the verdict went forth from the Yearly 
 Meeting that the Monthly Meetings should be particularly earnest 
 in their efforts to induce all Friends who still owned slaves to set 
 them at liberty.2 Consequently, committees were appointed at 
 the Monthly Meetings for the purpose of appealing to all Friends 
 who purchased slaves after this date. John Woolman, the 
 famous apostle of emancipation, was present at this memorable 
 meeting; and he urged upon the Friends to delay the freedom of 
 the slaves no longer. From this time forward there was a gradual 
 reduction in the number of slaves among Friends.* By 1774, the 
 Yearly Meeting could report that its members had practically 
 accomplished the freedom of slaves among Friends.* But there 
 still remained a few Quakers who continued to disregard the 
 admonition of Friends, ® claiming their right to hold slaves who had 
 come to them by inheritance.? In 1775, it was decided to exclude 
 all Friends from membership in their Society if they continued to 
 hold slaves;® but decided action was not taken until the Yearly 
 Meeting in 1776, when “‘a statute of excommunication was launched 
 against every member who should longer detain a negro in a state 
 of bondage.” ® But the obligation of the Quakers did not end 
 with this emancipation; for a further announcement to the Monthly 
 Meetings instructed them to provide for a suitable living for the 
 negro. /° 
 
 Although there are no available records of the Monthly 
 Meetings in Delaware to show what was actually done by the 
 Friends, in this province, it is safe to surmise that they were not 
 lacking in their efforts to bring about the freedom of the slave. 
 Indeed, we have the assurance of Mr. Early that Delaware was 
 not only the first province in America, but the first country in 
 the world to make a special enactment for the prohibition of 
 
 5 Early, Heritage of the South, p. 30. 
 
 2 Applegarth, Quakers in Pennsylvania, p. 79. 
 
 3 Jones, p. 518. 
 
 4 Bowden, Vol. II, p. 212. 
 
 5 Rise and Progress of the Testimony of Friends against Slavery, p. 24. 
 
 6 Bowden, II, p. 215. 
 
 7 Applegarth, p. 79. 
 
 § Janney, History of the Religious Society of Friends, III, 315-7. 
 
 9 Applegarth, p. 181. 
 10 Tbhid, p. 182. 
 
 80 
 
slavery within its limits. Unfortunately, the enactment which 
 was made in 1771, was vetoed by William Penn.! However, it 
 shows the attitude of the Quakers at this time. It bears a further 
 significance from the fact that the prohibition of the slave trade 
 was incorporated in the first Constitution of Delaware, in 1776.! 
 
 The right of religious instruction was always provided for 
 negroes owned by Friends. As early as the seventeenth century 
 we have evidence from George Fox that he took a special interest 
 in the instruction of the negroes.2 In 1696, the Pennsylvania 
 Yearly Meeting urged their members to be careful about the treat- 
 ment of the negroes in their possession.* In 1758, the Yearly 
 Meeting for Pennsylvania published a letter in which it was 
 recommended to all Friends who held slaves by inheritance to 
 “watch over them for good, instructing them in the fear of God, 
 and the knowledge of the Gospel of Christ, that they may be 
 glorified and honoured by them as well as by us. And so train 
 them up, that if you come to behold their unhappy situation * * * 
 and should think it your duty to set them free, they may be the 
 more capable of making proper use of their liberty. 4 
 
 The Quakers, by their example as a religious body, and by 
 individual effort, in behalf of the negro, probably had a great in- 
 fluence upon other religious denominations. They surely must 
 have a strong influence in creating a more sympathetic disposition 
 toward the negroes, and were the leading spirits that started the 
 movement for the freedom of the slaves. 5 
 
 In 1774, a union of Quakers with other denominations was 
 formed for the purpose of uniting their forces in behalf of the slaves. 
 John Pemberton, a Quaker, and Dr. Rush, of Philadelphia, were 
 apparently the leaders. This Society was the first of its kind formed 
 in America “for promoting the abolition of slavery, and the relief 
 
 1Early, The Heritage of the South, p. 30. 
 
 2 Fox, A Collection of many select and Christian epistles, etc., I, p. 144, 
 epistle 153, ‘‘To Friends beyond the Sea, that have blacks and Indian slaves.”’ 
 
 3’ Clarkson, Thomas, The History of the Rise and Progress, and Accomp- 
 plishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade by the British Parliament. 
 Wilmington. 1816. p. 25. 
 
 4 Ibid, 59-60. 
 
 5 Bowden, II, 212-213; Clarkson, pp. 59-60, 69. 
 
 81 
 
of free negroes, unlawfully held in bondage.! Similar societies 
 were formed in Delaware; and, as they were in frequent corres- 
 pondence with the Society in Pennsylvania, they no doubt used 
 their earnest efforts to obtain freedom for the slaves in Delaware. ! 
 
 In 1776, the Yearly Meeting directed its Monthly Meetings 
 to disown members who persisted in holding slaves. The quest 
 put forth by them at this time is as follows: ‘Are Friends clear of 
 importing, purchasing, disposing of, or holding mankind as slaves? 
 And do they use these well, who are set free, and necessarily 
 under their care, and not in circumstances through nonage, 
 or incapacity, to minister to their own necessities? And are they 
 careful to educate and encourage them in a religious and virtuous 
 life?” ? 
 
 The Western section, to which Delaware belonged, replied 
 in 1777, to the following effect: “Clear of importing and disposing 
 of mankind as slaves, also of purchasing, in all our meetings, 
 except one, from which a doubt is hinted in one case. Some within 
 the compass of the Meeting yet continue to hold slaves; though 
 many have manumitted since last year.” 3 
 
 1 Clarkson, pp. 72-73. 
 2 Bowden, II, p. 214. 
 3 Bowden, II, pp. 214-215. 
 
 82 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 In summarizing the religious forces that were in action at 
 the outbreak of the Revolution, there are two factors which stand 
 out prominently, which have an important bearing upon the period, 
 namely, the development of the dissenting sects after the middle of 
 the eighteenth century, and the gradual decline of the Established 
 Church, from the standpoint of initiative, power, independence, 
 and numbers. The rapid rise to power of the Presbyterian denom- 
 ination 1s one of the most remarkable events of the Revolutionary 
 period; as it had a strong influence in preparing the people for the 
 conflict with England. 
 
 Long before the Revolution came to a crisis, the various 
 denominations were divided in their opinions as to certain rights 
 and privileges. The divisions were even more marked when 
 hostilities began. The Episcopalians, in the main were loyalists, 
 together with their cousins, the Methodists. The Quakers remained 
 neutral from conscientious scruples throughout the war. The 
 Presbyterians and the Baptists were staunch patriots. The 
 struggle for religious liberty in America was carried over to the 
 war for political liberty, and it really culminated in a contest 
 between the Presbyterians and the Episcopalians. 
 
 As to the attitude of the various denominations toward 
 education, we may briefly state that the elementary schools were 
 non-sectarian; but the higher institutions of learning were under 
 the control of the Presbyterians and the Friends. The grammar 
 schools were taught by men and women of good moral character, 
 but who were not always blessed with a type of knowledge that 
 would qualify them to become good teachers. 
 
 The slavery question was practically ignored by all of the 
 denominations except the Quakers. The latter sect consistently 
 opposed slavery from 1758 up to the close of the Revolution. 
 Very few of the Quakers owned slaves at the time of the Revolution. 
 
 83 
 
bene ee 
 . ey rm 
 
 
 
Appendix 
 
CHURCHES IN DELAWARE IN 1776 
 
 BY DENOMINATIONS 
 
 A. Baptists 
 
 Welsh Tract—New Castle County 
 Asplund—Baptist Register, p. 23. 
 
 B. CATHOLICS 
 
 Mount Cuba*—New Castle County 
 
 Records of the American Catholic Historical 
 Society of Philadelphia, Vol. 1, p. 128. 
 
 ‘Coffee Run, St. Mary’s Chapel—New Castle County. 
 
 C. Episcopalians 
 Apoquinimink—New Castle County. 
 5.4 Ge OStracts. 1g 70. Dal208 
 
 Cedar Creek—Sussex County. 
 5..P): Gas bstracts.i7 76s pe go: 
 
 Dover—Kent County 
 S.PsGwAbstracts.:17 70, p20: 
 
 Duck Creek—Kent County. 
 9.:P)' Gr Abstracts 770) ps.20, 
 
 Forest Church*—Sussex County. 
 oy P GuAbstracts;1 775 pad. 
 
 Indian River—Sussex County. 
 
 5: P, G. Abstracts; 1776; p..29. 
 
 Lewes—Sussex County. 
 S. PB. G. Abstracts, 1776, p. 30. 
 
 New Castle—New Castle County. 
 ayia bstractsi77onnd0, 
 
 * Churches not definitely located. 
 
 86 
 
EPISCOPALIANS (Cont.) 
 
 St. Anne—Near Middleton, New Castle County. 
 S. P. G. Abstracts, 1774, p. 38. 
 
 St. James—New Castle County. 
 So Gua bstractss 17744D.' 25 
 
 St. Matthews*—Sussex County. 
 SP. G. Abstracts; 17755 pst. 
 
 St. Paul*—Kent County. 
 S. P. G. Abstracts, 1776, p. 30. 
 
 D. LuTHERANS—Swedish 
 
 Wilmington—New Castle County. 
 Conrad, Vol. I, p. 309. 
 
 E. QuaKERS—Meeting Houses 
 
 Brandywine*—New Castle County. 
 Michener, pp, 102; 95. 
 
 Center*—New Castle County. 
 Michener, p. 94. 
 
 Christiana—New Castle County. 
 Scharf, p. 940. 
 
 Cold Springs—Sussex County. 
 Michener, p. 115. 
 
 Duck Creek—Kent County. 
 Scharf, p. 1259. 
 
 George’s Creek—New Castle County. 
 Conrad, II, p. 767. 
 
 Hockesson—New Castle County. 
 Michener, p. 103. 
 
 * Churches not definitely located. 
 
 87 
 
QuAKERS (Cont.) 
 
 Lewes—Sussex County. 
 Conrad, II, p. 767. 
 
 Little Creek—Kent County. 
 Conrad, II, 767. 
 
 Marshy Creek*—Sussex County. 
 Michener, p. 116. 
 
 Mispillion—Cedar Creek*—Sussex County. 
 Michener, p. I15. 
 
 Motherkill—Kent County. 
 Scharf, p. 1130. 
 
 Newark, New Castle County. 
 Conrad, II, p. 766. 
 
 Wilmington—New Castle County. 
 Conrad, II, p. 767. 
 
 F.—PRESBYTERIANS 
 
 Appoquinimy—New Castle County. 
 
 Gillett, II, p. 3. 
 Blackwater—Sussex County. 
 
 Scharf, p. 1342; Sprague, Annals, III, p. 361. 
 Brandywine—New Castle County. 
 
 Mackey, White Clay Creek Presbyterian Church, p. 12. 
 Christiana Bridge—New Castle County. 
 
 Gillett, II, p. 4; Sprague, ITI, p. 347. 
 Cool Springs—Sussex County. 
 
 Scharf, pp. 1231, 1220; Sprague, III, p. 178; Gillett, 
 
 II, 9. 
 
 * Churches not definitely located 
 
 88 
 
PRESBYTERIANS (Cont) 
 
 Dover—Kent County. 
 
 Sprague, ITI, p. 170; Scharf, p. 1155; Gillett, II. p. 9. 
 Drawyer’s Creek—New Castle County. 
 
 Sprague, III, p.301; Gillett, II, p.6; Conrad, II,770-2. 
 Duck Creek—Kent County. 
 
 Gillett, I, p. 98. 
 Elk River*—New Castle County. 
 
 Mackey, White Clay Creek, p. 12. 
 Georgetown—Sussex County. 
 
 Spottswood, Historical Sketch of the Presbyterian 
 Church, New Castle, p. 27. 
 
 Head of Christiana—New Castle County. 
 Spottswood, p. 27; Mackey, p. 22; Gillett, II, pp. 3-4. 
 Indian River—Sussex County. 
 Sprague, III, p. 178; Gillett, IT, p. 9; Scharf, p. 1274. 
 Laurel—Sussex County. 
 Scharf, p. 1329. 
 Lewes—Sussex County. 
 
 Gillett, II, p. 9; Sprague, III, pp. 178, 361; Scharf, 
 1231. 
 
 Lower Brandywine—New Castle County. 
 
 Jones, Lower Brandywine, pp. 13, 32, 41; Sprague, 
 III, 889. 
 
 Middleton—(‘‘Forest Church”)—New Castle County. 
 Jones, p. 23, Scharf, p. 889; Webster, p. 578; Conrad, 
 ep 773 
 Milford—(““Three Runs’”)—Sussex County. 
 Gillett, II, p. 9; Conrad, II, p. 773. 
 
 * Churches not definitely located 
 
 89 
 
PRESBYTERIANS (Cont) 
 
 Mill Creek—New Castle County. 
 Mackey, p. 22; Sprague, III, p. 326. 
 Murderkill—Kent County. 
 _ Sprague, ITI, p. 361; Scharf, p. 1154. 
 -Newark—New Castle County. 
 Porter, Historical Discourse, p. 5; Sprague, III, p. 301 
 New Castle—New Castle County. 
 Sprague, III, p. 347; Scharf, p. 1342. 
 Pencader*—New Castle County. 
 Heberton, History of Elkton Presbyterian Church, pp. 
 3-4; Vallandingham, p. 3; Briggs, p. 193; Gillett, 
 IT, p. 4; Webster, p. 374. 
 Red Clay Creek—New Castle County. 
 Jones, pp. 30, 32; Gillett, IT, p. 3. 
 Smyrna—Kent County. 
 Sprague, III, 170; Gillett, IJ, p. 9. 
 St. George—New Castle County 
 Miller, Memoir of Rev. Fohn Rogers, p. 105; Webster, 
 Bris2 : 
 Taylor’s Bridge—New Castle County. 
 Scharf, p. 1626; Webster, p. 375. 
 
 Thoroughfare Neck—Kent County. 
 Scharf, p. 1026. 
 
 White Clay Creek—New Castle County. 
 
 Jones, p. 22; Gillett, II, p. 3; Spottswood, p. 27; 
 Mackey, p. 12. 
 
 Wilmington—New Castle County. 
 
 First Presbyterian Church—Gillett, II, 3; Conrad, II, 
 773+ 
 
 Second Presbyterian Church—Gillett, II, p. 3; Sprague, 
 IT, °274: 
 
 *Churches not definitely located 
 
 go 
 
BY COUNTIES 
 
 New CastTLE County 
 
 BaPTISTs 
 Welsh Tract 
 CATHOLICS 
 
 Mount Cuba — 
 Coffee Run 
 
 EPISCOPALIANS 
 
 Appoquinimink 
 
 New Castle 
 
 St. Anne, near Middletown 
 
 St. James, about eight miles from New Castle 
 
 LUTHERANS 
 
 “Old Swedes,” Wilmington 
 PRESBYTERIANS 
 
 Appoquinimy 
 Brandywine 
 Christiana Bridge 
 Drawyers’ Creek 
 Elk River 
 
 Head of Christiana 
 Lower Brandywine 
 Middleton 
 
 Mill Creek 
 Newark 
 
 Pencader 
 
 Red Clay Creek 
 St. George 
 Taylor’s Bridge 
 White Clay Creek 
 Wilmington (two churches) 
 
 gI 
 
QUAKERS 
 
 Brandywine 
 Center 
 George’s Creek 
 Hockesson 
 Newark 
 Wilmington 
 
 KENT County 
 
 EPISCOPALIANS 
 
 Dover 
 Duck Creek 
 St. Paul 
 
 LUTHERANS 
 
 Dover 
 
 Duck Creek 
 Smyrna 
 Thoroughfare Neck 
 Murderkill 
 
 QUAKERS 
 
 Duck Creek 
 Little Creek 
 Motherkill 
 
 SussEx COouNTY 
 
 EPISCOPALIANS 
 
 Cedar Creek 
 Forest Church 
 Indian River 
 Lewes 
 
 St. Matthews 
 
 92 
 
PRESBYTERIANS 
 
 Blackwater 
 Cool Springs 
 Georgetown 
 Indian River 
 Laurel 
 Lewes 
 
 Milford (“Three Runs’’) 
 QUAKERS 
 
 Cold Springs 
 Marshy Creek 
 Mispillion (‘Cedar Creek’’) 
 
 93 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Primary SOURCES 
 
 American Catholic Historical Researches. vol. 1-21. (Includes 
 documents relating to the Catholic Church.) 
 
 Asbury, Francis. The Journal of the Rev. Francis Asbury, Bishop 
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 106 
 
Diagram showing the number of churches in each County in 1776 
 
 
 
 
 
 NEW CASTLE KENT ‘ SUSSEX 
 EER 
 Pose alde b Bish Ca a] 
 FR ee 
 Pe espa WA 
 ER ee 
 Sa tedtentl nde A AAD | 
 PRE eae 
 Sta Re a baal cag 
 ei ek sh 
 NERS 
 RE 
 Ls ARGO 0. SEPP 
 TS 
 ARR 5 <a 
 ae ARES) HE 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ° 
 
 
 
 
 
 a miera 
 “4 
 
 
 
 
 
 A—BapTISTS 
 B—CaTHOLIcs 
 C—LuTHERANS 
 D—QUAKERS 
 E—EPIscoPALIANS 
 
 F—PRESBYTERIANS 
 
 107 
 
ned Reed Ronwd Rene 
 &) OU OS) 
 " 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ea 
 NOMI DB) ENE Nh ORB RG 
 
 Numerical strength of the Patriots, Loyalists and Non-Combatants 
 by Counties. 
 
 NEW CASTLE KENT SUSSEX 
 New Castle Kent Sussex Total number 
 County County County in Del. 
 AM Patriots |. 18 4 8 30 
 B)-Loyalists: 5 % 5 ii 
 Can Non-Comac, 3 3 13 
 Total number of — — — — 
 Churches...... 30 IO 16 56 
 
 Percentage of Patriots, Loyalists and Non-Combatants, by 
 Counties. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 New Castle Kent Sussex Total percent. 
 
 County County County in Del. 1776 
 Patriotsie eae 60 (% 1G Ue Pb g hye hee OU 
 Loyalists? ayes 38.4% 27 Tee 30 oa Oe 29707, 
 Non-Combatants. 53.8% EAA oieyan ays 2222 
 All denominations 50.8% 19.8% 29.4% TOO Mt, 
 
 108 
 
Diagram showing the comparison of the number of churches in each 
 
 denomination in 1776. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 peat] BO] CO) | OT GY] ~3) CO] 
 
 A—BapPTISTS.......1 
 B—CaTHOLICs ..... 2 
 C—LUuTHERANS ....I 
 D—QUAKERS .....12 
 E—EPIscoPALIANS....12 
 
 F—PRESBYTERIANS .. .29 
 
 NoTE:—Figures represent number of churches, 
 
 
 
 109 
 
 
 
 
 | | 
 
 
 
 
 
Numerical strength of Patriots, Royalists and Non-Combatants among the 
 various denominations in Delaware in 1776. ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ome] BO] G2] dm] CU Gr} ~3/ CO] 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 
 
 1A—Patriots (Presbyterians and Baptists)...... 30 
 
 B—Loyatists (Episcopalians and Lutherans) .. .13 
 
 C—Non-ComsBaTAnTs (Quakers and Catholics) ..13 
 
STATISTICAL TABLES: 
 
 1 Numerical Comparison of Denominations by Counties. 
 
 
 
 
 
 csr eto Ny Stata a anced eceene ESN 
 BAPTISTS I I 
 CATHOLICS 2 2 
 EPISCOPALIANS 4 3 5 12 
 LUTHERANS I I 
 PRESBYTERIANS  — I7 8 29 
 QUAKERS 6 nS: 3 ip) 
 Number of 
 
 churches in oad 10 16 57 
 each County 
 
 2 Churches according to the population in Delaware, 
 in 1776 
 
 Number of churches per 
 
 Denominations Number of Churches thousand population 
 BaPpTIstTs I .028 
 CATHOLICS 2 .056 
 EPISCOPALIANS 12 337 
 LUTHERANS I .028 
 PRESBYTERIANS 29 able. 
 QUAKERS | 12 337 
 Totals 57 2.309 
 
 1Approximate Numbers 
 
 Note:—The population in 1776 was 37,219 including slaves 
 Number of slaves was 2000 
 Number of whites was 35,219 
 
 The above table was based on the white population. 
 
 Dit 
 

 
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INDEX 
 
 ACRELIuS, REV. ISRAEL, (Swedish Lutheran) 51; receives books from S. P. G., 
 56. 
 
 APPOQUINIMINCK Mission, established by Jesuits, 7. 
 
 APPOQUINIMINCK EpIscopAL CHURCH, 25. 
 
 Assury, FrAncIs, (Methodist), desires to live in peace, 31; at dedication of 
 Methodist Church in Wilmington, 18; first meeting with Thomas 
 Coke, 20; opposed to slavery, 77-78. 
 
 Baptists, 1; settlement and growth, 3-5; attitude toward the Revolution, 
 21-23; attitude toward education, 52-53; and slavery, 73; help to spread 
 liberalism, 53; forbid religions in their college, 53. 
 
 BARRATT’S Chapel, the ‘‘Cradle of Methodism in America,’’ 20; meeting 
 place of Francis Asbury and Thomas Coke, 20; the third oldest Meth- 
 odist Church in the world, 20. 
 
 ByorikK, (Swedish Missionary), superintends the building of ‘Holy Trinity 
 Church,’’ 13; his description of the Church, 13-14. 
 
 BRADFORD, WILLIAM, of the Board of War, Philadelphia, receives letter from 
 Rev. Matthew Wilson, 38. 
 
 Bray, Rev. M,, of Maryland, secures charter for propagation of the gospel, 8. 
 BROAD CREEK HUNDRED, Church built in, 5. 
 
 CATHOLICS, settlement and growth, 6-7, evidence as to their existence at the 
 outbreak of the Revolution, 5-6. 
 
 CHADD’s Forp, battle of, 41. 
 
 CHURCH OF ENGLAND, handicapped, 9; downfall due to Presbyterians, 43; 
 becoming unpopular, 56. 
 
 CLARK, a Tory, seized by the Presbyterians, 40; repulsed by the Light In- 
 fantry, 40. 
 
 CLoup, Miss, converted under Captain Webb, 19; preaching of Methodism 
 at her home, 19. 
 
 CLoup, RoBeErt, one of the first Methodist preachers in Delaware, 19; neigh- 
 borhood preaching by the family of, 19-20. 
 
 COLLEGE OF NEW JERSEY, the, organization of, 59, 61; policy of, 61. 
 Coucn’s BRIDGE, skirmish at, 41. 
 
 COWGILL, JOHN (Quaker) of Duck Creek, arrested, 45. 
 
 CowMARSH, branch of Welsh Tract Church, 5. 
 
 CRANE Hook CuurcH, under Bjork, 13. 
 
 CRAWFORD, REv. THOMAS, efforts for education in Kent County, 55; circulates 
 books in Sussex County, 55. 
 
 DAVIES, SAMUEL, (Presbyterian), 14. 
 
 DELAWARE, dispute over title of, 11; loses records in the war, 35; in the path 
 of the enemy, 35; religious affairs and civil matters, 36. 
 
 113 
 
DENOMINATIONS IN DELAWARE, 1; reasons for settling, 9. 
 
 DICKINSON, JOHN, (Quaker), writer of ‘‘Farmers’ Letters,’’ 45; rebukes Parlia- 
 ment, 45. 
 
 DISSENTERS (1727), 11; reaction against episcopal ascendency, 23; increased 
 numerical strength before the Revolution, 24. 
 
 DRAWYERS’ CREEK CHURCH (Presbyterian) and its plucky pastor, 41, 
 Duck CREEK, settlement of Baptists, 5. 
 
 DuFF, COLONEL, on Washington’s staff, 41; plans midnight escape for 
 Washington, 42. 
 
 Dutcu, the, object to English minister, 7. 
 
 EDUCATION, in Delaware, 50-71; chief requirements of the curriculum, 50; 
 reasons for neglect of, 51; Dutch and Swedish education, 51-52; 
 Baptist education, 52-53; Episcopalian education, 53-56; Presbyterian 
 education, 56-62; Quaker education, 62-63; private education, 63-71; 
 Wilmington Schools, 63-66; Newark Academy (Presbyterian), 66-69; 
 Kent County Schools, 69-70; Sussex County schools, 70-71; standards 
 
 raised by Presbyterians, 58; Episcopalian education and its relation 
 tO) ChE Sb rn Oo. 
 
 Epwarps, MorGAN, 4; a loyalist, 23; latter part of his life spent in Delaware, 
 23; his sons in both armies, 23. 
 
 EPISCOPALIANS, enthusiastic missionaries in early eighteenth century, 9; 
 settlement and growth, 7-12; attitude toward the Revolution, 23-31; 
 attitude toward education, 53-56; and slavery, 74-76; movement for 
 an Episcopacy, 23. 
 
 Evans, THOMAS, a noted deacon, 4; supervises an Academy in Pencader 
 county, 52,53. 
 
 FAME, REv. STEPHEN, successor of Father Sittenberger, 7. 
 
 FILson, JAMES, schoolmaster, 65; famous historian in Kentucky, after the 
 Revolution, 65. 
 
 ForRSBERG, NILS, schoolmaster, 51. 
 FOTHERGILL, (Quaker), rebukes English ministry, 44. 
 
 FURNESS, ROBERT, of New Castle, the first person to welcome Methodist 
 preachers into his home, 19. 
 
 GARRETSON, Freeborn, (Methodist) and slavery, 77. 
 
 HALLAHAN, CORNELIUS, 5. 
 
 HAzLeT, COLONEL, of the Delaware Regiment, 40. 
 
 Hoty Trinity Cuurcu, described, 13-14; still standing, 14. 
 
 IMMANUEL CHuRCH, (in New Castle), first permanent Episcopal Church in 
 Delaware, 7; tribulations of the early missionaries there. 
 
 INGLIS, REv. M., of New York, formerly of Delaware, accounts for the 
 uniformity of the conduct of the Presbyterians, 43. 
 
 JAMES, JAMES, a ruling elder, 4. 
 
 Jones, Rey. Davin, Brigade Captain under General Wayne, 23. 
 JONEs, REES, interested in Baptist education, 52. 
 
 KEITH, GOVERNOR WILLIAM (Episcopalian) investigates conditions in Dela- 
 ware in behalf of the Church of England, 56. 
 
 KENT CounTy, insurrections in 39-40; few schools in, 69; poor methods and 
 poor teachers in, 70. 
 
 114 
 
LEWES, proposal of Presbytery of, for a college, 57; chief work of Lewes 
 Presbytery 58; results of the initiative of Lewes Presbytery, 60. 
 
 LiGHT INFANTRY OF DELAWARE, in charge of Captain Robinson, 39; im- 
 prisonment of, threatened by acting Governor, George Read, 40. 
 
 Loc COLLEGE, organization encouraged by Lewes Presbytery, 60; objections 
 of adherents to a Synodical College asserted, 60-61; death of William 
 Tennant, the President of, 61. 
 
 LOWER BRANDYWINE CHURCH, condition of during the war, 41. 
 
 LOYALISTs in Sussex County, 39. 
 
 LUTHERANS, 2; settlement and growth, 12-14; amalgamated by the English, 
 12; Crane Hook Church built by, 12-13; and education, 50-51; and 
 slavery, 76-77. 
 
 McCreary, Mr. (Presbyterian), pastor of Head of Christiana Church, 42. 
 
 MeETuHopisTs, 18; not organized into churches, 18; attractive features of, 20; 
 settlement and growth, 18-20; attitude toward the Revolution, 31; 
 and slavery, 77-78; views of their leader, Francis Asbury, 77-78; 
 manumission of slaves by Freeborn Garretson, 77. 
 
 MILEs, COLONEL, in Sussex County, 40.. 
 
 MILLER, Rev. JouN, of Dover, (Presbyterian) 42. 
 
 MISPILLION, branch of Welsh Tract, 5. 
 
 MISSIONARIES, not their own masters, 9; supply several churches, 9-10; 
 petitions from Episcopalians for, 10; trials of, 11. 
 
 NEILL, LIEUTENANT HENRY, advises Rev. Wilson to be cautious, 38. 
 
 NEWARK ACADEMY, foundations laid, 66; racial elements of students of, 
 66-67; history of, 67; the first principal called ‘‘the greatest classical 
 scholar in America,’’ 67; famous men who attended, 67-68; importance 
 of, 68; rank as a College of a high type of learning, 68-69. 
 
 OLD ACADEMY OF WILMINGTON, built by chief leaders of the town, 66. 
 PEMBERTON, (Quaker), opposes Parliament, 44. 
 PENCADER HUNDRED, Baptists in, 3; academy in, 52. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA BAPTIST ASSOCIATION, 21; joined forces with Continental 
 Congress, 21-22; offers spiritual and material aid, 22; influence as a 
 religious body, 22; united action of, 22; work in the army, 22-23, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA SYNOD, insists that unity means strength, 36; calls for contri- 
 butions for a plan of union, 36; caution about foreign ministers. 
 
 PRESBYTERIANS, settlement and growth, 14-16; attitude toward the Revolution, 
 32-34; attitude toward education, 56-62; 66-69; attitude toward slavery, 
 78-79; vague evidence as to first settlement in Delaware, 14; granted 
 right to issue marriage licenses, 11; reasons for emigrating to America, 
 14; education of first immigrants, 14; organization, 14-15; beginning 
 of effective work in Delaware, 15; Presbyterian ministers ‘‘not in- 
 strumental in flaming the minds of the people,’’ 33; did not wish to 
 conceal their opinions, 34; advise their societies to have respect for 
 the King, 34; advice to their members to maintain the union, 34; 
 fighting for civil and religious liberty, 34; patriotism of, in Delaware, 36; 
 importance of, in the Revolution, 42; unanimity for independence, 43; 
 leadership for civil and religious liberty, 58; requirements for, the 
 ministry, 56-58; establish a college, 57; advantages over Episcopalians, 
 
 8 
 
 PRESBYTERY OF LEWES, organized, 15; proposes plans for a college. 
 
 19 5 
 
PRESBYTERY OF NEW CASTLE, 15; schism (1741), 15. 
 
 QUAKERS, 1, 2; settlement and growth, 16-18; attitude toward the Revolu- 
 tion, 43-49; attitude toward education, 62-63, 66; and slavery, 73, 
 79-82, 83; meetings interrupted by Episcopal missionaries, 9; number 
 of meeting houses in 1776, 17; cause of decline of, 17-18; attitude toward 
 war (1755), 18; ‘‘Golden Age,’’ of the Quakers ends, 18; withdrawal 
 from the Assembly, 43; methods of, in war time, 43-44; disapproval 
 of the Stamp Act, 44; the younger group, 44-45; opposition to war 
 (1775), 45, 46; patriotic tendencies, 47; sufferings of Friends, 49; the 
 first body to make provision for a school of Industrial Arts, 62; the first 
 body to provide for a public school system in America, 62; early laws 
 on education, 62; compulsory education, 63; Old Friends’ School 
 (built 1748) still standing, 63; general provisions for elementary schools 
 63; humane treatment of slaves, 79; careful about religious instruction 
 of negroes, 79; effort to liberate slaves (1758), 80; noted Quaker, 
 John Woolman, urges freedom of slaves, 80; decided action against 
 slavery (1776) 80; Delaware the first country in the world to make a 
 special enactment against slavery, 80; first union with other denom- 
 inations to abolish slavery, 81; Delaware Quakers cease to buy 
 slaves, 82. 
 
 READ, Dr. THomas, and Washington, 41. 
 
 READ, GEORGE, Acting Governor during the Revolution, 40. 
 
 READING, Rev. PHILIP, gives evidence as to the existence of a Catholic 
 Church in New Castle County, (1760) and (1775), 6; reports on his 
 Church at Appoquinimy, Delaware (1775), 24; proclaims his loyalty 
 to the King, and the maintenance of his principles, 24; expresses 
 attitude of the clergy toward the Revolution, 24-26; his respect for 
 the S. P. G., 27; his reasons for remaining a loyalist, 27; considers the 
 prayers for the Congress and for Parliament to be similar, 27; his 
 strength of character, 27-30; receives warnings from the people of 
 Delaware, 29; has no designs on the new government, 30;-deplores the 
 neglect of masters for their slaves, 75. 
 
 RELIGIOUS LIBERTY granted by proprietors in Delaware, New Jersey, Mary- 
 land, and Pennsylvania, 15; attracts Presbyterians to America, 15. 
 
 Rosinson, Mr., a loyalist, denied a seat in the Assembly, 39. 
 RopceErs, Dr., in the Continental Army, 22-23. 
 
 Ross, GEorGE, of New Castle, gives an account of his Church, (1727), 10; 
 his interest in education, 10-11, 54; describes conditions in Delaware 
 (1727), 54-55. 
 
 RossITER, REv. JOHN, officer of Rochembeau’s army, 7. 
 RUSSELL JOHN, schoolmaster at Lewes, 70. 
 
 SHIPLEY, ELIZABETH, (Quaker), death of, 47; effect of her last words, 47; 
 facts of her death published by a whig paper, 47-48; reply of the 
 Pennsylvania Ledger, (Tory), 48. 
 
 SITTENBERGER, FATHER MATTHEW, purchased a farm (1772), 7. 
 SLAVERY IN DELAWARE, 72-82; laws relating to, 72-73; Baptists and slavery, 
 
 73; Episcopalians and slavery, 74; S. P. G. Workers and slavery, 
 74-76; Mr. Pugh deplores the prejudice against slaves, 76. 
 
 SMITH, Rev. M., famous revolutionist, 41. 
 
 SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL, outline of their work, 8; 
 sends committee to colonies, 8-9; makes record of dissenters, 9; pur- 
 
 116 
 
pose, 54; first organization for universal education in Delaware, 54; 
 send an allowance for purchase of books, 55; gives aid for education 
 until 1770, 56; last service of the Society in Delaware, 56. 
 
 Sounps BAPTIsT CHURCH, 5. 
 
 SPENCER, REv. ELKIN, of St. George (Presbyterian), 42. 
 
 SPpoTTtswoop, REv. DR., eulogizes the Presbyterians in the Revolutionary 
 period, 36. 
 
 STILES, REv., EzRA, respecting slavery, 78. 
 
 SussEx CouNTY INSURRECTIONS, 40; reaction against Congress, 40, 
 
 SWEDES SETTLEMENT, 12; and Old Swedes Church in Wilmington, 12-14; 
 
 SYNOD OF PHILADELPHIA, established, 15; influence on Presbyterians in Dela- 
 ware, 16; rank of Delaware representation in the Synod, 16. 
 
 SyNopD OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA, (1775) 16. 
 
 TENNENT, WILLIAM (Presbyterian) President and founder of Log College, at 
 Neshiminy, 60. - 
 
 THEDWELL, JOHN, schoolmaster, 64. 
 
 TILTON, Dr. JAMEs, publishes propaganda, 38. 
 
 TORIES IN SUSSEX COUNTY, 39, 
 
 UNION OF THE PRESBYTERIANS (1766), 34; revives the old plan of union for 
 the purpose of preserving religious liberty in the colonies, 35. 
 
 WASHINGTON, GEORGE, in New Castle County, 41; Rev. Thomas Reed 
 provides means of escape from the enemy, 41-42. 
 
 Way, Mrs. ELIZABETH (Baptist), famous school of, 64. 
 
 WEBB, CAPTAIN, (Methodist), 19; preaching in Delaware, 19. 
 
 WELSH NECK, 4. 
 
 WE LsH TRACT CHURCH (Baptist), 1; first Baptist Church in Delaware, 3; 
 progress of, 4; branches of, 4; and education, 52; influence in Phila- 
 delphia Baptist Association, 53. 
 
 WESLEY, JOHN, creates antagonism against the Methodists, 31. 
 
 WHIGsS IN DELAWARE, 39, 
 
 WILMINGTON SCHOOLS, 63-64; numerous private schools in, 64; Mrs. Way’s 
 school, 64; John Thedwell’s school, 64-65; other noted schoolmasters, 
 65; main features of the schools, 65-66; the Old Academy of Wilming- 
 ton, 66. 
 
 WItson, MAsTER, (Schoolmaster), 65. 
 
 WILSON, REv. MATTHEW, of Lewes, plans for unity of Presbyterian body, 
 recommended as a good study for the Constitution of the Presbyterian 
 Church, 37; his influence in the Philadelphia Synod, in civil and 
 religious affairs, 37; forbids his family to purchase tea from England, 37; 
 a member of a committee to aid Boston, 38; proposed remedy to counter- 
 act Tory influence, 38; member of committee of observation. 
 
 YEO, REv. JOHN, at New Castle (1678-1681), 7 
 
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